LONGMAN LlNGUISTICS LlBRARY

AN INTRODUCTION TO BILINGUALlSM
LONGMAN L1NGUISTICS L1BRARY : SERIES LIST

General editors Oialects of English

R. H. RObins, Unlverslty of London, Studies in Grammatical Variation
DAVID DENISON, University of Manchester EDITED BY PETER TRUDGILL AND
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A Short History of Linguistics Introduetion to Bilingualism

Third Edition CHARLOTTE HOFFMANN
R. H. ROBINS
Verb and Noun Number in English:
Introduetion to Text Linguistics A Functional Explanation
ROBERT OE BEAUGRANOE WALLIS REID
AND WOLFGANG ULRICH
DRESSLER English in Africa
JOSEF SCHMIED
Psyeholinguisties Linguistie Theory
Language, Mind, and World The Discourse of Fundamental Works
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Prineiples of Pragmaties General Linguisties

GEOFFREY LEECH An Introductory Survey
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GEOFFREY HORROCKS
Historieal Linguistics
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CHARLES JONES A Study in the Adjectives of English
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JOHN M. L1PSKI

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F. R. PALMER
Modern Arabic
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YISHI TOBIN CLIVE HOLES
An Introduction to
Bilingualism
Charlotte Hoffmann

~ ~~o~;!~n~~~up
LONDON AND NEW YORK
 First published 1991 by Pearson Education Limited

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ISBN 13: 978-0-582-29143-0 (pbk)

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Oata

Hoffmann, Charlotte
An introduclion 10 bilingualism. (Longman linguislics library).
1. Bilingualism
I. Tille
404.2
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Oata
Hoffmann,Charlotte, 1947-
An introduction to bilingualism/Charlotte Hoffmann.
p. cm. - (Longman linguislics library)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-582-07920-9 (cased). -ISBN 0-582-29143-7 (paper)
1. Bilingualism. I. T1tle.
11. Series.
Pl15.H54 1991
404'.2-dc20
90-6584
CIP
Set in Linotron 200 10/12pt T1mes
Contents

List ofmaps X

Preface Xl
Introduction 1

PART I PSYCHOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF BILINGUALISM

1 Individual bilingualism 13
1.1 Societal and individual bilingualism 13
1.2 Describing bilingualism 14
1.2.1 Some definitions of bilingualism 15
1.2.2 Some types of bi linguals 16
1.2.3 Factors taken into ac count when describing
bilingualism 18
1.3 Semilingualism 27
1.4 Biculturalism 28
1.5 A bilingual profile 31

2 The study of bilingual children 33

2.1 Early and late bilingualism 33
2.1.1 Is early bilingualism 'better' than late
bilingualism? 35
2.1.2 The Language Acquisition Device (LAD) and
the Critical Period Hypothesis 36
2.1.3 Children are not necessarily better
bilinguals 37
2.2 How does the child become bilingual? 38
2.2.1 Some examples 38
2.2.2 Bilingual patterns 40
2.3 Types of bilinguals 46
2.4 Case studies of bilingual children 48
vi CONTENTS

3 Patterns of bilingual language acquisition 55

3.1 The description of bilinguallanguage acquisition 55
3.2 Phonological development 56
3.3 Semantic and lexical development 60
3.3.1 General acquisition processes 60
3.3.2 Lexical development in bilingual children 62
3.3.3 Acquisition of equivalents 63
I
3.3.4 The semantic load 65
3.4 Development of gramm ar 66
3.4.1 Morphological development 66
3.4.2 Syntactic development 69

4 Aspects of bilingual competence 74

4.1 The bilingual's linguistic competence 74
4.2 Early bilingualism: one language or two? 75
4.2.1 The unitary language system hypothesis 75
4.2.2 The separate or independent development
hypothesis 76
4.2.3 An assesment of the two hypotheses 77
4.3 Language awareness and differentiation 79
4.3.1 Manifestations of language awareness 80
4.3.2 How does the child keep the languages
apart? 85
4.3.3 The importance of context 86
4.4 Language choice in children 88
4.4.1 Language choice in monolinguals and
bilinguals 88
4.4.2 Determinants of language choice in
bilingual children 89

5 Features of bilingual speech 94

5.1 Interference 95
5.1.1 Interference at the phonologicallevel 96
5.1.2 Interference at the grammaticallevel 97
5.1.3 Interference at the lexicallevel 99
5.1.4 Interference in spelling 100
5.2 Borrowing 101
5.3 Individual creations 103
5.4 Mixing 103
CONTENTS vii

5.5 Code-switching 109

5.5.1 What is code-switching? 110
5.5.2 What types of code-switches are there? 111
5.5.3 Who code-switches? 113
5.5.4 Can code-switching occur anywhere? 114
5.5.5 Why do bi linguals code-switch? 115

6 Cognitive and educational aspects of bilingualism 118

6.1 Contradictory research findings 118
6.1.1 Bilingualism and cognitive functioning 120

6.1.2 Overview ofresearch on bilingualism and cognitive

functioning 121
6.2 Linguistic competence, cognitive functioning and the
education of minority children 127
6.2.1 Semilingualism - 'BICS' and 'CALP' 127
6.2.2 The Balance and the Think Tank models 129
6.2.3 The Threshold Theory 130
6.3 Summary of the issues 131

7 Sociocultural aspects of bilingualism 136

7.1 Issues raised in the discussion of bilingualism 136
7.2 Views of bilingualism 137
7.3 Psycho1ogical aspects 141
7.3.1 Stuttering 141
7.3.2 Personality development 142
7.4 Linguistic aspects 148
7.4.1 Assessing bilingua1s 148
7.4.2 Linguistic competence as the object of
assessment 149
7.4.3 Measuring bilinguallanguage skills 151
7.4.4 The problems of assessing bilingual
proficiency 152

PART 11 SOCIOLINGUISTIC ASPECTS OF BILINGUALISM

8 Societal multilingualism 157

8.1 Multilingualism in society 157
8.2 Factors contributing towards societal
multilingualism 158
viii CONTENTS

8.2.1 Historical factors 158

8.2.2 Contemporary factors 160
8.3 Patterns of societal multilingualism 163
8.3.1 Determinants of multilingual patterns 163
8.3.2 Basic types of societal multilingualism 164
8.3.3 Diglossia 166
8.3.4 Examples of multilingual patterns in
contemporary Europe 169
8.4 The unstable nature of multilingual situations 173

9 Language choice, language maintenance and

language shift 175
9.1 Language choice 175
9.1.1 Domain analysis: person, place and topic 177
9.1.2 The socio-psychological approach: linguistic
accommodation 180
9.1.3 Anthropological methods of observing language
choice 182
9.2 Language maintenance 185
9.3 Language shift and its causes 186
9.3.1 Migration 189
9.3.2 Industrialization 189
9.3.3 Urbanization 190
9.3.4 Prestige 190
9.3.5 Use as school language 191

10 Language and national identity 193

10.1 Language and nationalism 193
10.1.1 Basic concepts 194
10.1.2 Language and nationalism 199
10.1.3 The political dimension of language 203
10.2 Language planning 204
10.2.1 Language development 205
10.2.2 Language determination and allocation of
language use 207
10.2.3 Language-planning policies - some examples 210
10.2.4 Practical considerations 214

11 Linguistic minorities 219

11.1 Indigenous minorities in western Europe 221
CONTENTS ix

11.2 Two main types of indigenous linguistic minorities 224

11.3 Ethnic, regional, national and minority languages 226
11.4 A historical perspective 227
11.5 The contemporary situation in western Europe 231
11.6 Use and maintenance of minority languages 233
11.7 Assimilation of minorities and cultural pluralism 235
11.8 Separatism and separate identity 237
11.9 Language and separateness 238
11.1 0 Attributes of minority languages 239
11.11 Non-indigenous minorities in Europe 242
11.12 The study of linguistic minorities 244

12 Case Study I: The Alsatians 248

12.1 The language 248
12.2 Historical overview 250
12.3 The use of Alsatian 254
12.4 The future of Alsatian 259

13 Case Study 11: The Catalans 260

13.1 Introduction: Catalonia and the Catalans 261
13.2 Geographical and demographie overview 264
13.3 The Catalan language 265
13.3.1 A sociolinguistic historical overview 265
13.3.2 The impact of immigration 271
13.3.3 The present linguistic situation 272
13.4 Language planning since 1975 273
13.5 The public use of Catalan 277
13.6 The extent of Catalan knowledge 284
13.7 The future of Catalan 286

14 Case Study 111: Migrant workers in the Federal Republic of

Germany 289
14.1 01d and new minorities 289
14.1.1 Indigenous minorities 289
14.1.2 Refugees and returning German minorities 291
14.1.3 New minorities 292
14.2 Migration 293
14.2.1 Background to migration to Germany 293
14.2.2 Composition of the new minorities and
geographical distribution 295
x CONTENTS

14.2.3 Reasons for migration and problems

of remigration 297
14.2.4 Official policies towards migrants 298
14.3 Sociolinguistic aspects 300
14.3.1 Socio-demographic composition 300
14.3.2 The migrants' linguistic background 301
14.3.3 Problems associated with migrants'
learning of German 302
14.3.4 Factors affecting migrants' acquisition
ofGerman 304
14.4 The education of migrant workers' children 307
14.4.1 The EC Directive on the education of migrant
workers' children 307
14.4.2 Educational provision for migrant workers'
children in the Federal Republic 308
14.4.3 Problems involved in the education of
mi grants ' children 310

Appendix: Council 0/ the European Communities

Directive 0/25 July 1977 on the education 0/ the
children o/migrant workers 314
Re/erences 316
Subject Index 339

Index 0/ Places, Languages and Peoples 345

Author Index 350

List of maps

11.1 Indigenous linguistic minorities in western Europe 220

12.1 Alsace Lorraine 249
13.1 Linguistic minority areas in Spain 260
13.2 The spread of Catalan dialects 261
14.1 Migration and immigration to West Germany 290
Preface

During the last decade or so researchers into bi lingualis m have been

extraordinarily prolific, and considerable advances have been made in
our understanding of the subject. To those who have either a profes-
sional or a personal interest (or both) in this area, it has indeed been
exciting to observe the progress made. At the same time, the task of
presenting an introductory study has been made more difficult, in that
it has become necessary to make more decisions about what aspects to
include in the discussion of each topic dealt with and which contribu-
tions by scholars to exclude.
As an introduction to bilingualism, my aim in writing this book has
been to discuss the most important aspects and pertinent concepts of
individual and societal bilingualism, endeavouring to give some idea of
the complexity of some of the issues involved, as weB as of the present
state of the relevant research. The need to be selective has led to the
decision to focus on the patterns of bilingual acquisition and use
among bilingual children in Part land to the adoption of a European
bias in Part 11, where examples are taken primarily from European
multilingual settings - the discussion of wh ich necessarily reflects the
author's own aquaintance with certain aspects of European culture.
Similarly, illustrations of linguistic points (e.g. of language use among
bilinguals) often involve the European languages of which the author
has either specialist knowledge or a degree of familiarity. This Euro-
pean orientation may have the advantage of enabling the reader to see
how truly normal and widespread the phenomenon of bilingualism is,
even on a continent where most component countries still like to per-
ceive themselves as monolingual nation states.
The structure of the book was originaBy conceived on the basis of
xii PREFACE

courses on Bilingualism taught to final-year Modem Language stu-

dents and to postgraduates who had undergone training in European
languages. While no previous knowledge of the subject of bilingualism
is assumed here, I have presupposed familiarity with basic linguistic
concepts (e.g. 'semantics', 'loan words', 'phonological development').
Technical terms are given in inverted commas (e.g. 'blend', 'code-
switching') or italics (language shift) where they may be first
introduced, but thereafter they may be used without inverted commas
or emphasis. In both Parts, the individual chapters have been organized
so that the general discussion precedes the examination of specific as-
pects. It is possible, however, to read sections of the book on their own
or out of sequence; in this case, the cross-references can serve as poin-
ters to related issues.
In preparing the pages that follow, I have drawn widely on my own
experience of bilingualism, which therefore needs to be explained
briefly. I grew up speaking two languages (Danish and German) and
was trained as a linguist; as a young adult, I moved from Germany to
Britain, where I settled and married a Spaniard. I use different lan-
guages depending on whom I am speaking to or what I am talking
about, and I feel a different kind of cultural and emotional attachment
to the languages involved. In other words,) use and relate to language
in the same way as many bi- or multilinguals, immigrants, migrants
and children of linguistically mixed parentage. The initial impetus for
pursuing the study of bilingualism was provided by my children, as the
experience of seeing bi- and trilingual language development at fIrst-
hand brought the whole subject alive. The same has happened to many
other linguist-parents, who have raised their children to use more than
one language and have recorded their observations, thus providing data
for the analysis of bilingual language acquisition. The study of child
language requires a good deal of close observation, for which parents
may be in a privileged position - one of which they are entitled to take
advantage. This, I feel, explains the frequent mention of the lan-
guage use of linguists' own children (the present author's included).
My experience of bilingual speakers of both sexes and all ages has
led me to adopt a usage of personal pronouns which may seem odd. I
employ 'he' or 'she', and also the less personal '(s)he', in reference to
noun phrases such as 'the bilingual', 'the individual speaker' and 'the
child', because I often, though not always, had particular people in
mind.
A CAMPUS Scholarship awarded by my University enabled me to
PREFACE xiii

undertake research in the context of linguistic minority settings. Many

colleagues helped in the task of completing the book. My former
Chairman of Department, Martin Harris, provided both the initial
stimulus and subsequent patient support. Several members of staff in
the Department of Modem Languages at Salford gave me cheerful en-
couragement, fumished me with examples, observations and anecdotes
about their own bilingual experiences, and generally commented on
parts of earlier drafts. I am particularly grateful to Andy Hollis for his
meticulous and good-humoured scrutiny of several chapters and for his
remarks on matters of content as weIl as style; without his suggestions
this book would contain many more Teutonisms and bilingual speech
markers than it does already (incidentally, I hope that he, too, now sees
hirnself as one of Europe's bilinguals). Andrew Dobson, of Keele
University, kindly advised me on several points in Chapter 10, which
draws heavily on other disciplines. Alan Yates, of Sheffield University,
. and my colleague EulaIia Torras, read Chapter 13 and made some use-
ful comments. Suzanne Romaine read the final draft and made many
detailed and valuable points, thus generously sharing with me her
knowledge and understanding of bilingualism. To all these colleagues
my sincere thanks. Needless to say, I alone am responsible for any
shortcomings of content or infelicities of English style that remain.
Many friends and relatives in a number of European countries and
beyond demonstrated their support for my project in different ways
wh ich I now gratefully acknowledge. My greatest debt is to my child-
ren and my husband. Cristina and Pascual unwittingly provided
numerous instances of bilingual speech behaviour and, rather more
consciously, endured a good deal of discussion on the subject at the
family table. They rarely complained when my writing took preference
over family life. I thank them for their help and tolerance. My husband
was my ever-willing critic and so unding board; without his unfailing
support and his enthusiasm for bilingualism this book could not have
been written. I can only hope that it justifies the ilusi6n he imbued in
me.

The Publishers are grateful to the following for permission to repro-

duce copyright material: The Society for the Psychological Study of
Social Issues, and the author, for a figure from Joshua A. Fishman,
'Bilingualism with and without Diglossia: Diglossia with and without
Bilingualism', Journal 0/ Social lssues XXIII, No 2; Department of
xiv PREFACE

Sociology and Social Psychology, University of Tampere for a figure

from Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and Toukomaa, P. (1977) Teaching migrant
children' s mother tongue and learning the language 0/ the host
country in the context 0/ the socio-cultural situation 0/ the migrant
/amily (Research Report 15); Multilingual Matters Ltd. for a figure
from Baker, C. (1988) Key lssues in Bilingualism and Bilingual Edu-
cation, a table from Baetons Beardsmore (1982) Bilingualism: Basic
Principles and a table from Skutnabb-Kangas (1984) Bilingualism or
Not; A figure by Joan Rubin from Readings in the Sociology 0/ Lan-
guage (1968: 526), edited by J. Fishman. Copyright 1968 Mouton &
Co. Reprinted by permission of Mouton de Gruyter, a division of Wal-
ter de Gruyter & Co.

NOTE: All references to the Federal Republic of Germany in this

book are to West Germany prior to German reunification in 1990.

This book is for

Paco, mi bilingüe favorito;

meine Kinder Cristina und Pascual;

og min mor, som startede det hele.

Introduction

Bilingualism - a natural phenomenon

To what extent can we ever speak, within a European context, of com-
munities or languages which have developed in isolation, without
contact with other peoples, cultures and languages? One would have to
look to the outer fringes of the continent. Iceland and perhaps Portugal
are probably the only European states which are genuinely monoethnic
- but their inhabitants are not necessarily monolingual. The usual state
of affairs elsewhere in Europe, and in most of the rest of the world, is
that over the years and the centuries, communities establish links with
one another, whether friendly, commercial or belligerent. The experi-
ence gained from such associations can be either positive or negative
for those concemed. One constant factor in such contacts, however, is
that they always influence in some way the speech behaviour of the
people involved - and therefore, eventually, their languages. Some-
times the result is bilingualism, sometimes the languages are affected
by borrowing or change. With the passage of time, one community
may undergo gradual language shift, replacing bilingualism with
monolingualism, as is the case, for instance, in Brittany, where Breton
is giving way to French. Or a sudden change in the conditions of life
in a community may cause it to adopt a hitherto unused language on a
widespread basis, as became common during colonial times in many
parts of Africa and Asia.
Linguistic frontiers rarely coincide with political ones. The former,
however, if they are marked by geographical features, such as wide
waterways or high mountains, sometimes prove to be remarkably
stable, whatever happens to the latter. In general, both political and
linguistic demarcations are subject to change. Virtually everywhere
2 INTRODUCTION

countries have, in the course of their his tory, seen their borders expand
or retract according to political fortune. Yet historians seldom record
the linguistic impact on people made by occupation, annexation or en-
forced change of allegiance as a result of war, political marriage or
some other cause. I find such scant reflection on linguistic maUers
quite surprising considering the role language plays in our lives.
Centuries of political, economic and cultural interaction have made
Europe a continent with widespread bilingualism. At a political level,
most of the world's sovereign states consider themselves to be mono-
lingual, an attitude held by dominant elites and no doubt influenced by
the pervasiveness of political philosophies that promote the one-nation-
one-language ideal. But this ideal does not reflect reality as, at the
societal level, multilingualism exists, almost everywhere, as a result,
on the one hand, of historical events bringing about major shifts in
power and numerous border changes, and, on the other, of immigration
and migration.
As far as western Europe is concerned, it is necessary to add that,
whereas multilingualism at the level of society is common, bilingual-
ism among individual speakers in some of the larger countries is less
frequent. There are a dozen or so languages spoken by sizeable com-
munities in France and Germany, and weIl over a hundred in Britain,
but, in spite of this, the majority of Britons, Germans and French
people are monolingual in the sense that they use only one language
for their normal day-to-day communication.
Of the five languages spoken by 45 per cent of the world's popula-
tion (English, Spanish, Russian, Hindi and Chinese), the first three are
used in many countries as second or official languages, and Hindi
serves as a religious language for many, as weIl as being the national
language of India. There are an estimated 5000 tongues in the world
(Wardhaugh 1987; Crystal 1987), but only some 190 states, so it fol-
lows that many countries must contain mariy different languages, i.e.
be multilingual. Approximately 95 per cent of the world's population
are speakers of the 100 most frequently used languages.
In Europe only six countries are officially bilingual or multilingual:
Belgium, Finland, Greenland, Switzerland, the USSR and Yugoslavia,
and a handful of others accord official status of some kind to one or
more of the languages of their linguistic minorities, e.g. the Nether-
lands to Frisian, Italy to German and the Federal Republic of Germany
to Danish. In western Europe people tend to live in monolingual envi-
ronments where there are relatively few natural contact situations
THE ROLE OF ATTITUDES 3

requiring the use of more than one language, unless the speakers are
members of linguistic minorities. Being born into a minority com-
munity or into abilingual family are the most common ways for
Europeans to become bilingual. There are , of course, other reasons -
personal, social or cultural - why individuals become bilingual. At one
time, for exarnple, French was spoken by all members of the European
aristocracy as the use of this language signalied membership of the
elite. Prussia's Frederick the Great once expressed the belief that Ger-
man was suitable only 'for horses and soldiers' and professed that he
spoke Gennan 'like a coachman'. Incidentally, he also left proof that
he did not write it very well. Today, when Scandinavian, Gennan and
Dutch technologists, academics or business people meet, they are like-
ly to discuss their work in English, because this is the language most
widely used by such specialists for international communication. And·
Flemish-speaking Belgians embarking upon an administrative career in
Brussels need to be fluent in French. For many Europeans adding an-"
other language to their repertoire has become desirable and often
necessary. In other continents natural linguistic diversity is more .pre-
valent, and for many communities bilingualism is anormal
requirement for daily communication and not a sign of any particular
achievement.

The role of attitudes

Bilingualism arises as a result of contact. Whether it spreads
throughout the community and is maintained depends on whether the
conditions for its development are right. These, in turn, are detennined
by individual and group attitudes towards (1) the two languages in-
volved, and (2) bilingualism itself. In Europe there is considerable
linguistic diversity, yet this fact is rarely reflected in the official
policies adopted by most European countries. Few states encourage the
learning of minority languages, for instance, as part of the school cur-
riculum for both minority and majority children. Attitudes towards
bilingualism range from officially promoting or accepting it, as is the
case in the officially bilingual countries mentioned earlier, to granting
some regions within astate the right to use the regional language in
administration and education, as happens in Spain with regard to Cata-
lan, Basque and Galician. Government acceptance of bilingualism,
rather than active promotion, seems to be the attitude that underlies
bilingual arrangements in Wales, where some schools offer Welsh-me-
4 INTRODUCTION

dium instruction and others use both English and Welsh, while some
public institutions (but not aIl) offer services in both languages. Where-
as West Germans and Danes may regard individual bilingualism
positively, especiaIly if it involves languages which are considered
'usefuI' (e.g. English or French), they may express less admiration
about bilinguaIism of their Turkish migrant communities. In Britain,
the suggestion that the children of the majority might profit from learn-
ing the languages of some of the immigrant groups (such as
Cantonese or Urdu) has been greeted by many people with indifference
and by some with outright hostility.
As a result both of political developments and social pressure, atti-
tudes towards bilingualism are changing for the better in many parts of
the world. One of the landmarks in this process is what happened in
the United States during the 1960s. At the same time as the position of
minorities was being revised in the wake of the Civil Rights move-
ment, the Uni ted States experienced large-scale immigration from
Spanish-speaking peopie who neither assimilated Anglo-Saxon cul-
ture and vaIues nor shed their mother tongue as readily as previous
generations of immigrants had done. The debate that took place both in
intellectual and political circles eventually led to legislation supporting
bilingual education programmes. l At about the same time Canada de-
clared itself a bilingual state and officially enshrined the language
rights of its French-speaking minority in law, by means of a number of
legislative measures. This came about after aseries of political crises
prompted by the social and economic grievances of French Canadians
and the threat of secession by the province of Quebec. However, little
was done to promote the language needs of Canada's many other mi-
norities, such as the indigenous Inuit and the immigrants from Poland,
Ukraine and Hong Kong, to name but a few.

Bilingualism as a problem and as a resource

Individual bilingualism has, in the past, often been blamed for a biling-
ual child's underachievement at school and in intelligence tests; and it
has been considered to lie at the root of minority members' lack of
assimilation to mainstream society. Some of these claims are analysed
in Chapters 6 and 7, where it is suggested that social causes, rather
than bilingualism, are usually responsible for problems of this kind.
SocietaI multilingualism can also be seen as a problem, if one be-
lieves that language itself (not just people) can cause conflict. For
BILINGUALISM AS A PROBLEM AND AS A RESOURCE 5

example, Fasold (1984: 4) suggests that 'multilingualism works against

nationalism' in countries which are still undergoing a process of nation
building and where there is no universally agreed language to unify a
state's diverse ethnic groups. Wardhaugh's (1987) study of language
spread and decline focuses on issues raised by the competition of lan-
guages within countries which have been linguistically invaded from
outside the national borders. He argues that some kind of conflict be-
tween languages will ensue once the boundaries between them
(territorial, ethnic, politicalor functional) come under pressure, and
that this may result in a major change in a group's language patterns:
When such boundaries are weak, the languages will not only be in contact,
they will also be in competition. As one gains territory, speakers, or func-
tions, all others lose. Bilingualism may not be areal choice in such
circumstances; it may be no more than a temporary expedient, a somewhat
marginal phenomenon, because when one language encroaches on another,
bilingualism may prove to be only a temporary waystage to unilingualism
in the encroaching language as the latter assumes more and more functions
and is acquired as the sole language by greater numbers of speakers.
(Wardhaugh 1987: 17)

Any such process is likely to lead to tension and resentment on the

part of the group(s) involved. Speakers of the 'losing language(s)' may
find themselves pushed to the political, social or cultural margin, and
they may feel that their national or ethnic identity is under threat, along
with the survival of their language.
Language contact usually results in an uneven distribution of lan-
guage patterns among the groups involved. If distribution were
identical, i.e. if the languages concerned were perceived as having
equal prestige and they were each used to the same degree and in equi-
valent situations, then there would probably be no problem. But this is
not often the case.
A preoccupation with the problems associated with bilingualism
should not, however, obscure awareness of its likely benefits. In the
first place, individual bilingualism is often experienced as an enriching
attribute that facilitates a better understanding of the nature of language
and provides an opportunity for gaining a deeper insight into two cu 1-
tures. However, this favourable perception appears to depend on the
socio-cultural context of bilingualism, as it is unlikely to be shared by
those members of linguistic minorities who find themselves discrimi-
nated against by the dominant majority (which itself may have
6 INTRODUCTION

negative attitudes towards bilingualism). A second possible advantage

for members of multilingual groups is that they have at their disposal a
wider range of linguis,tic reSOUfces than those who belong to monolin-
gual communities. This may enable them to communicate with others
in a more flexible and diverse way - a benefit which, in a world of
increasing international communication, should be obvious. The study
of bilingualism can provide greater awareness of the versatility of
social organizations and the resourcefulness of human behaviour. In
general, an appreciation of the issues involved in bilingualism may
help to eliminate prejudice or fear.

The remit of the study of bilingualism

An examina ti on of bilingualism involves looking at the many factors
that contribute to its development, maintenance and loss, and at the
different ways in which individuals or communities respond to the lin-
guistic challenges they encounter. Bilingualism and multilingualism are
not static conditions. In many immigrant groups the shift from the
'old' horne language to that of the host country takes place over three
generations; but the process is sometimes more rapid, leaving only the
immigrant generation as bilingual. At other times, however, the shift
takes much longer, or does not occur at all, leading to well-established
bilingualism over many years. For the immigrant, learning to live in a
new culture or to accommodate to a new language is a dynamic pro-
cess. Individuals go through phases in their lives when one of their
languages becomes weaker, or stronger, as the case may be; or they
add new languages to their daily communicative repertoire, developing
clearly defined situations in wh ich each code will be used.
The field of study is multidisciplinary. We approach the study of
bilingualism from at least three different perspectives, i.e. those of:
(1) the individual;
(2) the group;
(3) the language systems.
A wide range of social sciences contribute towards Ouf under-
standing of bilingualism: sociology, ethnology, anthropology,
education, psychology and most branches of linguistics, including
pragmatics. Each participating discipline brings with it its own meth-
ods and terminologies, and studies in bilingualism reflect the academic
background of the researcher. Language behaviour is highly complex,
THE REMIT OF THE STUDY OF BILINGUALISM 7

and no one academic subject alone can hope to explain it completely.

Linguistic performance is influenced by emotional factors, by the
speaker's linguistic knowledge, and by perceived social values and
norms. The interplay of these (and other) determinants becomes even
more intrieate if the speech patterns of whole groups of people are
under examination. Research into bilingualism must be multi- and
interdisciplinary so that all the relevant phenomena can be described
and aceounted for. The ultimate aim, as in other social sciences, is to
establish a valid theoretical construct.
One of the problems encountered by researchers into societal bilin-
gualism relates to the reliability of data. When considering patterns of
language use, one needs to handle such statistical information as is
made available by official (or national) agencies. But many countries
do not inc1ude questions on language use on their eensus question-
naires, or they may ask only one question, without specifying function
or degree of competence, e.g. 'What language(s) do you speak?',
which can be interpreted in a variety of ways. Neide (1984) wams that
language eensus data should always be approached critically, adding
that in areas where there is conflict and minorities are disadvantaged
results may not be at all meaningful. In such cases, he argues, the
replies of minority members tend to be influeneed by a number of
extra-linguistic considerations which, in sociolinguistie analysis, it may
be difficult to come to terms with. For instance, census returns may
indicate a minority group's aspired rather than actual linguistic affilia-
tions, and this may favour the dominant rather than the minority
language. Socio-economic faetors, too, may cause bias in answers to
questionnaires, usually in the direetion of the majority language.
The systematic description of bilingualism, partieularly using a
sociolinguistic approach, is of relatively recent origin. Einar Haugen's
work on the Norwegian language in America (1953) and on bilingualism
in the Americas (1965) constituted the first large-scale sociolinguistic
analyses of bilingualism. Uriel Weinreich 's book Languages in Contact
(first published in 1953) quickly became a c1assic and was seminal in
developing research methods combining both social, psychologie al and
linguistic dimensions. Robert Lado's Linguistics across Cultures (1957)
did much to arouse linguists' interest in cross-cultural and bilingual
communication, and to open their eyes to thc' sociolinguistie reality of
language use, thus weaning them away from an exc1usive preoccupa-
tion with linguistic forms and norms.
Education plays a crucial role both in the personal and social devel-
8 INTRODUCTION

opment of the bilingual individual and for the success of societal multi-
lingualism. It has been attested (e.g. by Skutnabb-Kangas 1984a), for
instance, that unless the educational system takes proper account of
minority children's special language needs (in both languages), they
will not become fully functional in the minority and the majority
codes. On the other hand, a minority language that finds its way into
the school curriculum will enjoy enhanced prestige and this can, in
turn, positively affect public attitudes towards the language concerned
and its speakers, who may then find it easier to maintain it. The issue
of how best to educate minority children has become particularly ur-
gent in many countries wh ich have been affected by large-scale
migration and emigration. Research in the area of bilingual education
has often come as a response to such pressing needs.

Coverage and organization of this book

The organization of this book broadly reflects the two main strands in
the study of bilingualism: in Part I individual bilinguals and their lan-
guage use constitute the central focus, while in Part 11 a broader
sociological and sociolinguistic approach is adopted for the discussion
of multilingualism in society. Educational matters are raised in both
parts, as they affect the development and maintenance of bilingualism
in both the individual and society.
Part I seeks, from a microlinguistic point of view, to embrace both
the psycholinguistic and the purely linguistic dimensions of bilingual-
ism. Starting with the discussion of some definitions of bilingualism,
Chapter 1 looks at individual bilingualism in a general way. Chapter 2
narrows the discussion to bilingual children, while Chapter 3 focuses
specifically on the bilingual acquisition process. Chapters 4 and 5
examine the linguistic perspective, concentrating on bilingual com-
petence and speech on their own terms, i.e. from the bilingual (rather
than the monolingual) angle. In the last two chapters (6 and 7) of this
part the discussion is broadened again to take in some of the major
factors of a social, cultural, psychological and cognitive nature that are
considered to be important in the acquisition and maintenance of bi-
lingualism in the individual. In line with the general bias of this book,
in Chapters 3, 4 and 5 certain aspects of bilingualism in children are
given prominence; on the other hand, Chapters 5 and 7 deal with issues
which apply to both bilingual children and adult users of two or more
languages.
COVERAGE AND ORGANIZATION OF THIS BOOK 9
I
In· the macrolinguistic approach adopted in Part 11, the discussion
ranges from the general to the more specific. Chapter 8 looks at the
different patterns of multilingualism which can result from language
contact and at some of the factors which are influential in the emer-
gence of societal multilingualism. Questions such as 'By what criteria
do bilingual communities organize their language behaviour?' and
'Why do some of them seem to be so much more successful than
others in maintaining their language(s)?' are dealt with in Chapter 9.
Decisions by the state on whether to promote or suppress particular
languages can have a powerful effect on people's language behaviour,
and the aims of Chapter 10 are to assess the possible role of language
for social and national identification, and to look at how decisions on
language matters are made by the state. Chapter 11 touches on a wide
area, as the discussion of linguistic minorities must take into account
many of the major issues in sociolinguistics: contact between dominant
group and minority; the linguistic behaviour of both communities; atti-
tudes towards the groups and languages involved; questions of identity,
conflict and integration; and topics relating to language provision,
maintenance and shift. In order to illustrate the complex issues raised
in Chapter 11, three linguistic minorities that have little in common
with each other, and that have perhaps been less accessible to English-
language readers, have been chosen for more detailed consideration.
The aim here is to show that language contact in Alsace, Catalonia and
West Germany manifests various degrees of intensity and distinct dy-
namics, and that this results in different patterns of bilingualism.
The European dimension of this book has made it possible, on the
one hand, to be selective in the choice of examples. On the other hand,
choosing Europe as a general frame of reference has entailed the ex-
clusion of certain important aspects of the study of bilingualism,
pidgins and creoles, for instance. Neurolinguistic aspects of bilingual-
ism, issues of language contact and language change and the question
of attitudes towards bilingualism can be seen, perhaps, as less central
for an initial introduction to the subject and have therefore not been
included. The interested reader should turn to other introductory works
(e.g. Appel and Muysken 1987, Hamers and Blanc 1989, and Romaine
1989).
In many books and articles the words multilingualism and, occa-
sionally, plurilingualism are used almost interchangeably with
bilingualism, the difference being quantitative rather than qualitative.
The former two are favoured in some of the European linguistic tradi-
10 INTRODUCTION

tions (e.g. in Belgium, and also in Gennany and Switzerland, where

the subject is more frequently referred to as Mehrsprachigkeit ('multi-
lingualism'), than Zweisprachigkeit ('bilingualisrn'). The use of the
tenn multilingualism allows one to take a broader view of language
and dialect varieties. There are even scholars (e.g. Wandruszka 1979)
who speak of 'intralingual multilingualism' , referring to an ability to
operate on a number of different levels of style, register and dialect in
the mother tongue.
Hamers and Blanc (1989) use the tenns 'bilinguality' and 'bilingual-
ism' as reflecting a different level of analysis. The former, for them,
refers to the 'psychological state of the individual who has access to
more than one linguistic code as a means of social communication' (p.
265). Bilingualism, on the other hand, is defined in a more general way
as 'the state of the individual or a community characterized by the
simultaneous presence of two languages' (ibid.). This distinction may
have its advantages for certain types of analysis, but it has not yet
found wide acceptance and it is not adopted here. Nonnally, bilingual-
ism is used in the literature for individuals and communities in which
two languages are present; the tenn multilingualism can refer to so-
cieties where more than two languages are found. They are essentially
the same phenomenon. Both tenns are employed in this book in the
description of language contact at the societal level, but only the for-
mer is made use of in the discussion of individual bilingualism. When
speaking of abilingual or multilingual community we are referring to
the presence of two or more languages in that particular setting, with-
out implying that all (or most) of the members of the group in question
have competence in those languages. On the other hand, when adopt-
ing a linguistic or psycholinguistic approach in the study of the
bilingual individual, the use of 'bilingualism' does imply the ability to
use both codes.

Notes
1. It should be noted, however, that in the 1980s the commitment to
bilingual education shifted notably. The issue was no longer feIt
to be one of national federal concern, and public funds were
withdrawn from many schemes; it was left to individual states to
decide the extent of official support for bilingualism.
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