Encyclopedia of Indian Religions

Series Editor: Arvind Sharma

K.T.S. Sarao
Jeffery D. Long Editors

Buddhism
and Jainism
Encyclopedia of Indian Religions

Series Editor
Arvind Sharma
ThiS is a FM Blank Page
K.T.S. Sarao • Jeffery D. Long
Editors

Buddhism and Jainism

With 187 Figures and 1 Table

Editors
K.T.S. Sarao Jeffery D. Long
University of Delhi, Department of Elizabethtown College, Department of
Buddhist Studies Religious Studies
Delhi, India Elizabethtown, USA

ISBN 978-94-024-0851-5 ISBN 978-94-024-0852-2 (eBook)

ISBN 978-94-024-0853-9 (print and electronic bundle)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016953015

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

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Preface

This encyclopedia is the result of a massive and coordinated international

effort among scholars of Indian religions to develop a useful resource for
researchers engaged in the investigation of these traditions. This effort has
involved the collaboration and cooperation of research scholars from across
the globe, tapping into disciplines as varied as linguistics, sociology, anthro-
pology, history, theology, and philosophy. It is a work that has been years in the
making and all of us who have been involved are pleased to see it moving to its
final fruition.
The two traditions that form the topic of this particular volume, the Bud-
dhist and Jain traditions, are of special importance to anyone who wants to
understand the religious heritage and landscape of India. There is a certain
logic to placing these two in a volume together. Both are what are known as
Śramaṇa or “striving” traditions. This is the name by which ascetics of
northern India in the first millennium BCE referred to themselves. It differen-
tiates one who achieves the heights of spiritual realization through personal
effort from those who are held to have achieved these heights through
birth – the claim that some members of the Brāhmaṇa or Brahmin class
made for themselves during the same period. There were Brahmins
(by birth) who were also Śramaṇas, some of whose teachings can be found
in the Upaniṣads, or late Vedic writings also composed in the first millennium
BCE. But among those Śramaṇa traditions that differentiated themselves from
Vedic or Brahminical schools of thought, the two that survive to the present
day are Buddhism and Jainism.
As Śramaṇa traditions, Buddhism and Jainism share many of the same
ideological views and assumptions. There is, of course, as already mentioned,
the emphasis on one’s own effort in the attainment of spiritual realization. And
there is also the assumption that such realization leads to liberation from the
cycle of karma and rebirth. In both of these traditions, those who have achieved
perfect awakening, perfect awareness – the Buddhas in the case of Buddhism,
the Jinas in Jainism – stand even above the Gods and Goddesses in the esteem
in which they are held. Unlike the deities – who, for all the grandeur, remain
nonetheless bound to the cycle of rebirth – these beings have managed to
disentangle the threads of saṃsāra and are now free from the suffering which
living in the material world inevitably brings.
The Buddhist and Jain terms defined in this volume do not form a compre-
hensive list (which would be far beyond the scope even of an ambitious

v
vi Preface

encyclopedia such as this one). They do, however, provide an excellent

starting point for research scholars who are seeking a deeper understanding
of key topics connected with these two traditions. And we are proud to say that
the information presented represents the latest in our scholarly understanding
of these traditions, the cutting edge of our available knowledge.
We are proud to be involved with this project, which we now humbly offer
to the world.

Delhi, India Professor K.T.S. Sarao

Elizabethtown, USA Professor Jeffery D. Long
February, 2017 Volume Editors
Series Editor

Arvind Sharma Formerly of the I.A.S., Arvind Sharma (b.1940) is the Birks
Professor of Comparative Religion in the School of Religious Studies at
McGill University in Montreal, Canada. He has also taught at various univer-
sities in Australia and the United States and has published extensively in
the fields of comparative religion and Indology. He is currently the general
editor of Encyclopedia of Indian Religions (Springer, 2017) and his forthcom-
ing works include Orientalism Two, Our Civilization, and How to Read the
Manusmṛti.

vii
ThiS is a FM Blank Page
About the Editors

K.T.S. Sarao was born in a remote village in Sangrur district of Punjab

(India) where he received his initial school education. After doing his
pre-university from Panjab University, he joined the University of Delhi
from where he received the degrees of Bachelor of Arts (Honors in History
with Economics), Master of Arts (History), Master of Philosophy (Chinese and
Japanese Studies), and Doctor of Philosophy (Indian Buddhism). He was
awarded the prestigious Commonwealth Scholarship in 1985 to study at the
University of Cambridge from where he received his second Doctor of Phi-
losophy (Pāli and Buddhist Archeology) in 1989. He began his teaching career
in 1981 at Delhi University’s KM College where he taught history for about
12 years. In 1993, he joined the Department of Buddhist Studies, Delhi
University, as a reader (associate professor) in Indian Buddhism and Pāli. In
1995, he was appointed to a professorial chair in Buddhist Studies at Delhi
University. In his capacity as a professor, he has also been working as a
member of the Delhi University Court since 1993. Besides having worked as
head of the Department of Buddhist Studies, Delhi University, he has also sat
on the governing bodies of different colleges of Delhi University. Professor
Sarao has also been a member of the Governing Committee of the Central
University of Tibetan Studies (Sarnath) and the Academic Council of the Jaina
Visvabharati University (Ladnun). He has also been a visiting fellow/professor
at Dongguk University (South Korea), Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist
Studies (Taiwan), Sorbonne (France), Cambridge University (UK),

ix
x About the Editors

Visvabharati (India), and PS Royal Buddhist University (Cambodia). He has

written 16 books and published more than 150 research papers and articles.
Some of his important books are The Origin and Nature of Ancient Indian
Buddhism (1989), Urban Centres and Urbanisation as Reflected in the Pāli
Vinaya and Sutta Piṭakas (1990), Pilgrimage to Kailash: The Indian Route
(2009), The Dhammapada: A Translator’s Guide (2009), and The Decline of
Indian Buddhism: A Fresh Perspective (2012). He has successfully supervised
53 Ph.D. theses and over 70 M.Phil. dissertations. The Preah Sihanouk Royal
Buddhist University, Phnom Penh (Cambodia), conferred on him the degree of
D.Litt. (Honoris Causa) in 2011. He takes keen interest in mountainous
trekking, religious pluralism, and interfaith dialogue.

Jeffery D. Long is Professor of Religion and Asian Studies at Elizabethtown

College, where he has taught since receiving his Ph.D. in the Philosophy of
Religions from the University of Chicago Divinity School in the year 2000.
Long is the editor of three books: A Vision for Hinduism (2007), Jainism: An
Introduction (2009), and The Historical Dictionary of Hinduism (2011). He is
currently working on a two-volume introduction to Indian philosophy, includ-
ing a textbook and a reader of primary sources. His other publications include
over four dozen articles and reviews in various edited volumes and scholarly
journals, including Prabuddha Bharata, the Journal of Vaishnava Studies, the
Journal of Religion, and the Journal of the American Academy of Religion. He
has taught in the International Summer School for Jain Studies in New Delhi,
India, lectured at the Siddhachalam Jain Tirth, in Blairstown, New Jersey, and
in April 2013, he delivered the inaugural Virchand Gandhi lecture in Jain
studies at the Claremont School of Theology. Most recently, he spoke at the
International Conference on Science and Jain Philosophy, held at the Indian
Institute of Technology in Mumbai, India.
Contributors

Bhikkhu Anālayo Center for Buddhist Studies, University of Hamburg,

Balve, Germany
Michael Anderson Claremont School of Theology, Claremont Lincoln
University, Claremont, CA, USA
James B. Apple Department of Religious Studies, University of Calgary,
Calgary, AB, Canada
Ana Bajželj Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, University of
Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
A. W. Barber Department of Communication and Culture, University of
Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
Claudine Bautze-Picron Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, Paris, France
Radha Madhav Bharadwaj Department of History, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya
College, University of Delhi, Karampura, New Delhi, India
Whitny M. Braun Center for Jain Studies, Claremont Lincoln University,
Claremont, CA, USA
Sean Butler Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA, USA
Madhumita Chattopadhyay Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur
University, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Angraj Chaudhary Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, Igatpuri,
Nashik, Maharashtra, India
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore Department of Philosophy, Centre for
Studies in Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and Culture, University of
Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, India
Gregory M. Clines Committee on the Study of Religion, Harvard University,
Cambridge, MA, USA
Mahinda Deegalle Department of Humanities, Colgate University, New York,
USA
Bath Spa University, UK

xi
xii Contributors

K. L. Dhammajoti Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of Hong

Kong, Hong Kong, China
Brianne Donaldson Claremont School of Theology, Claremont, CA, USA
William Edelglass Philosophy and Environmental Studies, Marlboro
College, Marlboro, VT, USA
Joseph P. Elacqua Center for Language and Learning Development,
Mohawk Valley Community College, Utica, NY, USA
Matthew Zaro Fisher Claremont Graduate University and the Center for
Jain Studies at Claremont Lincoln University, Claremont, CA, USA
Peter Gilks International College of I-Shou University, Kaohsiung, Taiwan
Pradeep P. Gokhale Department of Philosophy, University of Pune, Pune,
Maharashtra, India
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Chair, Central University of Tibetan Studies, Varanasi,
Uttar Pradesh, India
Siyaram Mishra Haldhar Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India
Georgios T. Halkias Oxford Centre of Buddhist Studies, Oxford, UK
Robert Harding Faculty of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of
Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Jens-Uwe Hartmann Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, University of
Munich, Munich, Germany
Jackie Ho Department of Interdisciplinary Studies, University of Calgary
Room 3168, Professional Faculties Building, Calgary, AB, Canada
Christopher Hrynkow Department of Religion and Culture, Saint Thomas
More College, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK, Canada
Pankaj Jain Department of Anthropology, Department of Philosophy and
Religion, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
Jordan Johnson School of Historical, Philosophical, and Religious Studies,
Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA
Klaus Karttunen Department of World Cultures, University of Helsinki,
Helsinki, Finland
Y. Karunadasa University of Kelaniya, Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
Kai Ana Makanoe Kaikaulaokaweilaha Kaululaau Department of
Philosophy, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK
Department of Philosophy, California State University, Los Angeles, CA,
USA
Contributors xiii

Amy Paris Langenberg Religion and Women’s Studies, Auburn University,

Auburn, AL, USA
Der-Huey Lee Research Center for Buddhist Education, Peking University,
Beijing, China
Department of Philosophy, Chinese Culture University, Taipei, Taiwan

Keith A. Leitich Department of Business and Social Science, Pierce College

Puyallup, Puyallup, WA, USA
William Magee UMA Institute of Tibetan Studies, Charlottesville, VA, USA
Tibetan Studies, Dharma Drum Buddhist College, Taipei County, Taiwan,
China

Walter Menezes Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian

Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India

Vakul Mittal Indian Buddhism, Lucknow, UP, India

Pankaj Mohan Faculty of International Korean Studies, The Academy of
Korean Studies, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea

Asha Mukherjee Department of Philosophy and Religion, Visva-Bharati

Central University, Santiniketan, WB, India

Hari Shankar Prasad Department of Philosophy, University of Delhi,

New Delhi, Delhi, India
Leonard C. D. C. Priestley Department of East Asian Studies and Centre for
South Asian Studies, University of Toronto, Richmond Hill, ON, Canada
Christopher S. Queen Division of Continuing Education, Harvard Univer-
sity, Cambridge, MA, USA

Ram Kumar Rana Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,

University of Delhi, Delhi, India

Rajesh Ranjan Department of Pali, Nava Nalanda Mahaviihara (Deemed to

be University), Nalanda, Bihar, India

Anamika Roy Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology,

University of Allahabad, Allahabad, India
K. Sankarnarayan K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, Mumbai,
India

K. T. S. Sarao Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Delhi, Delhi,

India

Kanika Sarao Department of History, University of Delhi, Delhi, DL, India

Burkhard Scherer Department of Theology and Religious Studies, Canter-
bury Christ Church University, Canterbury, Kent, UK
xiv Contributors

Rolf Scheuermann Cultural Transfers and Cross-Contacts in the Himalayan

Borderlands, Institute for South Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, Univer-
sity of Vienna, Vienna, Austria
Wm. Andrew Schwartz Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA,
USA
C. D. Sebastian Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian
Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai, India
Anita Sharma Department of East Asian Studies, University of Delhi, Delhi,
India
Anand Singh School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, Gautam Buddha
University, Greater Noida, UP, India
Institute of Management Sciences, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP,
India
Arvind Kumar Singh Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, Gautam Buddha University,
Greater Noida, Uttar Pradesh, India
Jagbir Singh Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Delhi, Delhi,
India
Jaya Singh Department of Applied Science and Humanities, I.T.S. Engineer-
ing College, Greater Noida Gautam Buddh Technical University, Lucknow,
Ghaziabad, UP, India
Renuka Singh Department of Sociology, Centre for the Study of Social
Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New
Delhi, India
Sanjay Kr. Singh Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Delhi,
Delhi, India
Daniel Stender Hamburg, Germany
Eiji Suhara School of International Letters and Cultures, Arizona State
University, Tempe, AZ, USA
Kanoko Tanaka Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan
Shanker Thapa Faculty of Buddhist Studies, Lumbini Buddhist University,
Lumbini Rupandehi, Nepal
Sau Lin Tong Department of Cultural and Religious Studies, The Chinese
University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
Stephanie Varnon-Hughes Claremont Lincoln University, Claremont, CA,
USA
Chapla Verma Department of Philosophy and Religion, American Public
University, Charles Town, WV, USA
Contributors xv

Sophorntavy Vorng Department of Religious Diversity, Max Planck Insti-

tute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity, Göttingen, Niedersach-
sen, Germany
Sean Ward The School of the Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA
Sarah Whylly Religion Department, Florida State University, Tallahassee,
FL, USA
Charles Willemen International Buddhist College, Songkhla, Thailand
Serinity Young Department of Classical, Middle Eastern, and Asian
Languages and Cultures, Queens College, Flushing, NY, USA
Anthropology Department, American Museum of Natural History, New York,
NY, USA
ThiS is a FM Blank Page
A

A Buddhist Manual of Psychological Definition

Ethics
The third piṭaka (collection) of the Pāli Tipiṭaka.
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī

Introduction

The Abhidhamma Piṭaka is the third piṭaka (col-

A Designation of Human Types lection) of the Pāli Tipiṭaka and is much younger
than the other two piṭakas, i.e., Vinaya and the
▶ Puggalapaññatti Sutta. It is composed mainly in the form of
questions and answers like a catechism, treating
of the same subject as the Sutta Piṭaka but is
different from it in being more scholastic ([4],
p. 309). It consists of the following seven
Abassara Brahma Loka books: Dhammasaṅgaṇi, Vibhaṅga, Dhātukathā,
Puggalapaññatti, Kathāvatthu, Yamaka, and
▶ Heaven (Buddhism) Paṭṭhāna.

Dhammasaṅgani
˙
Abhidhamma Pitaka The Dhammasaṅgaṇi, the first book of the
˙ Abhidhamma Piṭaka, enumerates and defines
K. T. S. Sarao from a psychological perspective a number of
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of categories of scattered terms occurring in the
Delhi, Delhi, India Nikāyas of the Sutta Piṭaka. The book begins
with a mātikā (a table of classifications) of
dhammas (the psychological states and phenom-
Synonyms ena) consisting of 22 threefold classifications, 100
twofold classifications according to the
Basket of higher expositions; Basket of transcen- Abhidhamma method, and 42 classifications
dental doctrine according to the Sutta method. The main body of
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
2 Abhidhamma Pitaka
˙

the book consists of four sections. In the first (recollection), ñāṇa (knowledge), etc. The
section, states of mind and factors present in Vibhaṅga was most probably conceived as
them are enumerated and defined. In the second a manual for students just like the
section, material phenomena are categorized Dhammasaṅgaṇi ([10], p. xx). It generally deals
numerically. The third section uses the material with the various categories and formulae dealt
of the first two sections for explaining the classi- with in the Dhammasaṅgaṇi. The subject matter
fications in the mātikā. The fourth section omits of many of the chapters of the Dhammasaṅgaṇi is
the Sutta method of twofold classifications but repeated in the Vibhaṅga, but the methodology
otherwise follows the methodology employed in employed and the matter are largely different.
the third section though in a more detailed way. For instance, the Vibhaṅga contains some terms
The Dhammasaṅgaṇi is a compilation from and definitions that are not found in the
different sources ([3], p. 68), and it reflects the Dhammasaṅgaṇi ([4], p. 313). According to
state of development of Theravāda philosophy of C.A.F. Rhys Davids, there is no intention in this
a period when the Abhidhamma Piṭaka was closed text on the part of the compilers of setting forth
([1], p. 118). The Dhammasaṅgaṇi was not com- their ethical philosophy or psychological ethics in
piled solely for academic use and “is, in the first any complete and systematic order. Acquaintance
place, a manual or text-book, and not a treatise or with the Dhamma is taken for granted. The object
disquisition, elaborated and rendered attractive is not so much as to extend knowledge as to
and edifying after the manner of most of the ensure mutual consistency in the intension of eth-
Sutta Piṭaka. . . . Its subject is ethics. But the ical notions and to systematize and formulate the
inquiry is conducted from a psychological stand- theories and practical mechanism of intellectual
point and, indeed, is in great part an analysis of the and moral progress scattered throughout the Sutta
psychological and psychophysical data of ethics” Piṭaka ([10], p. xx). The Vibhaṅga is considered
([4], p. 310). The definition of the term to be the oldest among all the texts of the
Abhidhamma in it shows that the Abhidhamma Abhidhamma Piṭaka ([3], p. 69). Johannes
Piṭaka “and a fortiori the Dhammasaṅgaṇi was Bronkhorst has suggested that an early form of
considered as a subject of study more advanced this text was compiled during the first century
than the other piṭakas, and intended to serve as the after the Mahāparinibbāna, but Hinüber considers
complement and crown of the learners’ earlier this too early a date (see [3], p. 69).
courses” ([9], pp. xvi–xvii). That the technical
terms used in the nikāyas are used in it leads one
to place the Dhammasaṅgaṇi, in point of time, Dhātukathā
after the nikāyas, and is dated in the middle of the
fourth century B.C.E. or a little earlier ([9], The Dhātukathā is a short text of 14 chapters in
pp. xviii–xix). However, it should be noted that a question-answer form which was expounded for
“the ideas it systematizes are, of course, older. the purpose of dispelling wrong notions about attā
Practically all of them go back to the time of the (self) (see [6], p. 102). The central theme of this
Buddha himself” ([9], p. xix). text is the mutual relation of different concepts to
the dhātus (elements) ([1], p. 113). It begins with
the mātikā which gives the 14 methods under
Vibhaṅga which the internal and external states are given
followed by the listing of the 105 internal states
The Vibhaṅga is the second of the seven books of (the five khandhas (aggregates), the 12 āyatanas
the Abhidhamma Piṭaka. It consists of 18 chap- (bases), 18 dhātus, four satipaṭṭhānas (recollec-
ters. Each of these chapters deals with a separate tions), cattāri ariyasaccāni (the Four Noble
topic such as khandha (the aggregates), āyatana Truths), four jhānas (stages of meditation), five
(the sense bases), dhātu (the elements), sacca (the balas (potentialities), seven bhojjaṅgas (elements
truths), indriya (the faculties), satipaṭṭhāna of knowledge), and Ariya aṭṭhaṅgikomaggo (the
Abhidhamma Pitaka 3
˙

Noble Eightfold Path), etc.) and states that the much, in both form and content, to the Sutta
external states are the 22 triplets and 100 couplets Piṭaka ([6], p. 102). Moreover, its “non-
of the Dhammasaṅgaṇi mātikā (see [6], p. 102). metaphysical nature. . . is emphasised by the fact A
The text itself is a working out of the mātikā, that in it puggala is not used in the sense of
whereby all the states are classified under the “underlying personality” (that is almost synony-
khandhas, āyatanas, and dhātus. The system mous with attā), which is found in the
employed in the Dhātukathā has been described Kathāvatthu and the Milindapañha, but simply
as the most beautiful piece of work in the mathe- in the sense of “person, individual” ([6], p. 102).
matical sense, a work of precision and analytical It is difficult to date this text though it “can be said
exactness (see [6], p. 102). B.C. Law feels that this with certainty that it was written after the nikāyas”
text cannot be considered as an independent text, ([4], p. 328).
its purpose being to serve as a supplement to the
Dhammasaṅgaṇi ([4], p. 132). According to the
Sāratthappakāsinī , the Dhātukathā was not Kathāvatthu
recited in any of the first three Buddhist councils
(see [3], p. 69). The Kathāvatthu consists of four Paṇṇāsaka
(groups of 50 (points)) which are further divided
into 20 vaggas (chapters). Each vagga consists of
Puggalapaññatti 8–12 questions and answers, in which the hereti-
cal views of different sects are specified,
The Puggalapaññatti, though listed as the fourth discussed, refuted, and overruled and the Bud-
book of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka, is generally dha’s authority being accepted as final. At the
considered to be the earliest of the Abhidhamma end, the Kathāvatthu appears to have been
books (see [13], p. 188). The subject matter of the enlarged with the addition of three extra vaggas.
text is puggala (person), and in it the different Due to this type of rather asymmetrical composi-
types of puggala are arranged in groups from tion, it has been suggested that the text grew over
one to ten. The compiler of the Puggalapaññatti a certain period of time resulting in the inclusion
follows the methodology of the Aṅguttara Nikāya of new controversies whenever they arose ([1],
in grouping human types first under one term, then p. 124; [3], p. 71; [14], p. 164). The subject matter
under two, and so on up to ten. The book is most of the Kathāvatthu differs significantly from that
closely allied to the texts of the Sutta Piṭaka not of the other texts in the Abhidhamma, and it does
only in terms of the treatment of the subject matter not list dhammas but aims at the refutation of
but also with regard to materials. Several of its heretical views ([3], p. 71). Tradition ascribes the
sections can be seen almost entirely in the analo- compilation of the Kathāvatthu to Moggaliputta
gous sections of the Aṅguttara Nikāya as well as Tissa at the end of the Third Council held at
the Saṅgī ti Sutta of the Dī gha Nikāya (see [3], Pāṭaliputta under the patronage of King Aśoka
p. 70; [4], p. 330; [6], p. 102; [14], p. 162). As ([2], Vol. v, p. 278). Consequently, this is the
pointed out by Winternitz, some of the chapters of only canonical text exactly dated to the year in
the Puggalapaññatti “read exactly like Suttas in the tradition itself and ascribed to a definite author.
one of the Nikāyas and stand out favourably from There is general agreement that though “there are
their environment” ([14], p. 162). But Hinüber linguistically old forms. . . (showing) that the
feels that the borrowing has not been done beginning of the Kathāvatthu has been built
mechanically and that the “rembered orality” from old material” ([3], p. 72) and that it is quite
“prevalent in the Suttantas. . . has been given up possible that it might have been compiled by
in favour of the style adequate for a treatise on Moggaliputta in the third century B.C.E., it “in
philosophy” ([3], p. 70). In any case, there is its present form is a patch work. . . (and). . . was
general agreement that despite its presence in the augmented by additional portions every time
Abhidhamma Piṭaka, the Puggalapaññatti owes a new heresy cropped up” (Winternitz: 164; see
4 Abhidhamma Pitaka
˙

also [3], p. 71). In fact, scholars such as Winternitz has summed up the subject matter of the ten chap-
are inclined to think that the Kathāvatthu formed ters as follows: The Mūla Yamaka deals with the
the conclusion of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka ([14], nature and roots of the kusala and akusala
p. 165). dhammas. The Khandha Yamaka deals with five
The inclusion of the Kathāvatthu in the Pāli khandhas (aggregates), e.g., rūpa, vedanā, saññā,
Canon has sometimes been thought of as very saṃkhāra, and viññāna. The Āyatana Yamaka
unusual and was rejected by some on the ground deals with the 12 āyatanas, e.g., cakkhu, sota,
that it was set forth more than two centuries after ghāna, jihvā, kāya, rūpa, etc. The Dhātu Yamaka
the Mahāparinibbāna and was hence only the deals with the 18 dhātus or elements. The Sacca
utterance of a disciple. However, the aṭṭhakathās Yamaka treats of four noble truths. The Saṃkhāra
(commentaries) are of the opinion that as the Yamaka deals with three saṃkhāras. The Anusaya
mātikā (the principles taught in it) were laid Yamaka treats of the anusayas (inclinations), e.g.,
down by the Buddha himself, the whole of the kāmarāga (passion for sensual pleasures), paṭigha
Kathāvatthu should be considered as the (hatred), diṭṭhi (false view), vicikicchā (doubt), māna
buddhavacana (word of the Buddha). Khemā, (pride), bhavarāga (passion for existence), and avijjā
a well-known nun who was a contemporary of (ignorance). According to Hinüber, this yamaka is
the Buddha, calls herself a “specialist on the possibly a later addition (see [3], p. 74). The Citta
Kathāvatthu” (Kathāvatthuvisāradā) in the com- Yamaka deals with mind and mental states. The
mentary of the Therīgāthā ([8], p. 135), thus Dhamma Yamaka deals with kusaladhammā and
giving credence to the view that the Kathāvatthu akusaladhammā. The Indriya Yamaka deals with
was known already at the time of the Buddha. the 22 indriyas. It is rather a very lengthy work,
though the scheme of the work lends itself well to
condensation “without sacrifice of substance or of
Yamaka intelligibleness” ([12], p. ix).

The Yamaka consists of ten chapters (yamaka),

namely, Mūla, Khandha, Āyatana, Dhātu, Sacca, Patthāna
Saṅkhārā, Anusaya, Citta, Dhamma, and Indriya. ˙˙
Each of these chapters deals with a particular topic The Paṭṭhāna which may be described as “the
of Buddhist doctrine. As the commentary of the book of causal relationships” deals in great detail
Yamaka, the Yamakappakarṇaṭṭhakathā (included with the 22 tikas (group of three’s) and 100 cou-
in the Pañcappakaraṇaṭṭhakathā), equates the plets dukas (group of twos) with reference to the
word yamaka with yugala (a pair or twin), the 24 paccayas or modes of relations which are
title of the text may refer either to each of the ten assumed between phenomena (dhammā), psycho-
categories so treated or to the entire work ([12], logical as well as material: causal relationship,
p. xv). According to Frauwallner, the original idea relationship of the subject and object, reciprocity,
behind the title was that pairs are constituted by dependence, co-nascence, coexistence, contigu-
the origin of one thing, which conditions the ori- ity, antecedence, and so on. The book primarily
gin of a second one ([1], p. 116). However, C.A.F. drives the point home that with the sole exception
Rhys Davids feels that “the most impressive fea- of Nibbāna which is absolute, there is nothing
ture, likely to have formed the title to the work, is which is not relative in one way or another,
the dual grouping of question and converse” ([12], i.e., which is not related to another thing in 1 of
p. xvi). the 24 modes. Each reality in one’s life can only
All the yamakas are discussed at great length in arise because of a concurrence of various condi-
the text, and possibly all imaginable combinations tions which operate in a very complex way. These
have been given which is “an excellent example of conditions are not abstractions but are functional
how the method of Abhidhamma can be expati- in one’s daily life all the time. What one takes for
ated insipidly” ([1], p. 117). B.C. Law ([4], p. 334) one’s mind and one’s body are mere elements
Abhidharma (Theravāda) 5

which come into being because of the associated References

conditions. As pointed out by Hinüber, “It is easy
to see that the number of possibilities that opens 1. Frauwallner E (1971) Abhidharma-Studien III. Der
Abhidharma der anderen Schulen. Wiener Zeitschrift A
up here is almost limitless” ([3], p. 75).
für die Kunde Süd- asiens 15:103–121; 16:95–152
The Paṭṭhāna is an enormous and by far the 2. Geiger W, Bode MH (eds) (1912) The Mahāvaṃsa or
longest single text not only of the Abhidhamma the great chronicle of Ceylon. Pali Text Society,
Piṭaka but among all the texts of the Tipiṭaka. The London
3. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
title the Paṭṭhāna is explained in its Commentary,
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
Pañcappakaraṇaṭṭhakathā, as the basis for all the 4. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
other Abhidhamma texts because the 24 tikas and vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
the 100 dukas are considered to be the mātikā 5. Müller E (ed) (1979) The Atthasālinī: Buddhaghosa’s
commentary on the Dhammasaṅgṇī, rev edn. Pali Text
(tabulated summaries) for all the Abhidhamma
Society, London
texts ([5], pp. 9.20–22; see [3], p. 75). However, 6. Norman KR (1983) A history of Indian literature. Otto
as pointed out by Hinüber, this is contrary to the Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
historical development ([3], p. 75). Talking about 7. Ñyāṇatiloka (1971) Guide through the Abhidhamma
Piṭaka, 3rd edn. Buddhist Publication Society,
the primary purpose behind the composition of the
Kandy
Paṭṭhāna, Hinüber has pointed out that it has been 8. Pruitt W (1998) The commentary on the verses of
recognized in tradition that the Saṅgī ti Suttanta the Therīs (Therīgāthā-Aṭṭhakathā Pramatthadīpanī
(no. 33) and the Dasuttara Suttanta (no. 34) of the VI by Acāriya Dhammapāla). Pali Text Society,
Oxford
Dīgha Nikāya together with the Aṅguttara Nikāya
9. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1900) A Buddhist manual of
form the basis of the Paṭṭhāna. “The text is psychological ethics, being a translation of Dhamma-
thought to facilitate the use of the Suttantas for saṅgaṇi: compendium of state or phenomena. Royal
Abhidhamma specialists and this is the purpose Asiatic Society, London
10. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1904) The Vibhaṅgha. Pali
usually ascribed to Paṭṭhāna by the tradition” (see
Text Society, London
[3], p. 75; [5], pp. 9.27–29). The structure of 11. Rhys Davids CAF (1923) The Abhidhamma Piṭaka
Paṭṭhāna is not easy to follow and has not been and commentaries. J Roy Asiat Soc Great Brit Irel
examined sufficiently enough till date ([3], p. 75). (New Series) 55(2):243–250
12. Rhys Davids CAF, Foly MC, Hunt M (eds) (1987) The
Its “chapters are very difficult to understand, since
Yamaka, 2 vols. Pali Text Society, London
they consist mostly of numerals. Since the enu- 13. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. T. Fisher
meration chapters of the Paṭṭhāna list arithmeti- Unwin, London
cally the numbers of answers to each question, the 14. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature, rev.
edn, vol 2 (trans: Sarma VS). Motilal Banarsidass,
exposition of this subject is very susceptible to
Delhi
presentation by charts” ([6], p. 107).

Cross-References
Abhidharma (Theravāda)
▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī Y. Karunadasa
▶ Dhātukathā University of Kelaniya, Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
▶ Dīgha Nikāya Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of
▶ Kathāvatthu Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China
▶ Khema-uyyāna
▶ Paṭṭhāna
▶ Puggalapaññatti
▶ Sutta Piṭaka Synonyms
▶ Vibhaṅga
▶ Yamaka Buddhist philosophy; Buddhist psychology
6 Abhidharma (Theravāda)

Definition Kathāvatthu, Yamaka, and Paṭṭhāna. The

Peṭakopadesa and Nettippakaraṇa, two post-
The Theravāda Abhidhamma as a fully integrated canonical and pre-commentarial works, could also
framework of philosophy, psychology, and ethics. be included in the Abhidhamma tradition. Next in
chronological order come the Pāli commentaries
on the Abhidhamma. These are Atthasālinī ,
Introduction the commentary to the Dhammasaṅgaṇi,
Sammohavinodanī , the commentary to the
What is known as the Theravāda Abhidhamma Vibhaṅga, the Pañcappakaraṇaṭṭhakathā, the com-
could be understood as a systematic elaboration, bined commentary to the other five treatises of the
from the perspectives of the Theravādins, of the canonical Abhidhamma. To this same class of liter-
original teachings of the Buddha. And it is very ature belongs the Visuddhimagga. For although it is
likely that all early Buddhist schools had their not formally recognized as an Abhidhamma work,
own Abhidharma treatises embodying the partic- three of its chapters (XIV-XVII) can be considered
ular perspectives they had adopted in elaborating a summary of the Theravāda Abhidhamma. Each
what the Buddha taught. Some of these treatises of the three commentaries to the canonical
are now irretrievably lost. However, the Chinese Abhidhamma gave rise to its own sub-commentary
Tripiṭaka has preserved to this day canonical (mūla-ṭī kā), and each sub-commentary in turn to its
books belonging to two other Abhidharma own sub-commentary (anu-ṭī kā).
systems. One is the Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma The final stage of the Abhidhamma literature
with its seven treatises. The other is the is represented by nine compendiums on the
Śāriputrābhidharmaśāstra which some modern Abhidhamma, what the Burmese tradition calls
scholars attribute to the Dharmaguptaka School. let-than, or “little-finger manuals.” These are
As to the Theravāda Abhidhamma, there is Abhidhammāvatāra, Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha,
historical evidence to suggest that as a formal Nāmarūpapariccheda, Paramatthavinicchaya,
doctrinal systematization it emerged after the Rūpārūpavibhāga, Saccasaṃkhepa, Mohavicche-
first division of the Buddhist Saṅgha into two danī , Khemappakaraṇa, and Nāmacāradī paka.
Buddhist schools known as Theravāda and These compendiums, in turn, gave rise to their
Mahāsaṅghika, about 100 years after the Bud- own sub-commentaries, as for example, Abhi-
dha’s demise. One can identify several stages in dhammatthavikāsinī , the sub-commentary to the
the evolution of the Theravāda Abhidhamma. Abhidhammāvatāra.
Probably, the first stage was the emergence of an
expository methodology that exhibits features of
the Abhidhamma but precedes the body of The Ontological Foundation of the
thought formally embodied in the Abhidhamma Abhidhamma Philosophy
literature. Several early Buddhist discourses – for
example, the Saṅgī ti and the Dasuttara of the The Abhidhamma philosophy has as its ontolog-
Dīghanikāya – explain doctrinal terms in the ical foundation what is known as the dhamma
framework of a catechism. Here, we find doctrinal theory. It means the analysis of the phenomenal
tenets explained by an impersonal technical ter- world into a number of basic factors known as
minology without literary embellishments, or reli- dhammas, together with an explanation as to their
ance on similes, metaphors, and stories to interconnection and interdependence on the basis
illustrate them. It is possible to consider such of conditional relations. The theory is based on the
discourses as representing the earliest stage in philosophical principle that all phenomena of
the development of the Theravāda Abhidhamma. empirical existence are made up of a number of
Next comes the canonical Abhidhamma with its elementary constituents, the ultimate building
seven treatises. These are Dhammasaṅgaṇi, blocks behind manifest phenomena. The dhamma
Vibhaṅga, Dhātukathā, Puggalapaññatti, theory is, however, not merely one principle
Abhidharma (Theravāda) 7

among others in the body of the Abhidhamma by the next analysis, that into six elements. For in
philosophy. It is the base upon which the entire the latter, the corporeality component of the for-
system rests. It would thus be fitting to call this mer is analyzed into five, namely, earth, water, A
theory the cornerstone of the Abhidhamma. fire, air, and space. That the analysis into six
It is true that the dhamma theory is an elements is also further analyzable is seen from
Abhidhammic innovation. However, the anteced- the fact that consciousness, which is reckoned
ent teachings that led to its formulation can be here as one item, is made into four in the aggregate
traced to the early Buddhist discourses. In these analysis. That the same situation is true of the
discourses the Buddha has analyzed individual analysis into 12 sense bases is shown by the next
existence in a number of ways. Among them the analysis, that into 18 elements of cognition. For
first is that into mind and matter (nāma-rūpa). the latter is an elaboration of the former. The last
This is the most elementary analysis in the sense analysis, too, cannot be considered final for
that it specifies the two main components that although consciousness is here reckoned as six-
make up individual life. The second is that into fold, its concomitant mental factors such as feel-
the five aggregates (khandhas): corporeality ings, perceptions are not separately mentioned. It
(rūpa), feelings (vedanā), perceptions (saññā), is clear, therefore, that none of the five analyses
mental formations (saṃkhāra), and consciousness can be considered exhaustive. In each case, one or
(viññāṇa). The third is that into six elements: earth more items are further analyzable.
(paṭhavī ), water (āpo), temperature (tejo), air This seems to be the reason why the
(vāyo), space (ākāsa), and consciousness Abhidhamma wanted to introduce another mode
(viññāṇa). The fourth is that into 12 sense-bases of analysis, which in its view is not further ana-
(āyatanas): the eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and lyzable. This new development, which is more or
mind and their corresponding objects: the visible, less common to all the systems of Abhidharma, is
sound, smell, taste, touch, and mental objects. The the analysis of the world of phenomenal existence
fifth analysis is that into 18 elements of cognition into what came to be known as dharmas (Skt) or
(dhātu). This is an elaboration of the immediately dhammas (Pāli). The term dhamma of course
preceding mode of analysis, for it is obtained by looms large in the early Buddhist discourses
the addition of the six kinds of consciousness where we find it in a variety of connotations
which arise from the contact between the sense- which have to be determined by the specific tex-
organs and their objects. The six additional items tual or doctrinal context. In the Abhidhamma,
are the visual, auditory, olfactory, gustatory, tac- however, the term assumes a more technical and
tile, and mental consciousness. specific meaning. For it refers to those basic fac-
Each of these analyses is used to explain cer- tors that result when the process of analysis is
tain features of sentient existence. It is in fact with taken to its ultimate limits. In the Theravāda
reference to these five modes of analysis that early Abhidhamma, for instance, the aggregate of cor-
Buddhism presents its fundamental doctrines. The poreality of the aggregate analysis is broken down
very fact that there are at least five kinds of anal- into 28 items called material factors (rūpa-
ysis shows that none of them is taken as final or dhamma). The next three aggregates, namely,
absolute. feelings, perceptions, and mental formations, are
If each analysis is examined in relation to the together arranged into 52 items called mental fac-
other four, it is found to be further analyzable. tors (cetasika). The fifth aggregate is counted as
That the first, the analysis into mind and matter, one and is referred to as consciousness (citta).
is further analyzable is seen by the second, the Thus, there are altogether 81 dhammas resulting
analysis into the five aggregates. For in the sec- from the analysis of empirical existence. To this
ond, the mind-component of the first is analyzed list is added Nibbāna, which is the only uncondi-
into feelings, perceptions, mental formations, and tioned reality, and is called the unconditioned
consciousness. That the analysis into the five (asṅkhata) dhamma. Thus, there are in all 82
aggregates, too, can be further analyzed is shown dhammas, 81 conditioned and 1 unconditioned.
8 Abhidharma (Theravāda)

The whole edifice of the dhamma theory is rejection of the theory of monistic causation
based both on analysis (bheda) and synthesis (ekakaranavada). The third is that nothing arises
(sangaha). The method of analysis is mainly con- as a single effect (ekassa dhammassa uppatti
fined to the Dhammasaṅgaṇī , the first book of the patisedhitā hoti). If the Abhidhamma rejects
canonical Abhidhamma. For here one finds these three views, it is in order to say that
a complete enumeration of the dhammas, each a number of things gives rise to a number of
with a short definition. The method of synthesis other things. When applied to the dhamma theory
is mainly confined to the Paṭṭhāna, the last book this means that a number of dhammas gives rise to
of the canonical Abhidhamma. For here one finds a number of other dhammas.
a theory of conditional relations through which There are two other basic principles recognized
the Abhidhamma seeks to explain the intercon- in the Abhidhamma doctrine of conditionality.
nection of the dhammas. The combined use of The first is that no mental or material dhamma
these two methods shows that according to the can come into being by its own power. By their
methodological apparatus of the Abhidhamma, very nature, dhammas are completely devoid of
a correct view of the nature of actuality must be own-power or own-sway (vasavattitā). This
based on both analysis and synthesis. amounts to the rejection of the principle of self-
The purpose of the two complementary causation. The other is that no dhamma can be
methods of analysis and synthesis is to dispense brought into being by a power external to the
with the notion of substance. Analysis is intended dhammas either. This amounts to the rejection of
to show that what is taken to be one is really many, the principle of external causation. The rejection
what appears to be a unity is only a union of of these two theories means that dhammas alone
several factors. On the other hand, the purpose help other dhammas to arise.
of synthesis is to show that the factors into
which a thing is analyzed are not discrete and
independent entities. Rather they are The Abhidhamma Psychology
interconnected and interdependent nodes in
a complex web of relationships. Thus, both anal- The Abhidhamma psychology begins by analyz-
ysis and synthesis combine to demonstrate that ing the apparently continuous stream of con-
there is no substance either in the thing (the sciousness into a number of cognitive acts. Each
whole) that is analyzed or in the factors (the cognitive act is, in turn, analyzed into two com-
parts) into which it is analyzed. ponent parts. One is bare consciousness (citta)
A given dhamma does not inhere in another as and the other a group of mental factors
its quality, nor does it serve another as its sub- (cetasika), which arises together with conscious-
stance. If the distinction between substance and ness. Bare consciousness is that which constitutes
quality is denied, it is because such a distinction the knowing or awareness of an object. It can
paves the way for the emergence of the notion of never arise in its true separate condition. It always
a substantial self (attavāda). Therefore, it is with arises in immediate conjunction with a number of
reference to conditions that the interconnection of mental factors which perform more specialized
the dhammas is explained. The conditions are not tasks in the act of cognition.
different from the dhammas. The dhammas them- In the Abhidhamma exegesis, consciousness is
selves become the conditions. There are four pos- defined in three different ways. The first is by way
tulates which the Abhidhamma doctrine of of agent (kattu-sādhana): “Consciousness is that
conditionality recognizes as axiomatic. The first which cognizes an object.” The second definition
is that nothing arises without the appropriate is by way of instrument (karaṇa-sādhana): “Con-
causes and conditions. This amounts to the rejec- sciousness is that through which the concomitant
tion of the theory of fortuitous origination mental factors cognize the object.” In this defini-
(adhicca-samuppanna). The second is that noth- tion, while consciousness becomes the instru-
ing arises from a single cause. This amounts to the ment, the concomitant mental factors become the
Abhidharma (Theravāda) 9

agent. The third definition is by way of activity or indeterminate when they arise together with inde-
mode of operation (bhāva-sādhana): “Conscious- terminate consciousness.
ness is the mere act of cognizing the object.” There are in all 14 unwholesome mental fac- A
It is only the third definition that is recognized tors. These are: delusion (moha), moral shame-
as valid from an ultimate point of view lessness (ahirika), moral fearlessness (anottappa),
(nippariyāyena), because according to restlessness (uddhacca), greed (lobha), wrong
Abhidhamma psychology, consciousness is nei- view (diṭṭhi), conceit (māna), hatred (dosa),
ther that which cognizes (agent), nor that through envy (issā), avarice (macchariya), worry
which cognition takes place (instrument), but is (kukkucca), sloth (thī na), torpor (middha), and
only the process of cognizing an object. As a basic skeptical doubt (vicikicchā). Among them the
factor of actuality (= dhamma), consciousness is first four occur with every type of unwholesome
the mere occurrence due to appropriate condi- consciousness. The remaining ten are of occa-
tions. It is not an entity but an activity, an activity sional occurrence.
without an actor behind it. The point being The group of beautiful (wholesome) mental
emphasized is that there is no conscious subject factors consists of faith (saddhā), mindfulness
behind consciousness. Therefore, the two defini- (sati), moral shame (hiri), moral fear (ottappa),
tions by way of agent and instrument are to be non-greed (alobha), non-hatred (adosa), neutral-
understood as provisional defining devices. ity of mind (tatramajjhattatā), tranquility of the
As to the mental factors that arise together with mental factors (kāya-passaddhi), tranquility of
consciousness, there are in all 52. They are usually consciousness (citta-passaddhi), lightness of the
subsumed under four broad headings: mental factors (kaya-lahutā), lightness of con-
sciousness (citta-lahutā), malleability of the men-
(a) Seven universals, that is, ethically variable tal factors (kāya-mudutā), malleability of
mental factors common to all classes of consciousness (citta-mudutā), wieldiness of the
consciousness mental factors (kāya-kammaññatā), wieldiness
(b) Six occasionals, that is, ethically variable mis- of consciousness (citta-kammaññatā), proficiency
cellaneous mental factors found only in cer- of the mental factors (kāya-pāguññatā), profi-
tain types of consciousness ciency of consciousness (citta-pāguññatā), recti-
(c) Fourteen unwholesome mental factors tude of the mental factors (kāyujjukatā), rectitude
(d) Twenty-five beautiful mental factors of consciousness (cittujjukatā), mental factors
corresponding to right speech (sammā-vācā),
The seven universals are: sensory contact right action (sammā-kammanta), and right liveli-
(phassa), feeling (vedanā), perception (saññā), hood (sammā-ājī va), compassion (karuṇā),
volition (cetanā), one-pointedness (ekaggatā), appreciative joy (muditā), and non-delusion
psychic life-faculty (arūpa-jī vitindriya), and (amoha).
attention (manasikāra). These basic mental fac-
tors are invariably present in every type of con-
sciousness, whether its ethical quality is The Analysis of Matter
wholesome (kusala), unwholesome (akusala), or
indeterminate (abyākata). The eight occasionals In the Abhidhamma, the material existence, too, is
are: initial application of the mind (vitakka), analyzed into basic factors called “material
sustained application of the mind (vicāra), resolve dhammas.” Their diverse aggregations explain
(adhimokkha), energy (viriya), zest (pī ti), and the variety and diversity of the physical phenom-
desire to act (chanda). The universals and the ena of the world of experience. Any given
occasionals become ethically wholesome when instance of matter is finally resolvable into
they arise together with wholesome conscious- these basic material factors without leaving any
ness, and unwholesome when they arise together remainder that could be interpreted as material
with unwholesome consciousness, and substance.
10 Abhidharma (Theravāda)

There are in all 28 basic material factors (rupa- associated mental dhammas depend as their sup-
dhammas). However, only 18 are recognized as port.” However, in the commentarial exegesis, it
real, because the remaining 10 are said to repre- came to be identified as the heart-base. The heart-
sent certain modalities and characteristics of the base is defined as a very subtle kind of materiality
real material factors. Of the 18 recognized as real, on which depend mind and mind-consciousness.
4 are primary and 14 are secondary. The next in the list of real secondary material
The four primaries are earth-element (paṭhavī dhammas is the “quality” of material nutrition. It
dhātu), water-element (āpo dhātu), fire-element refers to the nutritive essence of all edible food
(tejo dhātu), and air-element (vāyo dhātu). which maintains the physical body. The next three
Although they are called so, they are not under- items are the three faculties of femininity, mascu-
stood in their literal sense. The earth-element rep- linity, and vitality. The first two refer to two types
resents solidity and spatial extension, the water of subtle materiality which are responsible for the
element fluidity and cohesion, the fire-element physical differences between the female and the
temperature of cold and heat, and the air-element male. The third one is the factor that sustains and
distension and mobility. These definitions show provides vitality to all species of organic matter in
that the four primary elements are not concrete a living being. The “organic matter” includes the
material entities, but abstract material properties. five physical sense organs, the seat of mental
They are not separable from one another and are activity, and the two faculties of femininity and
present in all instances of matter. It is maintained masculinity.
that the diversity in material phenomena is not The list of nominal secondary material factors
due to a quantitative difference (pamāṇato) are called so because they do not have
between the four primary elements but due to corresponding objective counterparts. It includes
a difference in their intensity (ussada-vasena). In ten items. The first is space-element, that is, the
a comparatively hardy and solid material thing, space delimited by matter. The next two are two
for instance, although the four primaries are pre- means of physical communication: bodily com-
sent, the earth-element is said to be characterized munication (kāya-viññatti) and vocal communica-
by a higher level of intensity. tion (vacī -viññatti). Next come three special
Among the 14 real secondary elements, the modes of matter: lightness of matter (rūpassa
first 5 represent five kinds of subtle materiality lahutā), malleability of matter (rūpassa mudutā),
associated with the five physical sense organs, the and wieldiness of matter (rūpassa kammaññatā).
eye, ear, nose, tongue, and body. The next four These three represent physical health of a living
represent the physical objects of sight, hearing, being. The last four items are integration of matter
smell, and taste. The fifth, which is the tangible, (rūpassa upacaya), continuity of matter (rūpassa
consists of only three primary elements, namely, santati), decay of matter (rūpassa jaratā), and
earth, fire, and air. The water-element is not men- impermanence of matter (rūpassa aniccatā).
tioned here because according to the They refer to four stages of the physical body of
Abhidhamma it is not an object of touch. a living being from the time of conception until
The material properties of fluidity and cohesion the time of death.
(= water-element), whatever be their levels of
intensity are said to be known not as an object of
touch, but as an object of mind-consciousness. Momentary Being
That is to say, they are known as an object of
inference. The next real secondary element is the The early Buddhist doctrine of impermanence is in
physical seat of mental activity. In the canonical the Abhidhamma presented as a theory of momen-
Abhidhamma, reference is made to a physical tary being (khaṇikatā). According to this theory,
base of mental activity but therein it is not specif- the three characteristics of arising, existence, and
ically identified. It is referred to as “that material- cessation take place in three successive moments.
ity on which mind, mind-consciousness, and the A dhamma arises in the first moment, exists in the
Abhidharma (Theravāda) 11

second, and ceases in the third. Sometimes the Concept-as-naming is often defined as “that
moment is understood in a more general sense to which makes known” (paññāpanato paññatti)
mean the three moments taken together as one unit. and concept-as-meaning as “that which is made A
Thus, the moment came to be defined in two dif- known” (pannāpiyattā paññatti). What both defi-
ferent ways. In its more general sense it means the nitions attempt to show is that the former which
time taken by a dhamma to arise, exist, and cease. makes the latter known and the latter which is made
In its more specific sense it means the time taken by known by the former are mutually interdependent
a dhamma either to arise, or to exist, or to cease. In and therefore logically inseparable. This explains
this latter sense the moment becomes a sub- the significance of another definition which states
moment. that concept-as-naming is the term’s relationship
Although both mind and matter are said to be with the ideas and that concept-as-meaning is the
momentary the life span of a moment of matter is idea’s relationship with the terms. These two pairs
longer than that of a moment of mind. The ratio is of definition show that the two processes of con-
1/17. ceptualization and verbalization, through the sym-
One conclusion drawn from the momentariness bolic medium of language, are but two separate
of matter is the denial of motion. Since the material aspects of the same phenomenon. It is for the
dhammas are momentary, they have no time to convenience of definition that what really amounts
move from one locus in space to another. It is to a single phenomenon is treated from two differ-
only in a conventional sense that the Abhidhamma ent angles, which represent two ways of looking at
speaks of the transition of a thing from one place to the same thing.
another (desantara-saṅkamana). In the ultimate The two kinds of conceptual construct, thus,
sense, what really takes place is the successive condition each other like subject and object. Since
arising of momentary material dhammas in adja- concept-as-meaning stands for the process of con-
cent locations (desantaruppatti), giving rise to the ceptualization, it represents more the subjective
illusion of movement. and the dynamic aspect, and since concept-as-
naming stands for the process of verbalization, it
represents more the objective and static aspect. For
Conceptual Constructs the assignment of a term to what is constructed in
thought – in other words, its expression through the
According to the dhamma theory, only the symbolic medium of language, – invests it with
dhammas are real, in the sense that they alone some kind of relative permanence and objectivity.
have ontological ultimacy. Therefore, the It is so to say crystallized into an entity.
Abhidhamma maintains that anything that cannot
be subsumed under the heading “dhamma” is
a conceptual construct, with no corresponding Time and Space as Conceptual
objective reality. Constructs
There are two kinds of conceptual construct.
One is called concept-as-naming (nāma-paññatti) Two of the best examples of conceptual construct
and the other concept-as-meaning (attha- are time and space. According to the Theravāda
paññatti). The first refers to names, words, signs, Abhidhamma, both time and space are not abso-
or symbols through which things, real or unreal, lute realities having objective existence, but con-
are designated. The second refers to ideas, mean- ceptual constructs. The notion of time is said to be
ings, or notions corresponding to the names, based on the continuous flow of the dhammas. It is
words, signs, or symbols. It is produced by the the dhammas which arise and perish in continual
interpretative and synthesizing function of the succession that serve as a base for the construction
mind. Both concept-as-naming and concept-as- of the notion of time. What is denied is not suc-
meaning, thus, have a psychological dependence cession, but a distinct entity called time apart from
and as such are devoid of objective reality. the dhammas succeeding one another. As one
12 Abhidharma (Theravāda)

Abhidhamma commentary observes, “Chrono- to show the way to Immortality through the anal-
logical time denoted by reference to this or that ysis of mental and physical phenomena.
event is only a conventional expression” (taṃ taṃ If parity of status is assigned to both truths, the
upādāya paññatto kālo vohāramattako). question arises as to why one truth is called ulti-
In a similar way is explained the notion of mate. Here, what should not be overlooked is that
space. For the Theravāda Abhidhamma space is if one truth is called ultimate it is because this
not some sort of receptacle for the existence and particular kind of truth has for its vocabulary the
movement of matter. The correct position is just technical terms used to express what is ultimately
the opposite. That is to say, one’s very idea of real. Strictly speaking, the expression “ultimate”
space is dependent on matter. If there is no matter, does not refer to the truth as such but to the
the notion of space does not arise. Space is defined technical terms through which it is expressed.
as the mere absence of matter. In a conventional Thus, ultimate truth means the truth expressed
sense if it is said that “matter exists in space,” this by using the technical terms denoting the
has to be understood in a real sense to mean, dhammas, which alone exist in an ultimate
“matter exists where there is no matter.” sense. In like manner, conventional truth means
the truth expressed by using conventional or trans-
actional terms in common parlance.
The Two Truths

If the dhamma theory led to the theory of concep- Cross-References

tual constructs, both in turn led to another devel-
opment, that is, the distinction drawn between two ▶ Causality (Buddhism)
kinds of truth as conventional (sammuti) and ulti- ▶ Mind (Buddhism)
mate (paramattha). Their difference may be ▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
stated as follows: When a particular situation is ▶ Time (Buddhism)
explained on the basis of terms indicative of the
real existents (dhammas), that explanation is ulti-
mately valid. When the selfsame situation is References
explained on the basis of terms indicative of con-
ceptual constructs, that explanation is convention- 1. Aung SZ (1910–1912) Abhidhamma literature in
ally valid. The validity of the former is based on Burma. J Pali Text Soc 112–132, London
its correspondence to the ultimate data of empiri- 2. Bodhi B (tr) (1993) A comprehensive manual of
Abhidhamma: the Abhidhammattha Saṅgaha of
cal existence. The validity of the latter is based on Ācariya Anuruddha. Buddhist Publication Society,
its correspondence to things established by Kandy
conventions. 3. Bronkhorst J (1985) Dhamma and Abhidhamma. Bull
According to the Theravāda Abhidhamma’s Sch Orient Afr Stud 48:305–320, University of
London
theory of double truth, one truth is not considered 4. Dhammajoti BKL (2009) Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma.
higher or lower than the other truth. In this con- Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of Hong
nection there is this simile given in the Pāli com- Kong, Hong Kong
mentaries: Just as a teacher of the three Vedas who 5. Gethin R (1994) Bhavaṅga and rebirth according to
the Abhidhamma. In: Skorupski T, Pagel U (eds) The
is capable of explaining their meaning in different Buddhist forum, vol III. School of Oriental and Afri-
dialects might teach his pupils adopting the par- can Studies, London, pp 11–35
ticular dialect which each pupil understands, even 6. Gethin R (1998) The foundations of Buddhism.
so the Buddha preaches the doctrine adopting, Oxford University Press, Oxford
7. Govinda LA (1969) The psychological attitude of
according to the suitability of the occasion, either early Buddhist philosophy and its systematic represen-
the conventional truth or the ultimate truth. What- tation according to Abhidhamma tradition. Rider,
ever the method adopted the purpose is the same, London
Abhiññā 13

8. Guenther HV (1976) Philosophy and psychology in Definition

the Abhidharma. Shambhala, Berkeley
9. Hirakawa A (1980) The meaning of “Dharma” and
“Abhidharma”. Indianisme et Bouddhisme: Melanges Abhiññā is “Higher Powers” or “Psychic Powers” A
offerts a Mgr Etienne Lamotte. Louvain, pp 159–175 developed by practicing deep meditation.
10. Jayasuriya WF (1976) The psychology and philoso- Abhiññā is translated into English as “Higher
phy of Buddhism: an introduction to the Powers” or “Psychic Powers” [1] and “Supernor-
Abhidhamma. Kuala Lumpur
11. Karunadasa Y (1989) The Buddhist analysis of matter. mal Knowledges,” [2] “Special Knowledge,” or
Singapore, reprinted “Special Wisdom” [3]. They are six in number.
12. Karunadasa Y (2010) The Theravāda Abhidhamma: They are called iddhividhā (magical powers),
its inquiry into the nature of conditioned reality. Centre dibba sota (divine ear), cetopariya ñāṇa (to
of Buddhist Studies, The University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong know or read the minds of others), dibba cakkhu
13. Kasyap J (1943) The Abhidhamma philosophy, vols (divine eye), pubbenivāsānussati (remembering
I & II. Benares former lives), and āsavakkhaya ñāṇa (knowledge
14. Muller E (ed) (2001) Dhammasaṅgaṇi. Pali Text Soci- of the extinction of all taints).
ety, London, reprinted
15. Nyanaponika T (1965, 1998) Abhidhamma studies:
Buddhist explorations of consciousness and time.
Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy in collaboration Two Types of Abhiññā
with Wisdom Publications, Boston
16. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1975) Visuddhimagga, vols
I & II. Pali Text Society, London, reprinted Of these six, the first five are worldly or lokiya and
17. Saddhatissa H (ed) (1989) Abhidhammatthasaṅgaha the last is supramundane or lokuttara. The first
and Abhidhammattha-Vibhāvinī-Ṭīkā. Pali Text Soci- five can be attained by persons who have perfect
ety, London mental concentration but the last can be attained
18. Sarachchandra ER (1958) The Buddhist psychology
of perception. Ceylon University Press, Colombo only by arahantas who have completely
19. von Rospatt A (1995) The Buddhist doctrine of destroyed their taints or āsavas.
momentariness: a survey of its origins and early
phase of this doctrine up to Vasubandhu. Stuttgart
Samatha Type of Meditation Helped
in Attaining Concentration of Mind

Before the Buddha there were great meditators

Abhiniskramana who attained deep concentration of mind. They
˙ ˙
practiced what is called the samatha type of med-
▶ Renunciation (Buddhism) itation. Practicing this type of meditation, they
stopped creating further saṅkhāras (formations)
because they could exercise great control over
their senses and did not allow them to come in
contact with various objects of the world, react,
Abhiññā and produce saṅkhāras or desires.

Angraj Chaudhary
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, Discovery of Vipassana
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
But the Buddha went deep into it, did not only
develop the capacity of concentrating the mind but
Synonyms also applied this concentrated mind to see things as
they really are. He saw everything in a constant
Iddhi; Levitation; Mind reading state of flux, realized their impermanent nature at
14 Abhiññā

the experiential level, developed nonattachment, With the abhiññā called pubbenivāsānussati
and ultimately attained nibbāna. Thus he developed ñāṇa, he can know and remember his former
the capacity to see the real nature of things by fine- lives in great detail, remember even up to many
tuning samatha type of meditation and practicing formations and dissolutions of worlds.
vipassana which he discovered. When all taints or cankers (āsavas) are
Concentration of mind (samatha) enables one destroyed, he attains the deliverance of mind called
to develop supernormal powers, but it is only the citta vimutti and deliverance through wisdom
practice of vipassana that brings about called paññā vimutti. This is the highest spiritual
a qualitative change in one and enables him to stage where he becomes an arahant. He then knows
destroy all his cravings for sensual pleasure (kāma all that are responsible for one’s rebirth. Then all
taṇhā), craving for existence (bhava taṇhā), and substrata of rebirth are completely destroyed.
craving for nonexistence (vibhava taṇhā). But these super powers can be developed by
The first five of the super knowledges men- one who observes morality and practices jhāna.
tioned above can be found in laymen with great When Siddhattha’s mind was “thus purified,
meditative power. Devadatta had some of these bright, unblemished, rid of imperfections, mallea-
powers. Once he assumed the form of a child ble, wieldy, steady and attained to imperturbabil-
wearing a girdle of snakes and sat in the lap of ity” [5], then he directed his mind to knowledge of
Ajātasattu to show his superpower, influence him, the recollection of past lives, to knowledge of the
and bring him under his control. But the last of the passing away and reappearance of beings, and
six abhiññās can be attained by one who destroys finally to knowledge of the destruction of taints.
all āsavas (taints or cankers). When one achieves Then he understood suffering, its cause, its cessa-
this last power, then, with the two preceding pow- tion, and the way leading to its cessation and also
ers such as dibba cakkhu and pubbenivāsānussati knew his mind is liberated. He directly knew:
ñāṇa, he becomes a tevijja (one having three super “Birth is destroyed, the holy life has been lived,
knowledges) what had to be done has been done, there is no
Of these six abhiññās, the first is iddhividhā. more coming to any state of being” [6].
With this magical power developed, one can Moggallāna and Uppalavaṇṇā, among many
become many, and becoming many he can again others, had great supernormal powers. Once
become one. Cullapanthaka performed this mira- Uppalavaṇṇā wished to perform miracles but the
cle [4]. One can pass through walls and mountains Buddha did not allow her to do so [7]. According
without feeling any obstruction, as if he is passing to the Buddha performing miracles to impress
through air, he can dive into the earth as if it is upon the lay people is not proper. He did not
water and rise up again, he can walk on water as if regard this as a good means of attracting people
on the earth. He can fly through the air. And sitting towards Dhamma.
here he can touch the sun and the moon with his
hand.
With the divine ear (dibba sota) developed, he Cross-References
can hear sounds of heaven as well as of the earth,
sounds from far or near. ▶ Moggallāna
With the cetopariyāya ñāṇa he can know the ▶ Uppalavaṇṇā
minds of others and also can know whether one
has a greedy mind or a hating mind or a deluded
mind or a mind without these defilements. References
With the dibba cakkhu (divine eye) he can
see beings dying and reappearing in heaven 1. Nyanatiloka, Buddhist Dictionary, p 2 (Printed
inTaiwan)
and hell. He can also see their kammas responsible
2. Rhys Davids TW (2000) A Manual of Buddhism. Low
for their reappearance in the higher and lower Price Publications, Delhi, p 182
worlds. 3. Rhys Davids’ TW, Pali English Dictionary
Abhisamayālamkāra 15
˙

4. AA. 1.168. (Unless otherwise mentioned all books translated as “An Instructional Treatise on
referred to here are published by Vipassana Research Prajñāpāramitā called ‘Ornament for Clear Reali-
Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998)
5. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (trans) (1995) The Middle Length zation’” ([1], pp. 48–49). A
Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom Publications, Bos- As a technical treatise, the Abhi-
ton, p 105 & M.1.27 samayālaṃkāra consists of an encyclopedic
6. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (trans) (1995) The Middle Length table of contents, communicating in an abridged
Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom Publications, Bos-
ton, p 106; M1.29 form the instructions, practices, paths, and stages
7. Therīg A (Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri in of realization to Buddhahood that are mentioned
1998) p 221 in the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras. The primary focus of
the Abhisamayālaṃkāra is to describe the stages
of the Mahāyāna path, which are thought by
Indian and Tibetan scholars to be implicitly stated
in the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras, through outlining of
Abhisamayālamkāra realizations and practices that bodhisattvas (“Bud-
˙
dhas-in-training”) must achieve in order to
James B. Apple
achieve Buddhahood [2].
Department of Religious Studies,
The Abhisamayālaṃkāra outlines a soteriolog-
University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
ical system of the entire Mahāyāna path by either
explicitly expressing what is already mentioned in
the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras or superimposing a path
Synonyms
schema that is foreign to the sūtras and expressed
in Abhidharma and Yogācāra terminology. The
Abhisamayalankara; Abhisamayālaṅkāra; Orna-
Abhisamayālaṃkāra lays out its system of
ment of Clear Realization
buddhalogical teachings through fusing together
Abhidharma categories and technical terminology
found in Yogācāra treatises with content from the
Definition
Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras. Terminology such as the
four types of dichotomous conceptualization
Indian Buddhist commentary on the
(vikalpa) as well as conceptual schemes for mul-
Prajñāpāramitā preserved in Sanskrit and Tibetan.
tiple bodies (kāya) indicate Yogācāra influence on
The Abhisamayālaṃkāra (“Ornament for Clear the Abhisamayālaṃkāra’s author ([3], p. 196).
Realization”) is a commentary to the Pañcaviṃś In terms of general content and structure, the
atisāhasrikā (“25,000 verse”) Prajñāpāramitā Abhisamayālaṃkāra is comprised of 273 Sanskrit
whose authorship is traditionally attributed stanzas within nine chapters that present the hid-
to Maitreyanātha (ca. 350 C.E.). The work’s den meaning of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras. The
full title in Sanskrit is Abhisama- Abhisamayālaṃkāra lays out the same subject
yālaṃkāranāmaprajñāpāramitopadeśāstra. The matter numerous times, yet with each repetition
term at the beginning of the title, abhisamaya, of the presentation, the subject matter is covered
signifies “comprehensive understanding” or in successively greater detail ([4], p. 142).
“clear realization,” referring to cognitive attain- The main subject matter of the text is presented
ments on the path to Buddhahood. Alaṃkāra five separate times. The (1) homage to
(“Ornament”) is a literary style that provides an Prajñāpāramitā encapsulates the main principles
exposition of a topic. The Abhisamayālaṃkāra is that flow throughout the whole text. The homage
regarded as an upadeśaśāstra (“instructional trea- is followed by a restatement of these main princi-
tise”) in that it presents the hidden or concealed ples in (2) a versified table of contents
meaning (Tibetan sbas don, Sanskrit (Abhisamayālaṃkāra 1.3-4). These main princi-
garbhyārtha) of the entire Large Prajñāpāramitā ples or topics are then slightly expanded and
Sūtra corpus. Therefore, the full title may be contained in (3) an elucidation of the “body of
16 Abhisamayālamkāra
˙

the text” (Abhisamayālaṃkāra 1.5-17). The Sanskrit yāvadbhāvikatā) in all its aspects [7].
fourth repetition is the most expansive and Path Omniscience in the Abhisamayālaṃkāra
consists of (4) a detailed articulation correlates to three types of path systems that are
(Abhisamayālaṃkāra, 1.18-penultimate) of the mastered by bodhisattvas: the paths of śrāvakas,
paths and stages. Finally, (5) summation verses the paths of pratyekabuddhas, and the paths of
(Abhisamayālaṃkāra 9.1-2) are given which con- bodhisattvas. A śrāvaka (Tibetan nyan thos pa,
dense the subject matter of the text into three “Listener”) is a type of individual who has heard
categories – aims (viṣaya), practices (prayoga), or studied the Buddha’s teachings and who seeks
and result (phala). The Abhisamayālaṃkāra pre- the peace of nirvāṇa through cultivating a direct
sents its subject matter in terse verses that are realization of the Nobles’ Four Truths.
often vague in meaning and difficult to understand A pratyekabuddha (Tibetan rang sang gyas, “Sol-
without the assistance of a commentary. The text itary Buddha”) is an “individually awakened one”
presumes that the reader has a background in who cognizes the emptiness of external objects
Buddhist scholasticism, including a knowledge through realizing dependent arising but does not
of Abhidharma path structures, categories of men- thereby attain the full omniscience of a Buddha.
tal defilements, meditational attainments, analyti- Pratyekabuddhas do not have much compassion
cal procedures, and cosmology, among other and attain their awakening in solitude.
topics. Along these lines, the path systems A bodhisattva (Tibetan byang chub sems dpa’,
presented in the Abhisamayālaṃkāra are quite “Buddha-to-be”) is an individual who is intent
complex with multiple divisions and subdivisions on achieving full Buddhahood for the welfare of
pertaining to each aspect of the path from several beings through cultivating wisdom and compas-
different angles. In the opening verses after the sion [2]. The Abhisamayālaṃkāra is primarily
homage, the Abhisamayālaṃkāra (1.3-4) states a technical digest for the training of bodhisattvas.
that “the perfection of wisdom is proclaimed The Abhisamayālaṃkāra’s third chapter describes
through eight subjects: (1) Total Omniscience, the qualities of Empirical Omniscience
(2) Path Omniscience, (3) Empirical Omni- (vastujñāna, gzhi shes; literally “knowledge of
science, (4) Full Realization of All Aspects, bases”) ([8], pp. 51–67, 299–328) which is
(5) Realization that has attained the Summit, a type of knowledge that cognizes empirical
(6) Progressive realization, (7) Instantaneous objects that are to be abandoned in conditioned
Realization, and (8) the Dharma-body” ([1], existence. Such realization correlates to knowl-
p. 52). The Abhisamayālaṃkāra contains nine edge that is comprehended by śrāvakas and
chapters, eight of which address each subject in pratyekabuddhas. Empirical Omniscience is mas-
turn. The eight subjects (padārtha) that comprise tered by bodhisattvas as well, but bodhisattvas do
these eight chapters (adhikāra) of the not cling to the pacifying results of this realiza-
Abhisamayālaṃkāra correspond to eight clear tion’s cognition. This knowledge leads śrāvakas,
realizations (abhisamaya) that explain the soteri- pratyekabuddhas, as well as bodhisattvas, to com-
ological purport of Prajñāpāramitā. Total Omni- prehend the entirety of unconditioned and condi-
science or the wisdom of all aspects (Sanskrit tioned things (dharmas) in Buddhist
sarvākārajñatā, Tibetan rnam pa thams cad classification, including the five aggregates
mkhyen pa nyid) is regarded as the fundamental (skandha), the 12 sense spheres (āyatana), and
wisdom and the central concept of the the 18 sense objects (dhātu). The full realization
Prajñāpāramitā sūtras ([5], pp. 72–74; [6], of all aspects (sarvākārābhisaṃbodha, rnam
pp. 188–190). Total Omniscience for the rdzogs sbyor ba) that comprises the
Abhisamayālaṃkāra and its commentaries is Abhisamayālaṃkāra’s fourth chapter is a yogic
direct unmediated knowledge which understands practice which enables a bodhisattva to gain
exactly the manner of reality (Tibetan ji lta ba a cognition of all the aspects of the three types of
bzhin yod pa, Sanskrit yathāvadbhāvika) to its omniscience the summit of full understanding
fullest possible extent (Tibetan ji snyed yod pa, (mūrdhābhisamaya, rtse sbyor) or “culminating
Abhisamayālamkāra 17
˙

insight” ([5], pp. 79–80). The Ornament’s chapter sixth century C.E.) is the author of the earliest
five pertains to the summit of full understanding extant commentary on the Abhisamayālaṃkāra,
(mūrdhābhisamaya, rtse sbyor) or “culminating the Abhisamayālaṃkāravṛtti. Ārya Vimuktisena’s A
insight” ([5], pp. 79–80). This abhisamaya is commentary links the Abhisamayālaṃkāra to
comprised of eight factors and refers to phases of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā and serves as the
yogic practices which reach culmination while basis for all subsequent Indian and Tibetan com-
cognizing emptiness (śūnyatā). The sixth chapter mentaries ([1], pp. 21–36). The next great
defines, by reference to 13 topics in one verse, the scholar on the Abhisamayālaṃkāra is Haribhadra,
gradual full understanding (anupūrvābhisamaya, who was active during the reign of Dharmapāla
mthar gyis sbyor ba) of the three forms of omni- (rg. ca. 770–810). He composed four works
science ([5], p. 81). This clear realization of “grad- related to Abhisamayālaṃkāra including the
ual insight” consists of engaging in the six Abhisamayālaṃkārālokā, a long explanatory
perfections of bodhisattva practice. The seventh commentary that comments on the
abhisamaya clarifies the “instantaneous realiza- Abhisamayālaṃkāra in correlation with
tion” (ekakṣaṇābhisamaya, skad cig gcig pa’i Aṣṭasāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā [6, 8, 10], and the
mngon par rdzogs par byang chub pa) occurs at Abhisamayālaṃkāra-kārikā-śāstra-vivṛti [11],
the final moment right before Buddhahood. The a short commentary that provides an exposition
last subject in the Abhisamayālaṃkāra, the result on the Abhisamayālaṃkāra without relying
of the path, is the realization of the Dharma-body on any prajñāpāramitā text. The
(dharmakāyābhisamaya, chos sku mngon rtogs Abhisamayālaṃkāra-kārikā-śāstra-vivṛti is the
pa) in its four aspects. Indian and Tibetan com- base text for Abhisamayālaṃkāra commentaries
mentators debate about what exactly is the correct in the Tibetan tradition. After the works of Ārya
interpretation of these four aspects [9]. A number Vimuktisena and Haribhadra, another 16 Indian
of Tibetan scholars, following the Indian scholar commentaries on the Abhisamayālaṃkāra were
Haribhadra, will understand these four as (1) the composed during the Pāla dynastic era (750–1150
body of dharma (dharmakāya), (2) the embodi- C.E.) and are preserved in Tibetan translation [12].
ment of Buddhahood in its essence Tibetan Buddhists have continued on with
(svābhāvikakāya), (3) the embodiment of commu- the commentarial tradition of the
nal enjoyment (saṃbhogakāya), and (4) the lim- Abhisamayālaṃkāra up to the present day. The
itless forms of awakened manifestation Abhisamayālaṃkāra has “. . .had the most lasting
(nairmāṇikakāya).The eight subjects found in impact of any sūtra commentary [in Tibet],” [13]
the Abhisamayālaṃkāra are usually understood serving as a gateway for the study of the
in terms of three categories that are mentioned in Prajñāpāramitā by all schools of Tibetan
the final verses of the text’s ninth chapter. The first Buddhism as well as being a fundamental text in
three clear realizations (1–3) are aims or objects the contemporary Tibetan Buddhist monastic cur-
(viṣaya) to be known by bodhisattvas. The next riculum [14]. Hundreds of commentaries to the
four realizations (4–7) are practices (prayoga) to Abhisamayālaṃkāra were composed in
be cultivated by bodhisattvas in order cognize the premodern Tibet. Among the most well-known
first three realizations. Finally, the dharma-body were the Theg chen-po la’jug pa of Gnyal-zhig-
(phala) occurs as a result of the practices that pa’jam-dpal rdo-rje (flourished twelfth century),
actualize the clear realizations. the Lung gi nye ma written by Bu-ston rin-chen-
A long tradition of commentaries on the grub (1290–1364), the commentary of Nya-dbon
Abhisamayālaṃkāra developed in India and kun-dga’-dpal (1285–1379), and the Legs bshad
Tibet. Traditional accounts mention that the great gser phreng by Tsong-kha-pa blo-bzang grag-pa
Yogācāra scholars Asaṅga (ca. 315–390 C.E.) and (1357–1419). The Abhisamayālaṃkāra and its
his half-brother Vasubandhu (fl. Fourth century) related literature has been a source in modern
wrote commentaries to the Abhisamayālaṃkāra, scholarship for the analysis of the embodied qual-
but they are lost. Ārya Vimuktisena (ca. early ities of Buddhahood [9], issues in the
18 Abhisamayalankara

interpretation of tathāgathagarbha [15], and the Tibetan literature: studies in Genre. Snow Lion, Ithaca,
elucidation of Buddhist categories of Noble pp 111–124
14. Dreyfus GBJ (2003) The sound of two hands clapping:
Beings [1] among other topics. the education of a Tibetan Buddhist monk. University
of California Press, Berkeley
15. Ruegg DS (1969) La Théorie du Tathāgatagarbha et du
Gotra. Études sur la Sotériologie et la Gnoséologie du
Cross-References Bouddhisme. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris

▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Mahāyāna Abhisamayalankara
▶ Prajñāpāramitā
▶ Abhisamayālaṃkāra

References

1. Apple JB (2008) Stairway to Nirvāṇa: a study of the

twenty Saṃghas based on the works of Tsong Kha Pa.
Abhisamayālaṅkāra
State University of New York Press, Albany
2. Apple JB (2013) “The Mahāyāna path of the Bodhi- ▶ Abhisamayālaṃkāra
sattva in the ornament for clear realization. Relig
Compass 5(5):166–179
3. Conze E (1954) Maitreya’s Abhisamay^alaṅk^ara. East
West 5(3):192–197
4. Sparham G (1987) Background material for the first Absolute Idealism
of the seventy topics in Maitreyanātha’s
Abhisamayālaṃkāra. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud ▶ Idealism (Buddhism)
10(2):139–158
5. Obermiller E (1984) The doctrine of Prajñā-Pāramitā
as exposed in the Abhisamayālaṃkāra of Maitreya.
Canon, Talent
6. Sparham G (2006, trans) Abhisamayālaṃkāra with Absorption
Vṛtti and Ālokā. Volume one: first Abhisamaya. Jain,
Fremont
7. Yeh Ah-yueh (1984) A study of the theories of yāvad-
▶ Dhyāna/Jhāna
bhāvikatā and yathāvadbhāvikatā in the Abhidharma-
samuccaya. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 7(2):185–207
8. Sparham G (2008,trans) Abhisamayālaṃkāra with
Vṛtti and Ālokā. Volume two: second and third
Abhisamaya. Jain, Fremont
Ācārya Dignāga
9. Makransky JJ (1997) Buddhahood embodied: sources
of controversy in India and Tibet. State University of ▶ Dignāga
New York Press, Albany
10. Sparham G (2009, trans) Abhisamayālaṃkāra with
Vṛtti and Ālokā. Volume three: fourth Abhisamaya.
Jain, Fremont
11. Amano K (2000) Abhisamayālaṃkāra-kārikā-sāstra- Acintya-dharma-vimoksa
vivr̥ ti: Haribhadra’s commentary on the ˙
Abhisamayālaṃkāra-kārikā-śāstra edited for the first
▶ Vimalakīrtinirdeśa
time from a Sanskrit manuscript. Heirakuji-Shoten,
Kyōto
12. Apple JB (2009) Contributions to the development
and classification of Abhisamayālaṃkāra literature in
Tibet from the ninth to fourteenth century. J Int Assoc
Tibetan Stud 5:1–56
Action Dharma
13. Schoening JD (1996) Sūtra commentaries in Tibetan
translation. In: Sopa L, Cabezón JI, Jackson RR (eds) ▶ Engaged Buddhism
Ahimsā (Buddhism) 19
˙

Adhi-śīla Ahimsā (Buddhism)

˙
A
▶ Śī la K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Adhiśı̄la
Synonyms
▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Avihiṃsā; Nonviolence

Adhva Definition

▶ Time (Buddhism) The principle of nonviolence included by the

Buddha among his main teachings and regarded
as of incomparable merit.

Affectionate
Introduction
▶ Metta
The word ahiṃsā is a feminine noun formed by
adding the negative prefix a to the word hiṃsā,
derived from the root hiṃs meaning “to kill” or “to
injure.” In historic India, the concept of ahiṃsā
Ages of the Dharma was used for the first time by the authors of the
Chāndogya Upaniṣad ([1], p. 17.4) in connection
▶ Eschatology (Buddhism) with the cruelty of Vedic yajñas. Later, it was
strongly advocated by the Buddha, who included
it among his main teachings, provided it
a theoretical basis, and regarded it as of incompa-
Aggregates rable merit.

▶ Khandha
Rationality Behind Buddhist Position
Concerning Ahimsā
˙
Agnidatta Buddhism believes that living beings live in
a world of mutual injury where life can only be
▶ Pasenadi sustained by marginalizing others. Thus, it is not
possible to literally uphold the principle of ahiṃsā
as life in some forms has to be unavoidably
injured or destroyed in order to survive. In
Ahimsa a situation such as this, violence in one form or
the other is unavoidable. In order to live, one must
▶ Karma (Jainism) eat, and for that, most of the humans acquire their
▶ Warfare (Buddhism) food through the capture of various kinds of
20 Ahimsā (Buddhism)
˙

animals. Some take to vegetarianism to escape texts, this principle is stated mainly in three
such a killing. However, some believe that plants terms, namely, pāṇātipātā veramaṇī , pāṇātipātā
also possess life, and from their point of view, paṭivirati, and ahiṃsā. Of these three terms,
even this cannot be called a correct way of life. ahiṃsā or avihiṃsā, meaning “non-violence,” is
Moreover, when one is attacked by others, there the most widely used in the Buddhist texts. The
arises the question of indulging in violence in self- other two expressions indicate the same meaning
defense. Then, there is the question of various of “abstaining or restraining oneself from causing
kinds of insects like flies and mosquitoes being injury to living beings” (pāṇātipātā/pāṇavadha/
regularly eliminated in large numbers in order to pāṇaghāta) ([2], p. 242; [3], Vol. I, p. 4, Vol. III,
minimize the risk of the harmful germs carried by pp. 68, 70, 149, 182, 235; [4], Vol. I, pp. 83, 85,
them. Various kinds of drugs also kill germs in the 193; [5], Vol. I, p. 361, Vol. III, p. 23) and are used
body so that humans can recover from different mainly in relation to Vinaya rules regarding sī la
ailments. As a matter of fact, germ theory which that forbid the killing of a living being (jī va).
forms the very basis of modern medicine involves Here, a special meaning in the form of precaution-
elimination of life in different forms. Scientists ary endeavor and the application of will is
conduct experiments on animals in order to find contained in the words veramaṇī (abstaining)
cures for diseases that afflict humans. Therefore, if and paṭivirati (restraining). The endeavor of will
the principle of ahiṃsā is upheld literally, it would is imperative for abstaining from evil proclivities
be difficult, to say the least, to obtain suitable food such as destruction of life in any form. When the
to maintain one’s own life, and probably, one shall vow is made, “I will observe the principle not to
have to starve oneself to death, i.e., commit sui- kill living beings,” sī la is the self-actualizing atti-
cide. Strictly speaking, suicide is also inconsistent tude that emerges when one undertakes to carry on
with the principle of ahiṃsā. In other words, the this endeavor. A child does not commit hiṃsā, and
practice of perfect and absolute ahiṃsā is impos- yet there is no sī la. The reason for this is that the
sible in this sense, and thus, the inner feeling of child is not conscious of the fact that it is not doing
the spirit of ahiṃsā and its outer expression, i.e., evil. In the same manner, it cannot be said that one
the act of ahiṃsā, become different from one abides by sīla just because one does not kill living
another. Thus, the Buddha based his philosophy creatures. Ahiṃsā, thus, implies deliberate avoid-
of ahiṃsā on this simple fact that even though the ance of injury to living beings. In other words,
action of ahiṃsā is difficult to perfect, yet the a Buddhist is expected not only to shun killing but
perfection of the spirit of ahiṃsā can be perfected also avoid inciting others to kill. Further, a person
in the heart through learning and practice. When who has sī la has paññā (wisdom) and vice versa.
the inner feeling of ahiṃsā becomes perfect and is Paññā is purified by sī la and sī la purifies paññā
expressed in outward actions, it is seen as an ideal ([3], Vol. I, p. 24). Thus, the spirit of conscious-
life of a Buddhist. One can practice ahiṃsā in the ness which originates from sīla moves onward,
real sense only if one can appreciate the true ultimately culminating in the supreme wisdom of
cognition of life, the contradictions of which are enlightenment (bodhi). Thus, as ahiṃsā is
hard to resolve. Recognizing that complete included in sī la, it is supported by the spiritual
ahiṃsā is difficult to practice, the Buddha avoided force of the latter and is actualized by the mental
making unnecessarily rigorous rules for ahiṃsā as power that arises with it.
action. However, the Buddha’s injunction against
the deliberate destruction of life was unambigu-
ous. He severely criticized the sacrifice of animals The Spirit of Compassion
in brāhmaṇical sacrifices ([2], p. 307ff; [3], Vol. i,
p. 143). In Theravāda, no separate category is made of
This form of moderate and rational doctrine of ahiṃsā as a psychological process and is not
ahiṃsā is perhaps the most important contribution included in the 52 kinds of cetasikadhamma of
of Buddhism to human civilization. In the Pāli the Abhidhammatthasaṃghaha. In Mahāyāna, the
Ahimsā (Buddhism) 21
˙

spirit which promotes ahiṃsā is, psychologically Sacrifices in various forms, especially the ones
speaking, called the spirit of compassion. in which animals were deprived of life, were
Sthirmati of the Mahāyāna school of Vijñānavāda seen by the Buddha as not only a ridiculous absur- A
(pure consciousness) says in the Vijñaptimā- dity but also as an unpardonable cruelty. He did
tratāsiddhi that compassion (karuṇā) is the men- not recognize the efficacy of sacrifices on the one
tal property (caitasika) by which ahiṃsā is hand and highly regarded the life of living beings
actualized and practiced ([6], Vol. I, p. 288). He on the other. According to him, “all living beings
believed that when the feeling of pity arises in are not to be harmed” ([7], Vol. II, p. 183). “At the
one’s mind, one does not either harm or kill living sort of sacrifice. . . (where). . . creatures are put an
beings, and on this basis, he proposed that karuṇā end to. . . is neither of great fruitfulness nor of
is ahiṃsā as mental power. On this basis, it was great profit; nor of great renown; nor of wide-
understood that compassion is the mental property spread effect. It is just as if a farmer were to
on which the practice of ahiṃsā is based. enter a wood taking with him plough and seed,
Dharmapāla of the same school saw the mental and were there, in an untilled tract, in unfavorable
property in the practice of ahiṃsā as being non- soil, among uprooted stumps, to plant seeds that
anger (adveṣa) ([6], Vol. I, p. 288). This implies were broken, rotten, spoilt by wind and heat, out
that when mental power, as anger, awakens and of season, not in good condition, and the god were
stimulates someone, the object of that anger is not to give good rain in due season” ([8], Vol. II,
either injured or killed. Thus, it was observed p. 307f.). It has been told in the Sāmaññaphala
that when the mental power that extinguishes Sutta that “the bhikkhu, putting away the killing
anger begins to rule the mind through the suppres- of living beings holds aloof from the destruction
sion of anger, the practice of ahiṃsā is actualized. of life. The cudgel and the sword he has laid aside,
The Sarvāstivāda school believed that ahiṃsā and ashamed of roughness, and full of mercy, he
existed as an independent mental power, and dwells compassionate and kind to all creatures
when actualized, it resulted in bodily action. In that have life” ([8], Vol. I, p. 79). Similarly, in
other words, the mental quality from which one of the verses of the Dhammapada it has been
ahiṃsā functioned as bodily action was not sim- pointed out that one does not become noble if one
ply the feeling of pity (karuṇā) or the absence of hurts living beings, but because of ahiṃsā toward
anger (adveṣa), but an independent meritorious all living beings, one is called noble ([9], p. 270).
mental power (kuśalacaitsikadharma) ([6], Vol.
I, p. 288).
Ahiṃsā to living beings, which is the first pre- Basis of the Practice of Ahimsā
cept in Buddhism, is based upon the principle of ˙
mutual attraction and rightness common to all The basis of the practice of ahiṃsā is compassion
nature. To willfully take life means to disrupt (dayā), mercy (hitānukampā), and a feeling of
and destroy the inherent wholeness and to blunt shame (lajjā) of the cruelty of killing and injuring
feelings of reverence and compassion that form life. In this way, ahiṃsā has been amalgamated by
the basis of humaneness. This precept is really Buddhism with compassion and a consciousness
a call to life and creation even as it is of shame. Where there is compassion in the heart,
a condemnation of death and destruction. Delib- it is expressed in an outward act as ahiṃsā.
erately to shoot, knife, strangle, drown, crush, Ahiṃsā is considered a noble act because it is
poison, burn, or otherwise inflict pain on a living not only the object of the act, but it also results
being are not the only ways to defile this precept. in happiness to the one who practices it. On the
To cause another to kill, torture, or harm a living other hand, those who harbor hatred not only
being likewise offends against the first precept. injure others but also bring unhappiness to them-
Though violence (hiṃsā) can take place in words, selves. “Here (in this world) hatreds are indeed
thoughts, and deeds, ancient Indian Buddhism never appeased by hatred and are appeased by
was mainly concerned with violence in deeds. non-hatred. This is the eternal law” ([9], p. 5).
22 Ahimsā (Buddhism)
˙

“Who kills not, nor aught causes to be killed,/Who its basis the compassionate mind, it also merges
robs not, not makes others rob, for all/Within his with the principle of the emancipation of mind by
heart hath share, he hateth none.” ([7], Vol. IV, p. the power of compassion (mettā-cetovimutti).
104.) The killing of living beings is a shameful act This principle means that the mind achieves
and is wrong because it opposes the spirit of serenity by developing a compassionate heart
compassion. Moreover, when ahiṃsā is practiced, and thus attains emancipation. In Buddhism,
one comes to know the true feeling of love and ahiṃsā is not just confined to the ethical rule
attains happiness. The attainment of this kind of that one should love all living beings. It goes far
happiness is said to be spiritually of a highly beyond that and recognizes in a religious sense
exalted state. “Sages who are harmless, always that by practicing it the lofty heights of Buddha-
restrained with body, go to the eternal place hood can be realized. Therefore, in Buddhism, the
where, having gone, they do not grieve” ([9], practice of ahiṃsā is taught in many ways. For
p. 225); “Gotama’s disciples are always well example, right action (sammākammanta) in the
awake;/Both day and night their minds in harm- Noble Eightfold Path can be explained and
lessness delight.” ([9], p. 300); “Always well interpreted as ahiṃsā ([5], Vol. iii, p. 251).
awakened are disciples of Gautama whose mind Again, in the highly regarded dasakusala-
by day and night is delighted in non-violence” kammapatha (Path of Ten Kinds of Good
([10], p. 648). In this way, taking delight in Actions), the first step is that of not killing living
ahiṃsā and cultivating a mind of compassion beings ([3], Vol. iii, p. 269). Similarly, when the
(mettā-citta-bhāvanā) are one and the same. Buddha taught the correct daily conduct of a lay
Thus, to develop a compassionate heart is to follower to Siṅgālika, the first principle
desire happiness and well-being of all living expounded was that of non-killing of beings ([3],
beings. In Buddhism, ahiṃsā is taught from the Vol. iii, p. 181).
standpoint that all people love their own lives and
do not wish to be hurt or killed by others. This
feeling of self-preservation and self-love is trans- Vinaya Rules and Ahimsā
ferred in thought to other people, and in this way, ˙
the love for and protection of life come to be The lay follower (upāsaka, upāsikā) is exhorted to
promoted. For instance, the Dhammapada echoes follow the pañcasī la (Five Precepts) of which the
this very thought by pointing out that as all fear first one is that of noninjury to living beings
death, comparing others with oneself, one should (pāṇātipātā veramaṇī sikkhāpadaṃ). As a result,
neither kill nor cause to kill ([9], p. 129). the lay follower undertakes to abstain from injury
to living beings not only as a matter of intent but
also by actualizing it in action. Even despite hav-
Benefits of Ahimsā ing the intent, when one cannot practice it in real
˙ life on certain occasions, the precept is broken.
The application of ahiṃsā makes one aware of the This sort of breach of the precept means that while
true feeling of love and leads to the attainment of the intent of ahiṃsā is there, the selfish desires
happiness, and, further, this happiness is also said opposed to this intent are very strong. In such
to be spiritually a highly exalted state. To develop circumstances, the breach of the precept is regret-
a compassionate heart is to desire that all living ted and, thus, confession (paṭidesanā) is made.
beings shall reach a state of happiness, tranquility However, this confession must come from the
and well-being, and then to awaken in oneself the heart. The importance of the doctrine of ahiṃsā
feeling of compassion toward innumerable and in Buddhism can be measured from the fact that
infinite kinds of life, and thus, encompassing all the precept of ahiṃsā is included in the
life by the thought of compassion. This is called Aṭṭhaṅgika-uposatha (Eight Precepts) which are
the mind of boundless compassion (mettā- practiced by the Buddhists on the 4 days of
appamaññā). Again, the fact that ahiṃsā has as uposatha (fast) of the month. It is also included
Ahimsā (Buddhism) 23
˙

as the first of the ten precepts for the sāmaṇera should share as much kindness as mankind itself
and sāmaṇerī. The non-killing of life is given in does. The Buddha taught “never to destroy the life
great detail in the Pātimokkha, in the Vinaya of the of any living creature, however tiny it might be” A
bhikkhus and bhikkhunīs. As per the third precept ([14], Vol. xvii, p. 30; Vol. xx, p. 128). It is even
of the Pārājikā in the Pātimokka, a monk or a nun forbidden to throw the remains of food on green
is expelled from the Saṃgha for committing grass or into water because the creatures living in
a murder, which is the severest punishment for both water and grass can be harmed ([14], Vol.
the members of the Saṃgha. Buddhism condemns xvii, p. 22). According to him “making onslaught
strongly the one “who should deliberately and on creatures, being cruel, bloody handed, intent
purposely (iticittamano cittasaṃkappo) in various on injury and killing, and without mercy on living
ways praise the beauty of death or should incite creatures. . . is conducive to shortness of life span”
(anyone) to death” ([4], Vol. iii, p. 73). The ([15], Vol. iii, p. 250) and saw it as repulsive
methods of causing death mentioned in the Vinaya (āmagaṅdha) ([14], Vol. x(2), p. 39). Not even
are many and varied, including the use of “for the sake of sustaining life would we inten-
weapons, devices ranging from pits and traps to tionally deprive any being of life,” ([7], Vol. iv,
more subtle psychological strategies like frighten- p. 129) said the Buddha. Monks are forbidden
ing someone to death by dressing up as a ghost, from digging soil ([4], Vol. iv, p. 33). Water
and, of course, death resulting from unsuccessful must be strained before drinking because it con-
medical treatments. In terms of intention, the tains living things ([11], Vol. I, p. 83; [16], Vol. iii,
examples show that guilt is firmly tied to state of p. 3), and only that fruit which “has not yet any
mind (mens rea) of the accused at the time the seed in it. . . (or). . . has no more seed in it” ([14],
offense was committed. Guilt or innocence Vol. xx, p. 75) should be eaten.
depends upon the outcome tallying with the inten-
tion with which one undertook the project in
question. The concept of agency is important Violent Occupations
where other parties are involved as intermediaries,
as when one monk instructs another to carry out All those following bloody and cruel occupations
a lethal plan. Generally speaking in the Vinaya, an (kurūrakammantā) such as a butcher, fowler,
action which requires intention for it to be an hunter, fisherman, bandit, executioner, and jailer
offense is no offense at all if there is no bad are seen by Buddhism with a distinct disfavor
intention. Moreover, as emphasized in the ([17], Vol. ii, p. 171; [18], Vol. iii, p. 383; [19],
Kurudhamma Jātaka ([11], Vol. iii, p. 56). Similarly, professions involving cutting,
pp. 366–381), at least in a lay context, unintended flogging, binding, highway robbery, and plunder-
harm to others should not be counted against one, ing are considered as violent and heinous ([7],
and it is not wise to agonize over such matters (see Vol. ii, p. 223). A cattle butcher suffers for
[12], pp. 191–203). Buddhism places abortion on “many hundred thousands of years in purgatory”
the same level as killing a human being. Suicide is ([17], Vol. ii, p. 170). “One neither sees or hears of
also forbidden in Buddhism ([4], Vol. iii, pp. 73, a butcher slaughtering and selling cattle rams,
82). pigs. . . or beasts of the forest and living in the
There is a ban on injuring plant life (Pācittiya abundance of great wealth” ([7], Vol. iii, p. 273).
nos. 10 and 11), and, thus, according to the Bud- Some of the kammic results, which a man brings
dha, “the perfect person abstains from injury both upon himself by committing injury to a life, are
to seed life and plant life” (bī jagāma bhūtagāma) “suffering in an unpleasant state for a long period,
([7], Vol. ii, p. 222). He called upon all “for having and rebirth in some lower form of being. If born
compassion on creatures” ([13], Vol. v, p. 241). again as man, he may be infirm, ugly, unpopular,
The Buddha felt that the humane sentiment of cowardly, divested of compassion, subject to dis-
mankind is not to be limited merely to themselves ease, dejected and mournful, separated from the
but to be extended to all sentient beings, who company of loved ones, and unable to attain to
24 Ahimsā (Buddhism)
˙

ripe age” (see [20], p. 89). In Buddhism, the the other fields of violence, Buddhism appears to
circumstances under which a being is killed as have met with very little success, as pointed out by
well as the physical and mental development of Horner ([21], p. 439), because the Buddha was not
the being decide the gravity of the moral guilt a temporal ruler, and hence, he had no actual
involved in killing. The kammic “result of killing power to impose a body of restrictive regulations
a man and killing a child vary in proportion to the and penalties on the laity as he had on his monas-
physical and mental development of the two” tic followers.
([20], p. 88). The Buddhist concept of ahiṃsā has two
facets. One is negative, which covers injury
inspired by compassion, self-restraint, and the
Warfare, Agriculture, and Meat Eating desire to alleviate pain. The second is positive,
which covers noninjury inspired by the same
It has been generally pointed out that the attitude motive and desire and intention. In other words,
of ancient Indian Buddhism toward “warfare, positive objective considerations justify injury as
agriculture and meat-eating was more mixed an expression of nonviolence. Thus, dual concept
than was its attitude to blood sacrifices. It made on nonviolence is realistic. The negative aspect is
no whole-hearted condemnation of these three based on the recognition of the fact that the uni-
practices although they all entail the taking of verse as such is suffused with death and destruc-
life” ([21], p. 443). Though soldiers were not tion. No one can survive and live in the world
admitted into monkhood ([14], Vol. xiii, pp. 196, without committing one or the other kind of vio-
230), and monks were told to stay away from lence. The positive aspect of nonviolence partakes
watching wars or walking with the armies ([4], of the nature of a moral ideal without which no
Vol. iv, pp. 104–108), and yet there are some social, human, or cosmic order can survive. Vio-
similes and examples given in the Vinaya and lence cannot be eschewed completely and is ines-
Sutta Piṭaka in which fighting men and martial capable in certain critical situations. In other
qualities are emulated. For instances, monks are words, in certain situations, application of nega-
often told to be steadfast as in battle and to wage tive aspect of nonviolence is unavoidable. One
spiritual battles like the armed ones (see, e.g., can see certain examples of the application of the
[18], Vol. ii, p. 116, Vol. iii, pp. 89, 100, 161; negative concept of nonviolence, namely, injury
[11], Vol. ii, p. 276). There are certain Jātaka with a view to alleviate pain or violent defense of
stories in which the Bodhisatta participates in the honor of women. Buddhism also makes
a battle “to win renown. . . raising his battle cry a distinction between man and animals plus
as he dashed into the fight” ([11], Vol. i, plants, seeds, etc. Though destruction of or injury
pp. 205–206). Despite the drum of non-killing to both involves sin, there is a difference of
being sounded through a town ([11], Vol. iii, degree. The sin accrued by killing a man is more
pp. 428, 434), its having been heard by the kings than the cutting of a plant. Further, sin accrued as
of yore ([11], Vol. iii, p. 428) and landlords laying a result of killing a person with a developed mind
interdiction upon the slaughter of animals ([11], is more than in the case of a man whose mind is
Vol. iv, p. 115), killing of animals continued on less developed.
a large scale at least till the days of Aśoka ([21], p.
348). Among the best known names of individ-
uals who practiced ahiṃsā virtues was king Animal Sacrifices and Agricultural
Aśoka who prohibited the sacrifice of animals as Revolution
offering was prohibited, restricted the eating of
meat, and, even in the palace, the killing of ani- The Buddhist opposition to animal sacrifices has
mals in the royal kitchen was reduced to been sometimes associated with the so-called
a minimum. Except perhaps bringing about agricultural revolution that is said to have taken
a decrease in the popularity of great sacrifices, in place on the eve of the origin of Buddhism (see,
Ahimsā (Buddhism) 25
˙

e.g., among others, R.S. Sharma, at [22], p. 96). contentions of the two branches of Buddhism on
The idea of economic utility of animals being meat eating. Along with this also arises the ques-
partly responsible for the unpopularity of sacri- tion as to whether the Buddha died of eating A
fices was originally propounded by Horner who a piece of pork, as claimed by some scholars, or
had proposed that “the growing realization that from a poisonous mushroom, as asserted by
large scale sacrifice was both spiritually and eco- others. If one were to go by the Pāli Tipiṭaka as
nomically unsound will have played a decisive it is, the Buddha did not put a ban on the eating of
part in stamping it out” ([21], p. 440). The reason flesh. A monk is allowed to accept “what has been
as to why the Buddha criticized animal sacrifices put in his alms bowl” ([14], Vol. iii, p. 155). In
was that they were cruel, illogical, and futile. Theravāda, in three cases, meat may not be eaten
Moreover, cow (especially a milch cow) which by a monk if he has (a) seen, (b) heard, or (c)
most importantly contributed toward agriculture suspected that the meat has been especially
had been protected much earlier. In the Sutta- acquired for him by killing an animal. In other
Nipāta, “brāhmaṇas of yore” are told as having words, at the time of accepting cooked meat, if
regarded cows as their parents, brothers, and kin, a monk has no reason to think that the animal
as their best friends, and as the source of all whose flesh he is accepting was not killed on
healthful things, and hence, in gratitude, they purpose for him, then the monk can accept it
never killed cows ([2], p. 52). Also the evidence ([15], Vol. ii, p. 33; [16], Vol. i, p. 298). This
provided by early Indian Buddhist literature for rule is called the Rule of Tikoṭiparisuddha (Pure
the suppression of great animal sacrifices suggests in Three Ways). Pāli Buddhism did not see any sin
that outside the brāhmaṇical circles, this practice being committed by meat-eating monks as long as
was not particularly cherished by the ordinary they followed the Rule of Tikoṭiparisuddha, even
people ([21], p. 442). if the meat that they happened to eat had been
acquired by somebody by deliberately killing an
animal to feed them ([11], Vol. ii, p. 182). The
Meat Eating and Tikotiparisuddha Rule of Tikoṭiparisuddha, though restrained the
˙ monks from being directly instrumental in killing
If the statements of the Pāli texts, which presume animals for meat, the Theravādin attitude toward
to be a record of the Buddhavacana, are accepted meat eating appears to be somewhat contradic-
at face value, it can be argued that the Buddha tory. The Mahāyāna Sūtras deeply deplore any
allowed the eating of animal flesh. But are these kind of allowance made for the eating of meat.
portions a later interpolation in the Pāli literature?
The view of flesh eating is sharply criticized and
contradicted by the Mahāyāna Sūtras, also Did the Buddha Die of Pork Eating?
purporting to be the spoken words of the Buddha,
which categorically assert that flesh eating is con- Meat eating in Buddhism is also sometimes justi-
trary to the spirit and intent of the first precept fied on the ground that the Buddha himself had
since it makes one an accessory to the slaying of died of pork eating (which was putrid and, thus,
animals and therefore contravenes the compas- poisoned the Buddha) at the home of one of his
sionate concern for all life that lies at the core of followers called Cunda. They further point out
Buddhism. For instance, in the Laṅkāvatāra that they gratefully accept whatever is put before
Sūtra, it has been pointed out that “The bodhi- them, without preference or aversion. Various
sattvas who seek the enlightenment of the Bud- statements and actions of the Buddha are used to
dha, how can they eat the flesh of various living justify the eating of meat, implying that if the
beings?” (425). Is there reliable evidence that the Buddha himself ate flesh food when it was offered
Buddha sanctioned flesh eating? Unfortunately, to him, surely, they have permission to do like-
no serious attempt has been made by scholars to wise. The last meal that the Buddha ate consisted
resolve the glaring discrepancy between the of sweet rice and cakes, and sūkara-maddava”
26 Ahimsā (Jainism)
˙

([3], Vol. ii, pp. 126–27). Sūkara-maddava, 10. Norman KR (trans) (1966) The Therīgāthā, Pali Text
though has been translated as “pork” by some Society, London
11. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
scholars (see [23]: s.v. sūkara.), it is now gener- Luzaco, London
ally agreed that this word does not mean “pork,” 12. Huxley A (1995) The Kurudhamma: from ethics to
but in all probability, Davids translated it as statecraft. J Buddh Ethics 2:191–203
“quantity of truffles” (see T.W. Rhys Davids at 13. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
[8], Vol. ii, p. 137 and [24], p. 149). The word in 14. Muller MF (1982) The sacred books of the East,
Pāli used for pork is sūkaramaṃsa ([18], Vol. iii, 50 vols, reprint. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
p. 49). There is another reason as to why sūkara- 15. Horner IB (trans) (1954–1959) The book of middle
maddava cannot mean (pork). Cunda could not length sayings, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
16. Horner IB (trans) (1938–1966) The book of the disci-
have offered pork to the Buddha as it would have pline, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London
meant violation of the Tikoṭiparisuddha (consid- 17. Rhys Davids CAF, Thera SS, Woodward FL (trans)
ering that the Buddha had actually made this rule) (1950–1956) The Book of Kindred Saying, reprints.
as the meal was particularly prepared for the Bud- Pali Text Society, London
18. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
dha, the latter having been invited by the former Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
a day earlier (see [14], Vol. cvii, p. 88). 19. Maurice R (1983) The Puggalapaññatti. Pali Text
Society, London
20. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics: essence of
Buddhism. G. Braziller, New York
Cross-References 21. Horner IB (1945) Early Buddhism and taking of life.
In: Bhandarkar DR, Nilakanta Sastri KA et al (eds) B.
▶ Aśoka C. Law, vol I. Chukervertty & Sons, Calcutta,
▶ Buddha (Concept) pp 441–463
22. Sharma RS (1983) Material culture and social forma-
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra tion in ancient India. Munshiram Manoharlal, New
▶ Mahāyāna Delhi
▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra 23. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (1921–1925) Pāli-English
▶ Paññā dictionary. Pali Text Society, London
24. Thomas E (1949) The life of the Buddha. Routledge,
▶ Sutta Piṭaka London
▶ Vegetarianism (Buddhism) 25. Norman KR (trans) (1966) The Theragāthā. Pali Text
Society, London
26. Queen CS (1998) The peace wheel: nonviolent activ-
ism in the Buddhist tradition. In: Smith-Christopher
References DL (ed) Subverting hatred: the challenge of nonvio-
lence in religious traditions. Boston Research Center
1. Jha G (trans) (1942) Chāndogyopanishad. Oriental for the 21st Century, Boston, pp 25–28
Book Agency, Poona 27. Rhys Davids CAF (1932) A Manual of Buddhism.
2. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta. Sheldon, London
Pali Text Society, London
3. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London Ahimsā (Jainism)
5. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
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Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Matthew Zaro Fisher
6. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961) Encyclopaedia of Bud- Claremont Graduate University and the Center
dhism, vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo
7. Woodward FL, Hare EM (trans) (1955–1970) The for Jain Studies at Claremont Lincoln University,
book of gradual saying, reprints, 5 vols. Pali Text Claremont, CA, USA
Society, London
8. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (trans) (1899,
1910, 1957) Dialogues of the Buddha, reprints, 3 vols.
Sacred Books of the Buddhists, London
Synonyms
9. Sarao KTS (trans) (2009) The Dhammapada: a trans-
lator’s guide. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi Guṇasthānas; Hiṃsā; Karma; Mokṣa; Yoga
Ahimsā (Jainism) 27
˙

Definition degrees of violence or injury depending on its

directed goal (e.g., for food, in battle, worship,
Ahiṃsā, commonly translated into English as etc.), the Jain tradition makes no theoretical A
“nonviolence,” is a metaphysical principle and exceptions to its ethics of nonviolence. Although
an ethical orientation for spiritual development there is a pragmatic distinction in Jain philosophy
that avoids all forms of violence and encourages between householders and ascetics regarding the
compassion in one’s thought, word, and deed. The degree to which one adopts austerities to mitigate
principle of ahimsa is understood in Jainism to be against committing unintentional violence, both
of fundamental and necessary importance for ascetics and householders are related by
stopping negative karmic influx in order for the a common understanding that all violence, inten-
soul to achieve liberation (moksha) from the cycle tional or not, incurs a specific karmic influx
of rebirth. The philosophy of ahimsa is succinctly depending on the type of violence regardless of
summarized in the Jain tradition by the phrase one’s station in life. The philosophy of ahiṃsā in
“live and let live.” Jainism, therefore, offers a refutation of the Vedic
accommodation to certain forms of violence.
According to the anti-Brahmanical sentiments
Introduction directed toward Manu and Jaimini contained in
the Yoga Śāstra of Hemicandra, “these dulls, hav-
One of the central features of any philosophy of ing given up the dharma based on restraint, moral-
religion is the way in which its theory and praxis ity and compassion meant for the welfare of the
address the problem of evil in human experience. universe have declared even hiṃsā as a duty”
It has been said that ahiṃsā is “the Jaina solution [25]. Hence, in contradistinction to the Vedic tra-
to the problem of evil” [23]. Jainism considers the dition, Jainism makes no exception to violence:
ethic of ahiṃsā to be an eternal truth, the disclo- whether householder or ascetic, justified or not,
sure of which has been handed down by the jina, violence is always a metaphysically negative prin-
those who have achieved sufficient spiritual ciple and adverse to effecting one’s spiritual puri-
development to understand this eternal teaching fication and liberation.
and so have discovered the path to liberation. Jainism looks to the story of its twenty-third
Generally translated as “nonviolence” or Tīrthaṅkara (see ▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism)),
“noninjury,” the entirety of the Jain philosophical Pārśvanātha (see ▶ Pārśvanātha (Jainism)), for
tradition can be said to center around putting this a paradigmatic example of ahiṃsā. The legend
metaphysical principle into ethical praxis [8, 11, of Pārśvanātha’s compassion for a pair of snakes
15, 30]. The etymological history of the term trapped in a burning log in a previous life led to his
extends back to both Vedic and śramaṇic (ascetic) enlightened ministry as a Tīrthaṅkara and subse-
origin with archeological evidence from the era of quent liberation in his final incarnation. But it is in
the pre-Aryan Indus Valley civilization the teaching of Mahāvīra, a senior contemporary
suggesting the ascetic understanding of ahiṃsā of the Buddha around 550 B.C., that Jainism
antedated its Vedic counterpart [25]. Whereas adopts the more complete and extreme form of
the Vedic conception of ahiṃsā is understood in ahiṃsā that has been in practice for over two-
terms of nonphysical injury, where killing may be thousand years. Moreover, Jains believe it was
permitted in specific instances especially by the the omniscient Mahavira who disclosed
Brahmanical classes, the Jain understanding of a relationship between the cycle of karmic bond-
ahiṃsā as nonphysical injury is extended in age and the individual’s responsibility to free
a technical and metaphysical sense where ahiṃsā one’s soul from the cycle of reincarnation by
is intrinsically related to the Jain understanding of applying the ethic of ahiṃsā according to one’s
the physics of karmic matter (see ▶ Karma entry) capacities in life as either a householder or an
[2, 6, 10, 12, 14, 18]. Moreover, whereas the ascetic. The words “live and let live” are seen
Vedic understanding of ahiṃsā accommodates and heard in Jain temples and writings in the
28 Ahimsā (Jainism)
˙

English-speaking world, and these words are said or nun inevitably commits some forms of vio-
to be indicative of a summation of Mahavira’s lence, and so this further stresses the importance
teaching regarding the fundamental importance of ahiṃsā in the mind and spirit in order to ensure
of ahiṃsā as presented in the Ācārāṅga Sūtra. one guards against not only intentional violence
but unintentionally forgetting about the microor-
ganisms and other beings that may be present in
The Nature of Himsā (Violence) one’s surroundings. There is a significant degree
˙ of difference in the amount of negative karmic
In order to understand the nature of ahiṃsā, one influx incurred between harming a one-sensed
must first correctly understand the nature of phys- and five-sensed being. Although it may be inevi-
ical injury and harm (hiṃsā) according to Jain table that hiṃsā is committed even in the
philosophy. Jainism emphasizes a strict dualism harvesting and eating of fruits and vegetables,
between matter/non-soul/nonself (ajī va) and soul/ the degree of Karmic influx is exponentially
self (jī va). There are five other categories that reduced in comparison to the consumption of an
explain the interaction between the jī va (soul) animal. Hence, there is a metaphysical foundation
and ajī va (non-soul): influx of karmic matter for the Jain vegetarian and non-root vegetable diet
into the soul (āśrava), the bondage of the soul to governed by ahiṃsā over and against the con-
karmic matter (bandha), stoppage of the influx of sumption of meat rooted in the theory of karma:
karmic matter to the soul (saṃvarā), removal of a lifetime of vegetarianism would not incur
bonded Karmic matter from the soul (nirjarā), and a fraction of the amount of karma one would
purification or liberation (mokṣa) (see ▶ Karma). receive from the consumption of even one animal
In terms of these five categories governing the during one’s life.
action of the soul with inanimate matter and Contrary to its Vedic interlocutors, Jain philos-
other embodied souls, ahimsa is the means by ophy makes no utilitarian accommodations
which one ensures the stoppage of karmic influx concerning the use of violence. Whether or not
to the soul, shortens the duration or removes the for noble purposes, violence must always bear
already bonded karmas, and ensures the purifica- negative karmic fruits. The Jain philosophical tra-
tion of the soul through the shedding of all bonded dition has identified around 432 types of hiṃsā
karmas, thus facilitating the soul’s liberation and that stem from the different combinations of fac-
subsequent freedom from rebirth as either tors that arise from the four main passions that
a human or animal or heavenly or hellish being. increase knowledge-obscuring karma that in turn
Given the nature of the natural world, it is no lead to violence [25]. According to the Tattvārtha
small wonder that Jains admit the impossibility of Sūtra, injury or violence is meant to be the hurting
living a life of complete nonviolence and Jains do or severing of the vitalities of life (prāṇa-
not deny the validity and reality of the physical vyaparopana) of oneself or another living being
universe. The world is not illusory, but it is also (jīva) due to passion-filled action (Tatt. 7.13).
not what is “fundamentally” real according to Jain Here the Jain scripture names four types of vio-
metaphysics. Instead, the ultimate concept or term lence: defensive violence (virodhi), violence
descriptive of reality within Jain theory is that of brought about by one’s profession (udhyogi), life-
the jī va or soul. The jīvas who live in this world style violence (ārambhi), and intentional violence
are one-sensed (such as a worm) to five-sensed (saṃkālpi). Defensive violence is rather straight-
beings (such as a human) with four vitalities: forwardly understood, as it is any violence done
(1) strength, (2) degree of senses, (3) life-force, for the defense of one’s life or the life of another.
and (4) respiration. Ahiṃsā is a proscription Lifestyle violence concerns things such as injury
against not only killing but also harming or to microorganisms in cooking and household
constraining any of the vitalities of a jī va. All upkeep. Hence, it is here in lifestyle violence
such action is considered hiṃsā. Even the monk where the divergent vows between householders
Ahimsā (Jainism) 29
˙

and ascetics emerge. Whereas ascetics must though incurring karma insofar as compassionate
abstain from absolutely all types of violence, it is action is indeed an action, nevertheless, the karma
socially acceptable within Jainism for house- incurred is considered auspicious and meritorious A
holders to engage in minimal forms of violence and thus shortens the duration of previously
that are necessary for their station in life and in bonded karmas that have attached to the soul.
order to support the ascetics who make up the Ahiṃsā as an ethic of compassion is thus intrinsi-
teachers and spiritual guides within the Jain reli- cally related to the Jain doctrine of the law of
gion. Likewise, violence in profession is violence karma: the type of karma bonded from compas-
committed in earning one’s living. Clearly sionate action is that of a karma-duration-reducing
a householder is incurring more karmic influx nature and so actually would shorten one’s previ-
due to violence inflicted through his or her busi- ous karmic influx from another negative, or
ness than would a nun who has shunned the world hiṃsic, action that caused injury to another.
and spends her days meditating. Finally, inten- Ahiṃsā as a way of life is thus a “carrot” to
tional violence: whereas the first three describe counter the “stick” of the law of karma that pre-
forms of unintentional violence and so can be vents one from spiritual development and even-
socially and philosophically accommodated tual liberation. Though Jain philosophy is
within Jain theory in terms of the distinction scrupulously strict in terms of its karmic account-
between householders and ascetics, intentional ing given the nontheistic nature of Jain metaphys-
violence is always to be avoided as it is the ics and eschatology, the tradition has factored in
worst and most karmic-inducing form of violence. a way for one’s “good works” toward other
But no matter what type of hiṃsā, all forms of ensouled beings to count toward one’s spiritual
hiṃsā are committed in either thought, word, or advancement in this life – compassionate action
deed by someone directly (e.g., murder), ordered incurs positive karmas that reduce the duration of
by someone to be done to another (e.g., conspir- negative karmas. Otherwise, if there were no
acy to commit murder), or condoned by one’s or means for shedding one’s karma through one’s
another’s unintentional action or inaction (e.g., effort, one could only accrue negative karmic
negligent homicide). To participate in any of influx, thus ensuring a perpetual rebirth with no
these three forms of hiṃsā is to incur negative chance at mokṣa and the almost assured neglect of
karmic influx. Ahiṃsā, therefore, is fundamen- the marginalized within the society.
tally understood in Jainism to be a way of life The important take-away is that ahiṃsā is the
and a method for individual self-betterment that ethical antidote to ensure that one’s action does
avoids all forms of violence and encourages com- not cause suffering. Moreover, there is an empha-
passion in one’s thought, word, and deed. sis on the internal purification of one’s soul
What is important to note is that ahiṃsā, the through a life lived by ahiṃsā. It is said in Jain
abstention from passion-filled action that causes teaching that attachment leads to passion-filled
another jī va harm, is not merely a negative pre- activity, which further reinforces ones attachment
scription, contrary to many criticisms raised to the things of the world. Along with nonviolent
against it [22, 28, 29]. Many throughout the Jain action while living in the world, there is also an
tradition as well as opponents of Jain philosophy emphasis on the nonviolence of thought with
have raised the challenge that because all action ahiṃsā as the main means of internal purification
incurs karmic influx, action is by its very nature leading toward aparigraha (non-possessiveness).
synonymous with hiṃsā. Thus, it is argued that to For Jains, therefore, purity of the mind is the
live a life of ahiṃsā is to live a life of detachment dominant characteristic of ahimsa, as all other
and uninvolvement, even in the life of those who action, whether violent or nonviolent extends
are suffering. But the Jain philosophical tradition from the degree of the soul’s karmic bondage
notes that compassionate action, action done in and passion-filled activity caused by attachment
consideration for the well-being of the jī va, to things of this world [25].
30 Ahimsā (Jainism)
˙

Ahimsa for Householders and Ascetics to sweep away any small insects before he sits
down to meditate. One interesting facet of Jain
But this raises the question of how one is to live in culture is that due to the increase of insect life in
the world if all living things have life vitalities and the evening hours, Jains usually refrain from eat-
pretty much any action within the world results in ing after sundown so as not to accidentally ingest
infringing upon the life vitalities of another jī va. or disturb the surfeit of insects present in the
As was alluded to before, Jain philosophy recog- evening air. Because Jain philosophy teaches
nizes this conundrum and makes a distinction that, in addition to one- through five-sensed
between householders and ascetics. That is, jī vas, air, fire, water, and earth have vital forces.
though the degree of karmic influx for a specific The ascetic is supposed to live a life that ensures
action is the same for the businessman or monk, that he or she does not interfere with any jī vas that
nevertheless Jainism recognizes the necessity of may reside in these areas. Due to this strict obser-
certain forms of violence in daily life and so has vation of ahimsa by ascetics, monks have tradi-
developed minor and major vows to be tionally not traveled far from the communities
followed by householder and ascetic alike. wherein they took their vows and do not travel at
Mahavira is credited by the Jain tradition with all during the monsoon rains. Contrary to mission-
not only emphasizing the importance of ahiṃsā in ary religions like Christianity, this has virtually
theory and praxis but also for creating the social ensured that Jainism has remained a minority reli-
division between ascetics who take the five major gion contained specifically to the Indian subcon-
vows (mahāvratas) and householders who take tinent for over two-thousand years up until the
the five minor vows. It is incumbent upon those twentieth-century Diaspora of lay Jains [13].
taking the major vows to observe ahiṃsā without Moreover, the adoption of this strict sense of
exception while the minor vows contain moderate ahiṃsā according to the major vows creates
and pragmatic concessions to hiṃsā so that one a reciprocal and symbiotic relationship between
can maintain one’s obligations to one’s family and ascetic and householder insofar as a monk or nun
the society at large. As such, not everyone is able cannot eat or drink anything without his or her
to take the major vows, and so given Jainism’s food coming from a householder who has not
lack of a central authority on interpretation, these prepared the food for the ascetic. That is, because
monks and nuns who take the major vows form both water and vegetable food contain life, a nun
the core of religious authority within the Jain can neither prepare food or water for herself nor
tradition. As the authoritative voice concerning can she accept food or water prepared specifically
the interpretation of Jaina scripture and tradition for her. In the former case, this would be inten-
ascetics preserve Jain teaching and religious phi- tional hiṃsā on the part of the nun, and the latter
losophy as it is handed down to subsequent example would be the condoning of hiṃsā by the
generations. nun on the part of the householder in order for the
Of the five major vows observed by monks and nun to nourish herself. In other words, the nun
nuns, the first and most important is the vow of would merely be “passing the buck of violence” to
absolute ahimsa in thought, word, and deed that the householder so the nun does not have to get
strictly prohibits not only intentional but her hands dirty by making the food herself.
unintentional harm to the vitalities of any living Instead, the ascetic is only allowed to accept
being. A monk must take special care so as to food offered by a householder that the house-
ensure that he does not unintentionally harm holder had already prepared for his or her own
even the smallest of one-sensed living beings. household. Only then can the ascetic be assured
Here one is reminded of the Śvetāmbara monk that she did not infringe on her vow of ahiṃsā.
clad in white with a cloth draped in front of his Where the householder vows to abstain from
mouth to ensure he does not accidentally inhale intentional violence to two-, three-, four-, and
any microorganisms in the air or the naked five-sensed beings, the demands of ordinary life
Digambara monk with a peacock-feather brush (and the social support for the life of the ascetics
Ahimsā (Jainism) 31
˙

within the community) preclude the householder wherein they believe they are contributing to less
from vowing to abstain from lifestyle, profes- violence and helping and facilitating the well-
sional, and defensive violence toward one-sensed being of other people, creatures, and the environ- A
beings (vegetables, air, and water-bodied jī vas). ment [13]. Moreover, even within their occupa-
Thus, the ethics of the householder (śrāvakācāra) tion, the lay Jain person is precluded from
center around the minor vows or Ahiṃsā “overburdening” living beings in the course of
Anuvrata. Additionally, an understanding of this his or her duties as a householder. That is, one
distinction between the two vows will show may have a domesticated animal on his or her land
how Jain nonviolence is very different from mod- for assisting in household tasks or even for pro-
ern Western notions of nonviolent passive resis- viding milk (the question of whether or not
tance where civil disobedience adopts a quasi- a vegan diet is necessitated by Jainism is
ascetic understanding of nonviolence in the face a matter of current debate within Jainism, but
of violent oppression for the sake of positive traditionally Jains have consumed milk), but it is
social change. After all, the Jain community incumbent upon the householder to ensure the
would wholly support the use of violence by happy life of the animal by not overburdening,
householders for the purpose of self-defense and overworking, or neglecting it. So by taking the
the defense of members in the community. So the minor vows, the householder is concerned with
reader should be aware that such a strict ideolog- affecting as few jī vas as possible while executing
ical adherence to the absolute abstention of vio- the normal demands of life as a member of
lence within the Jain community is found only a human community. It should be noted that the
within the ascetics. What this implies for the householder is expected to avoid gambling, alco-
householder, however, is that though one may hol, drug use, fornication, and other “vices” since
indeed engage in unintentional hiṃsā in lifestyle, these are considered a form of intentional hiṃsā to
profession, and defense, this therefore precludes oneself and often include or encourage others to
the householder from certain activities and occu- commit similar violence to themselves or others.
pations and thus restricts the householder In the end, although Jainism makes a pragmatic
beyond a certain degree of spiritual development exception regarding certain types of violence in
along the 14 stages of spiritual purification (see the lives of householders, the Jain metaphysical
▶ guṇasthānas). system dictates that the “karmic tax” must always
Although the householder is allowed to com- be paid. There is no utilitarian understanding of
mit violence by harvesting and preparing vegeta- hiṃsā: violence is always violence, and so hiṃsā
bles for food or by using nonlethal violence in his committed through the observance of Ahiṃsā
or her job by serving in the police force, for Anuvrata (minor vows) remains karmically
example, the householder nevertheless may not unjustifiable. There is always an influx of karma
take certain occupations or engage in certain as an effect of any action, regardless of the prag-
behavior. For example, a Jain could not take matic necessity of the committed hiṃsā for the
a job as a butcher, even if he or she never intends sake of the person or even the survival of the Jain
on eating meat. Whereas the hiṃsā produced in community. Jainism recognizes that while all peo-
the first two examples can be explained by ple should strive to bring the principle of ahiṃsā
unintentional violence caused by lifestyle and fully into practice for all people and the world, the
occupation as spoken above, the third example very nature of the world ensures that even
would be an intentional contribution toward the unintentional violence is unavoidable without
condoning of killing an animal by another (who- the strict observance of severe austerities. The
ever killed the animal and whoever will eat it) principle of ahiṃsā according to Jain philosophy,
which would violate the minor vows. As such, therefore, is an ethical orientation metaphysically
especially since the twentieth century, Jains have rooted in a reciprocal relationship with the Jain
traditionally taken occupations in trade or profes- understanding of karma that seeks to minimize
sional practices such as medicine and engineering one’s contribution to the violence that already
32 Ahimsā (Jainism)
˙

permeates the reality in which all living beings anekāntavāda, the Jain philosophical tradition
struggle for life and happiness. holds that to assert that only the point of view
that one holds is true absolutely is to commit the
error of intellectual or philosophical violence.
Intellectual Ahimsā: Non-absolutism and Due to these fundamental factors at the foun-
the Question of ˙Religious Pluralism dation of the Jaina world view (ahiṃsā,
anekāntavāda, syādvāda), many have argued
Jainism’s emphasis on ahiṃsā in thought, word, that Jain philosophy contains within its frame-
and deed coupled with Jain philosophy’s empha- work the foundations to mitigate against the intel-
sis on the metaphysical doctrine of many-sided- lectual violence that many intentionally or
ness and multiple points of view (see unintentionally volley against another whether
▶ Syādvāda) have led many to assert an “intellec- doing business, holding a religious debate, or
tual ahiṃsā” present within what some scholars discussing taste in music – just to name a few
call Jainism’s “Ontology of Relativity” [20]. basic examples. Long understands “intellectual
Anekāntavāda is the metaphysical doctrine that ahimsa” to mean “a practice of nonviolence
holds that the world is characterized by many extended to the realm of philosophical discourse,
points of view since all points of view are singular a kind of charity toward other philosophical posi-
perspectives on a dynamic reality characterized by tions and their possible insights into the character
emergence, endurance, and perishing [20]. of reality” [20]. With this attitude in mind, many
Because everything has an infinity of attributes, argue that Jainism represents a religious philoso-
Jain epistemology has developed a sevenfold phy with an inherent, necessary, or “built-in” tol-
method of logical predication wherein erance of other religious and philosophical point
a statement can be considered correct “from of views. It is said that intellectual ahimsa allows
a certain point of view” (see ▶ Syādvāda). Jains to take a “middle path” in discourse so that,
Because reality is a synthesis of diverse occur- in classical religious debates, for example, “the
rences in experience, reality is in the end Buddhist and the Vedāntin are both right from
a perception of the very dynamism of emergence, their respective points of view and wrong only
endurance, and perishing that is descriptive of the inasmuch as they assert their positions absolutely,
“nature” of the thing in question. The nature or thus negating one another” [20]. Due to intellec-
reality of this life is by no means a permanent tual ahimsa understood in this way, many argue
substance – that status is reserved as descriptive that Jainism is a philosophical system that can
only for soul (See ▶ Jīva) according to Jainism’s serve as a vessel for facilitating religious plural-
strict adherence to ontological dualism. Instead, ism in the world.
Jainism emphasizes a becoming or perpetual But can the Jain understanding of ahiṃsā in the
dynamic that eschews static paradigms of being context of anekāntavāda and syādvāda be consid-
that finds a similar and parallel emphasis in the ered analogous to modern theories of tolerance
twentieth-century process philosophy of Alfred and religious pluralism? Some scholars, such as
North Whitehead and the postmodern philosoph- Bimal Krishna Matilal [21], conclude that the Jain
ical critique. What this implies is that one’s state- emphasis on anekāntavāda in thought implies an
ment or understanding about this reality can be inherent tolerance within Jain philosophy that
considered correct because one’s perspective is encourages harmony and support between diver-
merely one of an infinity of possible perspectives gent philosophical and religious points of view.
present in the world. Stated another way, someone But others such as Long are skeptical of this
cannot be necessarily wrong on his or her point of modern and secularized reading of the history of
view because there is no necessary position (out- Jain philosophy: “The point. . .is not that one can-
side the position of the omniscient jina) from not use the Jain philosophy of relativity in the
which one can judge a statement as absolutely service of inter-religious harmony, but that it is
true or false. Instead, due to the emphasis on not as clear that this is what the ancient Jain
Ahimsā (Jainism) 33
˙

thinkers who developed it had in mind” [20]. and the metaphysics of anekāntavāda. Hence,
Additionally, Cort [4] argues that it is “inaccurate” according to the Jain philosophical tradition, that
to conclude that anekāntavāda is a logical tool which is taught by the omniscients and holy ones A
developed as a direct result of the extension of is not considered up for interpretive debate. The
ahiṃsā to the domain of philosophical thought. internal schism within Jainism between the
Cort understands the inaccuracy of this position to Śvetāmbara and Digambara sects serves as
center around a narrow interpretation of historical a historical example of how Jain philosophy did
causality. Appealing to the work of Johnson [16], not exhibit intellectual ahimsa. In more recent
Cort concludes that “the Jains developed the doc- history, Cort cites a 1927 dispute in Rajasthan
trine of anekāntavāda as they sought to defend between Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras over the
their conjoined definitions of the soul, karmic worship of the image of Pārśvanātha that left
bondage, and the path to liberation from the crit- 5 dead and 150 injured [4]. In light of these
icisms of non-Jain logicians that the Jain position considerations, Cort concludes that to hold
was untenable. They did not develop the doctrine a modernist understanding of Jain anekāntavāda
as an extension of the ethical injunction of as necessitating “intellectual ahimsa” leaves the
ahiṃsā” [4]. In contradistinction to those who historical interaction between Jains and alterna-
argue that Jain philosophy is necessarily tolerant tive philosophical interlocutors unconsidered
or accommodating to divergent points of view, and marginalizes the metaphysical and soteriolog-
philosophical and historical evidence supports an ical system upon which the entirety of Jain
alternative reading. For example, the omniscient philosophy rests.
jina, or liberated one, is considered to know real- Although it may be the case that “intellectual
ity completely, and it is those followers of these ahiṃsā” in terms of modern conceptions of toler-
omniscients who consider themselves Jains. ance and pluralism is an inaccurate descriptor of
Moreover, the opening verse of the Tattvārtha Jain philosophy given the historical and philo-
Sūtra (1.1.) states: “Right faith, right knowledge sophical considerations discussed above, never-
and right conduct all together constitute the path theless the Jain philosophical tradition does not
to liberation.” But what exactly is the “right” preclude this interpretation of ahiṃsā as
position relative to the interpretation of faith, con- a possible way to apply its epistemological
duct, or knowledge? That is what the remainder of method. Given the lack of an official religious
the Tattvārtha Sūtra scripture intends to disclose, governing structure within the Jain tradition
and the scripture clearly points to the Jain under- (such as the Roman Catholic Magisterium), con-
standing handed down by the Tīrthaṅkaras to be temporary Jains may very well interpret
the “right” point of view. Moreover, the way Jain anekāntavāda to imply an “intellectual ahiṃsā”
philosophy discusses anekāntavāda involves in terms of tolerance of another’s religious point
a host of metaphysical presuppositions and cul- of view. For example, many Jains are proposing
tural norms considered normative within the Jain ahiṃsā as a way forward in living as a mutually
philosophical tradition that would be considered subsisting global community, wherein – because
distinctly different and often contradictory to the of the anekāntavāda nature of reality – one may
philosophy of other faith traditions. The sevenfold hold different beliefs and cultural points of view
predication of the nayas (see ▶ Syādvāda) may from another but nevertheless live together in
very well be the means by which assertions made harmony. Cort [4] cites evidence for this rereading
can be considered correct or incorrect relative to of the philosophy of anekāntavāda from within
one’s point of view, but the entirety of the Jain the contemporary Jain community, especially at
philosophical tradition rests on the assumption the biannual conference of JAINA, the Federation
that omniscients such as Mahavira have full, com- of Jains in North America (jaina.org). Although
plete, and absolute knowledge of all things that current scholarship sufficiently supports the posi-
extends beyond the limitations of predication tion that the traditional understanding of
contained within the logical doctrines of syādvāda anekāntavāda does not imply an essential
34 Ahimsā (Jainism)
˙

intellectual ahiṃsā present in its epistemological (householders and ascetics alike) to cultivate
method, nevertheless Jains and scholars of Jain- inclusivity and global harmony within
ism are today extending the interpretation of a multireligious context, specifically in the Dias-
anekāntavāda to include this understanding of pora locations of the United States, Canada, and
tolerance for the globalize world. Historical and the United Kingdom, it appears today that the
metaphysical reservations aside, given the lack of global Jain community desires to promote
a centralized authority within Jainism, the possi- a common ethical foundation for the human com-
bility of “intellectual ahiṃsā” represents munity [13].
a reconceptualization of traditional teaching by Perhaps the best-known application of ahiṃsā
the living Jain community that is gaining wider in contemporary studies is the nonviolent civil
acceptance today. disobedience of Mohandas Gandhi, which by
proxy can even be extended to Martin Luther
King, Jr., who studied Gandhi’s methods. Gujarat,
Ahimsā Today: Gandhian Nonviolent the region of Gandi’s birth, has one of the highest
˙
Resistance and the Ecological Movement concentrations of Jains in India, and those Jains
had a strong influence on the Hindu Vaiṣṇava
Although certain tenets of Jain philosophy, such community of which Gandhi was a member. Jain
as ahiṃsā itself, are nonnegotiable foundations monks often visited his household as a boy, and
for Jaina theory, the way ahiṃsā is employed in the Jain monk Becaraji Svami administered vows
practice has taken on a new life in the twentieth to Gandhi before his first Journey to London
and twenty-first centuries, both within and outside where he studied Law [20]. Gandhi – renaissance
the Jain philosophical context. Many Western man that he indeed was – applied the notions of
scholars of Indian religious practices are consid- syādvāda and anekāntavāda to the notion of reli-
ering the way ahiṃsā can be applied outside of its gious pluralism and cultivated an intellectual
specifically religious context [1, 4, 17, 22, 27]. For embrace of the many truths present throughout
example, some are applying the teachings of non- world’s religious and philosophical traditions.
violence contained within the doctrine of ahiṃsā Gandhi believed that all these positions could be
to the education of children in the United States to held in tandem without contradiction because he
teach nonviolent conflict resolution at an early found in all of them an expression of ahiṃsā.
age. With the rise of vegetarianism and veganism Thus, it was Gandhi the Hindu who employed
in Western diets, many non-Jains are turning to the the Jain understanding of ahiṃsā (among other
Indian concept of ahiṃsā as an ethical ground for ethical praxis from the world’s religious tradi-
this dietary practice while ignoring the metaphys- tions) on a national scale in the Indian indepen-
ical and teleological foundations of the principle. dence movement through his civil disobedience.
It is apparent that among the twentieth and In his essay, “Ahiṃsā or the Way of Non-vio-
twenty-first centuries “ahiṃsā movements,” lence” [9], Gandhi notes poignantly the Jain
there is a separation between the praxis of ahiṃsā insight that nonviolence must be cultivated in
as an ethical mode of nonviolence and its theoret- one’s life and that ahiṃsā is in fact a foreign
ical foundations as a metaphysical weapon for concept to the laws of nature. Gandhi observed
fighting the battle against karmic bondage. that by nature, man is violent and so does not need
Whether this reinterpretation is motivated by to be taught violence: violence will always be
a misunderstanding of Jain doctrine, or is merely employed to protect the external things of the
a new way the doctrine can be applied in the world. Ahiṃsā, on the other hand, protects the
human pan-cultural context, remains to be seen. Atma, the soul and inward nature of the human
But in the end, what counts as “Jain philosophy” spirit. Gandhi called nonviolence “soul-force”
will be fully determined by the Jain community’s and used it to describe the personal courage
interpretation of its philosophy and history. But needed to live ahiṃsā in the face of oppression
given the efforts by contemporary Jains in order to effect change in the world: “Passive
Ahimsā (Jainism) 35
˙

resistance is a method of securing rights by violence and the fifth infringing on the environ-
personal suffering; it is the reverse of resistance ment to the smallest degree.
by arms. When I refuse to do a thing that is Hence, many today are applying the Jain A
repugnant to my conscience, I use soul-force .... understanding of ahiṃsā to ecology by recogniz-
Ahiṃsā is soul-force and the soul is imperishable, ing that the world today is afflicted with violence
changeless, and eternal” [9]. One can see the Jain in human, animal, and ecological relations.
roots of ahiṃsā in Gandhi’s nonviolent passive Hence, some have argued for the possibility and
resistance as the very model and archetype for extension of ahiṃsā to ecological issues and so
civil disobedience movements in the twentieth argue for a Jain environmental ethic [3, 5, 7]. With
century. Jainism’s emphasis on the role of violence and
Ecological and environmental studies repre- nonviolence in the life of human, animal, and
sent the other arena where ahiṃsā is applied in environment alike, one can conclude that Jain-
contemporary scholarship [19, 24, 26]. Once ism’s ethic of ahiṃsā at a minimum forces human-
again, Cort recognizes that like “intellectual ity to recognize the issue of scarcity within the
ahimsa,” to assert that Jainism is essentially “a universe, and at a maximum, it provides
philosophy of ecology” is an anachronism since a paradigm of behavior that helps living beings
ecological ethics is itself a relatively modern phil- extend their lives as long as possible within an
osophical position [5]. Anachronistic disclaimers existence where only death is certain.
aside, however, like most ancient religious tradi-
tions that recognize humanity’s relation to and
dependence on the land, ahiṃsā can help facilitate
a particularly effective philosophy of ecology
Cross-References
insofar as its prohibitions against violence can be
▶ Anekāntavāda
extended to one’s actions within the environment.
▶ Guṇasthānas
An awareness of ahiṃsā for ecological action may
▶ Jīva
provide a means for people to better understand
▶ Karma
how they impact the world around them. For this
▶ Mokṣa
reason, the idea of a “carbon footprint” finds a
▶ Pārśvanātha (Jainism)
fitting parallel in relation to what one could call
▶ Śramaṇa
a “himsic footprint” in order to draw a stronger
▶ Syādvāda
relationship between the Jain theory of ahiṃsā
▶ Tattvārtha-Sūtra
and ecological preservation. One of the images
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism)
employed throughout the history of Jain culture
▶ Yoga
to demonstrate ahiṃsā centers around five per-
sons and a mango tree. Each of these persons is
engaged with some activity in the tree in order to
get the mango: the first is chopping the entire tree
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the fourth is picking the fruit off the tree from his path for enlightenment. Research Institute of Scientific
Secrets from Indian Oriental Scriptures, Ahmedabad
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stooping to pick up the fruit the tree has already new story: rediscovering and reclaiming a functional
dropped. The lesson contained in this image is that cosmology. In: Christopher KC (ed) Jainism and ecol-
while all are in the end reaching the goal of ogy: nonviolence in the web of life. University of
Hawaii Press, Honolulu
harvesting the mango fruit, each one is doing so 4. Cort JE (2000) ‘Intellectual Ahiṃsā’ revisited: Jain
according to differing degrees of hiṃsā – with the tolerance and intolerance of others. Philos East West
first exacting the most and cruelest form of 50(3):324–347
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5. Cort JE (2002) Green Jainism? Notes and queries 25. Tähiten U (1976) Ahimsa: non-violence in Indian
toward a possible Jain environmental ethic. In: Chris- tradition. Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad
topher KC (ed) Jainism and ecology: nonviolence in 26. Tatia N (2002) The Jain worldview and ecology. In:
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Jain philosophy. Bai Vijibai Jivanlal Panalal Charity violence. In: Houben J, van Kooij K (eds) Violence
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Ajantā 37
˙˙

Definition 15A mark indeed the nucleus out of which the site
expanded on either side in the second half of the
Buddhist excavated site located in Maharashtra. fifth century (Fig. 1). A
The site of Ajaṇṭā (long. 75
450 E., lat. 20
320 N.;
Maharashtra) is probably ([7], pp. 280–347, [8], The Early Period
pp. 32–106, [9], pp. 175–178) the most well-
known Indian Buddhist excavated site. It owes Two sanctuaries or caityagṛhas (“house of the
its fame not only to the large number of caves, caitya”) (monuments 9 and 10) were excavated
31, which were excavated in two periods, but also in the early period ([6], pp. 124–126, 157–158,
to the extreme richness of their carved and painted [10], pp. 98–105, [11], pp. 37–39) side by side,
ornamentation as well as to the beautiful scenery. a feature rarely observed elsewhere: in sites like
All caves are distributed practically at same level Bhājā or Bedsa, for instance, only one major
on a cliff on the left bank of the valley of the sanctuary was dug in the mountain. The oldest
Waghora which turns there to form a large “U”; one, monument 10, probably dating back to the
the site can be at best admired from the southern second century B.C., is also one of the largest one
plateau. All caves were numbered by James ever done, measuring 29  12.5 m. Its façade is
Fergusson in the first part of the nineteenth cen- fully open like at Bhājā, which was probably
tury in a continuous manner which does not nec- closed by a wooden screen; the caitya (from citā,
essarily reflect the chronology of the monuments a “funeral pile”; also named stūpa or a relic shrine
([1], p. 129, [7]). Thus, the caves excavated in the containing ashes of a holy person) sculpted in the
second and first centuries B.C. form a cluster prac- depth of the apsidal monument is broad and shows
tically in the middle of the site; caves 8–13 and a double medhi or plinth above which lies the

Ajantā, Fig. 1 Ajaṇṭā caves along the Waghora (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
˙˙
38 Ajantā
˙˙

main part of the stūpa, i.e., the aṇḍa (“egg,”

alluding to the hemispheric shape of the monu-
ment); the square harmikā or “pavilion” tops
the monument. A row of octagonal pillars runs
parallel to the walls and turns behind the caitya,
creating thus a separation between the central
nave and the two aisles; it marks also
a difference in the height of the monument since
the vault of the aisles is clearly lower than the
vault of the central nave. Wooden false beams,
now lost, were attached to the vault, as was also
the case in all sites of the region in the early period
(Bhājā, Bedsa, Kārlī, for example). Although
these beams did not have any function, their pres-
ence is important since it illustrates how exca-
vated architecture drew its inspiration from
contemporary wooden constructions.
The walls and pillars are plain but traces of the
oldest surviving murals have been found on the
walls, at times repainted at a later period, probably
the late fifth century.
The second sanctuary (monument 9) is smaller
(around 14  7 m), and being of a slightly later
period it also has a partly closed façade. As
a matter of fact, whereas the large horseshoe- Ajantā, Fig. 2 Façade of cave 9 (Photo # Joachim K.
˙˙
Bautze)
shaped arch is preserved, closed in its lower part
by a railing, it is supported by a wall where the
entrance and two side windows have been
hollowed out and are surmounted by a row of
five horseshoe-shaped niches adorned with the
depiction of a toraṇa (portico) inspired from
a wooden model. Two further unusual features
of this monument are the flat ceiling of the aisles
and its rectangular ground plan. The architects
indeed usually gave their preference to the apsidal
plan which reproduces in a much more harmoni-
ous manner the rounded line of the row of pillars,
this line being itself adapted to the circular shape
of the stūpa behind which it runs. The caitya is the
object of veneration and is an image of the Ajantā, Fig. 3 Interior of cave 9 (Photo # Joachim K.
˙˙
Bautze)
Dharma at the same time that it evokes the Bud-
dha; it has a very particular structure (see under
▶ Bhājā) showing here a very high plinth (medhi) well as some of his previous lives or jātakas ([12],
supporting the globular aṇḍa under the harmikā pp. 1–13, [13]). Further murals, depicting the Bud-
(Figs. 2 and 3). dha in an iconic setting, were added to the pillars, the
Damaged paintings probably of the first century walls, and the entablature in the late fifth century.
B.C. are preserved in caves 9 and 10; they are The attached dwelling place of the monks
narrative and illustrate the life of the Buddha as (monument 12) has a square excavated courtyard
Ajantā 39
˙˙

Ajantā,
Fig.˙4˙ Architectural
ornamentation in cave 12
(Photo # Joachim K. A
Bautze)

with cells hollowed on the rear and side walls. and two large caityagṛhas being excavated (mon-
Like in Bhājā and Bedsa, the ornamentation only uments 19 and 26). Whereas Spink writes that the
covers the upper part of the walls and shows an work started simultaneously at various caves,
architectural landscape with blind, horseshoe- Stern’s study of the pillars of these caves suggests
shaped windows resting on a vedikā and with the a work starting around the initial nucleus and
motif of the tiny stepped pyramids running under progressively expending on either side [15].
the ceiling (Fig. 4). The ground plan of sanctuaries 19 and 26 is in
the line of the monuments of earlier periods.
However, basic changes have been added:
The Later Period (Second Half of the whereas in cave 19 a small porch protects the
Fifth Century) entrance to the monument, a veranda, now
destroyed through the collapse of its ceiling,
The site dramatically expanded toward the end of used to stand all along the façade of cave 26;
the fifth century when nearly 20 monasteries and false wooden beams and rafters are no more intro-
two large sanctuaries were excavated ([11], pp. duced, but are carved out of the rock. The com-
39–50, [18]). According to Walter Spink, this position of the façade preserves, however, the
period was rather short and spread from around model introduced at a much earlier period: it has
460 to around 480 A.D ([5], p. 125). Whatever it two levels with the characteristic broad horse-
might be, this period marks the transition between shoe-shaped window through which the light
the “Gupta” and the “Calukya” periods in the enters and lights up the caitya in the upper part,
region and reflects profound transformation of and the lower closed level with only one entrance
the structure of the monuments, deep modifica- in cave 19, and three openings in cave 26 where
tions in iconography and probably one of the they correspond with the central nave and the two
highest achievements reached by Indian sculptors aisles. Both monuments open on a courtyard
and painters. where other shrines or cells were excavated on
The site spread then on either side of the initial both sides. The courtyard in front of cave 19 is
nucleus with numerous monastic dwelling places practically square and is closed by a screen only
40 Ajantā
˙˙

partly preserved today where a door keeper and

his attendant are still visible on one side of what
was the entrance to the courtyard. The courtyard
of cave 26 is rectangular and had small shrines on
either side which collapsed in the course of time
(Figs. 5 and 6).
A very large number of monastic dwellings
were excavated during this period. Their ground
plan is based on the monuments of the early phase
where the cells were excavated around a square
room, but also shows major modifications.
Whereas in this early period the ground plans of
these dwellings could show much variation within
a single site, a very specific ground plan has been
now conceived which is practically always
repeated. The caves are square and have a large
inner courtyard supported by a row of pillars; the
cells are excavated on the rear and both sidewalls.
Moreover, a shrine with an image of the Buddha
has been hollowed out in the rear wall (see “The
Image of the Buddha” below); further shrines can
possibly be distributed on either side, like in cave
2 (see “Images of Richness” below). The cave is
preceded by a veranda resting on pillars and hav-
Ajantā, Fig. 5 Façade of cave 19 (Photo # Joachim K. ing two cells at both extremities (Fig. 7).
˙˙
Bautze)

Ajantā, Fig. 6 Façade of cave 26 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

˙˙
Ajantā 41
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 7 Façade of cave 1 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

˙˙

Although a monastic architecture, these habi-

tations are characterized by an extremely rich
ornamentation which is particularly obvious in
the carving of the pillars inside and outside the
caves. The basis can be square, polygonal or cir-
cular, of various heights, or can be altogether
absent. Similarly, the circular shaft is variously
adorned: it can be polygonal or covered with
vertical or flutes which show great variations
from one cave to the other; further horizontal
bands of scrolls, pearls, beaded garlands, etc., or
large circular medallions can interrupt them. The
upper part of the pillars also illustrates the richness
Ajantā, Fig. 8 Painted pillar in cave 17 (Photo #
of creativity of the artists; the capitals can indeed ˙ ˙ K. Bautze)
Joachim
be shaped differently and also be adorned with
various types of motifs, such as fruits, monstrous
face, images of couples or the Buddha, etc., ([11], beings which are related to fertility, to the richness
pp. 51–67, [15]). bestowed by nature [20]. The pillars of the early
The walls of the monasteries and sanctuaries caves 9 and 10 were also then painted with images
received a rich painted ornamentation [16, 17, of the Buddha (Figs. 8 and 9).
19]. Whereas the walls are usually covered with
narrative paintings illustrating the previous and
last lives of Śākyamuni [12], the pillars or the The Image of the Buddha
ceilings receive a coffered ornamentation with
a wide number of motifs, for instance, flowers, Since the early period where no physical image of
plants, real or fantastic animals, supernatural the Buddha is to be seen, a radical transformation
42 Ajantā
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 10 Left wall in cave 7 showing the multipli-

˙ ˙ of images at Śrāvastī (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
cation

Ajantā, Fig. 9 Painted pillar in cave 10 (Photo #

˙ ˙ K. Bautze)
Joachim
of the monument. One moment of the Buddha’s
life, i.e., the Great Miracle at Śrāvastī, shows the
went through Buddhist art with the introduction of Buddha multiplying his images, and fits thus per-
the Buddha image. Even more radical are the fectly in this tendency (Fig. 10).
modifications noted in Ajaṇṭā, reflecting how Also inside the monuments, one notes how
architectural spaces and surfaces have been mod- images of the Buddha cover the entablatures and,
ified through the overwhelming presence of the but only in cave 26, the walls where large panels
Buddha image ([11], p. 69). Thus earlier ornamen- illustrate the Buddha teaching and seated in the so-
tal elements disappear, replaced by those images. called pralambapādāsana, a large depiction of the
The façades of caves 19 and 26 are completely parinirvāṇa or “Final Decease” and one of the
covered with images of the Buddha presenting enlightenment. In both caves also, the image of
different attitudes and showing various hand ges- the Buddha is inserted in a niche which protrudes
tures. Such images do not necessarily reflect spe- out of the caitya; more images of the Buddha and
cific moments of Śākyamuni’s life, but rather of Bodhisattvas are carved in two superimposed
show him as an “ideal” teacher or displaying his rows which run around the lower part of the caitya
endless generosity, and through their mere num- in cave 26 (Figs. 11–14).
ber illustrate his universal presence. Tiny images An important feature which appears in images
of monks or lay people who kneel and venerate on the façade of cave 19 or on the wall within cave
the Buddha are depicted at the feet of these 26 is the presence of a crown held by semi-divine
images, being most probably the images of the flying figures above the Buddha’s head. In cave
donators who gave money for this embellishment 26, the Buddha who receives this divine crown
Ajantā 43
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 11 Cave 26, final decease (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 12 Cave 26 – the enlightenment (Photo Ajantā, Fig. 13 Interior of cave 26 with view on the
˙˙
# Joachim K. Bautze) ˙ ˙ (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
caitya
44 Ajantā
˙˙

teaches and sits on a throne in the royal manner,

i.e., pralambapādāsana. This very particular
image will be worshipped all over the Buddhist
caves of Maharashtra in the sixth century, being
encountered, for instance, in Kārlī, Kuda,
Kanheri, or Nasik. It most probably shows that
the Buddha having gone to Mount Meru where he
had occupied Indra’s throne and taught the
Dharma to his mother and the gods, had taken
over the Indra’s function as king of the gods.
Hence, he sits on a throne, teaches, and is being
crowned by semi-divine beings ([4], pp. 25–39)
(Fig. 15).
The same tendency to cover walls with images
of the Buddha is also encountered in a number of
monastic dwellings with depictions of the Buddha
all put side by side and containing small depic-
tions of devotees at ground level (see upper cave
6, for instance). The Buddha was indeed also
strongly present in the places of habitation of the
monks since a major shift in the monastic archi-
tecture shows the inclusion of a cell reserved for
Ajantā, Fig. 14 Interior of cave 19 showing the caitya the image of the Buddha in the rear wall, enhanc-
with˙ ˙the image of the Buddha within a niche (Photo #
ing thus his living presence among the monks of
Joachim K. Bautze)
his community. This reminds of I-tsing’s words:

Ajantā, Fig. 15 Cave 26, right wall, three panels showing the coronation of the Buddha (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
˙˙
Ajantā 45
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 17 Image of the Buddha in the inner shrine

˙ ˙ 11 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
of cave

Ajantā, Fig. 16 Multiple images of the Buddha, upper Images of Richness

cave˙ ˙6 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
The large horseshoe-shaped window has been
preserved and is protected by tall images of the
padma-and śaṅkhanidhis or “treasures of the lotus
and of the conch.” Those of cave 19 in particular
“While the Buddha was living, His disciples lived are impressive because of their mere size, while
in the same room, and an image represents the real those of cave 26 sit and thus occupy less space in
person; we can live in the same rooms without any the overall composition. These portly images
harm. This traditional custom has long been prac- which are gorgeously adorned have been often
ticed in India.” ([4], p. 35) The overwhelming misunderstood as being images of bodhisattvas
presence of the Buddha is not limited to carved or yakṣas, semi-divine beings related to nature.
depictions showing him in a very iconic setting, However, even if their general outline drew its
i.e., seated or standing, facing the viewer, often inspiration from early yakṣas images, the very
flanked by attendants who can be Bodhisattvas. detailed carving of some specific jeweled orna-
Such images offer a rather abstract vision of ments allow recognizing them as the two treasures
the Buddha which will find its counterpoise in of the conch and the lotus respectively, at the
the painted depictions covering the walls of proper left and right sides of the large window:
monastic dwellings and illustrating the life of as a matter of fact, the figure at the right side (thus
the Buddha as well as his jātakas. Such large at the viewer’s left) wears a long flower garland,
painted surfaces have been preserved in caves 1, whereas his companion has a heavy garland made
2, 16, and 17 and in their verandas (Figs. 16 of pearls. Confirmation to this identification can
and 17). be found in earlier Buddhist sites of Andhra
46 Ajantā
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 19 Nāgarāja in the passage to cave 16

Ajantā, Fig. 18 “Treasure of the conch” or śaṅkhanidhi, ˙ ˙ # Joachim K. Bautze)
(Photo
˙ ˙ of cave 19 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
façade

“serpent-king” as inscriptions mention, hence the

Pradesh and Sri Lanka where the same pair is seen representations of such a nāgarāja in the court-
[3] (Fig. 18). yard of cave 19 or in a special shrine on the way to
There is no doubt that the function of the two cave 16. Nāgarājas are also regularly depicted
nidhis is also to protect the monument, more par- flanking the entrance to sanctuaries and dwelling
ticularly the large window of the first level, but places of the monks, or they are shown in lintels
they are also and first of all symbols of material surmounting niches where they are surrounded by
richness, a function which is theirs since the very their court (Fig. 19).
beginning of Indian art – it is sufficient to refer to Another major character related to richness and
the tall kalpavṛkṣa or “wishing tree” capital from fertility is Hārītī whose images are repeatedly
Besnagar now kept in the Indian Museum, Kol- seen in lintels. The goddess and her husband
kata, where both jewels are depicted in their “nat- Pāñcika were also carved in large dimensions in
ural” form of lotus and conch. Their presence here a shrine hollowed in the rear wall of cave 2,
shows how Buddhists were still, in the fifth cen- whereas a second shrine symmetric to it has
tury, taking into consideration elements drawn images of two portly yakṣas who are perhaps the
from the pan-Indian belief in spirits of the nature nidhis seen on the façades of caves 19 and 26. All
in order to integrate them within a more purely these characters, i.e., Hārītī and her numerous
Buddhist iconography. children, the two nidhis, and nāgarājas, accom-
Before Ajaṇṭā was inhabited by the Buddha, it panied by their court are carved in lintels above
had been the place of residence of a nāgarāja, the chapels that are often excavated at both sides
Ajantā 47
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 20 Hārītī and Pāñcika, cave 2 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

˙˙

of the verandas in front of the vihāras [3] painted or carved, this ornamental setting is the
(Fig. 20). place where artists could be highly imaginative,
Another part of the monument which includes not bound by rules dictated by official iconogra-
different motifs related to this iconography is its phy (Fig. 21).
entrance. Nāgarājas and eventually also two
women can stand at the bottom of the door-
jambs, whereas two further women can stand Bodhisattvas
under trees on either side of the door-lintel ([2],
[11], pp. 67–68). The door-jambs are further A major Bodhisattva to be depicted at Ajaṇṭā is
adorned with small depictions of couples and Avalokiteśvara: no less than ten panels show him
more decorative motifs such as garlands, pearls, protecting from dangers met with while travelling.
foliated scrolls, flowers, etc. Such a rich ornamen- The list of dangers usually amounts to eight, much
tation is highly symbolical and not merely more rarely to ten situations: this explains the
decorative: it marks the monument to which it depiction on either side of the central image of
belongs as a place of spiritual enrichment; it the Bodhisattva of small scenes where devotees
marks a rupture between the outer profane and are in danger and seek Avalokiteśvara’s help as
the inner sacred spaces. Like the painted ornamen- described in the ▶ Saddharmapuṇḍrī ka Sūtra
tation of the ceilings which includes similar (Chap. 24). They are for instance threatened by
motifs, it also refers to the world of nature an elephant, a lion, a snake, fire, a shipwreck, and
which constitutes the frame within which the bandits or by being taken into jail, or put to death.
Buddhist religious thought expands; it constitutes This iconography illustrates, as a matter of fact,
a gorgeous and lively background to the a major aspect of the Bodhisattva’s personality:
more iconographic ornamentation. Whether whoever venerates him, calls his name, will
48 Ajantā
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 21 Doorway to nave, cave 26 (Photo #

˙ ˙ K. Bautze)
Joachim Ajantā, Fig. 22 Avalokiteśvara, façade of cave 4 (Photo
˙˙
# Joachim K. Bautze)

receive his immense protection. This function

explains why, in particularly at Ajaṇṭā and character, perhaps already the Tārā, standing
Aurangabad, these images are carved or painted close to the Buddha in a panel carved on the rear
in the verandah of the monasteries or in wall of the cave (Fig. 22).
niches hollowed in the façade of the cliff; these Bodhisattvas attend also to the teaching Bud-
images basically meet the needs of monks when dha present in the shrines of the monasteries:
the latter travel, they are directed toward the Avalokiteśvara holding a padma and Vajrapāṇi
outer world and, by extension, toward mundane holding his vajra stand on both sides, forming
activities of the devotees, be they monks or thus a triad which can also be encountered in
laypeople. other panels carved in the verandas of the caves.
Ten such images were painted (caves 2, upper Similarly, spatial compositions distributed on dif-
6, 11, 17) or carved (caves 4, 10/11, 20, 26) at ferent walls could be created, for instance, in cave
Ajaṇṭā, before spreading to other sites of the 1 where four Bodhisattvas are painted, two
region, Aurangabad, Ellora, Kanheri, or even flanking the entrance to the antechamber and two
Badami. in the antechamber flanking the passage to the
Less known is the presence in cave 26 of two shrine. Without entering into a detailed discussion
characters who became major figures in a later of their identities, it is worth mentioning that the
period, i.e., Hayagrīva, a wrathful character who Bodhisattva usually identified with “Padmapāṇi”
attends to Avalokiteśvara and stands at his proper does not hold in fact a padma but an utpala,
left in a panel of the entablature, and a female making this identification untenable. Be that as it
Ajantā 49
˙˙

Ajantā, Fig. 24 Cave 19, ground plan (After Fergusson J,

˙ ˙ J (1880) The Cave Temples of India. W.H. Allen
Ajantā, Fig. 23 Fifth-century mural on a pillar of cave 10 Burgess
˙ ˙ # Joachim K. Bautze)
(Photo et al., London, pl. XXXVII)

may, models emerge in Ajaṇṭā which constitute

the basis for later development of Buddhist ico-
nography: the set of four Bodhisattvas announces
the later group of eight Bodhisattvas around the
Buddhas who are encountered in Ellora, for
instance.
Major financial contribution was involved in
the making of Ajaṇṭā in its second phase, coming
most probably from the court of the Vākāakas as
supposed by Walter Spink [14]. This might have
galvanized the Buddhist community in having
new topics, such as Avalokiteśvara protecting
from the dangers, sets of Bodhisattvas, or the
Buddha being crowned, being actually depicted.
On the other side, the iconography still preserves
motifs known from an earlier period, such as the
set of the Buddhas of the past combined to Ajantā, Fig. 25 Cave 2, ground plan (After Fergusson J,
Maitreya, a motif which is carved or painted in ˙ ˙ J (1880) The Cave Temples of India. W.H. Allen
Burgess
different caves either on the lintel or right under et al., London, pl. XLIV)
50 Ajātaśatru

the ceiling (caves 17, 20, 22, 26), thus always 2. Bautze-Picron C (2001) Yama et Yamunā, Le vieil
keeping a higher position which it had since the homme et la belle, Mort et renaissance aux portes des
monuments d’Ajanta. In: Chojnacki C (ed) Les ^ages
first century A.D. when it was carved at the de la vie dans le monde indien, Actes des journées
highest level of the porticoes of stūpa 1 at d’étude de Lyon (22–23 juin 2000), Diffusion De
Sanchi. The site was interrelated with monaster- Boccard, Paris, pp 283–323
ies of the Northwest, showing elements drawn 3. Bautze-Picron C (2002) Nidhis and other images
of richness and fertility in Ajaṇṭā. East West
from the Buddhist iconography in Gandhara, 52:225–284
such as the simultaneous representation of the 4. Bautze-Picron C (2010) The bejewelled Buddha from
Dī paṃkara-jātaka and of Śākyamuni meeting India to Burma, new considerations. Sanctum Books/
his son Rāhula, or the presence of some details Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training Eastern
India, New Delhi/Kolkata
in the depiction of the Hārītī story in cave 2. 5. Cohen RS (1997) Problems in the writing of Ajaṇṭā’s
Some other features related to the Northwest history, the epigraphic evidence. Indo-Iran
are of a more stylistic nature, such as the murals J 40:125–148
introduced on pillars in cave 10 and showing the 6. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples,
a chronological study. Thames and Hudson, London
heavily dressed Buddha. Ajaṇṭā is a major site of 7. Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The cave temples of
transition and of creation which deeply India. W.H. Allen, London
influenced the Buddhist artistic production of 8. Gupte RS, Mahajan BD (1962) Ajanta, Ellora and
the sixth century in the region and marks Aurangabad caves, Bombay
9. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya
a rupture with the early phase, establishing in Samsad, Calcutta
a definitive manner the iconography of the 10. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of Western
Māhāyāna (Figs. 23–25). India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala
Prakashan, Delhi
11. Plaeshke HI (1983) Indische Felsentempel und
Höhlenklöster, Ajaṇṭā und Elūrā. Böhlau, Wien/Köln/
Cross-References Graz
12. Schlingloff D (1988) Studies in the Ajanta paintings,
identifications and interpretations. Ajanta, Delhi
▶ Aurangabad 13. Schlingloff D (1999) Guide to the Ajanta paintings,
▶ Avalokiteśvara vol 1, Narrative wall paintings. Munshiram
▶ Bedsa Manoharlal, New Delhi
▶ Bhājā 14. Spink WM (2005) Ajanta: history and development.
Brill, Leiden/Boston
▶ Bodhisattva 15. Stern P (1972) Colonnes indiennes d’Ajant^a et
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni d’Ellora. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris
▶ Caitya 16. Takata O, Taeda M (1971) Ajanta. Heibonsha, Tokyo
▶ Ellora 17. Takata O, Ohmura T (2000) Ajanta paintings. NHK,
Tokyo
▶ Gandhara 18. Weiner SL (1977) Ajant^a, its place in Buddhist art.
▶ Jātaka University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/
▶ Kanheri London
▶ Kārlī 19. Yazdani G, Binyon L et al (1930–1955) Ajanta, the
colour and monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta
▶ Mahāyāna Frescoes based on photography. Oxford University
▶ Parinirvāṇa Press, London
▶ Stūpa 20. Zin M (2003) Guide to the Ajanta paintings, vol 2,
▶ Vajrapani Devotional and ornamental paintings. Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi

References

1. Bautze JK (2009) Samuel Bourne and die ihm

Ajātaśatru
zugeschriebenen Fotografien zweier Heiligtümer in
Ellora und Ajanta. Tribus 58:125–135 ▶ Ajātasattu
Ajātasattu 51

Bimbisāra had married a sister of Pasenadi, and

Ajātasattu when he was killed, she died of grief. The revenue
of a Kāsī village had been given to her by her A
K. T. S. Sarao father, Mahākosala, as part of her dowry, but after
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Bimbisāra’s murder, Pasenadi refused to continue
Delhi, Delhi, India it. Thereupon Ajātasattu declared war on him. He
was defeated and captured by Pasenadi. However,
on promising not to wage war again, he was
Synonyms released. To seal the friendship, Pasenadi gave
him his daughter Vajirā as wife, by whom he had
Ajātaśatru a son Udāyibhadda, and the revenue of the dis-
puted village was gifted to her as bath money ([5],
Vol. i, p. 68, 82–85; [4], Vol. ii, p. 403–404, Vol.
Definition iv, p. 343f). Ajātasattu evidently took his reverses
very unsportingly ([4], Vol. ii, p. 237f).
King of Magadha and a contemporary of the Shortly before the Buddha’s death, Ajātasattu
Buddha. sent his chief minister Vassakāra to the Buddha to
know of his prediction about his wish to conquer
Ajātasattu was the king of Magadha and the Vajjians. The Buddha told Vassakāra that as
a contemporary of the Buddha. He was the son long as the Vajjians practiced the seven conditions
of King Bimbisāra, and his mother was a daughter of welfare taught by him, they were
of Mahākosala ([4], Vol. iii, p. 121). He received unvanquishable ([12], Vol. ii, p. 72f). However,
his name from the fact that he became his father’s the Buddha made a forecast that someday the
“enemy even before being born” (Pāli: ajātasattu. Vajjians would relinquish their strenuous lifestyle,
Sk: ajātaśatru) ([4], Vol. iii, p. 121). Ajātasattu and that would give Ajātasattu his opportunity.
ruled for 32 years out of which 8 years were This happened 3 years later when through treach-
during the life time of the Buddha ([7], Vol. iii, ery, Vassakāra sowed seeds of dissension among
p. 60; [6], Vol. ii, p. 32). He is credited with Vajjians and Ajātasattu completely destroyed
building the fortress of Pāṭaliputta, which later them ([5], Vol. ii, pp. 267–268).
became the capital of Magadha ([12], Vol. ii, As the years went by, Ajātasattu developed
p. 86ff; [14], pp. 87–90). remorse for having killed his father and went to see
As a young man, Ajātasattu was greatly the Buddha. The Buddha accepted his confession
impressed by Devadatta’s psychic powers (Pāli: and let him off almost too lightly (see [1]). But
iddhi. Sk: ṛddhi) and became his dedicated disciple when he had left, the Buddha remarked that but
([11], Vol. ii, p. 185; [4]. Vol. i, p. 185–186; [10], for his father’s murder, the eye for the truth
Vol. i, p. 139). He built for him a monastery at (sotāpattimagga) would have opened for him after
Gayāsīsa and provided all the provisions ([5], Vol. hearing the Sāmaññaphala Sutta that the Buddha
ii, p. 242). He is also said to have helped Devadatta had recited on this occasion ([12], Vol. i, pp. 85–86).
in many of his attempts to kill the Buddha. This visit of Ajātasattu has been preserved in stone
Devadatta incited him to seize the throne by killing sculpture on one of the monolithic gateway pillars of
his father, but when Bimbisāra learnt of this, he the Bhārhut stūpa ([3]: Plate XVI). Strangely,
abdicated in his favor. But Ajātasattu rewarded Ajātasattu never met the Buddha after this single
Bimbisāra by imprisoning him and then causing confessional meeting. However, from now on, he
his death ([11], Vol. ii, p. 189). Ajātasattu’s crime became an ally of Buddhism. Thus, when he heard
of parricide is sometimes mentioned as the worst of Upaka having spoken rudely to the Buddha, he at
kind of parricide which incurs an upacchedaka- once flew into a rage ([9], Vol. ii, p. 182). Further, he
kamma, i.e., the destruction of the effect of merito- murdered 500 Nigaṇṭhas when learnt that they had
rious deeds ([15], Vol. i, pp. 335, 369). conspired to kill Moggallāna ([10], Vol. iii, p. 66f).
52 Ajinthā Lena
˙˙ ˙

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first fruit of emancipation (sotāpanna) [2]. How- 14. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udāna. Pali Text Society,
London
ever, according to Theravāda tradition, after
15. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
spending 60,000 years in Lohakumbhiya hell, Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
he would attain nibbāna as a Paccekabuddha Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
called Viditavisesa or Vijitāvī ([12], Vol. i,
pp. 237–238).
Ajinthā Lena
˙˙ ˙
Cross-References
▶ Ajaṇṭā
▶ Bimbisāra
▶ Buddhist Councils
▶ Devadatta Ajita Keśakambali
▶ Iddhi
▶ Kāśī Shanker Thapa
▶ Magadha Faculty of Buddhist Studies, Lumbini Buddhist
▶ Mañjuśrī University, Lumbini Rupandehi, Nepal
▶ Pacceka-Buddha
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
▶ Sagga Synonyms
▶ Sotāpanna
▶ Theravāda Skepticism
Ajita Keśakambali 53

Definition Ajita Keśakambali is described as a heretical

teacher in the Suttapitaka, the discourses of the
Ajita Keśakambali was an ancient materialist who Buddha in Pāli. He was a teacher of large follow- A
belonged to the atheistic and materialistic school ing. He was virtuous and held in high regard by
of Indian philosophy. He believed in a form of people. His school of materialistic thought
philosophical skepticism and religious indiffer- referred that there is neither good nor evil action.
ence. He denied the existence of gods, spirits, Similarly, any kind of good or evil consequences
and nonmaterial realm, and believed that nothing of either action does not exist. In fact, for him,
remains after death. everything was nothing but the four
Ajita Keśakambali, known as “the un- elements – earth, water, fire, and air were only
conquered,” was an ancient Indian materialist in the reality. He denied rebirth altogether.
the sixth century B.C. He is considered the first Ajita Keśakambali along with other heretics is
known philosopher of Indian materialism. He was discussed in the “Sāmaññaphala Sutta” in Digha
contemporary of the Buddha and Mahāvīra. He Nikāya. The earliest reference of his schools is
was the main proponent of Cārvākas, a system of found in this Sutta. It discusses more on his denial
Indian philosophy that believes in the forms of of the efficacy of moral discourse than on his views
philosophical skepticism and religious apathy, of on materialism. King Ajātaśatru describes his visit
that time. The Cārvākas believed that perception to Ajita Keśakambali in this Sutta and also elabo-
is the only means of valid knowledge. Therefore, rates on what Ajita Keśakambali has explained
they rejected all other means of knowledge. The him about annihilation to death. As mentioned in
Brihaspati is considered as the earliest Indian the Sutta, responding to the query of King
materialist, who denied orthodox views of theol- Ajātaśatru, Ajita Keśakambali spoke on alms or
ogy, ethics, and dualism. But his time is unknown. sacrifice or offering. He insisted on the nonexis-
Earliest Indian materialism is also called tence of such things. As he believed, there was
“Brihaspatya” because of him. Later Indian mate- neither fruit nor result; or good or evil deeds. There
rialism is sometimes called Cārvāka after the pro- are no things such as this world or the next one.
posed author of the Brihaspatya Sūtras, which are Fools and wise alike were cut off, annihilated, and
now lost. Ajita Keśakambali belonged to the athe- after death nothing remains. As a materialist, he
istic and materialistic school of Indian philosophy believed neither in good nor evil. He always stood
known as Cārvāka. The views of Ajita on the other extreme of theism. He said that there
Keśakambali were very much influenced by the was nothing like good life. Pāli tradition says that
Cārvāka philosophy. It had greater influence in the the most important teacher of the materialists at the
Indian society during the time of Ajita time of the Buddha was Ajita Keśakambali. The
Keśakambali around the sixth century B.C. He Buddha has described this extreme view as
has been regarded as a nihilist. He is attributed “annihilationism.” Ajita Keśakambali very clearly
to have influence on the doctrine of the Lokāyata rejected the doctrine of self-being (Svabhāvavāda)
(materialist system of philosophy) School of and also the law of causality. The annihilist ideas
Indian philosophy. of Ajita Keśakambali were purely the materialistic
Ajita Keśakambali was the practitioner of aus- viewpoint. He was a greatest materialist of that
terities who never sought personal pleasure. He time. The annihilationism or non-eternalism
abstained from all kinds of pleasures. He denied believes that no action has its fruit. Therefore,
the existence of gods, spirits, and nonmaterial none of the actions such as generosity, ritual of
realm. However, further details on his life sacrifice, etc., have result. There is neither this
and philosophical attributes are lacking. While turn- world, nor hereafter. There is no rebirth. There
ing to the main thesis, he believed that ideas like are no Sramaṇa-brāhmaṇas who can view this
generosity are conceptualization of a stupid person. world and the next world for emancipation. Every-
Those who favor and speak it, their words are thing ceases after death and nothing remains there-
empty, confused, and only a cry of desperation. after. He held the view that personality of man
54 Ajīva

ceases with the death of the body. Then, only the References
material forces could be counted as real. There was
no value in the so-called good life prescribed by 1. Chattopadhyaya D (1959) Lokāyata; a study in
ancient materialism. People’s Publishing House,
the religious teachers. None of his teachings sur-
Bombay
vive in written evidence. Only fragmentary 2. Daksinaranjan S (1957) A short history of Indian
descriptions are available which are made by his materialism. The Book Company, Calcutta
opponents to refute his materialistic ideas. 3. Dasgupta S (1955) A history of Indian philosophy,
vol V. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Since Ajita Keśakambali is a materialist, he
4. Digha Nikaya -2, Sāmaññaphala Sutta
believed that there is nothing like generosity, vir- 5. Harvey P (1990) An introduction to Buddhism: teach-
tue, and ritual sacrifice (homa), etc. There is no ings, history and practices. Cambridge University
fruit of actions. There is no father and mother nor Press, Cambridge
6. Jayatilleke KN (2009) The contemporary relevance of
the supreme gods. Theism is simply a false claim.
Buddhist philosophy. The Wheel Publication No. 258.
The notion of heaven and hell has no ground but is Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
completely baseless. 7. Kalupahana DJ (1995) Ethics in early Buddhism.
Ajita Keśakambali’s views – “There is nothing University of Hawaii, Honolulu
8. Mittal KK (1974) Materialism in Indian thought.
given, nothing offered, and nothing sacrificed. His
Munihiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
ideas confronted with those who believed in any- 9. Ronkin N (1905) Early Buddhist metaphysics: the
thing other than existing matter. For him, they making of a philosophical tradition. Routledge and
were existentialists. He denied all that in which Curzon, London
10. Silacara B (1917) The fruit of homelessness of life:
the existentialists believed. He further viewed that
Sāmaññaphala Sutta. The Buddhist Society of Great
human person consists of four elements. When he Britain and Ireland, London
dies, they return to earth, water, fire, and air while 11. Ven. Thich Chon-Thien (1995) The concept of person-
senses vanish to space. ality revealed through the Pancanikaya. Institute of
Buddhist Studies, Saigon
Ajita Keśakambali was a popular idealist of his
time. However, his materialism needed further tiff
to justify because his ideas were not the result of
the study of laws that govern the material world.
Rather, they were the outcome of his understand- Ajīva
ing of humans based on Brāhmanical thoughts.
The Buddha’s ideas were opposed to the mate- Ana Bajželj
rialistic ideas of Ajita Keśakambali along with the Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
ideas of other contemporary philosophers. There- University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
fore, the Buddha has criticized him which is men- Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
tioned in the Sāmaññaphala Sutta. For the Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
Buddha, Ajita Keśakambali’s views were false.

Cross-References Abbreviations

▶ Annihilationism Ns Niyamasāra
▶ Atheism (Buddhism) Paks Pañcāstikāyasāra
▶ Cārvāka Ps Pravacanasāra
▶ Eternal Rest Sas Sarvārthasiddhi
▶ God (Buddhism) Tas Tattvārthasūtra
▶ Lokāyata
▶ Materialism (Buddhism) Synonyms
▶ Rebirth
▶ Skepticism Nonliving substance; Non-sentient substance;
▶ Śramaṇa Non-soul
Ajīva 55

Definition Acosmic space is a vacuity (Skt. kha) since all the

other substances are located within cosmic space
Ajī va is an umbrella term for a group of eternal (Paks 3, see [4], p. 2). The limit of the latter, which A
nonliving substances, namely, matter, medium of is frequently illustrated as a standing human being
motion, medium of rest, space, and, as maintained with hands on the hips and elbows bowed out-
by some proponents of Jain thought, time. The ward, is delineated by the dimensions of the
fact that they do not possess the attribute of con- medium of motion and the medium of rest (Paks
sciousness distinguishes them from living sub- 87, see [4], p. 74; Ps II.44, see [3], p. 396; Tas
stances. Nonliving substances represent one of 5.13, see [8], p. 126). These two substances,
the basic principles of Jain thought. which are singular like space, are unique to the
Jain tradition and are said to occupy an innumer-
able (Skt. asaṃkhyeya) number of space-points
Jain Theory of Ajīva (Tas 5.7, see [8], p. 125). No movement is possi-
ble beyond them, and in accordance with this, no
According to the Jain doctrine, there is an infinite substance, not even the living, may move beyond
number of imperishable substances (Skt. dravya), the border of cosmic space (cf. [1], p. 95). Cosmic
which may be broadly classified into two main space is densely packed with innumerable mate-
categories, namely, living (Skt. jī va) and rial atoms (Ps II.76, see [3], p. 399) and, for
nonliving (Skt. ajī va) (Ps II.35, see [3], p. 395). Digambaras and some Śvetāmbaras, innumerable
Each one of the former possesses the attribute of and discreet atoms of time (Skt. kāla-aṇu).
consciousness, which all the latter lack (Ibid.). Broadly speaking, within cosmic space, one
The group of nonliving substances is further space-point correlates to one atom of matter and
subdivided into material nonliving substances one atom of time. Through different combinations
(Skt. rūpi-ajī va), or matter (Skt. pudgala), and of joining and disjoining, material atoms come to
nonmaterial nonliving substances (Skt. arūpi- form diverse aggregates (Skt. skandha) (Ns 20,
ajī va), which are medium of motion (Skt. see [5], p. 35; Tas 5.25, see [8], p. 133), the sizes
dharma), medium of rest (Skt. adharma), space of which vary from subtle (Skt. sūkṣma) to gross
(Skt. ākāśa) (Tas 5.1, see [8], p. 123), and, in (Skt. sthūla). These occupy more than one space-
accordance with some, time (Skt. kāla) (Sas point and may come to extend either over
5.39, see [7], p. 163–164). Whereas Digambaras a numerable or an innumerable number of them
accept time as a separate substance, Śvetāmbaras (Tas 5.10, see [8], p. 126). Whereas material
are divided regarding the inclusion of time in the atoms are eternal, their aggregates are imperma-
list of substances ([2], p. 100). nent. Contrary to the dynamics of material sub-
All substances, excluding time, are extensive stances, atoms of time do not combine into
substances (Skt. asti-kāya), meaning that they aggregates and always remain separate.
inhabit a multitude of space-points (Skt. pradeś Each one of the listed substances has the same
a) (Ns 34, see [5], p. 41; Ps II.43, see [3], p. 396). fundamental structure. As substances, they possess
The measure of a space-point is one indivisible general characteristics, i.e., attributes (Skt. guṇa),
material atom (Skt. parama-aṇu) (Ps II.45, see and specific characteristics, i.e., modes (Skt.
[3], p. 396; cf. [1], p. 94). Occupying an infinite paryāya) (Tas 5.37, see [8], p. 142). Attributes are
(Skt. ananta) number of space-points (Tas 5.9, see permanent and coexistent with substances them-
[8], p. 125), space is the only infinite substance, selves, whereas modes are continuously changing
and albeit singular, it is generally understood as (Cf. Ps II.4, see [3], 392). It follows that in accor-
being divided into two parts, that is, cosmic space dance with Jain thought, space, time, medium of
(Skt. loka-ākāśa) and acosmic space (Skt. aloka-ā motion, and medium of rest are not static sub-
kāśa) (Paks 3, see [4], p. 2). Padmanabh S. Jaini stances but persistent substances which incessantly
terms them “space having worlds” and undergo modifications. These modifications are,
“space without worlds,” respectively ([2], p. 98). however, said to be undefiled and innately
56 Ajīva

produced (Skt. svabhāva-paryāya) (Ns 33, see [5], modal modifications of matter, the modal modifi-
p. 41), meaning that they do not occur due to any cations of karmic matter then in turn instrumen-
external factor (Ns 28, see [5], p. 38–39). In the tally affect the modal manifestations of the
words of Padmanabh S. Jaini: “This sort of change attributes of living substances. This means that
is totally free of contact with, hence defilement by, as long as the attributes of living substances,
any other substance” ([2], p. 99). namely, consciousness (Skt. caitanya), bliss
Like nonmaterial nonliving substances, mate- (Skt. sukha), and energy (Skt. vī rya), are
rial substances are also dynamic in nature. They manifested in relation to certain material modifi-
possess four basic attributes of color (Skt. varṇa), cations, which function as the external factors of
taste (Skt. rasa), smell (Skt. gandha), and palpa- their arising, they are karmically affected and
bility (Skt. sparśa) (Tas 5.23, see [8], 132). As therefore imperfect and impure. Only when their
noted, these general characteristics constantly particular manifestations arise independently of
undergo modal modifications. For example, the any external material factors, are they considered
attribute of color may specifically manifest as dark to be perfect and pure. Since nondestructive kar-
green, light green, blue, etc. (cf. [2], p. 90). It is mic matter does not influence the functioning of the
due to the varying manifestations of the attribute attributes of living substances, these may be per-
of palpability, namely, the degrees of moisture fectly manifested, while the living being is still
(Skt. snigdhatva) and dryness (Skt. rūkṣatva), embodied. In order to attain liberation (Skt.
that material atoms come to unite and form aggre- mokṣa), not only does all the destructive karmic
gates (Tas 5.32, see [8], p. 140). These aggregates matter then need to be removed, but also all the
also produce a variety of modes, namely, sound nondestructive karmic matter must run its course.
(Skt. śabda), darkness (Skt. tamas), shadow This briefly described mechanism is the foundation
(Skt. chāyā), light (Skt. uddyota), heat (Skt. of the complex Jain karmic theory, in which karma
tapa), earth (Skt. bhū), water (Skt. jala), fire is considered to be material. Even though Jainism
(Skt. tejas), air (Skt. vāyu), etc. They are further shares the idea of the beginningless entrapment of
distinguished as those that may be karmically living beings in the cycle of rebirths (Skt. saṃsāra)
bound (Skt. yogya) and those that may not (Skt. with several other Indian traditions, its theory of
aprayogya) (Ps II.76, see [3], p. 399). karma as matter is unique ([6], p. 92).
Moreover, it is pointed out that material modal Because of the dynamic relationship between
modifications may be instrumentally affected by material and living substances, the formation of
modal modifications of living substances, which the physical dimension of living entities is con-
share the general substance-attribute-mode struc- sidered to be the function of material substances
ture with nonliving substances but possess differ- (Tas 5.19, see [8], p. 129). All the other nonliving
ent attributes (Ps II.77, see [3], p. 400). Through substances are similarly attributed their particular
this efficacy, certain aggregates of material atoms, functions. The specific function of the substance
which may be karmically bound, attain karmic of space is allowing the immersion (Skt. avagāha)
nature and are drawn to living substances (Ibid.). of all the other substances (Tas 5.18, see [8],
The nondestructive kinds of karmic matter (Skt. p. 129). This holds true for both cosmic and
aghātiyā-karma) form different material bodies of acosmic space. Even though the latter is empty,
living substances and determine their birth state, the two are, as pointed above, to be understood as
status, longevity, and the experience of pleasure continuous and one. The function of the medium
and pain ([1], p. 100; [2], pp. 124–127). The of motion is, as the English name implies, to
destructive kinds of karmic matter (Skt. ghātiyā- provide the means of motion (Skt. gati, gamana)
karma), however, affect the operation of their as water facilitates the movement of fish (Paks 85,
attributes ([1], pp. 99–100; [2], pp. 117–123). see [4], p. 73; Tas 5.17, see [8], 128). Likewise,
Just as the modal modifications of living sub- the medium of rest permits rest (Skt. sthiti) as the
stances are said to instrumentally influence the earth or shade of the tree enables moving entities
Ālaya-vijñāna 57

to pause and rest (Paks 86, see [4], p. 73–74). 6. Long JD (2009) Jainism. I. B. Tauris, London/New York
These two substances do not themselves undergo 7. Pūjyapāda (1960) Reality. English translation of Shri
Pujyapada’s Sarvarthasiddhi (trans: Jain SA). Vira
movement or rest but merely offer support (Skt. Sasana Sangha, Calcutta A
upagraha) for the other substances to do so 8. Umāsvāti (2011) Tattvārtha Sūtra. That which is (trans:
(Paks 84, see [4], p. 72–73; Paks 88, see [4], p. Tatia N). HarperCollins, San Francisco/London
75). Time as a substance is a necessary support for
continuity (Skt. vartanā), transformation (Skt.
pariṇāma), motion (Skt. kriyā), and the sequence
Akanittha
of before and after (Skt. paratva-aparatva) (Tas
5.22, see [8], p. 131–132). In performing these
▶ Heaven (Buddhism)
functions, the nonmaterial nonliving substances
are defined as instrumental causes (Skt. nimitta-
kāraṇa) of the specific effects they support ([2],
pp. 99, 117). It follows that all of the nonliving Akusala
substances provide the instrumental framework
within which living substances may either remain ▶ Evil (Buddhism)
in bondage or otherwise employ the knowledge of
its working to break out of it. Accordingly, Jain
authors listed nonliving substances as one of the
Ālaya
basic principles (Skt. tattva), describing the nature
of reality as well as the mechanism of the entrap-
▶ Ālaya-vijñāna
ment and liberation of living substances.

Cross-References

▶ Dharma (Jainism) Ālaya-vijñāna

▶ Dravya (Jainism)
▶ Jainism (Yakṣa) C. D. Sebastian
▶ Jīva (Jainism) Department of Humanities and Social Sciences,
▶ Karma (Jainism) Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai,
▶ Philosophy India
▶ Reality (Jainism)
▶ Sārnāth
▶ Time (Jainism) Synonyms

Ālaya; Basis consciousness; Sarvabījaka; Store-

References house consciousness; Substratum consciousness

1. Dundas P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, London/New York

2. Jaini PS (1998) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal Definition
Banarsidass, Delhi
3. Kundakunda (1984) Śrī Kundakundācārya’s
Pravacanasāra (Pavayaṇasāra). A pro-canonical text of The theory of Ālayavijnāna was elaborated by the
the Jainas (ed and trans: Upadhye AN). Parama-Śruta- Yogācāra school of Mahāyāna Buddhism in India.
Prabhāvaka Mandal, Shrimad Rajachandra Ashrama, Agas Ālayavijñāna (“storehouse consciousness”) is
4. Kundakunda (2001) Pañcāstikāya-sāra (ed and trans:
a receptacle where the various dispositions of the
Chakravarti A). Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
5. Kundakunda (2006) Niyamasāra (trans: Sain U). future determinations are stored. According to
Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi the Yogācāra, the “seeds” deposited here provide
58 Ālaya-vijñāna

the connection between the past, present, and is so distinctly (of the) Yogācāra” [4] tradition of
future of a subjective personality and its Asaṅga and Vasubandhu, which the later
experiences. Vijñānavādins like Dignāga (see ▶ Dignāga) and
Dharmakīrti (see ▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D.
600–660)) discarded [5]. The early development
Introduction of ālayavijñāna, in all probability, must have been
a gradual integration of saṁsāric facets of vijñāna
The word “ālaya” means “abode” or “house,” and found in the early sūtras of Buddhism which the
it implies, in the theory of ālayavijñāna, Ābhidharmika (see ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka,
a “source” in the sense of “location” (sthāna). ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)) philosophers
The term “vijñāna,” as it is in the entire Buddhist expanded. It is only in the light of the
corpus, means “consciousness.” (In Buddhism, Ābhidharmika background that one can under-
vijñāna (see ▶ Vijñāna) corresponds to the stand the development of the concept of
resulting activity when the mental and physical ālayavijñāna: questions about latent dispositions,
organs come into contact with external objects, the karmic residues and their potentiality, and the
and the input derived from such contact is associ- gradual progress to liberation. However, so far as
ated, recognized, and subsequently acted upon.) the Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda system is concerned
Thus, ālayavijñāna would mean “the storehouse (and it is in this system that the theory is fully
consciousness.” It is also translated as “base con- developed), Asaṅga is credited to have given
sciousness,” “basis consciousness,” “home con- a methodical presentation of this conception.
sciousness,” and “substratum consciousnesses” The beginning of ālayavijñāna theory, and the
[1]. In early Buddhism, a theory of six conscious- Yogācāra school itself as a whole, might be
nesses (of five sense organs and mind) was put connected with Yogācārabhūmiśāstra attributed
forward. The Yogācāra school of Buddhism (see to Asaṅga. Some scholars opine that, most prob-
▶ Yogācāra), especially in the works of Asaṅga ably, parts of the Yogācārabhūmiśāstra predate
and Vasubandhu, added two more to the list, the Saṁdhinirmocana Sūtra [6]. In the Saptadaś
namely, ālayavijñāna and manovijñāna (or abhūmika (the main section) of Yogācārabhūmiśā
kliṣṭamanas), extending the items in the list into stra, the term ālayavijñāna seems to have been
eight [2]. It is in ālayavijñāna that the fruits first used. Here ālayavijñāna is used as a kind of
of actions are stored, and then matured. basal consciousness or seed which endures suc-
Ālayavijñāna is the substratum of all latencies. It cessively in the sense faculties, from where the all
is called storehouse (ālaya) as it is the repository other cognitive activities emerge which is called
where the kārmic impressions (vāsanā), good, pravṛtti vijñāna.
bad, or indifferent, are contained. It is an inces- In the initial period of the development of the
santly present substratum that provides concept of ālayavijñāna, it was intimately associ-
a mechanism for the conservation and creation/ ated with bodily existence. This must be because
activation of the latencies which determine the there was an Ābhidharmika analysis that vijñāna
future experiences of a sentient being. Thus, this in sentient beings appropriating the body, where
is an ālaya (basis) and bī ja or bī jaka (seed) of all. the body is conceived as the carrier of the seeds.
It is in this repository the seeds of future determi- Here, ālayavijñāna is the receptacle of the seeds,
nations stay on; hence, it is called as “repository of and it is not yet a distinct vijñāna. The Saṁdhinir-
impressions” [3]. mocanasūtra appends drastically to
ālayavijñāna’s physiological dimensions, men-
tioned just now, the psychological character,
Origin and Development based on vāsanā (accumulated predispositions or
impressions of karma). Here ālayavijñāna
The origin or even the first occurrence of the term becomes the supporter or basis of the six cognitive
ālayavijñāna is unclear. “The term ālayavijñāna awareness (of the five senses and mind). In the
Ālaya-vijñāna 59

fifth chapter of the Saṁdhinirmocanasūtra, consciousness), mental consciousness

ālayavijñāna is described as the consciousness (manovijñāna), defiled or tainted consciousness
of all seeds (sarvabī jakam cittam). The text con- (kliṣṭamanas), and the storehouse consciousness A
nects ālayavijñāna with karmic and other affec- (ālayavijñāna) [1]. Ālayavijnāna is the eighth. In
tive impressions of the previous births referred to that sense, it gives an impression that it appears
as bī ja and vāsanā. Ālayavijñāna finds its support a totally distinct category. On the other hand,
in material sense faculties, and enforced by pre- Vasubandhu does not refer to ālayavijñāna as the
dispositions (bī ja and vāsanā), and it “grows, eighth consciousness. Sthiramati, a commentator
develops, and increases.” Thus, the dynamic of of Vasubandhu and some Chinese commentators
ālavijñāna is anchored on physiological and psy- constantly refer to it as the eighth consciousness
chological dispositions (saṁskāra) of the past [7]. Following the Lankāvatārasūtra and the Chi-
births. nese interpretation/s, some modern western
The entire Buddhist tradition is committed to scholars consider ālayavijñāna as the eighth con-
the theory of nonself (anattā, anātman, or sciousness. Ālayavijñāna is an uninterrupted
nairātmya) which rejects the permanent substance stream of consciousness which is not at all affected
(or enduring entity). The theory of nonself needed by egoistic emotions (as in manovijñāna which is
a coherent rationalization to explain the transmi- the kliṣṭamanas) and dogmatic grasping character-
gration of the subjective personality. It was istic (of pravṛittivijñāna), which are the next two
Asaṅga who logically proposed the conception modifications of the consciousness (vijñāna).
of ālayavijñāna, which explained the phenomenal
world and the cycle of birth and rebirth, by hold- Three Stages of Vijñānas
ing on to the anātman doctrine. Asaṅga According to the Yogācāra-Vinjñānavāda system,
expounded of the theory of ālayavijñāna by elab- the only existent is vijñāna (consciousness). If
orating on the fifth skandha, namely, vijñāna. there is only vijñāna that exists, then to account
According to Asaṅga, vijñāna has further layers: for empirical experience of plurality, different
citta, manas, and vijñāna (while these three kinds of vijñānas need to be accepted. The
are considered synonymous particularly by Yogācāra, thus, accepts three kinds of vijñānas,
Vasubandhu in his Trimśikā). In his though the evolutes of vijñāna are infinite [8].
Mahāyānasaṁgraha, Asaṅga presented the con- They are ālayavijñāna, manovijñāna, and
ception of ālayavijñāna, which was later system- pravṛttivijnāna, which are the three stages of the
atized by Vasubandhu, the greatest Yogācārin, in evolution of the vijñāna. Ālayavijñāna is the
his Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi (the Vimśatikā and storehouse consciousness, which is the first and
the Trimśikā). Later, Dharmapāla in his most fundamental. The second stage is
Vijñaptimātratāsiddhiśāstra gave further elucida- manovijñāna (also called as kliṣṭa manas or kliṣṭa
tion of ālayavijñāna. mano-vijñāna) which is a defiled consciousness.
Vasubandhu’s notion of ālavijñāna is different According to Vasubandhu’s Vijñaptimā-
from that found in the Lanāvatārasūtra. tratāsiddhi, it is kliṣta or defiled, because there is
The Lankāvatārasūtra assumes ālayavijñāna to a beginning of objectification of the conscious-
be the eighth consciousness. According to the ness here, and a false notion of an ego emerges.
Lankāvatārasūtra, the vijñāna (consciousness) The third stage of evolution is pravṛttivijñāna
has eightfold facets or eight types (aṣṭalakṣaṇa where there is a determination or awareness of
vijñāna): they are the five sensory consciousness the object (objective world or phenomena). This
(of the five senses: (1) cakṣurvijñāna – the eye is the consciousness which matters in empirical
consciousness, (2) śrotravijñāna – the ear con- discourse, and that which is empirically known.
sciousness, (3) ghrāṇavijñāna – the nose con- These three are not distinct and static kinds, but
sciousness, (4) jihvāvijñāna – the tongue different facets of the evolution of the same
consciousness, and (5) kāyavijñāna – the body vijñāna. Vijñāna diversifies, and these three are
consciousness or sparśavijñāna – the touch different stages of that diversification. The
60 Ālaya-vijñāna

differentiation is only just that of the degree of primary task seems to be the ego function) and
self-determination. the six empirical consciousness made up the
Ālayavijñāna is the first stage in the evolution eightfold consciousness of the Yogācāra [9].
of the vijñāna. The second is mano-vijñāna which
is also called kliṣta manas or kliṣṭa-mano-vijñāna. Ālayavijñāna
The role of this consciousness in the evolutionary Ālayavijñāna is called the storehouse conscious-
process is, to a certain extent, ambiguous in the ness or ālaya because it is here all the seeds (bīja)
Yogācāra literature. There are different accounts of karmic impressions (vāsanā) are stored.
of manas given in the Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi, and Vāsanā is to be understood as motive forces or
it is referred to as kliṣta-manas (or defiled mind). latencies governing the evolutionary progression
The concept of manas in manovijñāna mentioned of the vijñāna (ī śyate vāsanāvidbhiḥśaktirūpā hi
here is not the same manas (mind), the sixth of the vāsanā). Vāsanā is not an object of knowledge,
sense organs. The manas here stands for the but its presupposition, and the force on the part of
process of manana (intellection or egocentric the consciousness to create an “other.” Sthiramati
mental operation). When this manas functions, explains the import of ālaya in three different
there is a false notion of “ego” getting developed ways [10]: firstly, ālaya means the place for all
in the consciousness (they are four in number: seeds/elements which are responsible for kleśas
ātmadṛṣti, ātmamoha, ātmamāna, and (defilements). The seeds of such kelśas are stored
ātmaprema). Manas is understood here more as here, and when the ripe time arrives, they come
concerned with the projection of the “ego” which out of it, taking different forms of consciousness;
arises out of ignorance. Manas is not an indepen- secondly, it is called ālayavijñāna, because from
dent consciousness, but dependent on this storehouse the phenomenal world are pro-
ālayavijñāna which supplies the content to it, duced; and thirdly, this ālaya is the cause of all
and its activity is directed toward the actualization elements, which would imply that there is the
of the latent forces embedded in ālayavijñāna. cause-effect relation between them.
Pravṛtti-vijñāna is the third stage of evolution of The ālaya must be a vijñāna (consciousness),
the vijñāna and the determinate awareness of the which is the basis for mental processes, not the
object takes place here. This is the only conscious- corporeal body. Here the consciousness brings
ness which is relevant to empirical discourse, and together the past and future, that is, from the past
this is phenomenally known. This vijñāna consti- residues, the future is created. Hence, this vijñāna
tutes the phenomenal interactions, and it is not is ālayavjñāna, sarvabī jaka, and vipāka.
a unison, but a group, where the six consciousness According to the Mahāyāna Abhidharmasūtra
or six viṣaya vijñānas (of the senses and the mind) and the Mahāyānasaṁgraha, ālayavijñāna has
are grouped together because of their common two functions: firstly, it stores up the impressions
empirical nature which provide with empirical of past vijñānas; and secondly, it gives rise to
data. According to the Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi, all future vijñānas by maturing the impressions.
these six viṣaya vijñānas arise out of ālayaviñana Thus, this is the repository of all seeds (sarva-
due to their seeds remaining and maturing therein, bī jakam) and also the maturing storehouse for
so as to create the illusion of objective world. In future vijñānas (vipāka). The accumulation of
other words, as in Vasubandhu’s Trimśikā (kārikā: the seeds in the ālayavijñāna is called as “causal
2–8), ālayavijñāna is the storehouse from where change” (hetupariṇāma) and their subsequent
all other vijñānas evolve, first manovijñāna (also actualization is called “effect change” (phala-
called as kliṣṭa-manas or kliṣṭa-mano-vijñāna), pariṇāma). Hetu-pariṇāma is development and
and then pravṛttivijñānas. All these pravṛtti- maturation, whereas phala-pariṇāma is the emer-
vijñānas appear on the basis of an ālaya (store- gence of the effects.
house or basis) which is called as vipāka Ālayavijñāna is called vipāka, sarvabījaka, or
(resultant, or maturation). The conception of even as bī ja: In Vasubadhu’s Trimśikā, it is seen
ālayavijñāna along with manovijñāna (whose that the ālayavijñāna has the characteristics of
Ālaya-vijñāna 61

maturation (vipāka) and all-germination or source The evolutionary process of the vijñāna is like
of all seeds (sarva-bī jaka). Ālayavijñāna is the this: There is only consciousness (vijñāna). This
receptacle or repository where all the past karmic vijñāna undergoes evolution (vijñāna-pariṇāma) A
influences are deposited in forms of impressions due to ignorance. In the evolution, vijñāna
(vāsanā), which become the source or seed of all undergoes three stages of modification like:
future latencies or activities, and hence it is called (1) the resultant or maturation (vipāka), (2) ego-
sarva-bī jaka. It is called vipāka, because this is centric mental operation or intellection (manana),
the basis where the effects of all the past karmas and (3) the consciousness of external objects
are stored, and from which the future gets deter- (viṣaya-vijñapti). Ālayavijñāna (storehouse con-
mined. Ālayavijñāna is called seed (bī ja) of all sciousness) is the first in the evolution of con-
phenomena. It is that repository in which the seed sciousness. As stated above, ālayavijñāna is
of all elements of phenomenal existence reside. called vipāka or resultant or maturation, because
All types of dualities and thought constructions it is the resultant where the stored seeds (bī ja) of
are products of ālayavijñāna. impressions or dispositions (vāsanā) get matured
Vasubandhu explains the relation between (paripāka). The second modification of vijñāna is
vāsanā and ālayavijñāna. There are two kinds of manas (mind), which is termed as mano-vijñāna
vāsanā: vipāka-vāsanā and niḥṣyanda-vāsanā. (mind consciousness). In this stage, there is a false
Vipākavāsanā retains the cycle of birth and belief in “self” and ego. The third modification is
rebirth, while niḥṣyandavāsanā provides the con- the consciousness of the external objects, where
tent of each existence (birth). Vipākavāsanā keeps one finds the subject-object duality. This subject-
the continuity of subjective personality through object discrimination is caused by the factors in
consecutive births. When the residues of the pre- the ālayavijñāna. In this stage, real external
vious birth come to an end, death occurs, and then objects are falsely imagined (parikalpita). There
vipāka-vāsanā activates the ālayavijñāna into is neither “self” nor the “object,” but conscious-
a new flow which begins the next birth of the ness appears to be as subject and object, where
subjective personality. Niḥṣyanda-vāsanā is the their existence is mutually dependent
maturing (and fructifying) of the present experi- (paratantra). This differentiation also vanishes
ences due to which other vijñānas advance out of when perfect knowledge is attained, where con-
the ālayavijñāna, the first being the kliṣtamanas sciousness only exists as pure without any sub-
(manovijñāna) and the diverse pravṛttivijñānas. ject-object duality, which the Yogācāra calls as
Manovijñāna provides only niḥṣyanda vāsanā, pariniṣpanna. In the Trimśikā, Vasubandhu says
while pravṛttivijñānas (being the conscious expe- that the false belief in self (ātman) and real ele-
riences proper) deposit both vipāka and niḥṣyanda ments (dharmāh) is due to the evolution of con-
vāsanās [11]. sciousness [13]. Vasubandhu takes vipāka,
The ālayavijñāna has a content. But the con- manana, and vijñapti as three different kinds of
tent cannot be empirical as ālayavijñāna is not functions, and not characteristics, of vijñāna. Here
empirical. It is an indeterminate content, but he considers vijñāna itself as a function, and by this
there is some sort of objectivity which is undiffer- avoids any form of substantialist position in rela-
entiated into exact forms. The ālayavijñāna is tion to consciousness [14].
not pure in that sense, as there is already an
implicit duality of subject and object, though Ālayavijñāna and Āśraya
undifferentiated. The course of divergence The term “āśraya” in Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda
of consciousness into subject and object is under- school, which could be translated as “support” or
lying here already, as ālayavijñāna functions in even “basis” and “substratum” has much to do
darśanabhāga (vijñāna internally appearing as with the conception of ālayavijñāna. The concep-
the components of a subjective personality) and tion of āśraya gets an elucidation in
nimittabhāga (vijñāna externally conscious of the Mahāyānasūtralankāra. There are different
undifferentiated objectivity) [5, 12]. meanings in which āśraya is used in the
62 Ālaya-vijñāna

Mahāyānasūtralamkāra, and one of them, proba- nirūpyate). The Mahāyānasūtralamkāra and its
bly the most important one, is in the sense of commentary describe Buddhahood as āś
ālayavijñāna, when the text speaks of āś rayaparāvṛtti [15].
rayaparāvṛtti. In Vasubandhu’s Trimśikā as well, Ālayavijñāna is one of the central doctrines of
the term āśraya is used in the sense of Yogācāra school of Buddhism. The doctrine is
ālayavijñāna, and here it has the characteristics a theory which accounts for the formation of men-
of vipāka (maturation) and sarvabī jaka (all- tal images without dependence on external
germination or all-seed) mentioned earlier. Here objects. The ālayavijñāna is a defiled form of
āśraya and ālaya have quite similar meaning: On consciousness, and its personal, individual, ever-
the one hand it is the receptacle where all vāsanā changing but at the same time it gives a personal
(impressions/dispositions) of the past influences identity, which will explain the karmic residues
are stored up, and on the other, it is the source of and birth [1]. In the Yogācāra view, ālayavijñāna
all future determinations, or in other words, the is closely associated with conditions that shape
seed of all future activities. Thus, ālaya is āśraya. our phenomenal world, and, as such, it is consid-
Here, the corporeal body, which is perishable and ered both as the root of all defilements (samkleś
unconscious, has nothing to do with ālaya as it is amūla) and the constituent of all karmic forma-
not fitted to create the basis for mental process. tions. Hence, ālayavijñāna which is the āśrya
Ālaya or āśraya must be a vijñāna (conscious- (support) of all karmic formations need to be
ness). Therefore, the text refers to āśraya as abandoned by a gradual transformation of this
ālayavijñāna. support base, and this transformation is called āś
Ālayavijñāna is the support (āśraya) of entire rayaparāvṛtti. According to Paramārtha, the sixth
phenomenal world where the subject-object dual- century Indian translator in China, when
ity appears. Āśraya is the ultimate basis of all ālayavijñāna gets eliminated in āśrayaparāvṛtti,
existences, both the inner and outer world, and it what remains is an undefiled (pure) consciousness
is at the deepest level of every consciousness. (amalavijñāna).
When this basis is obliterated, vijñāna becomes
amala vijñāna (pure consciousness), and the ordi- Ālayavijñāna and Tathāgatagarbha
nary life is transformed into dharmadhātu, the In the works of Asaṅga and Vasubandhu,
pure realm of dharma. This is called āś ālavijñāna is not conceived as a universal under-
rayaparāvṛtti or fundamental transformation, lying entity (essence), but it is a stratum present in
which is a model of full enlightenment in classical the individuals depending on their spiritual aptness.
Yogācāra texts. Āśrayaparāvṛtti is the disappear- It is not a universal permanent consciousness, but
ance of the unreal object, where there is no sub- a storehouse consciousness which is the receptacle
ject-object duality, and the realization of Tathatā of the karmic residuals. This storehouse can have
which is nothing but liberation (āśrayasya a complete cessation of the repositories.
parāvṛttir mokṣo’ sau kāmacārataḥ). Saṁsāra is This conception of ālayvijñāna is in contrast with
nothing but an imagination of empirical forms by the conception of ālayavijñāna in the
forgetting the essential nature of consciousness, Lankāvatārasūtra, where the ālayavijñāna has
a subject-object-less-ness of its nature. When a lasting essence like that of Tathāgatagarbha
unreality of object is realized, the subject dimen- (see ▶ Tathāgatagarbha) (Tathāgatagarbha is an
sion also disappears; and consciousness important Mahāyāna principle or doctrine which
remains in consciousness itself (cittasya citte explains that all living beings possess the essence
sthānāt). Consequently, when the imaginary phe- (garbha) of Buddha. Tathāgata-garbha is trans-
nomena are ceased, and realizing that all this is lated as “Buddha-matrix,” “essence of Buddha,”
only imagination, one attains bodhi or enlighten- and “Buddha-nature”). In the Lankāvatārasūtra, it
ment (paśyatām kalpanāmātram sarvam etad is pure consciousness by its very nature and the
yathoditam akalpabodhisattvānām prāptā bodhir abode of Tathāgatagarbha. The Lankāvatārasūtra
Ālaya-vijñāna 63

makes an explicit joining together of ālayavijñāna Ālaya and Prakrti

˙
and Tathāgatagarbha. In the Lankāvatārasūtra, Some modern scholars of Buddhism have drawn
Tathāgatagarbha gets a more exact determination some sort of similarity and dissimilarity between A
as the grounding principle of human consciousness the concepts of ālayavijñāna and Prakṛti of
through the ālayavijñāna. As stated above, Sāṅkhya system [19]. According to both these
according to the Lankāvatārasūtra, there are eight- systems, there is an evolution taking place: for
fold consciousness and ālayavijñāna is the eighth. the Yogācāra it is from ālaya and for Sāṅkhya it is
In the recurrent image of the Lankāvatārasūtra, the from/of Prakṛti. Both these systems term their
first sevenfold modifications of vijñāna would get source as sarvabī jaka. The differences between
dissolved like the waves of the ocean, and what them are: ālaya is conscious whereas Prakṛti is
would remain only an absolute consciousness (like not conscious (matter); ālaya is conditioned and
the peaceful ocean) which is ālayavijñāna [16]. not ultimate, whereas Prakṛti is unconditioned
This affirmation of the ālayavijñāna as the con- and eternal. Ālayavijñāna is conditioned and it
scious modality of Tathatā (such-ness, that-ness, is incessantly refilled by recent vāsanās. When
or thus-ness implying the real nature of things as the vāsanās cease, ālayavijñāna will become
it is), and thereby equating the Tathāgatagarbha pure consciousness (amala vijñāna). In his
with ālavijñāna in Lankāvatārasūtra, is in confor- Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi, Vasubandhu speaks first
mity neither with the teaching of Vasubandhu nor about vipāka, then identifies this vipāka with
with Ratnagotravbhāgo Mahāyānottratantra ālaya. He does not give any metaphysical status
Śāstra (which is the foremost treatise on to ālaya. He gives the impression that ālaya is an
Tathāgatagarbha) [17]. ongoing process of consciousness, which is the
result of many factors which are bedded in the
Ālayavijñāna and Ātman ālaya in the form of vāsanās. It is only
The Yogācāra notion of ālayavijñāna was relent- a receptacle of all latencies. Thus, Vasubandhu
lessly attacked by other Buddhist schools denounc- does not even suggest any likelihood to consider
ing it, as they presumed it was something akin to the notion of ālaya as a primordial source like
the notion of ātman. The two preferred metaphors Prakṛt [20].
used in Yogācāra literature for ālayavijñāna to
explicate its real nature are like waves in the stream
(jalānām taraṅgavat) and seedbed or all-seeds Cross-References
(sarva-bījaka). Like a stream supports the waves,
ālavijñāna supports the arising of all other ▶ Asaṅga
vijñānas. It is also like the seedbed or storehouse ▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660)
of seeds. It is here that the seeds of past karmic ▶ Dignāga
dispositions (vāsanās) get germinated and ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
matured, and from where future experiences ▶ Vijñāna
occur. The seeds are not permanent, but they are ▶ Vijñānavāda
momentary and a series within the ālaya until their ▶ Yogācāra
fructification. Thus, ālavijñāna is neither an agent
nor an “ātman in disguise.” It is not a singular
entity, but only receptacle of future determinations
[18]. The manovijñāna and pravṛttivijñānas appear References
on the basis of, as well as due to, ālayavijñāna. The
other terms, in order to avoid the misunderstanding 1. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal
foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York,
of the ālaya as ātman-like substance, used for
pp 97, 98
ālayavijñāna in the Yogācāra literature were 2. Prebish CS, Keown D (2006) Introducing Buddhism.
vijñāna-santāna and citta-santāna. Routledge, New York/London, p 109
64 Alchi

3. Sutton FG (1992) Existence and enlightenment in the

Lankāvatāra-sūtra: a study in the ontology and episte- Alchi
mology of the Yogācāra school of Mahāyāna Bud-
dhism. Sri Satguru, Delhi, pp 252–254
4. Makransky JJ (1998) Buddhahood embodied: sources K. T. S. Sarao
of controversy in India and Tibet. Sri Satguru, Delhi, Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
p 205 Delhi, Delhi, India
5. Pande GC (1993) Studies in Mahāyāna. Central Insti-
tute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, Varanasi,
pp 126, 127
6. Waldron WS (2003) The Buddhist unconscious:
The Ālayavijñāna in the context of Indian Synonyms
Buddhist thought. RoutledgeCurzon, London/New
York, p 92
7. Kalupahana DJ (1992) The principles of Buddhist Alchi Gompa; Alchi Monastery
psychology. Sri Satuguru, Delhi, p 139
8. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism,
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 87–107
9. Schmithausen L (2007) Ālayaviñāna: on the origin Definition
and the early development of a central concept of
Yogācāra philosophy: reprint with Addenda and Cor- It is a Buddhist monastic complex of temples in
rigenda. International Institute for Buddhist Studies of Alchi village in Leh district of Ladakh.
the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist
Studies, Tokyo
10. Sthiramati (ed) (1925) Triṁśikāvijñaptibhāṣya (1925 Alchi, a Buddhist monastic complex (chos-’khor),
ed). In: Levi S (ed) Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi: Deux is located on the left bank of the Indus River at an
Traités de Vasubandhu. Librarie Ancienne Honoré altitude of 3,100 m and at a distance of 65 km to
Champion, Paris
11. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism, the west of Leh in Ladakh. The monastery
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 88, 89 (gompa) has three major shrines and two chörtens:
12. Lusthaus D (2002) Buddhist phenomenology: a phil- the Dukhang (Main Temple), the Sumtsek (Three-
osophical investigation of Yogācāra Buddhism and the Storey Temple), the Jampel Lhakhang (Temple of
Ch’eng Wei-shih lun. RoutledgeCurzon, London,
pp 436–437 Mañjuśrī), the Great Chörten, and the Small
13. Kalupahana DJ (1976) Buddhist philosophy: Chörten – all belonging to the period from the
a historical analysis. University of Hawaii Press, middle of the twelfth century to the first quarter
Honolulu, p 143 of the thirteenth century. Other than these, the
14. Kalupahana DJ (1992) The principles of Buddhist
psychology. Sri Satuguru, Delhi, p 137 Alchi complex also has two other important tem-
15. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism, ples, viz., the Lotsabha Lhakhang (the Transla-
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 160, 165 tor’s Temple) and the Lhakhang Soma (New
16. Brown BE (2010) The Buddha nature: a study of the Temple). These two temples are later additions.
Tathāgatagarbha and Ālayavijñāna. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, p 190 In addition, the towerlike structures flanking the
17. Sebastian CD (2005) Metaphysics and mysticism in Dukhang belong to an early phase of the gompa.
Mahāyāna Buddhism: an analytical study of The Alchi complex houses some of the most fas-
Mahāyānottaratantra Śātram. Sri Satguru, Delhi cinating images and paintings of Buddhist art in
18. Waldron WS (2003) The Buddhist unconscious: the
Ālayavijñāna in the context of Indian Buddhist the Himalayas which are considered as of “unique
thought. RoutledgeCurzon, London/New York style and workmanship.” The entire gompa is in
19. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism, a rather dilapidated condition except for the pillars
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 91–96 and the wood carvings on the doors.
20. Vasubandhu, Katsumi M et al (1989) Three works of
Vasubandhu in Sanskrit manuscript: the According to a local tradition, the monastic
Trisvabhāvanirdeśa, the Vimśatikā with is Vṛtti, and complex of Alchi was built by the great scholar-
the Trimśikā with Sthiramtis’ commentary. Centre for translator Rinchen Zangpo (958–1055 C.E.).
East Asian Cultural Studies, Tokyo Zangpo is said to have engaged Kashmiri artists
Alchi 65

Alchi, Fig. 1 About 1,000 miniatures of Mañjuśrī

to create wall paintings and sculptures in the leg- a site near the Thikse Gompa which is in complete
endary 108 monasteries; only a few of these have ruins now.
survived, with the Alchi Monastery complex in The Dukhang is the largest structure and is at the
Ladakh having pride of place among all monas- heart of the monastic complex. Though many addi-
teries that he built. However, inscriptions in the tions were made to the ancient structure during the
preserved monuments ascribe it to Kaldan Sherab, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the original
a Tibetan nobleman who lived in the eleventh wooden door frame is retained. The hall can be
century. Despite many inscriptions and texts approached through the colonnaded veranda from
displayed on the walls, it has not been possible a front courtyard. Frescoes of one thousand bud-
to document the precise history of the monuments dhas are portrayed in the walkway. The Wheel of
in the Alchi complex. In the absence of historical Life and Mahākala are depicted at the outer gate.
background, the only thing that can be said with The walls of the Dukhang are painted with six
some amount of certainty is that Alchi was part of different maṇḍalas that surround the four-headed
a small kingdom ruled by members of the Vairocana, the main deity worshipped in the hall.
Dro-clan, a clan of Central Tibetan origin. This Vairocana is flanked by four goddesses and
kingdom defined itself as part of Tibet in general a number of offering deities in clay.
and West Tibet in particular. The founders of the The Jampel Lhakhang was a free-standing
Dukhang and the Sumtsek, which are built in structure until the Lotsabha Lhakhang was
Kashmiri style, were monks of the Dro-clan who attached to its left-hand side wall. The original
received their monastic instructions at Nyarma, shape of the temple is quite unusual in the sense
66 Alchi

Alchi, Fig. 2 Standing Maitreya Alchi, Fig. 3 Avalokiteśvara

that it was essentially built around the four central

images of Mañjuśrī seated on a common platform.
These four images of Mañjuśrī are seated back to
back in an intricate common frame surrounded by
animals, gods, and symbols and also topped by the
embellished scrolls springing from the tails of the
makaras. Each of the four images is single headed
with four arms that are adorned with a sword,
a book on top of a lotus, a bow, and an arrow
(see Fig. 1 depicting about 1,000 miniatures of
Mañjuśrī).
The Sumtsek, a three-storeyed building,
though small, was built with loam and natural
stone (reflected in the bland exterior) in the
Tibetan building tradition. However, the luxuriant
woodwork columns, façades, walls, clay images,
and paintings in the interior of the gompa were
made by Kashmiri artists. The Sumtsek can be
dated to ca. 1200–1220 C.E. on the basis of
a lineage of identified teachers on the entrance Alchi, Fig. 4 Four-Armed Mañjuśrī
Alchi 67

Alchi, Fig. 6 Red Amitābha in Samādhi Mudrā

Alchi, Fig. 5 Hundreds of miniatures consisting of pal-

aces and temples depicted on the dhoti of Avalokiteśvara

wall of the third floor. It is dedicated to a triad of

standing bodhisattvas (Maitreya (Fig. 2) flanked
by the images of Avalokiteśvara (Fig. 3) to its
right and Mañjuśrī (Fig. 4) to its left) and associ-
ated deities (four in each niche) with flying god-
desses (two in each niche). These three
bodhisattvas represent the Buddhist concepts of
compassion, hope, and wisdom. Except for the
main wooden door on the top floor, which is
more or less derelict, the rest of the Sumtsek is
well preserved in its original form. A remarkable
feature of the sophisticated drapery (dhotis) worn
by the deities is the exhibition of various themes
printed in different textile patterns. Maitreya’s
dhoti portrays the biography of the Buddha,
Avalokiteśvara’s dhoti (Fig. 5) displays sacred
places as well as royal palaces, and Manjuśrī’s
dhoti has 84 mahāsiddhas printed on it. Each of
the deities is associated with a different Buddha.
For instance, Maitreya has a five-buddha crown Alchi, Fig. 7 Blue Akṣobhya
68 Alchi Gompa

References

1. Cunningham A (1854) LADĀK: physical, statistical,

and historical with notices of the surrounding coun-
tries. W.H. Allen, London
2. Franke AH (1914–1926) Antiquities of Indian Tibet, 2
vols. Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta, Mono-
graph series, vols 38 and 50
3. Franke AH (1977) Critical introduction and annota-
tions. In: Gergan SS, Hassnain FM (eds) A history of
Ladakh. Sterling Publishers, New Delhi
4. Goepper R (1990) Clues for a dating of the three-
storeyed temple (Sumtsek) in Alchi, Ladakh. Asiat
Stud Z Schweiz Ges Asienkund/Études Asiat Rev
Alchi, Fig. 8 Prajñāpāramitā Soc Suisse d’Études Asiat 44(2):159–175
5. Goepper R, Poncar J (1996) Alchi: Ladakh’s hidden
Buddhist sanctuary: the Sumtsek. Serindia, London
6. Goepper R (1999) Akshobhya and his paradise: murals
in the Dukhang of Alchi. Orientations 30(1):16–21
7. Rizvi J (1983) Ladakh: crossroads of high Asia.
Oxford University Press, Delhi
8. Kapadia H (1999) Spiti: adventures in the trans-
Himalaya, 2nd edn. Indus Publishing Company, New
Delhi
9. Linrothe R (2001) Group portrait: Mahāsiddhas in the
Alchi Sumtsek. Embodying wisdom. In: Linrothe R,
Sørensen HH (eds) Art, text and interpretation in the
history of esoteric Buddhism, vol 6, SBS monographs.
The Seminar for Buddhist Studies, Copenhagen,
pp 185–208
10. Luczanits C (1999) The life of the Buddha in the
Alchi, Fig. 9 Tārā Sumtsek. Orientations 30(1):30–39
11. Luczanits C (2004) Buddhist sculpture in clay: early
western Himalayan art, late 10th to early 13th centu-
representing Vairocana. Avalokiteśvara’s crown ries. Serinda Publications, Chicago
represents Amitābha (see Fig. 6: Red Amitābha 12. Pal P, Fournier L (1982) A Buddhist paradise: the
murals of Alchi: western Himalayas. Visual Dharma
in Samādhi Mudrā), and Manjuśrī’s crown repre-
Publishers, Hong Kong
sents Akṣobhya (Fig. 7). 13. Snellgrove DL, Skorupski T (1977) The cultural her-
Prajñāpāramitā (Fig. 8) and Tārā (Fig. 9) are itage of Ladakh, Central Ladakh. Aris & Phillips,
two other important deities depicted prominently Warminster
14. Snellgrove DL, Skorupski T (1980) The cultural her-
at Alchi. The Great Chörten and the Small Chör-
itage of Ladakh, Zangskar and the cave temples of
ten, dateable to the early thirteenth century, are the Ladakh. Aris & Phillips, Warminster
earliest recorded chörtens. When worship at Alchi 15. Tsering N (2009) Alchi: the living heritage of
Gompa stopped for some reason in the fifteenth Ladakh. Central Institute of Buddhist Studies,
Leh-Ladakh
century, it came under the Gelug-pa sect con-
16. Tucci G (1988). Rin-chen-bzan-po and the renaissance of
trolled from Likir – an arrangement that continues Buddhism in Tibet around the Millennium. English
in the present times. translation by Nancy Kipp Smith and edited by Lokesh
Chandra. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi

Cross-References

▶ Avalokiteśvara
▶ Bodhisattva Alchi Gompa
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Mañjuśrī ▶ Alchi
Alcoholic Drinks and Drinking (Buddhism) 69

Different Types of Alcoholic Drinks

Alchi Monastery
Buddhist canonical sources often use the com- A
▶ Alchi pound surāmerayamajja for alcoholic drinks
([2], p. 324, 15) It consists of three proper nouns
and refers to a variety of drinks encompassing the
whole range of alcoholic drinks from beer-like
beverages produced by fermentation like surā,
Alcoholic Drinks and Drinking wine-like drinks or spirits like majja, and distilled
(Buddhism) drinks produced from sugar or fruit like meraya.
Although the famous soma drink of the R̥ gveda,
Rolf Scheuermann probably referred to in Buddhist texts as amr̥ ta, is
Cultural Transfers and Cross-Contacts in the sometimes identified as a sort of alcoholic drink, it
Himalayan Borderlands, Institute for South is possible that it referred to a psychoactive drug
Asian, Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, University produced from a mushroom, like Amanita
of Vienna, Vienna, Austria muscaria [3].

Synonyms Origin Myth for Alcohol

Liquor, spirits, intoxicant; Surāmerayamadya A Buddhist narrative that presents an origin myth
(Sanskrit); Surāmerayamajja (Pāli) for alcohol is found in the Kumbha-Jātaka. In
response to a request by his female devotee
Visākhā, the Buddha in this Jātaka, or life story
Definition of his former rebirth, tells the story of the hunter
Sura, who discovered the intoxicating effect of
Drinks containing intoxicating liquids produced a naturally fermented alcoholic drink made of
by fermentation or distillation and the consump- fruit, rice, and water after it had been consumed
tion of such drinks. by animals. Together with his friend Varuṇa, he
popularized the consumption of the drink. When
the god Sakka, said to be a former reincarnation of
Historical Background Buddha Śākyamuni, became aware that king
Sabbamitta of Sāvatthi, who is said to be
Despite the great diversity of Buddhist traditions a former reincarnation of Ānanda, started to
across various countries, Buddhism in general has indulge in drinking, he persuaded him to desist
restricted the consumption of alcohol since early in order to prevent further harm to the country [4].
times. The production and consumption of alco-
holic drinks were already known in India before
the time of the Buddha, with archeological evi- General Doctrinal Stance
dence showing that alcohol was being consumed
during the pre-Vedic Indus civilization (ca. 2300 In light of the Four Truths of the Noble Ones,
B.C.E.) ([1], p. 9). Medical texts of the post-Vedic addiction can be regarded as a “false refuge”
period address issues of moderate and excessive from the suffering of saṃsāra because it only
drinking which indicate that it was a widespread offers temporary relief from suffering. Another
social phenomenon during that time ([1], p. 10). In fundamental Buddhist teaching, the Eightfold
the second half of the first millennium B.C.E., Path ([5], p. 153) of the Noble Ones, advises that
Buddhism and Jainism developed, both advocat- “right livelihood” includes refraining from five
ing strict alcohol abstinence. types of livelihoods, one being engaged in the
70 Alcoholic Drinks and Drinking (Buddhism)

business of selling intoxicants. The general Bud- drugs are not explicitly mentioned in the Vinaya,
dhist rejection of alcohol consumption is further many Buddhist traditions in the course of time
reflected in the way the issue is addressed in the extended the vow also to other intoxicants that
various codes of ethics. Along with the vows of obscure the mind and cause heedlessness. Tea
killing, stealing, lying, and sexual misconduct, the and coffee are accepted for their stimulating effect
vow to abstain from alcohol is part of the eightfold on the mind, which was one of the reasons why tea
set of the 1-day fasting vows ([6], pp. 99–100), the production and trade rapidly superseded alcohol
basic fivefold set of vows for the fully ordained during late medieval China ([9], p. 213). Alco-
layperson ([6], pp. 100–101), the ten vows of the hol’s intoxicating property of clouding the mind is
novice ([6], p. 103), as well as the vows for the generally considered detrimental to a Buddhist
fully ordained monks and nuns practitioner’s endeavors in achieving states of
([6], pp. 122–123). Still, unlike with the four mental clarity and insight, and heedlessness
basic vows of killing, stealing, lying, and sexual caused by alcohol is considered to be a cause for
misconduct, transgressing this vow does not committing negative deeds ([10], p. 43) or for
imply an irreversible loss of the whole set of breaking any of the other vows ([5], p. 154). The
vows, but is nevertheless considered a downfall Sigālaka Sutta mentions heedlessness caused by
that requires confession ([6], pp. 123–124) to intoxication from alcohol as the first among six
another vow holder. ([6], p. 143) The breach of ways of wasting wealth and goes on to list six
vow occurs if any type of alcohol, ranging from dangers of drinking alcohol which include loss of
light beer-like drinks or wine to strong spirits, is this life’s wealth, an increase of disputes, causing
drunk, even if the quantity is not substantial. disease, producing disrepute, being uninhibited,
In general, the necessary quantity which needs to and weakening intelligence. ([11], p. 462) Alco-
be drunk in order to be considered a transgression hol addiction can also be seen as severe attach-
is described as anything beyond the amount of ment that needs to be overcome. ([8], p. 186) The
fluid that is present on the tip of a blade of grass intake of alcohol is considered to lead to
([7], pp. 385–386). Still, there exists also a negative rebirth in that one is reborn either in
a minority view that considers transgression one of the three lower realms or as a human being
conditional upon whether consumption induces in a state of madness ([12], p. 169).
heedlessness, a perception that would allow for
the intake of measured quantities of alcohol ([8],
p. 188). Tantrism
A non-offense of the vows is mentioned in the
Vinaya in the case of drinks that look, smell, or While the majority of Buddhist traditions, includ-
taste like alcohol, but do not contain any, such as ing those belonging to the Mahāyāna, generally
alcohol-free beer or certain juices. Meals advise against consuming intoxicants, alcohol can
containing alcohol can equally be considered per- be an essential component of tantric rituals. How-
missible if the contained alcohol was cooked or ever, Buddhist tantras do not necessarily advocate
fried until it evaporated. Nevertheless, when alco- the consumption of alcohol in general and Bud-
holic drinks are consumed, even if one is not dhist tantric rituals utilize impure substances in
aware about whether the drink contained alcohol order to induce particular meditative experiences.
or was in doubt about it, it is still considered ([6], p. 247) In a gaṇacakra-gathering for exam-
a transgression of vows. Consuming pharmaceu- ple, alcohol may be included as one of the five
tical products containing alcohol for strictly essential elements. ([1], p. 10) Still, often only
medicinal use, both external and internal, is small quantities of ritually purified alcohol are
allowed ([7], pp. 385–386). drunk. Its usage may also fulfill the purpose of
The main reasons for shunning alcohol that are demonstrating the ability to neutralize the intoxi-
given in Buddhist literature are that it clouds the cating effect by means of meditative powers ([13],
mind and causes heedlessness. Even though other p. 123).
Amaravati 71

Social Role 9. Benn JA (2005) Buddhism, alcohol, and tea in medi-

eval China. In: Sterckx R (ed) Of tripod and palate.
Food, politics, and religion in traditional China. Pal-
Despite the clear doctrinal stance on alcohol, Bud- grave Macmillan, Gordonsville, pp 213–236 A
dhist lay devotees do not necessarily take the full 10. Norman KR (1992) The group of discourses. (Sutta-
set of lay vows, and local drinks like Tibetan-style Nipāta). Pali Text Society Translation series, vol 45.
beer (chang) or sake in Japan often play an impor- Pali Text Society, Oxford
11. Walshe M (1987) Thus have i heard. The long dis-
tant role in celebrations, funerals, and ceremonies. courses of the Buddha. Dīgha Nikāya. Wisdom Publi-
However, research on adolescent alcohol use in cation, London
Thailand, a Buddhist country with a high alcohol 12. Woodward FL, Hare EM (1978) The Book of the
consumption rate, suggests that the percentage of Gradual Sayings, vol IV, (The Books of the Sevens,
Eights and Nines). (Anguttara-Nikāya), or, More-
drinkers was significantly lower among practicing Numbered Suttas. Pali Text Society, London/Henley/
Buddhists than among nonpracticing Buddhists Boston
([14], pp. 1793–1794). 13. Ardussi JA (1977) Brewing and drinking the
beer of enlightenment in Tibetan Buddhism. The Dohā
tradition in Tibet. J Am Orient Soc 97(2):115–124
Cross-References 14. Newmann IM, Duane SF, Li T, Innadda S (2006)
Buddhism and adolescent alcohol use in Thailand.
Subst Use Misuse 41:1789–1800
▶ Bhikkhunī
▶ Buddhist Ethics
▶ Pātimokkha
▶ Tantra All-Embracing
▶ The Medicine Buddha
▶ Vinaya ▶ Universal

References
All-Inclusive
1. Sharma HK, Tripathi BM, Pertti JP (2010) The evolu-
tion of alcohol use in India. Aids Behav 14(suppl
1):8–17 ▶ Universal
2. Kāśyapa BJ (ed) (1960) Suttapiṭake Aṅguttara-
nikāyapāli (Chakka-Sattaka-Aṭṭhakanipātā). Nālandā-
Devanāgarī-Pāli-ganthamālā. Pāli Publication Board,
Bihar Government, Nālandā Altruistic Joy
3. Crowley M (1996) When the Gods Drank Urine.
A Tibetan myth may help solve the riddle of soma,
sacred drug of ancient India. Fortean studies, vol III. ▶ Muditā
London: John Brown Publ
4. Cowell EB (1969) No. 512. Kumbha-Jātaka. In: The
Jātaka or stories of the Buddha’s former births. Transl.
from the Pali by various hands, (Repr.). Publ. for the
Pali Text Society by Luzac, London, pp 5–11
Amaravati
5. Woodward FL, Hare EM (1973) The book of the
gradual sayings, vol III, (The Books of the Fives and Anamika Roy
Sixes). (Anguttara-Nikāya), or, More-Numbered Department of Ancient History, Culture and
Suttas. Pali Text Society, London/Boston
Archaeology, University of Allahabad,
6. Jamgön KLT (2003) The treasury of knowledge. Bud-
dhist Ethics. Snow Lion, Ithaca Allahabad, India
7. Horner IB (1969) The Book of the discipline. (Vinaya-
Piṭaka). Sacred books of the Buddhists, vol 13. Luzac,
London
8. Groves P, Farmer R (1994) Buddhism and addictions.
Synonyms
Addiction research N.Y.: Harwood Academic Publ.
vol 2, No. 2, pp 183–194 Buddhist art; Dhanyakataka; Palace of Indra
72 Amaravati

Definition to make it more articulate. It will be conceded that

an image of the Buddha will remain an object of
Amaravati: Peak of Buddhist art joy and reverence even without an art historian
defining its style, gestures, mood, provenance,
and time. But this joy, if reinforced with those
Introduction input from an art critic, may allow to see even
beyond the object and bringing out its “unknown”
Unseen Passage to Amaravati facets in comprehension. In trying to impart
The art of Amaravati has many facets: some meaning to the artifacts, art critics help in making
known and some possibly yet unravelled. The a study not only significant but also exciting.
relics of the stupa (Fig. 1) here have also yielded A question has often been raised as to why
inscriptions which often help not only to appreci- Amaravati is important. And if it is indeed so
ate the contexts of such works but also to trace out important, then why the art historians have not
the generally unperceived turns the art chose to paid due attention to Amaravati?
traverse as it evolved. The inscriptions eminently The sculptures of Amaravati (Figs. 2, 3, and 4)
afford insights into different aspects of Amaravati have always fascinated art historians for their style
art, especially the questions regarding its sectarian and bearing on South Asian art. The architectural
development, as raised by Sarkar [15] and Stone components (Fig. 5) of the Amaravati stupa sim-
[22], or the power of patronage, or the role of ilarly are no less attractive, even as they are
artisans, as raised by Dehejia [3] and Miller [9]. superbly distinctive in some of their features
Amaravati inscriptions, besides the masons’ (Figs. 6 and 7).
marks encrypted in abundance, significantly por- Amaravati and its art and architecture have
tray the relations between the monument, masses, both a consistency and diversity marked by mod-
Buddhist sects, and monarchy which together ifications in artistic nuances which Sarkar [15]
made the monument possible. and Stone (1988) have been particular to under-
One may begin by asking whether one should score. This entry attempts to further reinterpret
continue to appreciate an art object only stylisti- some of such motifs (Figs. 2, 8, 9, 10, and 11)
cally and aesthetically or one should try to see hitherto left unobserved, keeping the perspectives
even beyond. Is art history complete in itself? Can about modifications in view. Before analyzing the
one reconstruct the history of the monument by art of Amaravati, it should be noted that its idiom
dissecting it layer by layer? These questions have was appropriately different from that of the
been debated for long, often leading to complex Satavahanas and that it developed into a school.
answers. In doing this one proposes to comple- Its novelty lies in its sculptures and reliefs as well
ment art history with literary evidence with a view as in the elements of its stupa architecture. Some

Amaravati, Fig. 1 Mound of the Stupa Amaravati, Fig. 2 Triratna and running animals
Amaravati 73

Amaravati, Fig. 3 Stupa and the standing Buddha Amaravati, Fig. 4

compositional elements in respect of its stupa Sri Lanka does not explain the presence of such
architecture, particularly the motifs of yashti, chatras in the Amaravati reliefs for there is hardly
“post,” and chatra, “umbrella” (Fig. 12), seem any collateral evidence there of the umbrella shaft.
baffling, and they have raised controversies on But one cannot dismiss the presence of such form
which a fitting answer is still missing. These ele- at Amaravati lightly where its use as an element in
ments are absent in other Buddhist monuments in the stupa architecture, even if in the form of
the subcontinent, and scholars are not unanimous a relief, is conspicuous in its presence. Archaeo-
regarding the significance of such omissions and logical and literary evidence seems to support this
their implications. There is a need to examine motif as a part of the accepted architectural con-
these compositional features of stupa architecture vention. It is not unlikely that the practice of
in some details. installing chatras in question came down to
The portrayal of the Amaravati stupa (Figs. 5, Amaravati from Western India where there had
13, and 14) in some of its reliefs appears strikingly been a long tradition of erecting wooden post.
unique in regard to the crowded arrangement of Significantly, an Amravati stone inscription refers
a series of miniature chatras at its summit to the “gift of an umbrella shaft” (chata dado) (for
(Fig. 12). Such a series of chatras is not encoun- the stupa), indicating its acceptance as a current
tered either in the art of Kanheri or in that of practice. This brief label inscription may afford
Nagarjunakonda where the stupa is represented epigraphical testimony to an art practice. It may,
with only a single umbrella at the top. This unique therefore, hypothetically suggest a similar
feature embellishing the stupa summit in the arrangement for Sri Lankan stupas too even as
Amaravati reliefs needs some explanation since the evidence helps in explaining the multiple par-
analogues are not known. Evidence from asols on the stupa in the Amaravati relief.
74 Amaravati

Amaravati, Fig. 5 Stupa at mature stage Amaravati, Fig. 7 Jataka scene

Amaravati, Fig. 6 Running animals Amaravati, Fig. 8 Triratna

The representation of the yupa yashti (Fig. 5),

besides chatra, at Amaravati stupa also needs the use of yashti or yupa yashti on the summit of
being reconsidered here. These features distin- a stupa has not been appropriately recorded. Epi-
guish the Amaravati stupa from those of Northern graphical or archaeological evidence from the
and Central India. The Sinhalese chronicles are extant examples is missing regarding the exis-
silent regarding the term yashti. Though the prac- tence of yupa yashti as a part of stupa architecture.
tice of erecting columns in front of stupas is But the combined testimony of Indian and Sri
known from the time of the Mauryas ([1], p. 133), Lankan sources goes to show that this was
Amaravati 75

Amaravati, Fig. 11 Chatra

Amaravati, Fig. 9 Stupa with vedica and chatra

Amaravati, Fig. 10 Buddhapada

Amaravati, Fig. 12 Stupa and Chatravali

undoubtedly a component in stupa architecture, post carrying the umbrella. The Divyavadana
meant to be fixed in the asthi kalasa “relic casket,” (LXV, p. 244) supports this architectural element
of the harmika. Yupa yashti was a kind of shaft in in stating that a yupa yashti was sunk into the
the stupa architecture whose placement as well as interior of the anda of the stupa.
implication is quite perplexing. In the stupa rep- Buddhist texts, other than Divyavadana, are
licas of the later period, this shaft, yupa yashti, silent about the usage of yupa yashti in the stupa
in other words, is found depicted in addition to the architecture. This feature is found missing in the
76 Amaravati

however, comes to the aid in determining the

position of these pillars and their purpose. The
text says that a shaft called yupa was set up in
the interior of the dome (Figs. 15 and 16):
tathavidham ca bhupasyandam krtam yatra sa
yupa-yashtirbhyantare pralipadta. Gail ([4], p. 261)
however believes that the Buddhist scriptures do
not mention the yupa, but they do mention
Indrakila.
One may assume that umbrella shaft would not
have been in the center; instead, it was probably
planted at the side of the yupa top as at Amaravati.
It is not possible to draw a parallel with the extant
remains of the stupas in Sri Lanka for their super-
structures have been denuded, plundered, and
destroyed. In the later stupas at Sri Lanka
(Polonaruva phase), this element was changed
substantially as the stupas came to have
a conical tower instead of an umbrella. The
Amaravati relief, on the other hand, tends to
show the earlier practice. Unlike the Brahmanical
texts where yupa is associated with sacrifice, the
Buddhist texts give a much wider meaning to the
term. The Theragatha (p. 106) mentions yupa as
Amaravati, Fig. 13 Stupa at mature phase a palace: panado nama so raja yassa yupo
suvannay/tiryam solasapabbedho ubbnam ahu
sahassadha. The Buddhist texts were aware of
the Brahmanical term yupa, and in the Kutadanta
Sutta, the term is used for sacrifice. As regards the
modern Sinhalese term Indrakila, it is used in the
Buddhist texts for stability. It seems that the shaft
was fastened such that it jutted out of the relic
casket. It turns out to be an exclusive feature
of Amaravati, which may have been adapted in
Sri Lanka for a brief period of time.
Yet another unique feature of Amaravati stupas
is the construction in them of the ayaka pillars
(Fig. 17). The great stupa of Amaravati had the
Amaravati, Fig. 14 Sketch of the Stupa characteristic ayaka platforms projecting from the
drums at the cardinal points. Each platform orig-
inally bore five ayaka pillars (Figs. 12 and 17).
Sri Lankan stupas too despite the fact that loose Such pillars are conspicuously absent in the art of
pillars have been reported there from the vicinity Central and Northern India. They are generally
of the stupas. According to Paranavitana ([11], believed to be indicative of the four great events
pp. 35–36), they cannot be regarded as shafts, of the Buddha’s life. Ray ([31], p. 127) believed
and they appear exactly like the pillars called that they served as lamp post. The idea of ayaka
ayaka khambha. The description of the building pillars is believed to have come from Sri Lanka,
of a stupa in the Divyavadana (quoted above), where the tall dipa stambhas, “lamp posts,” were
Amaravati 77

Amaravati, Fig. 15 Stupa and sitting Buddha

Amaravati, Fig. 16 Worship of the bodhi tree Amaravati, Fig. 17 Ayaka pillars
78 Amaravati

erected in front of the stupas, as at Anuradhapura. As for the ayakas of Amaravati (Fig. 17), none
But the suggestion about the pillars being the of these are found in situ; they are known primar-
lamp posts is not warranted by other sources ily from the reliefs. Two drum slabs of the British
where such pillars are designated as divakhabho Museum (B.M. nos. 81 and 112, respectively, of
which are octagonal in shape. Barrett ([25], p. 35) late first century and third century A.D.) show
was not sure regarding their functional utility. simple and plain ayaka pillars; the highly
D. Mitra ([29], p. 26) describes them as “pillars, embellished adimukha and vahalakada of Sri
square below and octagonal above having affinity Lanka are not seen in these reliefs. In the two
with the Brahmanical or sacrificial posts, e.g., the stupa replicas from Nagarjunakonda, published
one found at Bijayagadha” (Cunningham, ASI by Longhurst ([28], pls. XIa and b), one is scantily
Report VI, Calcutta, 8, 70, 59, ff. and plate decorated, while the other is sculptured and
VIII). These pillars were different from the yupa topped with the capitals. The ayaka pillars, not
shaft which too were modelled as octagonal posts always embellished, may have been used when
but had their place in stupa architecture the stupa was further enlarged and augmented.
independently. The early pillars of Sri Lanka, which Paranavitana
For the similar architectural component in ([11], pls. IX and X) refers to as stelae of
Sri Lanka, the modern Sinhalese term Vahalakada vahalakada and Silva ([19], p. 53) as adimukha,
is popular. This term had not been in use in ancient are totally different from the octagonal ayaka
tradition. Longhurst ([27], p. 15) has made pillars of Amaravati in appearance. However, it
a pointed reference to this particular component will be hard to believe that Sri Lanka remodelled
in describing the extant stupa of Anuradhapur. He them later on the basis of their Indian
says, “Facing the four cardinal points are four pro- counterforms. An inscription at the Kirivehera
jections or offsets, which are a regular architectural Katarargama, roughly dating back to the period
feature of the larger stupas at Anuradhapur, and are of Gajabahu I, seems to offer some clues in this
referred to as altars or frontispieces. These struc- regard. It reads: “(Hail) The elder Nada, residing
tures are called vahalakada in Sinhalese, but their at Dakvahanak in the village Kadahavapi,
purpose is yet to be explained.” Silva ([19], p. 53) enlarged the cetiya (and) laid the steps at four
says that the earliest form of the vahalakadas was entrance, having made the chief monks
adimukhas, used in construction right from the first at Akujuka acquiesce” (tr. by Paranavitana [30],
century B.C. But the term adimukha is mentioned p. 215). The inscription refers to architectural
only once in the Mahavamsa (XXXV.119) during activity at the gateway, in particular to the enlarge-
the reign of King Gajabahu I. Silva ([19], p. 50) ment of the chaitya (stupa), but surprisingly, the
further says that the development of adimukhas term adimukha is not mentioned in it. Thanks to
into ayakas took place between the reign of this inscription, it is no longer in doubt that around
Gajabahu I (112–134 A.D.) and the reign of the first century B.C., some kind of structure did
Kanittha Tissa (164–192 A.D.), and during these exist at the entrance of the stupas of Sri Lanka.
50 years, the simple adimukhas were transformed However, it still does not enlighten whether the
into sophisticated ayaka pillars. Considering such gateway of this stupa had any structural similarity
formations, one may be tempted to suggest that with the ayakas.
adimukhas of Sri Lankan stupas were the proto- The ayaka pillars of Amaravati and Sri Lanka
types of the ayaka pillars. But this hypothesis do correspond to each other in purpose in respect
has several drawbacks. In the first place, the of their funereal association. The excavation at the
term adimukha is not found in any of the early southern vahalkadas at Ruvanvalisaya of
inscriptions. The only place where one finds a Kanittha Tissa revealed gold reliquaries with
reference to it is in a verse of the Mahavamsa remains of the queen. Similarly, an inscription
(XXXV, 19). The only affinity between ayaka on a chaitya pillar of Amaravati reads: “Success,
and adimukha is that both were set at the entrance gift of a chaitya pillar with a relic at the south-
of the stupa. western gate (ayaka) by the merchant Kuta with
Amaravati 79

his wife, sons, daughters and grandsons.” Then, accepted for the Buddha might have been
both at Amaravati and Sri Lanka, the ayaka pillars extended to the representation of the five Dhyani
were erected on a platform; in Sri Lanka, the Buddhas, and the latter came to be symbolically A
platform served the purpose of depositing flowers. represented as ayaka pillars. Eventually, the
This gains support from a Sri Lankan testimony as icon of the Bodhisattvas Dipankar and Vajrapani
Parker says (quoted in [11], p. 58) that along with the Buddha appeared in the art of
vahalakadas were really protective backdrops Amaravati. But the five Dhyani Buddhas perhaps
for the flower altars in stone, placed on the pave- continued essentially in the form of ayaka pillars
ment. According to Paranavitana ([11], p. 60), throughout the chronological span of the
however, the ayaka platforms of the Amaravati Mahachaitya.
stupa resembled the vahalakadas or ayakas of
Ceylon only in the sense that they projected Popular Patronage
upwards from the base of the monument. Other- Inscriptions indicate that in the beginning, the
wise, these two structures, though designated by stupa at Amaravati came up as a result of the
almost identical names, had very little in common donations by the community (Anamika Roy
in the method of construction. [14]). The Amaravati inscriptions mention the
In India, ayakas seem to have had certain other reign of Yajna Satakarni but have no information
associations too. The practice of erecting about royal patronage of him. The entire stupa
a worship slab (ayaka or ayagapatta) on construction spread over a period of 6,000 years
a platform was in vogue among Jainas much ear- came up largely with the contribution of lay dev-
lier. Shah ([18], p. 69) finds its origin in the folk otees, monks, nuns, and people from different
tradition of prithvi-shila-patta, “earthen or stone professions like stone cutters, gandhakara, “per-
plaque” under a tree on a platform. These pattas fumers,” malakara, “florist,” and leather workers.
were considered sacred, and the flowers used to be The only royal donation was by a princess
deposited on the platforms on which they were Sammiliya in the second century B.C. It consisted
placed. The term ayaka for the pillars in stupas of a plain coping stone. Dehejia ([3], p. 4), among
may have derived from this Jaina tradition. In this other things, explains the involvement of royalty
connection, Buhler’s ([26], pp. 314–315) remarks in patronage, including its western and Indian
are also noteworthy. He says that the term ayaga manifestations. However, in Indian tradition
occurs in the Ramayana (1.32.12) and is whether Hindu, Jain, or Buddhist, the construc-
explained by the commentators as “a deity to be tion of sacred monuments seems to have been in
worshipped,” an object of homage, in other many cases a result of community support often
words. The affinity between Jaina ayagapatta with a view to acquire religious merit.
and the Buddhist ayaka pillars rests mainly in The great caitya at Amaravati was built during
their sacred implication. the reign of the Satavahanas, the first great
Whether the Sinhalese vahalakadas – the latter dynasty of south. But, as it is said earlier, their
day form of the ancient ayakas – transformed direct involvement in its construction is not in
from adimukha to the ayaka khambha is not cer- evidence. Note that the Satavahanas were averse
tain. As regards the ayaka pillars of Amaravati to support such works; in fact, at Karle, they are
stupa, they may have evolved from the folk or known to have donated a village for the mainte-
Jaina tradition, or they might even have had some nance of the Buddhist monks. It may be conceded
Buddhist symbolism. It may be suggested that their religious sympathies lay elsewhere, which
they could symbolically represent the five Dhyani might have been the reason for their indifference
Buddhas. Even after the images of the Buddha to Amaravati works. It may also be noted that the
appeared at Amaravati, his symbolic representa- donors in the early Buddhist monuments often
tion was continued unabated in the art of aspired to seek merit not for themselves alone
Amaravati even down to the early second century but for all the living beings. Such notion must
A.D. The practice of symbolic representation have encouraged the masses to donate.
80 Amaravati

Amaravati also witnessed the active role of the Mahayana flourished in Dhanyakataka. The
artisans who find mention in the inscription like neighboring Dharanikota literally means where
they do at Sanchi in Central India. A Sanchi Dharanis were composed ([6], p. 11).
inscription refers to Ananda, an avesanin, “chief
architect,” of Satakarni, a Satavahana ruler. The
term finds mention also in an Amaravati pillar Artists, Nature, and Amaravati
inscription of the second century B.C. Inscriptions
here mention Nagabuddhi whose name in short- Can there be a break from the traditional way of
ened form appears on a number of stones. The studying the art? There could be two approaches
artisans might have received royal patronage. For to study, if one can borrow Edward Said’s words
instance, Nagarjunakonda that marks the culmi- “Orientalist” and the other is “Anthropological”
nation of art activity at Amaravati stupa was or western. Or there could be both approaches.
patronized by the Ikshvaku queens and the rise They are two streams of a river to look at the
of Nagarjunakonda. Besides, quite a few inscrip- nature as “divinity” or to look at nature as “nature”
tions are imprinted with the masons’ marks. Coomarswamy ([2], p. 8) say that arts is being of
divine origin, it has been brought down from
heaven to earth.
Sectarian Development Does the study in art become complete by
classifying it and complementing it by literary
The Mahacaitya complex at Amaravati went sources or by dissecting the monument layers by
through periodic reconstructions. What could layers.
have been the motivating force behind such One cannot recreate the circumstances, cannot
changes in a monument that witnessed art activity penetrate into the mind of the artist, but can only
here for 500 years (from the second century B.C. try to read the language of tool, brush, paint, and
to the third century A.D.)? There cannot be one stone. The nature is not depicted in suksma or
reason for such changes. Aesthetic urge cannot subtle form but in sthool form. It is the exterior
explain the phenomenon. One may perhaps haz- form of nature that is transformed in the subtle
ard a guess that interventions by different Bud- form (Fig. 18).
dhist schools or sects might have led to the At Amaravati, nature is depicted differently.
repeated reconstructions of the great stupa. The Here the artist did not take the support of the
epigraphical testimony points to the presence of nature to narrate the scene; nature occurs as the
the Cetikas ([20], no. 33) and the part of the narrative scene. The very first depiction
Mahavanaseliyas ([17], no. 85). The in stone is that of the “flora” and “fauna.” There is
Mahavanaseliya and the Aparamahavanaseliya an elephant under a palm tree. The elephant as
sects rose to prominence in the neighboring West-
ern India and Nagarjunakonda. The highly
embellished great railing was constructed in the
second century A.D., and the supervisor of the
great railing hailed from Cetika sect. During this
period of great sculptural activity, plain copings
were also built. The sectarian influence for which
is not evident.
Andhra Pradesh has always been regarded as
the original seat of Mantrayan, and the base of
Tantricism was provided by the establishment of
Mahayana. Tibetan evidence proved that the phi-
losopher Nagarjuna was associated with the con-
struction of the great railing ([7], pp. 136–140). Amaravati, Fig. 18 Mythical animals
Amaravati 81

Amaravati,
Fig. 19 Subjugation of
Nalagiri
A

Amaravati,
Fig. 20 Havoc created by
elephant

high as palm tree may present a disproportion. reproducing. In the Aitareya Brahman VI,27: it is
One shall try to decode the sign which the artist in the imitation (anukriti) of the angelic (deva)
had tried to convey centuries ago. After about 400 works of art (Silpani) that any work of art (silpa)
centuries, it was followed by the subjugation of is accomplished (adhigamyate) here; in the
Nalagiri (Fig. 19) and Chaddanta Jatak. Again Rigveda, sometimes the artist is supposed to be
there is an elephant (Figs. 20 and 21), but there visiting some heaven and there seeing the form of
is a difference in depiction. Now the artist knows the angel or architecture to reproduce on earth
how to imitate the nature. Imitation has not been ([2], p. 9).
taken in the ordinary sense; imitation is in fact The artist was aware of the force of the nature.
divinity. It is the creation of the God that artist is The “sala” tree becomes the symbol of the
82 Amaravati

Amaravati, Fig. 21 Buddha as elephant Amaravati, Fig. 22 Worship of symbols

nativity. The woman standing under a “Sala” tree

has been taken as “Maya,” Buddha’s mother. It At Amaravati, it is carved from the second century
got elaboration in the art of Amaravati. It became B.C. or even earlier at the stelea, which is described
popular in the art of Bharhut, Sanchi, and by Ghosh as the beginning of the sculptural activ-
Nagarjunakonda so much so that any woman ity. There are quite a few stories. Xuanzang
standing under the Sala tree was identified as describes Sakyamuni’s futile attempt to attain
“Maya.” The sala trees are supposed to represent enlightenment at nearby Pragbodhi hill (now called
the tree spirit. In the Ashokavadana, Ashoka asks Dhongara hill). According to the legend that
the tree spirits that they have seen the infant Bud- Xuanzang narrates, Sakyamuni was warned by
dha and they describe him to Ashoka: a God that if he would try to attain meditation
there, the earth would open up and the mountain
You saw his birth and saw his body adorned with will fall upon him. When he tried another site,
the marks!
You Gazed upon his large lotus like eyes! another God told him the same thing. This is not
You heard in this wood the first delightfull a place for a Tathagat to perfect the wisdom. From
Words of the leader of mankind| here south most not far from the place of penance is
Tell Goddess, What it was like-the magnificent a peepal tree under which is a diamond throne,
Moment of the blessed one’s birth,
a vajrasana. All the past Buddhas seated on this
In the third chapter of the Mahavamsa, throne have obtained the enlightenment and so
Kushinagar is described as a holy place between those yet to come will pray them.
two Sala trees. Like Gautama each of the six prior Buddhas sat
Another tree, which was profusely depicted, is under a tree to achieve enlightenment, and the
bodhi tree (Fig. 22). Its significance is well known. Buddhist texts assign the patali or begonia tree
Amaravati 83

to Vipassi, pundarika or white mango to Sikhi, Sal and anthropological. Was the artist imitating the
or Shorea to Vessabha, Shirisha or acarcia to nature, or was he seeking an aesthetic delight in it?
Krakunada udumbara or fig to Kanakmuni, The artist did not see within himself. He did not A
nyagrodh or banyan to Kashyap and Asvattha, or seek his intuition; he rather looked at the nature
Pee pal to Sakyamuni. for his model. The trees and flowers had occurred
There is an amalgamation of Sala tree and as the part of the story and not as the embellish-
bodhi tree in the narration of the Mahavamsa. ment. In Chaddant Jatak, the stories of six-tusked
The Mahavamsa (XVII.16, 17) narrates that in elephant, the herd of elephants, the lotus-filled
the reign of King Dhammasoka with the offering pond, and the banyan tree are well depicted. In
of Kartika festival, the king honored the beautiful the miracle of Savatthi, the mango grove is
bodhi tree at the foot of the Sala tree. There is yet carved, which gets a prominent place even in the
another narration (Mahavamsa, XVIII 64–65) that episode of dream of Maya, in the crossbar of the
the king in the month of Kartika built a beautiful second century A.D. Shuddhodhana’s visit to
hall and placed the bodhi tree at the east side at the Maya in the Mango grove, where she narrates
foot of Sala tree. her dream, the mango grove is obvious. In the
There are several questions that such an ortho- original Pali texts, where Buddha’s life sketch is
dox depiction of nature raises. This depiction is narrated, this incident does not occur. This inci-
from the artist’s point of view; his view may be dent is told at length in the Lalitvistara. Here he
different from pilgrim, worshipper, and donor. was not imitating the nature, rather trying to imply
Secondly, was the artist aware of all these texts the significance of the text. The depiction is art-
which the modern scholars quote to supplement ist’s diasporas or donor’s is not clear. Similarly,
these depictions? The artist may not be aware of Sala trees are depicted at Buddha’s birth place;
the written texts, but the written texts compile the they are associated with Kushinagar in the
oral tradition, and the artist must have been aware Mahavamsa (third chapter).
of these traditions. His imagination may not be a servant of the
It invites one to see beyond the material object. mundane world; some times he seeks reality. It is
The aesthetic instinct is attached to all the artistic evident in the stelea of the second century B.C.,
expression. Why the artist took delight in where river Krishna is carved, or the pillar of the
expressing bodhi tree again and again? It was as second century A.D., where river “Niranjana” is
the enlightenment icon the first depiction in nature. carved. Hiuen Tsang’s famous account became
When the tools and chisels working on the stone popular much after the stupas were erected. Pre-
depict the nature, there is oneness of the outer and sumably the depiction of nature provided a power
the inner worlds. At Amaravati, there is a balance and strength that was beyond human imagination.
in the depiction of nature and human beings. The artist must have felt that there are certain
Nowhere the artist appears to be scared of the forces that control them and equally they needed
force of nature. In the depiction of Shuddhodhana’s some power to provide him protection.
visit to Maya Devi in the mango grove, where she At Amaravati, there is not a curiosity, as to
narrates her dream, the artist did not appear to be whether man was nature worshipper or he was
conventional enough to present the outer world using nature as a tool to express his feelings.
predominantly. It is not that through convention This is more evident where he depicts elephant
only the depiction of nature could be made possi- under a palm tree. With nature and religion at
ble. This is the depiction of the second century work, the tree becomes the integral part of the
A.D., even in the second century B.C. in the lives of the common people.
scene of miracle of Sravasti, where the mangoes If man is a nature worshipper, he is the creator
blossom, his imagination did not yield before the also, then what sort of religious feelings he is
power of nature. expressing through nature. Is it a folk religion or
There is not one way of presentation; there are popular religion or the living tradition?
two ways of looking at the problem, the religious Coomarswamy [2] explains it differently. He
84 Amaravati

says, However in thus drawing a distinction

between symbolic and imagist art, it must be
very strongly emphasized that the two kinds of
art are in ser connected and related aesthetically.
The tree is not only the enlightenment icon, but
it is the symbol of life itself. With the changing
season, it grows, decays, and regenerates just like
the miracle at Sravasti, where the Buddha makes
the mango tree blossoms and flowers.
Why there is so much abundance of bodhi tree?
Was it artist’s, pilgrim’s, worshipper’s, or donor’s
wish? It was not depicted just for the nature. Here
comes “Orientalism.” In a much quoted passage
from the Mahaparinibbana Sutta ([13], p. 90),
Anand asks the Buddha what the monks should
do after his death when they were no longer to
receive his audience or wait upon him. The Bud-
dha replied that there are four places which the
believing man should visit with feelings of rever-
ence and awe . . .. The place at which. . . the
Tathagat attained the supreme and perfect insight.
Thus, the tree is depicted without any bureau-
cracy or dogma. According to the Mahavamsa
(58–63), 32 saplings from it were taken out.
Amaravati, Fig. 23 Fourth phase of the stupa These bodhi trees were given special names
“Vaddhaman Bodhi” and were closely guarded.
The peepal tree is worshipped as the embodiment
of the God himself of the triumph, the roots being

Amaravati, Fig. 24 Jataka scene

Amaravati 85

Amaravati, Fig. 25 King Shuddhodhana and worship of Amaravati, Fig. 26 Purna Kumbha
symbol

Brahma the creator, the trunk Siva the destroyer,

and the branches Vishnu the preserver. The peepal those who are at the fringes of art and who are
tree is also supposed to bring fertility. either too unimportant or too feeble to be heard or
At Amaravati, the artist tries to seek the beauty seen in the mainstream of the artistic presentation.
of the nature, whereas worshipper seeks the util- Thus, one cannot place the motifs only as an
ity, divinity, and devotion. The nature begins with alamkara (Figs. 8, 15, and 23) (embellishment).
the mundane level but gradually becomes the They convey a much deeper message. It could be
symbol in art. Sala tree, Elephant, Bodhi are a tussle between seen and unseen. An attempt may
uprooted from the aesthetician job and become be made to see beyond the objects. Amaravati
symbol. Nature does not remain nature; it may be known for its narrative scenes. The artist
becomes a link between artist and worshipper. has depicted not only Jataka scenes (Figs. 7 and
Thus, at Amaravati, nature develops its own lan- 24) and scenes from the life of the Buddha
guage. When the artist draws the elephant as high (Fig. 25) but some hidden meaning also. He may
as the palm tree, he was neither drawing elephant not be a donor, worshipper, or pilgrim, but he was
nor the palm, but the Great Elephant. On the carving for all of them. The sudden outburst of the
contrary, but when he draws Krishna river Purna Kumbha (Figs. 26 and 27) motifs and
(Fig. 7) in the stelea, he is very accurate, and the finally the mithuna couple indicates a change in
river takes same turn even today. religious thinking.
It is bringing together the ancient with the Amaravati is undoubtedly a kaleidoscope of
modern, the folk, and classical with the secular. Indian art. It has rightly earned the name
The manifestation shows the notion and icon of “Amaravati,” i.e., capital of the gods.
86 Amaravati

4. Gail A (1975) Cosmic symbolism in the spire of the

Ceylon Dagoba. The stupa-its religious, historical and
architectural significance. Stuttgarr: Franz Steiner
Verlg Weisaden, pp 260–266
5. Geiger W (ed) (1908 & 1912) The Mahavamsa. P.T.S/
Luzac & Company Ltd., London
6. Hanumantha Rao BSC (1987) Dhanyakataka in early
Andhra history. R.V.V. College, Dharanikota 11–14
7. Hoffman H (1993) Buddha preaching of the
Kalachakra at stupa of Dhanyakataka. Chaukhambha
Sanskrit Series. Varanasi
8. Law BC. The Dipavamsa (ed. & tr. with Introduction).
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the Dipavamsa. The Ceylon Historical Journal,
Colombo
9. Miller BS (ed) (1992) Power of arts, patronage in
Indian culture. Oxford University Press. Delhi
10. Nariman GK (1922) Literary history of Sanskrit Bud-
dhism. D.B. Taraporevala. Bombay
11. Paranavitana S (1946–1947) The stupa in Ceylon.
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12. Rhys Davids TW (1899) Dialogues of the Buddha. In:
Max Muller F (ed) Sacred books of the Buddhist,
vol 2. Oxford University Press. London
13. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (1881) Mahaparinibban Sutta.
The Buddhist Suttas, Oxford University Press.
Oxford, p 90
14. Roy A (1994) Amaravati stupa-a critical analysis epi-
graphical, architectural and sculptural evidence. Agam
Amaravati, Fig. 27 Purna Kumbha kala Prakashan. Delhi
15. Sarkar H (1960) Some aspects of the Buddhist monu-
ments at Nagarjunakonda. Ancient India XVI:65–84
Cross-References 16. Sarkar H (1966) Studies in early Buddhist architecture
in India. Delhi
▶ Ajanta 17. Sarkar H (1980) Amaravati. Delhi
▶ Bedsa 18. Shah UP (1955) Studies in Jaina art. Banaras Jain
Cultural Society. Varanasi
▶ Bhaja 19. Silva R (1988) Religious architecture in early &
▶ Bodhgayā medieval Sri Lanka (a study of the Thupa,
▶ Kanheri Bodhimanda, Upasthaghara Patimaghara). Krips
▶ Mathurā Repro Meppel, Druk
20. Sivaramamurti C. (1956) Amaravati sculptures in the
▶ Nāgārjunakoṇḍa Madras Government Museum. n.s., General Section, no.
▶ Nālandā 4, Madras Superintendent Government Press. Madras
▶ Sanchi 21. Si-Yu-Ki (tr), Thomas W (1973) On Yuan Chwang’s
▶ Sārnāth travels in India, 1904–05, 2nd edn. Munshiram
Manoharlal, Delhi
22. Stone Rosen E (1994) The Buddhist art of
Nagarjunakonda. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
23. Strong JS (1972) The legends of king Ashoka, a study
References and translation of Ashokavadana. Princeton Library of
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1. Agrawala VS (1970) Rep., “Ancient indian folk cults”. 24. Thomas EJ (1940) Lalitvistara and Sarvastivadi.
Prithvi Prakashan, Varanasi Indian Hist Q, XVI
2. Coomarswamy AK (1934) Transformation of nature 25. Barrett D (1954) Sculptures from Amaravati in the Brit-
in art. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA ish Museum. London: Trustees of the British Museum
3. Dehejia V (ed) (1988) Royal patrons and great temple 26. Buhler G (1894) The Bhattiprolu Buddhist Inscrip-
art. Marg, Bombay tions, Epigraphia Indica Vol. 2.
Ambapālī 87

27. Longhurst AH (1936) The Story of Stupa. Colombo. grew up to be a beautiful woman. It is said that she
Ceylon Government Press was so much replete with beauty and grace that
28. Longhurst AH (1938) The Buddhist Antiquities of
Nagarjunakonda, Madras Presidency. MASI 54. many influential and rich men including princes A
Delhi: Manager of Publication wooed her and competed with each other to marry
29. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist Monuments. Calcutta: her. Ultimately, to avoid discord, she was
Sahitya Sansad. appointed the royal courtesan (nagaravadhū) of
30. Paranavitana S (1931) Epigraphia Zeylanica. Vol III,
No. 4. Archaeology Department. Ceylon, pp 212–25 the Vajjian confederacy at Vesālī ([14], p. 206f).
31. Ray A (1983) Life and Art of Early Andhradesha. However, the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya says that
Delhi. Agam Kala Prakashana Mahānāma had to put her up as a city belle
(nagarasobhinī) because of the wishes of the
people, and Āmrapālī agreed on the condition
that she shall be paid 500 kahāpaṇas per customer
([1], Vol. iii(i), p. 16f). The Vinaya Piṭaka men-
Ambapālī tions this rate as 50 kahāpaṇas ([8], Vol. i, p. 208).
In her later life, she became a devout follower
K. T. S. Sarao of the Buddha. We are told that when Ambapālī
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of heard of the Buddha’s visit to Koṭigāma near
Delhi, Delhi, India Vesālī, she paid a visit to him and, after hearing
a sermon, invited him to a meal the following day.
The Buddha accepted her invitation and, conse-
Synonyms quently, had to decline one extended by the
Licchavis of Vesāli ([8], Vol. i, pp. 231–233;
Ambapālikā; Āmrapālī; Āmrapālikā [10], Vol. ii, pp. 94–98). While returning from
her visit to the Buddha, Ambapālī was so ecstatic
at the very thought of having the Buddha for
Definition a meal at her place that she refused to give way
to the Licchavi princes who were on way to see
A courtesan of Vesāli and contemporary of the the Buddha. The Commentary of the Dī gha
Buddha. Nikāya points out that just before Ambapālī’s
visit to him, the Buddha admonished the monks
Ambapālī (Sk: Āmrapālī) was a royal courtesan of to be steadfast and mindful, lest they should lose
Vesāli and a contemporary of the Buddha. We are control of themselves about her ([11], Vol. ii,
told in the Pāli texts that in one of her previous p. 545). It was after this meal that Ambapālī
births, she was disgusted on seeing a natural birth made a gift of her park, the Ambapālivana, to
and made a wish for a spontaneous (opapātika) the Buddha and the Saṃgha along with a vihāra
birth. Hence, in her last birth, her wish was ful- that she had built in it. The Buddha accepted the
filled; she was reborn spontaneously (without par- gift and stayed there for some time ([8], Vol. i,
ents) in the king’s garden at Vesālī ([14], p. 206f; pp. 231–233; [10], Vol. ii, pp. 95–98; [14], p. 207;
[4], Vol. ii, p. 613). She got her name from the fact [12], Vol. iii, p. 177).
that she was found by Mahānāma, the gardener, at We are told that she was so popular and in such
the foot of a mango tree ([14], 206f), or because demand that rich and influential people came to visit
she was born between the branches of a mango her from far and wide ([8], Vol. i, p. 208). As a result
tree ([4], Vol. ii, p. 613). However, Sanskrit of this, Vesālī became a very prosperous city. It was
sources mention her as being born of a plantain this that motivated the businessmen of Rājagaha to
tree in the mango grove of Mahānāma and was successfully approach Bimbisāra to get a courtesan
named Āmrapālī as she was found in a mango for their city as well ([8], Vol. i, p. 268). Among
grove (see [5], Vol. i, p. 418). After finding her Ambapālī’s many influential patrons was King
there, Mahānāma brought her to Vesālī where she Bimbisāra who is said to have sired Vimala-
88 Ambapālikā

Koṇḍañña as a result of his liaison with her ([13], 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
Vol. i, p. 146). However, the Mūlasarvāstivāda 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Lilley ME (ed) (2000) The Apadāna, 2 vols. Pali Text
Vinaya says that their child’s name was Society, London
Abhyarājakumāra ([1], Vol. iii(i), p. 20f). After 5. Malasekera GP (1937–1938) Dictionary of Pāli proper
having heard Vimala-Koṇḍañña, who was an emi- names, 2 vols. Pali Text Society, London
nent monk, she renounced the world, and by work- 6. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961) Encyclopaedia of
Buddhism, vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo
ing through insight meditation on impermanence as 7. Norman KR (trans) (1991) Elders’ verses II:
exemplified by her own aging body, she accom- Therīgāthā (translated with Introduction and Notes).
plished arahantship ([14], pp. 206–207). Pali Text Society, Oxford
Details of some of her previous births are also 8. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
available in the Buddhist texts. She was born in 9. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (eds) (1990) Theragāthā, 2nd
a khattiya family at Phussa Buddha’s time and had edn, with Appendices. K.R. Norman & L. Alsdorf,
done many good deeds in order to be beautiful in Pali Text Society, Oxford
later births. She had practiced celibacy at Kassapa 10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
Buddha’s time ([4], Vol. ii, p. 613ff; [7], p. 213f). London
For the first time, she entered the Saṃgha at Sikhī 11. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
Buddha’s time. While she was participating in (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
a procession of nuns still as a novice, she stopped commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
Society, London
for pūjā at a shrine. At this time, an arahant therī, 12. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha-
who was in a hurry, spat in the courtyard of the ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
shrine. On seeing the spittle and not knowing who Saṃyutta Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
had done this, Ambapālī said reprovingly, “What 13. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramattha-Dīpanī:
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
trollop has been spitting here?” As a result of this, Dhammapālācariya. Pali Text Society, London
she was born in hell and later had, for ten thousand 14. Woodward FL, Hardy E, Muller E, Barua DL et al
lives, been a courtesan, including the last birth (eds) (1891–1977) Paramatthadīpanī, Dhammapālā-
([14], pp. 206–207). There are two verses in the cariya’s commentary on the Therīgāthā. Pali Text
Society, London
Theragāthā ([9], verses, pp. 1020–1021; [13],
Vol. ii, p. 129) which, according to tradition,
were spoken by Ānanda while rebuking monks
who had gone berserk on seeing Ambapālī. There
are nineteen verses in the Therīgāthā that are Ambapālikā
attributed to her ([14], pp. 252–270).
▶ Ambapālī

Cross-References

▶ Buddha (Concept) Ambedkar

▶ Saṃgha
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā Christopher S. Queen
▶ Vesālī Division of Continuing Education, Harvard
University, Cambridge, MA, USA

References
Synonyms
1. Dutt N (ed) (1942) Gilgit manuscripts, vol III, part 1.
Calcutta Oriental Press, Calcutta
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols. Babasaheb Ambedkar; Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
Luzac, London (1891–1956); Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
Ambedkar 89

Definition refused to enter his office for fear of ritual pollu-

tion. In spite of these painful reminders of his
Statesman, scholar, social and religious reformer, caste, Ambedkar was eventually appointed pro- A
voice of India’s untouchables, principal draftsman fessor of political economics and law, advocate
of the Indian constitution, leader of a mass con- before the high court, and principal of the Gov-
version movement that attracted millions of Dalits ernment Law College, Bombay.
(ex-untouchables) to a socially engaged Bud- Ambedkar was quickly recognized by British
dhism he called navayāna, “new vehicle,” and administrators as the most informed and forceful
saddhamma, “true teaching.” voice for low-caste communities. Indian politicians
were slower to follow. This recognition followed
his advocacy before influential bodies: the
Education and Career Southborough Committee on Franchise (1919),
the All-India Conference of Depressed Classes
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was born on April 14, (1920), Bombay Legislative Council (member,
1891, in Mhow (Mahu), a military town in central 1927–1937), the Simon Commission (1928), the
India. He was the 14th child in a family of mahārs, First All-India Depressed Classes Congress (presi-
untouchables traditionally restricted to menial dent, 1930), the Round Table Conferences on
labor. His father held the rank of Subedar Major Indian Independence, held in London (delegate,
in the British army and served as headmaster of 1930, 1931, 1932), the Viceroy’s Council (labor
the primary school on the base. Recognizing the member, 1942–1946), the National Constituent
intellectual promise of his youngest son, he super- Assembly (representative, 1946), Cabinet of the
vised Bhimrao’s early studies and enrolled him in Republic of India (first law minister, 1947–1951),
Elphinstone High School in Bombay when he and the Drafting Committee for the Indian Consti-
reached age 13. Completing his secondary school tution (chairman, 1947–1950) [3].
studies 3 years later, Ambedkar was admitted to As Ambedkar’s reputation as an activist,
Elphinstone College, where he earned the Bache- scholar, and legislator grew, he devoted increasing
lor of Arts in 1912 – the first such degree awarded energy to direct action for untouchable rights and
to an Untouchable. This achievement prompted social and religious reform. His advocacy took
two non-brahmin princes to sponsor Ambedkar’s three forms: publication of periodicals and books
graduate education at Columbia University in on the history and consequences of social injustice
New York, the London School of Economics, in India; founding and leading political parties and
Gray’s Inn, and the University of Bonn. nongovernmental organizations dedicated to
Ambedkar returned to India in 1923 having social change; and calling for mass movements
earned the degrees of M.A., Ph.D., M.Sc., D.Sc., that mobilized thousands, and eventually mil-
and Bar-at-Law, and published his two doctoral lions, of his followers. As founding editor of the
dissertations: “British Provincial Finance” and popular journals Mūknāyak (“Leader of the Voice-
“Castes in India: Their mechanism, Genesis and less”), Bahiṣkṛit Bhārat (“Excluded India”),
Development” [1, 2]. Samata (“Equality”), Janatā (“People”), and
Throughout his political career, Ambedkar Prabuddha Bhārat (“Awakened India”),
focused on the plight of fellow untouchables, Ambedkar helped to build coalitions of non-
who were denied full access to food, water, edu- Brahmin politicians, intellectuals, and foot sol-
cation, property ownership, and employment diers for the civil rights campaigns of the 1920s
security, and subjected to violence and humilia- and 1930s. Most prominent among these was the
tion in accordance with ancient statutes of Hindu Mahad satyāgraha (nonviolent civil disobedi-
religious law and morality. Even as a university ence), protesting the exclusion of untouchables
graduate and barrister, Ambedkar was denied from the public drinking water reservoir; and the
public accommodation when he reported to work Kalaram Temple satyāgraha in Nasik, protesting
as an officer for one of his patrons. Subordinates the exclusion of untouchables from a Hindu place
90 Ambedkar

of worship. Such caste-based exclusions were injustices suffered by low-caste Hindus, and the
practiced throughout India. During the Mahad religious underpinnings of the caste system. The
protests, demonstrators were beaten for taking untouchables’ leader met with Gandhi in 1933 to
a token sip from the public water tank, and por- discuss the continuing opposition of Hindu clerics
tions of the Manusmṛti, the ancient Hindu legal and politicians to the temple entry campaign.
code of restrictions and penalties governing low- Ambedkar argued that the caste system itself
caste and out-caste Hindus, was publicly burned. would have to be dismantled for the practice of
Litigation in both cases lasted years in the Bom- untouchability to cease. Gandhi believed that
bay courts, resulting in victory in the water case untouchability was weakening as progressive
and defeat in the temple case. Hindus experienced a change of heart, and that
At the Round Table Conferences in London, the caste system, purged of untouchability,
Ambedkar came into conflict with Mohandas Gan- remained a viable division of labor based on the
dhi, head of the Congress Party and erstwhile skills and abilities of specific social groups.
defender of the rights of untouchables, or Harijans, Ambedkar publicly challenged this view, identi-
“God’s people,” as he called them. Dating back to fying chaturvarnya, the ancient hierarchy of
his testimony before the Southborough Committee descending privilege, from brahmin priests down
in 1919, while still a graduate student, Ambedkar through kshatriya warriors, vaishya merchants
had argued for separate electorates for untouch- and shudra laborers, as the source of inequality
ables, recognizing that their sizeable minority and untouchability, which falls below the lowest
voice – roughly 16% of the population – would rung. Gandhi broadened the dispute by invoking
be drowned out by majority-caste Hindu votes in varnashram, the caste system plus the traditional
most localities. Gandhi and Congress supported stages of life – student, householder, retiree,
separate electorates for the Muslim minority, but renunciant – when he declared, “I am a Hindu,
recognized that Muslims and untouchables could not merely because I am born in the Hindu fold,
muster a majority if they formed a coalition. Fol- but I am one by conviction and choice. There is no
lowing clashes with Gandhi on this issue at the superiority or inferiority in the Hinduism of my
Second Round Table Conference in 1931, conception. But when Dr. Ambedkar wants to
Ambedkar wrote to the Indian Franchise Commit- fight Varnashram itself, I cannot be in his camp,
tee in London to make his case once again. When because I believe Varnashram to be an integral
the Viceroy’s Council sided with Ambedkar, part of Hinduism.”
awarding separate electorates to Depressed Classes Ambedkar’s famous reply came 2 years later at
along with Muslims, Gandhi threatened to fast unto a conference attended by 10,000 untouchable
death if the communal award was not revoked. leaders in the town of Yeola. After summarizing
Calculating the harm that the suicide of the the movement’s many setbacks in the 10-year
Mahatma would represent to the Untouchable’s struggle for water rights and temple entry, as
cause, Ambedkar and his supporters reluctantly well as the personal attacks he continued to suffer
agreed to a compromise, the reservation of as an untouchable and a political reformer,
a quota of legislative seats for Depressed Classes. Ambedkar’s voice rose with emotion, “It is the
Called the Poona Pact, this agreement, despised by inequality of Hinduism that compels me to quit
future generations of Dalits, set the stage for Hinduism. I had the misfortune of being born with
a deeper clash between Ambedkar and Gandhi the stigma of untouchability; that is not my fault!
over the question of religious identity [4]. But I will not die as a Hindu; this is within my
power!” After vigorous debate, a motion
supporting Ambedkar’s declaration was passed
Annihilation of Caste by the assembled delegates.
The confirmation of longstanding rumors of
During the 1930s Ambedkar focused increasingly Ambedkar’s consideration of conversion to
on the relation between the social and economic another religion sparked immediate reaction.
Ambedkar 91

Offers of welcome from leaders of Muslim, Sikh, the speech, the leaders asked Ambedkar to delete
Christian, and Buddhist communities flooded his critique of Hindu scriptures and any reference
Ambedkar’s mailbox, while Hindu leaders to his intended conversion to another religion. A
attacked his decision. Gandhi opined that When Ambedkar refused, the invitation was with-
Ambedkar’s announcement was rash drawn and the conference canceled. Inasmuch as
and premature, inasmuch as untouchability was Ambedkar had taken this opportunity to expand
disappearing under scrutiny of Hindu reformers. his critique of the caste system to encompass
And, while Gandhi could understand Ambedkar’s a larger argument about the nature of religion
impatience, in light of recent caste-inspired atroc- and its critical function in society, he decided to
ities reported in the press, he took strong excep- publish the speech on his own, under the title,
tion to the idea that religion is “like a house or Annihilation of Caste: An undelivered speech. In
a cloak, which can be changed at will. It is a more his strongly worded essay, the author cataloged
integral part of one’s own self than of one’s body.” specific indignities suffered by the untouchables
Gandhi predicted that “the millions of unsophisti- of India. He compared the vertical power structure
cated, illiterate Harijans will not listen to him and of Hindu India with the religiously based class
those who have disowned their ancestral faith, system of home-rule Ireland, where
especially when it is remembered that their lives British-backed Protestants dominated Catholics,
for good or for evil are intervolved with those of and Republican Rome, where plebian representa-
caste Hindus.” tion required assent of the Delphic Oracle, which
Local meetings of untouchables resolved to was controlled by patrician priests. In each case,
renounce Hindu gods, scriptures, priests, pilgrim- religion was manipulated by a powerful minority
ages, and the quest for temple entry. Ambedkar at the expense of a credulous majority. In each
began the meticulous process of comparing the case, the author argued that religion is more fun-
potential benefits and disadvantages of conversion damental than economics, politics, sociology, and
to each of the leading religions. While his associ- biology in its capacity to shape human behavior
ates reported their experience as visitors or con- and social policy.
verts to other faith communities, Ambedkar met Ambedkar concluded that a religion of princi-
with religious leaders who were eager to convert ples, as opposed to a religion of rules, allows the
him and his followers to their beliefs. Meetings application of reason and the test of experience to
with the Methodist Episcopal Bishop of Bombay shape a livable society. Here, Ambedkar stressed
revealed both Ambedkar’s admiration for the “the principle of change” that he had learned as
Christian gospel of love and equality and his dis- a Columbia University graduate student from the
may over the enduring caste consciousness of Dalit American philosopher, John Dewey: “Every soci-
converts to Christianity. Conversion to Islam, like ety gets encumbered with what is trivial, with
that to Christianity, would represent a repudiation dead wood from the past, and with what is posi-
of traditional Indian cultural values, while conver- tively perverse. . . . As a society becomes more
sion to native traditions like Sikhism or Jainism enlightened, it realizes that it is responsible not
would commit the untouchables to a degree of to conserve and transmit the whole of its existing
religious militancy or pacifism which Ambedkar achievements, but only such as make for a better
viewed as impractical in a world in need of parlia- future society.” For Ambedkar, a changing society
mentary struggle and compromise [5]. demands “a constant revolution of old values” and
In 1936, Ambedkar was invited to offer the standards of conduct [6].
keynote address and to preside over the annual
meeting of the Jat Pat Todak Mandel in Lahore,
a reformist Hindu association that had followed The Buddha and His Dhamma
Ambedkar’s career and writings with approval.
The invitation resulted in outcries by orthodox During the 1940s, Ambedkar continued to repre-
Hindu leaders, and after previewing a draft of sent the cause of the depressed classes in
92 Ambedkar

preparation for Indian independence. As influen- an excavation of Buddhist ruins near Mahad and
tial as his political service and social activism invited them to reflect on the ancient bhikkhu-
were, Ambedkar advanced his philosophy of sangha, the order of monks “who lived lives of
civil society and social justice with a string of poverty and chastity and selflessly devoted them-
forceful monographs: Federation vs. Freedom selves to the service of the community.”
(1939), Thoughts on Pakistan (1940), Ranade, In May 1936, 7 months after declaring his
Gandhi and Jinnah (1943), What Congress and intention to seek another religion, Ambedkar
Gandhi have done to the Untouchables (1945), chose the last words of the Buddha, translated
Who were the Shudras? How they came to be the into Marathi from his copy of the English edition
Fourth Varna in Indo-Aryan Society (1946), and of the Dialogues of the Buddha (the Rhys Davids’
The Untouchables: Who they were and Why they edition of Digha Nikāya, to exhort his followers:
became Untouchables? (1947). In the latter “Therefore, Ananda, be ye lamps unto yourselves.
works, Ambedkar argued that the shudras and Be ye a refuge to yourselves. Betake yourselves to
untouchables had been subjugated by brahmins no external refuge. Hold fast to the Truth as
in ancient times in the competition for power a lamp. Hold fast as a refuge to the Truth. Look
and privilege. The shudras, formerly warriors, not for refuge to anyone besides yourselves.” In
were demoted to laborer status through the denial the following years, Ambedkar named his new
of the upanayana, coming-of-age ritual, which house in Bombay “Rajgriha,” after the place of
could only be performed by brahmin priests, the first Buddhist Council, and the two colleges he
while the untouchables, formerly “broken men” founded for Dalit students, Siddharth College
or nomadic herdsmen, were ritually ostracized (Bombay), after the Buddha’s given name, and
and vilified for meat-eating and for their adher- Milind College (Aurangabad), after the Greek
ence to Buddhism. By the fourth century, king who sought answers to life’s problems from
according to Ambedkar, cow-slaughter was the Buddhist sage Nagasena in the second century
made a capital offense by the Gupta kings, and B.C.E. [5].
untouchables were reduced to scavenging for food When India gained independence in August
by removing dead animals from streets and farms. 1947, Ambedkar was appointed Law Minister
The appearance of Buddhism in Ambedkar’s and chairman of the drafting committee for the
thoughts and writings was not new with the pub- Indian Constitution. Amid his increased responsi-
lication of The Untouchables in 1947. On the bilities, Ambedkar continued to pursue his
occasion of his passing of the university matricu- longstanding interest in Buddhism. In his preface
lation examination at age 17, Ambedkar received to the reissue of P. Lakshmi Narasu’s The Essence
a Marathi-language life of the Buddha, written by of Buddhism (1948), Ambedkar paid tribute to the
his liberal Brahmin high school teacher and social author in terms that described his own spiritual-
activist, K. A. Keluskar. Much taken by the story political quest: “Prof. Narasu was the stalwart of
and teachings of Gotama, Ambedkar would later the 19th century who had fought European arro-
declare that his life had been inspired by three gance with patriotic fervor, orthodox Hinduism
great souls: the poet-saint Kabir, revered by his with iconoclastic zeal, heterodox Brahmins with
parents; the nineteenth-century anti-caste nationalistic vision and aggressive Christianity
reformer, Mahatma Jotiba Phule; and “my master, with a rationalistic outlook – all under the inspir-
the Buddha.” Following the burning of the ing banner of his unflagging faith in the teachings
Manusmṛti at the Mahad water-rights campaign of the Great Buddha.” In 1950 Ambedkar argued
in 1927, Ambedkar exhorted his followers to in The Maha Bodhi, India’s leading Buddhist
purify themselves “in body, speech, and mind,” journal, that among the world’s religions only
a formulation found in Buddhist, but not Vedic, Buddhism met the complex demands of morality
scriptures, and to honor “worth, not birth,” and reason demanded by modernity. He and his
a central theme of the Buddhist Dhammapada. wife traveled to Sri Lanka to attend the first meet-
Two days later, Ambedkar led his followers to ing of the World Fellowship of Buddhists and to
Ambedkar 93

see first-hand the life of ordained and lay citizens Glasenapp, Oldenberg, Pratt, Stcherbatsky,
in a traditional Buddhist society. And while he Humphries, and Conze found their places on
was openly disappointed with the focus on “fel- Ambedkar’s shelves alongside the works of emi- A
lowship” rather than social welfare and reform, he nent Asian scholars, Gokhale, Lakshmi Narasu,
announced that the time might be ripe for a revival Suzuki, Takakusu, and Murti. In preparing The
of Buddhism in India. Upon his return to New Buddha and his Dhamma, Ambedkar also
Delhi, Ambedkar announced that he would devote consulted his extensive collection of primary
the rest of his life to this task. texts in translation: the 40 volumes of Max
In his final years, Ambedkar traveled twice to Muller’s Sacred Books of the East, a complete
Burma to speak at Buddhist conferences and meet set of the Theravada scriptures in the Pali Text
sangha leaders. He spoke and wrote frequently on Society’s translation series, and bound volumes of
the history and promise Buddhist philosophy and The Maha Bodhi [8].
morality, founded the Indian Buddhist Society, Ambedkar’s outline for The Buddha and His
and announced that he was preparing Dhamma reveals his intention to provide
a comprehensive work on the life and message a comprehensive introduction to the three “ref-
of the Buddha. This was to be his final work, on uges” that define the faith and value commitments
which he was still laboring at the time of his death. of a Buddhist – the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the
Published posthumously as The Buddha and His Sangha – so that the book might become not only
Dhamma and translated into numerous Indian and a reference book of Buddhist lore and philosophy,
foreign languages, it is revered as a Buddhist bible but also a handbook of Buddhist devotion and
by the millions of new Buddhists who followed practice for new converts. The volume is orga-
their Babasaheb Ambedkar to conversion [7]. nized into books, chapters, sections, and verses,
The Buddha and his Dhamma was not the each of which is numbered in the manner of the
literary project of a retired politician who turned Christian Bible. Following Ambedkar’s critical
at last to religion after a life in the professional introduction and a prologue consisting of
trenches. It was rather the distillation of a life of a passage from James Hastings Encyclopedia of
scholarly study and reflection on the meaning and Religions and Ethics, the books bear the titles
function of religion in society, and of the unique “Siddhartha Gautama – How a Bodhisatta became
place that Buddhism occupied in the pluralistic the Buddha,” “Campaign of Conversion,” “What
landscape of Indian spirituality. As a child, the Buddha Taught,” “Religion and Dhamma,”
Ambedkar was trained to recite daily verses “The Sangh,” “He and His Contemporaries,”
from Hindu scriptures by his father, partly as “The Wanderer’s Last Journey,” and “the Man
a religious practice and partly to illustrate the who was Siddharth Gautama.” Notably, the book
role that low-caste persons – such as Vālmīki, on the sangha contains a “Vinaya for the Laity,”
the Dalit poet-saint credited with composing the that is, a handbook of conduct for specific catego-
Ramayana – played in history. Since his graduate ries of followers: the wealthy, householders, chil-
studies in New York and London, Ambedkar had dren, pupils, husbands and wives, masters and
amassed a library of works on Buddhism that servants, and girls. In this way, Ambedkar hoped
reflected the rise of the critical literary and histor- to define a new identity and lifestyle for his Dalit
ical study of religion since the nineteenth century. followers – one characterized by dignity, personal
Among these were Carus’s Gospel of Buddha, morality and hygiene, and charity toward others.
Goddard’s Buddhist Bible, Arnold’s Light of The introduction and prologue of The Buddha
Asia, Thomas’s The Life of Buddha as Legend and his Dhamma represent bold departures from
and History, and Burtt’s Teachings of the Com- religious orthodoxy, whether of the Hindu or Bud-
passionate Buddha. Critical editions of Pali and dhist varieties. The passage Ambedkar selected
Sanskrit scriptures and commentaries, and works from Hastings’ encyclopedia describes axial
on Buddhist history and philosophy by such West- periods in human spirituality: “From time to
ern authorities as Beal, the two Rhys Davids, time men find themselves forced to reconsider
94 Ambedkar

current and inherited beliefs and ideas, to gain vested with reporting the Buddha’s words,
some harmony between present and past experi- Ambedkar set about to bring out the optimism
ence, and to reach a position which shall satisfy and social activism he had found in the Buddha’s
the demands of feeling and reflexion and give message since first reading Keluskar’s life of Bud-
confidence for facing the future.” Today, such dha as a teenager.
a movement is spirited by rapid progress in sci- The Buddha and His Dhamma may be likened
ence and technology, global tendencies to reform to “a well planned, solidly built, and beautifully
and reconstruct social thought and politics, and decorated palace, some apartments of which the
“deep-stirring experiences” related to issues of architect was obliged to leave unfinished,”
justice, human destiny, God, and the universe, according to Ambedkar’s onetime associate and
which “in turn involve problems of the relation lifelong champion, the English Buddhist monk,
between ‘religious’ and other ideas, the validity of Sangharakshita. Suffering from heart disease and
ordinary knowledge, and practicable conceptions diabetes in his final years, and struggling to com-
of ‘experience’ and ‘reality.’” One hears in this plete his book during all-night vigils while fulfill-
passage the insights of German empiricism and ing his public duties by day, Ambedkar was forced
phenomenology (Schleiermacher, Husserl, Otto) to abandon the meticulous argumentation and
and American pragmatism (James, Dewey), with documentation that characterized his earlier
which Ambedkar was intimately familiar and in works. Yet, in the end, Ambedkar took “what
agreement [9, 10]. seemed to him the most relevant parts of several
In his prologue, Ambedkar raises four funda- Buddhist traditions, edited them, sometimes dras-
mental doubts about the Buddhist tradition, tically, added material of his own, and arranged
which, taken with the daring interpretations that them in an order. Like the Constitution, this too
follow, “were enough to shock a real Buddhist,” has become more than another document. Just as
according to a reviewer in The Maha Bodhi. These the Constitution is at the heart of the nation’s
concerned the legend of Gotama’s “great going political life, this canon is at the heart of the reli-
forth” from the princely life to one of poverty and gious life of the new Buddhists” [11].
religious inquiry, the teachings on suffering
known as the “four noble truths,” the pan-Indian
conceptions of karma and rebirth, and the social The Great Conversion of 1956
role of the Buddhist monks, or the bhikkhu-
sangha. Ambedkar questions whether a man of Preparations for a public dī kṣā or conversion cer-
30 years, already a husband and father, could be emony commenced in 1955, a year prior to the
sufficiently perplexed by the reality of illness and international observance of the 2,500th Buddhist
death outside the palace walls to abandon his Jayanti. Deeply disturbed by the apparent failure
family and his career as a kshatriya ruler. Like- of the bhikkhu-sangha in Buddhist countries to
wise, he questioned the pervasive emphasis on serve the educational, social, and economic needs
suffering and on moral determinism implied by of their followers, Dr. Ambedkar considered tak-
traditional teachings of dukkha, anattā, karma, ing only the first two refuges in the traditional
and samsāra, which tend to cause confusion, pes- formula, pledging fealty only to the Buddha and
simism, and hopelessness and constitute his Dhamma. But his advisors convinced him that
a “stumbling-block in the way of non-Buddhists a partial fulfillment of the traditional formula
accepting the gospel of Buddhism.” As for the would discredit the new Buddhists in the eyes of
monks, their focus on creating “a perfect man” worldwide orthodoxy. Consequently, Ambedkar
distorted the Buddha’s challenge “to create assembled the elements of what would become
a social servant devoting his life to service of the the largest Buddhist conversion in modern times.
people.” Arguing that the negativity and distortion The central Indian city of Nagpur, associated with
of the tradition was introduced by scholar-monks the preservation of Buddhism by the tribal Naga
Ambedkar 95

peoples, and the full-moon observance of Dasara, of the oppressed,” and the 1970s saw the appear-
the harvest festival associated with the Buddhist ance of the Dalit Panthers, modeled on the Black
conversion of King Asoka and with the triumph of Panthers, the militant African American political A
good over evil, falling on October 14, 1956, were party committed to social justice and institutional
chosen for their symbolic impact. reform.
An estimated 380,000 followers of Ambedkar’s By the 1980s and 1990s, Ambedkar’s concep-
political and personal odyssey, mostly Dalit and tion of “new vehicle” or Navayana Buddhism came
low-caste Hindus, but also Brahmin intellectuals to be associated with the worldwide rise of Bud-
and reformers – reminiscent of the Buddha’s own dhist liberation movements, service organizations,
following – made their way to the military parade and activists known as Engaged Buddhism, or
ground that had been secured as the diksha-bhumi socially engaged Buddhism. This movement
by the Ambedkarites. Attendees listened raptly as encompasses such well-known figures as the
their leader and his wife took the Three Refuges and Nobel Peace Prize laureates The Dalai Lama of
Five Precepts from India’s most senior Buddhist Tibet and Aung San Ssu Kyi of Myanmar, and
monk, U Chandramani Bhikkhu. This was Nobel nominees Ven. Thich Nhat Hanh of Viet-
followed by the administration of the refuge and nam, Sulak Sivaraksa of Thailand, and A. T.
precept formulas to the throngs that spread out in all Ariyaratna of Sri Lanka. The organizations associ-
directions from the platform. An additional element ated with these leaders, the Free Tibet Movement,
of the conversion was provided by Ambedkar him- the democracy movement of Burma, the Unified
self, 22 Vows enjoining a complete reorientation of Buddhist Church of Vietnam, the International Net-
identity and values: “I renounce Hinduism which is work of Engaged Buddhists, and Sarvodaya
harmful to humanity and the advancement and Shramadana, are joined by many more engaged
development of humanity because it is based on Buddhist groups in East Asia and the West, includ-
inequality, and I adopt Buddhism as my religion. ing the Nichiren-inspired Japanese sects, Soka
I firmly believe that the Dhamma of the Buddha is Gakkai, Rissho Koseikai, and Nipponzan Myohoji;
the only true religion. I believe that I am experienc- the Taiwanese Pure Land sects Ciji Gongdehui
ing a rebirth. I solemnly declare and affirm that (Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation),
I shall hereafter lead my life according to the prin- Foguangshan (Buddha’s Light Mountain), and
ciples and teachings of the Buddha and his Fagushan (Dharma Drum Mountain); and the
Dhamma.” According to witnesses of the cere- American Buddhist Peace Fellowship and Zen
mony, Ambedkar’s voice choked with emotion as Peacemaker Order [12, 13].
he led the assembly in this recitation, anticipating While each organization is devoted to a unique
that in the coming years millions of Dalit “ex- pattern of educational, developmental, and peace-
untouchables” would enter a new life founded on making activities, all may be said to agree on the
“liberty, equality, and fraternity,” as he liked to say, social dimensions of human suffering and its
investing the revolutionary slogan of the European relief, as envisioned and enacted by B. R.
enlightenment with meanings he gleaned from the Ambedkar and the Dalit Buddhist liberation
Buddhist enlightenment traditions of India. movement of India.
In 1950, prior the Ambedkar Buddhist conver-
sions, 181,000 citizens claimed their religious
identity to be “Buddhist” on the Indian census. Cross-References
Ten years later, following the Dhamma Diksha of
1956, this number increased by more than ▶ Caste (Buddhism)
1,000%, to 3,250,000 Buddhists. In the 1960s, ▶ Dhamma
a vibrant new literature reflecting Buddhist ▶ Engaged Buddhism
themes and perspectives with a social-critical ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
edge came to be called Dalit Sahitya, “literature ▶ Politics (Buddhism)
96 Ambedkar Buddhism

References
Amitāba
1. Keer D (1987) Dr. Ambedkar: life and mission. Pop-
ular Prakashan, Bombay
▶ Buddha (Concept)
2. Omvedt G (2004) Ambedkar: towards an enlightened
India. Penguin Books India, New Delhi
3. Kadam K (1991) Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and the
significance of his movement: a chronology. Popular
Prakashan, Bombay
4. Jaffrelot C (2005) Dr. Ambedkar and untouchability:
Amitābha
analyzing and fighting caste. Permanent Black, New
Delhi Charles Willemen
5. Sangharakshita (1986) Ambedkar and Buddhism. International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
Windhorse, Glasgow
Thailand
6. Ambedkar B (1990) Annihilation of caste: an
undelivered speech. Arnold, New Delhi
7. Ambedkar B (1984) The Buddha and his Dhamma,
3rd edn. Siddharth, Bombay Synonyms
8. Queen C (2004) Ambedkar’s Dhamma: source and
method in the construction of engaged Buddhism. In:
Jondhale S, Beltz J (eds) Reconstructing the world: BR Amida (Japanese); Amitāyus; Amituo (Chinese)
Ambedkar and Buddhism in India. Oxford University
Press, New Delhi
9. Hastings J (1908–1927) Encyclopedia of religion and
ethics, vol X. T&T Clark, Edinburgh, p 669
Definition
10. Ambedkar B (1984) The Buddha and his Dhamma.
Siddharth Publication, Bombay, p xliii Amitābha refers to “Immeasurable Light,” name
11. Taylor R (1972) The Ambedkarite Buddhists. In: Wil- of the Buddha who rules over the “Western Para-
kinson T, Thomas M (eds) Ambedkar and the neo-
dise,” Sukhāvatī.
Buddhist movement. The Christian Literature Society,
Madras
12. Queen C, King S (1996) Engaged Buddhism: Bud-
dhist liberation movements in Asia. State University The Names Amitābha/Amitāyus
of New York Press, Albany
13. Queen C (ed) (2000) Engaged Buddhism in the West.
Wisdom, Somerville Amitābha rules over the “Western Paradise,”
where his believers may be reborn. This Buddha
of the West is known as Amituo in China and as
Amida in Japan. His cult is commonly called
Amidism. In East Asia this phonetic rendering,
Ambedkar Buddhism “sound-translation,” is most common. The mean-
ing of the variant name, Amitāyus, Immeasurable
▶ Engaged Buddhism Lifespan, is always given in Chinese as
Wuliangshou, or Muryōju in Japanese. This
“meaning-translation,” never the “sound-transla-
tion,” is very common in China, as if there was no
American Buddhism Indian original to begin with. Pāli texts and the
Chinese āgamas do not have the name of
▶ Westernization (Buddhism) Amitābha. He is mentioned in the oldest parts of
the Lotus Sutra, Saddharmapuṇḍarī kasūtra, as
one of the Buddhas of the West. But the bodhi-
sattva Avalokiteśvara, his “compassion,” is much
Amida (Japanese) more important. In the sūtra called Pratyutpanna-
buddhasaṃmukhāvasthitasamādhisūtra, the
▶ Amitābha Sutra about the Concentration of Direct
Amitābha 97

Encounter with the Buddhas of the Present, early During the Tang (618–907), after China’s uni-
first century A.D. (?), and in its Chinese version fication, both terms were used, but Amitābha was
Banzhou sanmei jing, Taishō ed.418, also known more frequent, maybe due to the influence of A
as Bhadrapālabodhisattvasūtra, Amitābha is Kumārajīva and Xuanzang. In Japan one speaks
a Buddha of the present, situated in the West, but of Amida. Tibet enters the Buddhist world during
the Buddha Akṣobhya and his Paradise in the East the Tang. Here representations of Amitābha
is also there [3]. This text is attributed to Zhi slightly differ from those of Amitāyus, who is
Loujia Chen, or Zhi Chen, commonly called linked with longevity. Amitāyus now holds the
Lokakṣema, in 179 A.D. He may well have been vase of life in his lap, not an almsbowl. He
the translator of prose portions, but the remaining wears a crown, jewelry, and garments of
part may have been revised by Zhi Qian, third a bodhisattva. The Tibetan version of the
century [3]. Lokakṣema seems to have introduced Pratyutpannasamādhi, early ninth century, rather
Gandharan Mahāsāṅghika texts to China. The seems to be of Sarvāstivāda affiliation, not just
Gandharan area seems to have been mainly, but Mahāsāṅghika. Most Sanskrit texts are later than
certainly not exclusively, Mahāsāṅghika, just as the three basic Chinese texts of Pure Land Bud-
the Bactrian area was mainly, but certainly not dhism. These texts are: Kumārajīva’s Smaller
exclusively, Sarvāstivāda and Pudgalavāda [10]. Sukhāvatī vyūha Taishō ed.366; Baoyun’s Larger
The contents of the Pratyutpannasamādhi agree Sukhāvatī vyūha, Taishō ed.360, of 421; and the
with Lokottaravāda, that is, Mahāsāṅghika Visualization Sutra, attributed to Kālayaśas,
Buddhānusmṛti, calling Buddha to mind, and Taishō ed.365, between 424 and 442, the Liu
they expound prajñāpāramitā, perfection of Song. All three texts date from the early fifth
wisdom, views about emptiness. This sutra was century [2, 4].
used by Huiyuan (334–416) when he founded his
White Lotus Society, Bailian Hui, on Mount Lu in
402, traditionally the beginning of Pure Land, Origin
Jingtu [1], Buddhism in China. Pure Land is the
Chinese term for Sukhāvatī , Land of Bliss. Pure, There are numerous theories about the origin of
jing, in this context actually means śubha, pleas- Amitābha [5, 6, 9]. To name a few: Indian mythol-
ant. This meaning is very common in ancient ogy; Iranian circles in Bactria; idealized personality
Chinese translations, based on Gāndhārī(s) and of Śākyamuni; etc. It is clear that Amitābha cannot
on Kharoṣṭhī script. The earliest Chinese texts be separated from Avalokiteśvara. Lokeśvararāja
about Amitābha, entering China via the Central (Shizizaiwang, King Shi Zizai) was Dharmākara’s
Asian route, call him Amitābha. P. Harrison [3] (the later Amitābha) teacher. Avalokiteśvara
has established that among the Sukhāvatī vyūha (Guanzizai, or rather Guan Zizai) will be
texts, texts about the Display of the (World of) Amitābha’s successor. Avalokiteśvara now is
Bliss, Taishō ed.361 is the work of Zhi Qian, and Amitābha’s attendant. Tradition says that in the
Taishō ed.362 is a revision of a text linked with time of the Tathāgata Lokeśvararāja there was
Lokakṣema. Kumārajīva’s version of the smaller a monk called Dharmākara (Fazang), who resolved
Sukhāvatī vyūha, Taishō ed.366 Amituo jing, of to become a Buddha. He asked the Tathāgata to
402, also uses the name Amitābha. But in south- instruct him. The Tathāgata taught him about all
ern China after Zhi Qian, Wuliangshou, the Buddha-countries and the Buddhas ruling
Amitāyus, was almost exclusively used. Indige- there. Dharmākara describes what he wants his
nous Daoism offers an explanation. Amitābha’s Buddha-country, his Paradise, to be like. He
Paradise appears to have been associated with the makes 48 vows (46 in Sanskrit ), which constitute
Daoist Paradise, the fabulous Kunlun Mountains, a prophecy of Sukhāvatī, the Pure Land. Having
where Xi Wang Mu, the Queen Mother of the become a bodhisattva, an aspirant to awakening, he
West, associated with longevity, ruled over the later becomes Amitābha, ruling over his Paradise,
immortals [11]. Sukhāvatī [2].
98 Amitābha

In the universe there are many regions, Bud- where a school is doctrinal, not defined by its vinaya
dha-fields. Some of them are of great beauty and as it is in India, Pure Land Buddhism is
spiritual bliss. Pious believers can be reborn there. a phenomenon of mainly the sixth and seventh
Amitābha and his Buddha-field in the West ini- centuries. It was shaped by Tanluan (ca. 488–554)
tially were not singled out for special worship. and Daochuo (562–645). Shandao (613–681) elab-
Around the beginning of the common era there orated it. The belief in “the final phase of the doc-
was the belief that the world had degenerated. trine” at the time contributed to the popularity of
Mankind could only be saved relying on faith in this devotional form of Buddhism in China. By the
and devotion to a savior. This belief in the “final middle of the Tang, eighth century, Amidism was
phase of the doctrine (Chinese mofa, Japanese quite influential. Also in Korea in the seventh and
mappō)” was very important in the cult of eighth centuries Amidism was quite popular. In
Amitābha in China and Japan. Sincere faith is Japan the popularity of Amitābha rose with the
most important at the moment of death. Amitābha activities of Genshin (942–1017) and Kūya. Both
himself will appear to the believer and transport preached the principle to rely on “the strength of the
the soul to Sukhāvatī. There, one is reborn from other one,” Amitābha, not just relying on oneself.
the bud of a lotus flower. Being born there, one is They preached the invocation of Amida’s sacred
taught by Amitābha and one will stay there till one name. Hōnen (1133–1212) really established the
reaches nirvāṇa [7]. Pure Land, Jōdo (Chinese Jingtu), school. Shinran
In the Chinese canon there are two (1173–1263) reformed the school to True Jōdo
commentarial texts which are well studied in Pure School, Jōdo Shinshū. According to him salvation
Land Buddhism: Sukhāvatī vyūhopadeśa (?), attrib- was possible for all who sincerely believe. Not the
uted to Vasubandhu and translated by Bodhiruci invocation of the sacred name of Amida, but faith is
(early sixth century), Taishō ed.1524, and Daś the basis. Today Pure Land Buddhism is the most
abhūmikavibhāṣā (?), attributed to Nāgārjuna and popular form of Buddhism in Japan. The statue of
translated by Kumārajīva, Taishō ed.1521. While Amida in the city of Kamakura is very famous.
Vasubandhu (ca. 350–430) is a known Sautrāntika
Sarvāstivādin, Nāgārjuna was a Mahāsāṅghika
monk. So, the belief in Sukhāvatī was not limited Cross-References
to one nikāya, school. It is a fact that the Paradise of
Amitābha and the Paradise of Akṣobhya, called ▶ Avalokiteśvara
Abhirati, in the East occur together already in ▶ Gandhara
Kuṣāṇa times, first centuries A.D. See, for example, ▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script
the Karuṇāpuṇḍarī kasūtra, Taishō ed.157. But ▶ Sautrāntika
Amitābha is far more popular in East Asia, ▶ Sukhāvatī
a region which has easy and frequent contacts ▶ The Lotus Sūtra
with the Bactrian area. ▶ Vasubandhu
Amitābha forms a triad with the bodhisattvas
Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta. The first
one is linked with Amitābha from the beginning. References
He is known by more than one Chinese name, for
example, Guanzizai or rather Guan Zizai; 1. Foard J, Solomon M, Payne R (eds) (1996) The pure
land tradition: history and development. Regents of
Guanshiyin, or rather Guan Shiyin; and Guanyin. the University of California, Berkeley
2. Gómez L (1996, 3rd printing 2000) The land of bliss:
the paradise of the Buddha of measureless light.
Pure Land Buddhism in East Asia University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
3. Harrison P (1998) The pratyutpanna samādhi sutra.
Numata Center for Translation and Research, Berkeley
In India there is not just one single nikāya, school, 4. Inagaki H (2003) The three pure land sutras. Numata
linked with Pure Land Buddhism [8]. In China, Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, Berkeley
Anāgāmin 99

5. Kao Kuan-ju (1964) Amitābha-Vyūha. In: Malalasekera

G (ed) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, vol I. Government Anāgāmin
of Ceylon, Colombo, pp 464–468
6. Malalasekera G (1964) Amita. In: Malalasekera G (ed) A
Encyclopaedia of Buddhism vol I. Government of Bhikkhu Anālayo
Ceylon, Colombo, pp 434–440 Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
7. Payne R, Tanaka K (eds) (2004) Approaching the land Hamburg, Balve, Germany
of bliss: religious praxis in the cult of amitābha.
Kuroda Institute in East Asian Buddhism, University
of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
8. Schopen G (1987) The inscription on the Kuṣāṇa Synonyms
image of Amitābha and the character of the early
Mahāyāna in India. Journal of the International Asso-
ciation of Buddhist Studies 10:99–137 Non-returner
9. Tsukinowa K, Ikemoto J, Tsumoto R (1964) Amita. In:
Malalasekera G (ed) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism,
vol I. Government of Ceylon, Colombo, pp 440–463 Definition
10. Willemen C (2013) Early Yogācāra and visualization
(Bhāvanā). In: Volume in memory of L. Kawamura.
Contemporary Issues in Buddhist Studies Series. Insti- The term anāgāmin stands for one who has reached
tute of Buddhist Studies, University of Hawaii Press, the third of the four levels of awakening recognized
Berkeley in early Buddhism. An anāgāmin has thereby
11. Zürcher E (2005) Amitābha. In: Jones L (ed) Encyclo-
pedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan Reference USA, become a “non-returner,” in the sense of being one
Gale Virtual Reference Library, Detroit who will not return to be reborn again in the sensual
world, but will reach final liberation in a higher
heaven beyond the heavens of the sensual realm.

Amitāyus
The Non-returner
▶ Amitābha
In early Buddhist thought, the scheme of four
levels of awakening is defined by the stage by
stage eradication of a set of ten fetters, saṃyojana,
Amituo (Chinese)
that are considered to be what binds unawakened
worldlings to continued faring on in saṃsāra, the
▶ Amitābha
cycle of existence. A stream-enterer, who has
gained the first level of awakening, has eradicated
three of these ten fetters. These three are the fetter
Amity of personality view, sakkāyadiṭṭhi, in the sense of
the notion of a permanent self, the fetter of doubt,
▶ Metta vicikicchā, in particular doubt regarding the
nature of what is wholesome and what is
unwholesome, and the fetter of dogmatic clinging
to rules and vows, sī labbataparāmāsa, as in
Āmrapālī
themselves sufficient for reaching awakening.
A non-returner has eradicated two more fetters,
▶ Ambapālī
namely, sensual lust, kāmarāga, and ill will,
vyāpāda. In other words, a non-returner is beyond
sensual attraction of any type and also will no
Āmrapālikā longer react to anything with anger or aversion.
The task that still lies ahead for the non-
▶ Ambapālī returner is the eradication of the remaining five
100 Anāgāmin

fetters of craving for fine-material states, rūpa- conflicts with several other canonical passages that
rāga, craving for immaterial states, arūpa-rāga, do suggest the existence of an interim existence.
conceit, māna, restlessness, uddhacca, and igno- Regarding the remaining types of non-returners,
rance, avijjā. That is, a non-returner is still subject the difference between the one who attains final
to more subtle types of attachment and has not yet Nirvāṇa without exertion and the one who does the
completely eradicated ignorance. same with exertion finds its illustration in a chip
Non-returners can be distinguished into five from the heated iron slab that falls on either a small
types ([1], Vol. III, p. 237): or a large heap of grass or sticks and cools down
after burning these up.
• One who attains final Nirvāṇa in between, The last of the five non-returners, who is bound
antarā-parinibbāyin upstream, heading toward the Akaniṭṭha realm, is
• One who attains final Nirvāṇa upon landing, similar to the case of a chip that, after landing on
upahacca-parinibbāyin a large heap of grass or sticks, not only burns up
• One who attains final Nirvāṇa without voli- these but also sets fire to the neighborhood and
tional exertion, asaṅkhāra-parinibbāyin only cools down after having burnt down the
• One who attains final Nirvāṇa with volitional surroundings.
exertion, sasaṅkhāra -parinibbāyin The Akaniṭṭha realm mentioned in relation to
• One who heads toward the Akaniṭṭha realm, the fifth non-returner is one of the five Pure
being bound upstream, uddhaṃsoto Akaniṭṭha- Abodes, suddhāvāsā, recognized in early Bud-
gāmin dhism, besides the Avihā, Atappā, Sudassā, and
Sudassī realms. These Pure Abodes are elevated
The implications of this presentation receives heavenly spheres in which non-returners are
further illustration in a simile, which compares reborn, being far beyond the lower heavens in
different non-returners to chips that fly off from which sensual pleasures are still experienced.
an iron slab that is beaten, having been heated all The realization of non-return requires the
day ([2], Vol. IV, p. 70). In the context of this development of both insight, vipassanā, and tran-
simile, one who attains final Nirvāṇa in between quility, samatha, a meditative development that
is comparable to a chip that cools down before needs to be based on a firm foundation of moral
touching the ground. One who attains final conduct. Being established in faultless ethical
Nirvāṇa upon landing is similar to a chip that conduct serves as the indispensable basis for
touches the ground and then cools down. being able to settle the mind and gain deeper
This gives the impression that the first type levels of concentration by way of attaining the
refers to those who attain final Nirvāṇa in an absorptions, jhāna. Attainment of absorption
interim stage between death and rebirth, while appears to be, at least in early Buddhist thought,
the second does so on being reborn. This interpre- a prerequisite for progress to non-return, although
tation receives further support from an indication in later times this has been a subject of debate. The
given elsewhere that the first type, the antarā- discourses indicate that a non-returner has com-
parinibbāyin, has already abandoned the fetter of pleted the training in morality and in concentra-
rebirth but not yet the fetter of existence ([2], Vol. tion ([2], Vol. IV, p. 380), making it quite probable
II, p. 134). Hence, such a person is still subject to that, at least from their perspective, considerable
an interim existence but free from being reborn. proficiency in tranquility is an essential require-
The Pāli commentarial tradition takes a different ment for being able to attain non-return and from
stance, influenced by the fact that, according to the there to progress to full awakening.
doctrinal position adopted in the Theravāda tradi- To proceed to any of the four stages of awak-
tion, death is immediately followed by rebirth. ening calls for the development of insight as well,
From this perspective, an interim existence between which according to one discourse can be under-
death and rebirth does not exist. This position, taken by contemplating the five aggregates
however, is clearly a later development and (affected by) clinging as impermanent,
Ānanda, Person 101

unsatisfactory, and devoid of a self ([3], Vol. III, p. monastics. In fact, the discourses report that sub-
168). In early Buddhist thought, these five aggre- stantial numbers of male and female lay disciples
gates are considered the chief constituents of an had become non-returners ([4], Vol. I, p. 490). A
individual, comprising the aggregates of bodily Among unawakened mankind, whose predicament
form, feeling, perception, volitions, and con- is comparable to being immersed in water, one who
sciousness. The above contemplation therefore has attained non-return is comparable to someone
implies that all aspects of subjective experience who has come up from the water, crossed over, and
should be seen as constantly changing, therefore has reached firm ground ([2], Vol. IV, p. 12).
as unable to provide lasting satisfaction, and there-
with as not fit to be considered a permanent self. If,
however, one were to take anything to be perma- Cross-References
nent or satisfactory or a self, or else if one were not
to look on Nirvāṇa as happiness, then one will be ▶ Antarābhava
incapable of gaining non-return or any of the other ▶ Arahant
levels of awakening ([2], Vol. III, p. 442). ▶ Insight
The development of insight for the attainment of ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
non-return comes into being through having asso- ▶ Sakadāgāmin
ciated with superior persons, having heard the ▶ Sotāpanna
Dharma, having developed wise attention, and
having practiced in accordance with the Dharma
([3], Vol. V, p. 411). The most basic requirement for References
the gain of non-return, however, is the existence of
a Buddha, since due to his teaching the path to non- 1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
return and to the other stages of awakening is
2. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
revealed to humanity ([2], Vol. I, p. 23). Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Although a non-returner has made substantial 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
progress, he or she has not yet fully realized the Pali Text Society, Oxford
4. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Buddha’s teaching ([1], Vol. II, p. 252). This is only
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
accomplished by those who have gained the highest 5. Harvey P (1995) The question of an intermediary exis-
level of awakening: the arahants. An arahant has tence. In: id. The selfless mind, personality, conscious-
also fully developed five mental faculties, indriya, ness and Nirvāṇa in early Buddhism. Curzon Press,
Richmond, pp 98–102
that are of central importance for progress along the
6. Somaratne GA (1999) Intermediate existence and the
early Buddhist path to deliverance. These are con- higher fetters in the Pāli Nikāyas. J Pali Text Soc
fidence or faith, saddhā, energy, viriya, mindful- 25:121–154
ness, sati, concentration, samādhi, and wisdom,
paññā. Although a non-returner has not yet brought
these five mental faculties to full maturity, he or she
has already developed them to a considerable Ānanda, Person
degree ([3], Vol. V, p. 202).
The gain of non-return is reckoned in early Bud- K. T. S. Sarao
dhism as one of the supreme fruits of living the Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
celibate life ([3], Vol. V, p. 26); in fact it is for the Delhi, Delhi, India
sake of such sublime attainment that a life of celi-
bacy should be lived under the Buddha ([1], Vol. I,
p. 156). A monk who gains non-return will be able Definition
to reach the other shore just like a strong adult ox
will be able to cross the Ganges river ([4], Vol. I, p. One of the chief disciples of the Buddha, his first
226). Non-return is, however, not a prerogative of cousin, and personal attendant.
102 Ānanda, Person

He was one of the chief disciples of the Buddha, Buddha is once reported to have said that one who
his first cousin, and personal attendant. He was the wants to honor the Dhamma should honor Ānanda
son of Mṛgī ([4], Vol. iii, p. 172) and Amitodana ([1], Vol. iv, p. 369). It is said that the Buddha
the Sākiyan, brother of Suddhodana ([14], Vol. i, p. would often shorten his discourses so that the
292). He was called Ānanda because his birth monks might have them further explained by
brought joy to his kinsmen ([17], Vol. ii, p. 123; Ānanda. Later, they would report to the Buddha
[14], p. 292). When he was 37, he and Devadatta about Ānanda’s exposition, which would give him
along with some other Sākyan princes were an opportunity to praise Ānanda’s scholarship
ordained by the Buddha personally in the second ([16], Vol. i, p. 81; [6], Vol. v, p. 229). Once on
year of his ministry ([9], Vol. ii, p. 182; [14], Vol. i, a similar occasion, the Buddha called him “a man of
p. 191). Soon after being ordained, he heard great wisdom” (mahāpañño) ([6], Vol. v, p. 225). At
a discourse by Puñña Mantāniputta and attained the First Council, Ānanda assisted the Saṃgha
the first fruit of emancipation (sotāpanna) ([2], under Mahākassapa’s leadership to rehearse the
Vol. iii, p. 105). During the last 25 years of the Dhamma. At the end of this council, the doctrine
Buddha’s ministry, he worked as his personal atten- was handed over to Ānanda and his disciples to
dant and was always by his side ([14], Vol. i, preserve it for posterity. In the first four Nikāyas of
pp. 159ff, 296; [17], Vol. ii, p. 121ff). Legends the Sutta Piṭaka, every sutta begins with the words
from various Buddhist traditions indicate that he “Thus have I heard (evaṃ me sutaṃ),” where the
was one of the greatest personalities in the history “I” refers to Ānanda as he had heard every sutta in
of Buddhism. All accounts of his life contain high person from the Buddha.
tribute, paid by no less a person than the Buddha Perhaps, his most important contribution in
himself, to his great wisdom, devotion, and the Buddhism was that he was instrumental in persuad-
exemplary manner in which he performed ing the Buddha to let women into the Saṃgha ([9],
his duties as a personal attendant of the Buddha Vol. ii, p. 253ff). This made him very popular with
([16], Vol. i, p. 81). the nuns. Once Mahākassapa called him “boy,” and
The Mahāparinibbāna Sutta gives many exam- when Thullānandā came to know about this, she
ples of Ānanda’s solicitude for the Buddha ([10], showed great annoyance with Mahākassapa. Later,
Vol. ii, pp. 107, 115, 147, 199). Being his equal in when Mahākassapa complained to Ānanda of
age (both were born on the same day), it is most Thullānandā’s behavior, Ānanda offered an apol-
touching to see this devoted attendant nursing his ogy to him on her behalf ([2], Vol. ii, p. 215ff).
distinguished cousin. So much so that when the Xuanzang, who visited India in 629–644 C.E.,
Buddha was ill, he became sympathetically sick mentions that Ānanda was worshiped by nuns as
([10], Vol. ii, p. 99). As the Buddha lay dying their patron saint ([5], p. 217). His concern for the
under a sāla tree, it is very moving to read how sick and his ability as a peacemaker among monks
this most dedicated disciple could no longer help form the basis of many stories in Buddhist literature
crying. To console him, the Buddha had to remind ([13], Vol. iii, p. 258; [2], Vol. v, p. 176ff).
him that all component things are impermanent According to the Aṅguttara Nikāya, the Buddha
([10], Vol. ii, p. 143f). The words spoken by called him a champion monk in five respects: schol-
Ānanda when the Buddha’s death occurred were arship, impeccable behavior, retentive memory, res-
not those of a thera who had risen above all oluteness, and personal attention ([6], Vol. i, p. 24f).
worldly things ([2], Vol. i, p. 158), but that of Another example of the Buddha’s regard for
a person who was mourning the loss of a dear Ānanda is the incident of his asking Ānanda to
friend, companion, and, above all, a beloved prepare a blueprint of a robe for the monks which
master. should look like a field in Magadha ([9], Vol. i,
Due to his reputation as an expert on the p. 287).
Dhamma, he was often approached by both Despite being the Buddha’s intimate disciple
monks and laity for an exposition in detail ([6], and a constant companion – perhaps because of
Vol. ii, p. 132f, v.225; [2], Vol. iv, p. 93). The this very fact – Ānanda attained Enlightenment
Ānanda, Person 103

only after the Buddha’s death. Buddhaghosa gives 3. Having allowed the Buddha’s body to be first
a long account of Ānanda’s struggle for final eman- saluted by women
cipation ([11], Vol. i, p. 9 ff. see also [9], Vol. ii, 4. Having neglected to ask the Buddha to live on A
p. 286). When it was decided by Mahākassapa for the space of a kappa
and others that a council (saṅgī ti) should be orga- 5. Having secured the admission of women into
nized to systematize the Buddha’s teachings the Saṃgha
(buddhavacana), 500 monks, including Ānanda,
were chosen as delegates. However, he was the The Dulva adds two more charges ([12],
only non arahant (sekha) among them and hence p. 161), i.e.:
was declared ineligible to participate in the council.
Thus, when the delegates gathered, a seat had to be 1. He failed to provide drinking water to the Bud-
kept vacant. Only after having been enjoined by his dha when he asked for it before dying.
colleagues and a supreme effort on the eve of the 2. He showed the hidden privy parts of the Bud-
council that he was able to attain the goal late at dha to women.
night. Thus, finally he was able to participate in the
proceedings of the council. In the council, Ānanda Ānanda’s reply was that he himself saw no
was appointed to answer Mahākassapa’s questions fault in any of these acts but that he would confess
and to coordinate with him in rehearsing the them as faults out of faith in his colleagues. Once
Dhamma. Ānanda became known as the he was found fault with for having gone into the
“dhamma-treasurer” (Dhammabhaṇḍāgārika) due village to beg for alms in his loincloth and nether
to his extraordinary skill in remembering the word garment ([9], Vol. i, p. 298). On another occasion,
of the Buddha in its entirety. It is said that he was he was censured for having worn light garments
able to recall everything said by the Buddha, from which were blown about by the wind ([9], Vol. ii,
1 to 60,000 words in the right order without miss- p. 136).
ing even one single syllable ([14], Vol. i, p. 286ff; That the Buddha’s death was a great blow to
[17], Vol. ii, p. 134). The Commentary of the him is shown by the stanzas he uttered immedi-
Majjhima Nikāya says that Ānanda could remem- ately after the event ([10], Vol. ii, p. 157). Three
ber anything of up to 15,000 stanzas of 60,000 lines months earlier, he had heard for the first time that
([16], Vol. i, p. 501). Every sutta of the first four death of the Buddha was near at hand and had
Nikāyas of the Sutta Piṭaka begins with the words besought him to live longer. The reply attributed
“Thus have I heard,” where the “I” refers to to the Buddha is a curious one, namely, that on
Ānanda. Ānanda had been either present at the several previous occasions, at Rājagaha and at
preaching by the Buddha of every sutta or the Vesālī (see, e.g., [10], p. 102f), he had hinted to
Buddha had repeated a sutta to him afterward, in Ānanda that he could, if he so desired, live for
case he had missed it ([14], Vol. i, p. 292). a whole kappa and that Ānanda could, if he
Despite immense popularity, Ānanda had to wished, request him to extend his life indefinitely.
face recrimination at the hands of his colleagues Ānanda, however, failed to take the hint on these
for some of his actions which, in their eyes, con- occasions, and thus, the opportunity was gone
stituted offences. Thus, on the eve of the First ([10], Vol. ii, pp. 114–118). Ānanda appears to
Council, he was charged with the following five have spent the last years of his life in teaching and
offences([9], Vol. ii, pp. 288–289; also see [10], preaching besides encouraging his younger
Vol. ii, pp. 115, 154): colleagues.
Ānanda is said to have lived to the age of
1. Having failed to ascertain from the Buddha the 120 years ([7], Vol. ii, p. 99; [15], Vol. ii, p.
lesser and minor precepts which the Saṃgha 596, Vol. iii, p. 129). A hymn of praise sung at
was allowed to revoke if it deemed fit his death is included at the end of the stanzas
2. Having stepped on the Buddha’s rainy retreat attributed to him in the Theragāthā ([8],
(vassāvāsa) garment while sewing it pp. 1047–1049). The Dī gha Nikāya
104 Ānandabodhi

Commentary ([7], Vol. ii, p. 99ff) giving details 4. Jones JJ (trans) (1949–1956) The Mahāvastu,
of his death mentions that he passed away while sacred books of the east, 3 vols (16, 18, 19). Luzac,
London
seated in midair above the river Rohiṇī. When 5. Li R (trans) (1996) The great tang dynasty record of
Ānanda was on his way from Magadha to Vesālī, the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
there to die, Ajātasattu heard that he was coming Translation and Research, Berkeley
and, with his retinue, followed him up to Rohiṇī. 6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
The chiefs of Vesālī also heard the news, and they 7. Norman HC (1906) The commentary of the
too went out to meet him, and both parties Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
reached the riverbanks. To avoid any quarrel 8. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (eds) (1990) The Thera- and
between the two parties, he sat in midair above Therīgāthā, 2nd edn, with Appendices. K.R. Norman
& L. Alsdorf, Pali Text Society, Oxford
the river and resolved that his remains be split in 9. Olderberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
two parts. Entering into a “meditation on fire” 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
(tejokasina), he passed away. A fire arose from 10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
the body and split the remains into two portions, The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
11. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
each part falling on either bank of the river. (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddha-
People wept and wailed, even more than on the ghosa’s Commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols.
day when the Buddha had died, for they said, Pali Text Society, London
“when the carrier of the Buddha’s robe and 12. Rockhill WW (1884) The life of the Buddha and the
early history of his order. Trübner, London
bowl lived, it was as though the Buddha himself 13. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
lived.” It is also an indication of Ānanda’s pop- Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
ularity among the lay people. Both the parties 14. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
built stūpas to enshrine their shares of the mortal Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
remains ([7], Vol. ii, p. 99ff). When Xuanzang London
visited India, he saw both these stūpas ([5], p. 15. Wang B (1997) The Indian origin of the Chinese
214). In the Chan School, he is known as the Chan School’s Patriarch tradition. In: Dhammaratana
second Indian patriarch [15]. BT, Pasadika B (eds) Dharmadūta: Mélanges offerts
au Vénérable Thich Huyen-Vi, éditions. You-Feng,
Paris
16. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
Cross-References Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Buddhaghosa 17. Woodward FL (ed) (1990) Paramattha-Dīpanī:
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
▶ Buddhist Councils Dhammapālācariya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Magadha 18. Woodward FL, Hardy E, Muller E, Barua DL
▶ Mahākassapa et al (eds) (1891–1977) Paramatthadīpanī,
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli) Dhammapālācariya’s commentary on the Therīgāthā,
the Vimānavatthu. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
▶ Thullanandā
▶ Vesālī
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
Ānandabodhi

References ▶ Bodhi Tree

1. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.

Luzac, London
2. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Ānandagarbha
3. Hecker H (2006) Ananda: the guardian of the
Dhamma. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy ▶ Tāranātha
Ānāpānasati 105

objects). It can also be practiced with other tradi-

Ānāpānasati tional meditation subjects including the virtue of
loving kindness (Maitri), one of the four immea- A
Shanker Thapa surables (Brahmavihāra).
Faculty of Buddhist Studies, Lumbini Buddhist Ānāpānasati is a popular Buddhist meditation.
University, Lumbini Rupandehi, Nepal One simple principle behind its practice is that if
awareness is taken back to the breath repeatedly,
mind gradually quiets down and the practitioner
Synonyms feels happiness. It has been the gateway to
enlightenment; therefore, Buddha has laid utmost
Dhyāna/Jhāna; Meditation; Samatha emphasis on the practice of meditation. All the
past Buddhas have endorsed and adapted medita-
tion as the basis for the attainment of Buddha-
Definition hood. The historical Buddha, when he sat under
the Bodhi tree to find out the ultimate truth, prac-
Ānāpānasati is a Theravada practice of meditation ticed Ānāpānasati. Then he attained the four
to train the mind and develop awareness. It is the Jhānas, recollected his past lives (Purvānusmriti
practice of mindfulness of in and out breathing. Jñāna), grasped the nature of Samsāra
Ānāpānasati is the fundamental form of medita- (Divyacakshu Jñāna), and liberated himself from
tion taught by the Buddha. It has been considered the wheel of Samsāra (Āśravakshyaya Jñāna).
as the gateway to enlightenment, which is Finally, he attained the great wisdom. The practice
contained in the Ānāpānasati Sutta. of Ānāpānasati involves breath as the only object
of meditation. It is mentioned as Samatha medita-
tion in the Visuddhimagga. However, it can be
Ānāpānasati: The Buddhist Meditation practiced at both the tranquility meditation
(Samatha) and insight meditation (Vipassanā)
Ānāpānasati (Skt: Ānāpānasmṛti) stands for mind- levels. The former is practiced with mindfulness
fulness of breathing. Ānāpāna refers to inhalation of breathing and development of loving kindness,
and exhalation whereas “Sati” is mindfulness. whereas Vipassyanā meditation builds on calm-
Thus, it is the practice of in and out breathing. ness. The focus and positive emotion created in
Ānāpānasati is a Theravāda practice of meditation Samatha practice helps the practitioners to
for mind concentration contained in the develop awareness of impermanence, intercon-
Ānāpānasati Sutta, which is collected in the nectedness, and the contingent nature of experi-
Majjhima Nikāya. It is the fundamental form of ence. The practice of Samatha prepares
meditation taught by the Buddha. In fact, this is practitioners to move into the Vipassyanā
the first subject of meditation which the Buddha practice.
expounded in the Satipatthāna Sutta, a discourse
on the four foundations of mindfulness. This orig-
inal Buddhist method of meditation was delivered Texts on Ānāpānasati
and elaborated in the teaching of the Ānāpānasati
Sutta. It is practiced as a part of one of the com- Ānāpānasati Sutta provides detailed instructions
ponents, the Samyak Samādhi, of the “Noble on breath as the object of meditation. It describes
Eightfold Path.” The practice of Ānāpānasati about 16 steps for the concentration of mind. It is
removes defilements and leads to attain Nibbāṇa. practiced to bring forth insight and perceive four
It can be practiced with the four tetrads such as dimensions of mindfulness (Satipatthāna) and
Kāyā (contemplation of the body), Vedanā (con- seven factors of awakening. As mentioned in the
templation of feeling), Citta (contemplation of Sutta, repeated practice of breath is of great ben-
mind), and dhamma (contemplation of mental efit which leads to deliverance. Generally, its
106 Ānāpānasati

development leads to perfection of Satipatthāna helps to develop patience, kindness, and gentle-
thereby leading to perfection of factors of enlight- ness that are important when one realizes that he
enment and finally, attainment of Nibbāṇa. was unaware.
Patisambhidāmagga has a section on breathing Before stepping into the 16 objects which are
mindfulness called Ānāpānakathā. The first three grouped into four tetrads, a practitioner should
sections are a kind of general analytical elabora- pay attention to place, position, and practice.
tion and introductions before embarking on the A secluded place is necessary to begin with the
detailed analysis of the actual practice as set forth mindfulness of breathing. The four steps of mind-
in the Suttas. fulness are of greater significance in the practice.
In addition, further instructions on mindfulness A practitioner sits down in a forest or under a tree
of breathing are also contained in various texts in crossing his legs. He takes the position erecting
Pāli canon. Vinaya Suttavibhanga, Pārājika III the body. Then he establishes Ānāpāna in front.
also discusses about mindfulness. Other Suttas in After that, he starts breathing in and out. Only
the Nikāya also mentions about mindfulness of after that, the core instruction of four tetrads
breathing. They provide further explanations, comes.
instructions, and contexts on the practice. The
Mahā Rahulovāda Sutta – Majjhima Nikāya 62, Four Tetrads of Practice
Ānāpāna-samyutta – Samyutta Nikāya 54 No. 4, Here are four tetrads of the practice that are sig-
Girimanaṇda Sutta – Anguttara Nikāya 10.60 dis- nificant in the practice.
cuss about mindfulness of breathing. The first
tetrad is further elaborated in the • Contemplation of the body (Kāyā) – discerns
Mahāsatipatthāna Sutta contained in the Digha in and out breathing, discerns long or short
Nikāya 22 and Kāyāgata Sutta in Majjhima breath and experiences the whole body,
Nikāya 119. There are some other Suttas in calming bodily formations
Samyutta Nikāya (54 No. 5–8, 10–11, and • Contemplation of feeling (Vedanā) – being
17–20), Anguttara Nikāya (nos 16, 96–98, 115), sensitive to rapture, being sensitive to pleasure,
and Itivuttaka (85) that further discuss different being sensitive to mental fabrication, and
aspects of mindfulness of breathing. calming mental fabrication
• Contemplation of feeling (Citta) – being sensi-
tive to the mind, satisfying the mind, steadying
The Practice the mind, releasing the mind
• Contemplation of the mental objects
While practicing Ānāpānasati, a practitioner gives (Dhamma) – focusing on impermanence,
full attention to breathing. Sensation of breathing focusing on dispassion, focusing on cessation,
is used as the object in this meditation. In and out and focusing on relinquishment
breathing is not the breathing exercise, rather
a practitioner observes and sees what happens The practice of mindfulness of breathing per-
there. A practitioner does not make any conscious fects the four foundation of mindfulness.
decision to think outside of the practice. Aware-
ness is gained in the practice of Ānāpānasati. The Seven Stages of Purification
practitioners recognize the difference between The practitioners also perfect seven enlighten-
awareness and unawareness. As mentioned in ment factors after perfecting four foundations of
the Ānāpānasati Sutta, it has great benefit which mindfulness. On all occasions, a practitioner is
perfects the four foundations of mindfulness of also fervent and mindful having put away greed
breathing. It further perfects seven factors of and grief regarding the world. If a person wants to
enlightenment. In turn, the perfection in seven attain Jhāna through the practice of mindfulness
factors of enlightenment perfects in clear vision of breathing, he needs to make a balance of the
and deliverance. The practice of Ānāpānasati also seven factors of enlightenment.
Ānāpānasati 107

• On that occasion, unremitting enlightenment concentration, and equanimity. Instead, mind is

factor of mindfulness (Sati) is established in him. raised up again by developing the enlightenment
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of factors of investigation of phenomena, effort, and A
investigation of phenomena (dhammavicaya) joy. Too much effort may result in agitated mind
is aroused in him, and he develops it. And by and distraction. Then the practitioner should not
development, it comes to perfection in him. develop enlightenment factors of investigation of
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of phenomena, effort, and joy, but instead he should
effort (Vīriya) is aroused in him, and he develop the three enlightenment factors of tran-
develops it. By development, it comes to per- quility, concentration, and equanimity.
fection in him. It is the effort to bring the
enlightenment factors together to strengthen The Method of Practice: Eight Steps of
the enlightenment factor of investigation of Absorption
phenomena and the enlightenment factor of After getting rid of minor impediments and dis-
effort itself. pelled drowsiness, the practitioner should sit com-
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of fortably to practice mindfulness. After reflecting on
joy (pī ti) is aroused in him, and he develops it, the Three Jewels to gladden the mind, he sets him-
and by development it comes to perfection in self to bring breathing mindfulness as meditation
him. It is the gladness of the mind when subject. There are stages of practicing breathing
experiencing mindfulness of breathing. mindfulness. Those stages include the following:
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of
tranquility (passaddhi) is aroused in him, and – Counting: Counting breath to give attention to
he develops it, and by development it comes to the meditation subject.
perfection in him. It is the calmness of the mind – Connection: Carrying on, which is the
and mental concomitants that have the nature uninterrupted following of the in breaths and
of experience as their object. out breaths with mindfulness, after giving up
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of counting.
concentration (Samādhi) is aroused in him, and – Contact: Place touched by breaths; no attention
he develops it, and by development it comes to is to be given to it by contact separate from
perfection in him. It is the one pointedness of fixing, as there is by counting separate from
the mind on the experience of mindfulness of connection.
breathing. – Fixing: Absorption; after giving attention to
• On that occasion, the enlightenment factor of this subject of meditation, the fixing called
equanimity (Upekkhā) is aroused in him, and absorption adorned with the remaining Jhāna
he develops it, and by development it comes to factors is achieved.
perfection in him. It is the evenness of mind that – Observing: Insight, the practitioner should
becomes neither excited nor withdrawn from the guard the sign (with pleasant feeling) avoiding
experience of mindfulness of breathing. seven unsuitable things and observing seven
suitable things.
Thus, repeatedly practiced, the four founda- – Turning away: The path, by increasing the
tions of mindfulness fulfill the seven enlighten- subject of meditation, the practitioner turns
ment factors. In turn, the repeated practice of the away wishes to attain purification and practices
seven enlightenment factors perfect clear vision the same four arūpa jhānas in the five way.
and deliverance. A practitioner has to develop and – Purification: Fruition.
balance seven enlightenment factors. If the effort – Looking back on these: Reviewing, the ending
is insufficient, the mind of the practitioner will fall step.
away from the object of meditation. If such
a situation persists, one should not develop The practice of Ānāpānasati includes some
enlightenment factors of tranquility, stages such as stage 1 – counting in each out
108 Ānāpānasati

breath, stage 2 – to count in cycles of ten breaths, foundations of mindfulness which in turn perfects
stage 3 – to drop the counting, and stage 4 – to the seven enlightenment factors. Then it perfects
begin to narrow the focus of awareness. The five clear vision and deliverance.
controlling faculties – faith, effort, mindfulness, The practice of Ānāpānasati has multiple ben-
concentration, and wisdom, are the five powers efits. It is a fool to control mind. Its major benefits
that control the mind and keep it from straying off are developing awareness, concentration, and
the path of Samatha (tranquility) and Vipassanā calmness. The practice of breathing meditation
(insight). When those faculties are sufficiently helps to improve the skill to focus due to the
developed, concentration will go up to absorption practice of concentration on the subject of
concentration. One will reach at the state of Jhāna meditation.
in this way.

Obstacles Cross-References

There are certain factors that create disturbances ▶ Bodhi

▶ Buddha (Concept)
in concentration thereby disturbing meditation
▶ Dhamma
practices and preventing the encounter with the
truth. In this situation, one will not be able to reach ▶ Establishing of Mindfulness
▶ Jhāna
at the state of access concentration (Upacāra
▶ Meditation
Samādhi) and full concentration (Appanā
Samādhi). These states of consciousness are ▶ Pāli
▶ Samadhi-Marana
essential for Samatha practitioners to experience
▶ Samatha
the Jhānas and Vipassanā practitioners to obtain
▶ Saṃsāra
wisdom. There are five types of hindrances
▶ Vipassanā
are – sensual desire (Kāmacchanda), anger
(Byāpāda), sloth and torpor (thina-middha), rest-
lessness and worry (Uddhacca kukkucca), and
doubt (Vicikicchā). In addition, ignorance, agita-
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the obstacles of concentration. Those hindrances 2. Analayo B (2007) Mindfulness of breathing in the
can be tackled down with the practice of mindful- Samyuktaagama. Buddh Stud Rev 24(2):137–150
ness of breathing. On contrary to prevailing obsta- 3. Ñāṇamoli B (tr) (1998) Mindfulness of breathing
(Ānāpānasati): Buddhist texts from the Pāli canon
cles of Ānāpānasati, there are other factors that aid
and extracts from the Pāli commentaries. Buddhist
to the practice of breathing meditation, which Publication Society, Kandy
includes – renunciation, non-ill will, perception 4. Ñāṇamoli B (1999) The path of purification:
of light, non-distraction, defining of states, knowl- Visuddhimagga. BPS Pariyatti Edition, Seattle
5. Bodhipaksa (2003) Wild mind: a step-by-step guide to
edge, and joy.
meditation. Windhorse, London
6. Brahm A (2006) Mindfulness, bliss and beyond.
Wisdom, Boston
Benefit 7. Bhikkhu B (1988) Mindfulness with breathing:
a manual for serious beginners (trans: Santikaro B).
Shambhala, Boston
Buddha elaborated on the benefit of mindfulness 8. Mahāsatipatthāna Sutta, Digha Nikaya 22.
of breathing practice in front of the assembly of 9. Thera NA, Jayasekera UD (1995) Ānāpānasati medita-
Bhikkhus, which is contained in the Ānāpānasati tion on breathing. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
10. Ven. Sayadaw, Pa-Auk (1998) Mindfulness of breath-
Sutta. He explained that respiration mindfulness
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˙˙

and tranquil wisdom meditation. Yin Shun Founda- He met the Buddha for the first time during his
tion, Lafayette business trip to Rājagaha during the first year after
12. Vimalaramsi Ven U Gyi (2012) The breath of love.
Ehipassiko Foundation, Annapolis the Enlightenment ([11], Vol. ii, p. 154ff). He A
converted to Buddhism immediately after the
meeting and attained the first fruit of emancipation
(sotāpanna). Thereafter, he invited the Buddha to
spend the rainy season (vassāvāsa) at Sāvatthī and
Anasana is said to have built many vihāras along the way to
make the journey comfortable for the Buddha and
▶ Sallekhanā (Jainism) the monks. At Sāvatthī, he bought the famous
Jetavana at great expense, erected the famous
Jetavanārāma inside its premises, and then
presented it to the Saṃgha. This incident is
Anāthapindika recorded on one of the pillars of the Bhārhut
˙˙ stūpa. As a result of this and many other benefac-
K. T. S. Sarao tions in the cause of the Saṃgha, Anāthapiṇḍika
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of was recognized by the Buddha as the foremost
Delhi, Delhi, India among all almsgivers ([8], Vol. i, p. 25). We are
told that on uposatha days, his whole household
kept the fast, and they never violated the pañcasīla
Synonyms ([2], Vol. iii, p. 257). Besides, feeding a large
number of monks in his house daily, he also pro-
Sudatta vided meals to guests, village people, physically
challenged, and poor people ([14], Vol. i,
pp. 208–209; [10], Vol. i, p. 128; [2], Vol. iii,
Definition p. 119). He was known as an adeyyavaco (whose
word carried weight), and he used this reputation to
A banker and contemporary of the Buddha. promote Buddhism ([2], Vol. i, p. 92).
It is said that as a result of selfless generosity,
Anāthapiṇḍika was a banker (seṭṭhi) of Sāvatthī Anāthapiṇḍika was gradually reduced to poverty.
(Sk: Śrāvastī) and contemporary of the Buddha. The Buddha preached the Velāma Sutta to encour-
Though his personal name was Sudatta, he became age Anāthapiṇḍika when he had been reduced to
known as Anāthapiṇḍika (feeder of the destitute) poverty and felt disappointed that he could no
due to his unparalleled munificence ([14], Vol. i, longer provide provisions for the monks ([8],
p. 208; [15], Vol. i, p. 50). His father’s name was Vol. iv, p. 392ff). According to a legend, a deity on
either Sumana ([14], Vol. i, p. 384) or Datta ([1], the advice of god Sakka helped him to become rich
Vol. iii(3), p. 133), and his wife Puññālakkhaṇā again ([2], Vol. i, p. 227ff; [10], Vol. iii, p. 10ff).
was the sister of a seṭṭhi from Rājagaha (Sk: Anāthapiṇḍika was not only a shrewd business-
Rājagṛha) ([2], Vol. ii, p. 410). According to the man but also a keen debater. The Buddha is also
Pāli texts, he had a son called Kāḷa ([10], Vol. iii, said to have recognized him as a keen debater and
p. 189) and three daughters known as Subhaddā, defender of the Dhamma. For instance, the
Culla-Subhaddhā, and Sumanā ([10], Vol. i, Aṅguttara Nikāya ([8], Vol. v, pp. 185–189)
p. 151f) who were very dutiful and assisted records a visit he paid to the Paribbājakas when
Anāthapiṇḍika in taking care of the Buddha and he could think of nothing better to do. A lively
the Saṃgha ([2], Vol. ii, p. 347). However, San- debate ensued regarding their views and the
skrit-based sources point out that he had seven sons views of the Buddha as expounded by
and two daughters, Sumāgadhā and Sumanā ([7], Anāthapiṇḍika. The latter silenced his opponents.
Vol. i, p. 565). When the incident was reported to the Buddha, he
110 Anātman

spoke in high praise of Anāthapiṇḍika and ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)

expresses his admiration of the way in which he ▶ Sāriputta
handled the discussion. ▶ Sāvatthī
Anāthapiṇḍika went regularly to see the Bud- ▶ Sotāpanna
dha, but we are told that he never asked a question ▶ Tipiṭaka
of the Buddha for fear of wearying him. Moreover,
he did not wish the Buddha to feel obligated to
preach to him in return for his munificence ([10], References
Vol. i, p. 3). However, the Buddha of his own
accord preached to him on various occasions 1. Dutt N (1942) Gilgit manuscripts, vol III, part 1.
Calcutta Oriental Press, Calcutta
(See, for instance, [8], Vol. i, p. 261f, Vol. ii,
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
p. 64ff, Vol. iv, p. 405f, Vol. iii, pp. 45–48, 204, Luzac, London
Vol. v, p. 177ff; [3], Vol. v, p. 387). There is, 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
however, at least one sutta preached as a result of 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Hecker H (2005) Anathapindika: the great benefactor.
a question put by Anāthapiṇḍika himself regarding
Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
gifts and those who are worthy of receiving them 5. Jones JJ (trans) (1949–1956) The Mahāvastu,
([8], Vol. i, pp. 62–63). He often consulted the sacred books of the east, 3 vols (16, 18, 19). Luzac,
Buddha regarding his personal and family matters. London
6. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang Dynasty record of
For instance, we also find him consulting the Bud-
the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
dha regarding the marriage of his daughter Cola Translation and Research, Berkeley
Subhaddā ([10], Vol. iii, p. 466). Besides, when- 7. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961) Encyclopaedia of
ever Anāthapiṇḍika visited the Buddha, he was in Buddhism, vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo
8. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
the habit of relating to the Buddha various things
Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
which had come under his notice, and the Buddha London
would relate to him stories from the past containing 9. Ñyānaponika T, Hecker H (2003) Great disciples of
similar incidents. There are at least 15 Jātakas that the Buddha: their lives, their works, their legacy.
Wisdom, Boston
have been preached this way. At least four suttas
10. Norman HC (1906) The commentary on the
and one vagga in the Pāli Tipiṭaka bear his name Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
([3], Vol. 1, p. 51ff, Vol. v, pp. 380ff, 385ff, 387ff; 11. Olderberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
[13], Vol. iii, pp. 258–263). 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
12. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
Anāthapiṇḍika died before the Buddha after
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
having fallen grievously ill. Shortly before his commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
death, Sāriputta went to see him along with Society, London
Ānanda and preached the Anāthapiṇḍikovāda 13. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Sutta to him ([13], Vol. iii, p. 258f; [3], Vol. v,
14. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
pp. 380–387). After listening to Sāriputta, he died Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
peacefully and was reborn in the Tusita heaven the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
where he will live as long as Visākhā and Sakka London
15. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
([12], Vol. iii, p. 740). The Śarabhaṅga Jātaka of
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
the Mahāvastu identifies him as Śakra Śacīpati, Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
the lord of the devas ([5], Vol. iii, p. 371).

Cross-References
Anātman
▶ Dhamma
▶ Pañcasila ▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
Anattā (Buddhism) 111

separated from the body like the sword from its

Anattā (Buddhism) scabbard or the stalk from the muñja grass ([1],
p. 92), and it can travel at will away from the body, A
K. T. S. Sarao especially in sleep ([1], p. 30). Above all, the
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Bhagavadgī tā says that the ātman is “eternal. . .
Delhi, Delhi, India is not born, nor does it ever die. . . unchangeable,
primeval. . . all-pervading, stable, firm” ([2], Vol.
ii, p. 27ff).
Synonyms
Buddhist View
Anātman; No-ego; No-self; No-Soul (Buddhism); Belief in the existence of attā is viewed by Bud-
No-soul dhism as a form of delusion. As Brahman and
ātman came to be identified with each other in
the Upaniṣadic thought, Buddhist texts do not
mention Brahman (neuter) as the one reality or
Definition
of any identity of this with the ātman. The Brahmā
mentioned in Buddhist texts is a personal god
Nonacceptance of the existence of soul/self in
born and reborn as inescapably as any other
Buddhism.
being. The Buddha denied the view that a human
being possesses a permanent, autonomous, and
unchanging attā whose characteristic is bliss.
Origin and Meaning Since Buddhism believes that everything is
impermanent (sabbaṃ aniccaṃ) and transient
The term atta/attā (Sk: ātman) has been used in (vipariṇāma), it automatically follows that the
religious and philosophical writings in ancient attā as a self-subsisting entity does not exist.
India to refer to an eternal essence of man. Liter- Thus, Buddhism maintains that to think that any-
ally meaning “breath or spirit,” this term is often body or anything has an unchanging and perma-
translated into English as “self, soul, or ego.” As nent self is a metaphysically incorrect or even
compared to this, anattā (Sk: anātman), which is a profane view (viparyāsa), for all things are
the antonym of attā, may be translated into always changing, and to cling to anything as if it
English as “no-self, no-soul, and no-ego.” Due were permanent is to misunderstand the nature of
to its nonacceptance of the existence of attā, Bud- reality. To hold to a self is to hold to an artificial
dhism is sometimes referred to as anattavāda and ignorant construction because reality is
(“the teaching of no-self”). anattā, i.e., “devoid of self.”
The doctrine of the self, first formulated in the
Upaniṣads, has remained fundamental to the Why Does Buddhism Believe That There Is No
Indian thought till date. Discussion on Buddhist Such Thing as a Soul?
perception of self, thus, can only take place with The Buddha pointed out that both animate and
reference to the Upaniṣadic view of it. The inanimate objects of the world are saṃkhata (con-
Upaniṣads assume that there does exist an ātman stituted), so described on account of their being
in one’s personality which is permanent (leaving constituted of some elements, as distinguished
the impermanent body at death), immutable, from Nibbāna which is the asaṃkhata (the
omnipotent, and free from sorrow. Thus, the unconstituted). The constituted elements
Chāndogya Upaniṣad points out that the ātman (khandhas) are divided into two distinct
is “free from old age, from death and grief, hunger categories: nāma and rūpa, nāma denoting the
and thirst” ([1], p. 142). Some Upaniṣads like the nonmaterial or mental constituents of a living
Kaṭha Upaniṣad hold the view that the soul can be being and rūpa denoting the material only. All
112 Anattā (Buddhism)

inanimate objects therefore are included in the term insubstantial stream. A living being composed of
rūpa. Nāma is analyzed into four mental states, five khandhas is beginningless and is in
namely, vedanā (feeling), saññā (perception), a continuous state of flux, each preceding
saṃkhāra (resultant impressions produced through group of khandhas giving rise to a subsequent
kamma), and viññāna (cognition, i.e., knowledge group of khandhas, and this process is going on
derived through the organs of senses), while the momentarily and ceaselessly in the present exis-
rūpakkhandha denotes the four great elements tence as it will go on also in the future till ignorance
(mahābhūta): earth (paṭhavi), water (āpo), fire (avidyā) is got rid of and the ultimate goal of
(tejo), and air (vāyu), including all that is formed Nibbāna is accomplished. Buddhism views
out of these four. The four subdivisions of nāma this process as rebirth and not transmigration
along with the fifth, the rūpa, are collectively and does not accept the existence of self which is
termed pañcakkhandhas. Every being and object supposed to pass from one existence to another like
is a composite of these five khandhas, without the caterpillar from one blade of grass to another
a sixth, the puggala (Sanskrit, pudgala) or attā. ([3], Vol. ii, p. 63; [4], Vol. i, p. 176; [7], Vol. i,
These five aggregates are explained in Buddhism p. 53f).
as being appropriated (upādinna) by cognition Like the human being, Buddhism also analyzes
(viññāna) in order to continue the existence to into its component parts the external world with
which it is bound by its previous activities ([3], which the human being enters into relationship.
Vol. ii, p. 63; [4], Vol. i, p. 176). In other words, This relationship is one of the cognition (viññāṇa)
these aggregates get compounded together in var- which is established through cognitive faculties
ious configurations to constitute what is experi- (indriya) and their objects. These faculties and
enced as a person, exactly in the same manner as their objects are called āyatana (“sense sphere” or
a chariot is constructed by putting together various “sense base”), used to include both sense and sense
parts ([5], Vol. i, pp. 134–135). But just as the object, the meeting of which two leads to cogni-
chariot as an entity disappears when its constituent tion. These three factors, the sense faculty, the
elements are pulled apart, so does an entity called sense object, and the resultant consciousness
a person with the dissolution of the khandhas that together comprise cognition, are called dhātu
(yathā hi aṅgasambhārā hoti saddo ratho iti, (“perceptual bases”). Thus, the human personality,
evaṃ khandhesu santesu hoti satto’ti sammuti) along with the external world with which it enters
([5], Vol. i, p. 135). Thus, one does not see anything into relationship, is divided into khandha, āyatana,
like an attā as a residue here. When a person is and dhātu. These three generically are called
indicated by giving him a name, it does not denote dhamma (“element of existence”). This explains
a self but is merely an appellation for the five the significance of the formula put forth by the
khandhas which constitute the empirical individual Buddha: sabbe dhammā anattā (All existence is
([6], p. 25ff). In other words, what conditions exis- no-self, i.e., without self) ([8], p. 279). Thus, when
tence has no essence (sāra), and since a human once Ānanda queried from the Buddha as to the
being is the aggregate combination of various meaning of the phrase “the world is empty,” the
impermanent conditions, then that being has no latter replied, “That is empty Ānanda, of a self or of
permanent essence. What is experienced to be anything of the nature of a self. And what is that
a person is not a thing but a process. Thus, the that is empty? The five seats of the five senses, and
Buddhist analysis of the nature of the person cen- the mind, and the feeling that is related to mind all
ters on the realization that what appears to be an these are void of a self or of anything that is self-
individual is, in fact, an ever-changing combination like” ([9], Vol. iii, p. 54). That which is wholly
of five khandhas. There is no human being; there is impermanent and subject to suffering is also inev-
only becoming (bhava) and no static and eternal itably an-attā, i.e., “without attā.” At another place
attā. Thus, human life is anattā, like the constantly in the Pāli Tipiṭaka, the doctrine of the permanence
changing patterns of insubstantial bubbles on an of self is called a foolish doctrine by the Buddha for
Anattā (Buddhism) 113

the simple reason that what is liable to pain and contains the assertion that there is a “descent” of
corruption cannot be the self of a thing ([7], Vol. i, the consciousness into the womb of the mother
p. 138). preparatory to rebirth ([3], Vol. ii, p. 63f). The A
commentaries do not have the same opinion with
How Is Rebirth Possible if There Is No Soul? regard to the question whether, besides the conti-
Birth, according to the Buddha, is the arising of nuity of consciousness between the old and the
the khandhas. Just as the arising of a physical state new lives, there is some sort of corporeal accom-
is conditioned by a preceding state as its cause, so paniment as well, i.e., some sort of subtle matter, so
the appearance of these psychophysical phenom- to say. Buddhaghoṣa has pointed out that the con-
ena is conditioned by causes anterior to its birth. sciousness is not accompanied by any physical
The present process of becoming is the result of form and that it is in process of constant change.
the craving for becoming in the previous birth, The “descent” is only an expression to denote the
and the future birth is conditioned by the present simultaneousness of death and rebirth. The new
instinctive craving. As the process of one life span person, psychologically, if not physically, is
is possible without a permanent entity passing a continuation of the deceased and suffers or enjoys
from one thought moment to another, so a series what his “predecessor” had prepared for him
of life processes is possible without anything to through his kamma in the last birth. The elements
transmigrate from one existence to another. In that constitute the empirical individual are inces-
other words, when a person begins his present santly in flux, but they will never totally disappear
life, he brings as his inheritance the kamma of till the conditions and causes that hold them
his many previous lives. During the course of his together and impel them to rebirth, the craving
existence in this world, he is always accumulating (taṇhā) and the grasping (upādāna) and the desire
fresh kamma through his actions, thoughts, for separate existence, are finally extinguished.
desires, affections, and passions. The kamma The upshot of the above-stated argument is that
affects every moment of his life, and as the Buddhist doctrine of rebirth is different from
a consequence, his character is constantly chang- the theory of reincarnation in which the transmi-
ing. At death, when the corporeal bond, which gration of an attā and its invariable material
held him together, falls apart, he undergoes only rebirth are the mandatory conditions. In the Bud-
a comparatively deeper change. The unseen dhist texts such as the Milindapañha and the
potencies of his kamma bring forth a new person. Visuddhimagga, several similes have been made
The new body that he gets and which is deter- use of for illustrating the point of view that noth-
mined by his past kamma becomes fitted to the ing transmigrates from one life to another. The
sphere in which he is born. When a new life thus simile of the flame is worth mentioning here. Life
gets created, its component elements are present is compared to a flame. Rebirth is like the transmit-
from its very inception although in an ting of the flame from one lamp to another. The
undeveloped condition. The first moment of the flame of life is continuous, though, apparently,
new life is called viññāna (consciousness) which there appears to be a break at the so-called death.
arises only by causation, and it does not arise Thus, “it is not the same mind and body that is born
without assignable conditions. This has been into the next existence, but with this mind and
explained by the Buddha in the Majjhima Nikāya body. . . one does a deed. . . and by reason of this
in connection with the story of a monk called Sāti deed another mind and body is born into the next
who believed that consciousness runs on and on existence” ([6], p. 25ff). The last thought moment
without any break of identity (anañña). When he of this life perishes conditioning another thought
was brought to the Buddha, he told him that this moment in a subsequent life. The new being is not
was not so and that consciousness arises only by absolutely the same as it has changed, but at the
causation and with only assignable conditions same time, it is not totally different as it has
([7], Vol. i, p. 477). The Mahānidāna Suttanta followed from the same stream of kamma energy.
114 Anattā (Buddhism)

In other words, there is merely a continuity of doctrine of no-self, there is complete consistency.
a particular life flux and nothing more. When, for instance, he is asked who, in the
absence of a self, is it that has feelings or other
How Does a Human Being Exist Without sensations, his answer is that there is no one who
a Soul? feels, but there is feeling, which is a totally differ-
If Buddhism denied the existence of an ultimate ent proposition. Similarly, it is not correct to ask
and real self, then the question arises as to how who becomes old, who dies, and who is reborn.
does Buddhism account for the existence of There is old age, there is death, and there is rebirth
human beings, their identity, continuity, and ulti- ([5], Vol. ii, p. 62). Indeed, if any assertion can be
mate religious goal? It is never denied that at the made about a self, it would be more correct to call
level of the “conventional truth,” in the daily the body the self because, whereas the body may
transactional world, there are more or less stable last as long as a 100 years, the mind in all its forms
persons who are nameable and humanly recogniz- is in constant flux, like an ape in a forest which
able. At the level of the “ultimate truth,” however, seizes one branch only to let it go and grasp
this unity and stability of personhood is viewed by another ([5], Vol. ii, p. 94f). The doctrine of no-
Buddhism to be no more than just a matter of self is a necessary corollary to the teaching of
appearances ([10], Vol. ii, p. 77). In the end, impermanence (anicca). Since all things are
there exist only collections of impersonal and impermanent, they are fraught with sorrow, and
impermanent elements (dhammā) arranged into since bliss is the characteristic of the self, they are
temporary configurations by the moral force of without self. Thus, there is no-self in things. Fur-
deeds of the past (kamma) and by self-fulfilling thermore, all things being impermanent, they are
but self-ruinous taṇhā (craving) which is both fraught with suffering because they are without
cognitive and effective. The Buddha was also self, inasmuch as they are not autonomous. Exis-
opposed to annihilationism (ucchedavāda) and tence is nothing but dependent upon a series of
unambiguously denied that, at death, a human conditions; hence, their existence is a conditional
being is completely destroyed. Thus, there is no one, and there is nothing in the universe that is
justification for assuming that the Buddha encour- permanent, i.e., independent of conditions. All
aged the annihilation of the feeling of self. “What things, mind and matter (nāma-rūpa), have no
was encouraged by him was the doing away of the abiding self-reality. What appears to be real is
belief in a permanent and eternal šghost in the a temporary existence, an instant in a conditional
machine” ([11], p. 38). As pointed out by G.P. sequence, the effect of two or more conditions
Malalasekera, “Man, in Buddhism, is a concrete, combined. Since the saṃkhāras have nothing per-
living, striving creature and his personality is durable or stable in them and are in a state perpet-
something that changes, evolves and grows, ual becoming (bhava), the phenomenal world is,
a composite, existent and changing. It is the con- therefore, a world of continuous flux or flow
crete man, not the transcendental self that ulti- (santāna), a congeries of ever-changing elements
mately achieves perfection by constant effort and in a process of ceaseless movement. All things,
creative will” ([12], Vol. i, p. 569). without exception, are nothing but strings or
In the Dhammacakkapavattana Sutta deliv- chains of momentary events, instantaneous
ered at Isipatana (Sārnāth), the Buddha pointed “bits” of existence. Thus, from the Buddhist
out that if there were an attā, it should be auton- point of view, even the simple stability of empir-
omous, but no such thing is to be found. Matter ical objects is regarded as something constituted
(rūpa) is not the self. What is conditioned by not by one’s imagination. The empirical thing is
self cannot be self. The cause and condition for the a thing constructed by the synthesis of one’s pro-
arising of matter are not self, so it is asked, how ductive imagination on the basis of sensation. It is
could matter, which is brought into being by what nothing but an imagined mental computation.
is not self, be self ([5], Vol. iii, p. 24). In all the Every element (dhamma), though appearing only
statements attributed to the Buddha regarding the for a single instant (Sanskrit, kṣaṇa; Pāli, khaṇa),
Anattā (Buddhism) 115

is a “dependently originating element,” i.e., it answer is it is impermanent. Is what is imperma-

depends for its origin on what had gone before nent sorrowful or happy? Sorrowful. Of what is
it. Thus, existence becomes “dependent exis- impermanent, sorrowful, and liable to change, is it A
tence” where there is no destruction of one thing proper to regard it as “This is mine, this I am, this is
and no creation of another. There is only my soul”? It is not. The Paṭisambhiddāmagga adds
a constant, uninterrupted, infinitely graduated that none of the khandhas has a core (sāra), and
change. Thus, the personality is only a bundle of thus, none of them can be attā ([14], Vol. i, p. 37).
elements or forces (saṃkhāras) and a stream or Concerning the eternality of attā, the Buddha gave
a series of successive states. Everything is no answer saying that it was inexpressible
a succession; there is nothing substantial or per- (avyākata). He felt that whether attā was eternal
manent. The human individual does not remain or not was a metaphysical question and had no
the same for two consecutive moments. The “spir- bearing for the Holy Path nor would it lead to
itual” part (nāma) of the human being and its Nibbāna ([13], Vol. ii, p. 318). Another explanation
physical “frame” (rūpa) are linked together by of the Buddha’s refusal to be drawn into this and
causal laws. The individual is entirely phenome- similar controversies is the impossibility to provide
nal, governed by the laws of life, without any a conclusive answer to a question which contains
extraphenomenal self within him. an intrinsic falsehood ([13], Vol. i, p. 574). The
If any of the constituents of the body was self, second argument of the Buddha is that belief in
then the body would not be subject to misery and a permanent self would negate the usefulness of the
affliction, and one should be able to say to it, “let moral life. In other words, the individual being
my body be thus, let my body be not thus.” But this entirely phenomenal, governed by causal laws,
is not possible as the body is shifting and constantly were there to be in him a self, which transcends
changing and, therefore, invariably accompanied these laws, then ethical life would lose its
by suffering. The conclusion is, therefore, reached point ([13], Vol. i, p. 575). Buddhism does not set
that all these things, whether past, future, or pres- up any independent subject, as it regards every
ently arisen, in oneself or external, gross or subtle, existence as dependent on causal arising
inferior or superior, far or near, are all not to be (paṭiccasamuppāda), clearly expressed in the cau-
viewed thus: “This is mine (etaṃ mama), this is sality theory which says, “When this is, that is;
what I am (eso’ham asmi), this is myself (eso me when this is produced, that is produced; when this
attā).” Then, it is pointed out, when a man realizes is not, that is not; when this perishes, that perishes”
that all these things are not the self, he turns away ([13], Vol. ii, p. 319).
from them, and by the extinction of desire, he It is thus evident that the Buddha explicitly
attains release ([5], Vol. iii, p. 66). Here can be denied the self in the phenomenal realm. To this
found for the first time, as pointed out by extent, his views were not opposed to the Ortho-
Malalasekera, an indication of the Buddha’s pur- dox Brāhmaṇical views as expounded in the
pose in enunciating his doctrine. All misery, in his Upaniṣads. For what he here denies is that any
view, arises from the delusion of self which causes of the khandhas may have attā, not the attā as
man not only to endeavor to profit himself but also such. But what about the transcendent-immanent
to injure others ([13], Vol. i, p. 570). self as inculcated in the Upaniṣads? Different
As pointed out by Malalasekera ([13], Vol. i, scholars have answered this question differently.
p. 569), the Buddhist argument against the doctrine According to Stcherbatsky, the Buddha did not
of ātman is twofold. The first argument is that the believe in the existence of self of any type and the
Buddha takes various aspects of the personality Dhamma that he taught was thoroughly
and contends that none of them can be identified anattavādī ([15], p. 55). According to T.W.
with the ātman since they do not have the charac- Rhys Davids, at the time of the Buddha, there
teristics of the ātman. Thus, the question is asked were prevalent in northern India animistic, poly-
([7], Vol. i, p. 232ff): Is the body (the physical theistic, pantheistic, and dualistic views. The
personality) permanent or impermanent? The belief in attā was fundamental to all of them.
116 Anattā (Buddhism)

The Buddha not only ignored it but also regarded a passage of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka, she has pointed
it as a hindrance in spiritual progress. The denial out: “I believe it is far more likely, that the orig-
of self by the Buddha emanated from the fact that inal speaker of the verse used attā in the sense in
he found in his experience nothing that paralleled which the original speaker of the Upaniṣad utter-
the supposed characteristics of the attā, namely, ance used atman” ([23], p. 602). Similar views
independence, permanence, and blissfulness have been reiterated by Coomaraswamy ([24],
([16], pp. 210–237). According to Poussin, in pp. 680–681; [25], Vol. xxiv) and Radhakrishnan
the Pāli literature, there are many passages ([26], pp. 386–389) in more or less the same
which support anattavāda, but there are a few sense. According to Coomaraswamy, the words
which support attavāda ([17], pp. 821–824). In attadī pa and attasaraṇa are used in the
the opinion of Hegel, Buddhism was a creed of Mahāparinibbāna Sutta to exhort the monks to
final negation ([18], pp. 167–172). However, regard the attā as their light and refuge ([27],
according to Schrader, the Buddha appeared as pp. 680–681). Similarly, in the opinion of
a “soul denier” to his contemporaries only Radhakrishnan, “It is. . . wrong to think that
because they conceived of the soul in an there is no self at all according to Buddha. . .
extremely anthropomorphic fashion, speaking of The Upaniṣads arrive at the ground of all things
its form, weight, color, etc. ([19], Vol. vi). C.A.F. by stripping the self of veil after veil of contin-
Rhys Davids vehemently supported the view that gency. At the end of this process they find the
the Buddha did not propound the “no-soul” the- universal self, which is none of these finite enti-
ory. According to her, it was a later monkish ties, though the ground of them all. Buddha holds
development which was imposed on the original the same view, though he does not state it defi-
gospel under the influence of the hostility toward nitely” ([26], p. 388). On the basis of some refer-
the brāhmaṇas. She has argued that had the Bud- ences in the Buddhist texts, it has also been
dha opposed the Upaniṣadic theory of soul, he suggested that what survives a man’s death is
would have certainly brought it forward while his citta or viññāna and that this doctrine is almost
debating with the brāhmaṇical scholars, which certainly pre-Buddhist which the Buddha appears
he did not do ([20], pp. 789–715). Similarly, she to have modified rather than rejecting it. There is
pointed out as to why, if anattā was such no doubt that Viññāna continues to exist after
a fundamental tenet in Buddhism, when the death. However, it is not an entity of
Paribbājaka Vacchagotta asked the Buddha “Is a permanent nature and is extremely changeable.
there an attā or is there not,” the Buddha But in Nirvāṇa, its fluctuations stop, and it comes
remained silent instead of categorically stating to its own natural infinity and luminosity. Thus, it
that there was no attā ([21], p. 285). However, it has been pointed out that viññāna is similar to the
may be pointed out here that the Buddha had ātman of some of the Upaniṣadic texts ([28],
indeed explained this to Ānanda later by saying pp. 254–259). Sogen and Suzuki too were of the
that if he had replied by saying that self exists, he opinion that the Buddha denied the soul in the
would have been quoted by those who believe in sense of a finite substantial individual but not in
the existence of self (sassatavādins) that the sense of the absolute unity of the universe
a permanent self exists, whereas if he had said ([29], p. 18; [30], pp. 31–38).
that self does not exist, he would have sided with
the ucchedavādins (annihilationists). But he did Why Did the Buddha Refuse to Answer
not agree with either of these two views ([5], Vol. a Direct Question on the Soul’s Existence?
iv, pp. 400–401). The Buddha’s statement “seek When asked directly, the Buddha is reported to
yourself” (attānaṃ gaveseyyatha) in the Vinaya have refused to answer the question about the
Piṭaka has been interpreted by C.A.F. Rhys existence of the attā either positively or nega-
Davids as “the self, the God within you” ([22], tively. In the opinion of Keith ([12], pp. 39–46,
p. 147). Further, commenting on a verse of the 75–91) and Poussin ([17], pp. 821–824), it was
Saṃyutta Nikāya which she compares with the result of his “agnosticism,” while according
Anattā (Buddhism) 117

to Rosenberg, the Buddha did not answer this ▶ Khandha

question simply because the word attā was ▶ Mahāyāna
meaningless for him (see [31], p. 505). ▶ Nirvāṇa A
In between the puruṣa of the Upaniṣads and the ▶ Puḍgala (Puggala)
puggala of the Nikāyas is the expression puriṣa- ▶ Saṃkhāra
puggala which “signifies the individual acting, ▶ Taṇhā
believing, and experiencing the results of his ▶ The Diamond Sutra
acts.” The Buddha himself preached on different ▶ Tipiṭaka
classes of puggalas. Normally, the usage puriṣa- ▶ Viññāṇa
puggala does not indicate a belief in self, but the
well-known Bhārahāra Sutta is an exception as
it unambiguously makes a distinction between
puggala and khandhas whereby khandhas are
References
described as a burden of puggala ([31], p. 490). 1. Easwaran E (trans) (2007) The Upanishads, 2nd edn.
“The critical question for the Buddhists was Nilgiri Press, Berkeley
not the survival of the individual at death, which 2. Sergeant W (trans) (1984) The Bhagavad Gītā,
they held and defended against the doctrine of 2nd edn. SUNY Press, New York
3. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
annihilation (ucchedavāda), but the existence of The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
the individual when the aggregation of the London
khandhas has finally ceased. That question 4. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
depends upon the much disputed meaning of Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
London
Nirvāṇa” ([32], p. 106). A closer examination 5. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
of the two words leads to the unavoidable con- 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
clusion that ātman means the “existing ego” and 6. Trenckner V (trans) (1880) The Milindapañha. Wil-
anātman the “nonexistent ego.” To put it differ- liams and Norgate, London
7. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (trans) (1888–1896) The
ently, between the two extremes “is” and “is Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
not” is a dualism which has no independent 8. Sarao KTS (trans) (2009) The Dhammapada:
nature of its own. For this reason, in Mahāyāna a translator’s guide, Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Buddhism, a follower of the Buddha is taught to Delhi
9. Horner IB (trans) (1954–1959) The book of middle
release his hold of not only “is” but of “is not,” length sayings, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
that is, of both ātman and anātman, in order not 10. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha-
to be held in bondage by either of them. ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Thus, the Buddha points out in the Diamond Saṃyutta Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
11. Kalupahana DJ (1987) The principles of Buddhist
Sūtra: “Even the Dharma should be cast aside, psychology. SUNY Press, New York
how much more so the Not-Dharma? Thus, we 12. Keith AB (1923) Buddhist philosophy in India and
come to this: (1) The worldly man grasps ātman. Ceylon. Clarendon, Oxford
(2) The Southern School man grasps anātman. 13. Malalasekera GP (1961) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism,
vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo
(3) The Mahāyāna man grasps neither ātman nor 14. Taylor AC (ed) (1979) The Paṭisambhidāmagga, com-
anātman” ([33], Vol. i, p. 10). bined volume. Pali Text Society, London
15. Stcherbatsky T (1927) The conception of Buddhist
Nirvaṇa. Publishing Office of the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR, Leningrad
16. Rhys Davids TW (1911) Buddhist India. Fisher
Cross-References Unwin, London
17. de la Poussin Vallèe L (1935–1936) The Ātman in the
▶ Avidyā Pāli Canon. Indian Cult II:821–824
18. Hegel GWF (1899) Philosophy of history, reprint.
▶ Buddhaghosa Colonial Press, New York
▶ Citta 19. Schrader O (tr) (1905) Die Fragen des Königs
▶ Kamma Menadros. Berlag Paul Raatz, Berlin
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20. Rhys Davids CAF (1927) Dhyāna in Early Buddhism.

Indian Hist Quart 1927:689–715 Anekāntavāda (Jainism)
21. Rhys Davids CAF (1924) Buddhist psychology,
2nd edn. Luzac, London
22. Rhys Davids CAF (1932) Manual of Buddhism. Luzac Wm. Andrew Schwartz
& Co, London Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA,
23. Rhys Davids CAF (1941) Wayfarer’s Words, vol 2. USA
Luzac & Co, London
24. Coomaraswamy AK (1938) J Roy Asiatic Soc, 680–681
25. Coomaraswamy AK, Horner IB (1948) Living
thoughts of the Goutama the Buddha. Cassell & Co, Synonyms
London
26. Radhakrishnan S (1929) Indian philosophy, vol I,
Syādvāda; Relativity
2nd edn. George Allen and Unwin, London
27. Conze E (1962) Buddhist thought in India. George
Allen and Unwin, London
28. Wijesekara OH, De A (1964) The concept of Viññāna Definition
in Theravāda Buddhism. J Am Orient Soc
84(3):254–259
29. Sogen Y (1912) Systems of Buddhist thought. Cal- Anekāntavāda is the Jain metaphysical doctrine,
cutta University Press, Calcutta which holds that reality is many-sided and that all
30. Suzuki DT (1963) Outlines of Mahāyāna Buddhism. entities are endowed with innumerable
Schocken, New York characteristics.
31. Pande GC (1957) Studies in the origins of Buddhism.
University of Allahabad, Allahabad
32. Thomas EJ (1933) The history of Buddhist thought.
Routledge and Kegan Paul, London Introduction
33. Lu K’uan Yü (Charles Luk) (ed & trans) (1960) Ch’an
and Zen teaching, 3 vols. Rider & Co, London
34. de Silva LA (1975) The problem of the self in Bud- It has been said that the central philosophy of
dhism and Christianity. The Study Centre for Religion Jainism is anekāntavāda [1]. Etymologically,
and Society, Colombo anekānta (non-one-sidedness) is a negation of
35. Hick J (1976) Death and eternal life. Macmillan, ekānta (one-sidedness). Philosophically,
London
36. Murti TRV (1960) The central philosophy of Bud- anekāntavāda is the Jain metaphysical doctrine
dhism, 2nd edn. George Allen and Unwin, London that affirms the multifaceted and non-one-sided
37. Pèrez-Remón J (1980) Self and non-self in early Bud- nature of reality. A common example used to
dhism. Mouton, The Hague explain this doctrine is the ancient Indic story of
38. de la Poussin Vallèe L (1908) The encyclopedia of
religion and ethics, vol I, s.v. Agnosticism the blind men and the elephant (see Fig. 1). As the
39. Rahula W (1967) What the Buddha taught, rev. edn. stories goes:
The Gordon Fraser Gallery, Bedford
There were six blind men who were brought before
the king and asked to describe an elephant. One
man, holding onto a leg, describes the elephant as
being like a tree trunk. A second man, holding onto
an ear, disagrees and suggests that the elephant is
Anavatapta like a fan. A third man, who trips and falls into the
side of the elephant, argues that the elephant is like
▶ Anotatta a wall. A fourth man, holding on to the tail, retorts
▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism) that the elephant is like a rope. The fifth man,
grabbing a tusk, describes the elephant as similar
to a spear. Finally, the sixth man, holding onto the
trunk, describes the elephant like a giant snake.
They continue to argue about their differing per-
Anekāntavāda spectives, until the king (who was watching this
spectacle) interjects. He explains that each of the
men was holding onto a piece of the enormous
▶ Relativity (Jainism) elephant and that ultimately, each of them was
▶ Syādvāda (Jainism) partially right.
Anekāntavāda (Jainism) 119

Anekāntavāda (Jainism),
Fig. 1 The elephant and
the blind men
A

For Jains, this story is an essential example of reality, though only partially. So, the proper
engagement with the world. Philosophically response, therefore, is to recognize the relative
speaking, Jains are (broadly construed) metaphys- nature of one’s own assertion and grant the valid-
ical realists. The elephant represents reality (i.e., ity of the perspective of others. And, when the
the “way things are”). So, with respect to the story, many aspects of reality are brought together in
there actually is an elephant; meaning, there actu- a creative synthesis, one gets closer to describing
ally is a real world that is encountered. This is an the whole truth. Anekāntavāda is helpful, there-
important point that distinguishes the Jain fore, in extending an attitude of toleration toward
position of perspectivism from a form of those whose views are different than one’s own.
idealism or relativism. There is a real world, and And, when taken seriously, it encourages the
it really is experienced. But, as expressed by the exploration of the perspectives of others as real
doctrine of anekāntavāda, just as there are many possibilities where truth can be found. If these
sides to the elephant (a tail, a leg, a trunk, etc.), other perspectives are seen as having a piece of
there are many sides to reality. Reality is many- truth that is absent from one’s own perspective,
sided. Not simply reality as a whole, but any given and it is recognized that the more perspectives one
entity consists of innumerable attributes. And, can synthesize into a single complex perspective,
much like the blind men who are experiencing the closer one gets to the fullness of truth, then the
the elephant from their limited perspective, all perspectives of others can be seen as essential to
people encounter reality from within the confines the goal of getting closer to the full truth.
of a limited perspective (naya) (see entry on
▶ Nayavāda).
Insofar as each blind man treats his limited Origination, Destruction, and
perspective as the absolute, he commits the error Permanence
of ekāntavāda (one-sidedness). That is, insofar as
the assertion, “an elephant is like. . .” is intended In addition to simply insisting on the many-sided
as a rejection of the others perspectives, insofar as nature of reality, Jainism identifies existence as
the man who describes the elephant like a wall, constitutive of three characteristics: (1) origina-
does so as a rejection of the man who describes the tion, (2) destruction, and (3) permanence. Nothing
elephant like a rope, he commits the egregious can be said to exist without all three characteris-
error of one-sidedness. Instead, according to Jain- tics. This principle is rooted deep within the Jain
ism, each of the blind men is accurately describing tradition and is even found in the most
120 Anekāntavāda (Jainism)

authoritative of Jain scriptures – the Knowing the Many Sides of Reality

Tattvārthasūtra. It reads as follows, “Existence
is characterized by origination, disappearance To be clear, anekāntavāda, as a metaphysical doc-
(destruction) and permanence” (Tattvārthasūtra trine, is a doctrine about the nature of reality. As
5.30). But how can this be? How can reality be such, anekāntavāda itself does not provide
essentially permanent and impermanent? How can a theory of knowledge or dialectics (unfortu-
origination and destruction (i.e., impermanence) be nately, this distinction is not always clear in Jain
essential characteristics of a reality that is also writings). Hence, Jains conjoin the doctrine of
permanent? How can these contradictory charac- anekānta with two corollaries: (1) nayavāda (the
teristics both be true of existence? Well, the epistemological corollary) and (2) syādvāda (the
Tattvārthasūtra answers this question, saying corresponding dialectic of predication). If reality
“(The contradictory characteristics are established) is truly complex and many-sided, in what sense
from different points of view” (Tattvārthasūtra can anyone be said to “know” reality? This is
5.32). More specifically, in the case of existence, where the doctrine of nayavāda comes into play.
it is a matter of distinguishing between permanent According to nayavāda, the knower
substances and impermanent modes approaches reality from a limited and particular
(Tattvārthasūtra 5.42). From the perspective of standpoint. Since reality is many-sided, there are
substance, the existent object is permanent. But, many ways to approach reality (via its many
from the standpoint of mode, the existent object is sides). From the metaphysical doctrine of
characterized by origination and destruction. a complex reality with innumerable attributes
One story used to explain this phenomenon is flows an epistemology which considers knowl-
that of the gold crown. As it goes, a family heir- edge of an object incomplete insofar as it fails to
loom (a gold crown) was melted down and turned account for all sides of that object. For this reason,
into a necklace. When this happened, one family the doctrine of nayavāda is described as a doctrine
member was distraught and mourned the destruc- of standpoints. These standpoints (or perspec-
tion of the heirloom, for the crown was no more. tives) represent the many ways that one can
Another family member was excited about the approach reality.
origination of the new necklace, which has been Apart from omniscience, all viewpoints are
created, while a third family recognized the con- non-absolute and necessarily limited. As
tinued existence of the gold crown, insofar as the Siddahesena (fifth-century Jain thinker) writes,
substance from which the necklace was formed is “Since a thing has manifold character, it is
the same substance in which the crown had comprehended (only) by the omniscient. But
existed – the same gold. From three different a thing becomes the subject matter of a naya,
perspectives, this act of melting down the crown when it is conceived from one particular
and creating a necklace can be seen as either standpoint” [2]. Consider the following gross
origination, destruction, or permanence. And, example: there is a sculpture in the middle of
from the Jain perspective of anekāntavāda, all a room. Standing in front of the sculpture gives
three are correct, albeit partially so. the viewer one perspective by which they come to
Like the crown and the necklace, all existent know the statue. Standing behind the statue
objects can be characterized by origination, provides another perspective. Both are valid
destruction, and permanence depending on the ways to perceive the statue, but both are limited.
perspective one takes. And, to understand the And, given one’s status as non-omniscient, one
many-sided nature of complex reality, one must can’t help but approach reality from
acknowledge all three as representative of existing a limited perspective.
objects. In doing so, origination, destruction, To be sure, different perspectives here are not
and permanence are no longer seen as exclusive simply a matter of different opinions or tastes.
of each other, but mutually dependent character- Nayavāda is not used as a way to discuss multiple
istics of reality. perspectives on flavors of ice cream or favorite
Anekāntavāda (Jainism) 121

sports teams. If so, it would become an “agree to as well as the many-faced nature of reality. Only by
disagree” sort of relativism, whereby each person following the practice of syādvāda can the many-
is allowed to have their own opinion and all opin- sided nature of complex reality be properly A
ions are valid. Instead, nayavāda is more akin to described.
acknowledging different sides of the same coin, in
which there is actually a coin and that the coin is
(as coins tend to be) non-one-sided (anekānta). Anekāntavāda as a Corrective
Naya is a valid form of knowing object reality,
though always in a particular sense and from While Jains hold that their doctrines are eternal, and
a certain point of view. As such, all claims are therefore not direct products of historical contexts,
relative to the perspective from which they are one can trace the application of the doctrine of
made. To help articulate this relativity, Jainism anekāntavāda historically. The principles of
developed the doctrine of syādvāda (the dialecti- anekānta are clearly present in many Jain scrip-
cal doctrine of qualified assertion). tures, the most prominent example (discussed
above) being the statement from the
Tattvārthasūtra which says, “Existence is charac-
Describing a Many-Sided Reality terized by origination, disappearance (destruction)
and permanence” (Tattvārthasūtra 5:30). This
Syādvāda, as the dialectical corollary of famous passage is used throughout Jain history as
anekāntavāda, is essential for talking about an example of anekānta, which overcomes the
a reality that is many-sided and known from ekānta of both Advaita Vedanta and Buddhism.
a limited perspective. In short, this doctrine of According to Jainism, in the spirit of Sankara,
conditional predication insists that assertions be the Advaitins identify permanence as the one-sided
qualified to better represent the complex nature of absolute of reality (Brahman). Buddhists, on the
reality and our limited engagement with it. By other hand, identify impermanence (origination
predicating a statement with the particle syāt and disappearance) as the one-sided absolute nature
(meaning, “from a certain perspective”), the rela- of reality (sunyata). The Jain perspective, however,
tive truth of the claim can be expressed. sees both of these one-sided perspectives of Bud-
Without such qualification, relatively true dhism and Advaita as only partially true and from
claims will be confused for absolute claims, and limited perspectives. According to the teachings of
the many-sided nature of reality will be lost. Con- Jainism and anekāntavāda, a full understanding of
sider the above example of the blind men and the reality involves both permanence and change,
elephant. The unqualified assertion, “an elephant is bringing together both parts represented by the
like a tree,” is false, insofar as it excludes all Buddhist and Advaitin perspectives together in
contrary claims. As an unqualified assertion, the a synthesized whole. The Jain position is neither
idea that an elephant is like a tree is incompatible identity nor difference, but both identity and
with the notion that an elephant is like a fan, or difference – or perhaps identity-in-difference.
spear, or wall, or snake, or even rope. But, reality is In this way, anekāntavāda is used as
non-one-sided. As such, an elephant does not a corrective. It corrects one-sided perspectives
possess only one of those characteristics, but all by uniting them in creative synthesis, to form
of them! The many-sided nature of reality, a more complete truth. It allows the Jain perspec-
whereby an entity (like an elephant) is endowed tive to become a sort of inclusive middle way
with infinite characteristics, is not captured by an between two or more extremes, whatever they
unqualified assertion. Therefore, to capture the may be. It accepts the partial and one-sided truths
non-one-sided nature of reality, one must qualify of others as true, though never in an ultimate
all assertions as being conditioned by a certain sense. Naturally, such a synthesis raises
perspective. In syādvāda, an assertion is qualified questions with respect to the ability to affirm
as to express its being conditioned by one’s naya, mutually contradictory perspectives into
122 Anekāntavāda (Jainism)

a rational and intelligible whole. To respond to one can respect and appreciate those views differ-
such concerns, Jainism relies on the logic of ent from one’s own as being a piece of the truth
syādvāda and nayavāda to work in conjunction that one does not possess.
with anekāntavāda. In this way, seemingly con-
tradictory notions are synthesized into a rational
whole by qualifying previously unqualified asser- Cross-References
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ter with multifaceted reality. This is the corrective ▶ Ahimsa
nature of anekāntavāda, turning unqualified ▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
exclusive assertions into relatively true descrip- ▶ Nayavāda
tions of complex reality. ▶ Reality (Jainism)
▶ Relativity
▶ Syādvāda
Intellectual Ahimsa ▶ Truth (Jainism)

In recent years, Jain scholars have emphasized the

close relationship between ahimsa (nonviolence)
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of anekāntavāda. This does not mean, however, Anekantajayapataka with his own commentary and
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tute, Baroda
the superiority of Jainism over Buddhism, Hindu-
Long JD (2009) Jainism: an introduction. IB Tauris,
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poisoned the teacher’s ears saying that Ahiṃsaka
had not only seduced his wife but had also
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Synonyms quently, the teacher took recourse to a traditional
custom to seek his revenge. Thus, as a parting gift
Ahiṃsaka; Aṅgulimālaka; Gagga Mantānīputta; (gurudakṣiṇā), the teacher demanded 1,000 fin-
Hiṃsaka gers, each taken from a different victim, thinking
that Aṅgulimāla would get killed while pursuing
his ghastly trophies.
Definition The Theragāthā (verses 866–891) and the
Aṅgulimāla Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya do not
A robber who was converted by the Buddha and offer much either by way of background informa-
later became an arahant. tion or on Aṅgulimāla’s encounter with the Bud-
dha. Moreover, other than a vicious killer
Aṅgulimāla is an important personality in indulging in sheer sadism with inborn tendency
Theravāda Buddhism. He is depicted in the texts to be violent, no specific motives are offered in the
of the Pāli Tipiṭaka as a ruthless killer who is Vinaya and the Sutta texts for Aṅgulimāla’s
redeemed by conversion to Buddhism. His story actions. However, the sutta commentaries, the
is viewed as a quintessential example of the Papañcasūdanī and the Paramattha-dī panī , hint
redemptive powers of the Buddha’s teaching and at the rehabilitation of the character of Aṅgulimāla
human potential for spiritual progress. He was the by making him look originally as a good human
son of the brāhmaṇa Bhaggava and his wife being who had become a victim of his unfortunate
Mantānī. He was born under the thieves’ constella- circumstances. It has been suggested in these
tion (cora-nakṣatra), and on the night of his birth, commentaries that one of the motives behind
all the weapons in the city shone, including the Aṅgulimāla’s actions may have been his
royal armor. This indicated that Aṅgulimāla would unwavering submission to the guru’s command
become a robber. However, as no harm came about as per the higher ideals expected of a model stu-
to anyone as a result of this omen and also in order dent. As the giving of parting gifts was customary
to deter the dark fate predicted at his birth, the child in ancient India, it was not unusual that
was named Ahiṃsaka (“Harmless”) by his father. Aṅgulimāla did his guru’s terrible bidding. The
However, it has been indicated in Paramattha- Jātakas, which invariably report two prominent
dī panī the commentary of the Theragāthā, that he traits common to his past lives – complete absence
was originally named Hiṃsaka (“Harmful”) which of compassion and his superhuman strength –
was later changed to Ahiṃsaka. indicate that the reason for Aṅgulimāla’s
124 Aṅgulimāla

condition was the retributive legacy of his past psychic power such that Aṅgulimāla, though run-
karma bearing fruit in his present life. For ning with all his might, could not catch up with the
instance, in one of his past lives, he was Blessed One walking at normal pace.”
a Yakkha (Sk: Yakṣa) – a man-eating spirit, who Aṅgulimāla was baffled so much that he called
made use of his enormous physical strength to kill to the Buddha to stop. However, the Buddha
and maim people for satiating his lust for human pointed out that he himself had already stopped
flesh. The Paramattha-dī panī points out that and that it was he who needed to stop. When asked
Aṅgulimāla was supposed to collect 1,000 fingers by Aṅgulimāla to explain further, the Buddha
from right hands, apparently not aware that the pointed out that whereas he had stopped harming
goal could be met by slaughtering 200 persons. As living beings, Aṅgulimāla was still harming and
compared to this, the Papañcasūdanī mentions hurting them. Upon hearing this, Aṅgulimāla
that he was told to “cut a thousand legs” and decided to give up the life of an outlaw and
collected fingers only for the purpose of became a monk in the Buddhist Order. Later, the
maintaining a proper count. Buddha presented Aṅgulimāla before King
Doing his guru’s bidding, Ahiṃsaka ambushed Pasenadi, who filled with wonder, offered to pro-
people traveling on the roads passing through the vide him with all the requisites of a monk.
Jālinī forest in Kosala kingdom, killing them and Aṅgulimāla, however, had adopted the dhutaṅga
taking a finger from each. When people stopped (austere) way of life and politely declined the
using those roads, he began raiding villages of the king’s offer.
kingdom to meet his goal. He never took anything When, as a monk, Aṅgulimāla entered Sāvatthī
from his victims other than fingers. Initially, he for alms, he was attacked by a vengeful mob. With
used to string the fingers in a thread and hung outer robe in rags, broken begging bowl, and
them from a tree. But as birds would eat away injuries on the head, he somehow managed to
the flesh from the fingers, he began to wear them return to the monastery. However, on the admoni-
around his neck. The fingers (aṅgulī ) thus worn tion of the Buddha, he endured the torment with
around the neck became a necklace (mālā), hence composure. The conversion of Aṅgulimāla is
the name Aṅgulimāla (“One with the finger often mentioned as one of the most compassionate
necklace”). and magnificent acts of the Buddha. It was
The people of Kosala appealed to their king because of him that the Vinaya rule forbidding
Pasenadi, who left with an army to hunt down the ordination of a robber was decreed by the
Aṅgulimāla. When Aṅgulimāla’s mother came to Buddha.
know of this, she set out for the forest to warn her There is a story of Aṅgulimāla having allevi-
son. At about the same time, the Buddha observed ated a woman’s labor pains by an Act of Truth
through his “divine eye” that Aṅgulimāla had (saccakiriyā). When he uttered the blessing (yato
already murdered 999 victims and was now fran- ahaṃ sabbaññutabuddhassa ariyassa ariyāya
tically looking for one more to make it 1,000. jātiyā jāto), the woman delivered to her child
Despite having been warned by the people, the safely. This benediction uttered by Aṅgulimāla,
Buddha left for the forest to confront Aṅgulimāla. known as the Aṅgulimāla paritta, is often recited
On the road through the forest, Aṅgulimāla first as a blessing to pregnant women in the countries
saw his mother and, after some pondering, chose where Theravāda Buddhism is followed. Perfor-
to make her his last victim. But soon after when he mance of this Act of Truth helped Aṅgulimāla
saw the Buddha, he decided to murder him focus his mind on his basic meditation subject.
instead. With a drawn sword, he began running Earlier, his meditation was disrupted by appear-
toward the Buddha. But even though he was run- ance in his mind’s eye of the spot in the forest
ning as fast as he could, Aṅgulimāla was not able where he had killed so many people. After
to catch up with the Buddha who was walking performing this Act, he became known as the
serenely. It has been mentioned in the Majjhima bringer of safety to people who not only began
Nikāya that “The Blessed One willed a feat of to approach him but also provided him with alms-
Aṅguttara Nikāya 125

food. The water that washed the stone on which he

had sat in the laboring woman’s house came to be Aṅguttara Nikāya
regarded as a universal remedy. A
The story of Aṅgulimāla forms an important K. T. S. Sarao
part of Indian folklore as well as societies where Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Theravāda Buddhism is followed. In the year Delhi, Delhi, India
2003, a feature film on Aṅgulimāla (Ongkulimal)
was made in Thailand. According to the
Synonyms
Dhammapadaṭṭhakathā, Aṅgulimāla died shortly
after he became a monk.
Ekottarāgama; The book of the gradual sayings

Cross-References Definition

▶ Arahant The fourth of the five divisions of the Pāli Sutta

▶ Jātaka Piṭaka.
▶ Majjhima Nikāya
▶ Pasenadi The Aṅguttara Nikāya is the fourth of the five
▶ Takkasilā nikāyas (divisions) of the Pāli Sutta Piṭaka. The
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā English equivalent of the title is “Gradual Say-
▶ Theravāda ings” [1]. It has suttas (Sk: sūtras, discourses)
▶ Tipiṭaka grouped in “higher” (uttara) “parts” (aṅgas),
i.e., in groups of numerical ascendency with an
arithmetical progression from 1 to 11 on the basis
References of the number of dhamma (Sk: dharma) items
referenced in them. Thus, the Eka-nipāta (the
1. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols. Luzac, Book of Ones) deals with a great variety of sub-
London jects, but always from one single aspect at a time;
2. Hecker H (2007) Aṅgulimāla: a murderer’s road to
sainthood. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
the Book of Twos comprises of suttas concerning
3. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the pairs of things (e.g., a sutta on two kinds of fools,
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London another about two kinds of happiness); the Book
4. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (eds) (1990) The Thera- and of Threes contains suttas concerning three things
Therīgāthā, 2nd edn, with Appendices. K.R. Norman &
L. Alsdorf, Pali Text Society, Oxford
(e.g., a sutta on three governing principles that
5. Rhys Davids CAF (trans) (1913) Psalms of the Breth- keep one’s Dhamma practice on-track, a sutta
ren. Pali Text Society, London about the three levels on which becoming
6. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The (bhava) operates in relation to consciousness,
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
7. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
and so on). Each of the 11 books (nipāta) of the
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of Aṅguttara Nikāya is divided in turn into groups of
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London suttas, called vagga or chapter, according to some
8. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramattha-Dīpanī: similarity of subject or of treatment. The exact
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
Dhammapālācariya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
count of suttas in the Aṅguttara Nikāya depends
on the particular edition (Sri Lankan, Thai, or
Burmese) as well as the way in which these suttas
are counted. Although the text tells us that it
consists of 9,557 suttas, most of these suttas are
Aṅgulimālaka mere repetitions with a new word added here and
there. Thus, the number of suttas distinctive in
▶ Aṅgulimāla character is generally calculated between 1,000
126 Aṅguttara Nikāya

and 2,500 ([2], p. 12; [7], p. xv; [11], p. 26). these portions were incorporated in the Pāli
Majority of the suttas belonging to the Aṅguttara Itivuttaka after its Chinese translation in the sev-
Nikāya are short, some being very short, though enth century. Similarly, the Puggalapaññatti,
there are some of sizeable length. However, which describes human types or individuals, con-
throughout this text, the buddhavacana (teaching tains complete sections which can largely be
of the Buddha) has been presented in modules of found already existing in the Aṅguttara Nikāya.
judiciously organized groups. Initially, it was proposed by some scholars that
The Sanskrit parallel of the Pāli Aṅguttara Ekottarāgama came from the Sarvāstivāda
Nikāya is the Ekottarāgama of which only frag- School. However, apart from differences in the
ments have been found among the remains of man- order of the suttas, “there is considerable disparity
uscripts discovered in Xinjiang. However, between the Pāli and the Sarvāstivādin versions,
a complete version of the Ekottarāgama survives with more than two thirds of the sūtras found in
in Chinese by the name of Zēngyī Ahánjī ng (Taishō one but not the other compilation, which suggests
Tripiṭaka 125). This translation was prepared by that much of this portion of the Sūtra Piṭaka was
Gautama Saṃghadeva in 397–398 C.E. from an not formed until a fairly late date” [3]. It has
oral recital by Saṃgharakṣa, both Kashmiri been pointed out by Étienne Lamotte, the
monks. It would seem that Saṃghadeva also made Ekottarāgama was not based on the original Pāli
use of an earlier version by the Tukharian monk, and was translated from a manuscript that came
Dharmanandin (384–391 C.E.), who also recited for from northwest India, and contains a great deal of
him the original text which, however, has been lost. Mahāyāna influence ([4], pp. 353–358). This may
It has been suggested that the suttas of the agree with the fifth century Dharmaguptaka
Aṅguttara Nikāya form the real historical back- monk Buddhayaśas, the translator of the
drop to the contents of the Vinaya Piṭaka ([5], Dharmaguptaka Vinaya and Dī rgha Āgama,
p. 193). Both the Pāli Aṅguttara Nikāya and the who wrote that the Dharmaguptakas had assimi-
Chinese Ekottarāgama contain the greatest num- lated the Mahāyāna Tripiṭaka ([9], pp. 52–53).
ber of quotations from the other three nikāyas (the According to A.K. Warder, the Ekottarāgama ref-
Dīgha, the Majjhima, and the Saṃyutta), though erences 250 Prātimokṣa rules for monks, which
these nikāyas are never cited as such. On this agrees only with the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya,
basis, M. Anesaki has suggested that the which is also located in the Chinese Buddhist
Aṅguttara Nikāya is later than the other three canon. He also views some of the doctrine as
nikāyas ([1], p. 83). However, as there is no sub- contradicting tenets of the Mahāsaṃghika School
stantial difference among the first four nikāyas in and states that they agree with Dharmaguptaka
terms of either their style or language, there could views currently known. He therefore concludes
not have been much chronological gap between that the extant Ekottarāgama is that of the
the composition of the Aṅguttara Nikāya and the Dharmaguptaka School ([10], p. 6).
other three nikāyas. Thus, as regards the earliest According to Manorathapūraṇī , the commen-
accessible sources of the buddhavacana, there is tary of the Aṅguttara Nikāya, when the Buddha’s
no particular nikāya which could rightly lay any dharma comes to an end, the first portion of the
claim thereto as all of them contain very ancient as Sutta Piṭaka to vanish will be the Aṅguttara
well as comparatively late components. That on Nikāya, starting with the Book of Elevens and
the other hand, the Aṅguttara Nikāya has assisted ending with the Book of Ones ([8], p. 881).
in the composition of other books of the Pāli
Tipiṭaka can clearly be seen in some of the texts
of the Khuddaka Nikāya and the Abhidhamma Cross-References
Piṭaka. Many of the last portions of the Pāli
Itivuttaka available in the Aṅguttara Nikāya are ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
missing from Xuanzang’s Chinese translation of ▶ Dīgha Nikāya
Itivuttaka. It has been, therefore, suggested that ▶ Itivuttaka
Anicca 127

▶ Khuddaka Nikāya Definition

▶ Majjhima Nikāya
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya Buddhism sees the entire range of outer reality A
▶ Theravāda as well as of inner experience as marked by
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) impermanence, in the sense of being invariably
bound to change and eventually disappear. Con-
templation of such impermanence, then, has a key
role to play in the development of liberating insight
References in the Buddhist scheme of the path to deliverance.

1. Anesaki M (1908) Transactions of the Asiatic Society

of Japan, XXXV, Pt. II. Asiatic Society of Japan,
Tokyo, pp 83–84
Impermanence
2. Jayawardhana S (1993) Handbook of Pāli literature.
Karunaratne, Colombo Impermanence (Pāli anicca, Sanskrit anitya) con-
3. Keown D (2004) A dictionary of Buddhism. Oxford stitutes the first of three characteristics of reality in
University Press, London
4. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism. Peters
early Buddhist thought, the other two being unsat-
Press, Louvain, Paris isfactoriness, dukkha, and the absence of a self,
5. Law BC (1930) Chronology of the Pāli canon. anattā.
Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst (Poona) From an early Buddhist perspective, all that
12(Pt. 2):171–201
exists is a changing process, whether this be
6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society, the whole world, which according to ancient
London Indian cosmology will undergo periodical
7. Nyanaponika T, Bodhi B (eds) (1999) Numerical dis- destruction, or the fleeting mind, which introspec-
courses of the Buddha. AltaMira Press, Lanham
tion shows to be changing from moment to
8. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on moment. Thus, early Buddhism holds that a per-
the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, manent entity cannot be found anywhere at all
London ([2], Vol. III, p. 144).
9. Walser J (2005) Nāgārjuna in context: Mahāyāna Bud-
dhism and early Indian culture. Columbia University
The notion of impermanence that pervades early
Press, New York Buddhist discourse is one that, besides
10. Warder AK (1970) Indian Buddhism. Motilal encompassing the aspects of arising and passing
Banarsidass, Delhi away, recognizes an “otherwiseness of that which
11. Webb R (1975) An analysis of the Pāli canon. Bud-
persists,” ṭhitassa aññathatta ([3], Vol. I, p. 152).
dhist Publication Society, Kandy
12. Woodward FL, Hare EM (trans) (1932–1936) The This is significant insofar as the conception of anicca
book of the gradual sayings, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, in early Buddhism combines change with continuity.
London With later developments of Buddhist philoso-
phy, the continuity inherent in this conception of
anicca appears at times to have been lost sight of,
being replaced by the notion of momentariness,
Anicca khaṇa. From the perspective of this theory, things
disappear as soon as they have appeared. Such
Bhikkhu Anālayo a radical conception of impermanence is not with-
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of out difficulties, since the empirically evident fact
Hamburg, Balve, Germany of continuity is not easily explained.
The conception of anicca in early Buddhism
does not face such a dilemma, since besides aris-
Synonyms ing and disappearance it recognizes that phenom-
ena do persist for some time, even though their
Impermanence continuity is marked by change. That is, the early
128 Anicca

Buddhist conception of anicca implies that, while into every aspect of personal experience. Such
all aspects of experience are certainly changing, comprehensive seeing with insight will ensure
they do not necessarily disappear on the spot. that the entire gamut of what is usually experi-
Thus, in the case of the body, for example, enced as “I” and “mine” is instead seen with
a discourse points that, although the body is insight as a product of conditions and subject to
certainly subject to growth and decline, it might change and alteration.
nevertheless last up to a hundred years ([2], Comprehensive insight into impermanence
Vol. II, p. 94). then needs to lead on to insight into unsatisfacto-
The difference between these two conceptions – riness and not-self. That is, once a clear perception
the notion of anicca in early Buddhism and the of impermanence, aniccasaññā, has been
later theory of momentariness – could perhaps be established, the progress of insight requires view-
illustrated with the example of the contrast between ing what is impermanent as unsatisfactory, anicce
a flickering lamp and the steady flow of a river. In dukkhasaññā, and that which is unsatisfactory
the first case, the light of the lamp is experienced as needs in turn to be seen as devoid of a self, dukkhe
disappearing as soon as it appears. In the second anattasaññā.
case, however, the flowing water is experienced as The locative forms anicce and dukkhe in the
a changing continuity. Another example, taken above expressions indicate that the progression
from the realm of music, would be the contrast from one of these three characteristics to the next
between “staccato,” unconnected notes, and does not involve a change of object, but a change of
“legato,” when notes are connected to each other. perspective. What has been seen with insight as
Another significant aspect of anicca in early impermanent is now seen as unsatisfactory. In fact,
Buddhist thought is its intrinsic relationship with it is precisely because it is impermanent that it is
conditionality. According to a succinct summary unsatisfactory. What is unsatisfactory is then in
of the Buddhist doctrine of dependent arising, turn seen as not-self. Again, it is precisely because
paṭicca samuppāda, the chief underlying princi- it is unsatisfactory that it fails to qualify as a self.
ple of this doctrine is that “with the arising of this, This dynamic is reflected in a standard teach-
that arises” and “with the cessation of this, that ing on the three characteristics, found often in the
ceases.” In short, what is conditioned is imperma- discourses. In this teaching, the inquiry “that
nent, and what is impermanent is conditioned, which is impermanent, is it unsatisfactory or
these two being but two sides of the same coin. agreeable?” leads to the conclusion that it can
In the thought world of early Buddhism, the only be unsatisfactory. The same teaching then
development of wisdom requires insight into continues by inquiring if it is appropriate to regard
impermanence as its central basis. Thus, according what is impermanent, unsatisfactory and subject
to the standard definition given in the Buddhist to change as “this is mine, this I am, this is my
discourses, to be wise is to be “endowed with self.” The inevitable answer is that this would
wisdom regarding the arising and disappearance indeed be inappropriate.
(of phenomena), which is noble and penetrative, Needless to say, passages like this are guided
leading to the complete destruction of dukkha” ([4], forms of meditation for the development of liber-
Vol. I, p. 356). This passage indicates that ating insight. Concurrent with this progression of
a penetrative awareness of impermanence offers insight is a deepening appreciation of the condi-
the crucial foundation for the growth of wisdom tioned nature of all aspects of subjective experi-
that in turn manifests in a gradual “ennobling” of ence, an appreciation that from its starting point as
the practitioner – in the sense of a process of inner a corollary to impermanence reaches its culmina-
purification and detachment that forms the basis for tion in the direct vision of not-self with the break-
true nobility in action, word, and thought – even- through to stream-entry.
tually culminating in total liberation. This process has as its foundation the practice
Awareness of impermanence has to be penetra- of contemplating the arising and passing away of
tive insofar as it needs to quite literally penetrate all aspects of experience. This mode of
Anotatta 129

contemplation is of such importance for the devel- 3. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
opment of mindfulness that it marks the difference Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
between mere satipaṭṭhāna and its “develop- Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London A
ment,” satipaṭṭhāna-bhāvanā ([2], Vol. V, p. 183).
The same mode of contemplation is also
highlighted in a passage repeated in the
Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta after each of the individual
Aniruddha
exercises which this discourse presents for the
systematic cultivation of mindfulness. The pas-
▶ Anuruddha
sage indicates that the task of mindfulness,
besides needing to be undertaken in
a comprehensive manner by covering what is
“inside” as well as what is “outside,” is to observe
the arising of the contemplated phenomena, the Annihilationism
passing away of these phenomena, and both their
arising and their passing away ([4], Vol. I, p. 56). ▶ Materialism (Buddhism)
Such directing of mindfulness to arising and
passing away reflects the importance of penetra-
tive awareness of impermanence for the develop-
ment of insight and wisdom. The same is also Anotatta
evident in the last instruction that, according to
the traditional account, was given by the Buddha K. T. S. Sarao
to his disciples: “conditioned phenomena are of Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
a nature to vanish, [hence] strive on with dili- Delhi, Delhi, India
gence” ([1], Vol. II, p. 156). Such striving on
with diligence will, according to early Buddhist
meditation theory, eventually lead to the experi- Synonyms
ence of Nirvāṇa, unique in Buddhist thought for
not being subject to change. Anavatapta; Manasarovar; Mānasārovara

Definition
Cross-References
A holy lake where the Buddha’s mother is said to
▶ Bhāvanā have taken bath before conceiving him.
▶ Causality (Buddhism)
▶ Dukkha Anotatta is mentioned in the Pāli texts as the first
▶ Insight among the seven lakes (Anotatta, KaṇṇamuṇÇa,
▶ Liberation (Buddhism) Rathakāra, Chaddanta, Kuṇāla, Mandākinī,
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda Sīhapura) of the Himavā and the source of the five
▶ Satipaṭṭhāna great Indian rivers Gaṅgā, Yamunā, Aciravatī,
Sarabhū, and Mahī ([14], Vol. ii, p. 439). The Pāli
Commentaries describe it as a great natural lake, 150
References yojanas long and with a depth and width of 50
yojanas each, and circled by five mountains
1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
(Kelāsa/Kailāśa being one of them), each rising to
2. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. a height of 200 yojanas, thus hiding the lake from
Pali Text Society, Oxford view. The lake, fed by rains produced by the power
130 Anotatta

of devas and nāgas, would be the last to dry up when bathing, having on its banks their meals and spend-
the world ends ([9], Vol. iv, p. 101). As its waters are ing the hot part of the day ([11], Vol. i, p. 28; [10],
never directly exposed to the light of the sun or the Vol. ii, p. 211, Vol. iii, p. 222; [2], Vol. i, p. 80, Vol.
moon, it never gets heated, hence its name ([17], iv, p. 379). The Buddha is also mentioned having
Vol. iv, pp. 107–108). visited Anotatta just before or during important
Four rivers flow out of its four mouths (cattāri event in his life. For instance, he came here on
mukhāni) located on four sides: lion mouth the day the celebrated “twin miracle” (yamaka
(sī hamukha), elephant mouth (hatthimukha), horse pāṭihāriya) was performed by him ([10], Vol. iii,
mouth (assamukha), and bull mouth p. 222). It was also in its neighborhood that he
(usabhamukha) located on its four sides ([12], declared to the assembly of monks his misdeeds
p. 55). Interesting, Tibetan scriptures speak of of many past lives and the consequent suffering
four rivers with similar names originating from ([8], Vol. i, p. 299). In the seventh week after
Kailāśa: lion mouth (Senge Khabab), horse mouth Enlightenment, before taking his first meal in 7
(Dachok Khabab), peacock mouth (Mapcha weeks, the Buddha rinsed his mouth with the
Khabab), and elephant mouth (Langchen Khabab). water of Anotatta fetched for him by Sakka, the
These are the names of the four actual rivers king of devas ([8], Vol. i, p. 85). On another occa-
(Indus, Brahmaputra, Karnali, and Sutlej) of the sion, the Buddha expressed his wish to wash his
Mānasarovara-Kailāśa region (see [13], p. 37). feet with the holy waters of Anotatta ([10], Vol. iv,
The southward river, after following a partly terres- p. 134).
trial and partly aerial course, makes its way through To offer the water of Anotatta for the personal
the Vindhya mountain and divides as the great five use of some eminent person is considered one of
rivers of India Gaṅgā, Yamunā, Aciravatī, Sarabhū, the best ways of showing him respect ([2], Vol. iv,
and Mahī ([14], Vol. ii, pp. 407, 437–439; [18], pp. 213, 314; [10], Vol. iv, p. 134). This water had
Vol. ii, p. 585f; [17], Vol. ii, pp. 759–760, Vol. iv, curative powers ([10], Vol. iv, p. 129), and it was
pp. 109–110). considered as a symbol of real prosperity and
The waters of Anotatta, due to their sacredness, luxury to be able to use it ([4], Vol. v, pp. 24, 84,
have the power of making one divine. The Bud- xi.30). Many disciples of the Buddha made the
dha’s mother, for example, is said to have been neighborhood of this lake their abode as its sur-
taken by the consorts of the four guardian devas roundings provided an ideal site for meditation
to Anotatta where they bathed her for removing her ([1], p. 399). The Divyāvadāna mentions a class
human impurities (manussamalaharanatthāya) of devas called Anavatapta-kāyikādevatā who
before she conceived the Buddha as related in dwelt near here ([1], p. 153).
Māyā’s dream ([5], p. 55; [18], Vol. ii, p. 918). The importance of Anotatta in Indian Bud-
King Aśoka is said to have received the holy dhism can be imagined from the fact that it was
waters of this lake daily through devas ([4], a popular subject of painting ([2], Vol. vi, p. 432)
pp. xi.84–85). The water of Anotatta was also as well as similes and metaphors. For example, the
used in anointing kings, and Aśoka sent such Milindapañha using one simile states that as the
water to Tissa of Sri Lanka for his second corona- water of the Anotatta, after having entered the
tion ([4], p. xi.30). ocean through the Gaṅgā, would never return, so
It has many bathing ghats, free from fish and would a bodhisatta, in his last birth, never turn
tortoises ([14], Vol. ii, p. 438), and with crystal back from his goal of becoming a buddha ([16],
clear waters, where buddhas, paccekabuddhas, pp. 286–287).
and ascetics bathe ([14], Vol. i, p. 438) and devas Though Spence Hardy ([6], p. 54) felt that this
and yakkhas (Sk: yakṣa) come for sport ([14], Vol. lake was an imaginary one, some scholars have
ii, p. 438). The Buddha and many other ascetics are identified it either with Mānasarovar or the Rakas
mentioned as regularly going to Anotatta for ritual Tal ([7], p. 54; [15], p. 290).
Antarābhava 131

Cross-References
Antarābhava
▶ Bodhisatta A
▶ Buddha (Concept) Charles Willemen
▶ Divyāvadāna International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
▶ Manasarovar Thailand
▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism)
▶ Yakṣa
Synonyms
References
Intermediate existence. Chinese zhong (antarā)
1. Cowell ED, Neil RA (eds) (1886) The Divyāvadāna. you (bhava) is a literal translation. Zhongyin is
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge the ancient and old Chinese term. Yin actually
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols.
Trübner, London means andha, dark, meaning to translate skandha,
3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, aggregate. The Tibetan term is bar-do.
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text
Society, London
5. Godakumbura CE (ed) (1954) Visuddhajanavilāsini Definition
nāma Apdānaṭṭhakathā. Pali Text Society, London
6. Hardy RS (1866) Legends and theories of the Bud-
dhists. William and Norgate, London The term is used for the existence after death and
7. Law BC (1954) Geography of early Buddhism. before rebirth. A being there is also called
Sociètè Asiatique de Paris, Paris antarābhava.
8. Lilley ME (ed) (2000) The Apadāna, 2 vols. Pali Text
Society, London
9. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara Who Believes In It?
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London Vibhajyavāda Buddhism (Mahīśāsaka,
10. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the Dharmaguptaka, Theravāda) does not have this
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
11. Oldenberg H (ed) (1979–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
existence, and neither do Mahāsāṅghikas. The
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London exception is the Pūrvaśaila Mahāsāṅghikas in
12. Paranavitana S (1946) The Stūpa in Ceylon. Memoirs Andhra. They are the exception which confirms
of the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Colombo the rule [1]. Sarvāstivādins and Pudgalavādins,
13. Sarao KTS (2009) Pilgrimage to Kailash: the Indian
Personalists (Vātsīputrīya/Sāṃmitīya), believe in
route. Aryan Books International, Delhi
14. Smith H (ed) (1916–1918) Sutta-Nipāta commentary this existence. “Later” Mahīśāsakas, that is, from
being Paramatthajotikā II, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, the first centuries A.D. on, from Kuṣāṇa times on,
London who were hardly different from Sarvāstivādins in
15. Staal F (1990) The lake of the Yaksa chief. In:
the Gandhāran cultural area, also believed in it [1].
Skorupski T (ed) Indo-Tibetan studies: papers in hon-
our and appreciation of Professor David L. From the Gandhāran cultural area, known as Jibin
Snellgrove’s contribution to indo-Tibetan studies. in Chinese, the belief spread to Central and to East
Institute of Buddhist Studies, Tring, pp 275–292 Asia. From the end of the second century A.D.,
16. Trenckner V (ed) (1880) The Milindapañha. Williams
Kaśmīra was an important part of Jibin too.
and Norgate, London
17. Welleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956) Sarvāstivādins and Personalists were present
Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on across northern India too. A Chinese text about
the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, the intermediate existence is Taishō ed. XII 385
London
Zhongyin jing, by Zhu Fonian (arrived in
18. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of Chang’an in 365 A.D.). The text exists only in
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London Chinese version.
132 Antarābhava

Description Sarvāstivādins were very heterogeneous.

An intermediate existence links this present exis- Vasubandhu’s (ca. 350–430 A.D.) Kośabhāṣya
tence with the next one, assuring continuity in makes it clear that an intermediate existence is not
time and in space between death and rebirth. a gati, a destination, but that it leads to
A being there is also called antarābhava, or a destination. An intermediate existence exists
gandharva, feeding on fragrance, gandha. Its only in the realm of desire, kāmadhātu, and in the
presence is necessary at the time of conception, realm of form, rūpadhātu. The formless realm,
just as the mother’s fertility and the union of the ārūpyadhātu, is not a place. An intermediate
parents [2, 4]. It is possible to gain complete being cannot change its realm or destination
extinction in the intermediate existence as an because karmic actions are too strong. Some
antarāparinirvāyin (one with complete nirvāṇa Dārṣṭāntikas did not agree [2]. Some
in the intermediate existence), as an anāgāmin Sarvāstivādins thought that an intermediate being
(non-returner). Someone who has committed one may be reborn among animals of a similar kind, for
of the five unpardonable sins (ānantarya), one of example, born as a horse, not as a donkey. Initially,
the five actions with unintermitted fruition in the it was thought that the intermediate existence lasts
lowest hell, called Avī ci, will quickly pass through for 7 days. If by then the conditions for rebirth are
an intermediate existence too. The five sins are as not realized, the intermediate being dies and is
follows: killing one’s father, killing one’s mother, again reborn as such. This may happen several
killing an arhat or saint, injuring a Buddha, and times. Some say that the intermediate existence
causing a schism [2]. lasts 49 days, a belief which is widespread in East
Those who deny an intermediate existence say Asian Buddhism.
that it was never expounded by Buddha, that it is The intermediate being resembles the being in
not one of the possible existences expounded by his next destination. One destined for rebirth in
him. They say that an antarāparinirvāyin is an the realm of desire is like a child, 5 or 6 years old.
anāgāmin who attains complete extinction during One destined for the realm of form is like an adult.
(antarā) a life in Heaven. They also say that the A bodhisattva is like a youthful bodhisattva, with
five immediate unpardonable sins deny an inter- the 32 primary and the 80 secondary marks of
mediate existence. Some texts, such as a great being. It may be reminded that non-
Xuanzang’s Mahāvibhāṣā (Taishō ed.XXVII Vaibhāṣika Sarvāstivādins, and others too, had
1545) and the Pāli Kathāvatthu (VIII 2), relate bodhisattvas. Furthermore, an intermediate being
the discussion. is said to possess all faculties because it needs
It is quite possible that the considerable number them to look for the place of rebirth. Its body is
of brahmin converts, already during the Buddha’s extremely subtle and it can go anywhere without
lifetime, facilitated the belief in an intermediate being hindered. On its way down to hell, an inter-
existence, and also in an existing pudgala, person- mediate being falls head first, and on its way to
ality. There is an Upaniṣadic belief in the intermedi- Heaven it rises head upward. An intermediate
ate existence of the soul, ātman, between death and being of the realm of form is born fully clothed,
rebirth. The notion of gandharva is mentioned in but one of the realms of desire is often naked.
Vedic literature. The belief that a dead person, before Because an intermediate being is mental, its birth
rebirth as a human being or as an animal, lives on is metamorphic, aupapāduka, such as the birth of
among the spirits, feeding on fragrance, is linked to a God [2].
the Atharvaveda [4]. Ancient Buddhism also
believes that the virtuous dead are reborn among Later Development
spirits, gandharvas, who dwell in the fragrance of Śikṣānanda from Hotan (652–710 A.D.) brought
flowers, etc. Some say this is a means used by a Chinese text about Kṣitigarbha, of Central Asian
Buddha to encourage people to lead a virtuous life. origin: Taishō ed. XIII 421 Dizang pusa benyuan
The schools who believe in an intermediate (Kṣitigarbhapraṇidhāna?) jing. This text teaches
existence had their disagreements. Non-Vaibhāṣika that after death the deceased will wander for
Anuruddha 133

49 days in darkness as a spirit, while the judges 2. Bareau A (1979) Chūu. In: Demiéville P, May J (eds)
examine his case and decide his rebirth, based on Hōbōgirin. Fasc.5:558-563. Maison Franco-Japonaise.
Adrien Maisonneuve, Paris
his actions. This text looks very much influenced 3. Fremantle F, Chőgyam Trungpa (1975) The Tibetan A
by Chinese beliefs. book of the dead. The great liberation through
The Yogācārabhūmi, Taishō ed. XXX 1579 hearing in the bardo. Shambala Publications,
Yuqieshi di lun, attributed to Asaṅga, claims that Berkeley/London
4. Kalupahana DJ, Tamura K (1965) Antarābhava. In:
an intermediate existence exists. Asaṅga’s Malalasekera GP (ed) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism I,
Abhidharmasamuccaya, Taishō ed.XXXI 1605 4. Government of Ceylon, Colombo, pp 730–733
Dasheng apidamo ji lun, also explains this exis- 5. Willemen C (2012, forthcoming) Early yogācāra and
tence. Both texts fit into the non-Vaibhāṣika visualization (bhāvanā). In: Volume in memory of L.
Kawamura. Contemporary issues in Buddhist Studies
Sarvāstivāda yogācāra tradition. “Pure Land” Series. Institute of Buddhist Studies, Berkeley. Univer-
Buddhism, which may have originated in the sity of Hawai’i Press
western part of Jibin [5], also has literature about
an intermediate existence, for example, Taishō ed.
XLVII 1960 Shi Jingtu qun yi lun, Dispelling
Doubts about the Pure Land, a text by Huaigan,
Anumāna-pramāna
disciple of Shandao (613–681 A.D.). ˙
The Tibetan rNying-ma-pa tradition is known
▶ Logic (Buddhism)
for its tradition of the “Book of the Dead,” for the
belief in a bar-do, an intermediate existence. This
text explains what happens in the intermediate
existence. This text fits in with non-Vaibhāṣika
beliefs, known as Mūlasarvāstivāda after ca. 700 Anumiti
A.D. Mūlasarvāstivāda Buddhism went to Tibet.
The so-called Tibetan Book of the Dead is well ▶ Logic (Buddhism)
known ever since it was first translated by W.
Evans-Wentz in 1927. Many translations in dif-
ferent languages and commentaries have appeared
ever since [3].
Anupadhiśesa-nirvāna
˙ ˙
▶ Parinirvāṇa
Cross-References

▶ Anāgāmin
▶ Asaṅga Anuruddha
▶ Kathāvatthu
▶ Mahāsāṅghika Arvind Kumar Singh
▶ Pudgalavādins Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
▶ Sarvāstivāda University of Delhi, Delhi, India
▶ Sautrāntika School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
▶ Sukhāvatī Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Uttar
Pradesh, India

References
Synonyms
1. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes bouddhiques du petit
véhicule. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Saigon Aniruddha
134 Anuruddha

Definition household life and join the Saṃgha. Anuruddha

was at first reluctant to agree, but when he was
Anuruddha was an eminent disciple and cousin of informed by Mahānāma of the endless round of
the Buddha, renowned for his magical powers household cares, etc., the very thought of endless
(iddhi), divine vision (dibbacakkhū), and ability cycles of rebirth into a life of never-ending toil
to forgo sleep. took hold on him and this prompted him to follow
the Buddha and try to break through the cycle of
continuous becoming. Anuruddha was converted
Early Life together with the other Śākyan princes including
Devadatta, Bhaddiya, Ānanda, Bhāgu, Kimbila,
Anuruddha was one of the Buddha’s eminent and their barber, Upāli, and all of them sought
disciples. He was the son of Amitodana, the ordination under the Buddha at the Anupiya
brother of King Suddhodana who was the father Mango Grove ([6], Vol. ii, pp. 182–183). This
of Siddhārtha Gautama. Amitodana had five chil- event must have taken place in the 20th year of
dren from different wives, namely, Mahānāma, the Buddha’s ministry, as is shown by
Ānanda, Anuruddha, Bhāgu, and Rohiṇī. When a comparison of the Theragāthā 1039 with Vinaya
he was young, Anuruddha lived amid luxuries [9] Piṭaka (Vol. ii, p. 286). The latter passage gives us
and had three palaces, one for each seasons, win- information that Ānanda (one of the six) attained
ter, summer, and rainy ([6], Vol. ii, p. 280). The Arhatship in the year of the Buddha’s death; the
Dhammapada commentary records that he had former states that he had been 25 years in the
never even heard the phrase “there isn’t any Saṃgha before he did so. Twenty-five years
(natthi)” for whatever he might want; his desire before the Buddha’s death brings us to the 20th
would immediately be fulfilled [9]. Thus, year of his ministry [8]. Anuruddha attained it
Anuruddha lived his early life in wanton luxury before he became an Arahant. Anuruddha’s spir-
and gave little thought to the meaning and purpose itual path was marked by two prominent features
of existence. which are his mastery over divine eye
According to Xuanzang, there is some diffi- (dibbacakkhu) and cultivation of Satipaṭṭhāna or
culty in knowing whether Anuruddha was four foundations of mindfulness [9].
a cousin of the Buddha, being a son of Amitodana, Dibbacakkhu, the ability to see beyond the range
or he was Anuruddha who was a personal atten- of the physical eye, was acquired by Anuruddha
dant of the Buddha at the time of his death [1]. before the rainy season (vassāvāsa) was over ([6],
Aśvaghosa derives the name of this person from a Vol. ii, pp. 180–183). As a result, he was able to
+ niruddha (not stopped), in agreement with the call up a thousand kappas (Sanskrit: kalpa, aeon)
Tibetan ma hgagspa [1]. In Mahāyāna texts, of past and future and able to know the universe
Anuruddha’s name appears as Aniruddha and and its making. The divine eye which is of
sometimes spoken of as a son of Dronodana. a mundane (lokiya) character can be obtained by
one who has reached the fourth meditative absorp-
tion jhāna and takes this meditation as the
Entry into Samgha and His Experiences basis for further development as described in the
˙ Visuddhimagga.
The turning point in the life of Anuruddha came According to the Aṅguttara Nikāya,
shortly after the Buddha visited Kapilavatthu Anuruddha received teachings from Sāriputta on
(Sanskrit: Kapilavastu) and preached to the the eight thoughts of a great man
Śākyans. When members of other Śākyan families (pācī navaṃsadāya) of which he mastered seven,
decided to join the Saṃgha, Mahānāma was but could not learn the eighth. The Buddha, being
grieved that none had done so from his own fam- aware of this, visited him and taught it, and there-
ily. He, therefore, suggested to his brother, after he developed insight and realized Arhatship
Anuruddha, that one of them should leave the in the highest grade [7]. It is mentioned that once
Anuruddha 135

when the Buddha spending a rainy season in His Past Lives

Tāvatiṃsa preached the Abhidhamma, it was
Anuruddha who kept the people on earth As many as 23 Jātakas relate stories pertaining to A
informed of his doings and it is also stated that Anuruddha’s earlier births [4]. In these stories,
the Buddha went to Tāvatiṃsa at Anuruddha’s Anuruddha was born 15 times as a deity, 7 times
request [4]. From the Pāli literature it appears as a human being, and once as an animal in his
that Anuruddha, in contrast to such monks as previous births [9]. In the time of the Padumuttara
Sāriputta, Mahāmoggallāna, and Ānanda, pre- Buddha, he had been a wealthy householder. Hear-
ferred a life of quiet seclusion to one of active ing one of the monks declared best among posses-
involvement in the affairs of the Saṃgha. Thus, he sors of the celestial eye, he desired a similar honor.
did not appear as frequently as the above-named He performed acts of merit, including holding
elders in the events connected with the Buddha’s a great feast of light in front of the Buddha’s
ministry. His verses in the Theragāthā also sug- tomb. In the Kassapa Buddha’s era, he had
gest that he was strongly inclined to ascetical reincarnated and was born in Varanasi; one day
practices. He is also known to have engaged in he placed bowls filled with clarified butter around
discussions on the Dhamma with other monks and the Buddha’s tomb and set them alight,
with knowledgeable lay followers [7]. circumscribed the tomb throughout the night, bear-
ing on his head a lighted bowl. All these diverse
and colorful stories have a common feature
Depiction in Buddhist Literatures which shows several characteristic qualities of
Anuruddha, namely, his strong active striving for
Anuruddha is depicted in Buddhist literature as an virtue, his strength of character, skill in meditation,
affectionate and loyal Bhikkhu of the Buddhist mastery of supernormal faculties, as well as his
Saṃgha. The Buddhist literature is full of events concern for the welfare of common man [9].
on which Anuruddha had discussions with the
Buddha and he was consulted by disciples, both
Bhikkhus and lay people, on the points of doctrine Association with Women
and practice. Evidence of this is quite clearly
available in the Anuruddha Sutta in which he In a number of Pāli texts, Anuruddha is mentioned
had a discussion with the king’s carpenter, as being associated with a number of women. It
Pañcakaṅga, on the issue of Cetovimuttī and seems that despite his own inner purity of heart
Mahāggata ([10], Vol. iii, p. 144f). On another and complete detachment from sensuality,
occasion, when the Buddha was disgusted with Anuruddha, endowed with the physical bearing
the arguments of the Bhikkhus at Kośāmbi, he of a noble warrior by birth, emanated a personal
retreated to Pācī navaṃsadāya to stay with charisma that made him attractive for women, not
Anuruddha and specially preached the Upakkileś only of the human world but of the celestial
a Sutta to him ([10], Vol. iii, p. 153f). In another worlds as well. Some of these encounters also no
incidence in the Nalakapāna Sutta ([10], Vol. i, doubt stemmed from Kammic relationships
p. 462ff), in the presence of a large number formed in earlier lives, which were still affecting
of distinguished Bhikkhus, the Buddha directly him even though he himself had transcended
addresses his questions to Anuruddha and it them. Anuruddha’s previous lives also refer to
is he who answers on behalf of the Saṃgha. his relationship with women. According to the
Similar references are also found in Cūla-Gosiṅga Theragāthā, Jālinī, his wife in a previous
Suttas and the Mahā-Gosiṅga Suttas. According birth, sought to tempt him with the joy of
to the Theragāthā, Anuruddha is said to have heaven. Unfortunately, she was not able to tempt
not slept for 25 years at all, and slept only him and he told her that he had no lust for
during the last watch of the night during his last such things since he had attained freedom from
30 years [7]. rebirth [9].
136 Anuśrava

In the Saṃyutta Nikāya, Anuruddha is depicted wearing the Bodhisattva’s ornaments at the time
as questioning the Buddha about how women when the latter renounced the world [4].
were born in happy states and woeful purgatory Later on, Anuruddha played an important role
([3], Vol. iv, pp. 240–245). Anuruddha had been in the first Buddhist Council (Saṅgitī ) and was
visited by some Manāpakāyikā devas, who had entrusted with recitation of the Aṅguttara Nikāya
played and sung to him and shown their power of with his disciples. According to the Tibetan
changing their complexions at will. He came to Dulvā, it was Anuruddha who, finding Ānanda
the Buddha and asked how women could be born still asekha, got him turned out of the First Coun-
among these devas ([5], Vol. iv, p. 262ff). In cil until he became an arahant. Finally,
Anuruddha’s life as a monk, there was one inci- Anuruddha breathed his last at the Veluvagāma
dent which led to the promulgation of in the Vajji country, at the age of 150 years [7].
a disciplinary rule by the Buddha. Anuruddha
and his brother Ānanda were the only ones
among the close circle of the Buddha’s disciples
who occasioned the setting forth of a Vinaya rule. Cross-References
In both cases it concerned women.
Anuruddha had a sister, Rohiṇī, who suffered ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
from a skin disease and, therefore, remained ▶ Kapilavatthu
indoors and even refused to meet Anuruddha but ▶ Mahākassapa
he insisted on seeing her and persuaded her to sell ▶ Saṅgha
her ornaments and build a resting hall for the
Buddha and his monks. She later became
a stream-enterer and was reborn as Sakka’s con- References
sort [4].
1. Beal S (2008) Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist records of the west-
ern world. Low Price, Delhi, Reprint
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877) The Jātakas, vols 3. Trübner,
London
Life After the Buddha 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, vol I. Pali
Text Society, London
4. Malalasekera GP (2002) Dictionary of Pali proper
According to the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta of the
names, vol 1 (A-DH). Munshiram Manoharlal Pvt.
Dīgha Nikāya, Anuruddha was present at the time Ltd, New Delhi, Reprint
of the death of the Buddha at Kusinārā and knew 5. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1900) The Aṅguttara
the exact time of his death, which is evident from Nikāya, vol IV. Pali Text Society, London
6. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭaka, 5
the verse he uttered on the occasion of the Bud-
vols. Williams and Norgate, London
dha’s Mahāparinibbāna. It shows thoughtful and 7. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1964) Psalms of the Brethren.
philosophic calm in contrast with that of Ānanda Pali Text Society, London, Reprint
([2], Vol. ii, pp. 156–157). He was foremost in 8. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (1899–1957) The
Dīgha Nikāya, vols 3. Pali Text Society, London
consoling the monks and admonishing their future
9. Thera N, tr. (1989) Lives of the disciples Anuruddha.
course of action, reminding them of the Buddha’s The Wheel Publication No. 362. Buddhist Publication
decree to follow the dharma. As the Buddha was Society, Kandy
reclining and going through the jhānas, Ānanda 10. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
said to Anuruddha: “The Exalted One has attained
final Nibbāna, Venerable Sir.” Anuruddha stated
that the Buddha was absorbed in the state of
“cessation,” but had not yet died. The Mallas of
Kusinārā consulted Anuruddha in connection Anuśrava
with the Buddha’s last rites ([2], Vol. ii, p. 160f).
In the Lalitavistāra, it is mentioned that he was ▶ Oral Transmission
Apadāna 137

rhinoceros.” Here the Buddha answers Ānanda’s

Anussava query about paccekabuddhas who attained enlight-
enment but did not teach. The entire Khaggavisāna A
▶ Oral Transmission Sutta of the Sutta-Nipāta has been added here.
Neither the Buddhāpadāna nor the
Paccekabuddhāpadāna contains any biography.
The Therāpadāna consists of 55 vaggas. Each of
Apadāna these vaggas contains ten tales about theras and is
named after the title of the first tale narrated in the
K. T. S. Sarao vagga. The original number of thera-apadānas was
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of 550, which has been reduced to 547 most probably
Delhi, Delhi, India after three Jātakas were lost ([1], pp. 13–15). The
first vagga begins with the tale of Sāriputta, the chief
disciple of the Buddha. This is followed by those of
Definition other famous theras such as Mahāmoggallāna,
Mahākassapa, Upāli, Ānanda, and Rāhula. The pat-
The Apadāna is the thirteenth book of the tern followed in each tale is that first the tale gives
Khuddaka Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka. The details of a meritorious deed done by the concerned
Avadāna in Buddhist Sanskrit literature is its thera during the time of a former Buddha. Then are
counterpart. mentioned the benefits enjoyed obtained him in his
subsequent existences as per the prophecy uttered
The Apadāna, thirteenth book of the Khuddaka by that Buddha. Finally, the attainment of the per-
Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka, is an anthology in fection of an arahant by that thera is mentioned. The
verse of the tales of meritorious deeds of 550 Therī-apadāna consists of the last four vaggas.
theras (elders) and 40 therīs (female elders) who Each of these vaggas contains ten tales of therīs.
were contemporaries of the Buddha. The word These biographies of therī s follow the same pattern
apadāna means “meritorious deed” or “pure as that of the theras. Biographies of some of the
action,” and each of the Apadānas offers a tale most celebrated therī s in Buddhist literature, such as
both of the past and the present. However, these Mahāpajāpatīgotamī, Khemā, and Paṭācārā, are
tales are somewhat different from the Jātaka tales contained in this section.
as the latter always refers to the past lives of the The Apadāna is considered as one of the very
Buddha himself, whereas the Apadānas mostly latest books in the Tipiṭaka. One reason of such an
deal with the lives of the elders. opinion is that whereas the number of Buddhas
The text consists of 59 vaggas (chapters) and has prior to the historical Shākyamuni Buddha is
four main sections: the Buddhāpadāna, the given as six the Dī gha Nikāya and 24 in the
Paccekabuddhāpadāna, the Therāpadāna, and the Buddhavaṃsa, the Apadāna adds another 11 Bud-
Therī-apadāna. The Buddhāpadāna and the dha bringing the total number 35. It has been
Paccekabuddhāpadāna are included in the first suggested that the different legends contained in
vagga and are only minor sections of the book. this text are of different dates. It has also been
The Buddhāpadāna, consisting of 81 verses, is pointed out that as the Apadāna is not included as
a glorification of the Buddha where the latter a text of the Khuddaka Nikāya in the list of the
describes the various meritorious deeds and their Dī ghabhāṇakas, it appears that when the
good results in his previous births. As suggested Dī ghabhāṇaka list was finalized, the Apadāna
by Heinz Bechert, the content of this section is was not considered as a text of the Khuddaka
unusual in Theravāda ([2], p. 102). The Nikāya. It was almost certainly the last book
Paccekabuddhāpadāna, consisting of 58 verses added to the Pāli Tipiṭaka and appears to be youn-
and composed in triṣṭubh meter, is a glorification ger than the Buddhavaṃsa but much older than the
of paccekabuddhas who “lead solitary lives like the commentaries (see [1], p. 18).
138 Appreciative Joy

Though the Apadāna is as large a text as the ▶ Sutta-Nipāta

Jātaka, it is considered of very low literary value. ▶ The Buddha of Healing
Though occasionally the narratives of the Apadāna ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
give more details than the Theragāthā and the ▶ Upāli
Therīgāthā, the narratives of these three texts as ▶ Vimānavatthu
well as the Vimānavatthu are quite similar in terms
of their content as well as style. Interestingly, none
of the higher doctrines of Buddhism have been
References
taught in the Apadāna. Its subject matter primarily
focuses on the charitable and humanitarian aspects 1. Bechert H (1958) Über das Apadānabuch. Wien
of Buddhism whereby socially engaged activities Z Kunde Süd- und Ost-asiens 2:1–21
such as offering charity and prayers or building 2. Bechert H (1992) Buddha-field and transfer of merit in
a cetiya, cleaning, repairing, and whitewashing it a Theravāda source. Indo-Iranian J 35:95–108
3. Godakumbura CE (ed) (1954) Visuddhajanavilāsinī
are much appreciated. Its geographical horizon nāma Apadānaṭṭhakathā. Pali Text Society, London
appears to be very similar to that of the Niddesa 4. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
([1], p. 19). As some of the theras and therī s are Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
known to have spoken the Thera- and Therīgāthās, 5. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
Apadāna is considered as a kind of supplement to 6. Lilley ME (ed) (2000) The Apadāna, vol 2. Pali Text
the Theragāthā and the Therīgāthā ([4], p. 61). Society, London
The legends of the Apadāna have inspired other 7. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
compositions, such as the Sādhucarita, the (trans: Sarma VS), vol 2, rev. edn. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
Rasavāhinī, and the Pūjāvaliya. According to the
Gandhavaṃsa, Paramatthajotikā, the commentary
of the Apadāna, was written by Buddhaghosa at
the request of five monks. It is possible to trace at
least three recensions of the Apadāna as Appreciative Joy
Dhammapāla in his commentary to Thera-/Therī-
apadānas quotes in a wording that is different from ▶ Muditā
the Apadāna, and a third recension was by
Buddhaghosa, the author of the Paramatthajotikā,
the commentary of the Sutta-Nipāta ([1], p. 18; [4],
p. 61).
Apprehension

▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
Cross-References

▶ Buddhaghosa
▶ Buddhavaṃsa Arahant
▶ Jātaka
▶ Khema-uyyāna Bhikkhu Anālayo
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
▶ Mahākassapa Hamburg, Balve, Germany
▶ Mahāmoggallāna
▶ Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī
▶ Pacceka-Buddha Synonyms
▶ Rāhula
▶ Sutta Piṭaka Arhat (Sanskrit)
Arahant 139

Definition developed, experiences of deep concentration

that form the basis for the subsequent develop-
An arahant, literally a “worthy one,” has reached ment of higher knowledge and liberating wisdom. A
the highest of the four levels of awakening recog- According to the standard description, this devel-
nized in early Buddhism and has thereby become opment takes place by attaining three higher
totally free from defilements and gone beyond knowledges, tevijjā. These three higher knowl-
rebirth in any form. edges are the ability to recollect one’s own past
lives, the ability to directly witness – with the
“divine eye” – the passing away of beings
and their being reborn in accordance with their
The Path to Arahantship deeds, and the destruction of the influxes or taints,
āsava.
The realization of arahantship requires the devel- This standard description of the gradual path
opment of insight, vipassanā, and tranquility, should, however, not be taken too literally, since
samatha, a meditative development of the mind the actual approach taken may vary in individual
that needs to be based on a firm foundation of cases. Not everyone on the path to arahantship
moral conduct. Progress toward any of the four needs to have gone forth and not all arahants
stages of awakening recognized in early Bud- have developed the three higher knowledges, of
dhism, culminating in the attainment of which the first two – recollection of one’s former
arahantship, comes into being through having lives and the divine eye – are not necessary req-
associated with superior persons, having heard uisites for the attainment of full awakening. The
the Dharma, having attended wisely and having only higher knowledge that is indispensable in
practiced in accordance with the Dharma ([1], Vol. this respect is the destruction of the influxes, the
V, p. 410). The most basic requirement for the third in the set of higher knowledges, since it is
gain of arahantship, however, is the existence of this which makes one an arahant.
a Buddha, since due to his teaching the path to all In some cases, moreover, arahants have appar-
of the stages of awakening is revealed to humanity ently been able to progress rather swiftly along the
([2], Vol. I, p. 23). path. Thus the attainment of arahantship, in the
The usual way of approach for the attainment case of an exceptional individual, could appar-
of arahantship is depicted in the early discourses ently take place already at the age of 7 ([3],
as a gradual path of practice. According to the 429). A remarkable example for quick realization
standard description, this gradual path begins by is provided in a discourse that reports a meeting
going forth as a monastic, followed by keeping up between the Buddha and a non-Buddhist
a firm foundation in moral conduct and develop- ascetic. During their first meeting, after receiving
ing contentment with the minimal necessities of an enigmatic instruction by the Buddha, this
life. Based on this foundation, one then under- ascetic became an arahant on the spot [4, 5]. In
takes the practice of sense-restraint in order to this case, it seems that his inner degree of spiritual
avoid unwholesome reactions to whatever is maturity was of such a high level that a short
experienced through any of the senses and trains instruction was enough for him to cover what in
oneself in clear comprehension during any bodily the average case would take years and years of
activity, followed by withdrawing into seclusion practice.
for intensive meditation practice. A central method for developing the type of
Such meditation practice begins with overcom- insight that leads to awakening can be found in
ing the five hindrances that obstruct mental culti- contemplating the five aggregates (affected by)
vation and the gaining of wisdom, which are clinging as impermanent, unsatisfactory, and
sensual desire, ill will, sloth-and-torpor, restless- devoid of a self ([1], Vol. III, p. 168). These five
ness-and-worry, and doubt. Once these are over- aggregates are, according to early Buddhism, the
come, the four absorptions, jhāna, can be chief constituents of an individual, comprising the
140 Arahant

aggregates of bodily form, feeling, perception, denote the attainment of full awakening. Having
volitions, and consciousness. Contemplating these destroyed the influxes and eradicated the fetters,
aggregates in the above-described manner leads to an arahant is one who has completed the training
seeing all aspects of subjective experience as con- in morality, concentration, and wisdom ([2], Vol.
stantly changing, therefore as unable to provide I, p. 232), having thoroughly penetrated the Bud-
lasting satisfaction, and therewith as not fit to be dha’s teaching ([6], Vol. II, p. 251).
considered as a permanent self. If one takes any-
thing to be permanent or satisfactory or a self,
however, or else if one does not regard Nirvāṇa as Implications of Arahantship
happiness, then one will be incapable of reaching
any of the levels of awakening, let alone attaining With the fetters destroyed and the influxes eradi-
arahantship ([2], Vol. III, p. 442). cated, even the subtlest trace of defilement is no
An arahant has successfully eradicated the ten longer present in the mind of an arahant and it is
fetters, saṃyojana, that are considered to be what simply impossible for him or her to be acting
binds unawakened worldlings to continued exis- under the influence of desire, hatred, delusion, or
tence in the cycle of saṃsāra. With the first level fear ([6], Vol. III, p. 133).
of awakening, stream-entry, three of these fetters By dint of profound insight and inner purity, an
have been eradicated. These three are the fetter of arahant is incapable of undertaking such deeds as
personality view, sakkāyadiṭṭhi, in the sense of the deliberately depriving another living being of life,
notion of a permanent self, the fetter of doubt, appropriating what belongs to others by way of
vicikicchā, in particular doubt regarding the theft, or consciously speaking falsehood ([7], Vol.
nature of what is wholesome and what is I, p. 523). The inner purification reached with full
unwholesome, and the fetter of dogmatic clinging liberation also makes it impossible for an arahant
to rules and vows, sī labbataparāmāsa, as in to engage in sexual activity in any form, or else to
themselves sufficient for reaching liberation. hoard up things for the sake of sensual enjoyment.
The next two fetters to be overcome are sensual From an early Buddhist perspective, an arahant
lust, kāmarāga, and ill will, vyāpāda. In regard to epitomizes perfection in moral conduct. For the
their overcoming, a once-returner has already remainder of his or her life, an arahant will then
made substantial progress, since he or she has exemplify the type of conduct observed by lay
considerably weakened both by attaining the sec- disciples on observance days, uposatha. Hence
ond level of awakening. Their complete eradica- arahants abstain from any intoxication, from par-
tion, however, is only accomplished with the next taking of meals after noon, from going to see
and third level of awakening, the attainment of dancing or singing, and from using high beds
nonreturn, anāgāmin. and seats ([2], Vol. I, p. 212). In sum, from an
An arahant has also eliminated the remaining early Buddhist perspective there is no scope for
five fetters, which are desire for fine-material the idea that a fully awakened one trancends com-
states, rūpa-rāga, desire for immaterial states, mon standards of morality.
arūpa-rāga, conceit, māna, restlessness, An arahant is endowed with the seven powers
uddhacca, and ignorance, avijjā. of one who has destroyed the influxes, khī ṇāsava-
With the overcoming of all ten fetters, an balāni ([6], Vol. III, p. 283). The listing of these
arahant has also eradicated the influxes or taints, seven powers indicates that an arahant has real-
āsava. These influxes are often listed as three, ized the impermanence of all formations,
comprising the influxes of sensuality, of (desire saṅkhāra, and regards sensual pleasures as com-
for continued) existence, and of ignorance, parable to (being thrown into) a pit full of glowing
kāmāsava, bhavāsava, avijjāsava, with some- embers. An arahant’s mind, moreover, inclines to
times the influx of views, diṭṭhāsava, added as seclusion, rejoices in seclusion, and is completely
a fourth. The destruction of these influxes, beyond things that are related to the influxes. An
āsavakkhaya, is an expression often used to arahant has also fully developed key aspects of the
Arahant 141

Buddhist path to liberation, namely, the four the qualities that according to early Buddhist
establishments of mindfulness, satipaṭṭhāna, the thought are concomitant with full awakening.
five faculties, indriya, the seven factors of awak- According to this discourse, an arahant will not A
ening, bojjhaṅga, and the noble eightfold path. be attracted or repelled by anything seen, heard,
Taking anything to be permanent, enjoying sensed, or cognized, but will always remain
sensual pleasures, and delighting in socializing detached. In regard to the five aggregates – com-
are thus incompatible with the status of an arahant. prising bodily form, feeling, perception, volitions,
Moreover, an arahant has not only practiced suc- and consciousness – an arahant will have no cling-
cessfully, but still keeps practicing. He or she ing whatsoever. Regarding any manifestation of
continues to dwell with mindfulness of the body, matter or mind, an arahant will not have the
feelings, mental states, and phenomena, thereby slightest notion of a self, and in relation to any
being firmly established in the four establishments of the senses and their objects, an arahant will be
of mindfulness. The same holds for the five facul- free from craving and desire. To this a parallel
ties of confidence or faith, energy, mindfulness, version preserved in Chinese adds that an arahant
concentration, and wisdom. An arahant has fully will also be detached in regard to the four nutri-
developed the seven factors of awakening, which ments of edible food, contact, intention, and con-
are mindfulness, investigation of phenomena, sciousness (Taishō 1.732b).
energy, joy, tranquility, concentration, and equa- Besides these manifestations of detachment
nimity. Similarly, an arahant has completely and freedom from defilements, the same discourse
brought into being each aspect of the noble eight- also mentions another aspect that should be inves-
fold path, namely, rightly directed view, intentions, tigated, namely, how an arahant has come to his or
speech, action, livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and her present condition. This normally takes place
concentration. by way of having practiced the gradual path,
described above. The fact that the practice of the
gradual path is explicitly mentioned as one of the
Claims to Arahantship qualities of an arahant indicates that, according to
early Buddhist meditation theory, the attainment
Claims to arahantship are invested with some of full awakening and its concomitant inner free-
degree of ambivalence in the Buddhist tradition. dom are the final result of a clear-cut method of
The early texts report several instances where practice.
monastics proclaim their successful attainment
of the final goal in front of the Buddha. To do
the same in front of laity, however, is an offense Types of Arahants
according to the monastic rules ([8], Vol. IV,
p. 25). Moreover, if a monk or a nun, out of Although the lifestyle of a monastic will greatly
some ulterior motive, were to make such a claim facilitate progress toward the final goal, the attain-
falsely, the resultant offense is considered to be of ment of arahantship does not necessarily require
such gravity that he or she thereby would lose becoming ordained. A case in point is the record
the status of being a fully ordained monastic of a young layman, who during his first encounter
([8], Vol. III, p. 91). with the Buddha was able to progress all the way
False claims to arahantship, however, need not up to arahantship and only subsequent to such
be cases of conscious misrepresentation, but could attainment requested ordination ([8], Vol. I,
also be the result of overestimation ([7], Vol. II, p. 17). This tale neatly exemplifies the relation-
p. 252). A whole discourse describes different ship of arahantship to laity: Early Buddhism holds
ways in which a claimant to arahantship should that it is possible to become an arahant without
be investigated in order to ascertain the truth of the having been ordained. However, on becoming an
matter ([7], Vol. III, p. 30). This investigation arahant, one will seek ordination. That is, unless
throws some light on the nature of arahants and a layman or a laywoman attains arahantship on
142 Arahant

their deathbed or passes away for some That arahants do retain some of their former
other reason, he or she will go forth, since to character traits explains why some of them may
continue living as a householder is no longer opt for a more retired and secluded lifestyle,
compatible with the inner degree of purification whereas others engage more in teaching activities
and freedom that has been reached with full or assist their companions in various ways.
awakening. A perusal of the discourses shows that there is
The supposed existence of arahants that con- no stereotype behavior pattern among the arahant
tinue to live as householders in early Buddhism, disciples of the Buddha.
suggested by some scholars, appears to be based The notion that arahants do not assist others is
on a slight misreading of a discourse, which lists a later development and part of a particular
the names of several householders who had polemic strand that has little to do with what the
reached some level of awakening ([2], Vol. III, early sources convey. Chief monk disciples of the
p. 450). Closer inspection shows that the expres- Buddha feature in the early discourses as fre-
sion used in this discourse does not imply that quently expressing their concern for others by
these householders had reached the highest level word and deed. Symptomatic for the situation is
of awakening. In fact, two of these householders an injunction the Buddha is recorded to have
are elsewhere reported to have passed away as given to his first arahant disciples: “Wander
once-returners ([2], Vol. III, p. 348), and another forth, monks, for the welfare of the multitude,
householder mentioned in the same listing is on for the happiness of the multitude, out of compas-
record as having been reborn in a heavenly realm sion for the world. . . let not two go the same way;
([7], Vol. III, p. 262), which would be impossible teach, monks, the Dharma” ([1], Vol. I, p. 105).
for an arahant. Since arahants retain some of their former
The ability to become an arahant is indepen- traits, those whose nature is to be strict could
dent of caste or gender, as women are certainly still exhibit sternness, even though irritation or
capable of gaining full awakening ([2], Vol. IV, anger would have disappeared once full awaken-
p. 276). One discourse declares that the Buddha’s ing has been attained. This provides the necessary
dispensation would have been deficient if he did background for appreciating a few discourses that
not have female arahant disciples ([7], Vol. I, depict one particular arahant somewhat strongly
p. 492). The same discourse reports that more rebuking another monk ([1], Vol. II, p. 214ff). The
than 500 nun disciples of the Buddha had become two apparently stood in a relationship of teacher
arahants, so that there was no deficiency in this and disciple ([8], Vol. I, p. 92) and by the time of
respect. these events the Buddha had already passed away.
Becoming an arahant does not mean that all Hence, for this particular arahant, whom tradition
former character traits just disappear; in fact, the presents as an outstanding proponent of ascetic
detachment of an arahant is not merely a bland practices and therewith an advocate of rigorous
neutrality or indifference. Rather, through the and stern behavior, to display a somewhat tough
removal of unwholesome mental influences an way of behavior need not be interpreted as a sign
arahant is capable of responding to the needs of of the presence of defilement in his mind.
others in a way that is without any selfishness. Arahants also differ in the degree to which they
According to one discourse, the Buddha clarified have emphasized the development of mental tran-
that his being endowed with the qualities of loving quility, samatha, prior to their awakening. Such
kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equa- difference underlies a distinction between two
nimity was precisely the outcome of his having types of arahants, one of which is “liberated
eradicated those mental defilements that are through wisdom,” paññāvimutta, while the other
opposed to these divine abodes, brahmavihāra is “liberated both ways,” ubhatobhāgavimutta.
([7], Vol. I, p. 370). Such eradication is An arahant who is liberated through wisdom
a characteristic shared by a Buddha and his has not developed the ability to attain the imma-
arahant disciples. terial attainments ([7], Vol. I, p. 477) that
Arahant 143

according to early Buddhist meditation theory can involve forms of meditation that are related to
be gained after the four absorptions, jhāna, have the lower absorptions, or perhaps even to stages
been developed. He or she would nevertheless be of meditation that precede absorption attainment. A
well aware of their impermanent and ultimately This definition does not explicitly present an
unsatisfactory nature ([6], Vol. II, p. 70). This arahant without absorption abilities, as it could
awareness could explain why someone liberated be argued that he or she has to develop absorption
through wisdom may not make any further effort with a meditation object different from those
to gain the immaterial attainments once final lib- related to the first three liberations. It does, how-
eration has been won, since clear understanding of ever, seem just a bit closer to the commentarial
the nature of such attainments might make any conception of a dry-insight arahant than the one
effort to attain them appear pointless. that involves the attainment of the immaterial
The other type of arahant is “liberated both spheres.
ways,” ubhatobhāgavimutta. Such an arahant is Besides the later notion of a dry-insight
able to attain the immaterial attainments and arahant, another later conception is that an arahant
therefore is perfected also in this respect ([2], may fall away from his or her attainment of liber-
Vol. IV, p. 316). Elsewhere the same type of ation. The notion of such a parihānadharma
arahant is defined in a slightly different manner arhat, mentioned in the Abhidharmakośa ([9],
by indicating that he or she has mastery over the p. 372), conflicts with the indications given in
eight liberations, vimokkha ([6], Vol. II, p. 71). the early discourses, where according to the stan-
These eight cover temporary liberations of the dard description an arahant is one who has done
mind attained through the development of deep what needs to be done and has gone once and for
stages of concentration, which involve visions of all beyond defilements and future rebirth. A term
forms, the development of loving kindness, the frequently used to refer to the arahant is asekha,
four immaterial attainments, and the cessation of implying that such a one is no longer in need of
perception and feeling, the last of these also any training. As another discourse points out, an
requiring the maturation of insight. arahant has nothing further to be done and is in no
A complement to this description can be found need to do anything about what has already been
in another discourse, which refers to an arahant done ([1], Vol. III, p. 168).
bereft of the ability to attain the eight mental Yet another later trend was to single out certain
liberations ([2], Vol. II, p. 87). This discourse arahants – originally a group of 16, but eventually
compares such an arahant to a colored lotus, growing via 18 to a total of 500 – that are believed
whereas an arahant who attains the eight libera- to remain in the world until the appearance of the
tions is like a white lotus. Thus the theme of this next Buddha Maitreya.
presentation is indeed the difference between Eventually, with the coming into vogue of the
those who are liberated by wisdom and those bodhisattva ideal, the notion of the arahant suf-
who are liberated both ways. fered a loss of status in some Buddhist traditions.
The alternative definition that involves the The idea became prevalent in these traditions that
eight liberations is noteworthy insofar as it the liberation of an arahant, referred to as śrāvaka-
moves closer to the notion of a dry-insight arahant bodhi, is of an inferior type and marked by selfish
that is found in later literature, an arahant who has tendencies. Hence, the proper aim of one’s aspi-
reached final liberation without being able to ration should rather be the superior type of awak-
attain any of the four absorptions, jhāna. On the ening to be acquired by those who are practicing
definition that involves the immaterial attain- the bodhisattva path.
ments, someone liberated by wisdom would only From the perspective of the early Buddhist
be bereft of stages of concentration that take place discourses, however, which represent the earliest
based on the fourth absorption. The limit set by strata of text and thus with high probability reflect
the definition that involves the eight liberations is the beginning stages in the development of Bud-
lower, as the first three out of the set of eight dhist thought, an arahant has reached supreme
144 Arhat (Sanskrit)

awakening and will not suffer a decline in his or Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana. Gunawardhana Com-
her condition of being totally liberated from all memoration Committee, Dehiwala, pp 37–52
16. Horner IB (1936/1979) The early Buddhist theory of
defilements and rebirth, a condition that implies man perfected, a study of the Arahan concept and of
the complete eradication of any selfishness or the implications of the aim to perfection in religious
egotism. life. Oriental Books, Delhi
17. Katz N (1982/1989) Buddhist images of human per-
fection, the arahant of the Sutta Piṭaka compared with
the Bodhisattva and the Mahāsiddha. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
Cross-References 18. Lévi S (1916) Les Seize Arhat Protecteurs de la Loi.
J Asiatique 11(8):5–50, 189–304
▶ Anāgāmin 19. Tilakaratne A (2005) Personality differences of
arahants and the origins of Theravāda, A study of
▶ Buddha (Concept) two great elders of the Theravāda tradition: Mahā
▶ Insight Kassapa and Ānanda. In: id. (ed) Dhamma-Vinaya,
▶ Liberation (Buddhism) essays in honour of venerable professor
▶ Sotāpanna Dhammavihari (Jotiya Dhirasekera). Sri Lanka Asso-
ciation for Buddhist Studies, Colombo, pp 229–257

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14. Bond GD (1984) The development and elaboration of
the arahant ideal in the Theravada Buddhist tradition.
J Am Acad Relig 52(2):227–242
15. de Silva L (1987) The Buddha and the arahant com-
pared (a study based on the Pali canon). In: Jayasuriya
Ārya Lalitavistara Sūtra
MHF (ed) Pratidāna Mañjarī, Papers on Buddhism and
Sri Lankan Studies in Commemoration of Gate ▶ Lalitavistara
Āryadeva 145

Deva or Bodhisattva Deva. In literary works,

Ārya Satyāni he is also referred to with other names such
as Kāṇadeva, Nīlanetra, Pingalanetra, A
▶ Aryasacca Pingalacaksuh, and Kāṇaripa. It is also said that
his real name was Candrakīrti [8]. In Chinese his
name is Tipo or Shengtian, in Japanese Daiba or
Shoten, and in Tibetan Hphags-pa-lha. Besides,
Ārya Tārā he was also identified with siddha Kāṇa-ri-pa
(Kaṇeripāda alias Āryadeva), and he attained rain-
▶ Tārā (Buddhism) bow body during Nāgārjuna’s lifetime [1].

Life
Āryadeva
Sources provide different information regarding
Ram Kumar Rana the birthplace of Āryadeva. It is recorded that
Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts, either he hailed from Sri Lanka or was a south
University of Delhi, Delhi, India Indian Brahman. Historical works of Taranatha
and Bu-ston; Xuanzang’s travel account; Catuhś
ataka-vṛitti, commentary on Catuhśataka of
Abbreviations Āryadeva by Ācārya candrakīrti; and the Mañjuś
rimūlakalpa all describe him a native of the island
N Nanjio’s catalogue of Ceylon (Siṃhaladvīpa). The Chinese sources,
T Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō such as biography of Āryadeva (Tipopusazhuan)
TM Tibet-Daizōkyō-So-Mokuroku by Kumārajīva [12] and Fufazang yin yuanjing by
Jijiaye and Tanyao [3], however describe him the
Synonyms son of a south Indian Brahman. Contemporary
scholarship agrees with the proposition that
Daiba; Deva; Hphags-pa-lha (Tibetan); Shengtian Āryadeva was a native of Sri Lanka.
(Chinese); Shoten (Japanese); Tipo The philosophy of Nāgārjuna was consolidated
with unparalleled dialectical skill by his chief
disciple Āryadeva. His name figures among “the
Definition four suns which illumined the world” [5]. Like his
illustrious teacher Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva’s life too
A second- to third-century Mādhyamika philoso- is full of legend and hagiography. Biographers
pher, the foremost disciple and successor of report that Āryadeva with auspicious marks was
Nāgārjuna. He successfully refuted the doctrines miraculously born in the petals of a lotus flower in
of his contemporary philosophers, belonging to the pleasure garden of Pañchashriṇga, king of
other traditions of Indian thought, through debate Siṃhala. Later, the king adopted him as his foster
and his works. son [1]. Impressed by his natural grace and bril-
liance, his father declared him the crown prince
and enthroned as his heir [9]. But, when grown up,
Introduction he felt strongly inclined to accept the ordination.
After learning the Theravādin Buddhist doctrines
Āryadeva (170–270 C.E.) [7] was the most emi- in depth, eventually he renounced the throne for
nent disciple and the younger contemporary of the life of a monk. From Upādhyāya Hemadeva,
Nāgārjuna, the founder of the Mādhyamika he received pravrajyā and upasampadā [1]. Hav-
school of Buddhism. He is frequently known as ing already learned the arts and sciences in
146 Āryadeva

addition to Ceylonese Buddhist thought, he at the feet of the Ācarya and received various
sought for a teacher who could instruct him the magical powers, like rasāyana, and entrusted
essentials of the dharma. with substantial responsibility of the law [1].
The Ceylonese chronicle Mahāvaṃsa records At that time, there lived a Śaivite called
the name of a certain Thera Deva who preached Mātriceta who had propitiated the god Maheś
dhamma to King Vohārika Tissa, who, having vara and was exceedingly powerful, so that no
heard the doctrine by this Thera of Kappukagāma, living being could match him in debate. This
restored five buildings [4]. Dī pavaṃsa also men- teacher, having caused great harm to the doctrine
tions that Thera Deva preached Andhakavinda of Buddha and seduced many people to the heret-
sutta to the king Saṇgha Tissa, who, after listening ical teachings, came to Nālandā. The Nālandā
to his discourse, ordered the continuous distribu- monks sought help from Nāgārjuna who was
tion of the rice milk at the four gates of the town staying at Śriparvata. At that time Āryadeva was
[10]. Notably both the kings lived during the third abiding with him; he offered himself to subdue the
century C.E., the period attributed to Āryadeva. heretic and went to Nālandā. There, the heretical
After completing the study of the entire teacher was vanquished and converted to Bud-
Tripitaka, Thera Deva came to Jambudvī pa dhism, who later became a great master [9].
(India) on pilgrimage to the temples and caityas Different sources provide conflicting accounts
of the different regions. He met Nāgārjuna shortly of Āryadeva’s gift of his one eye because of which
before he left for Śriparvata from the country of he was later called Kāṇadeva (one eyed) in many
King Udayana [1]. Xuanzang records: The Bodhi- sources.
sattva Deva came from the land of Siṃhala to On his way to Nālandā, there a tree goddess
discuss the difficulties of the doctrine with begged him to grant her an eye, and he accord-
Nāgārjuna. He asked a pupil to announce him to ingly presented her with one of his eyes [9].
the master. Nāgārjuna sends his begging bowl out, Another account states that on his way, he met
filled with pure water. Deva drops a needle into it. a heretic woman who needed an eye of a learned
The pupil takes the bowl back, and Nāgārjuna is monk to complete the materials required for her
much delighted at this “eloquent silence.” The siddhi. On being asked for it, he gave her one of
master explains to his astonished pupil that the his eyes [1]. Kumārajīva’s biography, however,
bowl with the water signified his own pure knowl- narrates a mysterious encounter with Shiva in his
edge; by throwing the needle in, Deva intended to aspect as Maheśvara. While disputing with theis-
say that he has fathomed this knowledge. Deva tic Śhaivites, he argued that a golden statue of
was called in and approaches the master very Maheśvara was not the god himself. To prove
modestly. Nāgārjuna felt satisfied with the discus- his point, he plucked the left eye of the image.
sion he had with Deva, and as he himself was When Maheśvara visited Āryadeva the next day,
already old and feeble, he appointed him as his the monk offered his own eye to show that he was
successor [1]. not prideful. This is how he proved his point that
Thus Thera Deva of Ceylon came to be known the statue is not the god and the body is not the
as Āryadeva in India. This proposition is further perceiver within it [12]. Āryadeva’s works sug-
strengthened by the fact in the chronicles he is not gest that he debated with Jain philosophers, theis-
mentioned elsewhere. Further, in Chinese, tic Vaiæṇavas and Śhaivites, and the followers of
Tibetan, and Sanskrit literature, he is frequently numerous others who hold that things are perma-
referred to merely as Deva [11]. Āryadeva in the nent, pleasant, pure, and the self.
highly intellectual Mahāyāna surroundings of According to Xuanzang, Āryadeva, well
south India under the guidance and tutelage of known for his wisdom and spiritual energy, on
Nāgārjuna soon became proficient in all the his visit to Pātliputra, subdued the heretics.
branches of science and heterodox and orthodox There was hardly any Buddhism left there; with
philosophical systems. He soon attained eminence Nāgārjuna’s permission as his deputy and repre-
as a teacher and philosopher. At Śriparvata, he sat sentative, he vanquished heretics within a few
Āryadeva 147

days, reestablished Buddhist faith over there, and Mādhyamika Āryadeva, but his list of works also
restored the support of the king and people. includes that of later Āryadeva treating both as
A monument was also erected there to commem- one. Either he overlooked these distinctions or A
orate his victory [5]. some confusion prevailed at his time. It is also
After this, Ācārya Āryadeva stayed at Nālandā possible that in order to invest greater authority to
for a long time. At last he went again to the south the works of Tantric Āryadeva, both were mixed.
after Ācārya Nāgārjuna passed away; he worked In Tibetan Tripitaka (Tanjur), the works of both
for the welfare of the living beings by studying masters are given under the name of one
and meditating in the adjacent lands (of Āryadeva. While in the Chinese Tripitaka, neither
Śriparvata) in south India. He built 24 monaster- the name nor any work of the later Āryadeva is
ies with wealth obtained from the deities of moun- included. In the Chinese canon, the works attrib-
tains and trees, etc. He turned all these uted to Āryadeva are the authentic works of the
monasteries into centers of Mahayana and philosopher Āryadeva. In Tibetan canon, 23
employed Yakæini Subhaga to maintain them [1]. works are attributed to him of which 9 are by the
In Ranganatha near Kanci, he transferred the name of Āryadeva and the rest by Hphags-pa-lha,
Buddha’s teachings he had received from the Tibetan form of his name [6].
Nāgārjuna to Rāhulabhadra and passed away [1]. The following works are generally ascribed in
On the contrary a Chinese work records that the name of Āryadeva:
Āryadeva was murdered by a heretic. The same
work records that once when in south India, 1. Catuhśataka, Catuhśatika, or Śataka is the
Āryadeva defeated some powerful non-Buddhist most notable work of Āryadeva (TM 3846).
masters in argument and one of the pupils of Except for some fragments, the work is lost in
a defeated leading teacher stabbed Āryadeva to original Sanskrit, but complete text is preserved
death while he was taking a stroll in a desolate in its Tibetan translation along with the com-
area. Even after the murderous attack, Āryadeva, mentary by Chandrakīrti. In Chinese Tripitaka,
out of compassion, suggested the attacker a safe there is no mention of Catuhśataka as a work of
escape from the ire of his not-yet-enlightened dis- Āryadeva. Hence, Catuhśataka was translated
ciples. Moreover, he also instructed him about the and preserved only in Tibetan.
true dharma by pointing the folly of erroneous 2. Śataśāstra (Bailun T 1572, N 1188). A short
views by teaching him the doctrine of emptiness treatise existing only in the Chinese version
which could eradicate the delusion of dualism. with Vasu’s commentary on it translated in
Later, he gave similar instruction to his aggrieved Chinese by Kumārajīva, a summary or an
and enraged disciples also and asked them to pon- introduction of Catuhśataka. In this work,
der upon the true meaning of all dharmas, i.e., Āryadeva severely attacked other philosophi-
nondualism [11]. Thus, the last utterances of cal schools. This work became one of the basic
Āryadeva were also a discourse on the śūnayatā texts in the Sanlun (Sanron in Japanese) sect of
doctrine. Buddhism in China along with Mādhyamikaśā
stra of Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva and Dvādaś
anikāyaśāstra of Nāgārjuna.
Works 3. Śataśāstravaipulya (Guangbailun T 1570,
N 1189) was translated by Xuanzang along
Most of Āryadeva’s works are not preserved as with the commentary by Dharmapāla
original texts in Sanskrit, but they mainly sur- (T 1571). The Chinese work sometimes called
vived in Tibetan and Chinese translation. In Catuhśataka of Āryadeva is the translation of
Tibetan canon, there is some confusion between the kārikās of this work without commentary.
Āryadeva and a Tantric writer having same name Its contents are identical with the last eight
and also a disciple of (Tantric) Nāgārjuna as his chapters of Catuhśataka with some
teacher. Though, Bu-ston narrates the life story of reshuffling.
148 Āryadeva

4. Akæaraśataka (Baizilun). This work is an out- Among the writings of Āryadeva, Catuhśataka
line of Mādhyamika doctrine translated into is the main work on which two commentaries
Chinese by Bodhiruci and available in Tibetan have been written by Dharmapāla and
(T 1572, TM 3834, 3835), first in Tibetan is Chandrakīrti. Of the 16 chapters of this work,
text and the second is commentary. The the first 8 are devoted to the exposition of
Tibetan tradition ascribes it to Nāgārjuna Mādhyamika theories, and the second 8 chapters
which appears to be incorrect. are polemics against the rival schools of Bud-
5. Mahāpuruæaśastra (Dazhangfulun) (T 1577 dhism as well as Sāṃkhya and Vaiśeæika systems.
N 1242). Chinese translation by a Buddhist Āryadeva was an extensively learned scholar
scholar Daotai of Northern Liang dynasty. It and extraordinarily eloquent. He critically analyzed
extols bodhisattva ideal that is to seek salvation the idea of self, dogmatic opinions, the senses and
while in Saṃsāra. their objects, doctrinal extremes (such as existence
6. Dipopusalengjiejingzhongwaidaoxiaosheng- and nonexistence and identity and difference), and
sizonglun Śāstra on refutation of four heretical conditional reality. He subjected all these elements
Hīnayāna schools mentioned in the of phenomenal existence to the negation of śū
Lankāvatāra Sūtra translated into Chinese by nyatā. He concluded with a discussion of the epis-
Bodhiruci (T 1639 N 1259). Four schools temological and logical problems pertaining to the
referred to are Śāṃkhya, Vaiśeæika, teaching of śunyatā. He believed that only by cul-
Nirgrantha, and Gñātiputra. This work was tivating the virtues which attack the roots of depen-
composed around fifth century C.E. [7]. dent causation one can achieve freedom from an
7. Dipopusashilengjiejingzhongwaidaoxiaosheng- endless cycle of rebirths. Āryadeva is called
niepanlun. Śāstra on explanation of nirvāṇa by a Bodhisattva of the eighth stage [9] because he
20 heretical teachers mentioned in the fused clarity of insight with compassionate action
Lankāvatāra Sūtra translated by Bodhiruci with the firm belief that all could follow the path of
(T 1640 N 1260). emancipation. Āryadeva is regarded as the four-
8. Mādhyamikaśāstra. Coauthored by Nāgārjuna teenth of Śākyamuni’s 23, or the fifteenth of his 24,
and Āryadeva (T 1564 N 1179 TM 3824), 500 successors.
verses of Nāgārjuna are commented upon by Āryadeva doctrinally appears to be in total
Āryadeva. This is more or less a commentary agreement with his teacher Nāgārjuna and com-
by Āryadeva on the celebrated plements with him utmost success. He agrees with
Mādhyamikakārikā of Nāgārjuna commonly Nāgārjuna on all essential views but goes beyond
known as Zhonglun in China translated into him in his style of presentation. Whereas, espe-
Chinese by Kumārajīva. In Tibetan this work cially in his basic treatise, Nāgārjuna works with
is ascribed to Nāgārjuna. Āryadeva’s author- generalized abstract inferences, Āryadeva exam-
ship of commentary depends on the correct ines the disputed views very closely and deals
identification of Pingala, name mentioned in with them in great detail. For this reason, he is
Chinese. Another Chinese translation of this an important source of the view of the opposing
work is by Prabhākaramitra (T 1566, N 1185, schools of his time [2].
TM 3853).
9. Hastvālprakaraṇa and Vṛtti (TM 3844, 3845).
This work is attributed to Āryadeva in Tibetan Āryadeva II
tradition but ascribed to Dignāga in the Chi-
nese tradition (T 1620, 1621, N 1255–56). T.R. The Tibetan tradition ascribes a large number of
V. Murti upholds it a work of Āryadeva [6]. Tantric works in the name of earlier Āryadeva. But,
This work, in five memorial verses, teaches judging from the varying nature of these works,
that all phenomena are mere illusion, and they could not have been the compositions of the
a sixth verse explains the distinction between Mādhyamika teacher. The Tibetan canon and Bu-
the two truths. ston give the works of both Āryadevas under one
Āryadeva 149

name. It is rather easy to distinguish the works of Moreover, it was a common practice in many
the two Āryadevas on the basis of their contents. ancient literatures including Indian that the works
Moreover, the Chinese canon only mentions the composed by lesser-known authors were attrib- A
works of the Mādhyamika teacher, not a single uted in the name of well-known writers to enhance
work of the second Āryadeva. Hence, the Tantric the prestige and authority of their works [6]. The
works were written by an author different from the Mādhyamika Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva, the master
Mādhyamika Āryadeva. But, it is quite difficult to and disciple, were established authorities of their
identify this second Āryadeva as available sources tradition. The philosophy of Vajrayāna was also
do not reveal any other information about his life. based on that of Mādhyamika. During the seventh
This second Āryadeva, a Tantric master, was to eighth century when Vajrayāna was gaining
active most probably at the beginning of the eighth popularity in India, particularly in the Bengal
century C.E. This proposition is strengthened by the region, there appeared Nāgārjuna a Tantric writer,
fact that he cites the Madhyamakabhṛdayakārikā of following the Mādhyamika tradition disciple of
Bhāvaviveka (500–570) and the Tarkajvālā, its auto Nāgārjuna calling himself Āryadeva and compos-
commentary, in his Madhyamakabhramaghāta. ing the treatises. Both probably assumed these
Besides, verse 31 of his Jñānasārasamuccaya is names following the Mādhyamika tradition to
cited in the Tattvasaṃgra-hapañjikā of Kamalaśīla enhance the credibility of their works [6]. In this
(740–795) [13]. endeavor, even the story of offering one eye is also
He studied alchemy at Nālandā under the Tan- related to him, but this could be an interpolation
tric Nāgārjuna, who was a disciple of Saraha, foun- from the biography of earlier Āryadeva [13]. It is
der of the Phags-lugs lineage of the Guhyasamāja also possible that the works ascribed in the name
Tantra [13]. Blue Annals also record that of later Āryadeva were probably composed by
Nāgārjuna, the disciple of Saraha, had four chief miscellaneous authors and attributed to an imagi-
disciples known as Śākyamitra, Āryadeva, nary Āryadeva. Therefore, many works composed
Nāgabodhi, and Candrakīrti, and Āryadeva was by the later Tantric Āryadeva might have been
supposed to be the predecessor of Śākyamitra [9]. wrongly attributed to Mādhyamika Āryadeva.
By substantiating the statement of the Blue Annals, Owing to the obscure history surrounding the
it is generally accepted that Indrabhūti, Nāgārjuna later Āryadeva, Tibetan canon and Bu-ston do
(Saraha’s disciple), and Nāgabodhi were contem- not distinguish the two and include the works of
poraries in about the seventh century. Hence, it both teachers under one name overlooking their
becomes clear that this later Āryadeva was distinction.
a disciple of the later Nāgārjuna, and they, with
the other Tantric writers, were active in Bengal Works
when the Vajrayāna was gaining ground there. There are eighteen works which have been
At the time when Vajrayāna was gaining foot- ascribed in the name of Tantric Āryadeva as
hold in Bengal, this Tantric Āryadeva, who was given in the Tibetan collection [6] – of these
supposed to have been known by some other works, only those titles are given here which
names also, composed many Tantric works, both have also been referred to as Āryadeva’s works
in Sanskrit and in Bengali, on Vajrayāna. Three of by Bu-ston in his work History of Buddhism in
the works of the Tantric Āryadeva are also cited in India and Tibet [9]:
the Blue Annals, the Cittaviśuddhiprakaraṇa
(Cittāvaraṇaviśodhana), the Caryāmelā- 1. The Mādhyamika-catuh (ś)catikā, demon-
pakapradī pa, and the Pratipattisāraśataka [9]. strating the meaning of non-substantiality in
Thus, the author, named Āryadeva as referred to detail
in the Blue Annals, is not Mādhyamika Āryadeva. 2. The Mādhyamika-hastavāla-prākaraṇa, an
But the Tantric works attributed to Āryadeva in the abridged exposition (of the same subject)
Tibetan canon are the works of this later (Tantric) 3. The Skhalita-pramathana-yukti-hetu-siddhi,
Āryadeva. refuting the challenges of opponents
150 Aryasacca

4. The Jñāna-sāra-samuccaya, demonstrating 3. Fufazang yin yuanjing (zhuan), Taishō Shinshū

the chief characteristic points of the philosoph- Daizōkyō (trans: JiJiaye and Tanyao) (1924–32), 50,
no.2058
ical and the Tantric systems 4. Geiger W (1986) The Mahāvaṃsa or the great
5. Ārya-prajñā-pāramitā-mahāparipṛcchā- chronicle of Ceylon. Asian Educational Services,
nāma [7] New Delhi
6. Madhyamakabhramaghāta [7] 5. Li RX (tr. in English) (1996) The great Tang dynasty
record of the western regions (tr. by The Tripitaka
Master Xuan Zang under the imperial order. Com-
Of the above list, no. 3, 4, 5, and 6 exist in posed by Śramaṇa Bianji of the Great Zhongchi Mon-
Tibetan collection alone. These works tradition- astery) BDK English Tripiṭaka 79, (7.51, No. 2087).
ally ascribed to Āryadeva are the works by later Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and
Research, Berkeley. ISBN 1886439-02-8
scholars [7]. 6. Malalasekera GP (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism,
His works are the following: vol II. Fascile 1. Government of Ceylon, reprint,
Colombo, 1985
1. The Caryā-melāyana-pradī pa, on the founda- 7. Nakamura H (1989) Indian Buddhism: a survey with
bibliographical notes. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
tion of the mixed Sūtra and Tantra Scripture 8. Nanjio B (1883) A catalogue of the Chinese transla-
2. The Citta-āvaraṇa-viśodhana, demonstrating tion of the Buddhist Tripitaka. Clarendon, Oxford
the same subject by logical means 9. Obermiller E (tr) (1986) The history of Buddhism in
3. The Catuḥ-pīṭha-tantra-rājā-maṇḍala-upāyikā- India and Tibet by Bu-ston, 2nd edn. Heidelberg, Delhi
10. Oldenberg H (1982) The Dīpavaṃsa, an ancient
vidhi-sāra-samuccaya, referring to the magical historical record. Asian Educational Services, New
rights for (attaining) the power of bringing living Delhi
beings to maturity 11. Sogen YK (2002) Systems of Buddhistic thought.
4. The Catuḥpī ṭha-sādhana, demonstrating the Cosmo Publications, New Delhi. ISBN 81-775-103-5
12. Tipopusu Zhuan, Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō
initial development (trans: Kumarajiva) (1924–32), 50, no.2048
5. The Jñāna-dākinī (sādhana) 13. www.bookrags.com/research/ryadeva-eorl-01/. Accessed
6. The Eka-druma-pañjika, demonstrating the 25 July 2012
magic rites, the offerings, the final develop-
ment, etc.

And also doubtfully Pradī pa-uddyotana-

Aryasacca
abhisaṃdhi-prakaśika-vyākhyā-tī kā [9].
K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India
Cross-References

▶ Mādhyamika Synonyms
▶ Nāgārjuna
▶ Nālandā Ariya Saccāni; Ārya Satyāni; Cattāri Ariya
▶ Śūnyatā Saccāni; Catvāri Ārya Satyāni; Four Noble
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism) Truths; Noble truths

References
Definition
1. Chimpa L (tr) (2004) Taranatha’s history of Buddhism
in India (Chattopadhyaya D, ed). Motilal Banarsidass, The fundamental truths in Buddhism of the rec-
Delhi
2. Frauwallner E (2010) The philosophy of Buddhism
ognition of suffering, cessation of suffering, and
(Die Philosophie des Buddhismus) (trans: Sangpo, the path that leads to the cessation of this
GelongLodro), 1st edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi suffering.
Aryasacca 151

Introduction 1. Suffering (dukkha)

2. The origin of suffering (dukkhasamudaya)
The Aryasacca, also known as the Cattāri Ariya 3. The cessation of suffering (dukkhanirodha) A
Saccāni (Four Noble Truths), are an expression of 4. The path leading to the cessation of suffering
the fundamental philosophy of Buddhism that life (dukkhanirodhagāmini-paṭipadā).
which is endlessly repeated by rebirth is full of
suffering (Sk: duḥkha; Pāli: dukkha) caused by
craving and clinging and that this suffering can First Noble Truth: Suffering
be ended by following the Buddhist path. These
four truths symbolize the enlightenment (bodhi) All living beings are subject to birth (jāti) and
and ultimate nirvāṇa (Sk: nibbāna) of the Buddha consequently decay (jarā) and disease (vyādhi)
and are a reminder of the fact that everyone can leading finally to death (maraṇa). Everyone is
attain enlightenment and nirvāṇa. These truths subject to these inevitable causes of suffering.
have been explained by the Buddha in the Something that one desires but does not have is
Dhammacakkapavattana Sutta delivered at suffering; getting separated from those things or
Sarnath. In this discourse, which was the first persons that one cherishes is also suffering. Hav-
public discourse of the Buddha, whereby he set ing something that one does not desire is also
the wheel of the dharma in motion, he urged his suffering. Clinging to the five aggregates (Sk:
companions to follow the Middle Path (Sk: skandhas; Pāli: khandhas) that constitute
madhyamā pratipada; Pāli: majjhimā paṭipadā) a person is suffering, i.e., this composite body
by avoiding the extremes of self-mortification and itself is a cause of suffering. If one clings onto
self-indulgence and thereafter put forward the any aspect of one’s being, whether the physical
Four Noble Truths as follows: body, perceptions, feelings, formations, or con-
“Now this, bhikkhus, is the noble truth of suffering: sciousness, hoping that any of these things exists
birth is suffering, aging is suffering, illness is suffer- on a permanent basis, one is bound to experience
ing, death is suffering; union with what is displeasing suffering. In other words, all conditioned things
is suffering; separation from what is pleasing is suf- are suffering (sabbe saṃkhārā dukkhā). Thus,
fering; not to get what one wants is suffering; in brief,
the five aggregates subject to clinging are suffering.
Now this, bhikkhus, is the noble truth of the When one abides inflamed by lust, fettered, infatu-
origin of suffering: it is this craving which leads to ated, and contemplating gratification, then the five
renewed existence, accompanied by delight and aggregates affected by clinging are built up for
lust, seeking delight here and there; that is, craving oneself in the future; and one’s craving, which
for sensual pleasures, craving for existence, craving brings renewal of being is accompanied by delight
for extermination. and lust and delights in this and that increases.
Now this, bhikkhus, is the noble truth of the One’s bodily and mental troubles increase, one’s
cessation of suffering: it is the remainderless fading bodily and mental torments increase, one’s bodily
away and cessation of that same craving, the giving and mental fevers increase, and one experiences
up and relinquishing of it, freedom from it, bodily and mental suffering. ([4], 1137)
nonreliance on it.
Now this, bhikkhus, is the noble truth of the way
leading to the cessation of suffering: it is this Noble Second Noble Truth: Origin of Suffering
Eightfold Path; that is, right view, right intention,
right speech, right action, right livelihood, right
effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration” The second truth offers an explanation of the origin
([2], 1844). (samudaya) of suffering. According to it, suffering
originates from taṇhā (craving, desire, and attach-
ment) which in turn arises out of avijjā (ignorance).
The Four Noble Truths This taṇhā is a powerful mental force latent in every
living thing and is the fundamental source of the
The Four Noble Truths as explained in the above problems of life. It is also this very taṇhā that results
stated are: in incessant births in saṃsāra. As one craves to have
152 Aryasacca

those things that bring happiness and avoid those are not sequential as each one them is dependent
that lead to unhappiness, these “cravings” form the upon the other and all are meant to be followed
basis of the origin of suffering. Not having these and practiced together. The first step cannot be
cravings results in one not experiencing suffering. fully perfected unless and until the last one is also
One also experiences suffering by clinging to the fully perfected. One can attain enlightenment only
wrong notion that the self is permanent and when all the eight organs are fully practiced and
unchanging. The origin of suffering has been perfected. In other words, each of the eight com-
explained by the Buddha as follows: “It is. . . crav- ponent parts of the path needs to be followed and
ing which leads to renewed existence, accompanied practiced together with the others.
by delight and lust, seeking delight here and there; The eight limbs of the path have been grouped
that is, craving for sensual pleasures, craving for into three different stages by Buddhaghosa:
existence, craving for extermination” ([2], 1848). Paññā (Wisdom), Sī la (Morality), and Samādhi
(Concentration). Paññā consists of sammā diṭṭhi
and sammā saṃkappa. Sī la consists of sammā
Third Noble Truth: Cessation of vācā, sammā kammanta, and sammā ājī va.
Suffering Samādhi consists of sammā vāyāma, sammā
sati, and sammā samādhi.
The third truth follows from the second: If the Sammā diṭṭhi may be explained as a clear
cause of suffering is desire and attachment to understanding of the four noble truths. Sammā
various things, then the way to end suffering is saṃkappa means directing one’s efforts towards
to eliminate craving, desire, and attachment. The having nibbāna as one’s goal through the elimina-
third truth is called nirodha, which means “end- tion of ignorance (avijjā). Having abandoned
ing” or “cessation”. To stop suffering, one must wrong intentions or thoughts, one can move on
stop desiring. the way to develop sammā saṃkappa. Sammā
saṃkappa serves the dual purpose of the elimina-
tion malevolent thoughts and the development of
Fourth Noble Truth: Path to the pure thoughts. In the sense of Middle Path, sammā
Cessation of Suffering saṃkappa consists of nekkhamma (giving up
selfishness and worldly pleasures), avyāpāda
As a whole, the four truths offer a precise and (altruism and loving kindness), and avihiṃsā
rational analysis of the cause of suffering as well (harmlessness). Taken together, both sammā diṭṭhi
as a solution to this suffering. These fourth truths and sammā saṃkappa make up right wisdom, for
are the path that lead to the cessation of suffering. one is then focused on nirvāṇa, the ultimate goal in
They consist of eight parts. Buddhism.
Sammā vācā means refraining from falsehood,
not engaging in gossip, not slandering others, and
The Eightfold Path refraining from the use of harsh words. He who
wishes elimination of selfishness would neither
The eightfold path (Sk: aṣṭāṅgika mārga; Pāli: resort to telling lies nor would slander someone.
aṭṭhaṅgika magga), also known as the middle Such a person is not only truthful and trustworthy
path as it avoids the two extremes of self- but also seeks the happiness and welfare of others
indulgence and self-mortification, consist of by not indulging in deception, defamation, or
sammā diṭṭhi (right view), sammā saṃkappa denunciation. Sammā kammanta consists of absti-
(right intention), sammā vācā (right speech), nence from causing injury to living beings, steal-
sammā kammanta (right action), sammā ājī va ing, and sexual misconduct. A person who
(right livelihood), sammā vāyāma (right effort), observes sammā ājī va does not earn his liveli-
sammā sati (right mindfulness), and sammā hood by taking up a job or career in a field
samādhi (right concentration). These eight limbs in which harm gets caused to living beings.
Āryāsaṅga 153

Through the purification of speech, deeds, and Cross-References

thinking, one tries to purify one’s livelihood by
refraining from the five types of trade which a lay ▶ Dukkha A
disciple should not take up: trade in arms ▶ Enlightenment
(satthavanijjā), human beings (sattavanijjā), ▶ Paññā
flesh (maṃsavanijjā), intoxicating drinks ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
(majjavanijjā), and poison (visvanijjā). Thus, ▶ Samadhi-Marana
one is specifically advised in Buddhism to avoid ▶ Saṃsāra
earning a living by engaging in business which ▶ Sīla
involves sale and purchase of weapons, ▶ Skandha
slaughtering of animals, slavery, alcoholic bever-
ages or other intoxicants, and selling poisonous
goods. Through the practice of sammā vācā,
References
sammā kammanta, and sammā ājī va, proper eth-
ical foundations for the remaining stages of the 1. Bodhi B (1994) The Noble Eightfold Path: the way to
path can be laid down. the end of suffering, 2nd edn. Buddhist Publication
The third and the last group of the eightfold path, Society, Kandy
Samādhi, consists of sammā vāyāma, sammā sati, 2. Bodhi B (trans) (2000) The disconnected discourses of
the Buddha: a new translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya,
and sammā samādhi. Each of these three limbs of 2 vols. Wisdom Publication, Boston
the path requires focus and deliberate cultivation of 3. Anderson CS (2004) Four Noble Truths. In: Encyclo-
certain meditative practices and aim at not only pedia of Buddhism, vol I. Macmillan Reference USA,
knowingly avoiding undesirable mental attitudes, New York, pp 295–298
4. Ñānamoli B, Bodhi B (eds) (1995) The middle
such as hatred, sensual desire, sloth, anxiety, and length discourses of the Buddha: a new translation
doubt, but also purposely letting go of such attitudes of the Majjhima Nikāya. Wisdom Publications,
if already arisen. The meaning of sammā vāyāma is Boston
to generate in oneself and then sustain positive 5. Narada M (1998) The Buddha and his teachings,
reprint. The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educational
mental attitudes, such as the seven factors of Foundation, Taipei
enlightenment: mindfulness, investigation of phe- 6. Norman KR (1990–2001) The Four Noble Truths. In:
nomena, energy, rapture, tranquility, concentration, Collected papers, vol 2. Pali Text Society, Oxford
and equanimity. The meaning of sammā sati is the 7. Norman KR (1990–2001) Why are the Four Noble
Truths called noble? In: Collected papers, vol 4. Pali
cultivation of awareness of one’s body Text Society, Oxford
(kāyānupassanā), feelings (vedanānupassanā), 8. Rahula W (1974) What the Buddha taught, 2nd edn.
mind (dhammānupassanā), and mental objects Grove Press, New York
(cittānupassanā). Sammā sati is accompanied by 9. Sumedho B (1992) The Four Noble Truths. Amaravati,
Hertfordshire
meditative practices of sammā samādhi, enabling
the practitioner to cultivate “one-pointedness of the
mind.” This is done through the shutting of the
doors of the senses to the outside world and thereby
focusing on one of an assortment of objects that are Āryasaddharmalaṅkāvatāra Sūtra
designed to enable the practitioner to accomplish
specific mental states that fall outside a person’s ▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
normal day-to-day consciousness.
Taken as a whole, the four noble truths and the
eightfold path are illustrative of the whole of
buddhavacana (the Buddha’s teachings). As the
Buddha had taught these in his first discourse, Āryāsaṅga
they also represent the most fundamental teach-
ings of Buddhism. ▶ Asaṅga
154 Ārya-Śrīmālādevīsiṁhanāda-nāma-mahāyānasūtra

makes ten great vows. Some vows relate to the

Ārya-Śrīmālādevīsiṁhanāda-nāma- śrāvakayāna and some to the Mahāyāna with
mahāyānasūtra overlaps. She vows (1) to not violate morality,
(2) to respect teachers, (3) to not have thoughts
A. W. Barber of anger or ill will, (4) to not have thoughts of
Department of Communication and Culture, jealousy, (5) to be generous, (6) to only collect
University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada wealth to help the poor, (7) to practice giving,
pleasant speech, helping, camaraderie, benefit
sentient beings, not to covet, not be weary, and
Other Titles to be free of hindrances, (8) to not forsake the
misfortunate but to give them relief, (9) to subdue
Śrīmālāṃ devī m adhikṛtya; Śrīmālā sūtra those who are immoral and who break their Bud-
dhist precepts and uphold and foster the good, and
(10) to never forget her embracing of the Dharma.
Summary of the Teachings Those in attendance proclaimed they would fol-
low the queen through multiple births and all
The Ārya-Śrī mālādevīsiṁhanāda-nāma- made the same vows.
mahāyānasūtra (hereafter Śrī mālādevī ) [1, 4, 6, Then Queen Śrīmālādevī produced three aspi-
7] is a shorter Mahāyāna sūtra probably originating rations: (1) to gain Dharma-wisdom in all her
with the Mahāsāṃghika in the Krishna River area lives, (2) to teach in each life, and (3) to embrace
[2]. Along with the Tathāgatagarbha sūtra it is one and protect the Dharma. All the bodhisattvas’
of the earliest sūtras in the tathāgatagarbha genre. aspirations/vows come under “embracing the
There were one Tibetan and three Chinese (two still True Dharma.” Embracing the True Dharma is
extant) translations made, and fragments of it exist perfecting all Buddha-Dharmas, includes all
in Sanskrit found in quotations in other works Dharma gates, is the maturation of merit and
including the Ārya-Laṅkāvatāra-mahāyānasūtra, knowledge, is the source of the Mahāyāna, the
the Ratnagotravibhāga, and the Śikṣāsamuccaya. base of the magical powers (vikurvaṇa), is the
It was possibly “published” in the third century C. entrance to the light of the Dharma
E. In addition to being one of the main (dharmālokamukha), and bliss. Embracers of the
tathāgatagarbha texts, the sūtra also has teachings True Dharma encourage others to achieve virtue
on the Dharmakāya, śūnyatā, the superiority of the and to follow the śrāvakayāna, the pratyeka-
Tathāgata over the arhats and pratyekabuddhas, the buddhayāna, and the Mahāyāna. The True
Four Noble Truths, Mahāyāna, vows, and one- Dharma and the embracer of the True Dharma
vehicle (ekayāna) similar to the Saddharma and the embracing are the same and this is the six
puṇḍarīka sūtra. pāramitās. In the Dharma ending age, embracers
The narrative of the sūtra is minimal with the of the True Dharma will form bodhisattva groups.
emphasis being placed on the teachings them- This would indicate that even in the end time, the
selves. As noted in its prologue, the teachings True Dharma will be available to some. The sūtra
are given by a laywoman named Śrīmālādevī provides a lengthy explanation delineating the
who is the queen of Ayodhyā and daughter of superiority of the Tathāgata over the arhats and
the king and queen of Kośala. The Buddha pratyekabuddhas.
Śākyamuni sanctions the teachings periodically The śrāvakayāna and the pratyekabuddhayāna
throughout the text. are part of the Buddhayāna and thus one vehicle
Following the Buddha Śākyamuni prediction (ekayāna) which is the Mahāyāna and the base of
that the queen will become a Buddha 20,000 which is the tathāgatagarbha. Realizing the one
kalpas later and a description of some of the vehicle is realizing complete perfect awakening,
wonders in that Buddha’s pure land, the queen also referred to as the Dharmakāya, and nirvāṇa.
Ārya-Śrīmālādevīsiṁhanāda-nāma-mahāyānasūtra 155

The Dharmakāya and the Tathāgata are the same There seems to be no extant Indic commentary
and beyond all limits. The Tathāgata compassion to this sūtra, not even in translation. Its influence
is without limit and he has an imperishable nature on other sūtras and in a few Indic treatises is A
(dharma), is permanent (nitya), unchangeable limited and at times highly selective [3, 5]. Native
(dhruva), and is the ultimate refuge. The Dharma Chinese Buddhist composed commentaries on the
and the saṅgha are partial refuges. There are two sūtra although not all have survived and there are
phases to the Four Noble Truths; mundane no commentaries in the Tibetan canon. The
(laukika) and supramundane (lokottara). The use Ratnagotravibhāga Mahāyānottaratantraśāśtra,
of the analytic categories mundane and although quoting the Śrī mālādevī, is a general
supramundane is also found in the Pāli material treatise on the topic of the tathāgatagarbha.
and within the Yogācāra although their use is
different than in the Śrī mālādevī. Only the
Tathāgata realizes the supramundane phase Cross-References
which is alogical. The truth of suffering, cause of
suffering, and the path are constructed (saṃskṛta) ▶ Bodhisattva
and thus untrue, impermanent, and not a refuge. ▶ Dharma
The truth of cessation of suffering is uncon- ▶ Pāramitā
structed (asaṃskṛta), permanent, and a refuge. ▶ Saddharmapuṇḍrī ka Sūtra
The supramundane Four Noble Truths are ▶ Śrāvaka
explained on the bases of the tathāgatagarbha. ▶ Śūnyatā
The tathāgatagarbha is the realm of the ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
Tathāgata, not the concern of worldly persons, it ▶ Yogācāra
is wrapped in defilements, it is the Dharmakāya
not separate from defilements, it is the Tathāgata’s
emptiness (śūnyatā) wisdom. The References
tathāgatagarbha is empty of defilements but is
not empty of Buddha dharmas. Saṃsāra is based 1. Barber AW (ed) (1991) The Tibetan Tripitaka: Taipei
on tathāgatagarbha and it is unborn, does not die, edition. SMC, Taipei: Nos. 92 (rmldevsiṁhanda); 107
(Laṅkvatra); 113 (Saddharmapuṇḍarka); 258
does not become reborn, is unconstructed, perma-
(Tathgatagarbha); 5335 (ikṣsamuccayakrka); 5525
nent, steadfast, eternal, and is the support (niś (Ratnagotravibhga Mahynottaratantrastra)
raya), holder (ādhāra), and base (pratiṣṭhā) of 2. Barber AW (2008) Two Mahyna developments along
the constructed. It produces the aversion to suf- the Krishna River. In: Padma S, Barber AW (eds)
Buddhism in the Krishna River Valley of Andhra.
fering and the aspiration for nirvāṇa. The
State University of New York Press, Albany
tathāgatagarbha is not self, is intrinsically 3. Brown BE (1991) The Buddha nature a study of the
pure, it is the Dharmadhātu and the Tathgatagarbha and layavijna. Motilal Banarsidass,
Dharmakāyagarbha. Delhi
4. Chang GCC (1983) A treasury of Mahyna Stras (#19).
The sūtra holds no distinction between male
The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park
and female spiritual capacities. There are three 5. Paul D (1979) The concept of Tathgatagarbha in the
types of disciples: (1) those who through intro- rmldev Stra (Sheng-Man Ching). J Am Orient Soc
spection gain wisdom, (2) those who comply with 99(2):191203
6. Takakusu J (ed) (19221933) Taish shinsh daizky. Daiz
the Dharma, and (3) those that rely on the
shuppan kai, Tokyo: Nos. 262, 263, 264 (Saddharma-
Tathāgata. In general, making vows and fulfilling puṇḍarka); 310:48, 353 (rmldevsiṁhanda); 374,
them, embracing the True Dharma, gaining the 375, 390, (Mahparinirvṇa); 666 (Tathgatagarbha);
right view and having confidence in the intrinsi- 670, 671, 672 (Laṅkvatra); 1611 (Ratnagotravibhga
Mahynottaratantrastra); 1636 (ikṣsamuccayakrka)
cally pure mind are the main practices put forth. 7. Wayman A, Hideko W (1974) The Lions Roar of Queen
These three practices are also mentioned in other rml a Buddhist scripture on the Tathgatagarbha Theory.
Tathāgatagarbha literature. Columbia University Press, New York
156 Asaṅga

three Vasubandhu brothers) was a rājapurohit

Asaṅga (priest of the royal court) of Puruṣapura. Asaṅga’s
name goes with his brother of Vasubandhu (see
C. D. Sebastian ▶ Vasubandhu), and they both are the greatest
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, ācāryas of the Yogācāra-Vjñānavāda school of
Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai, Mahāyāna Buddhism. It was Asaṅga who
India converted his younger brother Vasubandhu to
Mahāyāna, though it is doubted by some modern
western scholars. The youngest of these three
Synonyms brothers, Viriñcivatsa by name, was not that
prominent in scholarship though he was a monk
Āryāsaṅga; Asaṅga Vasubandhu in Sarvāstivāda tradition [3]. These three brothers
were originally followers of Sarvāstivāda [4] or
Mahīśāsaka [5].
Definition According to the Tibetan tradition, both
Asaṅga and Vasubandhu had the same mother,
Asaṅga is the systematic expounder of the a Brāhmaṇa woman called Prakāśaśīlā or
Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda school of Mahāyāna Prasannaśīlā, but different fathers; and Asaṅga’s
Buddhism. father was a Kṣatrīya, while Vasubandhu’s was
a Brāhmaṇa. According to Tāranātha, the mother
of Asaṅga, Prakāśaīlā/Prasannaśīlā, in her previ-
Introduction ous birth/life, was a monk with mastery over three
piṭakas who followed dutifully Avalokiteśvara.
Asaṅga, Asaṅga Vasubandhu, or Āryāsaṅga As the result of his unkind words to one of his
(c. fourth century A.D./310–390 A.D.?) is the fellow monks, he had to be reborn as woman; and
systematic expounder of the Yogācāra- of her was born a son with all auspicious marks
Vijñānavāda (see ▶ Yogācāra, ▶ Vijñānavāda) who became famous as Asaṅga. He received
school of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Paramārtha high-quality instructions from his mother, and at
explains the meaning of the name Asaṅga in this her advice he became a monk [6].
way: Since Asaṅga understood the doctrine of śū Little is known of the personal history of
nyatā, he called himself “Asaṅga” which means Asaṅga. There is not any ancient biography of
“without attachment” [1]. He is chiefly known for Asaṅga to rely on. There must have been
his role in establishing Yogācāra system on a biography of Asaṅga in Chinese. It is known
a philosophical footing with an emphasis on med- about him primarily from Vasubandhu’s biogra-
itation and practice of yoga for the realization of phy written by Paramārtha. In all probability,
bodhi (enlightenment). Asaṅga became a monk at an early stage, and
was known for his intelligence. He was a monk,
in all probability, in a sect which later on came to
Person be known as the Mahīśāsaka, which was famous
for their blue vestments and practice of
Asaṅga was born in Puruṣapura (present day meditation. According to Paramārtha’s account,
Peshawar in Pakistan) which was a part of he studied under a teacher named Piṇḍola, who
Gandhāra kingdom. According to Buddhist histo- was an arhat, mastering both non-Mahāyāna texts
rian Bu-Ston, Asaṅga was the eldest of the three as well as Mahāyāna texts. When he was studying
brothers who were born as the sons of a Brahmaṇa Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras, he found it difficult to
of the Kauśika family [2]. According to the earli- obtain clear understanding of it and begged his
est documentation of Paramārtha (499–569 A.D.), guru for guidance. Then he went on to study under
this Brāhmaṇa of Kauśika family (the father of the Maitreya. Both in Chinese and Tibetan traditions,
Asaṅga 157

there is a legendary account of Asaṅga’s ascent the Madhyāntavibhāga, the Dharmadhar-

into Tuṣita heaven where he was instructed by matāvibhaṅga, the Mahāyānasūtralankāra, and
Maitreya. In all probability, he was the student the Ratnagotravibhāgo Mahāyanottaratantraśā A
of Maitreya (Maitreyanātha, who is a historical stra (Uttaratantra), and the Abhisamayālankāra
figure, and not a mythical personage as considered to Maitreya, whereas some others to Asaṅga.
by some in the past), and his name became more However, it is most probable that they are the
famous than that of his teacher. works of Asaṅga. The other works of
Asaṅga lived in an age when Sarvāstivāda was Asaṅga, which could be attributed to him with
very influential but gradually declining, and the certainty, could be the Abhidharmasamuccaya,
Mahāyāna (see ▶ Mahāyāna) movement was the Mahāyānasaṁgraha [9], and the
gathering momentum in terms of doctrinal elabo- Yogācārabhūmiśāstra [10]. Asaṅga’s most
ration and followers. Many new-fangled important work is the Yogācārabhūmiśāstra.
Mahāyāna sūtras and treatises came into existence The Yogācārabhūmi has five major divisions:
through which the Maḥāyāna thinkers Bhūmivastu or Bahubhūmika, comprised of 17
reinterpreted many concepts of early Buddhism bhūmis; Viniścayasamgrahaṇī , the exegesis of
and initiated novel concepts. After his conversion, the 17 bhūmis; Vastusamgrahaṇī, the basic Bud-
Asaṅga was a staunch critic of non-Mahāyāna dhist themes and topics; Paryāyasamgrahaṇī ,
tradition(s) and teachings. By taking the incon- synonyms and other related things; and
gruent Mahāyāna sūtras of his time, Asaṅga Vivarṇasamgrahaṇī , assorted elucidations. The
worked out a consistent framework, and thus, he Abhidharmasamuccaya constructs a Mahāyāna
became the systematic expounder of the Abhidharma, and shows that the Mahāyāna was
Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda, a prominent philosophi- not completely opposed to the Abhidharma,
cal school in Mahāyāna tradition of Buddhism. while the Mahāyānasaṁgraha is an important
According to Tāranātha, Asaṅga propagated text on Yogācāra doctrine [11]. The
Mahāyāna teachings in India; and under the Mahāyānasaṁgraha, a compact text, presents
royal patronage, he established more than 25 Asaṅga’s Mahāyāna thought in summary form.
monasteries in each of which there were more In the Mahāyānasaṁgraha Asaṅga discusses the
than 100 monks [7]. It appears that it was in one 21 qualities of the Buddha where we find the
of such monasteries (vihāra), later known as the Buddhology of Mahāyāna Buddhism getting
Dharmāṁkuravihāra (sprouting of the Dharma shaped. There are different opinions among the
vihāra) that Asaṅga started the writing of his scholars with regard to the authorship of the
insightful understanding of Buddha’s teaching. Ratnagotravibhāgo Mahāyanottaratantraśāstra
(Uttaratantra). In all probability it could be the
work of Asaṅga.
Works/Texts

Asaṅga was a prolific writer who wrote in Doctrine/s

Sanskrit. He compiled enormous corpus of
Buddhist thought into Mahāyāna framework. Asaṅga is the systematic presenter of the
Asaṅga must have played a major role to Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda school of Mahāyāna Bud-
establish the movement of using the term dhism. This school is called either the Yogācāra or
Mahāyāna to refer to a body of literature the Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda, or even simply as the
that emphasized the Bodhisattva (see ▶ Bodhi- Vijñānavāda. Asaṅga propounded an idealism
sattva) path [8]. Nonetheless, there are disputa- that sought to synthesize different Mahāyāna
tions regarding his works. Some attribute the thoughts. Conceivably he must have been
works of Maitreya to Asaṅga and hold the influenced by the Sarvāstivāda thought and
view that Maitreya was a mythical figure. Nāgārjuna’s (see ▶ Nāgārjuna) dialectic. In
Some writers attribute the works like Asaṅga’s philosophy, the main doctrine is the
158 Asaṅga

cittamātra (“mind-only”). According to this doc- sequence but the principle of essential depen-
trine, human actions are nothing but the intentions dence of things on each other. The doctrine of
to perform/act by the means of body, speech, and Pratītyasamutpāda shows the impermanence and
mind. The intention (cetanā) is a cognitive phe- the conditioned nature of all phenomena. In this
nomenon, and all phenomena are the creation of sense he, agrees with the Mādhyamika in
mind or consciousness (vijñāna) (see ▶ Vijñāna). interpreting Pratītyasamutpāda. The other
In order to establish his philosophy doctrines of importance in Asaṅga are the
on logical footing, Asaṅga speaks of a “store- Trikāya (see ▶ Tri-kāya) doctrine, Bodhisattva
house consciousness” or “mind-basis-of-all” ideal and the related bodhisattva-bhūmi. Asaṅga
(ālayavijñāna) (see ▶ Ālaya-vijñāna), where the could be considered as one of the initiators
fruits actions are stored, and which is the basis of of Buddhist logic as well which gets a full-fledged
all phenomena. In the Yogācāra-Vijñānavāda sys- rigor and treatment in Dignāga (see ▶ Dignāga)
tem, ālayavijñāna is one of the most important and Dharmakīrti (see ▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D.
doctrines. Ālayavijñāna is the bedrock of all laten- 600–660)). We find in his Abhidharma-
cies. It is the storehouse consciousness which is samuccaya, Asaṅga explaining vāda, the logic
momentary stream, and not a permanent entity. of debate, in the section on dialectics
Though not permanent, it is an incessantly present named sāmkhathyaviniścaya, which is
substratum that provides a mechanism for the elemental form of Buddhist logic. He calls it
conservation and creation/activation of the laten- vādaviniścaya [12].
cies which in turn decides the future experiences Though Asaṅga is regarded as the systematic
of a sentient being. Thus, this is the ālaya (basis) expounder of Yogācāra tradition, the real founder
and bī jaka (seed) of all phenomenal world. The appears to be Maitreyanātha, the teacher of
mind or consciousness has many synonyms like Asaṅga, while Vasubandhu, the younger brother
citta, manas, and vijñāna, but Asaṅga uses these of Asaṅga, is the central figure in the Yogācāra
terms with different connotations. For him, citta is system. It could be hypothesized that in all prob-
ālavijñāna, manas is kliṣṭamanas (“defiled ego” ability Asaṅga’s Mahīśāsaka upbringing which
or “afflicted mentality”) and vijñāna is conscious- emphasized meditation, must have led him to the
ness of cognitive process, where five senses play practice of Yoga (see ▶ Yoga) which paved way
a vital role. Unlike Nāgārjuna (c. 150 A.D.) of for his Yogācāra school where consciousness
Mādhyamika (see ▶ Mādhyamika) school of (citta or vijñāna) occupies the most important
Buddhism, Asaṅga adopted a more positive con- place. Another important studied opinion of
ception of the reality of consciousness (vijñāna), Indian Buddhist scholars like B. Bhattacharya
and later on, taking the cue from Asaṅga, [13] and A. K. Chatterjee [14] is that Asaṅga
Vasubandhu expanded the doctrine of actually had something significant to do with the
Vijñaptimātratā. rise of Vajrayāna (see ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism))
The Yogācāra represents the zenith of north and Tāntric (see ▶ Tantra) Buddhism.
and north-west Indian Buddhist scholarly tradi-
tion. By denying the definitively independent
existence of a separate experiencing subject and Cross-References
experienced object, it holds on to the doctrine of
only mind/consciousness (vijñapti). Apart from ▶ Ālaya-vijñāna
consciousness, there is no world, and there is no ▶ Bodhisattva
experience. Yogācāra is not a theory of solipsism ▶ Mādhyamika
either. Asaṅga interprets Pratī tyasamutpāda (see ▶ Nāgārjuna
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda) by proving the dependent ▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda
unreal nature of all elements. Pratītyasamutpāda, ▶ Tantra
for Asaṅga, is not a principle of temporal ▶ Tri-kāya
Āsavas (Āśravas) 159

▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
▶ Vasubandhu Āsavas (Āśravas)
▶ Vijñāna A
▶ Vijñānavāda Angraj Chaudhary
▶ Yoga Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
▶ Yogācāra Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India

References Synonyms

1. Paramārtha, Takakusu J (tr) (1904) The life of Āśrava; Ogha; Upādāna; Yoga
Vasubandhu. E. J. Brill, Leide, p 8
2. Bu-Ston, Obermiller E (tr) (1986) History of Bud-
dhism in India and Tibet, 2nd edn. Sri Satguru, Delhi
3. Paramārtha, Takakusu J (tr) (1904) The life of Definition
Vasubandhu. E. J. Brill, Leide, p 7
4. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism,
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 33, 34
Āsava metaphorically means that which keeps on
5. Robinson RH et al (2005) Buddhist religions: dripping, leaking, flowing, and streaming like pus
a historical introduction, 5th edn. Thomson, Belmont, from a wound. Its function is to taint one’s mind,
p 119 defile it, corrupt it, and damage it.
6. Tāranātha, Chimpa L, Chattopadhyaya A (tr),
The Pali word “āsava” (Sanskrit āsrava) is
Chattopadhyaya D (ed) (1970) History of Buddhism
in India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla, used in Buddhist literature in a highly metaphor-
pp 155, 167 ical sense. When it is said that sensual desire is
7. Tāranātha, Chimpa L, Chattopadhyaya A (tr), like fire (kāmāgni), it means it burns people and
Chattopadhyaya D (ed) (1970) History of Buddhism
robs them of their peace; when it is said that
in India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla,
pp 161–164 sensual desire is like a flood (kāmogha), it
8. Robinson RH et al (2005) Buddhist religions: means that it is mighty like a destructive flood
a historical introduction, 5th edn. Thomson, Belmont, which does great harm all; āsava is used in this
p 103
9. Kalupahana D (1976) Buddhist philosophy:
metaphorical sense. Just as ejā or taṇhā is called
a historical analysis. University of Hawaii Press, a disease, a boil, and a dart, [1] so sensuous
Honolulu, p 142 pleasures are called “sharp blades of swords,
10. Shastri YS (1989) Mahāyānasūtrānkāra of Asaṅga. Sri poised heads of snakes, blazing torches, bare
Satguru, Delhi, p 13
bones, a pestilence, a boil, and a furnace of live
11. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal
foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York, coals” [2] in the same way this word has been used
p 87 here.
12. Asaṅga (2001) Abhidharmasamuccaya. Boin-Webb
S (tr), English version from the French translation.
Asian Humanities Press, Fremont, pp 248–256
13. Bhattacharya B (1989) An introduction to Buddhist English Equivalents of Āsava
esoterism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Reprint
14. Chatterjee AK (1999) The Yogācāra idealism, Āsava literally means influxes, cankers, taints,
New edn. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, p 35
corruptions, intoxicants, etc. What do they do?
They taint one’s mind, i.e., damage or spoil it,
corrupt it, and do not let it remain pure. They
always try to intoxicate one’s mind. As cankers
they produce evil or dangerous influence that
Asaṅga Vasubandhu spreads and affects one’s behavior.
In Sanskrit the word āsrava is derived from the
▶ Asaṅga root “sru” which means to flow, stream, gush
160 Āsavas (Āśravas)

forth, and issue from. It also means to leak, to keep on arising, dripping, and trickling just like
trickle, to emit and drop, to issue, to arise, and to the pus from a wound [4].
come from [3]. Why are they called āsavas? This is known as the proliferation of desire
Because all of them keep on polluting the mind called papañca in Pali and prapañca in Sanskrit.
of a person, just as the pus issuing from a wound So long as the process is not stopped, desire will
makes one dirty. keep on flowing or issuing forth. The mind keeps
on storing desires. Even when the object of desire
is not there, one thinks of it and desires for it keep
Three or Four Kinds of Āsavas on arising in him. They arise so quickly that
metaphorically it is said that desires are trickling,
There are three kinds of āsavas described in the dripping, and flowing. In course of time they
Sutta Piṭaka. In the Abhidhamma piṭaka a fourth ferment and work like intoxicants. Such desires
āsava called diṭṭhāsava has been included. The keep on arising in one and make him intoxicated.
four āsavas are kāmāsava, bhavāsava, avijjāsava, The same process is repeated when the other
and lastly diṭṭhāsava. five sense faculties such as the ear, nose, tongue,
body, and mind come in contact with their respec-
tive objects.
Definition of Kāmāsava But the Buddha has proved that vedanā “sen-
sation” produces taṇhā “desire” and taṇhā pro-
What is kāmāsava? From all the similes given duces upādāna (clinging) which is responsible for
above, it becomes clear that sensual desires are one’s coming into the cycle of birth and death and
kāmāsavas. They are dangerous like the sharp suffer more and more. Why? Because all desires
blade of a sword. They are ferocious like the cannot be satisfied and the more dissatisfied one
heads of poisonous snakes. They keep one is, the more he will suffer. In other words, desire is
burning all the time like a furnace of live coals. dangerous. The less it is, the better. If there is no
They are like infectious disease that spreads desire, there is no suffering.
quickly and kills not only one but many. They What does one do in the world? He keeps on
are also short-lived like the blazing fire of dry multiplying desires moment after moment. Meta-
grass and are also without any substance like phorically desires continuously trickle in him. As
a fleshless bone. desire is the cause of suffering, so it is something
How kāmasava is produced, what is its mech- unwanted like the pus from a wound which keeps
anism, and how does it keep on trickling or on flowing. One can stretch the simile. The beau-
flowing like the pus from a wound and pollute tiful object is like a wound from which the pus of
one’s mind? desires keeps on flowing, so much so that it is
called kāmogha (the flood of sensual desire), and
they are compared with a river in flood.
Proliferation of Desire In the same way one’s desire to live forever in
the rūpa bhava (fine material existence) and arūpa
When the eye comes in contact with a beautiful bhava (immaterial existence) is called bhavāsava.
object in the world and if one happens to like it Because whatever one does, he does it in igno-
because of the pleasant sensations it has produced rance, and as ignorance keeps on multiplying, it is
in him, he likes to continue them forever. Once called avijjāsava. What is ignorance? Sāriputta
one’s desire arises for the beautiful object, one has said in the Sammādṭṭhi Sutta that not knowing
wants to have more and more of it. Thus desire about suffering, not knowing about the origin of
begins to multiply, and the process goes on ad suffering, not knowing about its cessation, and not
infinitum unless he stops the process. Desire will knowing about the way leading to the cessation of
Asceticism (Buddhism) 161

suffering is ignorance [5]. Holding different kind

of wrong views is the cause of diṭṭhāsava. Asceticism (Buddhism)
All four āsavas keep on trickling and flowing A
when respective objects come at their sense doors Bhikkhu Anālayo
and one reacts to them. He thus pollutes and Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
defiles his mind, and he works under their influ- Hamburg, Balve, Germany
ence as if intoxicated by them. Therefore he
causes his own suffering and is unable to stop
the cycle of birth and death. Synonyms
All āsavas taken together are like the poison
which so affect one that he cannot live a Austerities; Tapas
brahmacariya life i.e., higher life [6]. One who
destroys all āsavas is called an arahant, a khīṇāsava.
All āsavas can be destroyed by walking on the
Definition
eightfold path. A sotāpanna destroys diṭṭhāsava
(the taint of view). An anāgāmī (non-returner)
Early Buddhism does not consider the undertak-
destroys kāmāsava (the taint of sensual desire),
ing of ascetic practices and austerities as
and an arahant destroys taints of existence and
a necessary prerequisite for liberation, which
ignorance. When all āsavas are destroyed, one
rather is seen as requiring a middle way approach
becomes an arahant [7].
that replaces self-torturing in the name of a higher
goal with the mental asceticism of restraining and
eventually eradicating defilements.
Cross-References

▶ Ogha
The Buddha’s Practice of Asceticism
▶ Upādāna
▶ Yoga
The early Buddhist attitude toward ascetic prac-
tice can best be illustrated with the example of the
Buddha’s own progress toward awakening, where
References
according to the textual sources he experimented
1. D 2.209 (Unless otherwise mentioned all books referred with various forms of asceticism that were appar-
to here are published by Vipassana Research Institute, ently in vogue in ancient India. The early dis-
Dhammagiri in 1998) courses indicate that he had at first been
2. Therīg verses 490–494, p 351 practicing under two teachers known in the Pāli
3. Sir Monier Monier Williams, A Sanskrit English dic-
tionary. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, p 1274, col 2 tradition as Āḷāra Kālāma and Uddaka Rāmaputta,
4. Dhammasaṅganī Mūla Ṭīkā, pp 14–19 as a result of which he reached profound concen-
5. M.1.69 trative attainments referred to as the attainment of
6. JA4.200 nothingness and the attainment of neither-percep-
7. A 1.262
tion-nor-non-perception. On reflection, he real-
ized that these were not the goal he had been
looking for ([11], Vol. I, p. 165). Perhaps the
point behind this reflection is that the transcen-
Ascetic dence experienced during such profound experi-
ences remains a temporary one which, while
▶ Śramaṇa certainly affecting one’s general outlook on life,
162 Asceticism (Buddhism)

to some degree remains limited to the time of the body stands for the ability to bear up with
actually being in the meditative attainment. pain, while the development of the mind refers
As an alternative approach to awakening, the to the maintenance of balance with mentally
Buddha-to-be then is reported to have engaged in unpleasant experiences. The Buddha’s autobio-
various ascetic practices. Here, it needs to be graphical report of his ascetic practices thus
noted that the listing of his former austerities comes as a reply to this challenge regarding the
provided in the Mahāsīhanāda-sutta does seem undertaking of cultivation of the body.
not to refer to the present juncture of events ([11], The discourse accompanies the description of
Vol. I, p. 77ff). Instead, this discourse appears to the Buddha’s austerities with three similes that
be reporting what took place in a previous life of compare reaching awakening to making a fire. In
the Buddha. According to the Lomahaṃsa-jātaka, case the wood to be used is immersed in water or
the Buddha had undertaken these austerities in else is no longer in the water but still wet, it will not
a former life as a naked ascetic, some 91 eons be possible to use it to make a fire. Similarly, those
ago ([5], Vol., I p. 390). In fact, several of the who are immersed in sensuality, or at least mentally
austerities listed in the Mahāsī hanāda-sutta preoccupied with sensual pleasures, will not be
would not fit too well into the account of events able to reach awakening. Only one who is aloof
just before the Buddha’s awakening. The dis- from sensuality in deed and mind will be capable of
course reports that his dwelling in solitude was progressing to liberation, comparable to dry wood
such that he went into hiding as soon as any that can be used to make a fire. Once such aloofness
human approached from afar, which does not from sensuality has been achieved, the ability to
square with the traditional account that he was in gain deliverance is then independent of whether
the company of the five monks who later became such a person undertakes asceticism or not.
his first disciples. Again, the Mahāsī hanāda-sutta This neatly sums up the early Buddhist atti-
describes that he undertook ritual bathing three tude, which can be seen as an outcome of the
times a day, but then indicates that dust and dirt Buddha’s own experimenting with ascetic prac-
had accumulated on his body over the years to the tice until the realization dawned on him that this
extent that it was falling off in pieces. Another approach was not going to lead him to awakening.
such problem would be the depiction of his prac- Having thus failed to reach the goal by the two
tice of nakedness, which stands in contrast to main paths to deliverance apparently recognized
a reference to his wearing different ascetic gar- in the ancient Indian setting – the attainment of
ments, reported in the same discourse. Such refined states of meditative concentration or else
a variety of practices could indeed have been physical austerity – the Mahāsaccaka-sutta
carried out at different times during a whole life reports the Buddha-to-be recalling an experience
of asceticism, whereas their undertaking does not of mental absorption he had in his youth. This
fit too well into the few years of austerities prac- memory helped him realize that the type of hap-
ticed by the Buddha-to-be before his awakening. piness experienced during mental absorption,
Thus, the ascetic practices adopted by the Bud- which by its very nature is aloof from sensuality,
dha previous to his awakening appear to be just need not be shunned. In other words, happiness is
those described in the Mahāsaccaka-sutta, not something that needs to be avoided at all cost.
namely, forceful breath control and fasting ([11], The crucial point is whether a particular type of
Vol. I, p. 243). The Mahāsaccaka-sutta takes its happiness is related to sensuality, as only in this
occasion from a challenge posed to the Buddha, case one indeed needs to keep away from it.
according to which his disciples were only Following this insight, the Buddha-to-be gave up
engaged in cultivation of the mind, cittabhāvanā, his ascetic practices and took proper nourishment.
not in cultivation of the body, kāyabhāvanā. The The decisive shift of perspective that appar-
implication of these two expressions is a not ently occurred at this juncture is the distinction
entirely clear in the Pāli version. Judging from between what is wholesome and what is unwhole-
Sanskrit fragment parallels, the development of some, a distinction that in fact runs like a red
Asceticism (Buddhism) 163

thread through the early Buddhist teachings. wholesome or unwholesome states of mind ([8],
Based on this shift of perspective, the Buddha- Vol. V, p. 191). Therefore, some degree of ascet-
to-be then is reported to have developed the three icism is also found in the early Buddhist tradition A
higher knowledges, the last of which corresponds in the form of the dhutaṅgas, “ascetic practices,”
to full awakening through the destruction of all which comprise such activities as dwelling in the
defilements in the mind. Another discourse forest, wearing rags as robes, subsisting only on
records how the recently awakened Buddha then alms food, dwelling at the root of a tree, staying in
congratulated himself on having left asceticism a cemetery, or just living out in the open, not
behind for good and thus gained awakening ([6], reclining (even at night), accepting any type of
Vol. I, p. 103). accommodation and taking one’s meal in a single
session per day ([11], Vol. III, p. 40). Later tradi-
tion adds to this list, resulting in 13 types of
The Early Buddhist Attitude to ascetic practices recognized in the Theravāda tra-
Asceticism dition, whereas Mahāyāna texts have a slightly
different listing of 12 such practices.
The all-important distinction between the whole- The undertaking of ascetic practices was, how-
some or unwholesome repercussions of any deed ever, left to personal choice and an attempt appar-
then informs the early Buddhist attitude to ascet- ently made by a monk called Devadatta to make
icism in general. Thus, a monk does not become a set of such ascetic practices binding on every
praiseworthy – at least from an early Buddhist Buddhist monk was according to the traditional
perspective – just because he has adopted an aus- account refused by the Buddha ([9], Vol. II,
tere mode of life, since what is really required p. 197). Notably, this request and its refusal led
from him is that he purifies his mind from to the first schism in the early Buddhist monastic
unwholesome states ([11], Vol. I, p. 281). Another community. This episode suggests that the Bud-
discourse contrasts a long list of various ascetic dha’s attitude toward asceticism did not always
practices to the preferable option of developing meet with approval even among his own disciples.
a mind full of loving kindness and then using this This would then have all the more been the case
as a basis for eradicating the defilements in the with other contemporaries; in fact a Vinaya text
mind ([3], Vol. I, p. 167). reports that an ascetic referred to the Buddha
Yet another discourse clarifies that the Buddha derisively as a “shaven-headed householder” on
was not in principle against all forms of asceticism account of the abundance of food received by the
([6], Vol. IV, p. 330). The question at stake is Buddha’s disciples ([9], Vol. IV, p. 91).
rather what are the effects and repercussions of Based on his own ascetic experience, the Bud-
undertaking any ascetic practice ([6], Vol. IV, dha proposed a middle path between the two
p. 338). In other words, asceticism becomes suc- extremes of sensual indulgence and self-mortifi-
cessful only when this is undertaken in such cation. According to what tradition reckons to
a way that it leads to purification of the mind have been the first discourse delivered by the
([3], Vol. III, p. 48). An illustrative instance of Buddha, the Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta, he
misdirected asceticism can be found in a discourse presented this middle path to his five former com-
where two ascetics ask about the results of their panions who had left him, believing that, since he
ascetic practice of imitating the behavior of a cow had given up austerities, he would no longer be
or a dog. The Buddha is recorded to have able to reach liberation. This middle path is the
explained that behaving in this way will simply noble eightfold path, comprising rightly directed
lead to rebirth among cows or dogs ([11], Vol. I, view, intentions, speech, action, livelihood, effort,
p. 388). mindfulness, and concentration ([6], Vol. V,
In sum, the Buddha is reported to be neither in p. 421). Its undertaking thus requires a balanced
favor of nor against asceticism, since what really cooperation of various aspects of body and mind
matters is whether what one practices results in in a unified attempt to reach liberation.
164 Asoka

A stanza in the Dhammapada indicates that, 11. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
from an early Buddhist viewpoint, purification Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
12. von Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) The
will not be reached merely by adopting naked- Dhammapada. Pali Text Society, London, (references
ness, wearing matted hairs, covering oneself in are by stanza)
mud, fasting, lying on the ground (presumably
motionless), being covered in dirt or dust, or else
by adopting the squatting posture ([12], 141).
Another stanza in the Dhammapada then Asoka
sums up the early Buddhist attitude with the suc-
cinct indication that the supreme asceticism, ▶ Aśoka
tapas, is to be found in an attitude of patience
([12], 184).

Aśoka
Cross-References
Anita Sharma
▶ Bhāvanā Department of East Asian Studies, University of
▶ Buddha (Concept) Delhi, Delhi, India
▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā
▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
Synonyms
▶ Renunciation
Asoka; Devānaṃpiya Asoka; Devānaṃpiya
Piyadasi; Dhammāsoka; Dharmāśoka
References

1. Bapat PV (1923) The austerities of Gautama Buddha Definition

before his enlightenment. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res
Inst 4(2):139–143 An Ancient Indian king known for his Dhamma
2. Bronkhorst J (1998) The two sources of Indian ascet-
policy and promotion of Buddhism.
icism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
3. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Chakraborti H (1973) Asceticism in ancient India, in Introduction
Brahmanical, Buddhist, Jaina and Ajivika societies,
from the earliest times to the period of Śaṅkarāchārya.
Punthi Pustak, Calcutta Aśoka was the grandson of Candragupta Maurya,
5. Fausboll V (ed) (1877–1896) The Jātaka together with the founder of the Mauryan dynasty. His father,
its commentary, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London Bindusāra, reportedly had 16 wives and 101 sons.
6. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
One of Bindusāra’s wives, Subhadrāṅgī, was the
Pali Text Society, Oxford
7. Freiberger O (2006) Early Buddhism, asceticism, and daughter of a brāhmaṇa from Campā. Being
the politics of the middle way. In: Freiberger O (ed) a relatively lower-ranked queen, she was not the
Asceticism and its critics: historical accounts and favorite queen of Bindusāra. Moreover, some sort
comparative perspectives. Oxford University Press,
New York, pp 235–258
of palace intrigue appears to have kept her away
8. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara from her husband. Finally, when she succeeded in
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London getting closer to Bindusāra and gave birth to a son,
9. Oldenberg H (ed) (1897–1882) Vinayapiṭakaṃ, 5 she is said to have exclaimed: “Now I am without
vols. Pali Text Society, Oxford
10. Shiraishi R (1996) Asceticism in Buddhism and Brah-
sorrow (aśoka).” Thus, the child became known
manism. A comparative study. Institute of Buddhist as Aśoka. However, some texts mention Aśoka’s
Studies, Tring mother as Dhammā whom the child gave no pain
Aśoka 165

while being born and hence the name. As a child As a reward for his success in subduing the
Aśoka was apparently very ugly looking, and his Ujjain rebellion, Aśoka was appointed the gover-
father wanted to kill him. In order to save his life, nor of Ujjain province. Later, when Bindusāra died A
his mother Dhammā had to go away from and the throne at Pāṭaliputra fell vacant, an oppor-
Pāṭaliputra with him. However, because of his tunity came Aśoka’s way to seize the throne. As at
exemplary intellect and warrior skills, he is said about the same time, a rebellion occurred in
to have won the affections of his father. Takṣaśilā against the maladministration of Susīma;
Aśoka challenged his succession and quickly cap-
tured the throne at Pāṭaliputra. According to the Sri
Rise to Power Lankan chronicles, the Dī pavaṃsa and the
Mahāvaṃsa, Prince Aśoka attacked Pāṭaliputra
Growing into a fearless general and a shrewd and beheaded all his brothers, including Susīma,
statesman, Aśoka successfully commanded sev- and threw their bodies in a well in Pāṭaliputra. As
eral expeditions of the Mauryan army. Conse- a result of these killings, Aśoka became infamously
quently, his growing reputation made his elder known as Caṇḍāśoka (Cruel Aśoka). As the issue
brothers wary of the likelihood of him being of succession took some time to decide and
favored by Bindusāra to succeed him. His eldest Aśoka’s capture of the throne did not go
brother, Prince Susīma, the traditional heir to the unchallenged, his coronation took place only in
throne, conspired and influenced Bindusāra to the fourth year of his reign. After becoming the
send Aśoka to quell a rebellion in the northwest- king, Aśoka made his younger brother Tissa the
ern province of Takṣaśilā, of which Prince Susīma vice-regent and expanded his empire significantly
himself was the governor. Takṣaśilā had become over the next 8 years. Both the Dī pavaṃsa and the
a highly unstable region not only due to the war- Mahāvaṃsa mention the date of the coronation of
like Indo-Greek population but also Aśoka as being 218 years after the death of the
mismanagement by Susīma himself. Aśoka Buddha, though Northern Buddhist sources men-
followed with his father’s orders and ended the tion this as between 90 and 110. Opinions differ
rebellion without a fight. Aśoka’s success made regarding the exact year of Aśoka’s accession
his stepbrothers further wary of Aśoka’s chances which is generally placed by different scholars
of becoming the next emperor. Thus, Susīma fur- between c.279 B.C.E. and c.265 B.C.E., his death
ther conspired, and put more pressure on having taken place in c.232 B.C.E.
Bindusāra, and succeeded in getting Aśoka exiled
to Kaliṅga (Orissa). However, when two years
later a rebellion occurred in Ujjain, Emperor Historical Sources
Bindusāra called Aśoka back and ordered him to
go to Ujjain. Aśoka was injured in the campaign, Information on the life and reign of Emperor
but his generals managed to subdue the rebellion. Aśoka comes primarily from a relatively small
Aśoka was treated in hiding in order to keep him number of Buddhist texts and his own inscrip-
safe from the supporters of the Susīma group. tions. The Pāli chronicles of Sri Lanka, the
When Aśoka was recuperating from his injuries, Dīpavaṃsa and Mahāvaṃsa, and the
he met Vidiṣādevī, the daughter of a merchant Aśokāvadāna (“Story of Aśoka”), a first-century
from neighboring Vidiṣā. After recovering, he CE Sanskrit text that was twice translated into
married her, and Aśoka’s two children from this Chinese: the A-yu wang chuan (c. 300 C.E.) and
marriage, Mahinda (Sk: Mahendra) and the A-yu wang ching (c. 500 C.E.), provide most
Saṃghamittā (Sk: Saṃghamitrā), later became of the information about Aśoka. Aśoka’s inscrip-
known for their missionary work in Sri Lanka. tions inscribed on rocks, sandstone pillars, and
Interestingly, Vidiṣādevī continued to live at cave walls have been found all over present-day
Vidiṣā even after Aśoka became the king of the India (except far south and northeast), Pakistan,
Mauryan Empire at Pāṭaliputra. and parts of the countries of Nepal, Bangladesh,
166 Aśoka

Iran, and Afghanistan. There are 14 rock edicts, was not until 1915 that the identification of
some of which are preserved practically complete Devānaṃpiya with Aśoka (as suspected earlier)
to this day. The second great series is that of seven was established firmly when in the Maski inscrip-
pillar inscriptions, six of which exist in six copies tion (no. IV), his name was found mentioned as
each, engraved on monolithic sandstone pillars. Devānaṃpiya Aśoka.
The seventh, perhaps the most important edict, is
found only on one pillar. These pillars range from
40 to 50 ft in height and have a diameter of about Conversion to Buddhism
4 ft at the base. The remaining inscriptions of
Aśoka consist of two Kaliṅga edicts in two recen- It has been pointed out in the Mahāvaṃsa
sions, or critical revisions, three cave inscriptions, (Chapter xv) that though initially Aśoka contin-
two Tarai pillar inscriptions, and several minor ued with the state charity of his father, he later
pillar and rock edicts in several recensions. The became disillusioned with its beneficiaries and
total number of these distinct inscriptions is per- began contemplating changes in it. Consequently,
haps 35. Considering that he placed his rock edicts he met Nigrodha and transferred all his patronage
and pillar inscriptions within his own kingdom, it to Buddhism. The charity earlier extended to other
must have been a big empire indeed. The pillars religious orders was withdrawn. However, later
installed by Aśoka were not columns forming part on the advice of Buddhist monks, he restored state
of any building or arcade but placed as commem- charity to the other religious communities as well.
orative posts at important holy places associated According to the Pāli-based legends, while the
with the Buddha or placed at key crossways as early part of Aśoka’s reign was very violent, he
important proclamations generally known as became a Buddhist after his conquest of Kaliṅga.
dhamma (Sk: dharma) declarations of Aśoka. The whole of Kaliṅga was plundered and
A salient feature of Mauryan art was the mirror- destroyed. Aśoka’s later edicts mention that
like polish of the monolithic sandstone pillars as about 100,000 people were killed on the Kaliṅga
a result of which they have weathered centuries of side along with ten thousand from Aśoka’s army;
exposure to rain, wind, and sun. All the Aśokan thousands of men and women were deported. One
inscriptions were written in Brāhmī script except day after the Kaliṅga war was over, Aśoka went
northwestern parts of his empire where two pillars out, and all he could see was the inhumaneness
have been found written in Kharoṣṭhī (Mānsehrā and brutality of the victory. Consequently, he
and Shāhbazgharī) and one in Aramaic and Greek adopted Buddhism and came to be known as
scripts (Kandāhar). A typical Aśokan pillar has “the pious Aśoka” (Dhammāsoka).
a capital in the form of an arranged lotus with the However, the conversion details given in the
petals turning over and down, while from the Aśokāvadāna do not mention the war of Kaliṅga.
center of the lotus grows a carved abacus, which According to this text, Aśoka became a Buddhist
again functioned as a pedestal for an animal, ordi- under the influence of a monk named Samudra.
narily a seated lion or four lions as at Sārnāth. The Samudra had been mistakenly put into Aśoka’s
Sārnāth capital with four lions seated back to back dreaded prison and sentenced to be executed. But
and another four animals on its abacus, viz., ele- Samudra seeing horrifying executions in the
phant, lion, bull, and horse with a 24-spoked prison realized the truth of the Buddha’s teaching
dharmacakra has been adopted as the national and became an arahant. As an arahant, Samudra
emblem by the Government of India. In his performed a miracle and floated up in the air.
inscriptions, Aśoka is often mentioned as When the monarch saw this, he requested to be
Devānaṃpiya Piyadasi (dear to the gods and initiated into Buddhism and became a lay devotee
good looking). When James Prinsep (upāsaka). Samudra also told Aśoka of the Bud-
(1799–1840), a British civil servant in India, first dha’s prophesy that he would build 84,000 stūpas
deciphered one of the inscriptions in 1837, he to contain his bodily relics. Both conversion
thought Piyadasi was some unknown king. It stories record that Aśoka underwent a change of
Aśoka 167

heart that involved giving up violence and a new into practice the Buddha’s own advice on
commitment to peace and to the teachings of the kingship.
Buddha. The Sāñcī Stūpa was built by him in A
the third century B.C.E. Silver punch mark coins
of the Mauryan empire bear Buddhist symbols Aśoka’s Dhamma Policy
such as the dharmacakra, the elephant (previous
form of the Buddha), the tree under which the The Prakrit word Dhamma (Sk: Dharma) has
Buddha attained enlightenment, and the stūpa been variously translated as law, piety, morality,
where the Buddha died (third century B.C.E.). righteousness, etc. Aśoka’s Dhamma policy was
There are sufficient suggestions in the sources a very carefully formulated synthesis of various
that Aśoka had adopted Buddhism. For instance, norms which were current in his age. Though
in his Bhābru-Bairāṭ Rock Inscription, he through this policy he made an earnest effort at
recommended seven Buddhist texts to both solving some of the problems that the complex
monks and the laity. This undoubtedly indicates society of his times faced, the centralization and
towards the personal interest that he took in Bud- consolidation of the empire which consisted of
dhism. Moreover, his pilgrimages to sacred Bud- a great number of different races and communities
dhist places such as Lumbinī, Kuśinagara, and were undoubtedly the foremost aim of his policy.
Bodhagayā; his order of expulsion of heretical Aśoka’s private beliefs and his own awareness of
monks from the saṃgha during the Third Bud- how he should respond to the problems of his
dhist Council as indicated in the Kauśāmbī, empire appear to have provided the backdrop to
Sārnāth, and Sāñcī minor inscriptions; his obser- the formulation of his policy of Dhamma.
vance of Buddhist uposatha days; reference to By the time Aśoka ascended the throne, the
himself as upāsaka in the Brahmagiri Rock Mauryan imperial system encompassed various
Inscription VI and buddhasāke in the Maski cultures, beliefs, and social and political patterns.
Rock Inscription V; using the Buddha’s clan He was aware of the tensions which had arisen in
name of Sākya as equivalent to Buddhist in the the society as a result of the rise of new faiths like
Sahsārām, Maski, and Rūpnāth inscriptions; and Buddhism, Jainism, and Ājivikaism. They were
his enthusiasm in the propagation of Buddhism all opposed to the domination of the Brāhmaṇas in
through dispatching Buddhist missionaries in dif- some way or the other and had a growing number
ferent directions all indicate that Aśoka had of supporters. But the Brāhmaṇas continued to
embraced Buddhism. have a strong hold on society, and some measure
It has also been suggested that at some point in of hostility was inevitable. It was essential to bring
his life, Aśoka may have become a Buddhist about a climate of harmony and mutual trust in
monk. In one of his inscriptions, Aśoka says that a situation such as this. There were obviously
he had “approached the saṃgha with great zeal.” many tribal areas in the empire where people
Some scholars have interpreted this statement as were not familiar either with the Brāhmaṇical or
nothing but the equivalent of Aśoka entering the heterodox ideas. To make the empire survive and
saṃgha as a bhikkhu. Other scholars have pro- to bring some measure of cohesion within the
posed that Aśoka postponed this act of renuncia- empire in the midst of such diversity, it was essen-
tion till the last phase of his reign. It appears tial that there should be some common pattern of
highly unlikely to view Aśoka as a bhikkhu behavior and common approach to the problems
while ruling his vast empire as an absolute mon- of society. In the light of a situation such as this,
arch. However, this may have been possible that the policy of Dhamma was formulated by Aśoka.
in his initial zeal, Aśoka may have donned the Aśoka gives so much importance to ethical issues
robes of a bhikkhu for some time. Emperor Aśoka that it has been even doubted if Aśoka was
undoubtedly has to be credited with making Bud- a Buddhist or whether he was just making use of
dhism a pan-Indian religion and the first serious the peaceful doctrine of Buddhism to establish
attempt to develop a Buddhist polity by putting peace in his kingdom. In this policy, though the
168 Aśoka

teachings of the Buddha were, of course, empha- sacrifice shall be performed by slaughtering
sized, the centralization and consolidation of the a single living being.” In one of his inscriptions,
empire, which consisted of many communities Aśoka declares: “Formerly in the kitchens of the
and races, was undoubtedly the principal objec- Beloved of the Gods, the king Piyadasi, many
tive. The edicts offered the opportunity to Aśoka hundreds of thousands of living animals were
to expand his Dhamma and use it as a social and killed daily for meat. But now. . . only three ani-
intellectual force upon the society. Some scholars mals are killed. . . Even these three animals will
have indicated that Aśoka’s Dhamma policy did not be killed in future.” He declared that conquest
not necessarily conform to the teachings of the by the dhamma (dhammavijaya) is superior to
Buddha. As pointed out by Romila Thapar, “Had conquest by force. In his Rock Edict IV, he says
the Dhamma conformed to any of the religions, that “the reverberation of the war-drums
more particularly Buddhism, the institution of the (bherighosa) has become the reverberation of the
dhamma-mahāmāttas would have been superflu- Dhamma (dhammaghosa).” He was probably the
ous. Each religion had either its group of devoted first monarch to renounce violence, yet he
believers or its order of monks who could have remained a powerful and influential king,
been organized into active propagandists with although the empire did decline after his death.
greater efficiency as they would already have Plurality was another salient feature of Aśoka’s
been ardent followers.” Dhamma policy. He combined personal and state
Tolerance was one of the most important ethics and tried to bridge divides in his multicul-
aspects emphasized by Aśoka in his Dhamma tural empire. He says in his Rock Edict III: “You
policy. He emphasized on tolerance of people are true to your own beliefs if you accord kindly
themselves and also on tolerance of their diverse treatment to adherents of other faiths. You harm
beliefs and ideas. Aśoka pleaded for tolerance of your own religion by harassing followers of other
different religious sects in an attempt to create creeds.” He believed that his code of reverence
a sense of harmony. Thus, in his edicts, one and compassion was based on universal values.
comes across statements like: “all sects may He turned away from the kingship of power, com-
dwell in all places, for all seek self-control and pulsion, and self-interest and dared to believe that
purity of mind,” “the king. . . honors all sects. . . he could construct a different kind of kingdom
(one should). . . not extol one’s own sect or dis- based on causing harm to no one. In Kaliṅga
parage another’s on unsuitable occasions. . . con- Rock Edict I, he instructed his judicial officers,
cord is to be commended, so that men may hear warning them that they would not be promoted
one another’s principles and obey them.” In his unless they furthered his desire.
Rock Edict VII, he declares that “all sects may A careful examination of his inscriptions
dwell at all places.” Such principles suggest shows that Aśoka’s understanding of the deeper
a general ethic of behavior to which no religious doctrines of Buddhism was rather superficial.
or social group could object. Indeed, from his Some scholars have suggested that this is an indi-
twelfth edict, Aśoka appears to have pioneered cation that Aśoka was trying to form an all-inclu-
not only interreligious dialogue but also the con- sive, multi-faith religious system based on the
cept that all religions share common truths and concept of dhamma as a positive moral force,
values. but which did not embrace or advocate any par-
Nonviolence was another important factor ticular religion. Others have pointed out that he
highlighted in the policy of Dhamma. Nonvio- consciously used simple language and had no
lence was to be practiced by giving up war and interest in delineating complex Buddhist philoso-
conquests and also a restraint on the killing of phy or for that matter philosophy of any other
animals. He banned the sacrifices of living beings religion as the complex religious environment of
and ordered that humans and animals are to be the period would have required careful handling.
provided medical care throughout his territory. He Aśoka undertook to establish among his subjects
prohibited animal sacrifices and ordered that “no and neighbors a universal Dhamma, which
Aśoka 169

coincided to a large extent with the advice to the public affairs. The main thing is to work and to
laity already formulated by the Buddha. Aśoka bring affairs to a successful conclusion.” Not con-
himself established a clear distinction between tent with being kept informed, he organized A
his personal Dhamma, which as sovereign he Dhamma tours (dhammayātā) with audiences
intended to render triumphant “in order to dis- and the distribution of gold to the brāhmaṇas,
charge his debt to creatures,” and the Buddhist samaṇas and the aged, instruction in the Dhamma
Dhamma expounded by the Buddha and which, and questions on the Dhamma to the people of the
according to the recognized expression, he desig- provinces.” He expected his family, sons, grand-
nated in his edict at Bhābrā by the name of sons and the other princes, and sons of his queens
Sadhamma. Therefore, it would not be worth- to follow his example. He was assisted in his task
while to look for the profound ideas and funda- by officials “appointed for the welfare and happi-
mental theories of Buddhism in his edicts. He ness of the people”; envoys (dūta) who carried his
does not anywhere refer to the Four Noble Truths message “throughout the empire and among the
(Cattāriariyasaccāni), or the Eightfold Path foreign kingdoms”; district officers (yuta/yukta),
(aṭṭhaṅgikomaggo), or the Doctrine of Dependent inspectors (rājūka), and local governors
Origination (paṭiccasamuppāda), or the Bud- (prādesika) who, every five years, set out on tour
dha’s supernatural qualities. One does not come with his special edict; overseers (mahāmāttas) in
across either the name or Concept of Nibbāna Kaliṅga, entrusted with winning the affection of
anywhere in his edicts. The Doctrine of Rebirth the people; and superintendents of the Dhamma
is also referred to only in passing in the sense of (dhamma-mahāmāttas), charged with the care
consequences of good actions leading to happi- of the religious, the elderly, the wretched and
ness in this world and in the life to come. It prisoners, and who were eventually to be
appears that Aśoka did not want to create the concerned separately with the various sects: the
impression of failing in his duties as an impartial Buddhist Saṃgha, the brāhmaṇas, Ājīvikas,
sovereign by favoring a particular religion to the Nigganṭṭhas, etc.
detriment of others. The king’s zeal also found expression in the
Thus, the Dhamma is only an expression, in its carrying out of a large number of public works:
most universal form, of the great principles of the planting of banyans, shady trees, and mango
natural law; it teaches “proper conduct according groves; the sowing of medicinal herbs; provision
to the ancient rule,” a rule which kings in the past of medicines for animals and humans; and upkeep
had already tried to promote. To avoid sin, prac- of the highways, with resting places, wells, and
tice virtue, and perform the duties of human sol- tanks. He emphasized respect for life to such
idarity, such is the essence of Aśoka’s Dhamma. a degree that he limited and then definitively for-
Its parallels can be found in the descriptions of lay bade the slaughtering of animals for culinary use.
morality scattered throughout the Tipiṭaka. In the field of domestic virtues, Aśoka unceas-
Aśoka’s Dhamma was not simply a collection of ingly counseled obedience to one’s father and
high-sounding phrases. He very conclusively mother; obedience to one’s teachers; irreproach-
tried to adopt it as a state policy for he declared able courtesy towards one’s friends, acquain-
that all the subjects were his children, and he tances, companions, and family; kindness to the
worked for their welfare and happiness in order poor, the old, and the weak as well as to slaves and
to ensure them bliss in this world but especially in servants; and generosity towards brāhmaṇas and
the heavens of the other world. In order to achieve samaṇas. He extolled in his subjects “the mini-
his ideal, Aśoka concerned himself personally mum of spending and the minimum of assets.” If
with public affairs and displayed extreme zeal in charity is worthy, “there is no gift or assistance
doing so: “At every moment, whether I am at which is equivalent to the gift of the Dhamma, the
table, in the women’s apartments, in my room, assistance of the Dhamma.” In order that relations
on the farmlands, in a vehicle, in the gardens, could have the opportunity to administer such
anywhere, informants must acquaint me with a fraternal admonition, Aśoka allowed those
170 Aśoka

condemned to death an interval of three days so tradition, that they should honor their masters.”
that their intimates could intercede for them or so The policy of Dhamma also included various wel-
that they could prepare themselves for death by fare measures. In the Pillar Edict VII, Aśoka says:
means of almsgiving and fasting. He declares “On the roads I have had banyan trees planted,
in Pillar Edict IV: “I even go this far, to grant which will give shade to beasts and men, I have
a three-day stay for those in prison who have had mango-groves planted and I have had wells
been tried and sentenced to death. During this dug and rest houses built at every eight kos. And
time their relatives can make appeals to have the I have had many watering places made every-
prisoners’ lives spared. If there is none to appeal where for the use of beasts and men. . . But
on their behalf, the prisoners can give gifts in I have done these things in order that my people
order to make merit for the next world, or observe may conform to Dhamma.” “It is good to be
fasts.” obedient to one’s parents, friends and relatives,
Many are the vices condemned by Aśoka as to be generous. . . not only to spend little, but to
well as the virtues recommended by him. He own the minimum of property.” He also empha-
invited his subjects and, most especially, his offi- sized on “deference to those advanced in age. . .
cials to combat inwardly jealousy, irritability, cru- the poor and wretched, slaves and servants.”
elty, hastiness, obstinacy, idleness, and lassitude Aśoka’s Dhamma was not merely an anthology
and to obviate those “accesses to faults” which of high-sounding clichés. He changed the whole
consist of ill will, callousness, anger, pride, and concept of kingship. He very conclusively tried to
envy. He listed the “virtues of the law” adopt Dhamma as a state policy for he declared
(dhammaguṇa) the practice of which ensures hap- that “All men are my children. What I desire for
piness in this world and in the next security; my own children, and I desire their welfare and
mastery over the senses; equanimity and gentle- happiness both in this world and the next, that
ness; obedience, pity, and truthfulness; devotion I desire for all men. You do not understand to
to the law; vigilance, docility, circumspection, and what extent I desire this, and if some of you do
vigor to the greatest degree; and pity, charity, understand, you do not understand the full extent
truthfulness, and purity. The quality to which the of my desire.” Further, he said “Whatever exertion
emperor attached the greatest importance was I make, I strive only to discharge the debt that
exertion (parākrama) or fortitude (utsāha), I owe to all living creatures.” In Rock Edict VI,
a condition of spiritual progress. Among those Aśoka says: “At all times, whether I am in the
beneficial practices, Aśoka recommended the women’s apartments, or in my inner apartments,
examination of one’s conscience: not to consider or at the cattle-shed, or in my carriage, or in my
only the good one has done but also the evil which garden– wherever I may be, my informants should
one has committed. Aśoka practiced peaceful keep me in touch with public business.” Thus, it
coexistence, religious tolerance, social welfare, was a totally new and inspiring ideal of kingship,
ecological responsibility, education, impartial jus- so different from the king of Arthaśāstra who
tice, and respect for all living things. He was owed nothing to anyone and whose only job was
extraordinarily creative, both in social welfare to rule efficiently. However, Aśoka realized that
and economic development. He was also very a certain display of his political might may be
tolerant and global minded. necessary to keep the primitive forest tribes in
In his Pillar Edict II, Aśoka points out that the check.
meaning of Dhamma is having few faults and Anxious to spread his message across India,
many good deeds like mercy, charity, truthfulness, Aśoka sent embassies to the Middle East. His
purity, gentleness, and virtue. “The elephant edicts mention Antiochus II, Theos of Syria, Ptol-
trainers, clerks, fortune-tellers, and brāhmaṇas emy II, Philadelphos of Egypt, Magas of Cyrene,
instruct their apprentices according to ancient Antigonos Gonatas of Macedonia, and Alexander
Aśoka 171

of Epirus. His son Mahinda and daughter of Dhamma with great powers and soon began to
Saṃghamittā went to Sri Lanka. A mission was interfere in politics as well. In order to implement
sent to Suvaṇṇabhūmi (Myanmar) under Soṇa his policy of Dhamma, Aśoka recruited a new A
and Uttara, while others went to the Himalayan cadre of officials called dhamma-mahāmāttas.
region and beyond. In far southern India, he sent “Everywhere in my empire, the yuktas (subordi-
his views to the Coḷa, Cera, and Pāṇṭya rulers. nate officers) with the rājūkās (rural administra-
Aśoka’s Dhamma policy has generated intense tors) and the prādeśī kas (heads of districts), shall
controversy among scholars. Some scholars have go on tour every 5 years, in order to instruct
suggested that Aśoka was a partisan Buddhist. It people in the Dhamma as well as other purposes.”
has also been suggested that it was the original Aśoka started dhammayātās and established
Buddhist thought that was being preached by a direct contact with his subjects. “Many are
Aśoka as Dhamma, and later on certain theologi- concerned with this matter– the officers of the
cal additions were made to Buddhism. The Bud- Dhamma, the women’s officers, the managers of
dhist chronicles like the Dī pavaṃsa and the the state farms, and other classes of officers.” “The
Mahāvaṃsa also credit Aśoka with this. One can- sound of the drum had become the sound of
not, however, lay the charge against Aśoka of Dhamma, showing the people displays of heav-
being a bigot. As a true Buddhist, Aśoka did not enly chariots, elephants, balls of fire, and other
favor Buddhism at the expense of other faiths. The divine forms.” Various types of incentives were
rock edicts clearly point out that Aśoka promoted also offered by Aśoka for popularizing his
tolerance and respect for all religious sects includ- Dhamma policy. “This is my principle: to protect
ing the brāhmaṇas and samaṇas (Sk: śramaṇas). through Dhamma, to administer affairs according
It is a different matter, of course, if such to Dhamma, to please the people with Dhamma,
a tolerance is seen as an intrinsic part of Bud- to guard the empire with Dhamma.” In one of his
dhism, which it was. In order to implement his inscriptions, he points out that “There are no more
policy of Dhamma, Aśoka started Dhammayātās trials for men of piety. Thus the practice of
and established a direct contact with his subjects. Dhamma is of value to all men.” In his Rock
In Rock Edict III, Aśoka says: “Everywhere in my Edict IV, it has been mentioned that men who
empire, the yuktās (subordinate officers) with the were imprisoned or sentenced to death were to
rājūkas (rural administrators) and the prādesikas be given three days’ respite. To make the
(heads of districts), shall go on tour every 5 years, Dhamma acceptable, Aśoka also introduced
in order to instruct people in the Dhamma as well some form of moral warning into his policy. For
as other purposes.” A group of officers known as example, in Rock Edict V, he says that “he who
dhamma-mahāmāttas were instituted to imple- neglects my reforms even in part will do wrong,
ment and publicize the various aspects of for sin is easy to commit.” The officers and city
Dhamma. Aśoka thrust a very heavy responsibil- magistrates at Tosalī/Samāpa are instructed that
ity on them to carry his message to the various by disregarding the Dhamma, they would “gain
sections of the society. However, they seem grad- neither heaven nor the favor of the king.” “The
ually to have developed into a type of priesthood ceremony of Dhamma is effective for all time, for
of Dhamma with great powers and soon began to even if its object is not attained in this life, endless
interfere in politics. A group of officers known as merit is produced for the life to come.” He also
Dhamma mahāmāttas were instituted to imple- introduced legislation in order that the Dhamma
ment and publicize the various aspects of be accepted by the masses. Pillar Edict VII says
Dhamma. Aśoka thrust a very heavy responsibil- that “The advancement of Dhamma amongst men
ity on them to carry his message to the various has been achieved through two means, legislation
sections of the society. However, they seem grad- and persuasion. But of these two, legislation has
ually to have developed into a type of priesthood been less effective and persuasion more so.” In
172 Aśokarājāvadāna

Pillar Edict I, Aśoka claims: “this is my principle: unable to offer adequate defense. The large
to protect through Dhamma, to administer affairs administration required strong leadership, and
according to Dhamma, to please the people with when this was not forthcoming, provinces tended
Dhamma, to guard the empire with Dhamma.” to assert independence from the center. Also, the
brāhmaṇa priests had been sidelined by Aśoka’s
Buddhist policy but after his death worked to
Aśoka’s Personal Life undermine this, which encouraged civil war.

Aśoka is mentioned in various sources as having

had many wives, the prominent ones being Cross-References
Kāruvākī, mother of Tīvara and Asandhimittā
and Padmāvatī, mother of Kuṇāla and ▶ Aśokāvadāna
Tissārakkhā, respectively. Asandhimittā was the ▶ Buddhist Councils
chief queen and was very well disposed towards ▶ Dhamma
Buddhism. However, she died childless in the ▶ Dhammavijaya
29th year of Aśoka’s reign. Thereafter, ▶ Dharmacakra
Tissārakkhā became the chief queen, and she ▶ Divyāvadāna
was not friendly towards Buddhism at all. Once
in a fit of rage she tried unsuccessfully to destroy
the Bodhi-tree at Gayā. The Kaliṅga Rock Edicts References
I and II indicate that Aśoka had at least four sons,
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sider images. Continuum, New York/London
provinces, Ujjainī, Takṣaśilā, Suvarṇagiri, and
2. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text
Tosali. The Divyāvadāna mentions that Aśoka’s Society, London
son Kuṇāla was blinded as a result of the conspir- 3. Gokhale BG (1966) Aśoka Maurya. Twayne Pub-
acy by one of the stepmothers of the latter. lishers, New York
4. Hazra KL (2007) Aśoka as depicted in his edicts.
According to Tāranātha, Vīrasena succeeded
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
Aśoka as the ruler of Gandhāra, and the 5. Law BC (ed and trans) (1958) The Dīpavaṃsa: the
Rājataraṅgiṇī mentions Aśoka’s son Jalaṅka as chronicle of the Island of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa.
having succeeded him in Kashmir as an indepen- The Ceylon Hist J (Colombo) 7: 1–266
6. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1977) Vaṃsatthappakāsinī:
dent king.
commentary on the Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text Society,
Not much is known about Aśoka’s family life. London
His inscriptions speak of two queens; Buddhist 7. Mehta G (1998) Aśoka: beloved of the Gods. Tricycle
legends mention several. Aśoka had many chil- Buddhist Rev Winter: 21–25
8. Przyluski J (ed) (1923) La Lègende de l’Empereur
dren. but their names are unknown except for
Aśoka (Aśoka-Avadāna) dans les textes Indiens et
a small number. It is also not known how, when, Chinois. Paul Geuthner, Paris
and where he died. A Tibetan tradition maintains 9. Strong JS (2002) Legend of King Aśoka, 2nd edn.
that he died at Takṣaśilā. Two grandsons, Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi
10. Swearer D (1981) Buddhism and society in Southeast
Dasaratha and Samprati, succeeded him and
Asia. Anima Books, Chambersburg
divided the empire. But within 50 years of 11. Thapar R (1961) Aśoka and the decline of the
Aśoka’s death, a coup led by Puṣyamitra Śuṅga Mauryas. Oxford University Press, Oxford
brought the dynasty to an end. The empire’s
decline is mainly attributable to the weak leader-
ship that succeeded Aśoka’s rule, but several other
factors also contributed. These include the Aśokarājāvadāna
deskilling of the military, which lost their jobs
under Aśoka’s policy and were subsequently ▶ Aśokāvadāna
Aśokāvadāna 173

Nidāna no. 1: On Offering a Handful of the

Aśokāvadāna Earth to the Buddha: This nidāna begins with an
incident from one of the previous lives of King A
K. T. S. Sarao Aśoka when as a child he offered to the Buddha
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of a handful of earth. Later as a reward for this, he
Delhi, Delhi, India was born as one of the sons of King Bindusāra. On
growing up, he became the governor of the prov-
ince of Takṣaśilā. After this when he was put on
the throne by his ministers, he put to death 500
Synonyms
ministers as well as his elder brother Suśīma. Due
to such an evil behavior, he became known as
Aśokarājāvadāna; A-yü wang ching; A-yü wang
Caṇḍāśoka (Aśoka, the Merciless). Later, on see-
chuan
ing the miracles being performed by a Buddhist
monk, he converted to Buddhism and made
Definition a pledge not only to construct 84,000 stūpas but
also to make offerings to the Bodhi tree. Conse-
An anthology of narratives on the contribution of quently, he became famous as Dharmāśoka
King Aśoka and five teachers toward the promo- (Aśoka, the Righteous).
tion and transmission of Buddhism. Nidāna no. 2: On the Original Events of
King Aśoka: This nidāna gives an account of
The Aśokāvadāna that literally means “Narrative the activities of King Aśoka relating to alms giv-
of Aśoka” is an anthology of narratives that con- ing, convening of the five assemblies, and the
sist of an account of the events pertaining to the construction of stūpas at different places
conversion of King Aśoka to Buddhism, his activ- connected to the life of the Buddha and various
ities for the promotion and transmission of Bud- Buddhist masters.
dhism, and the proselytization work of five Nidāna no. 3: On the Original Events of King
Buddhist teachers, namely, Mahākāśyapa, Aśoka’s Younger Brother: It provides the details
Ānanda, Madhyantika, Śāṇavāsin, and Upagupta. of Aśoka’s younger brother Sudatta. Initially,
The Sanskrit text in its present condition was most Sudatta did not follow Buddhism, but as a result
probably composed in the second century C.E. of the efforts of Aśoka, he became a Buddhist
([5], p. 170). It was first translated into Chinese monk. Later, he attained arhatship.
by An-fa-Ch’in in 300 C.E. as A-yü wang chuan Nidāna no. 4: On the Original Events of
(Taishō no. 2042) and later as A-yü wang ching Kuṇāla: This nidāna relates the tragic story of
(Taishō no. 2043) by Saṃghabhadra in 512 C.E. Aśoka’s son, Kuṇāla, who was blinded at the behest
([5], p. 170). As the Aśokāvadāna lavishes of his stepmother queen Tiṣyarakṣitā. Later, Kuṇāla
liberal praises on the city of Mathurā as well as was able to obtain the “eye of wisdom.”
its monasteries and monks, Jean Przyluski has Nidāna no. 5: On the Half Āmalaka Fruit: It
suggested on this basis that this text was com- gives an account of the charitable activities of
posed by the Buddhist monks of the Mathurā Aśoka, particularly stūpa building and alms giv-
region ([4], p. 8). ing. Consequently, he spent all the wealth that was
The contents of A-yü wang chuan are divided there in the treasury and he was deposed for this.
into eleven nidānas (subjects) ([2], pp. 198–199). Shortly before dying, he offered the only posses-
Six nidānas (the first five and the eleventh) give sion that he had, an āmalaka fruit, to the Buddha
an account of the events related to the life and and the saṃgha. He was succeeded by King
work of King Aśoka. Each of the remaining five Puṣyamitra who is accused of having razed mon-
nidānas (sixth to the tenth) gives an account of the asteries, killed monks, and brought about the
career of a Buddhist master: downfall of Buddhism.
174 Āśrava

Nidāna no. 6: On Upagupta: Here a prediction References

of the Buddha is told, according to which, 100
years after the nibbāna of the Buddha, a monk 1. Cowell EB, Neil RA (eds) (1886) The Divyāvadāna.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 348–434
called Upagupta would be born who would con-
2. Kao Kuan-ju (1966) Aśokāvadāna. Encyclopedia of
tribute greatly to Buddhism and that after him Buddhism, vol II. The Cultural Publications, Colombo,
Mahākāśyapa along with 500 arhats would con- pp 198–200
vene a council to gather the Tripiṭaka. 3. Mukhopadhyaya S (1963) The Aśokāvadāna. Sahitya
Akademi, New Delhi
Nidāna no. 7: On Mahākāśyapa’s Nirvāṇa:
4. Przyluski Jean (1923) La légende de l’empereur Açoka
This nidāna gives an account of the work done by (Açoka-Avad^ana) dans les textes indiens et chinois.
Masters Mahākāśyapa and Ānanda. Whereas after P. Geuthner, Paris
having transmitted the Dharma to Ānanda, 5. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka: a study
and translation of the Aśokāvadāna. Princeton Univer-
Mahākāśyapa left for the Kukkuṭapāda Mountain
sity Press, Princeton
to wait for the coming of the future Buddha 6. Vaidya PL (ed) (1959) Divyāvadāna, Buddhist Sanskrit
Maitreya, Ānanda in turn transmitted the Dharma texts no. 20. The Mithila Institute of Post-Graduate
to Śāṇavāsin and entered Nirvāṇa after going to Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, Darbhanga
the Gaṅgā.
Nidāna no. 8: On Madhyantika: Here the
activities of Madhyantika in spreading Buddhism
in the country of Kaśmīra are related. Āśrava
Nidāna no. 9: On Śāṇavāsin: In this nidāna an
account of the work done by Śāṇavāsin in spread- ▶ Āsavas (Āśravas)
ing Buddhism in the region of Mathurā and his
conversion of Upagupta to Buddhism are given.
Nidāna no. 10: On Upagupta: This nidāna
gives an account of the activities of Upagupta in Assaji
Mathurā as well as his Nirvāṇa after having trans-
mitted the Dharma to Dhītika. An account of the Angraj Chaudhary
final disappearance of Buddhism in the foresee- Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
able future is also given here. Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
Nidāna no. 11: On King Aśoka’s Deeds: Here
Aśoka’s work pertaining to his patronage of Bud- Definition
dhism and its proselytization are given.
The first ten nidānas of A-yü wang chuan have Assaji was one of the pañcavaggiya bhikkhus who
been collapsed into eight nidānas in the A-yü wang were present when the Buddha first set the wheel
ching and the eleventh nidāna of A-yü wang chuan of Dhamma in motion at Sāranātha.
is missing from A-yü wang ching ([2], p. 200). The
extant Sanskrit text corresponds to just the first,
second, fifth, and tenth nidānas of A-yü wang Names of Pañcavaggiya Bhikkhus
chuan and is preserved in chapters xxvi-xxix of
the Divyāvadāna ([1], pp. 348–434). Assaji was one of the pañcavaggiya bhikkhus. The
names of the bhikkhus who formed a group of five
(pañcavaggiya) were Konḍañña, Bhaddiya, Vappa,
Cross-References Mahānāma, and Assaji. Koṇḍañña was the youn-
gest of the eight brahmans who had gone to
▶ Aśoka Suddhodana’s house on the name-giving cere-
▶ Divyāvadāna mony day to see the signs on the body of the
▶ Kuṇāla child born to him and forecast his future life. Out
▶ Upagupta of the eight, it was Koṇḍañña who was sure that
Assaji 175

the child was not going to be a wheel-turning king, very ably and clearly gives him the summary of
but he was going to become the Buddha. the Anattalakkhana Sutta [3]. Another Sutta
Koṇḍañña followed Siddhārtha when he left describes how the Buddha pays a visit to him A
home. Four others, who were the sons of four out when he was lying grievously ill in Kassapārāma
of seven brahmans, also accompanied Koṇḍañña. near Rājagaha [4]. When the Buddha asks him to
They had been advised by their fathers to keep an enter into jhāna, he expresses his inability because
eye on Siddhārtha Gotama’s career by being in his he felt difficulty in breathing and also because he
company if he left home for a homeless life. It is found it difficult to win balance of mind. Then the
clear from some of the suttas of the Majjhima Buddha reminded him that there is nothing per-
Nikāya [1] that all five attended to him when he manent and asked him to meditate on imperma-
was practicing austerities at Uruvelā. When nence and nonself [5].
Siddhārtha gave up practicing austerities, because Even if one doesn’t hear much of him in the
he found them of no use and of no help to attain the Tipiṭaka, his contribution to the spread of Bud-
highest goal in life, all of them left him thinking dhism is very great. It was he who converted
that Siddhārtha had strayed from the right path as Sāriputta and Moggallāna to Buddha Dhamma
he had decided to live a luxurious life. who later became the two great disciples of the
When Siddhārtha Gotama attained enlighten- Buddha.
ment and became the Perfectly Enlightened One, After setting the wheel of Dhamma in motion,
he thought of teaching Dhamma to the five of his the Buddha came to Rajgir and was staying in
companions. At that time they were living in Veluvana donated by king Bimbisāra. At the
Isipattana Migadāya, Sāranātha, Vārānasī. same time Assaji also happened to be in Rajgir.
The Buddha set the wheel of Dhamma in One day Sāriputta who was also called Upatissa,
motion and taught Dhamma to five of his compan- a disciple of wanderer Sañcaya’ saw Assaji while
ions who had accompanied him for a long time. he was begging alms. He was going in the street
with downcast eyes. He was very calm and quiet
and had his senses under control. His faculties
Kondañña Was the First to Become were clear and the color of his skin was bright
˙˙
a Sotāpanna and pure. Sāriputta was so impressed by his mien
and deportment that he took him to be a perfect
Koṇḍañña was the first to become a sotāpanna example of an arahant or one who is on the path to
(one who has entered the stream that will take become one. When asked by Sāriputta who his
him to nibbāna) and Assaji was the last. Vappa teacher was, under whom he had gone forth and
and Bhaddiya were taught Dhamma after what his teaching was, he very politely said that as
Kondañña. Assaji and Mahānāma were the last he was new in Dhamma and Vinaya, he could not
to be taught Dhamma. All became arahants after explain it in detail. However, he briefly described
listening to the Anattalakkhaṇa Sutta [2] preached the teachings of the Buddha in the following
to them five days after the Dhammacakkap- verse, which represents the essence of the Bud-
pavattana Sutta. In the Anattalakkhaṇa Sutta, the dha’s teaching.
Buddha proves to them that none of the five
Ye dhammā hetuppabhavā, tesaṃ hetu Tathāgato
khandhas (aggregates) is the self. Neither rūpa āha/
(material form) is self, nor vedanā (sensation), Tesañca yo nirodho, evamvādī mahāsamaṇoti// [6]
nor saññā (perception), nor saṅkhāra (formations),
and nor viññāṇa (consciousness) is the self. After The Great Samaṇa, the Tathāgata, explains
listening to this sutta all five became arahants. the causes of those Dhammas, which have causes
One does not hear much of Assaji in the to arise. He also explains how those causes can
Tipiṭaka. There are two suttas. One describes his cease to be.
meeting with the Niganṭhaputta Saccaka who asks This stanza composed or recited by Assaji
him about the teachings of the Buddha. Assaji became very popular as it pithily represents the
176 Astāṅgamārga
˙˙

teaching of the Buddha. Later on it was inscribed

on stone plaques and pillars at every important Astāṅgamārga
Buddhist site. Finding stone plaques bearing this ˙˙
verse helped many to discover and identify Bud- ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
dhist sites. Mr. Buchanan found several such stone
plaques at Bodh Gaya, and according to him, it was
“probably a standardised Buddhist dedication” [7].
As Sāriputta was endowed with great under- Astasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā
standing, with great wisdom he immediately under- ˙˙
stood the deeper meaning of this teaching by the Charles Willemen
Buddha and became a sotāpanna. In other words’ International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
he entered the stream that takes one to nibbāna. He Thailand
was very glad to have found a state of security from
where he would not come again and again in this
world to suffer. What Assaji said to him opened his Synonyms
eyes. Since then he began to greatly venerate
Assaji. Sāriputta had so much reverence for Assaji The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand
that he would extend his clasped hands in the lines
direction Assaji was and he would sleep in such
a way that his head was in that direction [8].
He spoke about Assaji and what he said about Definition
the teaching of the Buddha to Moggallāna. As
soon as Moggallāna heard the verse, he also Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā is the title of the
entered the stream that would take him to nibbāna. oldest systematic text about Prajñāpāramitā, Per-
Thus Assaji was instrumental for the conversion fection of Wisdom.
of these two great brahmins of Magadha who
became the two great disciples of the Buddha, one E. Conze [1] translates Perfection of Wisdom in
renowned for his paññā and the other for his power Eight Thousand Lines. A line means a śloka
of iddhi. stanza, a unit of 32 syllables. The title informs us
Even if Assaji is seldom mentioned in the about the length of the text in prose form. The text
Tipiṭaka, his great contribution to the spread of comprises 32 chapters (parivarta) in its
Buddha Dhamma is the conversion of these two Indian version, 30 chapters in ten fascicles in
great brahnins of Magadha. its earliest Chinese translation. There is a
verse form of the text known as
Prajñāpāramitāratnaguṇasaṃcayagāthā, Stanzas
of the Perfection of Wisdom Which Is the Store-
References house of Precious Virtues. E. Conze [1] says that
1. Pāsarāsi Sutta or Ariyaparivesanā Sutta, Mahāsaccaka
chapters one and two probably constitute the orig-
Sutta Bodhirājakumāra Sutta (Unless otherwise men- inal part of the text, a part which may go back to
tioned all books referred to here are published by 100 B.C. The prose text grew over time, and at the
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998) time of the earliest Chinese translation, 179 A.D., it
2. S.2.61
3. M.1.292
seems the text had been completed. Earlier and
4. S.2. 113 later portions can be distinguished in the text. Per-
5. S.2.113 fection (pāramitā) of wisdom (prajñā) is the sub-
6. MV, Vinaya Pitaka, p 46 ject of a whole set of texts, called prajñāpāramitā
7. Allen C (2002) The Buddha and the Sahibs. John
Murray Publishers, London, Paperback edition, 2003,
literature. The earliest text is generally said to be the
p 94 Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā, 8,000 stanzas long.
8. Therag A 1.1 141–374 The subject is the explanation of emptiness, śū
Astasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā 177
˙˙

nyatā, non-substantiality. The scene of the discus- There are a number of Chinese translations of
sions is set on the Gṛdhrakūṭa, Vulture Peak, near the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā [5, 6]. The
Rājagṛha in Magadha. Śākyamuni himself gives earliest one is Taishō ed.224: Daoxing A
explanations. Śāriputra, the ultimate authority (Yogācāra) bore (prajñā) jing (sūtra), the work
of all Sthaviravāda schools, asks Subhūti for of Zhi Loujia Chen, or Zhi Chen, known as
information. Thus begin replies and discussions. Lokakṣema (Lokesh Chandra says: Laukākṣina),
The text deals with the life of a bodhisattva, his in 179 A.D [3]. Bore, a phonetic rendering of
correct practice of wisdom, prajñā, insight into a Prākrit form of prajñā, is sometimes tran-
emptiness. Eighteen aspects of emptiness are scribed as banruo. The title makes it clear that
enumerated. this is a text about the role of prajñā, wisdom, in
The origin of this kind of literature is said to be the practice of yoga, yogācāra. Sautrāntika
in South India, according to some Japanese Sarvāstivāda yogācāra develops knowledge,
scholars, for example, A. Hirakawa [2]. This jñāna. Manuals explaining such yoga are well
assertion is based on the earliest Chinese text, known in China ever since Lokakṣema’s imme-
chapter eight, fascicle four (Taishō ed.VIII 224: diate precursor in Luoyang, An Shigao
446 a 29-b 2). The passage can also be found in (ca. 148–170 A.D.). But Mahāsāṅghikas appar-
chapter ten of E. Conze’s translation of the San- ently also had yogācāra, developing the practice
skrit, in the part Prediction about Spread of wisdom, prajñā, bore. The Chinese title may
of Perfect Wisdom [1]. The Chinese says that have been given in China, explaining the con-
after the departure of the Tathāgata, perfection of tents of this new kind of yoga. A second transla-
wisdom will be in (dang zai) South India. Then it tion is the work of Zhi Qian (active ca. 220–257
will be in the West and then turn to the North. The A.D.). This is a revised, new version, called Da
Sanskrit does not say West, but East. This part of (Mahā) mingdu (prajñāpāramitā) jing,
the text is not the oldest part. It means that perfec- Taishō ed.225. Its first chapter, called Xing,
tion of wisdom was very popular in the South, Caryā, Practice, is not Zhi Qian’s work.
a Mahāsāṅghika area, certainly in the first centu- Dharmapriya and Zhu Fonian brought out a text
ries A.D. In the North one has Lokottaravāda in 382 A.D., Taishō ed.226: Mohebore
Mahāsāṅghikas. There is an ancient manuscript (Mahāprajñā) chao (abstract) jing. Kumārajīva
of the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā in Gāndhārī brought his famous Xiaopin (Lesser Version)
in the Schøyen collection, dated 47–147 A.D [4]. Boreboluomi (prajñāpāramitā) jing in 408 A.
What seems certain is that prajñāpāramitā devel- D., Taishō ed.227. Xuanzang brought
oped in Mahāsāṃghika circles, opposing Taishō ed.220: Da (Mahā) boreboluomi
Sthaviravāda ideas. E. Lamotte places the origin (prajñāpāramitā) jing, in 660–663 A.D. The
of prajñāpāramitā ideas in the Gandharan cultural fourth and the fifth assemblage (hui) in this text
area, an area with a strong Sarvāstivāda (and also render the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā.
Vibhajyavāda) presence. In Andhra, Sthaviras Finally, Dānapāla rendered the text again
(Vibhajyavādins) were a small minority. That at the end of the tenth century, that is,
area was the main Mahāsāṅghika area. It is quite Taishō ed.228.
possible that perfection of wisdom views origi- A late Tibetan translation was made by
nated in northern, in Gandharan Mahāsāṅghika Śākyasena, later revised a number of times, for
circles, but were given weight and importance example, by Atīśa (ca. 982–1054) [7]. Later
by the major Mahāsāṃghika area of Andhra, writers attached great importance to the
already ca. 100 A.D. Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā, as evidenced by
Some scholars have mentioned that in Haribhadra’s (late eighth, early ninth century) com-
prajñāpāramitā texts high praise is given to the mentary, Ālokā. Also Kumārajīva’s Da zhidu lun
making of written copies. Writing down texts (sanskritized as Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa),
seems to have started earlier in the Gandharan Taishō ed.1509, of 406 A.D., uses the
area than in, for example, Śrī Laṅkā. Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā.
178 Aśvaghosa
˙

Cross-References different information about Aśvaghoṣa about the

time when he existed and who he was.
▶ Gandhara Limited information is available about his life
▶ Mahāsāṅghika through the Tibetan and Chinese translations of
▶ Prajñāpāramitā his work. Many Buddhist texts and Sanskrit works
around the time period of Aśvaghoṣa, including
his book Saundranand, have now provided means
References to examine his language and ideas [1]. By some
1. Conze E (1973, Indian ed. 1994) The perfection of
accounts he was a Brahmin heretic living at the
wisdom in eight thousand lines & its verse summary. time of Emperor Kanikṣa during the second cen-
Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi tury. The Li tai san pao chi (fas. 1), quoting the
2. Hirakawa A (1990, 1st, Hawaii; Indian ed 1993) Record of the Sarvāstivādin School, claims
A history of Indian Buddhism (trans: Groner P). Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
Aśvaghoṣa was born a Brahman in Eastern India
3. Karashima S (2010) A glossary of Lokakṣema’s trans- some 300 years after the Nirvāna of Buddha. It is
lation of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. The Inter- also believed that Aśvaghoṣa converted to Bud-
national Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology. dhism after losing in a debate and thereafter he
Soka University, Tokyo
4. Karashima S (2011) A critical edition of Lokakṣema’s
became a well-known Buddhist scholar [2].
translation of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. The Aśvaghoṣa is said to be native of Sāketa in
International Research Institute for Advanced Śrāvastī.
Buddhology. Soka University, Tokyo These sources suggest Aśvaghoṣa, was
5. Karunatillake W (1967) Aṣṭasāhasrikā-Prajñāpāramitā
Sūtra. In: Malalasekera G (ed) Encyclopaedia of
defeated by Pārśva a renowned Buddhist teacher.
Buddhism, vol II. Government of Ceylon, Colombo, Aśvaghoṣa became Pārśva’s disciple after being
pp 249–252 defeated by Pārśva in debate. Chinese and Tibetan
6. Lancaster L (ed) (1977) Prajñāpāramitā and related commentaries mentioned above provide some-
systems: studies in honor of Edward Conze. University
of California Regents, Berkeley
what different accounts of this episode. What
7. Mäll L (2003) Studies in the Aṣṭasāhasrikā remains clear is that Aśvaghoṣa had spiritual com-
Prajñāpāramitā and other essays. Motilal Banarsidass, munication with both Pārśva and Puṇyayaśas, and
Delhi was disciple of either one or both. Since
Puṇyayaśas is considered a disciple and successor
of Pārśva, it seems Aśvaghoṣa started by receiving
spiritual teachings from Pārśva and later moved
Aśvaghosa on to Puṇyayaśas [2].
˙ Chinese scholars visiting India have men-
Chapla Verma tioned about the fame of Aśvaghoṣa and the
Department of Philosophy and Religion, famous scholar Hsüen-tsang has written about
American Public University, Charles Town, WV, four suns, placing Aśvaghoṣa as number one of
USA those suns [3].
“Life of Vasubandhu” mentions about
Katyayana who existed in fifth century after Bud-
Definition dha’s parinirvāna. The book also mentions that
Aśvaghoṣa was Katyayana’s contemporary [2].
A prominent Buddhist philosopher and author of Śraddhotpāda-śāstra indicates that Aśvaghoṣa
well-known Buddhist literature. existed 500 years after Buddha’s Parinirvāna. His
Aśvaghoṣa is a well-known Buddhist philoso- teachings were well known in countries around
pher and author of profound Buddhist literature India and as far as present day Indonesia [3].
written in classical Sanskrit. He is considered Sang-ying, a famous disciple of Kumārajīva
founder of Mahāyāna Buddhism. Despite this (362–439 A.D.), in the preface of Chinese trans-
fame and recognition, different sources provide lation of the Mahā-prajña-pārmitā sūtra also
Aśvaghosa 179
˙

corroborates this version situating Aśvaghoṣa 500 and went back without disturbing the peace of the
years after Buddha’s Parinirvāna [2]. kingdom.
Mahāmaya sūtra claims a prophecy made by We find a similar narrative in a brief biography A
Buddha. After the death of Buddha, Mahāmaya of Aśvaghoṣa in “Life of Aśvaghoṣa,” translated
asked Ānanda if Buddha had ever told him in his into Chinese by Kumārajīva. In this account, the
life anything concerning the future of Buddhism. Emperor Kaniṣka demanded 300,000,000 gold
Responding to this Ānanda said (among other pieces. When the defeated king declared his
things), the Buddhist teachings will gradually inability to produce such a fortune, Kaniṣka
decline, 600 years after Buddha’s death, and asked for Buddha’s bowl and Aśvaghoṣa in sub-
then a Bhikṣu, Aśvaghoṣa, will teach the essence stitution. The defeated king hesitated in comply-
of the Dharma. Referring to this prophecy, ing with this demand. At this point Aśvaghoṣa
Nāgārjuna claims that there were six Aśvaghoṣas reasoned with his king to let him go and save the
at different times. The author of Śraddhotpāda- destruction of the kingdom. The defeated king had
śāstra, on which Nāgārjuna’s commentary is writ- his doubts answered and he presented Buddha’s
ten, is the one professed in the Mahāmaya sūtra. bowl and Aśvaghoṣa to Kaniṣka [2].
Nāgārjuna even states that he was a disciple of that Clearly, both narratives indicate that
Aśvaghoṣa [2]. Aśvaghoṣa had profound spiritual influence on
Chinese and Tibetan translations of his contemporaries. That a powerful Emperor
Aśvaghoṣa’s work are different from each other, like Kaniṣka desired to have Aśvaghoṣa as his
but both indicate that Aśvaghoṣa and Kaniṣka had spiritual adviser indicates Aśvaghoṣa’s fame and
a significant association and were contemporaries. influence at that time. Aśvaghoṣa became a court
How they got associated with each other is an poet and spiritual adviser to Emperor Kaniṣka.
interesting story which is presented by different Today, Kaniṣka is mostly remembered for con-
translators with slight variation. The Tsa pao tsang vening the fourth Buddhist council in Kashmir,
ching (Samyuktaratna-pitaka-sūtra) mentions that which systematized Mahāyāna tenets. Aśvaghoṣa
Aśvaghoṣa had close relationship with the king of was behind this convocation, which was probably
Tukhara, Candana Kanishtha. The sūtra states this presided over by the Bhikshu Pārśva. He worked
king had three wise men with him and Aśvaghoṣa on the compilation of the Abhidharmavibhāṣā-
was one of them. The other two were Mo-cha-lo śāstra [4].
(Mathara) and a physician Che-lo-chia (Caraka) The main writings attributed to Aśvaghoṣa are:
[2]. This king was most probably Kaniṣka, the Buddhacarita – In this text the entire life of
famous Kushan Emperor who convened the Gautam Buddha, from birth to Parinirvāna, is
fourth Buddhist Council in the present day Kash- described in a poetic format. This remains one of
mir around the second century C.E. his famous texts written in Vaidharbha style that
The discussion about Aśvaghoṣa in Fu fa tsang has been compared to the famous style of poet
yin yuan ch‘uan leads us to understand the impor- Kalidas. Aśvaghoṣa was the state poet in the
tance of Aśvaghoṣa. Kaniṣka was an influential council of Kanikṣa and was therefore equally
and much feared Emperor in his day and time. He familiar with royal administration, politics, and
advanced toward Patliputra with an intention to social affairs of his time. Not surprisingly, this
conquer it. The Emperor demanded 900,000,000 text covers not only religious issues but provides
gold pieces from the defeated king to spare his life a commentary on the prevailing social and polit-
and kingdom. The king of Patliputra did not have ical issues also. I-tsing’s account about
that kind of fortune, he offered Aśvaghoṣa, the Aśvaghoṣa’s “Buddhacarita,” confirms that this
Buddha-bowl, and a compassionate fowl, indicat- text was popular all over the Indic region and
ing that these offerings were valuable and each was read right till the southern end of India [3].
worth 300,000,000 gold pieces. The victorious Śraddhotpāda-śāstra (The Awakening of Faith)
Emperor was pleased to get Aśvaghoṣa and is another important Buddhist treatise. It is a very
other offerings and he released the defeated king famous and much read text. Its original Sanskrit
180 Aśvaghosa
˙

version has been lost since a long time, and only this theme of conversion moving away from con-
the Chinese translation is available; therefore dition of worldliness to the superior condition of
scholars doubt that this was written by spiritual perfection and enlightenment [6].
Aśvaghoṣa. Among the two Chinese translations, Sariputra prakarana – Aśvaghoṣa is also
the first translation was made by Parmartha, the believed to have written Sariputra prakarana,
second by Śikṣananda. The Sanskrit original is not which is in the form of a play set in nine parts.
available since repeated Buddhist prosecution by The story revolves around the lives of Sariputra
Chinese rulers could be responsible for its destruc- and Maudralyaan and is considered one of the
tion. Buddhist scholar Fa tsang (643–712 A.D.) finest Sanskrit plays.
assisted Śikṣananda in preparing the second transla- Sūtrāṅlankāra-śāstra (The book of great Glory)
tion, Fa tsang also wrote a commentary on is another text by Aśvaghoṣa that seems to be of
Parmartha’s translation, which became very popular later origin than the Buddhacarita as the former is
[2]. Hakeda maintains that Aśvaghoṣa’s quoted in the latter.
Buddhacarita, Saudarananda, and Sāriputra- In the Chinese translations in the Taishō edi-
prakarana are mainly preserved in Chinese and tion of the Tripitaka, eight texts are attributed to
Tibetan translation. These primarily portray ele- Aśvaghoṣa’s authorship. Some of these have
ments of Hinayāna or Theravāda Buddhism. How- already been discussed earlier.
ever, the Awakening of the Faith presents Mahāyāna
thought. This thought developed few centuries after 1. Buddhacaritakāvya
the time of Aśvaghoṣa. Therefore, Hakeda is skep- 2. Sūtrālaṅkāra-śāstra
tical about the authorship of the Awakening of the 3. Ṣaḍgatikārikā, Sūtra of the Six Ways of
Faith as being credited to Aśvaghoṣa [5]. Transmigration
Saundranand– A Sanskrit text of this name was 4. Daśakuśalakarmapatha, Sūtra of the Ten Evil
found in a Nepalese library in 1908 by H. Shastri; Deeds
it has no Tibetan or Chinese translations. This text 5. Nairātmyaparipṛcchā, Sūtra of a Nirgrantha
deals with Nanda’s life who faces many chal- Inquiring into the Meaning of Non-ego
lenges and struggles toward spiritual quest ulti- 6. Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra, two Chinese
mately finding refuge in Buddha and Sangha [6]. translations, one by Śikṣānanda and the other
Nanda is Buddha’s cousin brother and his wife is by Paramārtha
Sundari that suggests the title of text may have 7. Da-zong-di-xuan-wen-ben-lun
come from the conjunction of these two names. 8. Gurusevādharma-pañcāśadgāthā, Fifty Stanzas
Nanda’s aspiration for spiritual quest is put to test on Serving the Guru
when Buddha came to Kapilvastu after attaining
enlightenment. Buddha went to his father’s palace The Buddhacaritakāvya and the
to ask for bhikṣa, a standard ritual in Eastern Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra are perhaps the
religions. Buddha’s wife Yaśodhara gave her son most popular [4]. Authorship of the
Rahula in bhikṣa to Buddha, permitting him to give Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra is disputed.
up his princely life and seek enlightenment. His Aśvaghoṣa is considered a Mahāyānist Bud-
brother Nanda also seeks a similar path but he is dhist because the elements discussed in his philo-
torn between desire for his wife and respect for sophical thought were later developed by
Buddha. His wife Sundari cried and objected to Nāgārjuna. Aśvaghoṣa retains an important place
Nanda’s renunciation and these conflicting yearn- in Mahāyāna Buddhism.
ings are beautifully depicted by Aśvaghoṣa using
Kavya features, a refined and ornate Sanskrit liter-
ary style. The dilemma is resolved by Nanda seek- Cross-References
ing Buddha, Dharma, and the Sangha to pursue his
spiritual journey rather than continue with his mar- ▶ Kaniṣka
ried family life. The text has become famous for ▶ Kumārajīva
Atheism (Buddhism) 181

References accepted by thinkers and philosophers belonging

to the orthodox Vedic tradition. All the streams of
1. Johnson EH (1972) The Buddhacarita or acts of the the orthodox Vedic tradition were not
Buddha part 1- Sanskrit text. (Reprint) Motilal A
theistic. (Here by theistic is meant the one that
Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Suzuki T (1975) Asvaghosa’s discourse on the awak- accepts a single conscious/intelligent cause of the
ening of faith in the Mahayana. Open Court Publishing, universe). However, two streams are known for
Chicago (Authorized facsimile of the original book, their theistic position:
Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor)
3. Dvārikādāsaśāstrī (Hindi-rūpāntarasahitam)
sampādakaḥ, śrīkāntapāṇḍeyaḥ (2004) Aśvaghoṣa- (a) Vedas, particularly Upanişads, present theistic
viracitam Buddhacaritam (Hindi translation) ideas mixed with idealistic metaphysics.
Caukhambā, Vārāṇasī Upanişadic philosophy through different
4. Rongxi L (2002) The life of Aśvaghoṣa Bodhisattva
interpretations developed into different
(Translated from the Chinese of Kumārjīva-Taishō Vol-
ume 50, Number 2046). In: Kyōkai BD, Numata Center schools of Vedānta, most of which identify
for Buddhist Translation and Research (eds) Lives of Brahman, the ultimate reality of the
great monks & nuns (BDK English Tripitaka Transla- Upanişads, with God.
tion Series). Numata Center for Buddhist Translation
(b) Nyāya and Vaiśeşika, which later on devel-
and Research, Berkeley
5. Hakeda YS (1967) The awakening of faith-attributed to oped as a joint system called Nyāya-Vaiśeşika
Asvaghosha (Translated with Commentary). Columbia system, do not exhibit the explicit signs of
University Press, New York theistic orientation in their early aphorismic
6. Covill L (2007) Handsome Nanda by Aśvaghoṣa (tr).
texts, but they developed through commentar-
New York University Press, JJC Foundation, New York
ies and sub-commentaries as representing
philosophical theism.

Atheism (Buddhism) Apart from the above religio-philosophical

streams, the popular concept of God as creator,
Pradeep P. Gokhale sustainer, and destroyer of the world can be found
Department of Philosophy, University of Pune, in mythological literature. Philosophers and
Pune, Maharashtra, India scholars in the Buddhist tradition are seen criticiz-
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Chair, Central University of ing both the popular and philosophical concep-
Tibetan Studies, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India tions of God. Here, Upanişadic-Vedāntic
conceptions of God can be combined with the
popular conceptions of God. In these conceptions,
Synonyms God (Brahman of Brahmā or I¯śvara, etc.) is
either material or material-cum-efficient cause of
I¯śvarakartŗtvanirākŗti; Nirī śvaravāda the world – the creator of everything – having
both abstract (quality-less) and concrete
(quality-posse) forms – and who is the object of
Definition devotion and worship.
Nyāya-Vaiśeşika system represents a different
Buddhism in its different phases holds the view conception of God (I¯śvara). Accordingly, God is
that there is no God/I¯śvara/Brahmā who is sup- not the creator of everything. Atoms of the four
posed to be the creator of the world. elements (earth, water, fire, and air), ether, space,
time, minds (manas), and selves, all are eternal
and hence God cannot be their creator. God
Atheism in Buddhism (I¯śvara) according to it is the efficient cause
(nimitta-kāraṇa) of the world. He combines
Buddhism is known as an atheistic religion. Since atoms and also distributes pleasures and pains to
its inception, it has been opposed to theism selves according to their past deeds.
182 Atheism (Buddhism)

In what follows a survey will be made of (1) the a more explicit argument against the existence of
Buddhist critical approaches to the popular concep- God (Iśvara) conceived as the creator of the world.
tion of God as the creator of everything and (2) the While turning the wheel of Dhamma for the
more systematic Buddhist critical approaches to the assembly of Bhikkhus led by Maitreya, the Bud-
Nyāya-Vaiśeşika conception of God. dha says, “Others unwisely talk of I¯śvara as
a cause. How then is there no equality in the
world? Because I¯śvara as conceived by you is
Buddhist Criticism of the Popular equanimous.”
Conception of God
Criticism Attributed to Nāgārjuna
Early Buddhism The doctrine of God as the creator of everything
Early Buddhism accepts different deities belonging has been refuted in the Mahāyāna literature as well.
to higher worlds. These deities are subject to birth An ancient short treatise entitled I¯śvarakartṛtva-
and death and they are there as a result of their own nirākŗti (Refutation of God as creator), which is
volitional actions. Early Buddhism does not accept attributed to Nāgārjuna, (but which is probably not
God, the so-called creator of the world. It talks by Nāgārjuna according to Lindtner’s classifica-
about Brahma as a deity who primarily belongs to tion), presents a typically Mādhyamika type of
a world called Ābhassara-Brahma-loka, but it does dialectical argumentation against the existence of
not attach to it the status of the creator. The Buddha God. The author draws different alternative impli-
was in fact critical about the brahmanical view that cations from the theistic doctrine.
Brahmā created this world.
In Pāṭikasutta of Dī ghanikāya, the Buddha 1. Does God create something that is existent
refers to “some ascetics and Brahmins who (siddha) or something that is nonexistent
declare as their doctrine that all things began (asidḍha)?
with the creation by a god or Brahmā.” He regards 2. Does the creator create, being Himself born or
this as a misconception. The Buddha states the unborn?
root of this misconception as follows: (a) If he creates, being Himself unborn, how
. . .Beings are born in the Ābhassara Brahmā world can he create anything?
and stay there a long time. When this world (b) If he creates, being Himself born, where-
expands, one being falls from there and arises in from is he born? From Himself, from
an empty Brahmā place. He longs for company,
something else, or both?
other beings appear and he and they believe he
created them. (Pāṭikasutta: About Pāṭika-putta;
The charlatan, 2.15–17) The author, having raised the above alterna-
tives, refutes them all and reaches the conclusion
In Tevijjasutta, another Sutta of Dī ghanikāya,
that there cannot be the entity called Creator of the
the Buddha in his dialogue with Vāseṭṭha and
world [1].
Bhāradvāja, questions the claim of the Vedic
scholars that they can offer the way to achieve
Bhāvaviveka’s Satirical Criticism of Theism
union with Brahmā. He also questions whether
Bhāvaviveka or Bhavya, a Mādhyamika
those who make such claims or their teachers or
philosopher in the ninth chapter
the teachers of their teachers and so on have seen
(“Mī maṃsātattvanirṇayāvatāraṇ”) of his work
Brahmā face to face. And when the answer is in
Madhyamakahŗdayam, criticizes ritualistic and
the negative, any attempt to achieve union with
theological beliefs of the orthodox Hindu tradi-
Brahmā becomes futile.
tion. Regarding theological beliefs, his main
object of criticism is the trio of Gods (Brahmā,
The Buddhacarita of Aśvaghoşa Vişṇu, and Maheśa – the Creator, the Sustainer,
The Buddha as depicted by Aśvaghoşa in his and the Destroyer) and also the idea of one God
Buddhacarita (Book XVI verse No.23) presents including all the three aspects. He mainly
Atheism (Buddhism) 183

criticizes and ridicules the inconsistencies they do not take up the Nyāya–Vaiśeşika arguments
between different descriptions of these deities directly and systematically. It is the logico-
and also of the one God [2]. epistemological tradition of Buddhism, which starts A
from Dińnāga, gets substantiated in Dharmakīrti,
Śāntideva in Bodhicaryāvatāra and continues till Ratnakīrti, which takes up
Śāntideva, another Mādhyamika Buddhist of the Nyāya-Vaiśeşika theism more directly and system-
ninth century, criticizes the theistic thesis in atically. That will be discussed now.
Bodhicaryāvatāra (Chap. 9: “Prajñāpāramitā,”
verses 119–126) [3]. His arguments could be sum-
marized as follows: Buddhist Criticism of the Nyāya-
Vaiśeşika Conception of God
1. God cannot be identical with the four elements
or ākāśa or ātman. Nor does God create their In Nyāya-sūtra of Akşapāda and Nyāya-bhāşya
nature because it is fixed. of Vāstyāyana (Chap. IV, Aphorisms 19–21)
2. If God is eternal and independent, his creative there is a discussion of the doctrine that God
activity will also be permanent; it will never alone is the cause of the world (I¯ś
stop. varamātrakāraṇatāvāda).
3. If God creates depending upon the collection The contention of the Naiyāyikas there is that
of other causal factors, He will not be free and Īśvara does not give fruits of actions on His own;
hence will not be omnipotent. he does so in accordance with the actions
performed by the Jī vas. Īśvara thus becomes an
Tāntrika Buddhism indirect cause (nimittakāraṇa) of the world, not
Kālacakratantra, [4] a Tāntrika Buddhist text, is direct one (upādānakāraṇa). Gautama and
Buddha’s word according to tradition, but it Vāstyāyana in this way deviate from the popular
belongs to the eleventh century according to mod- religious conception of God according to which
ern scholarship. It refutes the theistic doctrines of God creates everything. They however do not
Brahmā and Vişṇu sects by presenting the follow- give independent arguments for the existence of
ing arguments: God. Such arguments are first found in
Udyotakara’s gloss, Nyāyavārtika (IV.19–21).
1. If Īśvara is the creator of everything, then he is Udyotakara presents there the concept of God as
the creator of actions (Karma) as well and then an efficient cause (nimittakāraṇa), as the maker of
he has to experience the fruits of his actions; if the world, on the analogy of a carpenter who
so, then he is not Īśvara (All-mighty). If on the makes a wooden product by using an adze or
other hand living beings experience pleasure a weaver who produces a cloth from threads
and pain due to their own karma and not due to with the help of a stick (turī ) and other tools. It
Īśvara, then Karma is the agent and not Īśvara. is God who turns merits and demerits of living
2. If the five elements are not there already, Īśvara beings into their fruits, namely, pleasures and
will not create anything. So whatever happens, pains. Later on Aviddhakarṇa, another Nyāya-
happens due to the efficacy of the causal fac- Vaiśeşika thinker presented an argument from
tors. God’s will has no role in it (Chap. 2.7, design based on the pattern or arrangement
verses 168–170). (saṁsthāna or sanniveśa) that is seen in the
world. [Reference to Aviddhakarṇa is found fre-
The above refutations of God generally pertain to quently in Tattvasaṁgrahapañjikā of Kamalaśīla.
a popular monotheistic conception of God as But it is not known whether Aviddhakarṇa pre-
“Omnipotent and Omni-good creator of everything.” ceded Dharmakīrti.] In Pramāṇavārtika (I.12–18)
Nyāya-Vaiśeşika conception of God deviates from it. refers to some of the above Nyāya arguments and
Though some of the later refutations mentioned gives his counter arguments. Later on Śāntarakşīta
above refer to some Nyāya-Vaiśeşika categories, and Kamalaśīla, who follow the epistemological
184 Atheism (Buddhism)

tradition of Diṅnāga and Dharmakīrti, refer to omniscient and singular conscious being) is
theistic arguments of Udyotakava, Aviddhakarṇa, not found in the instances, because things are
and Praśatamati in more detail and refute them. seen as created or put to use by many agents
After that appears a new generation of none of whom knows all the causal factors
Naiyāyikas, like Trilocana and Vācaspati, who [dŗşṭānte asiddhiḥ].
come out with more systematic arguments for (c) Since the invariable concomitance between
God. These arguments were subsequently criti- reason property and target property is not
cized in detail by Ratnakīrti in his essay “I¯ś found in the instances, the reason property
varasādhanadūşaṇam.” After Ratnakīrti, there becomes inconclusive [doubtful: saṁśayaḥ].
are no signs of Nyāya Buddhist controversy on
theism. Now a brief survey of the atheism of About the reason property R2, Dharmakīrti
Buddhist logician philosophers from Dharmakīrti raises an objection as follows: It would be proper
onward will be made. to infer the conscious support of a thing having
a specific pattern (i.e., arrangement of elements) if
Dharmakīrti’s Atheistic Arguments there is invariable concomitance of that kind
Dharmakīrti’s argument against the existence of of pattern with that kind of support. But if the
God, which he presents in Pramāṇavārtika similarity between two things that have specific
(I.12–18) [5] may be summarized in the light of pattern is only verbal or superficial the inference
Manorathanandin’s commentary as follows: of conscious support will not be proper; it will
The following theistic argument is under be like inferring fire from “some white sub-
Dharmakīrti’s consideration: stance,” which has only superficial similarity
The things such as body, world, and sense with smoke. Otherwise just as a pot, because it
organs must be preceded by a conscious agent has a specific pattern, is inferred to be produced by
who knows all the material and other causes, a conscious being, namely, potter, an ant-hill will
because (R1) they stay there and are active also be so inferred, because it too has a specific
(sthitvā pravṛtti), (R2) they have a specific pattern pattern.
or arrangement, (R3) they have causal efficacy, and [The later Buddhist logicians/philosophers
(R4) they are effects like (I1) the weaver’s stick, accept the legacy of Dharmakīrti in their refuta-
(I2) a palace, (I3) an adze, or (I4) like a pot. tion of Nyāya theism. Jñānaśrīmitra in his essay
on I¯śvaravāda elaborates on the seven verses
Dharmakīrti’s Criticism (I.12–18) from Pramāṇavārtika.]
Out of the three reason properties R1, R2, and R3
stated above the first one and the last two are Śāntarakşita’s Atheistic Arguments
defective because Śāntarakşita in the second chapter called
“I¯śvaraparī kṣā” of his Tattvasaṇgraha [6] refutes
(a) If the argument implies only that the varie- Nyāya arguments on the existence of God in
gated world is preceded by some kind of con- detail. Śāntarakşita considers six theistic argu-
sciousness then the argument is favorable to ments in the chapter (three by Udyotakara, two
the Buddhists. That is, it proves what Bud- by Aviddhakarṇa, and one by Praśastamati).
dhists desire: işṭasiddhi, because the Bud- Instead of discussing each argument separately
dhists too accept consciousness in the form Śāntarakşita discusses one argument of
of common and uncommon volition (cetanā), Aviddhakarṇa elaborately and then remarks that
that is karma, as the cause of the variegated other arguments can be countered on similar lines.
world. However, he considers some important points not
(b) But the conscious being that the Naiyāyika covered by the earlier criticism and then criticizes
wants to prove is omniscient and singular. In the arguments for oneness and omniscience of
that case the reason goes wrong because the God and ultimately gives a series of arguments
target property (namely, being preceded by an against the existence of God.
Atheism (Buddhism) 185

Aviddhakarna’s Argument Discussed in Detail if the Naiyāyika would have proved the
˙
Śāntarakşita discusses Aviddhakarṇa’s argument invariable concomitance between RP and
elaborately which is an argument from design. TP. But it is not proved by him. A
Śāntarakşita’s argument will be discussed here in 7. Aviddhakarṇa’s intended TP is “being pre-
the light of Kamalaśīla commentary. ceded by a singular eternal omniscient being
Aviddhakarṇa’s argument: with eternal knowledge.” But the objects like
[Property bearer:] The objects under consider- palace, staircase, temple, etc., which is a part
ation such as body organs and the world, which of Aviddhakarṇa’s PB, are preceded by
are either knowable by two senses or not know- multiple non-eternal beings with limited
able by senses [Target Property:] are caused by non-eternal knowledge. Hence,
a conscious agent, because [Reason property:] Aviddhakarṇa’s RP is fallacious, being “The
they possess a specific arrangement of their con- one which contradicts the desired object”
stituents, [Positive instance:] like a pot, etc., [Neg- (işṭavighātakŗt), a kind of “Contrary RP”
ative instance] unlike atoms. (viruddha).
In this argument, Aviddhakarṇa by the expres- 8. God’s knowledge also cannot be proved to be
sion “knowable by two senses” means composite eternal, because since the objects of knowl-
material objects bigger than dyads (dvyaṇuka) and edge exist sequentially, the knowledge about
by the expression “not knowable by senses” he them also should come into existence
means dyads (dvyaṇukas). [Hereafter, the follow- sequentially.
ing abbreviations will be used: PB: Property 9. According to Śāntarakşita a pot is just
bearer, TP: Target property; RP: Reason Property; a collection (saṁghāta) of atoms and not
PI: Positive instance NI: Negative instance] a composite whole (avayavī ): and the atoms
Śāntarakşita raises the following objections of which pot is a collection are also non-
against this argument: eternal. When the potter produces a pot, he
actually produces the atoms collected in
1. The RP here is unproved because there is no a particular way. Hence “atoms” cannot be
conjunction (arrangement) of parts nor is proper NI in Aviddhakarṇa’s inference.
there any composite whole (avayavī ) 10. If the target property is “being preceded by
(according to Buddhists). something conscious” then that is desired by
2. The so-called conjunction or arrangement of Śāntarakşita because variegated character of
parts (avayavā) is not perceptible. the world is caused by volition (cetanā/
3. For both the above reasons the PI too does not karma), which is conscious. (Here,
possess the RP. Śāntarakşita is repeating one of Dharmakīrti’s
4. There cannot be common object of two sense arguments).
organs (because of momentariness).
5. As Dharmakīrti points out, the specific Having raised these objections Śāntarakşita
arrangement seen in the objects like temple says that the above objections can be raised
implies a conscious agent (or agents), but sim- mutatis mutandis against other theistic arguments
ilar arrangement is not seen in the objects like as well.
body and mountain and hence they cannot be He, however, discusses two more theistic argu-
proved to be preceded by a conscious agent. ments especially because they contain some addi-
Otherwise, even an ant-hill could be suspected tional noteworthy points. And they are the
to be a potter’s creation. Hence, this is a case of arguments by Udyotakara and Praśastamati.
dubitable nonexistence of RP in dissimilar
cases; that is, a case of dubitable negative Udyotakara’s Argument
concomitance (sandigdha-vyatireka). [PB:] Merit, demerit, and atoms [TP:] all of them
6. Śāntarakşita claims that his is not a sophistical produce their effects only when supported by
refutation (jātyuttara). It would have been so, a conscious agent. [RP:] because they stay there
186 Atheism (Buddhism)

and are active (sthitvā pravŗtti), [PI:] Like the Declaration of the thesis: The object under dis-
weaver’s stick and threads. cussion, namely, the world, has been
Here, Śāntarakşita’s main objection is against constructed by a conscious agent.
the RP, namely, “sthitvā pravŗtti.” In fact, this Reason: Because it is an effect.
particular expression is not found in Udyotakara’s Instance (with the statement of pervasion): Each
formulations in his Nyāyavārtika. But it is attrib- and every effect has been constructed by an
uted to Udyotakara by the Buddhist logicians intelligent agent just like pot.
probably with the view that it is intended or Application: And the world is an effect.
implied by him. In the Nyāya-Vaiśeşika frame- Conclusion: Therefore, it has been constructed by
work, things like weaver’s stick and threads (in a conscious agent.
the PI above) and the objects like Merit, Demerit,
and atoms (in the PB above) are all stable and yet In the above argument, Nayāyikas have tried to
functional or active in producing their effects. prove that the world is constructed by an intelligent
This is not acceptable to Śāntarakşita as agent. Having proved this, Nayāyikas further argue
a Buddhist because according to him activity that this intelligent agent must be a single, all-
implies momentariness and hence activity and pervasive, and omniscient being, and hence the
stability cannot go together. Secondly “stability same can be called God (I¯śvara).
qualified by activity” (sthitvā pravŗtti) in the While justifying the above argument
Nyāya-Vaiśeşika framework is not only the prop- Naiyāyikas try to show that the reason property
erty of the objects like merit, demerit, and atoms, (hetu-dharma), namely, “the property of being an
it is also the property of God. Hence, by applying effect,” which is used for proving the target prop-
RP to God one will have to say that God must be erty (sādhya-dharma), namely, “the property of
preceded by another conscious being and so on ad having an intelligent constructor” is faultless. In
infinitum. other words they try to prove that

Praśastamati’s Argument (a) Each premise of the argument is in fact true

Praśastamati’s argument is based on the Nyāya- and there is no doubt about it. (This excludes
Vaiśeşika belief that after the destruction when the the fallacies called asiddha (unproved reason
world is regenerated, the linguistic conventions property), viruddha (Reason property per-
for the persons born first are created by God and vaded by negation of the target property),
instructed to them. Śāntarakşita counters the argu- and Anaikāntika (inconclusive reason.)
ment by stating the Buddhist belief that the human (b) The conclusion is not falsified by a direct or
beings born in this world first come from the indirect counter-evidence. (This excludes the
Abhāsvara-Brahma-loka and hence they are fallacy called Kālātyayāpadisṭa or bādhita.
already enlightened about the word meaning rela- (“sublated target property”.)
tion; they do not need God for that; Śāntarakşita (c) There is no counter-inference which proves the
also argues against the Nyāya-Vaiśeşika belief opposite of the conclusion of this inference.
that their God being bodiless and therefore (This excludes the fallacy called
mouthless cannot give instructions to the human prakaraṇasama_ or satpratipakşa (“Availabil-
beings about word meaning relationship. ity of counter-reason”). Ratnakīrti, after refer-
ring to the Nyāya defense in this way, refers to
Ratnakīrti’s Atheistic Arguments different formulations of the argument given
Ratnakīrti in his essay “Refutation of the argu- by the Nayāyikas, namely, Śaṁkara,
ment for God” (I¯śvarasādhanadūşaṇam) [7] con- Narasiṁha, Trilocana, and Vācaspati.
siders and refutes the Nyāya arguments for the
existence of I¯śvara [8]. Ratnakīrti begins his Ratnakīrti’s main objection is against (a) above.
essay with the most common Nyāya argument It is that the premise stating the universal relation of
which runs as follows: pervasion between “being an effect” and “being
Atheism (Buddhism) 187

caused by an intelligent agent” cannot be proved Second way of knowing vyāpti: Vyāpti is
beyond doubt. According to him, the Nyāya argu- known by the specific apprehension (of the two
ment commits the fallacy called sandigdha- properties together) and non-apprehension (of the A
vipakşa-vyāvŗttikatvāt anaikāntikam (“Inconclu- reason property without the target property).
sive due to the dubitable character of the exclusion On this, Ratnakīrti asks whether the reason
of reason property from dissimilar cases”). The property (“being an effect”) has the intended
charge of this fallacy appears in the course of the vyāpti relation with the conscious being qualified
detailed criticism Ratnakīrti offers in this essay. by a perceptible body or with the one without such
The criticism contains three major sections: a qualification. If the former, then the vyāpti rela-
tion of this kind is not found in the things like tree
(a) He questions the possibility of the knowledge and mountain. Hence, such things will prove to be
of the universal pervasion (vyāpti). counter examples. If the latter, then the vyāpti
(b) He criticizes the nature of the reason property relation with such unqualified conscious being
(sādhana-svarūpa) as maintained by the cannot be established on the basis of apprehension
Naiyāyikas. and non-apprehension.
(c) He criticizes of the nature of the target property Third way of knowing vyāpti: Vyāpti is
(sādhya-svarūpa) as maintained by the known by identifying the natural relation
Naiyāyikas. (svābhāvika sambandha) known through repeated
observation. Here, Ratnakīrti refers to the claim of
They will now be considered briefly. Trilocana and Vācaspati that vyāpti_ is a natural
relation and that one grasps it through apprehen-
Can Vyāpti Be Known? sion and non-apprehension. As against this,
Ratnakīrti considers four alternative ways of Ratnakīrti points out that no natural relation is
knowing vyāpti. possible between two objects except through cau-
First way of knowing vyāpti: Vyāpti is known sation (tadutpatti). No such natural relation can be
from the evidence which negates the existence of established between effects is general and
reason property in the absence of target property a conscious cause.
(viparyaya-bādhaka-pramāṇa-balāt). Naiyāyikas Fourth way of knowing vyāpti: Vyāpti is
support this way of knowing vyāpti mainly on two known through perception of reason property in
grounds: similar cases and its non-perception in dissimilar
cases.
1. Assemblage of various causal factors and their On this, Ratnakīrti argues that simple existence
activation in the production of the concerned of reason property in similar cases and simple
effect is not possible without the conscious agent. nonexistence in dissimilar cases is not sufficient
2. Non-acceptance of intelligent agent will lead to for vyāpti. The existence should be such that it
many undesirable consequences. implies (necessitates) the existence of target prop-
erty and the nonexistence should be such that it is
Ratnakīrti answers these arguments by implied (necessitated) by the nonexistence of the
pointing out that target property. In other words, the positive and
negative concomitance (anvaya and vyatireka)
1. The assemblage and activation of causal fac- should be based on necessary relation, which is
tors follows from the very nature of these of the nature of identity or causation. In the case of
causal factors. Many times this happens with- “effect-hood” and “being caused by conscious
out a conscious agent. being” no such necessary relation is possible.
2. The undesirable consequences will apply if the
cause–effect relation between every type of The Nature of the Reason Property
effect and an intelligent agent is established. Ratnakīrti asks, what is the reason property here:
But that is itself not established. effect-hood or qualified effect-hood? Naiyāyikas
188 Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054)

propose “effect-hood” as the reason property oneness and omniscient character of the so-called
which according to them is common to all effects. maker of the world cannot be proved.
They oppose the discrimination between two
types of effect-hood, one belonging to the objects
like pot, cloth, and palace (whose maker is visible) Cross-References
and the other belonging to the objects like trees,
bodies, and mountains (who do not have visible ▶ God (Buddhism)
maker). Ratnakīrti (following Dharmakīrti) is of ▶ Materialism (Buddhism)
the opinion that effect-hood is not of only two
types but of many types. It differs from case to
case, and therefore it is not proper to jump from References
one type of effect to another. If one knows the
effect–cause relationship between pot and potter, 1. Chattopadhyaya D (1980) Indian atheism: a marxist
then in the case of a new pot one can infer that that analysis, Chapters 10–13. People’s Publishing House,
New Delhi
must be caused by a potter. But from this one 2. Lindtner C (ed & Tr) (2001) Bhavya on Mīmaṁsā;
cannot infer that another kind of effect – say Mīmaṁsā-Tattvavirṇayāvatāraḥ. The Adyar Library
a temple – must also be caused by a conscious and Resarch Centre, Chennai
agent. For inferring the latter one has to know the 3. Tripathi S (ed) (1988) Bodhicaryāvatāra of Śāntideva
with the commentary Pañjikā of Prajñākaramati. The
effect–cause relation between a temple and its Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, Chapter 9,
causes (including its architect and builder). Now, “Prajñāpāramitā”, Verses 119–126
in the case of a mountain, one has not observed 4. Wallacy VA (Tr) The Kālacakratantra: a chapter on the
such an effect–cause relation with a conscious individual together with the Vimalaprabhā. American
Institute of Buddhist Studies, Columbia University,
agent. (Here, Ratnakīrti distinguishes between New York, Chapter VII, Verses 168–170
a natural mountain and krī ḍāparvata, 5. Pandeya RC (ed) (1989) The Pramāṇavārtikam of
a mountain-like structure created artificially for Ācārya Dharmakīrti. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi,
play). So the effect-hood of mountain will not Pariccheda 1, Verses, pp 12–18
6. Shastri SD (ed) (1968) Tattvasaṅgraha of Ācārya
lead to the inference of its maker. Shāntarakşita with the commentary Pañjikā of Shri
Kamalaśīla, vol I. Bauddha Bharati, Varanasi, chapter
The Nature of the Target Property II, “Īśvaraparīkşa”
The intended nature of Naiyāyika’s target property 7. Thakur A (ed) (1975) Ratnakīrti-nibandhāvaliṇ (Bud-
dhist Nyāya works of Ratnakīrti). Kashi Prasad
in his inference for God is not just “being caused by Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna
a conscious being” but it is “being caused by 8. Patil PG (2009) Against a Hindu god: Buddhist philos-
a conscious being who is single, all-pervasive, ophy of religion in India, Chapters II & III. Columbia
omniscient, eternal, etc.,” Naiyāyikas believe that University Press, New York
these qualifications of the target property follow by
force of the property bearer of which it is supposed
to be the property (pakşadharmatābalāt). For
instance, if the intended conscious being is the Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054)
creator of the whole earth, then he must know all
the relevant details necessary for creating the whole Radha Madhav Bharadwaj
earth. The knowledge of all the relevant details Department of History, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya
amounts to omniscience. Ratnakīrti objects to this College, University of Delhi, Karampura,
kind of reasoning by pointing out that even if New Delhi, India
a creator is granted, he need not be one. Like in
the case of a bungalow there can be many makers
having only partial knowledge, there could be Synonyms
many collaborative makers of the world, each one
of them having only partial knowledge. Hence, Dipaṅkara Śrijñāna; Jo-bo-rje
Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054) 189

Definition Bodhibhadra, the head of the Nālandā University,

made him a novice (Śramaṇa) and made him wear
Atiśa was a highly respected scholar at the famous the clothes of the monk and called him Dī paṇkara A
monastic university of Vikramaśilā in Bihar who Śrijñāna. In Buddhist lore, Dī paṅkara is a highly
was invited by the Royal Lama Ye-shes-od and his revered name because it was the name of
son (king of western Tibet) during the eleventh a Buddha who came long before the historical
century A.D. to help assist in the task of restoring Buddha. Śrijñāna was added to his name as he
the true observance of Buddhist monastic life was expected to become a scholar ([3],
there which was getting corrupted due to the pp. 200–201). Bodhibhadra later put him under
influence of the esoteric tantric practices. the tutorship of his own preceptor Advayavajra, or
Avdhūtipāda, where he thoroughly studied the
scriptures till the age of 18 years. From here he
Life and Thought went to study at Vikramaśilā for 11 years. He then
studied Vinaya doctrines from Śīlarakṣita at the
This is the name the Tibetans respectfully gave to Vajrāsana monastery for 2 years. He also studied
Ācārya Dī paṅkara Śrijñāna- Jo-Bo-Rje Pal Dan under Dharmapāla of Sumatra for 12 years who
Atiśa (Swami Śri Atiśaya or merely Atiśa – the initiated him into the mysteries of Tantra and
“noble lord”) in recognition of his contribution to other scriptures ([3], pp. 201–203). It is also said
the restoration of the Buddhist monastic life in that he visited northwest India and the valley of
Tibet, during the eleventh century A.D., which the Swat in quest of knowledge ([2], p. xvi).
suffered a century and half of suppression and From 1034–1038, he taught at the University
persecution from c. A.D. 836. Although, the of Vikramaśilā and earned great reputation as
monks returned to the monasteries but the practise a scholar and teacher. He was made chief among
of Tantrayana (“Swift path”) or Vajrayāna (the the 51 scholars and was one of the eight great
“indestructible vehicle”- a devotional and mystical Sthavirs (the Elders). It was his popularity as
system whose subtle elements being clothed in a teacher that reached the ears of Jñānaprabha
sexual imagery lent itself to misuse by the who sent an invitation to Atiśa to come over to
unguided) made Jñānaprabha, the royal monk of Tibet but could not succeed and ultimately died
western Tibet painful and restless. He sent a mis- searching for gold to finance the mission to bring
sion to invite the scholar saint Atisa for assisting in Atiśa to his country. When Atiśa came to know
the task of restoring the true observance of monas- about the suffering of Jñānaprabha, he accepted
tic life in Tibet ([2], pp. xvii–xviii). the invitation of his son Bodhiprabha (Byang-
Atiśa was born in a royal family which was in chub-od), the king who received him in Gu-ge
the vicinity of the famed monastic university of (western Tibet) in 1042 A.D. According to
Vikramasila in 982 A.D. His father’s name was Snellgrove, Atiśa came to Gu-ge during the reign
Kalyāṇa Śri who was a king of a nearby kingdom of king Od-lde and he finally agreed to come to
and mother’s name was Padmāvatī. He was his Tibet because of the self-sacrifice of his aging
parent’s second son and was called by the name grandfather, the Royal Lama Ye-Shes-od (it was
Chandragarbha. There has raged a futile contro- perhaps he who had assumed the nickname of
versy whether he was born in Bengal or Bihar but Jñānaprabha – “radiance of wisdom”). His orig-
the authoritative Tibetan sources established that inal name was Srong-nge, who had adopted the
he was born near Bhagalpur in Bihar ([3], p. 199). religious name of Lha-Lama (Royal Lama) and
By the age of 11, he had learnt grammar and once Ye-shes-od (wisdom’s light), who was
went visiting the grammarian Jitāri, who lived the languishing in enemy captivity. It seems that Od-
life of an ascetic in a forest in the vicinity of lde was only the coruler along with his father lHa-
Vikramaśilā, who advised him to go to the monas- lde, who was the reigning king of western Tibet at
tic University of Nālandā, but since he could be that time ([4], pp. 471–480). Atiśa’s coming to
ordained only after 20 years of age, Ācārya Tibet marked the revival of the Buddhist monastic
190 Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054)

life in Tibet and is known as the “second spread” Vajrayana) into one for a harmonious spiritual
(phyi-dar) of the religion that had first come to development. They, for the first time, presented
their land during the seventh and eighth centuries a synthesized relationship between Buddhism’s
A.D. with the Buddhist influence that came along essential monastic basis and the compassionate
with the coming of the Chinese and Nepalese Bodhisattva’s (Buddha to be) high flowering
Buddhist wives of the great Tibetan emperor in the true mystical expression of Tantra
Srang-brtsan sagm-po and the Indian masters ([2], p. xv).
Padmasambhava, Śāntarakṣita, and Kamalśīla. He has laid the foundation of Buddhist reli-
He lived in Tibet for 13 years beginning with gious culture by making wide use of the texts
the monastery of Tho-ling, where he stayed for 9 (Sūtras pertaining to Mahāyāna School) with par-
months and translated Sanskrit works into Tibetan ticular stress on the doctrine of emptiness by
and wrote his famous book, the Bodhipatha- Nāgārjuna (for theory), Asaṅga (for practice of
Pradī pa (Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment), monastic life, spirit of compassion, meditation,
in 68 verses and its commentary. His devoted and perfections), and Śāntideva (for combined
disciple Don-ton-pa met him at Purang (Spu- theory and practice according to Mādhyamika
Rans) in 1044 A.D. and who also wrote his biog- theory of emptiness). Apart from these theorists,
raphy Guruguṇadharmakara. He stayed for 4 he has also quoted and paid respect to the past
years in central Tibet and 6 years in Ne-Than. masters like Guru Bodhibhadra and
He traveled to bSam-yas Vihara, the first monas- Suvarṇadvī pa, Mañjughoṣ, Vasubandhu,
tery founded by Śāntarakṣita in the eighth century Jñānakī rti, Candragomin, Śāntarakṣita,
A.D., and was surprised to see such books in its Sāriputra, Maitreyanātha, Aśvaghoṣ, and Upāli
library which he had not seen in the monastic for authenticating and making his teaching inter-
libraries in India also. In 1051 A.D., he wrote esting ([2], pp. 1–179).
the commentary on the Kālacakra at Yer-va ([3], The Lamp for the path to Enlightenment and its
pp. 209–210). commentary and the Key Texts became the cur-
He wrote some other books also like riculum for training and learning in Tibet’s first
Ratnākarandodghata and Mahāsūtrasamuccaya distinctive religious order, the Bka’-gdmas-pa,
([5], p. 224). He also retouched the translation of reformed to Gelug-pa, the sect to which the offices
Vādanyāya into Tibetan with the Tibetan monk of the Dalai Lamas have belonged. They are con-
Dar-ma-grags, which was earlier translated into cise and comprehensive manuals that gave birth to
Tibetan by Jñāna-śrī-bhadra and Dge-wahi-blo- a new genre of Tibetan literature called the Lam-
gros, and he also prepared the version of the rim (“Steps of the Graded Path to Enlighten-
Pramāṇa-vārttikālaṃkāra-ṭīkā, a sub- ment”) which organizes the path to Buddhahood
commentary on the commentary of Dharmakirti’s for people with three kinds of motivations: the
Pramāṇavārttika by Prajñākara Gupta, lowest grade people with the intentions of name
a professor at the famous Buddhist university of and wealth; the middling with a desire for eman-
Nālandā, with the Tibetan interpreter Byan-chub-śes- cipation from life and death, and the highest who
rab of Shan-shun ([6], pp. 117, 137). He passed see all sufferings as their own and wish for the
away in 1054 at Nye-Than and his relics are in Mahāyāna goal of perfect Buddhahood for the
a temple near the confluence of a small river and benefit of all ([7], p. 268).
the Brahmaputra and have been deified under his In brief, it can be said that Atiśa’s 13 years of
Tibetan name there ([1], pp. 168–169). But it were stay in Tibet provided a new lease of life and spirit
his texts Lamp for the path to Enlightenment and in Buddhism there because of his originality in
the Twenty-five Key Texts (forming part of the presenting an integrated and balanced view of the
Tanjur Collection called the Hundred Root Texts) central teachings of various Buddhist paths, with
that provide an insight about the uniqueness of his special emphasis on the monastic rule of celibacy
contribution that presented a blend of Buddhism's for the monks, which even today form the basis of
three systems (Hinayana, Mahayana and Tibetan religious life and culture.
Aurangabad 191

Cross-References
Attaghāta
▶ Vikramaśilā A
▶ Suicide (Buddhism)

References

1. Dutt S (1987) Buddhist education. In: Bapat PV (ed) Attavadha

2500 years of Buddhism. Publications Division, Gov-
ernment of India, New Delhi
2. Richard Sherburne SJ (2003) The complete works of ▶ Suicide (Buddhism)
Atiśa Śri Dīpaṇkara Jñāna, Jo-Bo-Rje. Aditya
Prakashana, New Delhi
3. Sāṅkṛtyāyana R (1987) Some great Buddhists after
Aśoka: in Tibet. In: Bapat PV (ed) 2500 years of Bud-
dhism. Publications Division, Government of India, Atthakathā Sāhitya
New Delhi ˙˙
4. Snellgrove DL (1987) Indo-Tibetan Buddhism-Indian ▶ Commentarial Literature
Buddhists and their Tibetan successors. Serindia,
London
5. Takasaki JN (1987) Some great Buddhists after
Aśoka. In: Bapat PV (ed) 2500 years of Buddhism.
Publications Division, Government of India, Atthaśı̄la
New Delhi ˙˙
6. Vidyabhushana SC (1977) History of the medieval
school of Indian logic, 2nd edn. Orient Books Reprint ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Corporation, New Delhi
7. Williams P (1997) ‘Lam-rim’ in Hinnels. In:
John R (ed) Dictionary of religions. Penguin Books,
London
Aurangabad

Claudine Bautze-Picron
Ātmaghāta Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’,
▶ Suicide (Buddhism) Paris, France

Ātman Synonyms

▶ Jīva (Jainism) Auraṅgābād

▶ Self (Jainism)

Definition
Ātmavadha Buddhist excavated site located in Maharashtra.

▶ Suicide (Buddhism) The caves located north of Aurangabad, Maharash-

tra (lat. 19
520 N.; long. 75
170 E.), form a small
but important group of monuments distributed in
Attaghañña three groups. The site was occupied in the first
centuries of our era when a caityagṛha or sanctuary
▶ Suicide (Buddhism) (cave 4) was excavated. The first two groups,
192 Aurangabad

respectively, caves 1–5 and 6–9, have nine caves

open to the East where all, apart from cave 4,
were probably realized in the course of the sixth
century, whereas the caves of the third group are of
smaller size and remained unfinished. The second
group includes, moreover, an unnumbered “Brah-
manical cave” excavated near cave 6. Through its
architecture, its iconography, and the style of its
sculptures, the site breaks with what was hitherto
observed at Ajaṇṭā ([3], [4], pp. 385–392; [5],
pp. 225–236).

The Early Period, Cave 4

This only apsidal sanctuary of the site is very

badly damaged; all octagonal pillars collapsed in
the course of time; only fragments of two of them
were still recovered and those standing today were
all constructed in the twentieth century ([7],
p. 180); its façade is open and was most probably
closed by a wooden screen. In the absence of any
inscription or any other excavated monuments,
a precise dating remains impossible and the mon-
ument has been broadly dated from the beginning Aurangabad, Fig. 1 Cave 4 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
of our era ([2], p. 41) to the third century A.D. ([7],
p. 180). False beams and rafters have been to this period at Aurangabad, and the dwelling
sculpted under the vault, replacing thus the places were most probably built in wood in the
wooden beams introduced in early caityagṛhas vicinity of this sanctuary (Fig. 1).
(“house of the caitya”) in sites like Ajaṇṭā,
Bhājā, Bedsa, or Kārlī, for instance; they rest on
an entablature adorned with high blind rectangu- Fifth–Sixth Centuries, Architecture
lar niches which support a railing or vedikā above
which are carved horseshoe-shaped blind win- Work restarted in the sixth century, even perhaps
dows adorned with the motif of the portico or already toward the end of the fifth century, in the
toraṇa. Such an ornamentation is not encountered wave of patronage initiated by the court of
elsewhere but reminds of the façade of cave 9 in the Vākāṭakas at Ajaṇṭā ([2], p. 41). Cave 3, the
Ajaṇṭā. The caitya is also badly damaged but main cave in the first group, preserved with some
shows a high plinth or medhi supporting the bul- adjustments the ground plan of the dwelling
bous hemispheric part which is surmounted by an places of Ajaṇṭā, that is, cells are distributed
elaborated harmikā or pavilion made of a square around a central square pillared hall and a shrine
railing which supports an inverted stepped pyra- with the image of the Buddha preaching has been
mid, an ornamentation practically generalized in dug in the rear wall. However, no veranda stands
the region in that period. The bulbous outline is in front of the cave.
also a rather typical form in Junnar. This could A great change in architecture has been initi-
allow suggesting a date in the second or the third ated in Aurangabad with the introduction of a new
century A.D. No other monument can be ascribed type of ground plan where the shrine is no more
Aurangabad 193

Aurangabad, Fig. 2 Cave 2, courtyard and front pillars (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

excavated in the rear wall of the monastery but is Ornamentation

at the center of the structure with monastic cells
being excavated in the sidewalls, which is also Pillars like those of cave 3 and the veranda of
noted in cave 8 at Ellora. A simple model is cave 1 are carved with extreme care and great
illustrated in cave 2: the shrine is freestanding in attention paid to small details and are close to
the cave which is at a slightly higher level than the those standing in some monuments (1 or 2, for
courtyard in front of it and with a façade supported instance) at Ajaṇṭā. Those of caves 2, 6, and 7
by two square pillars and two pilasters (Fig. 2). show a more decent structure, being of a square
The ground plan is more elaborated in caves 6 section with a hexadecagonal tightening at mid-
and 7 where cells are distributed in the sidewalls. height or toward the top of the pillar; a very
Both caves are larger than cave 2: four square delicate ornamentation partly covers them, intro-
pillars and two pilasters support a plain entablature; ducing large lotus medallions adorned with the
moreover, cave 7 has a veranda which isolates the couple, a motif already encountered at Ajaṇṭā.
shrine and its circumambulation path, whereas the The frame of the entrance to the shrines is made
shrine of cave 6 has an antechamber supported by of a series of concentric usually plain bands of
two pillars and two pilasters. progressively increasing depths without, thus,
Some monuments have been excavated the rich and abundant ornamentation noted in
widthwise (caves 1 and 9), which vaguely remind Ajaṇṭā. Male doorkeepers, nāgarājas, or
of cave 8 in Ellora without, however, the monastic the two treasurers of the conch and the lotus
cells. Cave 1 was left unfinished; only the pillars (śaṅkha- and padmaniddhis), can be seen stand-
of the now collapsed porch and those of the ing or seated at the bottom of the doorjambs.
veranda were carved, beside some panels on the Lintels are usually adorned with a series of min-
sidewalls and those of the veranda illustrating, for iature temples having images of the Buddha
instance, the Buddhas of the past (Figs. 3 and 4). (Figs. 5 and 6).
194 Aurangabad

Aurangabad, Fig. 3 Ground plans of caves 1–5 (After: Brancaccio, Pia (2000) The Buddhist Caves at Aurangabad: The
Impact of the Laity. Ars Orientalis 30: Fig. 1)

Aurangabad, Fig. 4 Ground plans of caves 6–9 (After: Brancaccio, Pia (2000) The Buddhist Caves at Aurangabad: The
Impact of the Laity. Ars Orientalis 30: Fig. 2)

Iconography images are carved in alto-relievo in the shrines or

in low relief in so-called intrusive panels
The main image of the Buddha at Aurangabad introduced on the walls of some caves, for
shows him preaching and seated in the so-called instance, cave 2. The presence of images of
European manner on a very elaborate royal throne the Buddha shown respectively teaching and
where superimposed animals, real or fantastic, meditating in the two small shrines dug in the
refer to the four elements (elephants = earth; back wall of cave 6 introduces a new esoteric
lion/leogryph = fire; makaras or aquatic fantastic dimension to Buddhist iconography which finds
creatures = water; haṃsas or geese = air); such its way in Ellora (cave 12) or Nasik. These images
Aurangabad 195

Aurangabad, Fig. 5 Cave 3, pillared hall (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

probably illustrate indeed the two aspects of

Vairocana, a supreme aspect of Śākyamuni,
which are located at the center of two complemen-
tary maṇḍalas [6].
Topics which were very much present at Ajaṇṭā
can appear in a secondary position, such as the seven
Buddhas of the past, seen on the left wall outside the
veranda of cave 1; whereas at Ajaṇṭā they are accom-
panied by Maitreya, Buddha of the future, two
Bodhisattvas holding a fly whisk flank here the
group. Being partly damaged, these Bodhisattvas
remain difficult to identify, one, at our left,
being probably Avalokiteśvara who holds the stalk
of a broken flower, probably the padma. One jātaka,
the Sutasoma jātaka, has been carved on the entab-
lature of the front row of the pillars in cave 3,
reflecting thus the tradition of illustrating these pre-
vious lives of the Buddha present in Buddhist art
since the earliest times and reminding of the ele-
gantly painted depictions of jātakas at Ajaṇṭā
(Fig. 7).
The image of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara
protecting his devotees from dangers encountered
while traveling and which is a common topic at
Aurangabad, Fig. 6 Cave 7, entrance to the shrine Ajaṇṭā is here seen on the façade of cave 7. These
(Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) dangerous situations usually amount to eight: they
196 Aurangabad

Aurangabad, Fig. 7 Cave 1, façade with depiction of the Buddhas of the past on the left wall outside the monument
(Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

show devotees’ encounters with an elephant, testimony in the seventh century ([1], p. 77).
a lion, a snake, a fire, a shipwreck, and bandits This iconography relates also to the four tall
or being threatened with jail or with death, and are Bodhisattvas painted in cave 1 at Ajaṇṭā on either
depicted around the central image of the Bodhi- side of the entrances to the antechamber and to the
sattva, whose help is sought for. This iconography shrine (Fig. 9).
illustrates a major aspect of the Bodhisattva’s The iconography of Aurangabad reflects
personality: whoever venerates him, calls his a radical turn in Buddhist religious thought
name, will receive his immense protection through the overwhelming presence of female
(Fig. 8). characters in cave 7: two large groups flank the
Large-size Bodhisattvas are carved in alto- entrance where one central tall figure is flanked by
relievo on the rear wall of the veranda of cave 7, small attendants and male and female dwarfs.
flanking thus the door to the circumambulation Another group of six standing women flanked by
passage; similar ones appear in caves 2 and 6 Maitreya and the Buddha is carved in the left
flanking the entrance to the shrine or stand on shrine in the veranda, facing another shrine
either side of the Buddha image in the shrines of where Hārītī and Pāñcika are seen. Whereas the
caves 3, 6, or 7. Their identification is not always presence of this couple symbolizing fertility and
evident, but they appear to be in a number of cases richness constitutes a reminder of the iconography
Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya, announcing thus observed at Ajaṇṭā, the group in the left shrine
a triad also present at Ellora and which would let very clearly marks a rupture in Buddhist iconog-
surmise the upcoming importance of Bodhgaya in raphy, being perhaps related to the concept of the
the field of iconography since this pair of Bodhi- Buddhas of the past (Figs. 10 and 11).
sattvas used to be standing in niches in front of the The presence of such groups, carved with
Bodhi Mandir, as we know from Xuanzang’s a deep sense for the volume, with the
Aurangabad 197

Aurangabad, Fig. 8 Cave 7, rear wall of the veranda showing, left to the entrance, Avalokiteśvara as protector (Photo #
Joachim K. Bautze)

Aurangabad, Fig. 9 Cave 2, view of the shrine with the two Bodhisattvas and the sidewalls bearing intrusive panels
with images of the Buddha (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
198 Aurangabad

Aurangabad, Fig. 10 Cave 7, veranda, left shrine, female deities with Maitreya (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Aurangabad, Fig. 11 Cave 7, veranda, right shrine, Hārītī and Pāñcika (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
Aurangabad 199

characters practically freeing themselves from

the plain background and a steady hand for
voluptuous and curved lines, clearly reflects A
esoteric tendencies which were arising within
Buddhism and led to the carving of a large
group of female images in the antechamber of
cave 12 at Ellora around 700 A.D. The shrine
of cave 7 includes likewise a divine couple,
perhaps Avalokiteśvara and the Tārā, facing
a scene of veneration of the Buddha by
a female dancer accompanied by female musi-
cians (Figs. 12 and 13).
Aurangabad is a major site where a radical
rupture took place, opening the way to esoteric
Buddhism: the accent is not put anymore on the
sole personality of the Buddha Śākyamuni, but
rather on his supramundane nature, and the Bud-
dhist pantheon includes female as well as male
characters. It is also within this frame that one
should understand the existence of the so-called
Brahmanical cave near cave 6 and which
includes images of Gaṇeśa, Durgā, or the
Mothers, accompanied by Śiva; most gods and
goddesses of the Hindu pantheon are indeed
included in the outer field of Buddhist maṇḍalas
Aurangabad, Fig. 12 Cave 7, panel at the right of the
(Fig. 14).
entrance to the shrine (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Aurangabad, Fig. 13 Cave 7, scene of dance and music within the shrine (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
200 Auraṅgābād

Aurangabad, Fig. 14 View of the second group of caves (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Cross-References 4. Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The cave temples of

India. W.H. Allen, London
5. Gupte RS, Mahajan BD (1962) Ajanta, Ellora and
▶ Ajaṇṭā Aurangabad caves, Bombay
▶ Avalokiteśvara 6. Huntington JC (1981) Cave six at Aurangabad:
▶ Bedsa a Tantrayāna monument? In: Williams JG (ed)
▶ Bhājā Kalādarśana, American Studies in the art of India.
Oxford & IBH/American Institute of Indian Studies,
▶ Bodhgayā New Delhi/Bombay/Calcutta, pp 47–55
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni 7. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
▶ Ellora Calcutta
▶ Junnar
▶ Kārlī

Auraṅgābād
References
▶ Aurangabad
1. Bautze-Picron C (2010) The bejewelled Buddha from
India to Burma, new considerations. Sanctum Books/
Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern
India, New Delhi/Kolkata
2. Brancaccio P (2000) The Buddhist caves at Auranga-
bad: the impact of the laity. Ars Orient 30:41–50 Austerities
3. Brancaccio P (2010) The Buddhist caves at Auranga-
bad: transformation in art and religion. Brill, Leiden/
Boston ▶ Asceticism (Buddhism)
Avalokiteśvara 201

Śiva (in Śaivism) and Kṛṣṇa (in Vaiṣṇavism) as

Avalokita ī śvara being the Supreme Lord, Creator, and
Ruler of the world. In the process of acculturation A
▶ Avalokiteśvara and assimilation, some of the attributes of such
a god were transferred to the bodhisattva (see [13],
pp. 30–31, 37–52). Now the name Avalokiteśvara
is variously interpreted as “the lord who descends,”
Avalokiteśvara “he who is enabled to reach the highest understand-
ing,” “master of (inner) light i.e., enlightenment,”
K. T. S. Sarao “the lord who looks in every direction,” “the lord of
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of what we see” (i.e., the actual, created world), “With
Delhi, Delhi, India a Pitying Look,” “Lord of the World,” and “He
Who Looks with the Eyes.”
Avalokiteśvara is depicted and portrayed in
different cultures as either male or female. In
Synonyms
Tibet, he is known as Chenrezig/ Jänräsig [jän
(eye)+rä (continuity)+sig (to look)] which
Avalokita; Chenrezig; Guanyin; Gwaneum;
means “the one who always looks upon all beings
Gwanseeum-bosal; Kannon; Kanzeon Bōsatsu;
(with the eye of compassion)” ([2], p. 15). As
Kuanyin; Kuze Kannon; Lokanāt; Lokeśvara;
Chenrezig, he is the Four-Armed male
Nāthadeva
Avalokiteśvara, with two hands in the praying
gesture while the other two hands hold his sym-
bols, the Crystal Rosary and the Lotus Flower. His
Definition female consort is the goddess Dolma (Tārā). In
China he has been transformed into the female
One of the most widely revered bodhisattvas in deity Guanyin. In Japan and Korea he is known
Buddhism. as Kannon and Gwaneum (or Gwanseeum-bosal)
respectively. He is the only Mahāyāna Buddhist
Avalokiteśvara is one of the most popular bodhi- deity commonly worshipped in Theravāda.
sattvas in Buddhism. The word Avalokiteśvara is Avalokiteśvara is popularly worshiped in Thailand,
made of ava [verbal prefix (“down”)]+lokita [past where he is called Lokeśvara and Myanmar, where
participle of the verb lok (“to notice, observe”)] he is called Lokanāt. Sri Lankans worship him as
+ī śvara (“lord”, “master,” “ruler”) which means Nāthadeva (often mistakenly confusing with the
“the lord who gazes down (at the world” (see [13], future buddha Maitreya) (see [12], p. 151).
pp. 52–54, 57). It has been suggested that its Avalokiteśvara is a personification of infinite
original form was Avalokitaśvara (see [3], compassion and mercy, key virtues of Buddhism.
pp. 189–190) with the ending a-śvara (“sound, Avalokiteśvara’s skilful means are never ending
noise”), which means “sound perceiver”, literally and he has the ability to assume any form to
“he who looks down upon sound” (i.e., the cries of relieve the suffering of the sentient beings. He
sentient beings who need his help; a-śvara can be quintessentially epitomizes the bodhisattva’s res-
glossed as ahr-śvara, “sound of lamentation”) olution to postpone his own buddhahood until he
(see [10], pp. 44–45; [13], pp. 52–57). The orig- has facilitated liberation of each and every being
inal meaning of the name fits the Buddhist under- in any form in any of the six realms of existence
standing of the role of a bodhisattva. The (hell beings, pretas, animals, humans, asuras, and
reinterpretation presenting him as an ī śvara indi- devas). Consequently, he descends to each of
cates a strong influence of Brāhmaṇical-Hindu- these realms to help those who suffer there.
ism, as the term ī śvara was ordinarily related to Chapter 25 of the Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka Sūtra
the Brāhmaṇical-Hindu notion of gods such as that often circulates separately as an independent
202 Avidyā

sūtra, called the Avalokiteśvara Sūtra, is generally through the northern Buddhist countries. Clarendon,
accepted to be the earliest literature describing the Oxford
7. Holt J (1991) Buddha in the Crown: Avalokiteśvara in
virtues and doctrines of Avalokiteśvara. The the Buddhist traditions of Sri Lanka. Oxford Univer-
Avalokiteśvara Sūtra was amalgamated into the sity Press, New York
Saddharmapuṇnarī ka Sūtra (Lotus Sutra) around 8. Huntington J, Bangdel D (2003) The circle of bliss:
the third century of the Common Era ([1], p. 15; Buddhist meditational art. Serindia Publications,
Chicago
[8], p. 188). 9. McDermott JP (1999) Buddha in the Crown:
One prominent Buddhist legend tells that once Avalokiteśvara in the Buddhist traditions of Sri
on finding out that the number of suffering beings Lanka. J Am Orient Soc 119(1):195
yet to be saved is overwhelmingly enormous, his 10. Pine R (ed) (2004) The heart sutra: the womb of the
Buddhas. Counterpoint, Berkeley
head split into eleven pieces. Amitābha Buddha, 11. Shangpa Rinpoche, Ārya Avalokiteśvara and the six
seeing his plight, caused each of these pieces to syllable mantra. Dhagpo Kagyu Ling. www.dhagpo-
become a whole head with which to hear the cries kagyu-ling.org. Retrieved 12 Dec 2014
of the suffering. Upon hearing these cries and 12. Skilton A (2004) A concise history of Buddhism,
2nd edn. Windhorse Publications, Cambridge, UK
comprehending them, Avalokiteśvara attempts to 13. Studholme A (2002) The origins of Oṃ Maṇipadme
reach out to all those who needed aid, but found Hūṃ: a study of the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra. University
that his two arms shattered into pieces. Once more, of New York Press, Albany
Amitābha Buddha comes to his aid and invests him 14. Tsugunari K, Akira Y (trans) (2007) The Lotus Sūtra,
2nd rev edn. Numata Center for Buddhist Translation
with a thousand arms with eyes on the palms of and Research, Berkeley
each hand (Thousand-Armed Avalokiteśvara 15. Yü C-f (2001) Kuan-Yin: the Chinese transformation
Bodhisattva). Consequently, the thousand eyes of Avalokiteśvara. Columbia University Press,
allowed him to see the sufferings of sentient beings, New York
and the thousand hands allowed him to reach out to
help the suffering multitudes [11].

Avidyā
Cross-References
▶ Avijjā
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Mahāyāna
▶ Saddharmapuṇḍrīka Sūtra
▶ Tārā (Buddhism)
▶ Theravāda Avihimsā
˙
▶ Ahiṃsā (Buddhism)
References

1. Baroni H (2002) The illustrated encyclopedia of Zen

Buddhism. Rosen Publishing Group, New York
2. Bokar R (1991) Chenrezig Lord of love: principles and Avijjā
methods of deity meditation. Clearpoint Press,
San Francisco Bhikkhu Anālayo
3. Chandra L (1984) The origin of Avalokiteśvara.
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
Indologica Taurinenaia (Int Assoc Sanskrit Stud)
XIII (1985–1986):189–190, Retrieved 26 July 2014 Hamburg, Balve, Germany
4. Chandra L (1988) The thousand-armed
Avalokiteśvara, vol 1. Abhinav Publications, Delhi
5. Ducor J (2010) Le regard de Kannon. Musée
d’ethnographie de Genève, Genève
Synonyms
6. Getty A (1914) The gods of northern Buddhism: their
history, iconography and progressive evolution Avidyā (Sanskrit); Ignorance
Avijjā 203

Definition • The cessation of dukkha

• The path that leads to the cessation of dukkha
According to the early Buddhist analysis of reality, A
avijjā or ignorance is the root cause of the human A discourse in the Saṃyukta-āgama preserved
predicament. Such ignorance is defined as a lack of in Chinese translation indicates that this fourfold
understanding the four noble truths, wherefore liv- presentation parallels an ancient Indian medical
ing beings continue being subject to defilements scheme, according to which a capable doctor
and hence to endless existence in saṃsāra. should be able to identify a disease, to diagnose
its cause, to know the appropriate medicine, and to
administer the actual cure until the disease is cured
Ignorance (Taishō 2.105a25).
Applied to the present context, according to the
In the context of the standard presentation of depen- diagnostic scheme of the four noble truths avijjā
dent arising, paṭicca samuppāda, one of the core manifests in the failure to see that one’s own craving
teachings of early Buddhism, avijjā has the dubita- is the “virus” responsible for the arising of dukkha.
ble honor of standing in the first place of a series of This presentation shifts responsibility squarely back
twelve links. This positioning shows up ignorance on the individual, in that whatever unpleasantness is
as the fundamental factor responsible for all mani- experienced, it invariably builds on the subjective
festations of dukkha – a term whose meaning ranges participation by way of craving of the one who
from barely noticeable dissatisfaction to outright suffers. Precisely this subjective participation is
suffering as inherent features of human existence. mostly ignored. Yet, it is precisely because of this
Iconographic presentations of the twelve links element of subjective participation that something
tend to depict avijjā as a blind person. In other can be done about it, since eradicating craving and
words, ignorance quite literally blinds, preventing removing ignorance will alleviate dukkha in the
a vision of reality as it really is. Hence avijjā is simply present and forestall dukkha in the future.
a mass of darkness ([1], Vol. V, p. 226), comparable The operating mechanism of avijjā responsible
to a dense thicket ([1], Vol. III, p. 109) or to an for such subjective participation can take various
eggshell that needs to be broken ([2], Vol. IV, p. 176). forms; hence the early Buddhist analysis of the
Avijjā, standing as it does at the beginning of mind includes ignorance in several listings of
a conditioned chain that leads to the arising of obstructive or detrimental states. One of these
dukkha, is itself without a discernable beginning. listings draws attention to the āsavas, the
No point in the past can be discerned at which “influxes” or “taints” that exert their defiling influ-
living beings were free from ignorance ([2], Vol. ence on the minds of living beings. Usually occur-
V, p. 113). Although no beginning can be found, ring as a set of three, with sometimes the influx of
an end to ignorance can be achieved. The solution views added as a fourth, the standard listing
lies in cultivating its opposite: vijjā, the type of speaks of the influxes of sensuality, of (desire for
“knowledge” that leads to liberation. continued) existence, and of ignorance,
According to the standard definition provided kāmāsava, bhavāsava, avijjāsava.
in the early Buddhist discourses, avijjā is in par- The relationship between the influxes and
ticular a lack of insight into the four noble truths ignorance is such that ignorance arises due to the
([3], Vol. I, p. 54), a central teaching of early influxes and the influxes arise due to ignorance
Buddhism, and the topic of what tradition reckons ([3], Vol. I, p. 54). As one of the influxes is the
to have been the first discourse delivered by the influx of ignorance, this reciprocal conditioning
Buddha after his awakening. These four noble between the influxes and ignorance involves some
truths are concerned with: degree of circularity. In other words, the influx of
ignorance is responsible for ignorance and igno-
• The scope of dukkha rance is responsible for the influx of ignorance.
• The arising of dukkha The point of this presentation would be to reveal
204 Avijjā

the tendency of ignorance to perpetuate itself, in since avijjā is the root of all unwholesome states
the sense that the influx of ignorance represents ([1], Vol. II, p. 263), comparable in its function to
the habitual tendency of the common worldling to the roof peak of a house in relation to the rafters, the
ignore the true nature of reality, a habit kept alive five hindrances can also be considered manifesta-
by its own effects, ignorant thought and action. tions of ignorance, being its “rafters,” so to say.
The conditioning force of ignorance is Elsewhere the five hindrances are reckoned as that
highlighted in the standard descriptions of depen- which “nourishes” ignorance ([2], Vol. V, p. 113),
dent arising, paṭicca samuppāda, where ignorance a presentation that again brings up the theme of
forms the condition for volitional formations, circularity mentioned above. That is, avijjā stands
saṅkhārā. In this context, saṅkhārā represents in at the root of the five hindrances, and these five in
particular those volitional decisions that, being turn promote the continuity of ignorance.
under the influence of ignorance, are responsible Ignorance is also one of the ten saṃyojanas,
for unwholesome words, deeds, and thoughts. the “fetters” that bind beings to continued exis-
Another category in which avijjā makes its tence in saṃsāra. With progress through the four
appearance is concerned with the anusayas, the levels of awakening recognized in early Bud-
“underlying tendencies” due to which the mental dhism, these fetters are gradually overcome.
reactions of unawakened beings “tend” toward Here, the fetter of ignorance belongs to a set of
what is unwholesome and defiled, or at least five fetters – together with craving for fine-
“tend” to have a skewed vision of reality. material states, craving for immaterial states, con-
A standard set of seven such anusayas covers ceit, and restlessness – that are only left behind
sensual desire, irritation, views, doubt, conceit, with the attainment of the highest level of awak-
lust for existence, and ignorance. ening, arahantship. In other words, although igno-
The last of these seven, the underlying ten- rance in its grosser forms needs to be overcome in
dency to ignorance, avijjānusaya, can manifest order to set out on the path to liberation at all, in its
in relation to neutral feelings ([3], Vol. I, p. 303). finer and more subtle manifestations avijjā con-
When experience is neither so pleasant as to call tinues to make its deluding influence felt all the
up desire nor so unpleasant as to trigger aversion, way up to full awakening. The eradication of
it nevertheless “tends” to ignorance as long as the ignorance thus takes place gradually.
true nature of this experience is not seen with In sum, from an early Buddhist perspective
knowledge and wisdom ([3], Vol. III, p. 285). avijjā is the foremost stain, and one who is
Here, it is in particular the impermanent nature purified from this stain becomes stainless indeed
of such neutral feelings that requires close atten- ([6], 243).
tion. In fact, contemplating the changing nature of
all conditioned phenomena is the way to eradicat-
ing ignorance ([4], p. 81). Cross-References
Avijjā is also reckoned a hindrance, nī varaṇa,
in that it is due to the hindering influence of ▶ Insight
ignorance that living beings, fettered by craving ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
and delight, continue revolving in the cycle of ▶ Paññā
rebirth ([3], Vol. I, p. 294). In this way, the ▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda
whole world is shrouded in ignorance ([5], 1033). ▶ Wisdom
The hindrance of ignorance does not form part
of the standard enumeration of the five hin-
drances, however, which is more specifically References
concerned with mental qualities that “hinder” the
1. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
gaining of deeper concentration and insight. Pali Text Society, Oxford
These are sensual desire, ill will, sloth-and-torpor, 2. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
restlessness-and-worry, and doubt. Nevertheless, Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Ayodhyā (Buddhism) 205

3. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The According to the Sāratthappakāsinī ,

Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Saṃyutta
4. Windisch E (ed) (1889) Itivuttaka. Pali Text Society,
London Nikāya, the people of Ayojjhā constructed A
5. Andersen D, Smith H (ed) (1913) The Sutta-nipāta. Pali a monastery (vihāra) at a spot close to a curve of
Text Society, London (references are by stanza) the river that flowed by this city ([10], ii.320).
6. von Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) The Strangely, Ayojjhā is mentioned in the Pāli texts
Dhammapada. Pali Text Society, London (references
are by stanza) as having been situated on the bank of the Gaṅgā
7. Matilal BK (1980) Ignorance of misconception? A note ([5], iii.140; iv.179) whereas the well-known
on Avidyā in Buddhism. In: Balasooriya S (ed) Ayodhyā was situated on the Sarayū. It seems
Buddhist studies in honour of Walpola Rahula. Fraser, this confusion has arisen from some unintelligent
London, pp 154–164
tradition ([6], I.165).
Interestingly, according to the Dasaratha
Jātaka, Lord Rāma, son of King Dasaratha, was
Ayodhyā (Buddhism) born in Vārāṇasī (not Ayodhyā, as in many other
versions of the Rāmāyaṇa) and subsequently
K. T. S. Sarao ruled from there. If the Dasaratha Jātaka were
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of the oldest version of the story of Rāma, then one
Delhi, Delhi, India implication of this argument could be that when
Ayodhyā came into prominence as an urban cen-
ter, the story of Rāma may have been grafted on to
this place. Such a thing is not entirely impossible.
Synonyms
Moreover, Vārāṇasī is not only one of the oldest
cities of historic India, but also one of the holiest
Ayojjhā; Sāketa
centers of the Hindus. In comparison, Ayodhyā
does not appear to be that old. On the basis of the
archaeological information ([1], 1969–1970,
Definition 40–41; 1976–1977, 52–53; 1979–1980, 76–77)
the origins of this settlement are generally dated
Ancient city and capital of King Kāḷasena. in the year c.625 B.C.E. (this is the earliest date
suggested by G.L. Possehl ([7], p. 3)). However,
According to the Buddhist tradition, Ayodhyā, North Black Polished Ware (NBPW) in all its
known as Ayojjhā in the Pāli texts, was the capital shades along with degenerate phase of Painted
(rājadhānī ) of King Kāḷasena ([4], iv.82). Gray Ware (PGW) is available in the lowest strata,
Kāḷasena was taken prisoner by ten brothers called the settlement may have come into existence at
Andhakaveṇhuputtā when the latter breached for- least by about 800 B.C.E. if not earlier.
tification wall of Ayojjhā after having besieged it. The occupation phase of the mound appears to
Having thus subjugated the city, the conquerors have continued up to the third century C.E.,
went to Dvāravatī (modern Dwarka). Three of represented by several structural phases. In the
these ten bothers, called Vāsudeva, Baladeva, and earliest stage, the houses were made of wattle-
Ajjuna, were nephews of King Kaṃsa of Mathurā and-daub or mud, followed by those of baked
and earned their livelihood as highway robbers (see bricks. The population of the entire city in c.300
[6]: s.v. Andhakaveṇhuputta). B.C.E. does not appear to have been more than
Ayojjhā is mentioned as a nagara (urban set- 5,000 ([9], p. 224). In the Janma-bhūmī area,
tlement) as well as rājadhānī (capital) in the a huge brick wall was found across the sector
Pāli Tipiṭaka and finds mention only thrice in it, obliquely, which was most probably a rampart
i.e., twice in the Saṃyutta Nikāya and once in the wall. Directly below the massive wall, were
Jātakas ([9], p. 214). The Buddha is said to have found mud-brick structures. In the upper levels
visited this place twice ([5], iii.140; iv.179). of the post-rampart phase, which extended from
206 Ayojjhā

about the third century B.C.E. to the first century ▶ Ramma

C.E., terracotta ring-wells were found. The ram- ▶ Rāmāyaṇa, Indian Buddhism
part wall was accompanied by a moat on the ▶ Tipiṭaka
outside and cut into the natural clay. Shards of ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
rouletted ware in levels dateable to the first-
second centuries C.E. represent considerable por-
tion of trade and commerce at Ayodhyā in the References
early centuries of the Common Era. In this trade
the arterial riverine route of Sarayū on to Gaṅgā 1. Archaeological survey of India. Government of India,
New Delhi
linking it with various other settlements, espe-
2. Bakker H (1982) The rise of Magadha as a place of
cially the port of Tāmralitti (Sk: Tāmralipti) in pilgrimage. Indo-Iran J 24(2):103–126
eastern India, must have played an important 3. Bakker H (1986) Ayodhyā: le nom et le lieu. Rev l’Hist
role. The settlement is represented very poorly in Relig CCIII-1:53–66
4. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, vol 6. Luzac,
the Gupta period and then was abandoned to be
London
reoccupied in the eleventh century C.E. 5. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
It has been suggested that Sāketa and Ayodhyā vol 5. Pali Text Society, London
were two names of the same city. It seems that 6. Malalasekera GP (1937–1938) Dictionary of Pali
proper names. Pali Text Society, London
originally Ayodhyā figured as the name of
7. Possehl GL (1987) Radiocarbon dates from South
a settlement in a genre of literature that is predom- Asia. Data-list circulated by the author in Sept 1987
inantly fictional (See [2], p. 116 fn3). Sāketa, on the 8. Rouse WHD (Trans) (1902) The Jātaka or the stories
other hand, was the name of an ancient town in of the Buddha’s former births, vol 4. Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, Cambridge
North India situated on the site of the present day
9. Sarao KTS (2010) Urban centres and urbanisation as
Ayodhyā-Faizābād. It has been suggested that reflected in the Pāli Vinaya and Sutta Piṭakas, 3rd
along with the gradual deification of the legendary rev ed. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
king of Ayodhyā, Rāma, the fictional city was 10. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha-
ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
identified with the real city of Sāketa, a reification
Saṃyutta Nikāya, vol 3. Pali Text Society, London
that eventually turned this site into an important 11. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramatthadīpanī:
place of pilgrimage (See [3], p. 53). In Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
a commentary we are told that Sāketa was situated Dhammapālācariya, vol 3. Pali Text Society, London
on the bank of Sarabhū (Sarayū) ([11], i.110)
which appears to point out that the two names,
Ayojjhā and Sāketa, may have been used for the
same settlement. But this fact may be accepted only Ayojjhā
tentatively, because though the two settlements
may have been used interchangeably in Buddhist ▶ Ayodhyā (Buddhism)
literature, they both are mentioned as places visited
by the Buddha. Though existence of more than one
name of the same statement in Buddhist literature is
not unusual, e.g., Vārāṇasī is known by more than
A-yü Wang Ching
a dozen names in the Pāli Tipiṭaka ([9], p. 61) their
mention specifically in relation to the Buddha’s
▶ Aśokāvadāna
visit cannot be ignored out of hand.

Cross-References
A-yü Wang Chuan
▶ Buddhaghosa
▶ Jātaka ▶ Aśokāvadāna
B

Babasaheb Ambedkar subcontinent with the Silk Road in Central Asia.

Apparently, it was this function as a channel for
▶ Ambedkar long-distance trade which brought the necessary
means for establishing a Buddhist center and
ensured its ongoing support. With two exceptions,
literary sources on the history of the valley are
Bactrian Alphabet absent and there are only archaeological remains
which help to infer a possible scenario. The place
▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script is famous for its monumental Buddha statues, and
to have these statues carved out of the rock would
have required considerable sponsorship. Such
sponsorship could hardly have been available
Bamiyan from local people alone, but since merchants
played a decisive role in the spread of Buddhism
Jens-Uwe Hartmann all along the Silk Road, it must have been wealthy
Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, University traders who, most probably in combination with
of Munich, Munich, Germany royal patronage, donated the funds indispensable
for creating such images [5].
The two standing Buddha statues were indeed
Definition gigantic. The larger of the two measured about
53 m, and the smaller one stilled about 35 m. For
The valley of the Bamiyan river in western more than a 1,000 years, they overlooked the
Afghanistan. valley, slightly damaged by earlier invaders and
largely forgotten after Afghanistan had become
a thoroughly Islamic country. Within the last
Location decade, however, they attracted worldwide atten-
tion and it is a specific irony in history that this
Bamiyan is the name of a river, a valley, and sudden awareness of their existence came as
a small town. It lies to the west of Kabul in the a result of their total demolition by the Taliban
western continuation of the Hindu Kush moun- forces in the beginning of March 2004. There are
tains. In the first millennium C.E., the valley was plans, surely debatable, to reconstruct them; as
one of the routes which connected the Indian a first step toward this goal, the debris in the

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
208 Bamiyan

niches of the statues has been cleared and ana- pilgrimage, passed through the valley on his way
lyzed and this has led to several important discov- back to China and he still draws a very positive
eries. It was found that the statues were fully picture of Buddhism in the area. In his travel
painted; the robe of the western, larger Buddha account, he mentions support for the religion
must have been red and this even raises the ques- not only by the king, but by all classes of society,
tion whether the image may have represented and he speaks of plenty of monasteries and
Amitābha. For the origin of the images, scholars monks who practice both the Hīnayāna and the
had proposed widely differing dates ranging from Mahāyāna [3].
the second to the eighth centuries. However, sam- There are artificial caves in the immediate
ples taken from organic remains and subjected to vicinity of the Buddhas, some of them decorated
radiocarbon analysis have resulted in a dating of with paintings, and there are more caves in other
the eastern Buddha to the period 544–595 and of cliffs in the area, but they were probably not used
the western Buddha to 591–644 [8]. as monasteries [4]. In the 1930s, they were
However, both statues must have been in place inspected by members of a French team of archae-
before 632 when Xuanzang (Hsüan-tsang), ologists and this search yielded a few manuscript
a Chinese monk and pilgrim on his way to visit fragments of Buddhist texts in Indian languages
the holy places of Buddhism in India, passed [6]. Scholars were extremely surprised, therefore,
through the valley and reported on the visit in when all of a sudden in the middle of the nineties
his travel record [1, 7]. The record is preserved, thousands of manuscript fragments surfaced on
and this makes him one of the only two eyewit- the rare book market in the West, allegedly from
nesses of a time when Buddhism was still a major the Bamiyan area. All of them belonged to Bud-
factor in the area. On his way from Central Asia to dhist works, many of which had been unknown so
Bamiyan, Xuanzang had seen many signs of the far, and all of them were written in Indian lan-
decline of Buddhism, but in Bamiyan, he encoun- guages. The study of these fragments revealed
tered a flourishing Buddhist community. At more surprises: according to paleographical
a certain distance from the standing Buddhas, criteria, the manuscripts cover a period from the
the Chinese pilgrim describes a third and consid- second or third centuries to the eighth or ninth,
erably larger statue, an image of the well-known with the majority stemming from the later centu-
type of the reclining Buddha representing the ries. There are texts which scholars ascribe to
scene of the Parinirvāṇa. Since Xuanzang is con- the canonical scriptures of the Mahāsāṃghika-
sidered a fairly reliable witness, archaeologists Lokottaravādins, as attested already by
have searched for this third image and recently Xuanzang, but there are also texts of other schools
discovered the remains of such a statue which, and, notably, a fair number of manuscripts
however, measures only 19 m. Whether this is containing Mahāyāna sūtras [2]. They reveal an
yet another image or an indication that astonishing variety, suggesting a Buddhist com-
Xuanzang’s measurements are the result of textual munity consisting of rather diverse currents, and
corruption cannot be decided. they make it very clear that at least its literary
Apart from the statues, Xuanzang mentions ten forms were exclusively Indian. Rumors have it
monasteries in the area with about a 1,000 monks. that all these fragments were found in one cave
He classifies them as belonging to the small near a place called Zargaran about 1 km east of the
vehicle and to the school of the Mahāsāṃghika- smaller Buddha [2], but this information is not
Lokottaravādins, a well-known school of earlier easy to verify. If true, it is difficult to explain
Buddhism. In his record, he also confirms royal how this amazing collection came together; one
patronage, alluding to a specific ritual regularly possible explanation would be that the fragments
carried out by the local king for the benefit come from a gathering place for damaged manu-
of the monks. A 100 years later, in 727, scripts which had fallen out of use or been
Hyecho (Chinese Huichao), a Korean monk on replaced by new copies.
Bauddha Gyāh 209

Cross-References
Bārānāsī (Buddhism)
▶ Gandhara ˙
▶ Mahāsāṅghika ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) B

References Basic Tenets of Buddhism

1. Beal S (1884) Si-Yu-Ki. Buddhist records of the west- ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
ern world translated from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang
(A.D. 629). Trübner, London
2. Braarvig J (2006) Buddhist manuscripts, vol III. Her-
mes Publishing, Oslo
3. Fuchs W (1938) Huei-ch’ao’s Pilgerreise durch Basis Consciousness
Nordwest-Indien und Zentral-Asien um 726. Sitzungs-
berichte der Preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften 426–469 ▶ Ālaya-vijñāna
4. Higuchi T (1983–1984) Bāmiyān. Art and archaeolog-
ical researches on the Buddhist cave temples in Afghan-
istan 1970–1978, 4 vols. Dohosha, Kyoto
5. Klimburg-Salter D (1989) The kingdom of Bāmiyān.
Buddhist art and culture of the Hindu Kush. Istituto Basket of Conduct
Universitario Orientale, Naples
6. Lévi S (1932) Notes sur des manuscripts sanscrits ▶ Cariyāpiṭaka
provenant de Bamiyan (Afghanistan), et de Gilgit
(Cachemire). J Asiatique 220:1–45
7. Li R (1996) The great T’ang dynasty record of the
western regions. University of Hawai’i Press, Berkeley
8. Petzet M/International Council on Monuments and Basket of Higher Expositions
Sites (Hrsg.) (2009) The giant Buddhas of Bamiyan.
Safeguarding the remains. Monuments and Sites 29.
Hendrik Bäbler, Berlin ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka

Banaras (Buddhism) Basket of Transcendental Doctrine

▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka

Banārasa Battles

▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Warfare (Buddhism)

Bārānasī Bauddha Gyāh

˙
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā
210 Bedsa

Bedsa

Claudine Bautze-Picron
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’,
Paris, France

Synonyms

Bedse

Definition

Buddhist excavated site in Maharashtra.

Bedsa is a fairly small site, with only four caves

(but altogether 15 excavations including cisterns),
all facing east ([2], pp. 153–154; [3], pp. 107–113)
(lat. 18
430 N., long. 73
320 E.; Maharashtra).
Like most similar sites of the region, it has
a large sanctuary surrounded by monastic dwell-
ings. The caityagṛha (“house of the caitya”) of
Bedsa, Fig. 1 Façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim
Bedsa (monument 7) has been excavated very K. Bautze)
deep in the mountain, like the same monument
at Kārlī but unlike the one of Bhājā: a passage has
been cut here through the rocks to reach elephants, two animals of primordial importance
a courtyard created in front of the monument as in Buddhist mythology, wearing elaborate dress
such; together courtyard and monument measure and jewelry, these characters are most probably
ca. 20 m in depth and ca. 8 m in width ([1], pp. images of the divine world, hence also their posi-
86–87) (Fig. 1). tion in the structure of the monuments – they are
This courtyard practically coincides with a indeed depicted much above eye level (Fig. 2).
veranda supported by octagonal pillars and pilas- Monastic cells have been excavated in both
ters which are richly adorned: they stand within sidewalls of the veranda, and the caityagṛha as
a base shaped as a pūrṇaghaṭa (“jar of abundance”) such is entered at the middle of the rear wall.
and are crowned by a very elaborate capital with A large horseshoe-shaped window is hollowed
two parts: the lower part reproduces a reversed in the upper part of this façade allowing light to
lotus flower, probably inspired from third century fall on the stūpa or caitya carved deep in the
capitals carved above Aśoka’s pillars, and an upper sanctuary (Fig. 3).
part with practically carved-in-the-round elephants The traditional ornamentation at that early
or horses being mounted by couples. The quality period, that is, first century B.C. to first century
displayed by these carvings, the round and gener- A.D., covers the walls with a harmonious associa-
ous volumes, and the elegance and freedom of the tion of different architectural motifs, that is, the
outline remind of images of the yakṣī s standing railing or vedikā which runs at ground level, thus
under a tree and added to the toraṇas (“porticos”) shown as if surrounding the monument, but also at
of stūpa 1 at Sanchi. Seated above horses or higher position on the walls where it supports
Bedsa 211

Bedsa, Fig. 2 Pillars and pilasters with highly elaborated capitals (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 3 Façade and sidewalls of the veranda (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

horseshoe-shaped blind windows of different sizes contrast to those standing outside, these are
and adorned with toraṇas carved in low relief deprived from any ornamentation. The vault
(Fig. 4). used to be adorned by wooden beams now all
A row of octagonal pillars separates also the disappeared and only reminded through their
nave from the aisle inside the monument, but in traces. The caitya (from citā, a “funeral pile”;
212 Bedsa

Bedsa, Fig. 5 Inside view of the sanctuary (Photo #

Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 4 Right sidewall of the veranda (Photo #

Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedsa, Fig. 6 Apsidal monastery (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bedse 213

Bedsa, Fig. 7 Bedsa (After Franz HG (1965) Buddhistische Kunst Indiens. VEB E.A. Seemann Buch- und Kunstverlag,
Leipzig, Fig. 28)

also named stūpa or a relic shrine containing ashes being connected through a railing, a motif also
of a holy person) carved in the depth of the monu- encountered at Bhājā (Figs. 6 and 7).
ment has a rather elongated outline, the main hemi-
spheric part of the monument or aṇḍa (“egg”),
Cross-References
resting practically on a double-leveled plinth or
medhi, each level being adorned by a railing,
▶ Bhājā
vedikā, carved in low relief. A pavilion or harmikā
▶ Caitya
surmounts this structure: it includes a square which
▶ Kārlī
protects the wooden pole or yaṣṭi arising out of it
▶ Stūpa
and ending in an elegant blossoming lotus flower
which is used to support the umbrellas (chattras).
A number of caityas were also sculpted in smaller References
circular, apsidal, or even rectangular caves which
have at times partly collapsed with the result that the 1. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples, a chro-
nological study. Thames and Hudson, London
caityas are in open air (Fig. 5).
2. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
The architects working at Bedsa also made use Calcutta
of the apsidal ground plan for the excavation of 3. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western
a place of habitation for the monks (monument India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala
Prakashan, Delhi
11). This monument is excavated directly to the
right of the main sanctuary and is open to the
outside world. Nine monastic cells, each with
two stone beds, open on this apsidal inner court-
yard; further cells are excavated outside. Each Bedse
entrance is surmounted by a toraṇa carved in
low relief in a horseshoe-shaped niche, all niches ▶ Bedsa
214 Behavior in Accordance with Intrinsic Nature

therefore, is closely associated with the term

Behavior in Accordance with Intrinsic “healing.” In the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra,
Nature Bhaiṣajyaguru’s name is “new doctor”; in the
Saddharmapundarī ka Sūtra, Bhaiṣajyaguru’s
▶ Dharma (Jainism) name is “good doctor,” in addition to Medicine
King, Healing King, and Great Healing King.
These are meant to extol his skills in applying med-
icine, practicing medicine, and saving beings. The
Benaras (Buddhism) belief in Bhaiṣajyaguru has been widely accepted in
nongovernmental circles since the Liu Song
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
Dynasty in China, ensued by illustrated sutra paint-
ings of Eastern Pure Land. Also a popular figure in
early Mahayana Buddhism, Bhaiṣajyaguru reigns
Benares over the Pure Lapis Lazuli Paradise in the East.
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief is not confined to the
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) Chinese world; it gathers more momentum in
Tibet, Japan, and Korea. Apart from the main
function of ridding calamities and prolonging
life as recorded in the eponymous Bhaiṣajyagur-
Benevolent uvaidūryaprabharāja Sūtra, commonly referred
to as the Medicine Buddha Sutra, Śākyamuni
▶ Metta Buddha in the Sutra expands on “recalling the
Buddha’s name,” “chanting incantations,” and
“making offerings” the three sorts which cleave
to practice method, expounding the self-
Bhaisajyaguru
˙ cultivation method in Bhaiṣajyaguru belief.
Ever since Bhaiṣajyaguru belief’s dissemina-
Der-Huey Lee
tion commenced from India, it has presented
Research Center for Buddhist Education,
a splendid sight in China and Tibet, even taken
Peking University, Beijing, China
deeper root after its being propagated to Japan and
Department of Philosophy, Chinese Culture
Korea, blended in with local cultures, opening up
University, Taipei, Taiwan
distinct features. Masters Hongyi, Taixu, and
others gave ultimate appraisal to Bhaiṣajyaguru
of the East, especially master Hongyi late in life
Synonyms
strongly suggested that those practiced the
dharma teaching of Pure Land should simulta-
The Bhaiṣajya Buddha; The Buddha of Healing;
neously practice that of Bhaiṣajyaguru, so as to
The Healing Buddha; The Medicine Buddha
enhance their chances to be reborn in the Western
Paradise, which enables the Medicine Buddha
Sutra to pass down to the present day. The ren-
Definition
dered version obtainable today in China, Japan,
and Korea is done by Xuanzang.
Name of a buddha.

Contextualized Background India: Already Being Marginalized

The Medicine Buddha is the one who heals the ills Despite the firm ground of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief
of body and spirit in sentient beings; his name, in East Asia, only little information is made
Bhaisajyaguru 215
˙

available on the belief within the Indian subcon- Tibet: Combination of Belief, Practice,
tinent. The sole data known to the world is and Medical Science
a Sanskrit-versioned Medicine Buddha Sutra
among the textual finds unearthed by Aurel Stein Bhaiṣajyaguru belief holds sway in Tibetan Bud-
inside a stupa in the vicinity of Gilgit, Kashmir, in dhism, and it is the combination of belief, practice, B
1931, attesting to the popularity of Bhaiṣajyaguru and medical science. It is Śāntarakṣita (725–788)
in the ancient northwest Indian kingdom of who introduced Bhaiṣajyaguru belief into Tibet at
Gandhāra. The manuscripts in this find are dated the end of the eighth century, known as the first
before the seventh century and are written in the propagation of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Tibet.
upright Gupta script. Trisong Detsen, the then Dharma King of Tibet,
According to Nalinaksha Dutt, these scriptures was in hopes of further consolidating his regime
are supposed to be part of sixth- or seventh- by the power of Bhaiṣajyaguru’s grace, such
century texts. Besides, not only do scholars not belief, therefore, fell under the potent aegis of
read any account of Bhaiṣajyaguru in India the monarch, and on the basis of Śāntarakṣita’s
recorded in the travelogues of westward dharma- teachings, Tibet’s tradition of Bhaiṣajyaguru
seeking eminent monks but also not spot a single belief has been passed down to this day. After
Bhaiṣajyaguru statue in early archeological digs Atiśa Dipankara Shrijnana (982–1054) had
conducted in India, even Bhaiṣajyaguru is hardly entered Tibet, Bhaiṣajyaguru belief by the elev-
mentioned in Buddhist canons and images at the enth century surged to a new height stepping
later period of Indian Mahayana. All these signs into its second propagation in Tibet. The four
show that Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in India is still not principal Buddhist sects all stood guard over the
attached enough weight. Some scholars, as a belief as well; it has reached all corners in
result, point out India’s northwest frontiers or nongovernmental circles like wildfire ever since.
somewhere within the borders of Central Asia as In addition to the propagation of
the possible cradle of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief. Bhaiṣajyaguru belief by the sects’ masters, the
Opinions are widely divided about the origin of other factor is closely associated with the medical
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief: Kimura Taiken, based on science in Tibet. The salient eighth-century
Dutt’s study on the thought of buddhas’ original Tibetan doctor Yu-thog Nying-ma Yon-tan Gon-
vows, indicates that Bhaiṣajyaguru is a variant of po wrote out the medical bible—Medical Canon
A Que Buddha, the King of Glee Kingdom in the in Four Sections, which records that at the Immea-
East. Alexander Soper, however, considers the surable Palace of Yao Cheng Shan Jian City,
existence of such belief to be influenced by the the supreme master Bhaiṣajya guruvaidūrya-
belief in the healing deity across the regions of Tathāgata in meditation provisionally manifests
Iran and the Mediterranean; Bhaiṣajyaguru belief into Yisheng Immortal and Mingzhi Immortal.
is actually originated from the evolved belief in It is on the basis of the dialogue between them as
the Bodhisattva of Medicine King. In spite of the talking point to begin with, with one person-
partially sharing with Soper’s ideas about the ori- age impersonating two characters, to blend the
gin of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief, Raoul Birnbaum dharma practice and pharmacology together. As
speaks of the concept of the Bhaiṣajya Buddha’s a result of it, the Medical Canon in Four Sections
helping the weak and aiding the needy already in is reflected on Tangka, painted with the image of
existence during the early periods of presectarian Bhaiṣajyaguru. One must also first pay homage to
Buddhism and sectarian Buddhism. Śākyamuni Bhaiṣajyaguru before reading up on the canon.
Buddha is many times referred to as the Great East of the Potala Palace, Lhasa, is Jiabori
Healing King in the Pāli Canon, to cure sentient Mountain where the monastery and Tibetan med-
beings’ illnesses with Dharma medicine. It ical school that worship the Bhaiṣajya Buddha are
is, therefore, clear that the formation of located, known as “the Mountain of Medicine
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief did not have to be affected King” in Chinese. Legend has it that in as early
by alien cultures. as the fourteenth century, “Men Ba Zha Cang,”
216 Bhaisajyaguru
˙

built for the sake of the eminent monk Tang Dong open up medical science. Certain knowledge on
Jie Bu, is the precursor of nowadays’ “Yixue medical science is, in fact, illuminated and there-
Lizhong Yuan.” In 1697, the Tibetan King Sang fore developed by religion. The attribute in
Jie Jia Cuo held the Yixue Lizhong Yuan’s school- Bhaiṣajyaguru belief lies in “healing the mind,”
opening ceremony, sprinkling water on the heads so as to discipline and control the body-cum-
of the first batch of student monks, on Medical mind, curing all types of external diseases.
Canon in Four Sections as well. For the good of
sentient beings to be saved through medical sci-
ence, youthful monks were handpicked out of Japan: Everlasting Imperial Patronage,
each monastery and sent to dwell at Lhasa’s mon- Prayers Answered
asteries to learn medicine for a period of nine
years. The Yixue Lizhong Yuan, during the time In the seventh century, after the spread of
of monthly sacrificial rites, recites canons such as Bhaiṣajyaguru belief onto the Japanese soil, it
the Medicine Buddha Sutra and Yu Tuo Xin Jing was under the aegis of the royal family that Bud-
and performs repentance rituals meant for bud- dhist temples were built and Buddha statues were
dhas and dharma-protecting deities. Buddhist ser- erected, which made such belief extremely popular
vices and dharma assemblies even take place on with burned incenses one after another. For exam-
a yearly basis, to get intimately coinhered with ple, Yakushi Temple, Nara, was completed in 698
practice. at the request of Emperor Temmu to pray for the
Tibet always worships seven or eight Medicine recovery of Empress Jitō from a serious illness;
Buddhas inclusive of Śākyamuni Buddha, the New Yakushi Temple was established in 747 for
Buddhists in Tibetan tradition believe in favorable the sake of Emperor Shōmu’s eye disease to be
conditions given to the region in addition to the healed that Empress Kōmyō wished her prayer to
bestowed benefit of wealth if practicing and be answered again by Bhaiṣajyaguru; Hōryūji
insisting on the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma gate. Temple’s gold-plated Bhaiṣajyaguru statue made
Also, the Twelve Great Yakṣa Generals and the of copper was cast by 13-year-old Prince Shōtoku
Four Celestial Kings will safeguard the renunciant in 607 to call down a blessing on his father’s health.
practitioners against all fears, infections, and In 1998, Yakushi Temple was inscribed as
karma-oriented diseases. To practice this dharma a UNESCO World Heritage Site under the name
gate, however, one should fully possess of the “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara” list-
Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Twelve Great Vows taken at ing; in 1993, Hōryūji was inscribed as a UNESCO
causal stage, regardless of holding to the Bud- World Heritage Site under the name “Buddhist
dha’s name, reciting a mantra, contemplating, Monuments in the Hōryūji Area.”
and binding agreement, which can enable him or Why does the Imperial House of Japan have
her to engage in the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma sea, to special affection for Bhaiṣajyaguru belief? Lan Ji-
consummate the World of the Pure Paradise in the fu, a specialist in Japanese Buddhism, in the pref-
East. Today, Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Tibet ace of A Study of Wang Sheng Zhou, remarks, “As
remains unshakable and becomes even firmer as opposed to the afterlife benefit in Amitābhaḥ’s
time goes by; aside from the eighth day every Western Pure Land, Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Eastern
month as the memorial day for Bhaiṣajyaguru, Pure Land of Lapis Lazuli places more emphasis
there also hold many a time dharma assemblies on the benefit in this life. I feel that most of us
in the name of Bhaiṣajyaguru, well received by sentient beings all hope for peace and bliss in the
the grassroots population. Judging from which, it present life, resorting less to a floating and faint
is only natural that the Medicine Buddha is future life.” The royalty especially takes posses-
regarded as Tibetan medicine’s founding father. sion of high position and great wealth, further
At the dawn of human wisdom, science had highlights the present world’s ease and comfort,
been merely a step away from religion; exorcism and therefore takes refuge in Bhaiṣajyaguru that
of religion actually marked the beginning that did can rid calamities and prolong life.
Bhaisajyaguru 217
˙

In addition, this cult is rather relevant to the collates and propagates the Bhaiṣajyaguru dharma
import of Chinese medicine by Jian Zhen, a gate.
Chinese monk, who helped to propagate Bud- Yakushi Temple, Nara, on the 14th of Novem-
dhism in Japan (743–754). Because of Jian ber in 1989, held the inaugural great dharma
Zhen’s mastery of medicine, Tōshōdaiji Temple, assembly of “Xi Guo Bhaiṣajyaguru’s Miracu- B
personally set up by him, also makes offerings to lously Efficacious Site,” combining 49 temples
Bhaiṣajyaguru, contributing to the promotion of which enshrined the Bhaiṣajya Buddha in Osaka,
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief as well. Kyoto, and Nara, etc., in an effort to encourage the
The impingement of folkloric affairs of spiri- followers to make a pilgrimage to Bhaiṣajyaguru
tual efficacy in regard to Bhaiṣajyaguru on sites.
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief further added fuel to the
flames. Traditionally, there was said to be
a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue salvaged somewhere near Korea: The World’s Largest
the Sea of Japan by a fisherman named Yu Shi in Bhaisajyaguru Statues
894, who constructed Yi Wang Shan Temple to ˙
enshrine it as a result. He later on renounced the Bhaiṣajyaguru belief, started in the middle of the
secular life with an ordination name “Bu Ran,” seventh century, was brought into Korea from
asking for Bhaiṣajyaguru’s providence in an utter- China along with Buddhism; its influence
most display of devout reverence; with the advent and prevalence played no less a role on the
of the Bhaiṣajya Buddha seen in the dream bring- Korean soil. The eighth century of Silla period
ing about the cure for his mother’s blindness. The (669–935 C.E.) is the golden age during which
statue is, accordingly, known as “Bhaiṣajyaguru the making of Bhaiṣajyaguru statue attained the
for the eyes.” Miraculous incidents that adherents’ apex.
illnesses heal up at Yi Wang Shan Temple, in The spread of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief is
which this statue is enshrined, have often been extremely apropos of royal patronage as well. It
heard of thereafter. is said that Queen Seondeok of Silla had been ill
Practice according to the Bhaiṣajyaguru and fully recovered from it after the monks recited
dharma gate is to center on healing over diseases; the Medicine Buddha Sutra, with this history col-
it also becomes the mores going about among the lected in the fifth chapter of Memorabilia of the
folks. For instance, lecture meetings with the Three Kingdoms. As a result, all the past royal
Medicine Buddha Sutra being expounded annu- courts were firmly convinced of miracles like
ally on the eighth day of January, April, and ridding calamities and prolonging life, as well as
December are only meant for curing illnesses restraining and subduing evils, as recorded in the
and prolonging life. As for making atonement Sutra, which actually paved the way for
for sins in terms of past hindrance of harmful Bhaiṣajyaguru belief to promulgate in Korea.
behavior, there is repentance of Bhaiṣajyaguru Bhaiṣajyaguru is worshipped nearly at all tem-
with the Bhaiṣajya Buddha as the main object of ples across Korea, main halls may not be the
worship; when reaching the final moment of life, location, but it is certainly enshrined at side
there are certainly cases where the Bhaiṣajyaguru halls, forming the so-called Bhaiṣajyaguru Hall.
dharma gate is observed in hopes of living longer. Palgongsan area, Daegu, Korea, is especially
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Japan is the one that the key city of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief where
goes up from the purple down to the masses, even Bhaiṣajyaguru statues can be spotted everywhere.
is the transsectarian one. Lan Ji-fu, in his “The Cao Xi Sect’s Tong Hua Temple, bearing over
Propagation of Bhaiṣajyaguru Belief in Japan” 1,500 years of history, is the millennium ancient
article, mentions that those propagating temple established during the Silla period, within
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief include the manifest, hidden which there is the largest standing Bhaiṣajyaguru
teachings of the Tian Tai Sect, and it is, in partic- statue in the world, 33 m in height and 16.5 m in
ular, the esoteric transmission that systematically width; Sanmen Chu, located in Wo Long
218 Bhaisajyaguru
˙

Mountain’s Bai Quan Temple, is exactly the stone Bhaiṣajyaguru placards to be produced, so as for
tablet inscribed to Bhaiṣajyaguru, attended to by Bhaiṣajyaguru belief to slowly gain popularity at
two bodhisattvas symbolizing the sun and moon, grassroots level.
respectively: Suryaprabha and Candraprabha. Bhaiṣajyaguru placards, small and big ones
Within the temple is the largest lying each, are given to the general public gratis at
Bhaiṣajyaguru statue in the world, 13 m in length some temples in Thailand; they are also wearable
and 4 m in height, and what is the most extraor- Buddha statue necklaces. The big ones have
dinary of all is that inside the lying statue comes a sound like small bells ringing; the small ones
with a Bhaiṣajyaguru Hall in hiding, accompanied do not, known as “Pra Chaiwat” conveying vic-
by a figure of a page of Bhaiṣajyaguru holding tory, conquest. Apart from possessing the original
a jeweled vase in the hand standing next to this benefits of healing and blessing, these necklaces
statue. extend other additional functions and further suc-
ceed in promoting Bhaiṣajyaguru to be widely
worshipped by people from all walks of life in
Thailand, Myanmar: Bhaisajyaguru Thailand.
Belief Gathers Momentum˙ Judged from the aforesaid accounts, it may be
concluded that eastern Bhaiṣajyaguru belief
Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Thailand and Myanmar, among each ethnic group is all based upon the
per contra, falls short. Although the belief is pre- feedback of benefits in this lifetime; the develop-
served in Pāli Buddhism, Bhaiṣajyaguru statues in ing paths of its history were actually being
Myanmar are few and far between, whereas the speeded up to expend its points, lines, and plane
famous eighteenth-century built Pindaya Caves by the ruling class’ patronages. All in all, the roles
actually enshrines a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue. For that Bhaiṣajyaguru belief plays in every culture,
Burmese, Bhaiṣajyaguru is characterized as the no matter it is from abstract measurements, daily
God of Healing. Traditionally, so long as one rituals, and practical healings, embody the merits
can show piety toward Bhaiṣajyaguru, one shall of saving the world, making a great contribution
be reborn as a human being not falling into the to the resuscitation of mankind.
three evil destinies regardless of evil deeds done Similar to Sakyamuni’s fundamental teach-
in the past. ings and to Vimilakirti’s concept, an illness
In Thailand, Bhaiṣajyaguru is called Phra when properly dealt with can serve as a major
Kring, which means “Jingling Buddha.” A bead event that propels one toward higher spiritual
is put inside a buddha statue in the making; it attainment. In the case of healings by the
jingles when being tossed, implying an elixir hid- Medicine Buddha, the sincere act of faith by the
den within a Medicine Buddha drug jar. ill person results in healings granted. During
The rage of Bhaiṣajyaguru belief in Thailand the healing process, insight arises that causes
comes about merely in recent memory, where the those to reform the patterns of their deeds,
temple Wat Sutus was the first one to produce words, and thoughts so that they accord with
Bhaiṣajyaguru placards in Bangkok. Legend has the quest for Nirvana.
it that in 1907, the master of Thailand’s 12th Iconographically, Bhaiṣajyaguru is usually
Saṃgha leader, Wat Sutus Temple’s abbot, had depicted with a healing fruit in his right hand
been seriously ill, changing for the worse, and he and his left in the gesture of resting on his lap.
came to know of a Bhaiṣajyaguru statue from the He often appears as part of a triad with
east niched in the palace whereupon he borrowed Shakyamuni and Amitabha, in which he is on
the statue from the Thai king, to the effect that his the left and Amitabha on the right. In a sutra
master miraculously recovered afterward. The dedicated to him, only extant in Tibetan and Chi-
abbot started to take refuge in Bhaiṣajyaguru nese, the Twelve Vows are mentioned that
ever since; thereupon, he undertook the Bhaiṣajyaguru took them in a previous life and
Bhaisajyaguru 219
˙

in the fulfillment of which he was aided by a great hunchbacked, leprous, insane or suffering from var-
number of helpers, including buddhas, bodhi- ious other illnesses—shall, upon hearing my name,
acquire well-formed bodies, be endowed with intel-
sattvas, and yaksas (deities that devour ghosts). ligence, with all senses intact. They shall be free of
The Twelve Vows of the Medicine Buddha illness and suffering.
upon attaining Enlightenment, according to the Seventh Great Vow B
Medicine Buddha Sutra, are: I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
Supreme Enlightenment, sentient beings—who are
“First Great Vow
afflicted with various illnesses, with no one to help
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
them, nowhere to turn, no physicians, no medicine,
Supreme Perfect Enlightenment, brilliant rays
no family, no home, and who are destitute and
shall shine forth from my body, illuminating infi-
miserable—shall, as soon as my name passes
nite, countless boundless realms. This body shall be
through their ears, be relieved of all their illnesses.
adorned with the Thirty-Two Marks of Greatness
With mind and body peaceful and contented, they
and Eighty Auspicious Characteristics. Further-
shall enjoy home, family and property in abun-
more, I shall empower all sentient beings to become
dance, and eventually realize Unsurpassed Supreme
just like me.
Enlightenment.
Second Great Vow
Eighth Great Vow
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
Supreme Enlightenment, my body, inside and out,
Supreme Enlightenment, those women—who are
shall radiate far and wide the clarity and flawless
extremely disgusted with the ‘hundred afflictions
purity of lapis lazuli. This body shall be adorned
that befall women’ and wish to abandon their
with superlative virtues and dwell peacefully in the
female form—shall, upon hearing my name, all be
midst of a web of light more magnificent than the
reborn as men. They shall be endowed with noble
sun or moon. The light shall awaken the minds of all
features of men and eventually realize Unsurpassed
beings dwelling in darkness, empowering them to
Supreme Enlightenment.
engage in their pursuits according to their wishes.
Ninth Great Vow
Third Great Vow
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
Supreme Enlightenment, I shall help all sentient
Supreme Enlightenment, I shall, with infinite
beings escape from the demons’ net and free them-
wisdom and skillful means, provide all sentient
selves from the bonds of heretical paths. Should
beings with an inexhaustible quantity of goods to
they be caught in the thicket of wrong views,
meet their material needs. They shall never want for
I shall lead them to correct views, gradually
anything.
inducing them to cultivate the practices of bodhi-
Fourth Great Vow sattvas and apace realize Supreme Perfect
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained Enlightenment.
Supreme Enlightenment, I shall set all who follow
Tenth Great Vow
heretical ways upon the path to Enlightenment.
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
Likewise, I shall set those who follow the
Supreme Enlightenment, those sentient beings—
Sravaka-buddha and Pratyeka-buddha ways onto
who are shackled, beaten, imprisoned, condemned
the Mahayana path.
to death or otherwise subjected to countless miser-
Fifth Great Vow ies and humiliations by royal decree, and who are
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained suffering in body and mind from this oppression—
Supreme Enlightenment, I shall help all the count- need only hear my name to be freed from all these
less sentient beings who cultivate the path of moral- afflictions, by dint of the awesome power of my
ity in accordance with my Dharma to observe the merits and virtues.
rules of conduct (Precepts) to perfection, in confor-
Eleventh Great vow
mity with the Three Root Precepts. Even those
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained
guilty of disparaging or violating the Precepts
Supreme Enlightenment, if sentient beings—who are
shall regain their purity upon hearing my name,
tormented by hunger and thirst to the point of creating
and avoid descending upon the Evil Paths.
evil karma in their attempts to survive—should suc-
Sixth Great Vow ceed in hearing my name, reciting it single-mindedly,
I vow that in a future life, when I have attained and holding fast to it, I shall first satisfy them with the
Supreme Enlightenment, sentient beings with most exquisite food and drink. It is, ultimately,
imperfect bodies—whose senses are deficient, through the flavor of the Dharma that I shall establish
who are ugly, stupid, blind, deaf, mute, crippled, them in the realm of peace and happiness.
220 Bhaja

Twelfth Great Vow ▶ Gender (Buddhism)

I vow that in a future life, when I have attained ▶ Heaven (Buddhism)
Supreme Enlightenment, if sentient beings—who
are utterly destitute, lacking clothes to protect ▶ Mahāyāna
them from mosquitoes and flies, heat and cold, ▶ Monastery
and who are suffering day and night—should hear ▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism)
my name, recite it single-mindedly, and hold firm to ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
it, their wishes shall be fulfilled. They shall imme-
diately receive all manner of exquisite clothing, ▶ Stūpa
precious adornments, flower garlands and incense ▶ Tibet
powder, and shall enjoy music and entertainment to ▶ Time (Buddhism)
their heart’s content.” ▶ Zen
The vows to heal all beings and alleviate var-
ious sufferings serve as special motivating factors
in the spiritual development of Bhaiṣajyaguru. References
Upon fruition of this spiritual work, he then truly
1. Williamson L, Young S (eds) (2009) Body and spirit:
becomes able to discharge these vows as a matter Tibetan medical paintings. American Museum of
of course. Natural History in association with University of
Exponents of both Tibetan tantric practice and Washington Press, New York
Chinese/Japanese forms of Pure Land practices 2. Rinpoche KT (2004) Medicine Buddha teachings.
Snow Lion, New York
will recognize close affinities between what they 3. Fenton P (2007) Tibetan healing: the modern legacy of
have learned and what is advocated in the Medi- Medicine Buddha. Pilgrims, Wheaton
cine Buddha Sutra. Those familiar with works on 4. Birnbaum R (2003) The healing Buddha. Shambhala,
Kuan Yin (Avalokiteśvara), one of the Trinity in Boston
5. Soper AC (1959) Literary evidence for early Buddhist
Western Paradise, will find that the powers art in China. Artibus Asiae, Ascona
ascribed to the Medicine Buddha and the reasons 6. Schopen GR (1978) The Bhaisajyaguru Sutra and the
for those powers are very similar in character to Buddhism of Gilgit. Australian National University,
those attributed to that Bodhisattva. People—who Canberra
7. Shali SL (1993) Kashmir: history and archaeology
wrongly suppose that the eastern realm of through the ages. Indus, New Delhi
Vaidūryanirbhāsa, “Pure Lapis Lazuli,” represents 8. van Alphen J (ed) (1996) Oriental medicine: an illus-
a turning away from the methods and values trated guide to the Asian arts of healing. Shambhala,
cherished by other schools such as Ch’an Boston
9. Suzuki Y (2012) Medicine master Buddha: the iconic
(Zen)—will discover that this is far from being worship of Yakushi in Heian Japan. Shambhala,
the case, since it can be confidently asserted that Leiden
similar methods and values pertaining to the Med- 10. Cameron A (ed) (2009) Teachings from the Medicine
icine Buddha are, in truth, accepted by the vast Buddha retreat: land of Medicine Buddha,
October–November 2001. Lama Yeshe Wisdom
majority of Mahayanists, no matter to which Archive, Boston
school they belong. 11. Cameron A, Ribush N (eds) (2000) Teachings from the
Vajrasattva retreat, land of the Medicine Buddha,
February–April, 1999. Lama Yeshe Wisdom Archive,
Weston
12. Avedon J (1998) The Buddha’s art of healing: Tibetan
Cross-References paintings rediscovered. Rizzoli, New York
13. Xuanzang yi, Zhou Shujia ying yi (1962) Yao shi jing.
▶ Amitābha Fo jiao wen hua fu wu chu, Taibei
▶ Bhikkhunī
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Buddha Sakyamuni Bhaja
▶ Buddhist History
▶ Causality (Buddhism) ▶ Bhājā
Bhājā 221

habitation of the monks. The site is close to other

Bhājā sites like Kondane, Bedsa, and Kārlī, all located
between Mumbai and Pune. These monasteries or
Claudine Bautze-Picron vihāras although all conceived on the same struc-
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique ture, i.e., monastic cells are distributed around B
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, a central empty space, present ground plans of
Paris, France different shapes: some are square, some rectangu-
lar; some have cells on one side, some on two or
three sides. Most are at ground level, but can also
Synonyms be distributed on two superimposed levels. Here,
like in other sites, the cells are made to accommo-
Bhaja; Bhaje date one person, a bench being carved on one of
the walls to be used for the monk’s bed.
The vihāras are distributed around the
Definition caityagṛha or “house of the caitya” (monument
12) which has a wide open façade, perhaps
Buddhist excavated site in Maharashtra. originally closed through a wooden lattice and
having its upper part in the very characteristic
Being one of earliest excavated sites in Maharash- horseshoe shape. Wooden false beams, an orna-
tra (lat. 18
440 N, long. 73
290 E), perhaps dating ment borrowed from contemporary wooden archi-
back to the second century or to the early first tecture, are fixed on the vault and a row of slightly
century B.C. – but with a cistern still being made slanting octagonal pillars runs parallel to the wall,
in the second century A.D. ([2], pp. 153–154, [3], marking thus the limit of a passageway. The pillars
pp. 223–228 [4], p. 151), Bhājā appears to have are plain, have neither basis nor capital. The caitya
been some kind of laboratory for the architects or stūpa stands in the depth of the apsidal sanctuary
who conceived the ground plans to the places of which measures nearly 21 m in length (Fig. 1).

Bhājā, Fig. 1 Façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

222 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 2 Inside view of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

The caityas (from citā, a “funeral pile”; also plinth without railing being depicted, and
named stūpa or a relic shrine containing ashes of supporting the main part of the monument which
a holy person) carved in the excavated sites of is topped by the square railing of the harmikā ([2],
Maharashtra illustrate a great diversity in the orga- pp. 83–84) (Fig. 2).
nization of their basic element, i.e., a plinth or The façade presents an ornamentation encoun-
medhi which rests on the ground and supports tered in all sites of the region in the early period,
the main hemispheric part or aṇḍa (“egg”). i.e., elements such as railings, rows of small
A balustrade or vedikā is usually carved in low stepped pyramids, horseshoe-shaped windows
relief around the medhi or the aṇḍa; it is simply adorned with toraṇas or porticos carved in low
made of poles with cross-beams and a continuous relief, flat niches where couples are showing
semicircular upper beam named uṣṇī ṣa which themselves, or molded projections are carved all
holds all poles together. A second railing with around the wide opening. The couples carved in
a square ground plan is sculpted above the caitya, the flat niches on either side of the central opening
it is part of the harmikā, a small “pavilion” – in can be most probably interpreted as images of
fact a construction made of this balustrade which the divine world paying homage to the Buddha
protects a chattrayaṣṭi (“pole of umbrellas”), i.e., symbolized by the caitya standing in the
a pole supporting one or many umbrellas which is monument or, but secondarily and only possibly,
added to the original stone structure and which, of the lay community which financially supported
being of wood, has often disappeared in the course the community of monks ([5], pp. 117–120)
of time. (Figs. 3 and 4).
Great care has been brought to the depiction of A group of 14 freestanding monolithic caityas
the caitya at Bhājā: it stands with its highly form a unique rendering in the caves of Maharash-
polished surface like a jewel in the dark depth of tra, having been sculpted out of the rock in a cave
the monument and simply consists of the high which has partly lost its original vaulting
Bhājā 223

Bhājā, Fig. 3 Right side (for the viewer) of the upper façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

(monument 20) ([5], pp. 123–124). Their diame-

ter measures between 1.6 and 2.5 m width and
they reproduce the outline of the caitya
worshipped in the sanctuary, i.e., a high plinth
supports the main body of the stūpa and the
square harmikā tops the structure. In some
examples, where the vault of the cave has been
preserved, an umbrella is carved on it hovering
above the caitya. Inscriptions incised on them
reveal that they were carved in honor of monks
(Fig. 5).
The very same ornamentation with vedikā and
horseshoe-shaped windows adorns also the façade
above the monasteries, for instance, monument
13, thus creating an architectural landscape within
which the places of habitation of the monks as
well as the unique place of worship are integrated
(Fig. 6).
Although generally understood to be such
a monastic dwelling, monument 22 presents
a ground plan and an ornamentation which are
unique ([5], pp. 124–126). The excavated square
room is preceded by a veranda which is richly
carved. Two large panels cover the right wall on
Bhājā, Fig. 4 Detail of a niche with a couple below either side of the entrance to a monk’s cell;
a horseshoe-shaped niche (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) whereas there is no doubt that the panel at our
224 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 5 Group of freestanding caityas (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Bhājā, Fig. 6 View of the façade of monasteries, right of the sanctuary, below is monastery 12 (Photo # Joachim K.
Bautze)
Bhājā 225

Bhājā, Fig. 7 Sūrya and Māra facing each other, right wall of the veranda of monument 19 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

left depicts the Sun God Sūrya driving his chariot depicted as trying to enter the sacred space
over demonic characters who probably symbolize whereas Sūrya, god of light, would be seen as
darkness, various identifications have been emerging out of the very same space in order to
suggested for the figure mounting an elephant spread his light in the world of men [1]. Both
that is carved on the right panel, facing thus the images would thus be symbolic of the conflict
Sun God. A number of small enigmatic scenes are between light and darkness, between the world
distributed all around this character, mostly show- of the Buddha or his Dharma and the universe
ing scenes of dance and pleasure, or monstrous within which it spreads. The back wall of the
characters. And even if the presence of the ele- same veranda contains some of the earliest depic-
phant as a mount explains how this image has tions of doorkeepers on either side of the door to
repeatedly been identified as being Indra, the the inner chamber (Fig. 7).
king of the gods, one should ask what would The cave as such has a spacious square room
justify the presence of the god in this setting and with monastic cells excavated on the rear and right
one should remind how the god is depicted in this walls; deep horseshoe-shaped niches alternate
early phase of Buddhist art, looking, for instance, with the entrances to the cells on these two walls
at his depiction on the northern portico of stūpa 1 and also are carved in the left wall where two
in Sanchi. Another major character of Buddhist protectors are carved in shallow niches which
mythology, i.e., Māra has for mount the elephant, echo the entrances to the monks’ cells of the
and his presence here would be amply justified: right and rear walls (Fig. 8).
image of the darkness, of the universe of senses, The setting up of a rich architectural ornamen-
ruling on the human desires, he would be here tation inside and in the veranda reproducing the
226 Bhājā

Bhājā, Fig. 8 Left wall inside monument 19, showing two armed men protecting a central niche (Photo # Joachim K.
Bautze)

elements noted on the façade of the caityagṛha,

i.e., the horseshoe-shaped window and arch and
the railing, probably reflects the wooden architec-
ture but also contributes to relating these monastic
and otherwise sparely adorned monuments to
built architecture as it would have stood in a lay,
not particularly sacred, context. The embellish-
ment of the monastic monument constitutes the
link between these two worlds, the Buddhist com-
munity inhabiting these excavated sites and the
lay community on which it relied for its daily life.
This would also justify the presence of a large
female image carved at the left side of the
caityagṛha façade – which reminds of similar
figures distributed on the Bharhut vedikā, now
kept in the Indian Museum, Kolkata (Figs. 9
and 10).
Although no further excavation work was car-
ried on in later times, images of the Buddha were
painted in the caityagṛha in the course of the fifth
or sixth centuries ([4], p. 151), a feature also
observed at Pitalkhora, another early site,
Bhājā, Fig. 9 Female image carved at the left side
of the façade of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. whereas in other sites of the region, such as
Bautze) Kārlī, carved images of the Buddha were
Bhavacakra 227

Bhājā, Fig. 10 Map of the

site (After Fergusson J,
Burgess J (1880) The Cave
Temples of India. W.H.
Allen et al., London, pl. IX)
B

intruded in the already existent ancient monu- 5. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western
ments at that period. India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala
Prakashan, Delhi

Cross-References
Bhaje
▶ Bedsa
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni ▶ Bhājā
▶ Caitya
▶ Kārlī
▶ Stūpa

Bhavacakka
References
▶ Saṃsāra (Buddhism)
1. Bautze-Picron C (1998) Lumière et obscurité: L’Éveil
de Śākyamuni et la victoire sur Māra. Annali
dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale, Napoli 58(1/2):
1–49
2. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples, a chro-
nological study. Thames and Hudson, London Bhavacakra
3. Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The cave temples of
India. W.H. Allen, London
4. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad, ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
Calcutta ▶ Saṃsāra (Buddhism)
228 Bhāvanā

While each of these expressions has to some

Bhāvanā degree a specific sense, bhāvanā could be seen as
an overarching category that comprises all forms
Bhikkhu Anālayo of cultivation of the mind recognized in early
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of Buddhism. Such bhāvanā is not concerned with
Hamburg, Balve, Germany gaining knowledge of the external world for its
own sake, but rather has the task of overcoming
defilements and cultivating wholesome mental
Synonyms states within.
The example par excellence for meditative cul-
Mental cultivation tivation in early Buddhism is the development of
the seven factors of awakening. These seven
factors of awakening, bojjhaṅga, are the mental
Definition qualities required for awakening. They are: mind-
fulness, investigation of phenomena, energy, joy,
Bhāvanā stands for mental cultivation in the sense tranquility, concentration, and equanimity.
of any practice or conduct that aims at cultivating The eminent role of the factors of awakening
the mind, not being restricted in meaning to within the area of mental cultivation can be
a cultivation undertaken only mentally. The pur- deduced from the fact that to make “an effort at
pose of such mental cultivation is to promote the mental cultivation,” bhāvanā-padhāna, is defined
growth of the twin qualities of tranquility, to require cultivation of the seven factors of awak-
samatha, and insight, vipassanā. ening. Such cultivation should be undertaken “in
dependence on seclusion, dispassion and cessa-
tion, culminating in letting go” ([1], Vol. III,
Cultivation p. 226).
The importance given in this way to the seven
Bhāvanā, and the corresponding verb bhāveti, is factors of awakening as the mental cultivation par
one out of several terms used in early Buddhist excellence reflects their potential. In fact, the way
texts to describe activities related to the develop- to counter what in early Buddhism is recognized
ment of the mind. A few additional examples for as chief obstacles to liberation – the influxes or
terminology that falls into the same sphere of taints, āsava – is precisely the cultivation of the
meaning would be: seven factors of awakening in the above-
described manner ([2], Vol. I, p. 11).
• Anupassati, “to contemplate” Another set of similar importance for bhāvanā
• Anussarati, “to recollect” is the noble eightfold path, which comprises
• Jhāyati, “to meditate” rightly directed view, intentions, speech, action,
• Paccavekkhati, “to review” livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and concentration.
• Paṭisañcikkhati, “to reflect meditatively” According to what tradition reckons as the first
• Pharitvā viharati, “to dwell having medita- discourse spoken by the Buddha, during his own
tively pervaded” progress toward liberation he had realized that this
• Samādhiyati, “to concentrate” noble eightfold path needed to be cultivated,
• Samāpajjati, “to attain meditatively” bhāvetabbaṃ, and on having become a Buddha
• Sammasati, “to comprehend meditatively” he knew that he had indeed cultivated it, bhāvitaṃ
• Upasampajja viharati, “to dwell having ([3], Vol. V, p. 422).
attained” The use of the verb bhāveti in relation to the
• Vipassati, “to see with insight” noble eightfold path is significant insofar as it
Bhāvanā 229

clearly shows that the scope of mental cultivation Wisdom gained from mental cultivation,
goes beyond actual sitting in meditation. While bhāvanā-mayā-paññā ([1], Vol. III, p. 219),
such formal sitting is a crucial aspect of mental builds on the type of wisdom that can be devel-
culture, nevertheless, everyday activities like oped by reflection and study. A chief means for
speaking or earning one’s livelihood are an inte- the gaining of wisdom through mental cultivation B
gral part of bhāvanā. Actual meditation practice is contemplation of the impermanent nature of the
will bear its potential fruit only when the proper five aggregates that according to the early
perspective provided by the guiding principle of Buddhist analysis are the chief constituents of an
right view – the first of the eight factors of the individual – bodily form, feeling, perception, voli-
noble eightfold path – pervades all areas of tional formations, and consciousness. The proper
activity. way to carry out such contemplation, explicitly
The noble eightfold path then provides the identified as a form of bhāvanā, can be compared
foundation for the mental cultivation of other to a hen hatching her eggs ([3], Vol. III, p. 153).
sets of qualities or factors ([2], Vol. III, p. 289), As long as the hen keeps properly sitting on the
such as: eggs, her chicken will hatch safely. Similarly, one
who properly undertakes bhāvanā will safely
• The four establishments of mindfulness reach liberation.
• The four right efforts The relevance of bhāvanā extends to both tran-
• The four roads to power quility, samatha, and insight, vipassanā, in that
• The five faculties and powers each of these twin qualities should be cultivated
([3], Vol. V, p. 52). As a form of mental cultiva-
Together with the seven factors of awakening tion, tranquility has the particular purpose of
and the eight factors of the noble eightfold path, developing the mind and thereby overcoming
these constitute the mental factors and qualities desire, whereas insight serves to develop wisdom
that early Buddhist meditation theory singles out and thereby overcome ignorance ([4], Vol. I,
as being of central relevance for progress to awak- p. 61).
ening, collected later on under the heading of the A preliminary practice for being able to gain
37 bodhi-pakkhiyā dhammā. tranquility is sense-restraint, which already falls
The first of these, the four establishments of within the scope of bhāvanā ([3], Vol. V, p. 74).
mindfulness, satipaṭṭhāna, require contemplation Sense-restraint requires maintaining stability and
of the body, feelings, mental states, and phe- balance of the mind in regard to anything that is
nomena, dhamma. The four right efforts, experienced, not allowing what is seen, heard,
sammappadhāna, mentioned next, enjoin the pre- smelled, etc., to disturb the inner equipoise and
vention and overcoming of unwholesome mental to lead to the arising of unwholesome reactions by
states and the arousing and maintaining of whole- way of desire or aversion.
some mental states. The four roads to power, Based on some degree of sense-restraint, con-
iddhipāda, describe the development of concentra- centration can be cultivated. This will eventually
tion through purposely directed effort in combina- lead to a mental condition which, thanks to deep-
tion with one of the four qualities of zeal, chanda, ening concentration, has become temporarily free
energy, viriya, (making up one’s) mind, citta, and from defilements, upakkilesa, and thereby can be
investigation, vī maṃsā. The five faculties, indriya, reckoned as luminous, pabhassara. Realizing this
and the five powers, bala, are confidence or faith, potential of the mind is a requirement for the
saddhā, energy, viriya, mindfulness, sati, concen- higher stages of mental cultivation, citta-bhāvanā
tration, samādhi, and wisdom, paññā. ([4], Vol. I, p. 10).
Wisdom is certainly a quality that should be Cultivation of the mind can be undertaken by
cultivated, paññā bhāvetabbā ([2], Vol. I, p. 293). way of various recollections, such as recollecting
230 Bhāvaviveka

the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Saṅgha (of those following maxim: “what is wholesome should be
who have reached any of the four levels of awak- cultivated,” kusalaṃ bhāvetabbaṃ ([4], Vol. II,
ening), or else recollecting one’s own morality, p. 182).
one’s own generosity, and (the meritorious deeds
that lead to rebirth as) a celestial being, a deva
([4], Vol. I, p. 30). Recollection of death or of the Cross-References
peace (of Nirvāṇa) would also fall under the topic
of bhāvanā, as well as mindfulness of breathing ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
and mindfulness of the body. ▶ Insight
Mindfulness of the body as a form of mental ▶ Meditation
cultivation is repeatedly highlighted for its bene- ▶ Samatha
fits ([4], Vol. I, p. 43). Mindfulness of breathing,
besides its potential to lead to deeper concentra-
tion, can also become a vehicle for the cultivation References
of the four establishments of mindfulness. Such
form of bhāvanā could then issue in the cultiva- 1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
tion of the seven factors of awakening and culmi-
2. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
nate in the gaining of knowledge and liberation Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
([3], Vol. V, p. 329). 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Another form of bhāvanā takes place by way Pali Text Society, Oxford
4. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
of the four divine abodes, brahmavihāra, which
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
are loving kindness, sympathetic joy, compassion, 5. Gethin R (1992) The Buddhist path to awakening:
and equanimity ([4], Vol. IV, p. 299). The ten a study of the Bodhi-Pakkhiyā Dhammā. Leiden, Brill
kasiṇas, “totalities,” are also included among
things that should be cultivated ([1], Vol. III,
p. 290). The experience of such a totality, in the
sense of the mind becoming totally absorbed in its Bhāvaviveka
object, can take place through the perception of
earth, water, fire, wind, blue, yellow, red, white, Madhumita Chattopadhyay
space, and consciousness. Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
A form of concentration that, like the other Kolkata, West Bengal, India
instances surveyed so far, is explicitly linked in
the early discourses with the notion of bhāvanā, or
its verbal correspondent bhāveti, is the “signless Synonyms
concentration,” animitta samādhi ([3], Vol. III,
p. 93). This can be attained by not giving attention Bhāviveka; Bhāvya
to any sign at all.
In sum, bhāvanā can be understood as the
bringing into being of those mental factors and Definition
qualities that are favorable for maturing the mind
toward concentration and awakening. Hence, A south Indian Mādhyamika philosopher who
bhāvanā is reckoned one of the three kinds of tried to establish the fundamental tenets of
meritorious actions ([4], Vol. IV, p. 241) and Mādhyamika school of thought with independent
delight in bhāvanā constitutes one out of four arguments. He is the founder of the svatantra
“noble usages,” ariyavaṃsa ([4], Vol. II, p. 28). Mādhyamika school which is distinguished from
According to a summary presentation of the the Prāsangika school of Mādhyamika led by
teachings given by the Buddha, the compass of philosophers like āryadeva, Buddhapālita,
bhāvanā could then be summed up with the Candrakīrti.
Bhāvaviveka 231

Bhāvaviveka: who he is another prakaraṇa, namely, Madhyamaka

Pratī tyasamutpada [5].
Life: Of the thinkers who established the His Philosophy: His importance in the history
Mādhyamika doctrine of śūnyatā propounded by of Buddhism is that he is the founder of
Nāgārjuna, with independent arguments, the the svatantra Mādhyamika school which is B
name of Bhāvaviveka comes first. The life of distinguished from the Prāsangika school of
Bhāvaviveka is covered with mystery. According Mādhyamika led by philosophers like Aryadeva,
to Taranatha [1], he was born in a noble Kṣatriya Buddhapālita, Candrakīrti, and others. This
family in South India. He received pravrajyā from school later lead to the amalgamation of
there and became a scholar of the Tripiṭakas. He Sautrāntika and Yogācāra thoughts and is exem-
came to Central India and learnt the Mahāyāna plified in the works of later Buddhist philosophers
texts under ācārya Sangharakṣita. The earliest like śāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla. The speciality of
account of his life can be found in The Great Bhāvaviveka lies in the fact that even though
Tang Dynasty Record of the Western Region by a Mādhyamika, he is in favor of not simply refut-
Xuanzang, the Chinese scholar monk who visited ing the positions of the opponents but also of
India in the early decades of the seventh century. upholding a thesis and adducing independent syl-
From his records it is known that hearing about logisms. Because of his insistence on independent
the reputation of the great Yogācāra philosopher syllogisms (svatantra) to establish a thesis, he is
Dharmapāla, Bhāvaviveka wanted to have known as svatantra Mādhyamika and his method
a debate with him and with that purpose he trav- has strongly been criticized by Candrakīrti as
eled north to the Ganges basin. But when going against the correct spirit of the Mādhyamika
Dharmapāla refused to get involved into such thinking. The characteristic Mādhyamika stand
a debate, he was disheartened and returned to the is the review or criticism of all positions and
South and died after 9 years. theories regarding any particular concept without
There has been a controversy among thinkers committing oneself to any particular stand.
regarding the exact period of Bhāvaviveka. Some Bhāvaviveka did not resort to this stand. He pre-
Japanese scholars place him in the fifth century, ferred to establish his own thesis while criticizing
but on the basis of information obtained from the opponents.
Chinese and other sources it is now more or less In his works, Bhāvaviveka attempts to place
agreed by scholars like Frauwallner [2] and the Mādhyamika thought in the context of the
Kajiyama [3] that he belongs to the sixth century, cultivation of bodhicitta, the desire to become
between 500 and 570 A.D. awakened in order to work for the removal of
His works: Bhāvaviveka has composed human sufferings. Bhāvaviveka felt that one way
several texts. – (1) Prajñāpradī pa, a to cultivate the bodhicitta is to be able to reason
commentary on Mūlamadhyamakakārikā of clearly and systematically. Accordingly, he felt
Nāgārjuna; (2) Karatalaratna, which is mainly the need to establish the Mādhyamika views
concerned with refuting the Yogācāra thoughts; with strong logical arguments. For the presenta-
(3) Madhyamakahṛdaya a work composed of tion of independent arguments, he relied heavily
verses and concerned with extensive discussion on the logic and epistemology of Dignāga [6].
and criticism of the major philosophical systems From different references, it is found that
prevalent at that time; (4) Tarkajvāla, an according to him, the realization of the doctrine
auto-commentary on the Madhyamakahṛdaya; of śūnyatā was not absolutely necessary for
(5) Madhyamakārthasaṃgraha, a work Nirvāṇa and he believed that the śavakas and
containing the discussion and refutation of the the pratyekabuddhas can also attain the stage
views of the Hīnayāna and heretical systems of Nirvāṇa. This belief also was against the
about the Ultimate Truth [4]. In addition to standard view of Nāgārjuna that there is no
these, Bhāvaviveka composed an independent other alternative than the realization of the doc-
work Madhyamakāvatāra-Pradī pa and trine of śūnyatā for the final release. And the
232 Bhāvaviveka

followers of other paths, if willing to attain the Bhāvaviveka also admits the basic classification
final stage of release, have to be initiated into the of truths into absolute and empirical, but he makes
śūnyatā discipline [5]. a further classification of the absolute truth into
Bhāvaviveka clarifies his Mādhyamika stand- paryyāya paramārtha (discriminative ultimate
point by holding that śūnyatā does not mean the truth) and aparyyāya paramārtha (unspeakable
assertion of the nonexistence of things but the ultimate truth); the paryyāya paramārtha again
denial of the dogmatic assertion of existence. is classified into jāti-paryyāya-vastu paramārtha
Śūnyatā does not reduce things to mere nonexis- and janma-rodha-paramārtha [4]. These divi-
tence, nor does it regard them to be merely sub- sions indicate that Ultimate Reality cannot be
jective ideas. Śūnyatā rather is to show that the cognized by the knowledge of any other thing
real nature of object is devoid of any essence and that the paramārtha exists in the knowledge
(niḥsvabhāva). To prove that objects are devoid of paramārtha which is conformable to discrimi-
of any real essence, Bhāvaviveka resorts to nation (kalpanānulomika-paramārthajñāna). In
syllogistic arguments. His basic formulation is the realm of Ultimate Reality, Bhāvaviveka
that, all objects are either conditioned (saṃskṛta) admits a clear distinction between the reality
or unconditioned (asaṃskṛta). The conditioned which can be talked about and the reality which
things are unreal (śūnya) from the ultimate stand- cannot be talked about. He insists that clear and
point (tattvataḥ) since they are produced by complete reasoning has to be employed in the
causes and conditions (pratyayodbhavāt) like realm of Ultimate Reality which can be talked
things produced by the magician’s wand about. Such discriminative paramārtha satya,
(māyāvat). The unconditioned objects, on the which can be talked about, lies between the Abso-
other hand, like ākāśa, nirvāṇa, etc., are nonexis- lute Truth and the empirical truth. For the appre-
tent from the ultimate point of view, since they are hension of such paramārtha satya what is
not caused by anything (anutpādaḥ) like the sky- required as the precondition is the necessity of ś
lotus (khapuṣpavat). Since the magical objects or amatha or calming of mind.
the imaginary objects like sky-lotus, etc., cannot He also classified saṃvṛti or empirical truth
be said to have any essence, the truth of śūnyatā is into two varieties – erroneous empirical truth
established. Bhāvaviveka not only formulated the (mithyā saṃvṛti) and real empirical truth (tathya
syllogism but defended it against all possible saṃvṛti). Mithyā saṃvṛti is classified into two as
objections. He did not deny the empirical reality sakalpa mithyā saṃvṛti and akalpa mithyā
(saṃvṛti sat) of objects, but only tried to assert saṃvṛti. As example of the former he speaks of
their essencelessness from the ultimate point of water in the mirage (mārīci) while for the latter
view [5]. he speaks of water. Here, the causal function
As a svatantra-Mādhyamika, Bhāvaviveka (kriyākārasāmarthya) is the criterion for making
admits degrees of reality and believes that the distinction between the two empirical truths.
depending on spiritual maturity and degrees of The tathya saṃvṛti is so called because it is char-
meditation (samādhi) there is difference of degree acterized by correspondence with real object
in the levels of insight into reality. Regarding (bhūtārtha-pravivekānuguṇyatā). It is also to be
analysis of the nature of truth (satya), regarded as pure empirical knowledge (viśuddhi-
Bhāvaviveka’s view is unique and is different laukika-jñāna) [7]. In short, for Bhāvaviveka,
from the traditional Mādhyamika view. Tradi- empirical reality is limited and has relative effi-
tional Mādhymika thinkers like Candrakīrti and cacy up to a certain point.
others generally distinguish between two types of This way of classifying reality also indicates
truth – paramārtha or absolute truth and saṃvṛti another unique point of distinction of
or empirical truth. The latter again is subdivided Bhāvaviveka’s thoughts from that of the other
into loka-saṃvṛti or real empirical truth and Mādhyamika thinkers. While the latter group
aloka-saṃvṛti or unreal empirical truth. admits a clear cut dualist attitude toward reality,
Bhikkhunī 233

namely, regarding things as either illusory or ulti-

mately real, Bhāvaviveka admits of degrees of Bhikkhunī
reality and levels of insight into it. The tathya
saṃvṛti satya and the paryyāya paramārtha K. Sankarnarayan
satya may be looked upon as staircase to ascend K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, B
to the top of the Ultimate Reality. Admission of Mumbai, India
such progressive steps (krama) between saṃvṛti
and paramārtha constitute the key concept of this
philosopher. Synonyms

Bhiksuki, a female mendicant; Bhiksuni, an

almswoman, a Buddhist nun; Bhikṣuṇī (Bud-
Cross-References
dhism); Nuns (Buddhism)
▶ Mādhyamika
▶ Nāgārjuna
Definition

A woman being ordained according to the Bud-

References dhist Monastic Code of Discipline and Rules is
called a Buddhist nun or bhikkhuni.
1. Chattopadhyay DP (ed) (1997) Tārānātha’s history of
Vinaya Pitaka: The first division of the Tipitaka
Buddhism in India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Frauwallner E (2010) The philosophy of Buddhism is the textual framework upon which the monastic
(trans: Gelong Lodri Sangpo). Motilal Banarsidass, community (Sangha) is built, and includes the code
Delhi, Indian reprint of rules that defines the way of life of Theravada
3. Kajiyama Y (2005) Bhāvaviveka, Sthiramati, and
Dharmapāla. In: Studies in Buddhist philosophy.
bhikkhus (monks) and bhikkhunis (nuns). It also
Rinsen Book, Kyoto details the many rules, procedures, and forms of
4. Nakamura H (1999) Indian Buddhism. Motilal etiquette that are necessary to support harmonious
Banarsidass, Delhi, Indian reprint relations, both among the monastics themselves,
5. Murty TRV (1980) The central philosophy of Bud-
and between the monastic and their lay supporters,
dhism. George Allen & Unwin, London
6. Keown D, Prebish CS (eds) (2010) Encyclopaedia of upon whom they depend. Mahisasakas followed the
Buddhism. Routledge, New York Dharmaguptaka Vinaya, one of the three surviving
7. Iida S (1973) The nature of Saṃvṛti and the relationship of Vinaya lineage along with Theravada Vinaya and
Paramārtha to it in Svātantrika-Mādhyamika. In: Sprung
Mulasarvastivada Vinaya (vide [6] and [10]).
M (ed) The problem of two truths in Buddhism and
Vedānta. D. Reidel, Dordrecht-Holland The Buddha gave to the spiritual path he taught
was Dhamma-vinaya – the Doctrine (Dhamma)
and Discipline (Vinaya) – suggesting an inte-
grated body of wisdom and ethical training. The
Vinaya is thus an indispensable facet and founda-
Bhāviveka tion of all the Buddha’s teachings, inseparable
from the Dhamma.
▶ Bhāvaviveka
It is also to be noted that the rules or code of
discipline was not put as the order by the Buddha
as an injunction but compiled them as and when it
was necessary to be implemented for the well-
Bhāvya being, welfare, and the protection of the bhikkhus
and bhikkhu Sangha, bhikkhunis and bhikkuhni
▶ Bhāvaviveka Sangha.
234 Bhikkhunī

Therigatha: In the Buddhist (Pali) Canon, the ([17], 6.v.172–173 – “rattiya purime yame,
Therigatha consists of 73 sets of verses attributed pubbjatimanussarum/rattiya majjhime yame,
to 102 bhikkhuni arhats ([8]. pp. 162–210). The dibbacakkhum visodhayum/rattiya pacchime
early paradigms – saints who renounce the world yame, tamokhandham padalayim//”). In the first
and attain “nibbana” – were not immediately watch of the night they recollected that they had
appropriate for the bulk of society newly included been born before; in the middle watch of the night
within Buddhism’s post-Asokan universal they purified the deva-eye; in the last watch of the
embrace, who would not renounce the world in night they tore asunder the mass of darkness (of
the present life but would instead continue to ignorance).
produce “kamma” and consequently, future exis- Story of Mahapajapati Gotami: While
tence. The early paradigms seemed relevant only discussing either the laywomen followers or
to those near the end of the path, who were already bhikkunis, the foremost on the list come
putting an end to “kamma,” and rebirth. How did Mahapajapati Gotami ([4], 26.8). The Gotami-
they apply to common people who remain in the apadana is the story of Buddha’s maternal aunt
world of attachments, unwilling to leave it? and foster mother. “Gotami’s story” is part of
The answer demonstrates a remarkable logic; if a collection of moral biographies called Apadana
the biographies of the Buddha and his monks found in Khuddha Nikaya. Mahapajapati Gotami
(bhikkhus) and bhikkhunis in this life provide went to Mahavana forest near Vesali along with
models of and for the end of the path, then biog- 500 ladies, with shaven head, on foot from
raphies of their previous lives, the stories of what Kapilavatthu to get herself be accepted by
they did when they too were commoners, should the Lord Buddha ([17], 6.6., p. 158; [18],
provide models of and for a person at the begin- 10.1.402).
ning of the path. This insight of the second and “Gotami’s story” explains, exemplifies, and
first centuries B.C. stimulated the composition of mentions numerous other Buddhist themes – the
the Apadana stories of the Theras and Theris, central doctrine of everything is dukkha, imper-
which focus upon the previous lives of those manence and essencelessness of all things ([17],
bhikkhus and bhikkhunis in light of their present 6.6.v.157–158), and the four noble truths, medita-
achievements ([6], p. 114). The two canonical tive states of consciousness, and other important
collections of religious poems are composed by perspectives. This story alone documents the sote-
the monks (Theras) and nuns (Theris) themselves. riological efficacy of deeds performed by herself
The tone to which the hymns of ancient Buddhism in a former birth as a slave woman, rich man’s
are attuned is triumphant joy. It is pointed out that daughter, etc. (“mata putto pita bhata, ayyaka ca
these verses of the theris are the spontaneous pure ahum/yathabhuccamajananti, samsariham
outcome of expressing their thankfulness and anibbisam//” [17], 6.6.159)
intense joy as the glorious truth flashed upon Though initially the Buddha was not ready to
them that their mind was freed (cittam vimucci ordain the entry of women to the Buddhist order,
me [7], p. 162; [15], V.10). but being interceded and pleaded by Ananda,
The episode of Gotami is one of the best exam- Mahapajapati was ordained but to undertake
ples of this genre. This story is unique among the eight (attha) garudhamma. Then the Buddha
moral biographies ([14], p. 115). uttered the following that Gotami was ordained
Bhikkhuni: The very term “bhikkhuni” in by him and he is her preceptor ([18], 10.1.403).
Buddhism reminds one of Mahapajapati Gotami, Atthagarudhamma ([18], 10.1.403):
the foster mother of the Lord Buddha. For the first Garudhammas are: (1) a female monk should
order of bhikkhuni (Bhikkhuni Sangha), it was pay respect to a monk and should learn and prac-
Mahapajapati who was responsible. It is to be tice dhamma through life, (2) a female monk
noted that many of these bhikkunis have gained should reside in where there is a monk, learn,
“the threefold knowledge” during the three and practice dhamma through life, (3) a female
watches of the night as the Buddha had done monk should listen to dhamma from a monk twice
Bhikkhunī 235

a month and should learn and practice dhamma In the beginning, the order of bhikkhuni Sangha
through life, (4) a female monk should take vow had the same organizational pattern of the
from two Sangha, male and female Sangha and bhikkhu Sangha and both orders further devel-
should learn and practice dhamma through life, oped in the same general direction. However, the
(5) when a female monk happens or intends to bhikkhuni Sangha was not completely indepen- B
break the serious precepts, she should say sorry to dent and relied on the bhikkhu Sangha in several
two Sangha and then behave or discipline herself ways. This dependency laid down in the eight
and should learn and practice dhamma through rules (atthagarudhamma) to be followed by the
life, (6) a female monk has to find two teachers in bhikkhunis in their relation with the bhikkhus
two Sangha and learn from them for 2 years as ([18], 10.403-bhikkhuniya bhikkhusanghato
a female novice monk before becoming a female paccasisitabba).
monk and should learn and practice dhamma The Formation of Bhikkhuni Sangha:
through life, (7) a female monk should not Cullavagga [18] includes the story of the estab-
blame a monk at all, speak only word of wisdom, lishment of the bhikkhuni Sangha. The formation
and should learn and practice dhamma through of bhikkhuni Sangha was not accomplished in 1
life, (8) since having become a female monk, day ([8], pp. 352–357) the Siksamana probation-
she should be teachable to a teacher and should ary period was the result of a gradual develop-
learn and practice dhamma through life. Ananda, ment. Nevertheless, this probationary period
tell her that if she can, follow these eight rapidly became a necessary condition to become
garudhammas she can become a “bhikkhuni.” a bhikkhuni (cf. [18], 10.1.403 – dve vassani
The rules prescribed on the duties of chasu dhammesu sikkhitasikkhaya sikkhamanaya
bhikkhunis took place when Mahapajapati, the ubhatosanghe upasampada pariyesitabba).
Gotami went to the place where the Blessed one Vinaya for Bhikkhuni: ([18], 10.1.407; [8],
was staying among the Sakyas at Kapilavastu. pp. 320–369): This contains 311 rules. Of these,
When Mahapajapati was accepted, it was with 181 are shared with the Bhikkhu Patimokkha:
Eight Chief Rules (atthagaru dhamma) ([18], four Parajikas, seven Sanghadisesas, 18
10.1.403). Nissaggiya Pacittiyas (NP), 70 Pacittiyas, all 75
Of late the debate is going on by many scholars Sekhiyas, and all seven Adhikaranasamatha rules.
whether the “attha garudhamma” was prescribed In addition, the Bhikkhuni Paṭimokkha contains
by the Buddha while ordaining Mahapajapati at 13 Pacittiya rules that are identical to rules for
all (vide [3]). bhikkhus that are contained in the Khandhakas;
While discussing the episode of Mahapajapati, one Parajika rule similar to a Bhikkhus
it is important to have the details of rules – code of Sanghadisesa rule; one Parajika rule similar to
Discipline for bhikkhunis as prescribed in Vinaya a Bhikkhus’ Pacittiya rule; two Sanghadisesa
for the bhikkhunis to be followed and to be rules similar to Bhikkhus’ Khandhaka rules; two
adopted. NP rules similar to Bhikkhus’ NP rules; three
Tradition of Bhikkhuni: When the “great Pacittiyas similar to a Bhikkhus’ Sanghadisesa;
going” (mahaparinibbana) of the Buddha paved seven Pacittiyas similar to Bhikkhus’ Pacittiyas;
way rather opened the door to arahatship, and eight Pacittiyas similar to rules for bhikkhus
guaranteeing the finality for the bhikkhus, that of that are contained in the Khandhakas. Also, the
Gotami’s “great going” guarantees the same for eight Patidesaniya rules for the bhikkhunis are
bhikkhunis. Mahapajapati attained not merely elaborations of a single Bhikkhus’ Pacittiya rule
“nibbana” but “parinibbana” ([4], v.160). (vide [2]).
It is to be noted that when Mahapajapati was to Ordination of the Bhiksuni: ([6], p. 75)
become a bhikkhuni, the order of bhikkhu was A sramaneri as a siksamana the candidate of the
already well organized. This explains the reason ordination already had an upadhyayini now she
for Mahapajapati Gotami to go to a bhikkhu must officially ask the bhiksuni to become her
Sangha to ask for the permission to go forth. upadhyayini making the request three times and
236 Bhikkhunī

how she could become a full member of the detailed points of how a bhikkhuni to conduct
bhiksunisamgha ([6], pp. 79–96). herself. Sanghadisesa ([6], Samghavasesa,
Difference in Pali Vinaya Rule and pp. 329–386): rules entailing an initial and subse-
Dharmaguptaka Vinaya: There is difference quent meeting of the Sangha, requiring suspen-
which could be noted. The bhikkhuni sion from the order, a class of offenses which can
garudhamma-like precepts are not there in the be decided only by a formal Sangha-kamma ([18],
Mahasanghika Vinaya. There is variety among II.38; III.112). Aniyata (indefinite): rules ([18],
garudhamma-like pacittiya. (Pacittiyas are rules I.112; II.287). Nissaggiya pacittiya: rules
entailing confession.) There are 92 Pacittiya entailing forfeiture and confession; what is to be
and they are minor violations which do not given up/to be abandoned/to be rejected; ([18],
entail expulsion or any probationary periods; I.196,254; III.195; [6]). Nihsargika Pacittika
Nissaggiyá (3.1 Pathama sikkhápadam) precepts, pp. 442–485). Patidesaniya: rules entailing
in the other texts. One of the two main divisions of acknowledgment, to confess ([18], II.102).
the Sutta vibhanga of the Vinayapitaka contains Sekhiya: rules of training ([18], IV.185).
Vinaya rules connected with the Patimokkha, the Adhikaranasamatha: rules for settling disputes
violation of which can be expiated in some way ([13], II.88; cf. [2]). The Dharma GuptakaVinaya.
([6], Vol. I, pp. 117–150). The Mahasanghika after explaining Nihsargika Pacittika enumerates
Vinaya does not contain the bhikkhuni the precepts of the bhiksuni as Pratidesaniya,
garudhamma-like precepts, like verses of Bhadda the precepts of the fifth category is called
Kundalakesa Theri, once a freelance debater ([4], Pratidesaniya Dharma (confession of a violation)
II.217–26) and personally ordained by the Bud- where the offense is made known to the people
dha. According to Dharmaguptaka Vinaya ([6], and is not concealed ([6], pp. 147–148), Saiksa
Vol. I, pp. 67–74) the probationary period the precept of sixth category, prescribes the rules
(siksamana) for bhikkhunis is 2 years. Here of good behavior ([6], pp. 148–149) like rules
Dharmaguptaka explains (bhiksuni vibhanga) concerning etiquette, mainly regarding clothing
how a novice (sramaneri) officially becomes and food, valid for both bhiksu and bhiksuni.
a probationer siksamana). There are almost 100 saiksa precepts for both
They do not all contain the same relevant bhiksu and bhiksuni, Adhikaranasamatha the
pacittiya precepts and counting the precepts in rules of this last category are called adhikara-
the texts, not a single one equals eight! “There is nasamatha dharma, a rule for settling disputes.
no inter-textual agreement about what the eight Parivara: A recapitulation of the previous sec-
bhikkhuni garudhammás are. Additionally, the tions, with summaries of the rules classified and
various Vinaya texts add in the eight reclassified in various ways for instructional pur-
garudhammas story in different places. The poses. This is the last book of Vinaya. The acces-
Dharmaguptaka Vinaya adds the story at the sory (or the appendix) a sort of resume and index
very end of its Khandhaka. This would tend to of the preceding books ([8], Pt. I, pp. 36–37).
show that the eight garudhammas story was Besides such code of discipline prescribed for
added onto this Vinaya late, towards the very bhikkhunis different ceremonies are described
end of its composition and they are not the ([6], IV, pp. 213–226)
words of the Buddha.” Hence here it is clear that
assigning this “garudhaamá” to be taken up by 1. The posadha ceremony observed bimonthly
bhikkhuni ordinance could be a later interpolation regulates the life of both bhiksus and
(vide [3]). bhiksunis. The term posadha (Uposadha, Pali
Suttavibhanga gives the details of the training – Uposatha) is related to the older Vedic term
of bhikkhus and bhikkhunis along the origin story, upavasatha that is the day of fasting that pre-
which are summarized in Patimokkha. The cedes the days of the new and of the full moon
Patimokkha rules are grouped as – Parajika ([6], when the Vedic sacrifices were offered. The
Vol. II, pp. 243–271): which deals with the tradition to observe days of fasting has been
Bhikkhunī 237

further diffused in the Indian Society, also in From the time of ordination of Mahapajapati,
the Buddhist lay community. In this commu- the bhikkhuni Samgha grew quickly. It is to be
nity, the posadha days are no longer linked to noted that generally the daughters of the rich
the offering of sacrifices. Only the idea of family are the ones who were attracted to become
“fasting” or of “abstinence” survived. In the disciples of the Buddha. It shows that mere B
bhiksunisamgha there is a tradition of material comfort does not give them the satisfac-
a posadha ceremony. The recitation of the pre- tion and peace in life. For many the happenings in
cepts collected in pratimoksha is emphasized their life change their attitude and embrace the
specially the eight precepts, panca sila and bhikkhuni-hood.
dasa sikapada are to be observed one by one Bhikkhuni-vasaka/Bhikkhunupassayasutta:
([6], pp. 213–214). (Lodging of the Bhikkhuni) ([3], Vol. III.
2. The Pravarana ceremony: This actually has Pt.1.3.10.376). When Ananda reports to the Bud-
been described in detail, as dedicated to this dha about the settlements of the bhikkhunis who
ceremony in an entry. Though this ceremony is have cultivated the four Satipatthana (mindful-
observed by the bhiksus, at the end of the ness) have attained the greater excellence of com-
summer treat a group of bhiksus decide not to prehension. Thus, there are plenty of places
talk to each other in order to avoid disputes. suitable for meditation like roots of the tree and
However the Buddha did not approve of it empty places (rukkhamulani etani sunnagarani).
instead, introduced the invitation ceremony: There are examples of bhikkhuni/theris who
one by one, every bhiksus has to invite the had been the chosen disciples of the Buddha and
others to point out his wrongs, if any, whether had achieved their goal of “nibbana.”
seen or heard, or suspected. The inviting Bhaddha Kundalakesi Theri ([17], 5.9,
bhiksu also declares that he is willing to repent pp. 111–120; [4], VIII.v.102–103) the daughter
of his offense ([6], pp. 217–218). However, of a rich man at Rajagaha, fell in love with
this is not been carried out in the presence of a thief and got married to him. The thief conspir-
unqualified persons ([6], p. 220). Finally, there ing to steal away her property and all jewels, took
are a few rules concerning the bhiksunis in the her to mountain cliff under the pretext of offering
entry on the invitation ceremony, it is said that to the mountain spirit. There she came to know of
bhiksunis cannot cause bhiksus to be barred from his plan and could help herself to escape from him
participation. The eight garudhamma further only by pushing him from the top of the mountain.
states that bhiksunis have to carry out the cere- Then being reluctant to go back to her parents,
mony in the bhiksusamgha. This implies that when she met some paribbájakas on her way, she
after the ceremony in the bhiksunisamgha, the herself becoming a paribbájaka traveled widely
bhiksunis have to address themselves to the and openly challenged by her questions. Once
bhiksusamgha. Finally, the bhiksunivibhanga Sáriputta when met the challenge posed by
reveals that not all the bhiksunis of the Bhaddhá Kundalakesi successfully, he asked her
bhiksunisamgh have to go to the bhiksusamgha, to answer the following “What is the one” (ekam
but only a representative ([6], p. 221). náma kim? [17], 5.9, p. 113) which she could not
3. The kathina ceremony: Kathina is explained answer. Then she became a bhikkhuni and attained
as “raw cotton” This ceremonial cloth is an arahant within a few days. The bhikkhus who
a piece of cloth that is large enough to make could not accept this asked the Buddha whether is
a robe (possibly a set of robes) originally, the it possible to become an arahat by listening to the
ceremonial robe was spread out near the mon- Dhamma only a little. To which the Buddha
astery to inform the lay people that the period answered – “Better than the recitation of a hun-
for donation of robes and of robe material had dred verses that are senseless and unconnected
come. This period is called kathina period with the realization of nibbána, is the recitation
which is generally one month after the summer of a single verse of the teaching (Dhamma) if
treat ([6], p. 221). on hearing one is calmed” ([17], 5.9, p. 113
238 Bhikkhunī

“sahassamapi ce gatha, anatthapadasamhita/ekam and perishing of beings, she learnt to meditate on

gathapadam seyyo, yam suttva supasammat i//”). the impermanent nature of all beings and strove
A man may conquer a million men in battle, but one hard to realize “nibbana” – Better than a 100 years
who conquers himself is, indeed the greatest of in the life of a person who does not perceive the
conquerors ([5], v.103. “yo ca sahassam sahassena deathless (nibbána) is a day in the life of one who
sangame manuse jine/ekan ca jeyyamattanam, sa perceives deathless (nibbana) ([17], 10.1, p. 197;
ve sangamaj uttamo//”). [5], 114; yo ca vassasatam jive, apassam amatam
Uppalavanna theri – Uppalavanna was consid- padam/ekaham jivitam seyyo, passato amatam
ered to be among the two chief female disciples of pada’nti//).
the Buddha. She was the daughter of a wealthy Besides the rules and code prescribed for the
merchant and was known for her great beauty. Her bhikkhuni, number of examples of theris prove
name means “one with the hue of the blue lotus” the eligibility of attaining “nibbana” based on
([17], 11.1. pp. 206–222; [4], XXVI.v.401). instances where the women had shown their
There are instances where the women had moral strength to win over Mara, the tempter,
shown their moral strength as like Soma, and realized inner peace.
a bhikkhuni and contemporary of the Buddha, The precepts constitute a guideline for detach-
when Mára to desist her from meditation – “That ment and a code for the preservation of unity and
vantage ground (i.e., Arhatship), hard to win, order in the community. Further, they create
which is to be attained by the seers, cannot be a good relation with the lay benefactors of the
attained by a woman with two finger intelligence” community, a community that exhibits detach-
([17], 3.8.v.60, p. 72). When Soma has been ment, unity, order, and respect.
taunted like this by Mara, for which Soma replied:
“What harm could the woman’s state do to us,
when the mind is well-concentrated, when knowl- Cross-References
edge exists for someone rightly having insight
into the doctrine?” ([17], 3,8.v.61–62, p. 73; ▶ Ambapālī
[15], V.2) “Everywhere enjoyment of pleasure is ▶ Apadāna
defeated; the mass of darkness (ignorance) is torn ▶ Festivals (Buddhism)
asunder; thus know, evil one, you are defeated, ▶ Kisā Gotamī
death.” Soma clearly felt that her femininity was ▶ Ordination
no obstacle to her enlightenment. She acted with ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī
self-confidence and poise. ▶ Pātimokkha
Mara therefore knows that Soma can see ▶ Sarvāstivāda
through him, and slinks off. This passage in ▶ Theravāda
some ways parallels that of Mara’s tempting of ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
Gotama just prior to his enlightenment. In Soma’s
example, specious doubts arise concerning References
a woman’s ability to attain spiritual states, but
she conquers them by seeing the irrelevance of 1. Bhikkhu T (2007) (tr) Bhikkhuni’s code of discipline.
gender; what matters is appropriate spiritual prac- Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka
tice and insight ([17], 3.8, p. 73). 2. Bhikkhu T (1996) The Buddhist monastic code (the
Patimokkha training rules translated and explained),
In this context, the episode of Kisa Gotami vol I; (2002) The Khandaka rules translated and
([17], 10.1; [4], VIII.v.114) shows how the Bud- explained (A detailed explanation of the Khandaka
dha cured of her grief at the death of her child. She training rules), vol II. Valley Centre, Metta Forest
realized that death comes to all beings and being Monastry
3. Bhikkhuni T (1985) On the apparent non-historicity of
convinced, she became a bhikkhuni. Once while the eight Garudhammás story as it stands in the Pali-
lighting the lamp, she saw the flames flaring up text Culavagga and comparitive Vinaya scholarship.
and dying out and suddenly realized the arising University of California Press, Berkely
Bimbisāra 239

4. Dhammapada Atthakatha (1998) VRI

5. Dhammapada (Text & tr), Kalupahana DJ (2008) Bud- Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
dhist cultural centre. Dehiwala, Sri Lanka
6. Heirmann A (tr) (2002) Dharmaguptka Vinaya, 4 pts, (1891–1956)
Rules for the nuns. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi
7. Horner IB (1989) Women under primitive Buddhism. ▶ Ambedkar B
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
8. Horner IB (1997) The book of the discipline,
Suttavibhanga, vol II; vol X. Pt.1 (2000); Pt.6,
vol xxv (1997); Pt.4, vol xiv, (2000) Mahavagga,
Pt.3, vol xiii (1997), Pt.V-Culavagga. Sacred Books Bhota Deśa
of the Buddhists, PTS ˙
9. Kabil Singh C (1991) (tr) The Bhikkhuni Patimokkha
of the six schools (comparative look at the Nun’s ▶ Tibet
Patimokkha rules in six Buddhist schools).
Thammasat University, Bangkok
10. Karma Lekshe Tsomo (1996) Sisters in solitude.
A translation of the Mulasarvastivadin and
Dharmaguptaka Bhikkhuni Pratimokha. SUNY Bhusukū
Press, Albany
11. Khanti palo B (1986) With robes and bowl. Buddhist ▶ Śāntideva
Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka
12. Kindred Sayings, Pt.I (1999) & Pt.II. (tr) Mrs. Rhys
Davids (2002) Pt.III (1995) & IV (1996) & V (1997)
(tr). F.L. Woodward, PTS
13. King U (ed) (1987) Women in the world’s religions, Bigamy
past and present; Bancroft A (ed) Women in Bud-
dhism. Paragon House, New York
14. Lopez DS Jr (ed) (2007) Buddhism in practice, ▶ Polygamy (Buddhism)
Gotami’s story by Jonathan S. Walters. Princeton Uni-
versity Press, New Jersey
15. Samyutta Nikaya (1994) VRI
16. Rhys Davids & Stede William Report (2007) Pali –
English dictionary. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi Bimbisāra
17. Therigatha Atthakatha (1998) VRI
18. Vinaya Pitaka (1998) Culavagga. VRI K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Bhiksuki, a Female Mendicant

Synonyms
▶ Bhikkhunī
Seniya bimbisāra

Bhiksunī (Buddhism) Definition

˙ ˙
▶ Bhikkhunī The King of Magadha and a contemporary of the
Buddha.

King of Magadha and a contemporary of the

Bhiksuni, an Almswoman, a Buddhist Sākyamuni Buddha, Seniya Bimbisāra, was one
Nun of the first important kings who patronized Bud-
dhism. He ascended the throne at the age of 15 and
▶ Bhikkhunī reigned from Rājagaha for a period of 52 years. He
240 Bimbisāra

was 5 years younger to the Buddha and died 8 years of discipline (pātimokha) on the eighth and the last
before him. Both had been childhood friends ([4], days of each half month was also introduced as
Vol. ii, p. 25ff; [5], Vol. iii, p. 50ff). Pāli texts a result of a suggestion made by Bimbisāra ([9],
mention Bimbisāra’s father’s name as Bhāti ([5], Vol. i, p. 101f). Similarly, the permission to begin
Vol. iii, p. 52), but in the Tibetan sources, his father the observance of the retreat during the rainy sea-
and mother are called Mahāpaduma and Bimbī, son (vassāvāsa) from the second full moon was
respectively ([12], p. 16). Apart from Ajātasattu, given with regard to a wish of Bimbisāra ([9],
who succeeded him, Bimbisāra had many sons, Vol. i, p. 138). Another rule that certain medicines
two named Vimala Koṇḍañña and Abhaya were should not be stored for more than 7 days was also
born of courtesans named Ambapāli and made at the suggestion of Bimbisāra ([9], Vol. i,
Padumāvatī ([6], Vol. ii, p. 117). p. 208). When he heard that the Buddha intended to
When the Buddha paid a visit to Rājagaha after perform a miracle, although he had ordered his
attaining Enlightenment, Bimbisāra paid him disciples to refrain from doing so, Bimbisāra
a visit, and the Buddha preached to Bimbisāra had doubts about the propriety of this and
on the value of generosity and morality, heavenly questioned the Buddha who set his doubts at rest
reward, the pitfalls associated with the depravity ([3], Vol. iii, p. 263f; [8], Vol. iii, p. 204). The texts
of sense pleasures, and Four Noble Truths. It do not refer either to any special suttas preached by
was on this occasion that Bimbisāra attained the the Buddha to Bimbisāra or of any questions asked
first fruit of emancipation (sotāpanna) and he by him of the Buddha. Probably, this happened
announced that all the five ambitions of his life because he did not want to give the Buddha extra
had been fulfilled: he should become a king, the trouble or perhaps because the affairs of the king-
Buddha should visit his kingdom, he should dom did not permit him enough time for regular
attend to the Buddha, the Buddha should teach visits to the Buddha ([8], Vol. iii, p. 205; [9], Vol. i,
him the Dhamma, and he should be able to under- p. 179).
stand the Dhamma ([9], Vol. i, p. 36). On the Bimbisāra was instrumental in motivating
following day, Bimbisāra invited the Buddha many members of his household to take interest
along with 1,000 monks to a meal and donated in Buddhism. The story of his queen Khemā is
the Veḷuvana to the Saṃgha ([9], Vol. i, p. 35ff). worth mentioning. She was so infatuated with her
From this time onward till his death, Bimbisāra own beauty that she refused to see the Buddha.
continued to be a steadfast devotee of the Buddha But Bimbisāra somehow persuaded her to pay
([1], p. 405ff; [3], Vol. i, p. 66; [2], p. 209; [8], a visit to the Buddha. Here when she came face
Vol. i, p. 85; [12], p. 27). to face with the Buddha, he showed her the tran-
Keen interest taken by Bimbisāra in Buddhism sitoriness of beauty and the vanity of lust. There
can be visualized from the fact that he has been itself she became an arahant and with the permis-
connected with a large number of incidents in the sion of Bimbisāra entered the Saṃgha. Later, she
history of Buddhism. Bimbisāra not only showed became one of the most famous nuns in the history
respect and affection for the Buddha in person but of Buddhism and was ranked by the Buddha as
was also known to have been very considerate to foremost among the women for her great insight
Buddhist monks. During his lifetime, Bimbisāra (mahāpaññānam aggā) ([7], Vol. i, p. 25).
had received some hairs and nail pairings of the Bimbisāra suffered very badly at the hands of
Buddha. He built a stūpa inside the royal palace his son Ajātasattu. Bimbisāra loved him so much
enshrining these. Bimbisāra often consulted the that he abdicated in his favor, whereas Ajātasattu
Buddha as he was keen to rule according to the rewarded him by imprisoning him and then causing
Dhamma. The Buddha also valued Bimbisāra’s his death ([9], Vol. ii, p. 190f; [11], Vol. i, p. 135ff).
opinion, and his suggestion made the Vinaya rule According to the Dī gha Nikāya, he was reborn
that no one who is in the royal service, has com- in the deva realm of the Four Great Rulers
mitted theft, or broken jail, should be ordained as (cātummahārājikā) in the retinue of Lord
a monk ([9], Vol. i, p. 74f). The recital of the rules Vessavana, having only one wish, to become a
Bodhagayā 241

once-returner (sakadagāmin) and then to attain

the supreme deliverance of Nibbāna ([10], Vol. ii, Bio-spiritual Practices in Buddhism
p. 206).
▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism)
B
Cross-References

▶ Ajātasattu Birojanabul
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Dhamma ▶ Vairocana
▶ Dīgha Nikāya
▶ Pātimokkha
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
Birushanabutsu

▶ Vairocana
References

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Pali Text Society, London, reprint
2. Ba Kyaw U (trans) (1980) Elucidation of the intrinsic Bo Tree
meaning, so named the commentary on the Peta-
stories (ed & Annotated by P. Masefield). Pali Text
Society, London
▶ Bodhi Tree
3. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
London
4. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text
Society, London
5. Law BC (ed & trans) (1958) The chronicle of the
Bodhagayā
Island of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa. Ceylon Hist
J 7:1–266 Arvind Kumar Singh
6. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961) Encyclopaedia of Bud- Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
dhism, vol 1. Government of Ceylon, Colombo
7. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
8. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Uttar
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London Pradesh, India
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5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
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(1890–1911) The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 Vols. Pali Text Synonyms
Society, London
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(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī:
Bauddha Gyāh; Bodhgayā; Bodhi Gayā;
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, Bodhīmaṇḍa; Boodh Gayā; Buddha Gayā; Budh
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early history of his order. Trübner, London

Definition

Biography (Buddhism) Bodhagayā is the place where Siddhattha

Gautama, the founder of historical Buddhism,
▶ Hagiography (Buddhism) attained enlightenment.
242 Bodhagayā

Introduction temptation of Māra, Siddhattha was also lured and

tempted by different evil spirits while he medi-
Bodhagayā, the place of Siddhattha Gautama’s tated on the eve of attaining enlightenment at
attainment of enlightenment (Bodhi), is consid- Uruvelā under the Pipal tree ([9], Vol. i,
ered as the most hallowed place on earth by Bud- pp. 103ff, 124f). According to the Jātakas,
dhists. It is located near the ancient village of Siddhattha gave up his austerities after taking
Uruvelā (modern Urel) on the banks of the river food from Sujātā, a girl from Senānīgāma (identi-
Lilājana or Phalgu/Phaggu (anciently called fied with Bakraur near Gayā), a village located not
Nirañjanā) in the Gayā district of the province of very far from the Bodhi tree [15]. According to the
Bihar [2]. King Aśoka, himself a devout Buddhist, Majjhima Nikāya, the Buddha described the vil-
visited the place in 259 B.C.E. and was possibly lage and its surroundings as “a beautiful stretch of
the first person to build a temple there. In the ground, a lovely woodland grove, a clear flowing
Mahāparinibbāna Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya, river with a beautiful ford, a village nearby for
the Buddha mentions Bodhagayā as one of the support. . .a suitable place for making an effort”
four places which he advised his followers to ([16], Vol. i, p. 167).
visit [13]. According to B. M. Barua, the name
Dharmāranya is a jungle tract in Gayakshetra,
and it represents a sanctified boundary inside
Different Names of Bodhagayā which is the enshrinement of the image of Buddha
or Dharmeśvara and the presence of the famous
Bodhagayā has been spelt variously as Bo tree that suffice to indicate that the
Bodhagayā, Boodha Gayā, Buddha Gyā, Bauddha Dharmāranya of the Gaya Mahātmya of the Vāyu
Gyāh, Bodhi Gayā, and Buddha Gayā. Early Bud- Purāṇa is no other sacred site than the precincts of
dhist texts mention this place as Uruvilvā or the Bodhagayā temple representing the jungle of
Uruvelā. The references of Uruvelā (Bodhagayā) Uruvilvā of Buddhist literature [3]. According to
are found at nine places in the Pāli Vinaya and the Mahāvaṃsa, later when a Mahāthūpa was
Sutta Piṭakas [15]. While some references in Pāli built here in which 30,000 monks under Cittagutta
literature explain this name to be derived from the came from Sri Lanka to participate in the founda-
large amount of sand (vela) available in the tion laying ceremony, it also became known as
area, other sources refer to its connection with Bodhī maṇḍa Vihāra. Other synonyms such as
a vilvā tree (Aegle marmelos) growing nearby. Sambodhi and Mahābodhi owe their origin to
According to KTS Sarao, the reference of word the fact that Siddhattha Gautama had attained
“Uruvelā” is mentioned at 28 places in the context Bodhi here. The name of Vajrāsana (Diamond
of an urban settlement (Gāmanagara) in the Bud- Throne) is also used as an alias for the Mahābodhi
dhist literature [15]. But later on the place of temple. In an inscription (1170 C.E.) of
enlightenment received its name of Bodhī maṇḍa Gahaḍvāla King Jayacandra, Bodhagayā is men-
from the Pipal tree (also called Bodhi tree) under tioned as Jayapura. The name Bodhgayā did not
which the Buddha had attained Bodhi [5]. come into use until the eighteenth century. The
According to early Buddhist texts, the village of oldest and also the least commonly used of these
Uruvelā, located at a distance of three Gāvutas names was Sambodhi which is mentioned in the
(about 1.5 leagues) from the Bodhi tree and 15 Eighth Rock Edict of Aśoka. The Kaliṅgabodhi
Yojanas (about 105 miles) from Bārāṇasī [15], Jātaka refers to this place as Bodhī maṇḍa [8]. The
was a great sandbank (Mahāvelā, Mahanto most widely used and also the most enduring
Vālikarāsi). This village was apparently inhabited name of Bodhgayā was Mahābodhi. When the
by Tebhāttika-Jaṭilas, the fire worshipers called sacred shrine at Bodhagayā came to be known as
Uruvela-Kassapa, Nadī-Kassapa, and Gayā- Mahābodhi is not certain. In Aśokan inscription,
Kassapa, who later became disciples of the Bud- the place is referred as Sambodhi, whereas the
dha ([12], Vol. i, p. 25). Apart from the supreme Chinese traveler Faxiang did not mention the
Bodhagayā 243

name. But Xuanzang calls it Mahābodhi Vihāra of King Huviṣka, along with some punch-marked
[6]. Thereafter this name is mentioned in a number coins, found among the relics deposited in front of
of inscriptions found at Bodhagayā, the last being the throne. The Indo-Scythian and Gupta inscrip-
of the fourteenth century [10]. According to Cun- tions also record the construction of the great
ningham, this name was still in vogue in the temple in the reign of Huviṣka. According to an B
nineteenth century [2]. inscription discovered at Bodhagayā, a big
Saṃgharāma was constructed by King
Sirimeghavanna of Sri Lanka in 388 C.E., a con-
Gayā temporary of Samudragupta [10]. Some additions
to the Mahābodhi temple were also made by the
The Buddha is said to have stayed at Gayā on Burmese around 450 C.E.
several occasions. At a nearby place called Almost for three centuries after the visit of
Gayāsīsa, which derives its name from the myth- Xuanzang, no major repairs or improvements
ological demon Gayāsura, the Buddha delivered appear to have been carried out at Bodhagayā. It
the Adittapariyāya Sutta ([9], Vol. i, p. 33f; Vol. ii, was only in 1010 C.E. that some minor repairs are
p. 165). Lord Viṣṇu killed Gayāsura by using the reported to have been undertaken by King
pressure of his foot over him. The Buddhist tradi- Mahipāla of Pāla Dynasty. The first major resto-
tion regards the footstep in the Viṣṇupad temple at ration and renovation was carried out by the
Gayā as a footstep of the Buddha. Devadatta, the Burmese in 1070 C.E. The last Indian Buddhist
Buddha’s cousin, was said to have retired to king who carried out the repairs at Bodhagayā was
Gayāsīsa along with his followers after some dif- Aśokachalla of Sapadalakṣa, Punjab [14].
ferences with the Buddha, and subsequently it was Dharmasvāmin found this place practically
here that Sāriputta and Moggallāna, the Buddha’s deserted because of the fear of Turuṣka soldiers
chief disciples, had to go to reclaim them ([11], in 1234 C.E. He further narrates that the front of
Vol. ii, p. 199; [12], Vol. iv, p. 180; [16], Vol. i, the Mahābodhi image was blocked with bricks
pp. 142, 425, 490f). According to the Jātakas, and plastered and a substitute image placed near
Ajātasattu had built a monastery for Devadatta at it [14]. A Burmese inscription of 1833 records
Gayāsīsa ([8], Vol. i, pp. 185, 508; Vol. ii, p. 38f). major repairs at the temple between 1295 and
1298. The Burmese again undertook repair
works at least thrice during the fourteenth and
History of Bodhagayā fifteenth centuries, and thereafter Bodhagayā
was forgotten. In 1590, a Brāmaṇical-
The history of Bodhagayā is documented in many Hindu Mahaṅt, Gosain Giri, established his
inscriptions and pilgrimage accounts. Foremost maṭha here [2].
among these are the accounts of the Chinese pil-
grims Faxiang in the fifth century and Xuanzang
in the seventh century. Bodhagayā was at the heart Rediscovery of Bodhagayā
of a Buddhist civilization for centuries, until the
region was conquered by Turkish armies in the Bodhagayā survived the attacks of the Turks,
thirteenth century. which is evident from the biography of
The first temple to be built at Bodhagayā was Dharmasvāmin who visited India in 1234–1236
by Aśoka. A portrayal of the Aśokan temple and C.E. He says that “the place was deserted and only
other buildings built at Bodhagayā around 256 B. four monks were found staying in the vihāra.”
C.E. has been found in a bas-relief discovered at One of them said, “It is not good! All have fled
Bhārhut Stūpa [10]. The present temple appears to from fear of the Turuṣka soldiery” [10]. However,
have been built in the second century C.E. over Buchanan Hamilton found the Mahābodhī temple
the remains of Aśoka’s temple. The age of the in utter ruins in 1811 [2]. In 1861, Cunningham
temple is testified by the presence of a gold coin found the Mahaṅt and his followers indulging in
244 Bodhagayā

all sorts of un-Buddhistic ceremonies in the main participate in the opening ceremony of the great
shrine. The Burmese king Mindan Min, in 1875, Stūpa at Anurādhapura in 104 B.C.E., while
obtained permission for undertaking repair of according to the Rasavāhinī, Culla Tissa and
Mahābodhī Mahāvihāra from Government of a group of lay people came to Bodhagayā from
India as well as the Mahaṅt [2]. Later, due to Sri Lanka at the same time.
slow pace of the repair work, Government of Bodhī Tree: The Pipal tree (Asvattha, Ficus
India deputed J. D. Beglar, Cunningham, and religiosa), at the foot of which the Buddha
Rajendralal Mitra to supervise the repair work in attained Bodhi, formed the nucleus of the
1880 [2]. In 1883, Cunningham along with J. D. Mahābodhi temple. It is said to have sprung up
Beglar and Rajendralal Mitra painstakingly at the same time when the Buddha was born, that
excavated the site and extensive renovation work is, his co-natal (Sahjāta). According to the
was carried out to restore Bodhgayā to its former commentaries, different Buddhas attained enlight-
glory [1]. enment seated under different trees of their
choice and each of them became the “Bodhi
tree” of the particular Buddha during his dispen-
Objects of Worship at Bodhagayā sation. The present Bodhi tree is not the original
tree of Buddha’s time; however, it is a descendant
The Mahābodhī Temple: It is one of the oldest of that tree which sprang out of the roots of its
brick structures to have survived in Eastern India. immediate predecessor which had fallen down
The chief monastery of Bodhagayā was called the in 1876.
BodhīmaṇḍaVihāra, which later became known Vajrāsana: Vajrāsana (Bodhi Pallanka or Dia-
as the Mahābodhi temple. Four different inscrip- mond Throne), made of red sand stone, is the seat
tions in Brāhmī on the railing of the Mahābodhi of the Buddha’s enlightenment and was built in
temple mention various gifts made toward its the third century B.C.E. by Aśoka [2]. Aśvaghoṣa
repair and construction work: “the gift of the in his Buddhacarita calls it the Navel of the Earth.
noble lady Kurāṅgi,” “the gift of Nāgadevi, the Faxian mentions that all the past Buddhas attained
wife of King Brahmamitra,” “the gift of Kurāṅgi, enlightenment here and that the future Buddhas
the mother of living sons and the wife of King too would attain enlightenment on the same spot.
Indrāgnimitra, son of Kosikī, and “the gift of Animeśalocana Caitya: The second week of
Srimā of King Indrāgnimitra’s royal palace Buddha’s enlightenment was spent sitting directly
shrine” [7]. to the front and right of the Bodhi tree, meditating
Monastic tradition appears to have been strong deeply upon it. A prayer hall (Caitya) was built on
in Bodhagayā. Faxian saw three monasteries in the spot [2].
a flourishing condition [10]. Xuanzang describes Ratnacaṃkrama: It contains stone lotuses
the magnificent Mahābodhī Saṃghārāma, raised on a platform marking Buddha’s steps
founded in the early fourth century by a king of taken during the third week as he paced 18 steps
Ceylon, and makes special remark of the strict back and forth near the Bodhi tree. It is said that
observance of the Vinaya by the monks residing lotuses sprang up under his feet.
there [6]. Ratnaghara Caitya: It is a small prayer hall
An inscription of about the first century B.C.E. that marks the spot where Buddha spent the fourth
carved on the railing is the first evidence from week in meditation, receiving the vision of his
Bodhagayā itself of pilgrims coming here from future mission (Paṭṭhāna). A ray of six colors
outside India: “The gift of Bodhirakṣita from was said to have emanated from his body during
Tāmrapaṇṇi (Sri Lanka)” [2]. The monks of that period, and the Buddhists have designed their
Bodhgayā and Sri Lanka were in close contact flag based on these colors [2].
for several centuries. According to the Ajapāla Nigrodha: It is a spot marked by
Mahāvaṃsa, monk Cittagutta led a delegation a pillar where a tree once stood marking the
from the Bodhīmaṇḍa Monastery to Sri Lanka to place where the Buddha spent the fifth week in
Bodhagayā 245

meditation after attainment of Bodhi and delivered “. . .foremost amongst the many thousands in the
a discourse on the equality of mankind [2]. Saṃgha of the island of Simhala, a disciple of
Rajāyātana Tree: It is the tree under which the Dīpaṅkara, residing at Vajrāsana, a great
Buddha spent his seventh week. It is here that he scholar. . . skilled in two languages, one who
found his first two disciples, Tapassu and seeks the benefit of the Saṃgha, the excellent B
Bhallika, who offered him his first meal following one”. It is likely that Ānandaśrī was teaching at
his 7 weeks of meditation. This tree is located Bodhgayā at the end of the thirteenth century,
close to the temple, on its southeast side [2]. which proves that the Mahāvihāra continued to
Mucalinda Pond: It is the spot where the Bud- flourish around that time. The records show that
dha spent his sixth week of meditation and Bodhagayā continued to function as a center
endured a violent storm and is said to have been of Buddhist scholarship and pilgrimage at
protected from it by the lake’s serpent king [2]. least till the beginning of the fifteenth century.
Dharmasvāmin mentions that he saw 300 Sri
Lankan monks staying at Mahābodhi
Bodhagayā: A Monastic Mahāvihāra Mahāvihāra. Twenty-eight years later, King
Jayasena donated some land in trust to
At about the same time as Nālandā and Maṅgalasvāmin, the abbot of the Sri Lankan mon-
Vikramaśīlā, the Mahābodhī Mahāvihāra grew astery at Bodhagayā.
into an important center of education.
Buddhaghoṣa [4] wrote the Aṭṭhasālinī as well
as the now lost Ñānodaya here before going to Present Situation
Sri Lanka. In 1011, Dīpaṅkara Srijana (also
known as Atīsa), one of the last great Indian The Bodhgaya temple was in the hands of its
Buddhist masters, was ordained at Bodhagayā followers till early thirteenth century and lost con-
and studied the Vinaya under Śīlarakṣita and left trol after its destruction by the Turuṣka invaders.
for Sumātrā. On his return to India after 12 years, Later on, a Śaivite Hindu Mahant, Ghamandi Giri,
he went back to Bodhgayā again where he arrived at Bodhagayā in 1590 and claimed that he
defeated the Tirthikā heretics thrice and thereby was the legitimate heir of the Mahāvihāra [2]. The
maintained the superiority of Buddhism over first attempt to restore the Mahābodhi Mahāvihāra
other religions in Magadha. In 1040, Atīsa set to the Buddhists from the clutches of the Hindu
off from Bodhgayā on his epoch-making journey Mahant was made in an appeal to the British-
to Tibet, where he helped to reestablish Bud- Indian Government by Sir Edwin Arnold though
dhism. One of his works, the Caryāgati, begins his famous book The Light of Asia (1885) in
with a salutation to the Vajrāsana indicating that 1890–1892. It was in response to this appeal that
Atīsa had a special fondness for the place [4]. Anāgārika Dharmapāla formed the Mahābodhi
Other famous names associated with it include Society of India in 1891 to raise this issue on
the Chinese monks Chin-hung and Hsuan-chao, the national and international fronts [2].
the South Indian monk Dharmapāla, author of the A compromise proposal put forward by Dr.
Mādhyamakacatuḥsatikā, and the Kashmiri Rajendra Prasad (1924), who later became the
Tantric siddha Ratnavajra. Tsami Lotsawa Sangye first president of the Republic of India, was
Trak is described in an ancient text as “the only thwarted several times but finally became law in
Tibetan ever to hold the chair at Vajrāsana,” 1949 under the provision of the Bodhagayā tem-
suggesting that he was an Ācārya at the ple Act 1949 (under the Bihar Act 17 of 1949) for
Mahāvihāra. The last Theravādin monk whose better management of the temple. The newly con-
name is mentioned in connection with the stituted Bodhagayā Temple Management Com-
Mahābodhi Monastery is the Sri Lankan mittee comprised of nine members with the
Ānandaśrī, who subsequently lived and taught in District Magistrate of Gayā as its ex officio chair-
Tibet. He is eulogized in one Tibetan book as person and four members each from the Hindu
246 Bodhgayā

and the Buddhist communities. This initiative, 11. Morris R, Hardy E (ed) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
which provided for equal representation of both Nikāya, vol IV. Pali Text Society, London
12. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭaka,
the communities in the management committee, vols 5. Williams and Norgate/Pali Text Society,
transferred the control of the temple land along London
with other property as well as restored the right to 13. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (eds) (1899,
worship to both the communities [2]. 1910 & 1957) Dīgha Nikāya (The Dialogues of the
Buddha), vols 3. Pali Text Society, London
According to UNESCO, the present temple is 14. Roerich G, Altekar AS (1959) Biography of
one of the earliest and most imposing structures Dharmasvamin. K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute,
built entirely in brick from the late Guptā period. It Patna
was declared as UNESCO’s World Heritage Site 15. Sarao KTS (2010) Urban Centres and Urbaization: as
reflected in the Pāli Vinaya and SuttaPiṭakas.
in 2002 based upon the criteria that it has “out- Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi
standing universal importance as it is one of the 16. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
most revered and sanctified places in the world.” Majjhima Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London

Cross-References
Bodhgayā
▶ Aśoka
▶ Bodhi Tree ▶ Bodhagayā
▶ Buddhaghosa
▶ Devadatta
▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
▶ Dharmasvāmīśiri Bodhi
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
▶ Jātaka K. T. S. Sarao
▶ Saṃgha Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
▶ Śīla-śikṣā Delhi, Delhi, India
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

Synonyms
References
Enlightenment
1. Ahir DC (1986) Buddhist shrines in India. B.
R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi
2. Ahir DC (1994) Buddha Gaya through the ages. Sri
Satguru, Delhi Definition
3. Barua BM (1931 & 1934) Gaya and Buddha Gaya.
Indian Research Institute, Calcutta A unique awakening experience of a fully liber-
4. Bapat PV (1956) 2500 years of Buddhism. Publication ated person as exemplified by Gautama Buddha.
Division, Delhi
5. Barua DK (1981) Buddha Gaya. Bodh Gaya
6. Beal S (2008) Si-Yu-Ki Buddhist records of the west-
ern world. Low Price, Delhi, Reprint Introduction
7. Dhammika S, A history of Bodhgayā. http://www.
buddhanet.net/e-learning/history/bodh-Gayā.htm.
Accessed 12 Apr 2011 The word bodhi, often translated into English as
8. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, vols 7. enlightenment, is an abstract noun derived from
Trubner, London the root budh which literally means “(supreme)
9. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, knowledge, waking up, enlightenment, the
vol 5. Pali Text Society, London
10. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Sansad, knowledge possessed by a Buddha” ([11],
Calcutta p. 491). This term is used to refer to the unique
Bodhi 247

awakening experience of Gautama Buddha and is wisdom), Anāgāmi (one who is a never returner),
occasionally described as complete and perfect and Arahant (one who has attained the ultimate
awareness of the true nature of the saṃsāra. It and highest stage of the Path, i.e., one who has
has been suggested that bodhi was not the out- attained the summum bonum of religious aspira-
come of an illumination, but of a path of realiza- tion). According to Nyanatiloka, through Bodhi B
tion and understanding. It is believed that after the “one awakens from the slumber or stupor
attainment of bodhi, one is freed from the cycle of (inflicted upon the mind) by the defilements
saṃsāra: birth, old age, death, and rebirth. (kilesa) and comprehends the Four Noble
Though the term bodhi is used as a synonym for Truths (sacca)” ([10], p. 72). The Pāli texts
various Buddhist terms and concepts such as mention seven bojjhaṅgā (factors of enlighten-
prajñā (insight), nibbāna (the blowing out), ment) and 37 bodhipakkhiyā-dhammā (prerequi-
vimutti (liberation), and vidyā (knowledge), orig- sites of enlightenment) as components of the
inally, it may basically have meant the knowledge state of enlightenment and contributory
that nibbāna was attained through the practice of factors to the achievement of bodhi. The seven
dhyāna ([9], pp. 29–30). bojjhaṅgā are sati-sambojjhaṅga (mindfulness),
dhamma-vicaya-sambojjhaṅga (investigation of
the law), viriya-sambojjhaṅga (energy),
Theravāda Buddhism pī ti-sambojjhaṅga (rapture), passaddhi-
sambojjhaṅga (tranquility), samādhi-
In early Buddhism, the term bodhi is synonymous sambojjhaṅga (concentration), upekkhā
to Nirvāṇa, implying the extinction of rāga (greed), (equanimity). “They lead to enlightenment. . .
dosa (hate), and moha (delusion). However, in therefore they are called factors of enlightenment”
Mahāyāna nirvāṇa and arhat (Pāli: arahant) are ([2], p. 1574). The 37 bodhipakkhiyā-dhammā,
lowered in status where an arhat attains only which consist of the entire buddhavacana (teach-
nirvāṇa and is still subject to moha. In other ing of the Buddha) are: The four foundations of
words, from the perspective of Mahāyāna, in one mindfulness (satipaṭṭhāna), the four right exer-
who attains nirvāṇa only the extinction of rāga and tions (sammāpadhāna), the four roads to power
dosa takes place, moha still being present. In (iddhipāda), the five faculties (indriya), the five
Mahāyāna, the bodhisattva not only achieves powers (bala), the seven factors of enlightenment
nirvāṇa but also freedom from moha. (bojjhaṅga), and the Eightfold Path (aṭṭhaṅgika-
In Theravāda, bodhi is achieved by the devel- magga).
opment of the perfections (pāramī ), when the
Four Noble Truths have been fully understood;
the ten fetters (saṃyojanā) that bind a human Levels of Bodhi
being to the wheel of saṃsāra are dissolved; pro-
found wisdom into the paṭiccasamuppāda (Sk: There are three levels of bodhi in Theravāda:
pratītyasamutpāda, Dependent Arising) is real-
ized, and all volitional conditioning reaches ces- 1. Sāvakabodhi: The enlightenment of a noble
sation (nirodha), resulting in nibbāna. At this disciple (sāvaka), i.e., of an arahant. Attained
moment, apart from the extinction of rāga, dosa, through the study of the teaching of a sammā-
and moha, complete annihilation of avijjā (igno- sambuddha. Such a being is skilled at helping
rance), taṇhā (craving), and attā (ego) takes place. others to reach enlightenment as he may draw
In Theravāda Buddhism, bodhi refers to the on personal experience.
realization of the four stages of enlightenment 2. Paccekabodhi: The enlightenment attained
and becoming an arahant: Sotāpanna (one who through self-realization, without the aid of spir-
has entered the stream), Sakadāgāmi (one who itual guides and teachers. An independently
will not be reborn on earth more than once; one enlightened one (paccekabubdha) only arises
who has attained the second grade of saving in an age where the dhamma has been lost.
248 Bodhi

3. Sammāsambodhi: The enlightenment of a per- all beings and elements, conditioned and uncon-
fectly enlightened one (sammāsambuddha) ditioned (saṃskṛta, asaṃskṛta). It is absolute,
who fully comprehends the dhamma by his because it does not need repeated mental acts. It
own efforts and wisdom and teaches it skillfully is identical with Reality Suchness (tathatā), and
to others, freeing them from saṃsāra. embraces all that exists. It is all-pervading, like
space. It is therefore the supreme and precious
It is a general agreement that this threefold Wisdom that a bodhisattva seems” ([5], p. 19).
division is of later origin. Its earliest inkling can The final enlightenment remains the ultimate
be found in a comparatively later portion of the ideal for all Buddhists to be attained by ridding
Khuddakapāṭha where the three terms sāvaka- oneself of the defilements and comprehending
pāramī, paccekabodhi, and buddhabhūmi have the Four Noble Truths. The Mahāyāna tradition
been mentioned (see [10], p. 73). However, particularly emphasizes the compassion of the
nowhere in the Pāli Tipiṭaka or the old commen- bodhisattva (one whose essence is bodhi), who
taries is it specified as to whether a follower of the postpones his own entry into Nirvāṇa so that he
Buddha may choose between any of the three may assist all the sentient beings in the attainment
types of bodhi and seek either to become an of salvation.
arahant-disciple, a pacceka buddha, or a buddha
([10], p. 74).
Cross-References
Mahāyāna Buddhism
▶ Arahant
▶ Bodhisattva
It has been emphasized in some of the Mahāyāna
▶ Mahāyāna
sūtras that perfect bodhi invariably exists in all the
▶ Nirvāṇa
living beings and just needs to uncovered. For
▶ Noble Truths
instance, the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment,
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
points out that bodhi “is like smelting gold ore.
▶ Saṃsāra
The gold does not come into being because of
▶ Theravāda
smelting; once it is perfected, it will never again
become ore. Even though it passes through end-
less time, the nature of the gold is never corrupted. References
It is wrong to say that it is not originally perfect.
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a contemporary guide to awakening. Bloomsbury, London
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Tathāgatagarbha sūtras talk of the Buddha princi- dha: a new translation of the Saṃyutta Nikāya.
ple being innately present. The tathāgatagarbha Wisdom Publications, Boston
(Buddha-embryo) is the equivalent of the perma- 3. Cohen RS (2006) Beyond enlightenment: Buddhism,
religion, modernity. Routledge, London
nently present bodhi with the potential to impart 4. Cousins LS (1996) The origin of insight meditation.
infinitude of unifying vision through its power to In: Skorupski T (ed) The Buddhist forum IV, seminar
transform and liberate. The Buddha in the papers, 1994–1996. School of Oriental and African
Śūraṅgama Sūtra declares: “(As to me), my Studies, London, pp 35–58
5. Dayal H (1932) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist
uncreated and unending profound Enlightenment Sanskrit literature. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London
accords with the Tathāgata store which is absolute 6. Lu K’uan Yü (trans) (1978) The Śūraṅgama Sūtra.
Bodhi, and ensures my perfect insight into the Brighthill Buddhist Centre, Sri Lanka
Dharma realm where the one is infinite and the 7. Muller AC (ed) (1999) The Sūtra of perfect enlighten-
ment. State University of New York Press, Albany
infinite is one” ([6], pp. 135–136). In Mahāyāna, 8. Narada M (1998) The Buddha and his teachings,
“Bodhi is pure, universal and immediate Knowl- reprint. The Corporate Body of the Buddha Educa-
edge, which extends over all time, all universes, tional Foundation, Taipei
Bodhi Tree 249

9. Norman KR (1997) A philological approach to Bud- Definitions

dhism. School of Oriental and African Studies, Uni-
versity of London, London
10. Nyanatiloka (1980) Buddhist dictionary: manual of Bodhi tree (tree of awakening) at Bodhagayā is the
Buddhist terms and doctrines, 4th revised edn. Bud- tree under which Siddhattha Gautama is believed
dhist Publication Society, Kandy to have attained Bodhi [10]. B
11. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (eds) (1921–1925) The Pāli
Text Society’s Pāli-English dictionary. Pali Text Soci-
ety, Chipstead
12. Schmithausen L (1981) On some aspects of descrip- Introduction
tions or theories of ‘liberating insight’ and ‘enlighten-
ment’ in early Buddhism. In: Studien zum Jainismus The Bodhi tree (Pāli: Bodhirukkha; Skt.
and Buddhismus (Gedenkschrift für Ludwig Alsdorf),
hrsg. Von Klaus Bruhn und Alrecht Wezler, Wiesba- Bodhivṛkṣa; Ficus religiosa) had been religiously
den, pp 199–250 significant in India even before the time of the
13. Snelling J (1987) The Buddhist handbook: a complete Buddha’s enlightenment. Its earliest significance
guide to Buddhist teaching and practice. Century in the Indian subcontinent could be traced in the
Paperbacks, London
14. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism. Motilal Indus Valley Civilization where Pipal motifs have
Banarsidass, Delhi been depicted in abundance. The tree is associated
15. White KR (ed) (2005) The role of Bodhicitta in Bud- with a central Hindu God named Viṣṇu who is
dhist enlightenment including a translation into invariably depicted in the Hindu mythology as
English of the Bodhicitta-Śāstra, Benkenmitsu-
nikyoron, and Sammaya-kaijo. The Edwin Mellen nestled among the delicate leaves of the Bodhi,
Press, New York peering out through the universe with his infinite
16. Williams P (2000) Buddhist thought: a complete spiritual vision [2]. Its significance dates back to
introduction to the Indian tradition. Routledge, the period of the Mahābhārata where Kṛṣṇa
London
described it as an embodiment of universal con-
sciousness. It is also believed that Kṛṣṇa died
under a Pipal tree [2]. According to the Buddhist
tradition, Siddhattha Gautama finally abandoned
Bodhi Gayā years of rigorous fasting and asceticism by taking
food from Sujātā of Senānigāma [2] and sat under
▶ Bodhagayā Bodhi tree and vowed not to move until he
attained enlightenment. After an extremely long
and intense meditation, coupled with numerous
encounters with Māra (illusion), Siddhattha
became the Buddha and perfected himself in
Bodhi Tree
supreme wisdom. Therefore, it is also called the
tree of knowledge (Samyak Sambodhi) [3].
Arvind Kumar Singh
The leaves of the tree do not wither away
Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
during winter or summer as they shine and
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
glister without change. It is believed that on the
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
day of every Nibbāna, the leaves fall but they
Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, Uttar
revive in a moment [3]. The Bodhi tree has
Pradesh, India
a great symbolic significance. The great king
and a devout Buddhist Aśoka visited Bodhagayā
to pay homage to the Bodhi tree and organized,
Synonyms in its honor, a festival every year during the
month of Kattika ([7], xvii, p. 17). Reference
Ānandabodhi; Bo tree; Bodhidruma; may also be made to one of the gateways of
Bodhirukkha; Bodhivṛkṣa; Mahābodhi taru; Sāñcī stūpa which depicts Aśoka’s visit to the
Pipal; Samyaka sambodhi; Sri mahābodhi Bodhi tree [5].
250 Bodhi Tree

Different Names of Bodhi tree is a more recent addition. In early

Buddhist art, the figure of the Buddha was not
The term Sambodhi or Mahābodhi primarily portrayed, and the image of the tree, along with
denotes the Bodhi tree and more specifically, the other symbols, was used to represent him [10].
place of the Buddha’s enlightenment. Both terms A prominent scene of the worship of Bodhi Tree,
are the same as Bodhi tree of Bhārhut labels, symbolizing the Buddha, is depicted on the carv-
Bodhirukkha and Bodhivṛkṣa of Buddhist literature, ings of Amrāvati [1]. It is said that the Buddha was
and Mahābodhi taru or Mahābodhi-Druma of the reluctant to accept images of himself, as he did not
Gayā Mahātmya [2]. The tree in reality is Pipal like to be venerated. To symbolize the Buddha,
(Asvattha, Ficus religiosa), the Indian Fig. The term one used mainly the eight spoked wheel and Bodhi
Bodhirukkha is explained by Buddhaghoṣa as the tree, the Buddha’s footprints, an empty throne,
one under which the Buddha attained Bodhi. Bodhi a begging bowl, and a lion. The Bodhi tree
tree at the Mahābodhi Temple is also known as the (wisdom tree) is a sacred symbol in Buddhism
Sri Mahā Bodhi. Bodhi Tree is said to have sprung for a number of reasons which variously repre-
up at the same time when the Buddha was born, i.e., sents the place of the Buddha’s enlightenment,
his co-natal (sahajāta). The Buddhist legends how- mythical world tree, growth toward liberation, etc.
ever make it manifest that Bodhi tree was not
Asvattha in all cases, the different Buddhas having
different Bodhi trees. Consequently, the proposition In Buddhist Chronology
stands that the tree itself has derived its distinctive
epithet from its association with the Buddha’s When the world is destroyed at the end of a Kappa,
attainment of Bodhi [2]. the Bodhimaṇḍa is the last spot to disappear; when
The Trees of Previous Buddhas: According to the world comes into existence again, it is the first
the Mahāvaṃsa, the branch of the trees that are to reappear. A lotus springs there during the Kappa
associated with all the Buddhas was planted in – a process symbolizing the divine prediction that a
Ceylon (Sri Lanka) at the place where the sacred Buddha would be born; the lotus subsequently puts
Bodhi tree stands today in Anurādhapura. The forth flowers in accordance with the number of
branch of Kakusandha’s tree was brought by Buddhas. In the case of the Buddha, this Bodhi
a nun called Rucānandā, Konagamana’s by tree sprang up the day he was born [9]. After his
Kantakānandā, and Kassapa’s by Sudhammā [8]. enlightenment, he spent a whole week in front of it,
The names of the trees which are associated with standing with unblinking eyes and gazing at it with
each of the Buddhas are Asvattha to Gotama, gratitude. A shrine was later erected at the place
Kakusandha, and Koṇḍañña; Sirī sa to Dīpaṅkara; where he so stood; this shrine is known as Animeś
Nāga to Maṅgala, Sumana, Revata, and Sobhita; alocana Cetiyā and became popular as a shrine
Ajjuna to Anomadassī; Mahāsona to Paduma even during the lifetime of the Buddha.
and Nārada; Salala to Padumuttara; Nimba to Ānandabodhi ([6], iv, p. 228ff) tree is one of the
Sumedha; Bamboo to Sujātā; Kakudha to interesting objects at the Sāvatthi’s Jetavan monas-
Piyadassī; Campaka to Atthadassī; Bimbajāla tery as it was planted during the lifetime of the
to Dhammadassī; Kanikāra to Siddhattha; Asana Buddha himself. The story related to the plantation
to Tissa; Āmanda to Phussa; Pātalī to Vipassī; of Ānandabodhi tree is available in the Pujavaliya, a
Puṇḍarī ka to Sikhī; Sāla to Vessabhū; Udumbara Sinhalese classic: “. . .The Buddha spent only three
to Konāgamma; and Banyan to Kassapa [9]. months at here during the Vassāvasa but his fol-
lowers desired his permanent residence at Sāvatthi.
To satisfy the people, Ānanda obtained the permis-
The Symbolism of Bodhi Tree sion from the Buddha to plant a sapling of the
Buddhagayā Bodhi tree” [1].
There is no mention of tree in the earliest accounts According to the Mahāvaṃsa, another tree
of Buddhist scriptures which suggests that the cult named Sri Mahā Bodhi was planted in 288 B.C.
Bodhi Tree 251

in Sri Lanka. In this year, a branch of the Bodhi remorse, he revived the sacred place by bathing
tree was brought by Sanghamittā to Anurādhapura the roots of the Bodhi tree with scented water and
and placed by Devānāmpiyatissa in the milk. Aśoka paid homage to the tree so earnestly
Mahāmeghavana. From Bodhagayā, the branch that his queen, Tissarakkhā, was filled with jealousy
was taken to Anurādhapura via Paṭaliputta, and got it destroyed secretly. It was revived again B
Tāmalittī, and Jambukola, halting on the way at as before by Aśoka. On the second occasion, he
Tivakka. Those who assisted the king at the cere- built a 3-m-high wall to provide a more secure
mony of the planting of the tree were the nobles of protection ([4], xx, p. 4f). After the fall of the
Kājaragāma, Candanagāma, and Tivakka. Subse- Mauryan Empire in the second century B.C.E., it
quently, from the seeds of a fruit, which grew on is reported that the Suṅga King Puṣyamitra, a strong
the tree, sprang eight saplings, which were planted opponent of Buddhism, destroyed the Bodhi tree.
respectively at Jambukola, Tivakka, Thūpārāmā, However, later, as many as 82 saplings of the tree
Issaramanārāma, court of the Pathamacetiya, were brought back from Sri Lanka and replanted at
Cetiyagiri, Kājaragāma, and Candanagāma ([7], the same spot. Xuanzang reports that the tree was
xix, p. 60ff). Thirty-two other saplings, from four almost totally destroyed by a fanatic King Śaśānka
other fruits, were planted at several places, each at during the seventh century C.E., but sometimes
a distance of one Yojana. According to the Ceylon later, it was replanted with a sapling from the
chronicles, branches from the Bodhi trees of all the Bodhi tree in Sri Lanka by King Purnavarmana of
Buddhas born during this Kappa were planted in Magadha, who also built a 7.3-m-high wall around
Ceylon on the same spot where the sacred Bodhi it. The remains of this wall stood at 6.1 m high when
tree stands today in Anurādhapura. Xuanzang visited it [7].
According to the Cūlavaṃsa, some Sri Lankan The tree that grows at Bodh Gaya today was
kings constructed a protective structure around planted in 1881 by a British archaeologist after the
the Bodhi Tree. This source presents a vivid
description of this structure: “Dhātusena built a
Bodhighara or roof over the Tree, Kittisirimegha
had the Bodhighara covered with tin plates,
Mahānāga had the roof of the Bodhighara gilded,
built a trench round the courtyard and set up
Buddha images in the image house, Aggabodhi
I erected a stone terrace round the tree, Aggabodhi
II had a well dug for the use of pilgrims, and
Aggabodhi VII found the Bodhighara in ruins
and had it rebuilt” [3].

Destruction of the Bodhi Tree

The present tree at Bodh Gaya is not the same under

which the Buddha was enlightened. From earliest
times, kings and commoners have come here to
honor it. Securing an extremely sacred space in
the belief system of Buddhists, the Bodhi tree nat-
urally became an important target of destruction by
the anti-Buddhist forces of all hues. According to
Xuanzang [7], the Bodhi tree was ironically first
ordered to be cut down by Aśoka before his con- Bodhi Tree, Fig. 1 Near view of the Bodhi Tree at
version to Buddhism; but later, out of acute Bodhagayā
252 Bodhi-Being

▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
▶ Mahābodhī
▶ Saṃgha
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

References

1. Ahir DC (1986) Buddhist shrines in India. BR Pub-

lishing Corporation, Delhi
2. Barua BM (1931/1934) Gaya and Buddha Gaya.
Indian Research Institute, Calcutta
3. Beal S (2008) Buddhist records of the western world.
Low Price Publication, Delhi, Reprint
4. Dhammika S (1996) Navel of the earth. Singapore.
http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/35346652
5. Dishalkar DB (1987) ‘Places of Buddhist Interests’ in
2500 years of Buddhism (Bapat PV ed). Publication
Division, Government of India, New Delhi, 1956,
Reprint
6. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, vol I.
Trubner, London
7. Geiger W (1908/1912) The Mahāvaṃsa. PTS, London
Bodhi Tree, Fig. 2 Vajrāsana (the seat of enlightenment) 8. http://lakdiva.org/mahavamsa/chap015.html
under Bodhi Tree at Bodhagayā 9. http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/b/
bodhirukka.htm
10. Keown D (2004) ‘Bodhi Tree’, in a dictionary
of Buddhism. http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/
1O108-BodhiTree.html
previous one had died a natural death few years
before. Many temples throughout the Buddhist
world have Bodhi trees growing in them which
are believed to be offsprings of the sacred tree
from Anuradhapura, and their worship forms an Bodhi-Being
important part of popular Buddhist piety [2]. In
1876, the old decaying Bodhi tree fell down dur- ▶ Bodhisattva
ing a storm, and a sapling from it was planted on
the same spot by Cunningham. The present Bodhi
tree is now 125 years old and is the fourth-
generation tree planted by Alexander Cunning-
ham from a sampling of the parent tree [6]. Bodhicitta
Bodhi tree is a symbol of wisdom and compas-
sion. It is a myth and reality. It is the hope and Daniel Stender
promise of Nibbāna for the entire mankind Hamburg, Germany
(Figs. 1 and 2).

Cross-References Synonyms

▶ Aśoka Resolution to strive for awakening; Thought of

▶ Bodhgayā enlightenment
Bodhicitta 253

Definition during the later course of self-completion

(1.15–17; [8]).
Realization of the soteriological objective to Closely associated with Bodhicitta is the
become a Buddha. (Bodhi-)Cittotpāda, the initial generation of the
resolve to strive for awakening (translated by B
Bodhicitta – the “thought (citta) of enlightenment some as “lift of the heart”), and both concepts
(bodhi)” – is the realization of the soteriological are valued similarly in the literature. In the
objective to become a Buddha as a fully liberated Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā (Perfection of
being [1, 2]. Although the theoretical conditions Wisdom in 8,000 Lines), it is said that the
for its development could be traced already in Cittotpāda, the “completely self-transforming,
earlier Buddhist texts, the concept is not prevalent deep revolution in the mind from selfishness to
here, like in later Tantric as well as non-Tantric altruism in its highest degree” ([9], p. 999), is
Mahāyāna, where the Bodhicitta became a core achieved by imagining the immeasurability
concept being essential for the ideal of the Bodhi- (aprameyatva) of the number of beings (sattva)
sattva [3]. The term cannot be found in Pāli and by the identification of the own self with them
sources, but the expression bodhaye cittam as (parātmasamatā, [10]). The altruism of the
a forerunner appears in the Mahāvastu-Avadāna Bodhicitta motivates the Bodhisattva’s activity,
(Tale of the Great Events). leading to the liberation which is, as taught in
The state which “should be viewed as Mahāyāna Buddhism, the intellectual event of
possessing conative, cognitive, and emotive forces gaining full insight into the true reality of the
corresponding to the elements of will (chanda), nonessentiality (nairātmya) of both the own per-
discriminative insight (prajñā), and compassion son and the things.
(karuṇā), respectively” ([4], p. 197) stands at the The Cittotpāda has traditionally been involved
beginning of the spiritual course (caryā) of later into a ritual of a devotional “supreme worship”
Buddhism, in which one strives to attain the highest (anuttara-pūjā) of the Buddha and the celestial
state of enlightenment (samyak-saṃbodhi) for Bodhisattvas ([11], p. 54 sq.), like it is expressed
becoming a Bodhisattva through the altruistic exer- from an insight point of view in the first part of the
cise of different virtues (pāramitā) for the sake of Bodhicaryāvatāra before dealing with the
the other beings (parārtha). pāramitās: after the benefits of the Bodhicitta are
A condition for the generation of Bodhicitta is being considered, all precious things and also
a proper spiritual disposition (gotra) and compas- one’s self is offered inwardly (buddhyā in 2.6) to
sion (karuṇā), and texts like the Daś the high beings which are imagined as being
abhūmikasūtra (Ten Stages Scripture) maintain present (pūjanā, 2.2–25), the adept takes refuge
that the adept enters the first of the stages of to the Buddha, the doctrine, and the Bodhisattvas
accomplishment (bhūmi) immediately after the (śaraṇagamana), and confesses bad deeds and
Bodhicitta has been brought to arise ([5], thoughts (pāpadeśanā, 2.26-end). After “rejoic-
p. 370). This underlines the importance of the ing in the good” (puṇyānumodanā, 3.1–3), prayer
“thought of enlightenment” for the gradual pro- and supplication (adhyeṣaṇā, yācanā, 3.4–5),
gress of perfectioning as a Bodhisattva, for which after dedication of merit (pariṇāmanā), and the
it “is its primary cause and basis” ([6], p. 741). renunciation of the own body and the self for the
Teachings like the Bodhicaryāvatāra (Intro- sake of others (parityāga, 3.6–19), the Bodhicitta
duction to the Conduct That Leads to Enlighten- is brought up in form of a vow (saṃvara,
ment, [7]) distinguish two kinds of Bodhicitta: the 3.20–23) which expresses its intentional content.
preliminary resolution to strive for awakening Another key text on the issue is the
(praṇidhi-citta), which could suffer backturns Bodhicittotpāda chapter of the Bodhisattvabhūmi
and has to be maintained constantly, and the actual (1.2, [12]), which again is the 15th chapter of the
progress toward bodhi (prasthāna-citta), which Yogācārabhūmi (Stages of the Practice of Union).
cannot be stalled after being brought into charge A locus classicus for defining the Cittotpāda is the
254 Bodhidharma

Abhisamayālaṃkāra (Ornament for the Realiza-

tion 18–20, [13]), and with its 22 divisions, it is Bodhidharma
also an issue in the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra
(Ornament of the Mahāyāna Scriptures 4.15–20). Ram Kumar Rana
Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Delhi, Delhi, India
Cross-References

▶ Bodhisattva
Synonyms
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Bodhitara; Dharma (Ch. Ta-mo, Jp. Taishi
▶ Mahāyāna
Daruma)

References
Definition
1. Tagami T (1990) Bodaishin no Kenkyū [A study of
Bodhicitta]. Shoseki, Tokyo
2. Joshi LM (1971) A survey of the conception of Bodhidharma (Chinese Ta-mo) is a Mahāyāna
Bodhicitta. J Relig Stud 3(1):70–79 monk from India who taught Buddhism and
3. Dargyay L (1997) The view of Bodhicitta in Tibetan Dhyāna practices and is credited as the founder
Buddhism. In: Kawamura LS (ed) The Bodhisattva
doctrine in Buddhism. Sri Satguru, Delhi of the Chan School and Martial Art in fifth to sixth
4. Wangchuk D (2007) The resolve to become a Buddha century China.
– a study of the Bodhicitta concept in Indo-Tibetan
Buddhism. International Institute for Buddhist Stud-
ies, Tokyo
5. Nakamura H (1990) The career of the Bodhisattva. In: Biography
Kitagawa JM, Cummings MD (eds) Buddhism and
Asian history. Macmillan, New York
6. La Vallée Poussin L (1910) Bodhisattva (in Sanskrit Traditionally, Chan (Zen) School relates its origi-
literature). In: Hastings J (ed) Encyclopædia of reli- nation in China from Bodhidharma, who is con-
gion and ethics. Scribner, New York sidered as founder and the first Patriarch in China
7. Crosby K, Skilton A (1996) Śāntideva’s Bodhicar-
and 28th of the Indian Tradition. The Chan
yāvatāra – translated with introduction and notes.
Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York sources of Tang and Song period mention his
8. Brassard F (2000) The concept of Bodhicitta in arrival in 527 or 520 C.E. in China. He had
Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra. State University of a fruitless interview with emperor Wu of Liang
New York Press, Albany
dynasty and after that he crossed Yangzi River and
9. Williams P (2005) Bodhisattva path. In: Jones L (ed)
Encyclopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan/ reached territory of Wei in North China. The early
Thompson Gale, New York Buddhist historical records do not support these
10. Sparham G (1992) Indian altruism – a study of the claims and present a completely different depic-
terms bodhicitta and cittopāda. J Int Assoc Buddh
tion of Bodhidharma.
Stud 15(2):224–242
11. Dayal H (1932) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist The first historical reliable account about
Sanskrit literature. K. Paul, London Bodhidharma is found in Luoyang Qielan ji of
12. Wangchuk D (2002) The Cittotpāda chapter of the Yang Xuan Zhi written in 547 C.E. records [14]:
Bodhisattvabhūmi – textual introduction, annotated
The Sramana Bodhidharma of western regions,
translation and critical edition of the Sanskrit and
Tibetan text.Unpublished thesis, Universität Ham- a native of Persia, passing through China having
burg, Abteilung für Kultur und Geschichte Indiens seen the magnificent grandeur of the Yong Ning
und Tibets Temple sang praises of its artistic achievement.
13. Sparham G (1987) Background material for the first of
He himself said: (I am) 150 years (old) but
the seventy topics in Maitreya-nātha’s
Abhisamayālaṃkāra. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud a temple so beautiful nowhere come across, not
10(2):139–158 even in the Buddha’s realms. He chanted Namah
Bodhidharma 255

and holds his palms together for several days. Dàoxuān further mentions about his death,
From this incident, one can infer, on that very saying that he died in or before 534 C.E. based
day Bodhidharma was at Yǒngníngsì temple on Huike’s biography, but other source says he
which was at the height of its glory between 516 died in 528 C.E. In this case, the date is believed to
and 526, perhaps in 520 [1]. be 5th October due to this Zen temple even today B
Another account about Bodhidharma is by holds a Dharma service on this day. According to
Tánlín [4], who, in the brief biography of Dharma, Dao Xuan, he died on the bank of river Luo while
recorded in his preface to The Two Entrances and another account mentions Shaolin temple as his
Four Deeds, a text traditionally attributed to place of death. The Jingde chuandeng lu states
Bodhidharma, writes: “The Dharma Master was that he was buried on Mt. Xiong near Luoyang.
a South Indian of the Western Region. He was the Taizong of the Tang Dynasty posthumously
third son of a great Indian king of the Pallava bestowed upon him the title of Yuan jue chanshi
Dynasty. He preferred the life of a monk to follow (the Zen Master of Perfect Enlightenment) follow-
Mahāyāna path. Lamenting the decline of the true ing the petition of Guo Ziyi. A pagoda, Kuang-
teaching in the outlands, he subsequently crossed guan, was erected in his honor on Mt. Xiong
distant mountains and seas, traveling about prop- which was destroyed during anti-Buddhist perse-
agating the teaching in Han and Wei” [8]. cution in the Hui Chang Era (841–847). It was
Bodhidharma for the first time was mentioned reconstructed in 850 by Imperial decree [3]. Sur-
as a South Indian who had disciples, specifically prisingly, Wu Chu, of the temple Bao Tang, in his
mentioning Dàoyù and Huike, the latter became writings, i.e., the Jiu Tangshu shengxiu zhuan and
his successor and the second patriarch in Chan the Lidai fabao ji, mentions that Bodhidharma
tradition. Tánlín himself has traditionally been died of poisoning, while Lengqie shizi ji is silent
considered as a disciple of Bodhidharma, but about it [9].
probably, he was a disciple of Huike [8]. Another Three years after Bodhidharma’s death,
important account on Bodhidharma Xu gaoseng ambassador Song Yun of Northern Wei is
zhuan by Dao Xuan written in 645 C.E. relied on reported to have met Bodhidharma and told
Tánlín’s preface as a basic source, but made many by him that he is going home at the Pamir hold-
important additions [4] mentioning Bodhidharma ing a shoe. After reaching Shaolin, he was told
as the son of a South Indian Brahman [5], along by the monks that Bodhidharma was already
with a detailed itinerary of his journey that he dead. When the grave was exhumed a single
crossed distant mountains and seas before arriving shoe was found. The monks then exclaimed,
in Wei. Dàoxuān specifically adds [1] that he first “Master has gone back home” and prostrated
arrived at Nan-yueh during the Song period and thrice [10].
came to the Kingdom of Wei [5], which indicates
that he had traveled to China by sea, and crossed
Yangtze River to reach North where Bodhidharma Teachings of Bodhidharma
not only practiced contemplation, but also planted
the first seed of the Chan sect in China [9]. The doctrine transmitted by Dharma is known as
Dàoxuān’s suggestion that Bodhidharma The Two Entrances and Four Deeds. Whether this
arrived in China during the Song suggests that doctrine is really the teaching of Dharma remains
he arrived before the fall of Song around 478 C. a matter of dispute. Dharma’s biography by Dao
E. [1]. He perhaps did not remain in southern Xuan, however, deals with the doctrine of
China for long if his visit to the Yǒngníng temple Bodhidharma, the Biguan, the Four Laws (Si fa),
and the period of Seng-fu’s attendance upon him and the Four Actions (Si xing) and the Jing jue’s
is taken into consideration. In all probability, he work that says these Four Actions are words of the
arrived in Northern Wei about 475 which would Dharma and that the disciple Tánlín combined the
put his landing on the Southern Yueh coast about words under the heading “Speeches of Dharma.”
the year 470 [11]. It is supposed that Tánlín may be the Lin Fashi of
256 Bodhidharma

the Xu gaoseng zhuan which substantially proves Meditation

that this theory originated from Bodhidharma.
The first of the Two Entrances, Entrance by In the inscription on the memorial tablet of Huike,
Reason, means to receive the Law from a Master written by Fa-lin (572–640 C.E.), it is mentioned
and believe that all living things have the same Huike served his master Dharma for 9 years,
True (Buddha) nature, to meditate on this idea and supporting the legend of Dharma’s 9 years of
have unshakable faith in it, become one with it so “wall-gazing” meditation. It further states that
that the distinction between oneself and others as during Dharma’s stay in the Shaolin temple on
well as between the ordinary and enlightened Mt. Song, he neither lectured on the scriptures
person are eliminated, and not to rely completely nor worshiped the images, but sat throughout the
on the written word, but to come naturally to truth day with legs crossed facing the wall. The term
and dwell peacefully in it. “wall-gazing” denotes here not merely sitting fac-
Entrance by reason consists of four so-called ing the wall but rather a Mahāyāna practice of
deeds. The deed of the Retribution of Evil means mind tranquilization. The meaning of wall con-
adversities come due to the transgressions com- templation includes the idea of the mind in perfect
mitted in our past lives. Hence, one should accept calmness and imperturbable tranquillity as
them without any feeling of grievance and without a “wall” devoid of defilement and illusion. More-
wavering from the path. over, it suggests the qualities of firmness and
The Deed of Dependence upon Causation immovability. Tao-hsuan writes: “Mahāyāna
implies that beings are ruled solely by their Wall-gazing contains the highest merit.” Dharma
Karma and have no permanent unchanging self. was in all probability nicknamed the “Wall-gazing
Since, pain and pleasure are produced by the laws Brahman” because he taught this doctrine [4].
of causation, the mind is not carried away by
rewards and honors and is perfectly tranquil and
will naturally follow the path. The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
The Deed of seeking nothing means that the
wise dwell in tranquillity and harmony and seek Early sources explicitly associate Bodhidharma
nothing because they understand the true nature of with the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. Daoxuan, in his biog-
all things that is Śūnya. Therefore, wise do not raphy of Bodhidharma’s successor Huike, has the
entertain desire like the ignorant who always act Sūtra as a basic and important element of
under the grip of greed and desire. Those who the teachings passed down by Bodhidharma. In
seek nothing are on the path. the beginning, Bodhidharma handed over the
The Deed of practicing the Dharma connotes Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra to Huike and said: “When
that all aspects of Dharma possess pure nature and I examine the land of China, it is clear that there
are Śūnya. They are free from defilement and is only this sutra. If you rely on it to practice, you
attachment and have a nature which transcends will be able to cross over the world” [1].
subject-object discrimination. So, the Dharma This Sūtra emphasizes the doctrine of inner
must be practiced on the basis of the principle enlightenment and who has realized this no longer
that neither sentient beings nor lifeless matter sees any duality since he has transcended mental
possess any permanent unchanging soul. There- discriminations. This realization is made possible
fore, one should strive simultaneously for the by the presence of Tathāgatagarbha in everybody.
enlightenment of others as well as him and should The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra also teaches that words are
be free from action for personal gain alone. The not necessary for the communication of ideas. In
only difference between The Deed of Following some Buddha lands, teachings are transmitted by
the Dharma and Entrance by Reason is the former gazing, moving of facial muscles, raising of eye-
tends to stress practice and contains the idea of brows, frowning, smiling, and twinkling of eyes.
working for the enlightenment of others which is Here one sees a definite affinity between the
not mentioned in the latter. Laṅkāvatāra and later Chan practices [2].
Bodhidharma 257

Another early text, the Léngqiéshī zī ji of Jìng “building temples and making Buddhist images
jué, also mentions Bodhidharma in relation to this bring no merit,” while in later works it was
text which refers to the “sitting meditation,” or changed to express that in Buddhism there is
Zuochan [8]: For all those who sat in meditation, only “Great Emptiness with nothing holy therein”
Master Bodhi[dharma] also offered expositions of [15], which indicates that this legend was devel- B
the main portions of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra col- oped with the passage of time, so its authenticity is
lected in a volume bearing the title Teaching of doubtful. The oldest account, Li Dai Fabao ji
[Bodhi-]Dharma [5]. In other early texts, the written in 774 C.E., discovered at Tun-huang,
Chan School is sometimes referred as the mentions about this interview but it lacks histori-
Laṅkāvatāra School (Léngqié z ong) [5]. cal authenticity [10].
Later sources dealing with the biographical
account of Bodhidharma unanimously claim that
The Disciples of Bodhidharma he belonged to a Ks: atriya family and was the third
son of the King of Kānchipuram (Xiang-zhi) in
In The Two Entrances and Four Deeds and the South India. The teacher of Bodhidharma,
Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks, Daoyu according to these records, was Prajnatara of East-
and Huike are the only identified disciples ern India, who motivated him to go to China for
of Bodhidharma. The Jingdéchuándēngl u of the propagation of Buddhism there. It took him
Dàoyuán, however, adds two more names. All 3 years to reach canton. He had the famous inter-
the four in the ascending order of understanding view with Emperor Wu of the Liang Dynasty, in
are described [3]: Dàofū (attains Bodhidharma’s 527 or 520 A.C., when the emperor could not
skin), the nun Dhārani (attains Bodhidharma’s comprehend the true meaning of Bodhidharma’s
flesh), Dàoyù (attains Bodhidharma’s bone), and utterances in response to his queries; he left South
Huike (attains Bodhidharma’s marrow). The last China and reached the kingdom of Eastern Wei by
one later became the Second Patriarch of the Zen crossing the Yangtze River. Later, he met Huike
School, who received Dharma’s robes and beg- and accepted him as his chief disciple because the
ging bowl, which signifies the conferment of latter had cut off his left hand and placed it before
the patriarchate. He based his thought upon the Bodhidharma in order to show his sincere deter-
teaching of Dharma called The Two Entrances mination to learn the sacred dharma. A more reli-
and Four Deeds and used particularly the able account, however, states that his arm was cut
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra in teaching the idealistic doc- off by some brigands [2].
trine that all things are rooted in the mind. All
dualism, according to Huike was the result of
erroneous thinking. The Lineage of Chan

The Zen sect gained recognition as an independent

Legend of Liang Wu Ti sect at the time of its Sixth Patriarch, Hui-neng.
Dharma never called himself or even thought of
The biography of Dharma found in the Xu-gao- himself as the founder of the Zen sect. Tradition-
seng-zhuan makes no mention of Bodhidharma ally, meditation remained the practical expression
meeting with Liang Wu-di. There is a gap of 23 of Buddhism in all phases of early Hinayāna and
years between the collapse of the Liu-Song Mahāyāna and considers meditation as the only
Dynasty and the enthronement of Emperor Wu way to gain insight into Buddhist experience;
in 502. It is simply not possible that Dharma even the Buddha had attained enlightenment
stayed for so long in Southern China where the through this practice. In China too, Dhyāna prac-
Liang Dynasty ruled. Moreover, concerning the tices were not unknown but they formed an inte-
exchange of question and answers, in the accounts gral part of Chinese Buddhism from the very
written in a rather early period, the statement was beginning. The biographical literature also
258 Bodhidharma

supports this view, by including 21 Dhyāna beginning of the twentieth century from Tun-
masters in the Gaoseng zhuan [6], where huang, several titles have been ascribed to
Bodhidharma is not included, while in the contin- Bodhidharma. But, their critical scrutiny proves
uation of the biographies of eminent monks, Dao- that they were forged and written by later Zen
xuan [4] mentions 135 Dhyāna experts including masters since their contents are contradictory to
a few of the close disciples of Bodhidharma. This one another. So, it is very difficult to believe that
information confirms the popularity of Dhyāna they were written by the same author [11].
tradition among the Chinese Buddhists. After the
Zen Sect was firmly established, the so-called
succession of the 28th Patriarchs was invented, Practices
and in this succession Dharma was assigned the
position of the 28th patriarch of the Dhyāna tra- By judging from the content of his teachings and
dition in India in addition to being made the the ascetic way of life and his disciples, it would
founder and the First Patriarch of the Chan sect appear that Bodhidharma had based his philoso-
in China. phy mainly on the concept of Buddha-nature
The Fu fazsang yin yuan jhing or Chuan or (Tathāgatagarbha) in all sentient beings. There-
Sutra on the Nidana of Transmitting the fore, he placed the enlightened and the commoner
Dharmapitaka [7], a Sanskrit text translated into on the same level, because intrinsically they are
Chinese by Ji-Jia ye, give a list of 23 Indian not different. However, no mention is made of the
patriarchs, beginning with Mahakasyapa and end- theory of “Sudden Enlightenment,” the hallmark
ing with Simha Bhiksu. The tradition was of the teaching of the later patriarchs and their
discontinued after his death, because he could disciples. Moreover, the apparently eccentric
not find a suitable successor. Qi song, author of ways of teachings adopted by the patriarchs after
two of the records, on the contrary, asserted that he Hui-neng, cannot be said to have originated with
was really the 28th patriarch in India and refuted Bodhidharma. On the contrary, his emphasis on
the authority of this work, though his claim is austerity, self-contentment, self-mortification, the
hardly convincing. In fact, Chan growth in popu- curb of desire, the belief in the efficacy of karma,
larity during the seventh and eighth centuries stressing on concentration of mind by gazing at
attracted criticism that it had no authorized record the wall, and other ascetic trends appear to place
of its direct transmission from the founder of him near to Early Buddhist practices than the
Buddhism in response to this attack [12] and to Mahāyāna Dhyāna practices which emerged
enhance the prestige of their school, Chan histo- after the seventh century C.E. This gives the
rians made Bodhidharma the 28th patriarch. impression that, historically, Bodhidharma was
a very sober, simple-living, and comparatively
lesser known figure than most of his contempo-
Writings raries. The so-called list of the six patriarchs
known from the beginning of the eighth century
Early biographical records by Tánlín and Dao C.E. and later recorded in the Dhyāna literature
Xuan do not mention of any work written by written by Qi-song in the eleventh century C.E.
Bodhidharma himself. His only teachings of The was missing from the Buddhist historical records.
Two Entrances and Four Deeds have come down Sengcan, the Third Patriarch of the list, was not
through the work of his disciple Tánlín. In addi- known to any author of Buddhist biographies.
tion to this, the only text he recommended to his Dao Xuan mentions very briefly in his “Biogra-
disciples was the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and did not phies” the names of Dao xin and Hongren as
show any interest in any other text. This is the teacher and disciple, but he is silent about their
only Mahāyāna text which had some connection being the Fourth and the Fifth Patriarchs of the
with the Dhyāna School in its early stages. Chan lineage as was repeatedly claimed by the
However, among the works discovered in the later Chan writers [3].
Bodhisatta 259

Martial Arts References

The evolution of Asian martial arts is thought to 1. Broughton JL (1999) The Bodhidharma anthology:
the earliest records of Zen. University of California
have originated around 500 C.E., with the arrival
Press, Berkeley
of Bodhidharma in China. Legend has it that he 2. Ch’en, Kenneth KS (1964) Buddhism in China: B
taught Indian fighting exercises to the Chinese a historical survey. Princeton University Press,
monks to improve their physical condition. All Princeton
3. Dao Yuan, Jingde chuandeng lu, T51, No. 2076
kung fu is thought to have evolved from this
4. Daoxuan, Xugaoseng zhuan, T50, no. 2060
beginning, and from kung fu came karate. The 5. Dumoulin H (2005) Zen Buddhism: a history, 1: India
three works of martial arts, the Yi-Jin-Jing, the and China. World Wisdom, Bloomington
Xi-Sui-Jing, and the Shi Ba Luo Han Shou said 6. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, T50, No. 2059
7. Ji Jiaye, Fufazang yin yuan chuan, T50, No. 2058
to have come down from Bodhidharma, are no
8. Jing Jue, Lengqie Shizi ji, T85, No. 2837
longer tenable. Even today Bodhidharma is con- 9. Lanciotti L (1949) New historic contribution to the
sidered as the symbol of will power, determina- person of Bodhidharma. Artibus Asiae 12(1/
tion, and self-discipline that are very essential in 2):141–144. Artibus Asiae Publishers
10. Lidai Fabao ji, T51, no. 2075
the martial arts. Though the hard evidence of his
11. Malasekara GP (1972) Encyclopaedia of Buddhiam,
martial arts contributions is entirely lacking, he is vol III, Fascicle 2: Bode-Budalavitthi. Government of
still widely and beneficially accepted as the father Ceylon, Sri Lanka
of the East Asian Martial Arts [13]. 12. Suzuki DT (1949) Essays in Zen Buddhism. Grove,
New York
13. Wilson WE (2010) Biography: Bodhidharma in from
Legends of Popularity essays on the Martial Arts. http://www.
mineralogicalrecord.com/wilson/karate.asp. Accessed
16 May 2011
Bodhidharma’s legends are widely diffused 14. Yang Xuanzhi, Luoyang Qielan ji, T51, No. 2092
among the peoples of the East Asia. He is fre- 15. Yun J (1996) Zutangji, vol 2. Yuehhu Publishing
quently portrayed in drawings and in paintings, House, Hunan
and his head with its characteristic piercing stare is
often represented in ceramics, a symbol for the
makers of wallpaper, as is evident from the signs Bodhidruma
in front of wallpaper shops. Representations of
Dharma are prized as tumbler toys in Japan, ▶ Bodhi Tree
China, and Korea. In Japan, where he is popularly
known as Taishi Daruma, these tumbler toys are
very popular with children and are nicknamed
“Little Jumping-up Priests.” In the beginning Bodhīmanda
and the end of the year the “Dharma Fair” ˙˙
(Dharmaichi) is held at which great numbers of ▶ Bodhagayā
these tumblers are sold. There is even a kind of
Dharma tumbler called Me-nashi Dharma, in
which he has no eyes; these are supposed to be
painted in when some wish is fulfilled [11]. Bodhirukkha

▶ Bodhi Tree
Cross-References

▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Dhyāna Bodhisatta
▶ Śūnya
▶ Tathāgatagarbha ▶ Bodhisattva
260 Bodhisattva

Meaning of the Term “Bodhisattva”

Bodhisattva
The Sanskrit term bodhisattva has been explained
C. D. Sebastian in different ways. Bodhi is a Sanskrit verbal noun
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, which in Buddhist context would mean “the state
Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai, of being Buddha,” or “the quality in virtue of
India which one is Buddha, the enlightened one.” Gen-
erally “bodhi” would imply “knowledge” or
“wisdom.” In other words, bodhi means “enlight-
Synonyms enment.” However, the interpretations of the term
“sattva” vary. The first meaning of the term
Bodhi-being; Bodhisatta; Enlightened being “sattva” is “essence,” or “true essence.” Again,
sattva (masculine) may mean “any living being.”
Sattva might be a mistakenly Sanskritized form of
Definition the Pāli word satta, which corresponds to the
Sanskrit word sakta. Bodhisatta in Pāli texts
Bodhisattva is an ideal in Mahāyāna Buddhism. seem to mean “a bodhi-being.” Satta does not
Bodhisattva is an aspirant of Buddhahood signify a simple ordinary creature, but “a strong
(buddhatva) who works for the enlightenment of man” or “valiant hero.” A Bodhisattva is the one
all sentient beings in contrast to that of one’s own who will certainly become a Buddha (the enlight-
emancipation of the Arhat (an ideal in non- ened one) (see ▶ Buddha (Concept)), as the state
Mahāyāna traditions). of being enlightened is essential to the concept. In
that sense, the term Bodhisattva would also mean
that the one whose being (sattva) is knowledge,
Introduction wisdom, or even enlightenment (bodhi) [2].

Bodhisattva (Pāli Bodhisatta) literally means an

“enlightened being.” Bodhisattva is an ideal in Origin
Mahāyāna (see ▶ Mahāyāna) Buddhism. Bodhi-
sattva is an aspirant of Buddhahood (buddhatva) The idea of “Bodhisattva” is accepted not only by
who works for the enlightenment of all sentient Mahāyāna, but by “all Buddhist traditions” [3].
beings in contrast to that of one’s own emancipa- Bodhisattva is the one who has taken a vow to
tion of the Arhat (an ideal in non-Mahāyāna tradi- help all beings to end the sufferings and to follow
tions). There is also a view presented in some the path to Buddhahood as long as all are saved
Mahāyāna texts that Bodhisattva is a person who [4]. The Mahāyāna is also termed as Bodhisattva
is entitled to enter into final nirvāṇa, but postpones path, because the Bodhisattva path is central to
the personal liberation in favor of a compassionate Mahāyāna self-understanding. As Indian scholars
effort to help all sentient beings to attain perfect like D. Barua argued, in fact, much of the Bud-
enlightenment. Motivated by infinite compassion dhist narrative literature composed in the early
(mahākaruṇā) (see ▶ Karuṇā) and guided by post-Aśokan (see ▶ Aśoka) period (like Apadāna,
highest wisdom (prajñā), a Bodhisattva undertakes Buddhavaṁśa, and Caryāpiṭaka) contains ele-
a praṇidhāna (making a formal vow) to attain ments of proto-Mahāyāna or proto-Bodhisattva
perfect enlightenment for the sake of all sentient path [5]. The illustration of the Buddha’s former
beings. According to Śāntideva, a Bodhisattva is lives, which is the nothing but the Bodhisattva
one who has generated bodhicitta (“awakening career of Śākyamuni Buddha in his previous
mind” or “desire for enlightenment”) to work for lives, contributed to the mounting significance of
the benefit of others till all attain Buddhahood [1]. the Bodhisattva path equally in non-Mahāyāna
Bodhisattva 261

and Mahāyāna circles, possibly, almost concur- modern interpretations of this ideal seem to por-
rently [6]. tray an egalitarian view of gender.
However, the development of Bodhisattva ideal A Bodhisattva is the one who denounces the
per se is a matter of dispute. The opinion of Har spiritual egoism and is always active for the well-
Dayal, who in the second quarter of the twentieth being of all the sentient beings. The Mahāyāna B
century, made a noteworthy contribution on the authors popularized the Bodhisattva ideal, and
doctrine of Bodhisattva in the Sanskrit texts of they presented some critiques of the arhat ideal
Buddhism, is considerable. According to him, the of non-Mahāyāna traditions. By stressing the
early Buddhism imparted an ideal of Arhat. An altruism of the Bodhisattva they, in their polemics,
Arhat was a liberated being, and he would not be presented the arhat as an inferior ideal. In the
reborn. He attained final emancipation. He was Saddharmapuṇḍarī kasūtra (the Lotus Sūtra), the
secluded but zealous who went forth as Bodhisattva path is called as ekayāna (“the only
a preacher and taught the doctrine of Buddha to vehicle” or “the one vehicle”) signifying all other
the people. Such was the great ideal of the Arhat, as paths (like śravakayāna, prateyka-buddhayāna)
it was understood during the three centuries after are not important paths to Buddhist goal [12].
the death of the Buddha. But the Buddhist monks, In non-Mahāyāna texts, the accounts of Bodhi-
it seems, began to neglect certain important aspects sattva’s career are “descriptive” (extolling the
their life to work for the liberation of others, but great acts of great ones in the past), whereas in
sought for their personal liberation. They became the Mahāyāna literature they become “prescrip-
indifferent to the great command of Buddha in tive” (exhorting all to take upon themselves the
fulfilling the obligation of teaching and helping vow of Bodhisattva and attain Buddhahood) [13].
all sentient beings. In all probability, the Bodhi- The Bodhisttva doctrine was modified in its essen-
sattva doctrine was promulgated by some earnest tial features in the course of several centuries,
and diligent Buddhist leaders as a protest against from the second century B.C. to the seventh
this lack of true spiritual vehemence and altruism century A.D. In the early Mahāyāna texts,
among monastic followers of Buddha. There must the Bodhiasttvas are inferior and subordinate to
have been a propensity toward spiritual selfishness the Buddhas; but they acquire greater importance
among the monks. Besides the ideal of Arhat, the in the course of time, and they are, at last, regarded
singular ideal of a pratyeka-budda also evolved as equal to the Buddhas in many respects. The
during the early centuries. Most probably, the cults of Bodhisattvas along with Buddhas began
Bodhisattva ideal was taught in order to counter right from the early centuries. And there are two
this tendency to a cloistered, quiet, and inactive aspects of the cult of Bodhisattvas: a devotional
monastic life [7, 8]. one for the majority of believers, and a practical
The Bodhisattva path was open to all: men and one for those who aim to follow the Bodhisattva
women, the reclusive, and the laity. One of the career. The Prajñāpāramitā literature is mostly
early texts named Vimalakī rtinirdeśasūtra, concerned with the latter, for it is evidently taught
Vimalakīrti, a layman, explains to the Bodhisattva in these texts that the path toward eventual Bud-
Mañjuśrī (see ▶ Mañjuśrī) how a Bodhisattva dhahood is accessible to all.
could live in a world without being attached to
it. But some texts like the Ugraparipṛccha Bodhicitta and the Commencement of
asserted that monastic life was more favorable Bodhisattva Career
to the path of the Bodhisattva [9]. The The exact commencing of the Bodhisattva career is
Śiksāsamuccaya of Śāntideva also advocated an authentic awareness and determination to attain
monastic lifestyle, rather than lay, for the Bodhi- Buddhahood by changing the orientation from self-
sattvas. Thus, it is seen in the Mahāyāna texts, in concern to the concerns for other beings, which is
most cases, the Bodhisattva ideal was envisaged called bodhicitta (see ▶ Bodhicitta). The expres-
for men and the monastics [10, 11], though sion bodhicitta has been translated as “thought of
262 Bodhisattva

enlightenment,” the “desire for enlightenment,” or (kalyāṇamitra) is on the way to attain complete
“enlightenment-consciousness.” In Sanskrit texts bodhi (enlightenment). In the Madhyamakāvatāra
of Mahāyāna tradition, the term has the meaning there is a mention of a pre-Bodhisattva stage
of a determination or commitment to attain Bud- called Adhimukti-caryābhūmi. In this stage
dhahood. In some other texts, it is presented as an a being is fit to enter the first of the ten
ethical altruistic motive of the Bodhisattva. In chap- bhūmis as he develops bodhicitta. In the
ter one of Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra, there is Bodhisattvabhūmi, there is a more overt reference
a mention of twofold significance of bodhicitta: to this pre-Bodhisattva stage, and it is called as
(1) the mind having made a resolve for bodhi Prakṛti-caryā, which has two stages, namely,
(bodhi-praṇidhi-citta) and (2) the actual proceed- Gotra-vihāra (in it, a being is abiding in the
ing toward bodhi (bodhi-prasthāna-citta). In this realm of the good qualities of the noble lineage)
sense, bodhicitta is first an aspiration for enlighten- and Adhimukti-caryā-vihāra (in it, a being is
ment, and then making of the efforts to its aspiring to develop bodhicitta). In the Daś
attainment. Bodhicitta, if one takes the fundamental abhūmikasūtra, however, there is no direct men-
view of all the Sanskrit Buddhist texts, means the tion of such a stage, but there is reference to the
vow or aspiration of a being to become a Buddha qualities needed in the pre-Bodhisattva stage [15].
and to acquire all the qualities and powers of
a Buddha [14]. (a) Pāramitā (Perfections): The Bodhisattva
career begins with bodhicitta and the vow of
Bodhisattva Path the Bodhisattva. A Bodhisattva must practice
When a being attains bodhicitta in aiming for full the perfections called as the pāramitās.
Buddhahood, as the perfection of wisdom Pāramitā is central to Mahāyāna Buddhism,
(prajñā) and compassion (karuṇā), the supreme and it has been translated as “transcendental
state most suitable for benefitting others, the virtue,” “perfect virtue,” and “highest perfec-
Bodhisattva begins his career. The very being of tion.” The term pāramitā, occurring in the
a Bodhisattva is to work for the welfare of others. later writings of Buddhism, means “the
The Bodhisattva’s vow to attain Buddhahood highest-ness” or “the excellent-ness.” Based
thereby dedicating his efforts to help all other on a passage of the Bodhisattvabhūmi, as it is
sentient beings makes him placed on the Bodhi- shown by some scholars, pāramitā comes
sattva path. This path was exalted as superior from the Sanskrit adjective parama (the
practice, and with this the Mahāyāna got distin- highest) and the suffix tā (a suffix used in
guished itself from other Buddhist paths. The Sanskrit to transform nouns and adjectives
Bodhisattva path eventually came to comprise into abstract substantives. There is another
the cultivation of ṣaḍ-pāramitās (six perfections) view that the term pāramitā is derived from
(see ▶ Pāramitā). Śāntideva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra the Sanskrit prefix pāram which denotes “the
(eighth century A.D.) is a classic account on the other side” or “beyond” of something.
Bodhisattva path, which begins with the descrip- Pāramitā is used in the sense of a
tion of bodhicitta. In addition to the ṣaḍ- “Bodhisattva-caryā,” that is, a “conduct by
pāramitās, the ten bhūmis also became part of which one has attained to the other side”
Bodhisattva path. The account of the ten bodhi- (here the “other side” is termed as “pāram,”
sattva-bhūmi is, in a way, a demonstration of the which is Buddha-hood). The term pāramitā,
duration and seriousness of Bodhisattva path. as Bodhisattva-caryā, has been used with ref-
It is found very often in the Prajñāpāramita erence to six pāramitās.
literature and other Mahāyāna sources that a being The six pāramitās are the principal fac-
who has done meritorious acts (avaropita-kuśala- tors in a Bodhisattva’s discipline. The origin
mūla), attained eligibility by serving several pre- of the sixfold formula of the pāramitās is from
ceding Buddhas (pūrva-jina-kṛtādhikāra), and the early Buddhist triple aspects of discipline,
had many well-wishing spiritual friends/guides namely, virtuous conduct (śī la), concentration
Bodhisattva 263

(samādhi), and wisdom (prajñā). They are practices them. All the brahma-vihāras were
also called as the three śikṣās (or the branches emphasized and inculcated with great zeal,
of instruction). The six pāramitās are: and karuṇā was chosen as the most important
(1) Dāna: giving, generosity, charity, or liber- among them, with the honorific title mahā
ality. (2) Śīla: virtuous conduct, morality, getting prefixed to it (mahākaruṇā) [17, 18]. B
spiritual discipline, or righteousness. (c) Daśa-bhūmi (Ten Stages in the Bodhi-
(3) Kṣānti: forbearance, patience, or endur- sattva’s Spiritual Progress): A Bodhisattva
ance. (4) Vīryā: energy/vigor. (5) Dhyāna: at the completion of six perfections (ṣaḍ-
rapt musing or meditation. (6) Prajñā: pāramitā) starts the spiritual advancement as
wisdom. In due course, four more perfections designated in the ten bhūmis. The bhūmis are
were added to the list of the six perfections to not physical planes of existence, but stages of
make them ten pāramitās whereby some cor- spiritual progress of a Bodhisattva. In
relation was established with the ten Bodhi- Mahāyāna literature, there are a number of
sattva-bhūmis. The additional four texts which deal with the bhūmis. The most
perfections are: (7) Upāya or upāya-kauś important text is the Daśabhūmikasūtra,
alya: skillful means. (8) Praṇidhāna: aspira- which treats mainly the bhūmis. The next
tion, resolution, or vow. (9) Bala: power, important texts are the Bodhisattvabhūmi
strength. (10) Jñāna: knowledge. The formula and the Madhyamakāvatāra. The other
of six perfections (ṣaḍ-pāramitā) was devel- works which incorporate a subsidiary treat-
oped following a procedure of assortment and ment of the bhūmis are the Lankāvatārasūtra
experimentation, and it became the standard and the Mahāyānasūtrālaṁkāra. The Śata-
list. The Bodhisattva practices these sāhasrikā Prajñā-pāramitā and the Pañca-
pāramitās as they form a fundamental part of viṁśati-sāhasrikā Prajñā-pāramitā devote
Bodhisattva discipline. a chapter exclusively for the treatment of the
(b) Brahmavihāra: (see ▶ Brahmavihāra). bhūmis.
A Bodhisattva practices the six or ten
pāramitās (perfections). In the list of The conception of bhūmis appeared early in the
pāramitās, the fifth is Dhyāna or meditation, history of Buddhism. In the Mahāvastu, the ten
and the brahma-vihāras comprise the essence bhūmis are listed but they differ totally from those
of Dhyāna. A bodhisattva or anyone who given in other Mahāyāna texts mentioned above.
practices the six perfections should practice The ten bhūmis are: (1) Pramuditā (Joyous
the four meditations called the brahma- Stage), (2) Vimalā (Immaculate Stage),
vihāras. They are also called as brāhmya- (3) Prabhākarī (Stage of Illumination),
vihāra [16] and translated as “sublime or (4) Arciṣmatī (Radiant Stage), (5) Sudurjayā
divine states of mind,” “pious conduct,” “per- (Hard to Win Stage), (6) Abhimukhī (Turning to
fect states,” “excellent states,” “God-moods,” Enlightenment Stage), (7) Dūraṁgamā (Far
“divine states,” and “the highest condition.” Going Stage), (8) Acalā (Immovable Stage),
The four brahma-vihāras are: (1) love or (9) Sādhumatī (Good Thoughts Stage), and
friendliness (maitrī ), (2) compassion (10) Dharma-meghā (Dharma Cloud Stage) [19].
(karuṇā), (3) sympathetic joy (muditā), and There are some modern scholars who argue
(4) equanimity or impartiality (upekṣā or that Bodhisattva is not a doctrine, but it is
upekkhā). This set of four virtues is meant to a practice. The Bodhisattvas are distinguished by
regulate one’s attitude to others and these practice, and this practice is a “means,” and the
virtues speak of the social emotions in Bud- main “means” is the bodhicitta (thought of
dhism. These four states are for one’s personal enlightenment). This bodhcitta is the door to
spiritual growth as well. The Mahāvastu Mahāyāna path. The person who enters this path
exalts the brahma-vihāras to such an extent must generate bodicitta with a double aim: Bud-
that it promises nirvāṇa to the person who dhahood for oneself and others.
264 Bodhisattva

Prajñā, Karunā, and Altruism When a Bodhisattva cultivates the attitude of

˙
A Bodhisattva possesses the double endowment regarding others as equal to himself, he gets rid
of prajñā and mahākaruṇā or the highest wisdom his egoism and selfishness. He feels the joys and
and great compassion. They are known also as sorrows of others as his own. He is also always
Jñāna-sambhāra and Puṇya-sambhāra, or the ready to exchange his happiness for the miseries of
equipments of knowledge and merit. Prajñā is others. He returns good for evil. He helps and loves
the highest and with this one attains bodhi or those have injured him. In the texts like the
enlightenment. Prajñā is to be regarded as Gaṇḍavyūhasūtra, the Bodhisattva is even
consisting of the “intuition” or nirvikalpa-jñāna presented as a wonder worker with magical powers
(the nondiscriminating wisdom) and nirvikalpa- to help other beings [21].
pṛṣṭhalabdha-jñānā (the wisdom obtained just The altruistic characteristic makes a being
after the nondiscriminating wisdom). Bodhi (Bud- a Bodhisattva, and it was “basis of the bodhisattva
dha’s wisdom and enlightenment) is equivalent to ideal” [22]. He does not look for his personal
prajñā, that is, the wisdom which enables one to liberation alone, but he strives to make everyone
have unerring judgments and conducts in this attain the final freedom of Buddhahood. There is
world. Mañjuśrī represents prajñā in Mahāyāna a wonderful communitarian or universal outlook
literature. In the early Mahāyāna, wisdom is con- in all what a Bodhisattva does. The altruism of the
sidered to be somewhat more important than com- Bodhisattva is so sublime and noble that he even
passion. Mañjuśrī is invoked in the opening forgets about himself. The Bodhicaryāvatāra
verses of several Mahāyāna treatises. The glorifi- highlights the altruistic determination of
cation of wisdom reaches its zenith in the writings a Bodhisattva in this way:
of the Mādhyamika (see ▶ Mādhyamika) school
May I be the protector of the helpless!
of Buddhist philosophy. But the later Mahāyāna May I be the guide of wayfarers! May I be like
emphasizes compassion (karuṇā) more than a boat, a bridge, a causeway for all who wish to
wisdom. It is emotional rather than argumentative. cross a stream! May I be a lamp for all who need
a lamp! May I be a servant for all who want service!
Avalokiteśvara represents the great compassion in
May I be a cintā-maṇi (wish fulfilling gem) for all
Mahāyāna literature. Karuṇā or mahā-karuṇā is creatures, a bhadra-ghaṭa (pot of fortune) and
an attribute of a Bodhisattva and a perfect Bud- a potent medicinal herb! May I be for them
dha. A Bodhisattva shows his karuṇā mainly by a kalpa-vṛkṣa (wish fulfilling tree) and a kāma-
dhenu (cow that yields all that one desires)
resolving to suffer and endure the torments and
(Bodhicaryāvatāra 3:17–19).
agonies of the horrible purgatories for ages in
order to escort all beings into bodhi. Cultivation
of karuṇā is an essential aspect of the Bodhisattva The Philosophical Bedrock of Bodhisattva
path. One gives thought to the experiences of Ideal
diverse sufferings of the sentient beings. When The philosophical bedrock of bodhisattva ideal
one contemplates the sufferings of others, it is the concept of Tathāgata-garbha (see
amounts to cause of arousing compassion. The ▶ Tathāgatagarbha). Tathāgata-garbha is an
Bodhissttvabhūmi declares them lengthily as the important Mahāyāna principle or doctrine which
110 sufferings that are meditative objects of com- explains that all living beings possess the essence
passion. One may also know by this arousing of (garbha) of Buddha. According to the doctrine of
great compassion the standard for arising of the Tathāgata-garbha, all beings possess a core nature,
great love (mahāmaitrī ) [20]. which is basically pure and luminous with
The Buddhists writers have not only praised qualities of openness, clarity, and sensitivity.
karuṇā, but also have attempted to analyze and Tathāgata-garbha or the essence of Buddha
explain it philosophically. Karuṇa of the Bodhi- might be in an obscured form in the living beings,
sattva could be seen in two ways: It consists in but it exists very much in every sentient being.
realizing the equality of oneself and others and Thus all beings are potential Buddhas, or all beings
also practicing the substitution of others for oneself. will attain Buddhahood one day. Tathāgata-garbha
Bodhisattva 265

is termed in English as “Buddha-matrix,” “essence of as “Pure Land” in East Asian Buddhism. This is
of Buddha” and “Buddha-nature.” a kṣetra (domain) which a Bodhisattva prepares or
All beings are, thus, identical with Buddha; purifies for the sentient beings through his own
and bodhi (enlightenment) is implicit in them, efforts [24].
but it has to be realized by spiritual discipline of B
Bodhisattva path. This is an encouraging ideal of Bodhisattva’s Postponement of Nirvāna and
the unity of all beings as Buddha or in the Buddha. Other Models ˙
The Bodhisattva helps the beings to realize their There is a debate in modern Buddhist scholarship
real Buddha nature or Tathāgata-garbha. about the postponement model of nirvāṇa by the
A Bodhisattva has got the highest wisdom Bodhisattvas. A few of the modern scholars find
(prajñā) and he is fully enlightened in this the postponement model to be quite at odd. They
regard. All are one in Buddha, for all the sentient argue that such a teaching appears to be incoher-
beings possess the essence of Buddhahood ent, and holds a claim that someway a Buddha
(Sarva sattvās-tathāgata-garbhāḥ). It is the all- must be wanting in compassion when compared
embracing ground of Buddhahood. It pervades with a Bodhisattva, as a Bodhisattva postpones
everything and moves everything. In it all beings nirvāṇa in his compassion for the sentient beings
are united. [25]. However, such expressions do occur in
The Bodhisattva ideal has got its basis on the Mahāyāna sūtras and śāstras about Bodhisattvas
theory of Tathāgata-garbha. Logically speaking, avoiding, rather postponing, their eligible final
if all the sentient beings do not possess the entry into nirvāṇa with the intention of continuing
Tathāgata-garbha, then the path of a Bodhisattva to work for all sentient beings till all reach final
who tries to help all beings reach bodhi would be Buddhahood [26, 27]. The goal of a Bodhisattva is
ineffective and his work would be a futile attempt. nothing less than the liberation of all sentient
It is owing to the presence of Tathāgata-garbha beings, bringing each and every being to
that he perceives the unity of all beings. His Buddhahood.
expression of mahā-karuṇā is due to his realiza- There are also different models of Bodhisattva
tion of Tathāgata-garbha. He realizes the advaya ideal presented in different texts. The
(tā) (non-duality) between him and other living Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra emphasizes the
beings. The essence of this consists in the inner devotion, service, and bodily sacrifices of
realization of unity of all beings and the utter the Bodhisattva to the Buddhas, whereas the lon-
negation of egoism [23]. ger Sukhāvati-vyūha gives importance to the vow
of the Bodhisattva to help and save all sentient
Bodhisattva and Buddhaksetra beings. The Vimalakī rti-nirdeśa depicts the abil-
˙
The concept of buddhakṣetra is important in the ity of a householder to follow the Boddhisattva
doctrine of Bodhisattva. Buddhakṣetra means path. The Pañca-viṁśati-sāhasrikā-prajñā-
“Buddha field,” “Buddha land,” or a “Buddha pāramitā-sūtra presents the ideal of Bodhisattva
domain” denoting the area or space where by his teaching and making other beings to mature
a Buddha has his spiritual control. It is not merely and establish themselves in beneficial practices to
a place where the Buddha has come about. The attain Buddhahood. Here the Bodhisattva does not
Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka contains predictions about benefit anything personally from his service to
many future Buddhas and their buddhakṣetras. others. The Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra,
A buddhakṣetra consists of many worlds with on the other hand, presents a reciprocal benefit: The
heavens, purgatories, earths, devas, pretas, Bodhisattva as well as other beings benefit from his
humans, and animals. During his Bodhisattva act [28].
career, the future Buddha would purify his
buddhakṣetra, which is the result of his career as Prominent Bodhisattvas
Bodhisattva – a career of highest wisdom and Avalokiteśvara: Avalokiteśvara is, conceivably,
great compassion. Such a buddhakṣetra is spoken the most popular of all Mahāyāna Bodhisattvas.
266 Bodhisattva

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268 Botaśrī-Parvata
˙

in contemporary society, this discourse explains,

Botaśrī-Parvata tongue-in-cheek, how the idea of a creator god
˙ came into being. This explanation is based on the
▶ Sāñcī ancient Indian cosmological conception of the
world system going through repeated cycles of
dissolution and evolution. Once a period of disso-
lution is over, the discourse reports, the Brahmā
Brahmā world reappears, and a particular being, in accor-
dance with its merits, will be reborn in this world.
Bhikkhu Anālayo This being at some point begins to feel lonely and
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of develops a wish for company. In due course of
Hamburg, Balve, Germany time, other beings are also reborn in this Brahmā
world, again in accordance with their merits.
What happens now, however, is that the being
Definition that arose first in the Brahmā world thinks that
his wish for company was the cause for those
In early Buddhist thought, the ancient Indian god other beings to come to the Brahmā world. This
Brahmā appears in two complementary ways. In mistaken idea then becomes the basis for the first
some passages, a Brahmā’s claim to being an all- being’s claim to having created the others, a claim
knowing and eternal god are satirized, while in those other beings accept as fact and truth. Hence,
others a Brahmā by the name of Sahampati is according to this discourse, the assumption of
shown to act as a faithful Buddhist disciple. a creator god is merely the outcome of a deluded
Brahmā’s belief that beings arose in his realm in
compliance to his wish for company.
Inclusivism In another discourse a Brahmā called Baka,
who claims to be eternal, features as the protago-
The attitude of early Buddhist texts toward the nist of an encounter with the Buddha. Baka’s
denizens of the ancient Indian pantheon forms claim is challenged by the Buddha, a challenge
part of a mode of thought that scholars have that culminates in a contest between the two. In
termed “inclusivism.” Inclusivism here stands this contest, each of the two tries to manifest their
for a tendency to include, albeit in a subordinate respective power in a celestial version of “hide
position and at times with some significant mod- and seek,” that is, each attempts to vanish from the
ifications, important elements of rival institutions other’s sight. While Baka fails to go beyond the
or movements into the framework of one’s own Buddha’s range of vision, the Buddha completely
way of presentation. The role of Brahmā in early disappears from the sight of Baka and his heav-
Buddhist texts – or more precisely of Brahmās, as enly assembly ([5], Vol. I, p. 330). Having
Buddhist texts reflect a plurality of manifestations shattered Brahmā’s belief to be endowed with
of the ancient Indian god Brahmā – is a typical supreme power, the Buddha points out that, how-
example for the way this tendency functions. ever long Baka’s present life span as a Brahmā
may be, his claim to being eternal is simply
a matter of being deluded.
Brahmā Satirized Another discourse introduces a Brahmā who
thinks he is of such superior might that no one is
The tendency to poke fun at Brahmā, in the way able to reach his realm. His complacent belief is
he was apparently conceived of in ancient Indian shattered by the Buddha and several of his disci-
religious thought, can be seen right away in the ples, who not only visit his realm but even man-
first discourse in the first Pāli Nikāya ([1], Vol. I, ifest themselves on fire while seated in the air
p. 17). As part of an analysis of various views held above this Brahmā ([2], Vol. I, p. 144).
Brahmā 269

Even the great Mahābrahmā finds himself chal- experienced by a schismatic disciple ([2], Vol. I,
lenged by a Buddhist monk, demanding an p. 153) or of the death of a follower of this schis-
answer to the ageless question of what transcends matic ([2], Vol. I, p. 151 and [3], Vol. V, p. 172).
the world, formulated in terms of where the four On another occasion he intervenes in order to
elements of earth, water, fire, and wind cease reconcile the Buddha with a group of unruly B
without remainder ([1], Vol. I, p. 221). The monks ([5], Vol. I, p. 458).
monk in search of such transcendence had already His role as an advocate of Buddhism acquires
proceeded through a range of different celestial a rather comical dimension in one discourse,
realms recognized in ancient Indian cosmology. which describes a lady making daily oblations to
His inquiry remained unanswered, since the Brahmā ([2], Vol. I, p. 141). Her devotions have
inhabitants of each realm directed him onward to the glorious outcome that Brahmā Sahampati
the next realm for a reply to his query. When he himself appears in mid air in her dwelling and
finally reaches the presence of the great Brahmā, even addresses her in verse. Yet, the verses
the answer he receives is that Mahābrahmā, Sahampati speaks come as an anticlimax to this
being the omnipotent creator and lord, knows situation, since he tells her to take the food offered
everything. regularly to him and instead give it to her son, who
The monk is not satisfied with this grandiose had become a Buddhist monk and was just then
declaration and insists on being given a proper outside her house begging his daily alms.
reply to his question. Realizing that he is not able Brahmā Sahampati’s keen interest in and sup-
to get around this inquisitive monk, the great port for Buddhism acquires some background in
Brahmā takes him aside and confides that he actu- another discourse, according to which in the long
ally also does not know a reply to this answer, but distant past he had been a monk during the time of
cannot admit this in public in order to avoid upset- the former Buddha Kassapa ([2], Vol. V, p. 233). In
ting the other gods. If the monk really wants to find this discourse, Sahampati states that practicing
an answer to this question, Mahābrahmā indicates, under the former Buddha Kassapa he had over-
he should rather go back and ask the Buddha. come sensuality and reached rebirth in the Brahmā
world. The same discourse also reports Sahampati
applauding the dictum that the development of the
Brahmā Sahampati five mental faculties, indriya, of confidence or
faith, energy, mindfulness, concentration, and
Besides the satirical attitude toward Brahmās who wisdom leads to the deathless, proclaiming that
claim to be eternal and omniscient creators evi- he himself knew and saw this to be so. The expres-
dent in the above passages, the early Buddhist sions used in the discourse indicate that Sahampati
discourses also feature a Brahmā in the role of is speaking from the perspective of one who has
a Buddhist disciple. This Brahmā by the name of himself experienced the deathless. This implies
Sahampati visits the Buddha on several occasions that, according to this discourse, at the time of the
in order to express his approval of central Bud- former Buddha Kassapa, Sahampati had become
dhist teachings ([2], Vol. V, pp. 167, 185, 232), to a non-returner, one who has reached the third of the
support the Buddha’s decision to honor the four levels of awakening recognized in early
Dharma ([2], Vol. I, p. 139 and [3], Vol. II, Buddhism. This conclusion finds confirmation in
p. 20), or to extol the life of a seriously practicing a Pāli commentary ([4], Vol. II, p. 476).
monk ([2], Vol. I, p. 154). Sahampati is also pre- With Brahmā Sahampati being a non-returner,
sent at the time of the Buddha’s passing away, his role as someone who throughout the Buddha’s
pronouncing a verse suitable to the occasion ministry does what he can in order to further the
([1], Vol. II, p. 157 and [2], Vol. I, p. 158). Other growth and continuity of the Buddha’s dispensa-
instances show him taking a close interest in the tion becomes quite intelligible. His role in this
welfare of the Buddhist order, such as when he respect is particularly prominent in the Buddha’s
informs the Buddha of the evil consequences to be autobiographical account of his own awakening.
270 Brahmavaddhana
˙˙

According to this account, when the Buddha 3. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
had just gained awakening, he was hesitant to Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Smith H (ed) (1916) Sutta-Nipāta commentary being
teach what he had discovered to others. Brahmā Paramatthajotikā II. Pali Text Society, London
Sahampati, who had become aware of the Bud- 5. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
dha’s disinclination to teach, was alarmed at this Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
prospect and decided to intervene ([5], Vol. I, 6. Anālayo (2004) The role of Brahmā in the Pāli dis-
courses. Sri Lanka J Humanit 29(30):157–166
p. 168), notably an episode not found in a Chinese 7. Anālayo (2011) Brahmā’s invitation, the
Āgama parallel (Taishō 1.777a). According to the Ariyapariyesanā-sutta in the light of its Madhyama-ā
Pāli account, he appeared before the Buddha and gama parallel. J Oxf Cent Buddh Stud 1:12–38
requested him to teach, proclaiming that there 8. Bailey G (1983) The mythology of Brahmā. Oxford
University Press, Delhi
would be those who understand. This intervention 9. Gombrich RF (2001) A visit to Brahmā the heron.
made the Buddha change his mind and therewith J Indian Philos 29:95–108
functions as the starting point of what we now refer 10. Jones DT (2009) Why did Brahmā ask the Buddha to
to as Buddhism. The scene of Brahmā standing teach? Buddh Stud Rev 26(1):85–102
with folded hands to one side of the Buddha seated
in meditation has in fact become a favorite topic of
ancient Indian iconographical representations, viv-
idly illustrating the theme that underlies this epi-
Brahmavaddhana
˙˙
sode: the superiority of the Buddha over Brahmā
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
and thereby implicitly of the Buddha’s teaching
over Brahminical beliefs.
With the tale of Sahampati’s intervention, the
“inclusion” of the ancient Indian god Brahmā in
Brahmavihāra
early Buddhist thought reaches its culmination.
Besides humorously disposing of the notion that
Madhumita Chattopadhyay
Brahmā is a supreme creator and an eternal all-
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
knowing being, a Brahmā under the name of
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Sahampati is presented as a disciple of a former
Buddha and then plays a rather crucial role in
protecting Buddhism against antagonistic forces,
Synonyms
even ensuring that the present Buddha decides to
teach the Dharma in the first place. The claim that
Great qualities of the mind
Buddhism supersedes the teachings of contempo-
rary Brahminism could hardly have been
presented in a more vivid manner. Definition

Brahmavihāra stands for the cultivation of four

Cross-References great qualities of mind, namely, compassion,
friendliness, disinterested love, and equanimity
▶ God (Buddhism) to remove evil thoughts from the mind of the
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) individual, and to spread the feeling of universal
brotherhood among all beings.
References
Brahmavihāra: its nature
1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
2. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. In Buddhism, emphasis is laid on the cultivation
Pali Text Society, Oxford of good qualities of the mind, and not simply on
Brahmavihāra 271

the development of the intellectual faculty since the to one’s fellow men. It actually is a positive frame
result of an action is dependent very much on the of mind promoting welfare.
mental states, with which the action is performed. Muditā is soft-heartedness, kindliness, sympa-
These good qualities are karuṇā (compassion), thy. Often in triad mettā (active love), karunā
mettā or maitrī (friendliness), muditā (disinterested (preventive love), muditā (disinterested love), B
love), and upekkhā (equanimity). Together they are the latter is defined as the feeling of gladness
known as Brahmavihāra. This Brahma-vihāra produced by other’s success. Those endowed
accompanied by higher meditation tends to lead with it are glad. Its function resides in being
one to the stage of Nirvāṇa as the ultimate goal, nonenvious.
but if they are not developed to that extent, the Upekkhā or equanimity is characterized as pro-
immediate result is the attainment of the Brahma- moting the aspect of neutrality toward beings. Its
world, and hence the name Brahma-vihāra. These function is to see equality in beings. It is
four qualities are also described as “appamanna” manifested as the quieting of resentment and
or the immeasurables since they arise in an immea- approval. Equanimity is an even-minded unruf-
surable field of emotion which embraces the whole fled serenity in the face of the ups and downs of
wide world; they include within their scope beings life be it of one’s own and that of others, and
of all sorts and conditions and therefore know no comes from developing the reflection that beings
limit. The aspirant has to develop them without suffer and are happy in accordance with their own
setting any limit in quality or quantity. Taking this karma. It is the antidote to both aversion and
infinitude as the principal aspect of these mental approval, but should be distinguished from indif-
states, in the Abhidhamma literature, they are ference. It also ensures impartiality toward all
described as appamanna. beings so that loving-kindness, etc., can be felt
In several texts of early Buddhism, there is toward all equally.
discussion of these four qualities. For instance, In the text Attasālini [2], it has been pointed out
karuṇā has been described in the Suttanipāta as that mettā signifies “one wishes well.” It is so
ahita-dukkha-apanaya-kāmatā, that is, the desire called because it goes on concerning a loved one
to remove the harmful sorrow of one’s fellow (mettā, mitte) or because of the state of being
men. The reason for such desire has been stated a loved one. Karuṇā, on the other hand, makes
in the Visuddhimagga [1] as “Paradukkhe sati the heart of the good lament at the pain of others
sādhūnām hadaya-kampanam karoti” – when and so is pity. Or it crushes, destroys the pain of
there is suffering in others, it causes good people’s others, thus it is pity. Or it is scattered over the
heart to be moved (kampanam) and so it is afflicted, stretched out over them by diffusion. It
karunā. An alternative interpretation is that it has the property of not being able to see others
combats others’ suffering, attacks and demolishes suffer. Sympathetic joy or muditā means those
it, thus it is compassion. So, according to endowed with it rejoice.
Visuddhimagga compassion is characterized as The basic aim of these four attributes is to
promoting the aspect of allaying suffering. Its remove evil thoughts from the mind of the individ-
function resides in not bearing other’s suffering. ual, for instance, love is aimed to remove ill will,
Mettā or maitrī is loving-kindness and is con- compassion, cruelty, sympathetic joy from dislike/
sidered to be the complementary of karunā. discontent and equanimity the escape from lust and
According to Attasālini, the word “mettā” derived aversion [3]; the way these qualities are advised to
from the root mid (meaning “to love”), stands for be cultivated indicates that they always involve
love, amity, sympathy, friendliness, active interest concern for others. In fact, the whole of Buddhist
in others. It comes about with respect to a friend ethics is based on feeling for others. So it is not for
(mitta) or it is behavior toward a friend, thus it is one’s own benefit but through the feeling for others
loving-kindness. As distinguished from karuṇā, that one’s inner spirit will be enlightened. It is
maitrī consists in hita-sukha-upanaya-kāmatā, believed that through this feeling/concern for
that is, desire of bringing happiness and welfare others, the uniqueness of man is exhibited, and
272 Buddha (Concept)

the goal of humanity is achieved. The cultivation of mind will rise to such a state that the feeling of
this goal in its fullest form has been exhibited in the compassion and friendliness may be extended not
life and teaching of Lord Buddha [4]. only to one particular individual man but to all
In the Mettāsutta of the Suttanipāta, Lord Bud- beings – leg-less, two-legged, four-legged, and
dha has advised people to extend the feeling of many-legged ones.
these good qualities to all beings of the universe in
the same spirit as the mother extends care to her
only child. The best form of caring in this world is Cross-References
expressed through the relation between the
mother and the child – it is a divine relationship. ▶ Bhāvanā
Mother’s caring hand protects her child from all ▶ Bodhidharma
sorts of danger; in a like manner, human beings ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
have to extend their caring attitude to all the ▶ Karuṇā
beings in the world. Lord Buddha was aware ▶ Metta
that it is not easy for an ordinary human being to ▶ Muditā
develop a caring attitude toward all. So, he
had advised steps as to how to develop these
feelings of compassion, friendliness, etc., gradu- References
ally toward the whole universe. In the text
Visuddhimagga [1], it has been pointed out that 1. Nānamoli B (1991) The path of purification
one has to cultivate these qualities first toward (Visuddhimagga). Buddhist Publication Society,
Kandy, Sri Lanka
one’s own self. Next, these feelings are to be
2. Tin M (1920) The expositor (Aṭṭhasālinī). Pali Text
developed toward a very dearly loved friend, Society, London
then toward a neutral person, and lastly toward 3. Nānamoli B, Bodhi B (tr) (1995) The middle length
a hostile person. And while one does so, one discourses of the Buddha. Buddhist Publication Soci-
ety, Kandy, Sri Lanka
should make one’s mind malleable and wieldy in
4. Nagao GM (2008) The Bodhisattva’s compassion
each instance before passing on to the next. In this described in the Mahāyānasutrālaṃkāra. In: Silk JA
way, a human being can develop his feelings (ed) Buddhist studies: the legacy of Gadjin M. Nagao:
toward all beings in the world. Lord Buddha has wisdom, compassion and the search for understanding.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
pointed out that one should not develop these
5. Aung SZ (tr) (1910) Compendium of philosophy. Pali
feelings at the beginning toward an antipathetic Text Society, London
person, a very dearly loved friend, a neutral per- 6. Crosby K, Skilton A (1995) The Bodhicaryāvatāra:
son, a hostile person and it should not be devel- a guide to the Buddhist path to awakening. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
oped specifically toward the opposite sex. The
reason for such recommendation is that if one
develops these feelings toward the antipathetic
person or to a neutral person, there might arise
fatigue in him, while such feelings toward Buddha (Concept)
a hostile person may bring in anger and feeling
toward a dear friend may make him depressed if Eiji Suhara
anything wrong happens. And feeling toward the School of International Letters and Cultures,
opposite sex may bring in lust in one’s mind. And Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA
so it is advised to start with one’s own self first and
then proceed gradually through the different
stages toward all beings. Since the objective of Synonyms
these attributes is to make the mind free from all
impurities, the attributes have to be developed in Amitāba; Bodhisattva; Buddha Sakyamuni;
the manner stated above [5, 6]. Ultimately, the Dharma; Enlightenment (Buddhism); God
Buddha (Concept) 273

(Buddhism); Tathāgata; Tathāgatagarbha; Truth (1) Buddha in general, before Siddhārtha

(Buddhism); Vairocana Gautama, (2) the most common concept of “the
Buddha,” attributed to Siddhārtha Gautama,
(3) other Buddhas created after the Buddha’s
Definition death, (4) an abstract Buddha as a universal B
concept, and (5) a Buddha as a part of the Bud-
Awakened one; the “founder” of the Buddhism; dhist cosmological system.
universal law

The General Terminology “Before”

Introduction the Buddha

Generally speaking, signifié (the mental represen- There was a counter-Brahman religious move-
tation) first emerging in one’s mind when referred ment that occurred around 5–6 B.C.E., in the
to by the signifiant (the sound associated to the area of Magadha, ancient India. They were called
image of) “Buddha” will offer various different śramaṇa (wanderers), and they took an important
visual images of the “historical” figure known as role in the movement. They were later identified
Siddhārtha Gautama. Siddhārtha is currently as “Jain” and “Buddhist.” They were basically
believed to have lived in what is now Northern against metaphysically oriented aspects of Brah-
India, around 5–6 B.C.E. and later became known man religions, but “borrowed their major precepts
as the “founder” of Buddhism. These images that from the brahma ascetics” ([4], p. 67). Both Jains
one associates with Buddha may be obtained from and Buddhists were originally wandering practi-
different materials, statues in temples and pictures tioners, but developed their unique group identi-
in books, and so on. In such sources, Buddha is ties by becoming more institutionalized via the
typically depicted as a plump man with curly hair idea of precepts. As time passed, the precepts
in East Asia whereas he can also be found as and characteristics of these groups became varied,
a man with a slimmer, golden body in Southern and their identities were distinguished while they
Asia. In this way, the mental representation of the were influenced by each other.
Buddha will vary, depending on the different areas In such an interactive environment, they shared
these images come from, and thus, it is impossible some ideas in different contexts. Among those,
to find a single absolute meaning or its referent. along with other terms used to indicate the sage
When one considers the “concept” of the Bud- (such as jī va, vī ra, jina, titthaṃkara, ājāniya,
dha, the situation is very complicated. Summariz- brāhmaṇa, nhātaka, muni, isi, sādhu, medhāvin,
ing the fruits of years of scholarly research, there bahussuta, pāragū, tathāgata, kevalin, nāga,
are many different referents to the term “Buddha.” arhat, etc.), the expression of the Buddha was
These attributes include personified figures, not already being used to refer not only to those who
limited to human characteristics, but also to achieved freedom from a cycle of birth and death
mythic attributes as well. Further, there exist (saṃsāra), a soteriological goal of Hindu reli-
many theoretical “ideas” of Buddhas that are not gious traditions, but also to mere practitioners
personified, but remain abstract concepts, such as who seek the path.
universal law. Then, Abhidharma scholars (Bud- In early Jain scriptures, such as Āyāraṅga,
dhist philosophers) developed a theoretical sys- Sūyagaḍaṅga, Uttarajjhāyā, Dasaveyāliya,
tem, including the idea of celestial and cosmic Isibhāsiyāiṃ, etc., the terminology Buddha
Buddhas, as a mediator between universal and is used as an identical concept to the following
specific Buddhas. Given the complexity of this terms: “good practitioner (sādhu)” (Dasaveyāliya
situation, in the following paragraphs, some pro- 1, 5), “holy man (tāḍrś)” (Dasaveyāliya 6, 37),
totypical concepts referred by the word “Buddha” “controlled ascetic (saṃyata)” (Dasaveyāliya 7,
will be introduced in five different categories: 56), “controlled man (suvnī ta)” (Uttarajjhāyā 11,
274 Buddha (Concept)

13), “hero (vī ra)” (Sūyagaḍaṅga 1. 2. 23), and so 12 links of dependent origination, a karmic force
forth. The most counter intuitive argument to (saṃskāra), and thus is inevitably led to further
a general recognition of the concept of the Buddha steps of contacting, feeling, attaching, etc., and
is that the term was also often used to refer to finally falls into the cycle of saṃsāra. On the
Mahavīra, the “founder” of Jain ([16], pp. 3–8). contrary, Buddha was well aware that this phe-
From the philological data that the term nomenal world is like a dream constituted by the
“Buddha” refers to, Buddhists, only once in the function of the mind. Therefore, Buddha is neither
early Jain scripture (whereas Siddhārtha Gautama ignorant, sleeping, nor deluded by this dream. At
is often referred to in later Jain scriptures), it can that moment of realizing the self-reflective aware-
be inferred that the term was later transformed into ness of the truth, Buddha, if using a metaphor,
a specific proper name indicating the founder of became “enlightened” to the “darkness,” which
Buddhism. It will be then plausible to imagine, as has the literal meaning of avidyā. This metaphor
time passed, that Siddhārtha’s fame slowly of light, which is associated to the concept of
established itself in these various communities, Buddha, was often used in various ways by vari-
and both Jain and Buddhist practitioners tended ous sources in a process of constructing the Bud-
to generalize and attribute the term to Siddhārtha dhist soteriology.
as a prototypical referent.

Other Buddhas “After” the Buddha

The Buddha as a “Historical” Figure
It is difficult to confirm if the disciples’ way of
As mentioned above, the term “Buddha” already referring to their master was unified among the
held various meanings in ancient India, before it community, but there are some records and
became a meaning commonly recognized in the researches indicating that they did not use the
current Buddhist context. When, then, was the title of “Buddha” when referring to Siddhārtha
terminology attributed to Gautama Siddhārtha, while he still lived. For example, according to
a “historical figure” who later became the “foun- Reynolds and Hallisley, at the first two councils,
der” of Buddhism? The life of Siddhārtha is the one held shortly after Siddhārtha’s death, and
known from autobiographical writings such as another about a century after that, disciples used
Mahāvastu, Buddhacarita, and so forth. In these the term either “bhavagan” (lit. blessed one)
writings, Siddhārtha became the Buddha or “śāstṛ” (teacher) to refer to Siddhārtha ([10],
(the “awakened one” from Sanskrit budh) under p. 1060).
the Bodhi tree after 7 years of ascetic practice. As depicted in the drawing of the Buddha
What does “being awakened” mean in this con- entering into mahānirvāṇa, it is not difficult to
text, exactly? What kind of sleep was he awak- imagine, when the Buddha left this phenomenal
ened from? world, that his disciples grieved and expressed
Sanskrit budh also means “intelligence” or their emotion toward their master. During this
“understanding” of wisdom – in this sense, it can process, in order to identity and to not forget
be understood as an antonym of “ignorance their master, Buddha’s disciples took several
(avidyā)” in the Buddhist context. Human beings actions, mainly referring to him (both internally
are ignorant of the truth, truth that everything in and externally) with different names, and remem-
this phenomenal world is in a constant flux, in bering him with various visual images (both inter-
a state of impermanence. That is why human nally in a form of mental representation and
beings believe that everything in this life is per- externally in the form of art). From the first
manent existence, and they attach to it. The Bud- notion, and with the aforementioned various
dha was awakened from such ignorance, and thus expressions replaceable to the concept of Buddha,
is free from its influence. Because one is ignorant, several epithets such as bhagavan (blessed one),
one becomes a slave to the second factor of the maharṣi (great sage), arhat (worthy one), muni
Buddha (Concept) 275

(the sacred), and vī ra (hero) were established to reinforcing Buddha’s identity with auditory
refer Buddha in their records. See Griffiths ([3], names and visual images, but such an individual
pp. 60–65) for more detailed information regard- motivation was later transformed into sociological
ing each epithet. and soteriological concerns, which worked to dis-
From the second notion, disciples tried to rein- tinguish the Buddha from all other Buddhas and B
force Buddha’s visual identity by attributing sev- sages. By attributing unique features only appli-
eral physical traits. From the episode where the cable to the Buddha, members of saṃgha
fortune teller saw the baby Siddhārtha and told his succeeded in applying the superiority of their
father that he had all physical traits attributed only master over Buddhas in other communities.
to a sage, such an idea was not invented by either First, even within a Buddhist community,
Siddhārtha or his disciples. However, it is plausi- Siddhārtha was classified as a figure called
ble to argue that the disciples tried to use the “samyaksaṃ-buddha (completely awakened/
preexisting idea to establish Buddha’s physical enlightened one),” distinguished from śrāvaka-
features, and it was later developed as the notion buddha, referring to those who achieved enlight-
of 32 remarks (Mahāpuruṣalakṣaṇa) and, further, enment by practicing the four noble truths, and
as the 80 aspects (anuvyañjana). pratyeka-buddha, who are enlightened without
It may be possible, then, to argue that from a master, but only by solely contemplating the
these notions, the two aspects of “recalling of the dependent origination. Originally, the latter two
Buddha (buddhānasmrti),” that one of the main Buddhas are regarded as inferior when compared
practices in later Buddhist denominations was to the first Buddha, because they do not help
developed. Reynolds and Hallisley also pointed others, and thus focus on self-centered interests
out a connection between the epithets of Buddha (from the definition of the enlightened being,
and the recalling practice, especially for visuali- though it sounds contradictory for those Buddhas
zation purposes ([10], p. 1063), but additional to be attached to a self-centered interest after
insights will be provided here to this argument. realizing the notion of no-self).
First, by reinforcing visual images of Buddha, Then, from a trans-community perspective, the
a contemplating practice was established. This disciples took the strategy of attributing to the
visualization, though, is not limited to associating Buddha a legitimate lineage to maintain the
visual forms to Buddha, but also to creating men- authentic status of their master, by advocating
tal representations somehow related to one’s own the idea of past Buddhas. There is no detailed
image or concept of Buddha. description of past Buddhas yet, but an expression
Secondly, by attributing several different epi- of “Buddhas” can be seen as early as
thets, a recitation practice was developed. It is said Dhammapāda. Funahashi pays attention to this
that a practice of taking a vow to the three trea- plural form of the concept of Buddha seen in
sures, Buddha, saṃgha, and dharma, was already several other places (such as Saṃyutta-Nikāya
performed when Siddhārtha still lived, but such an 4.1.6.; 4.2.1.; 6.1.2.; Suttanipāta 386; 583;
action would be further established as one of the Theragāthā 175; etc.) and assumes that the idea
most important exercises of the recitation practice, of past Buddhas was first developed from
a critical part of the Pure Land tradition, while the a contrast between plural Buddhas and the proper
objects and names of recitation have been varied. name “the” Buddha ([2], p. 353).
These two aspect of the recalling practice, that of Then, in Suttanipāta, the Buddha was called
contemplation and recitation, should not be isi-sattama, and thus, it has been argued that the
clearly distinguished though, as mental represen- Buddha was regarded as the seventh Buddha
tations as objects of recall will be complicatedly among other past Buddhas. However, the term
combined in an actual practice. sattama can have the dual meanings of “the
In this way, this practice was first performed greatest” and “the seventh,” and in earlier texts,
with an individual concern in regard to remem- the term was used mainly in the former context.
bering and recalling his or her master by For example, when Siddhārtha was called
276 Buddha (Concept)

isi-sattama in the Suttanipāta, he was also called Then, in the later Mahāyāya tradition, the idea
“the master having the highest wisdom” (343) in of bodhisattva was established in a process of
the sentence right before that. When isi-sattama constructing a soteriological system. In such
was used to refer Siddhārtha in the Saṃyutta- a process, disciples also contain mythic and cos-
Nikāya too, in the verse right before the sentence, mological notions, creating celestial or cosmic
he was also called “the highest person Buddhas in ten directions and three temporalities.
(anuttaraṃ)” (8.7.). From these examples, These include Amitābha in the Sukhāvatī (bliss-
Funahashi concludes that isi was first used to ful/pure land) in the West, Akṣobhya in the
mean the “greatest” and then transformed to Abhirati (the joyous land), Bhaiṣajyaguru in the
mean the “seventh” later, according to East, Vairocana, Ratnasambhava, Amoghasiddhi,
a development of the idea of past buddhas ([2], Maitreya, and others. It may be controversial, to
p. 352). Scholars such as Windisch and Nakamura call all these epitomes a Buddha, while consider-
claim that the idea of seven sages has had been ing a general definition of bodhisattva as a figure
around since Rg Veda, and it also would have who tries to become a Buddha through 52 levels
influenced the formation of the concept of the of the bodhisattva path. For example, bodhisattva
seven buddhas ([8], p. 308; [14], p. 87). Fazhang, the central figure in the Pure Land tradi-
Among the seven buddhas, it seems that the tion, took a vow at the first stage of the path that he
last four “present-kalpa” Buddhas (Kakusandha, would not become enlightened until he saved all
Konāgamana, Kassapa, and Śākyamuni) were sentient beings. Despite such a setting, reverse-
established first, and then the first three “past- temporal logic is working and Fazhang already
kalpa” Buddhas (Vipassin, Sikhin, and Vessabhū) became the Amitābha Buddha, and thus, his vow
were added later (sometimes Kakusandha is was realized. It sounds contradictory though that
regarded as the second category, or as a mediator people pray for the Amitābha Buddha when they
between the two categories). In order to make his are not enlightened yet.
point, some scholars give descriptions of travel The other terminologies such as tathagāta,
diaries such as The Record by Faxian by Faxian vidyārāja, etc., are also used to refer to these
(337–424) and The Great Tang Records on the epitomes, both inclusively and exclusively,
Western Regions by Xuanzang (596/602–664), depending on the context. More detail about the
stating that people built many stūpa of three or concept of bodhisattva in the context of the
four of the Buddhas in the present-kalpa and trikāya (three bodies) theory will be discussed in
prayed for them. It is also known, from the last section. For more detailed content and
archeological data, that king Asóka inscribed the definitions in regard to these terminologies, see
name of Konāgamana and prayed for him. From each entry of this volume.
the fact that there is no description of the past-
kalpa Buddhas in such materials, it seems that
they were added later when the sūtra were com- Universal Concept of Buddha
piled ([5], p. 683). Another reason why the four
present-kalpa Buddhas were regarded as more It is said that the Buddha told Ānanda that dharma
important is that those Buddhas appear to save and viyāna would become teachers of his disci-
sentient beings when the dharma is declined pline after he died (Dī ghanikāya, II, p. 100). Also,
([13], p. 299). Later, the concept of seven Bud- in different places in Nikāya, there are descrip-
dhas was expanded to 24 (or 25) Buddhas in Pali tions mentioning the concept of dharma identified
literature. Mahāpadāna-suttanta has detailed with the Buddha. For example, “Those who see
descriptions of the seven Buddhas, but its com- the dharma will see me” (Saṃyuttanikāya, III,
mentary Mahāpadāna-suttanta-aṭṭhakathā fur- p. 120). “Buddhas are those whose body is
ther describes the longevity, height, blood dharma” (Dī ghanikāya, III, p. 84). Here, in
lineage, and the light radiated from the bodies of these statements, the term dharma has several
24 Buddhas ([1], Vol. II, pp. 410–425). different meanings of the Buddha himself, his
Buddha (Concept) 277

teaching, his body, and the law. From these ideas, This epithet of tathagāta was then transformed
the concept of dharmakāya (the body of the truth) into the ontological idea of tathagātagarbha. By
was established. It was part of the de-personifying advocating this idea, early Mahāyāya scholars
project of the Buddha, in which the expression of provided the idea of dharmakāya within sentient
the body should be understood as a metaphor beings. It gave a potentiality of experiencing the B
representing a metaphysical aspect of the Buddha dharmakāya, the same state from the one of
and his teaching. It usually has a contrasting the Buddha, from a soteriological perspective.
meaning, from the concept of rūpakāya, According to the general scholastic view, the ori-
a physical aspect of the Buddha manifested as gin of the idea of tathagātagarbha can be traced to
a form of human being called Siddhārtha the Aṅguttara-nikāya, when it describes the pure
Gautama, or his relics after the death of his phys- luminous mind without defilement (I, p. 10).
ical body. The terminology rūpakāya was The terminology tathagātagarbha was first
substituted for the expression of nirmāṇakāya mentioned in the early Mahāyāya text
and the additional concept of saṃbhogakāya was Tathāgatagarbha-sūtra, developed in other writ-
later added to establish the trikāya theory in ings like Śrī mālādevī -siṃhanāda-sūtra and
Mahāyāya Buddhism. Anūnatvāpurṇatvanirdeśaparivarta, and systema-
It was previously mentioned that taking a vow tized in the Ratnagotravibhāga-Mahāy-
to the Buddha as one of three treasures was āyottaratantra-śāstra. It is the “realm” of the true
already performed when Buddha lived – after dharma from where the entire phenomenal world
Buddha’s death and the loss of his physical has arisen. In a sense, the idea can be understood as
body, however, taking a vow was replaced by his the “ontological interpretation of the concept of the
relics, images, teaching, laws, etc., and such activ- Buddha” ([15], p. 180). This theoretical framework
ities created artistic works and sūtra, or other has been criticized by the “Critical Buddhism,”
forms of manifestations of the Buddha. Borrow- started by Komazawa University scholars as
ing from Strong’s expression, such practices a later creation, but not the “original” Buddhist
toward Buddha’s manifestation were regarded as doctrine. Yet once the ontological interpretation of
the act of “the cosmolized rendering the the universal aspect of the Buddha has started, it
dharmakāya through rūpakāya” ([11], p. 119). was further modified to fit several different ideas,
When Buddha’s relics were buried in stūpa and such as buddhadhātu (buddha-nature), and became
became an object of ritual practice, practitioners influential in later Mahāyāya traditions.
believed in the effects of the relics containing the This idea of buddhadhātu first appeared in the
supernatural power of dharmakāya. Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra as the same concept
At this point, however, the dharmakāya was found in the dharmakāya and tathagātagarbha
still considered as the external object used to (12, [12], p. 860). It is dharmakāya, the true
change the internal state of a practitioner. When nature of the mind, that can be shared by not
the idea of tathagāta (thus-coming) and further only past Buddhas, but possibly also by all sen-
tathagātagarbha (womb of thus-coming) were tient (or even insentient) beings. In later
developed later, however, the idea of dharmakāya Mahāyāya denominations, such as Chan,
has transformed into the practitioner’s subjective influenced by these Indian sources, it was claimed
potentiality to achieve the same quality of the that everything can realize that it has (is) buddha-
nature that Buddha had. The idea of tathagāta nature and becomes the Buddha only if it can
was attributed to Buddha to indicate his universal directly see it.
feature, dharmakāya, as the term that originally
means “thus (tathā) – coming (gāta).” It was not
a new mind, but was also experienced by past Three Bodies
Buddhas, which is why the Buddha was expressed
as the one who reached the same state already According to preexisting research, a separation of
discovered by all other Buddhas. rūpakāya and dharmakāya was first made by
278 Buddha (Concept)

Sarvāstivādins. They adapted some descriptions expresses the Buddha’s body gaining karmic
from the Nikāya and summarized several features merit as a result of conducting good deeds in the
of two bodies, 32 major and 80 minor remarks for long-term practice of a bodhisattva path ([15],
the rūpakāya, and also 18 attributes of p. 133). For example, a representative
dharmakāya (ten powers, the four kinds of intre- saṃbhogakāya is Amitābha Buddha, who took
pidity, the three foundations of mindfulness, and 48 vows when he was bodhisattva Dharmakāra,
great compassion) ([15], p. 36). As a distinction and obtained a karmic reward and enjoyed the
between these two bodies was clearly made, and bliss of the Pure Land as a result of passing
as the former was diverse to several different through the bodhisattva path and realizing all
concepts, the theoretical issue as to how to solve vows. Amitāyus, another name of Amitābha, lit-
a relationship between them was raised. For erally means “the infinite light.” The expression of
example, why could the Buddha as a universal the light often used in the Buddhist soteriology is
dharmakāya present itself as the historical Bud- a metaphor used to symbolize a universal aspect
dha, which is a physical form and thus is of the Buddha and his teaching that radiates
rūpakāya? Considering the episode of the mush- throughout this world. At the same time, it also
room (or pork) that caused his death, did his body takes the physical form of the light; thus, it can be
have to be affected by its physical condition? understood as a symbol of sambhogakāya, bridg-
Could not he overcome bad karma from his past ing metaphysical dharmakāya and physical
lives? When the internal sociological conflict hap- nirmāṇakāya. For this reason, the light of
pened within the saṃgha, was the Buddha both- Amitāyus is a representative concept of
ered by an uncomfortable emotion? Reading sambhogakāya, along with other metaphors such
descriptions of his life in various writings, it as “individual” bodhisattvas or Buddhas, deities,
seems that the Buddha could not or did not control and wisdoms, etc., that are located between the
others’ physical or mental conditions. It is also dharmakāya and nirmāṇakāya. In this sense,
a crucial issue for Mahāyāyan to justify how the saṃbhogakāya is expressed as the “primary man-
universal teachings of the Buddha could be pre- ifestation of dharmakāya” (Makransky, Encyclo-
sent as a form of sūtra. pedia of Buddhism, [7], p. 78) of the celestial
In order to solve these issues, early Mahāyāyan world, and is the secondary manifestation in this
scholars constructed several discourses. One of the phenomenal world at the same time.
most important concepts is sambhogakāya, which From these notions, the theory of representative
consists of trikāya (three bodies) theory along with Buddhas corresponding to each kāya, such as
nirmanakāya and dharmakāya. Sambhogakāya Mahāvairocana Buddha to dharmakāya, Amitābha
can be understood as a medium between the Buddha to sambhogakāya, and Śākyamuni Bud-
dharmakāya, representing an absolute quality of dha to nirmāṇakāya, was established later. Yet, it
the Buddha, and nirmāṇakāya, expressing should be reminded that this theoretical framework
a relative aspect of the Buddha. Even though it is does not provide a clear distinction of each
claimed that the initial idea of saṃbhogakāya can body – their interpretation varies, depending on
be seen in earlier texts, such as Prajñāpāramitā- different schools and times in history – sometimes
sūtra and Avataṃsaka-sūtra, scholars such as they are mutually inclusive.
Makransky and Nagao suggest that it was Yogācāra
texts, such as the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra and
Abhisamyālaṃkāra, wherein the term Cross-References
saṃbhogakāya can first be seen in the systematic
formation of the trikāya theory (See [6] and [8]). ▶ Arahant
Literally, saṃbhogakāya means “the body of ▶ Bodhisattva
enjoyment” or “the reward body” – the former ▶ Buddha Sakyamuni
represents the idea that it shares a joy of the ▶ Dharma
dharma with other Buddhas and the latter ▶ God (Buddhism)
Buddha Śākyamuni 279

▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) Buddha Gayā
▶ Relativity (Buddhism)
▶ Sociology (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā
▶ Stūpa B
▶ Tathāgatagarbha
▶ The Tathagata
▶ Transcendental Virtues Buddha Sakyamuni
▶ Truth (Buddhism)
▶ Universal ▶ Buddha (Concept)

References

1. Buddhaghoṣa (1993) Sumaṅgalavilāsinī: Buddha Śākyamuni

Dīghanikāya-aṭṭhakathā. Vipaśyanā Viśodhana
Vinyāsa, Igatapurī Charles Willemen
2. Funahashi T (2006) Kako shichibutsu shisō no gensen. International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 55(1):350–354
3. Griffiths PJ (1994) On being Buddha: the classical Thailand
doctrine of Buddhahood. State University of New
York Press, Albany
4. Horner IB (1975) The early Buddhist theory of man Synonyms
perfected: a study of the arahan concept and of the
implications of the aim to perfection in religious life,
traced in early canonical and post-canonical Pali liter- Buddha means “awakened”; Sanskrit budh, to
ature. Philo Press, Amsterdam awaken; Śākyamuni means “sage of the Śākya
5. Kumagaya S (1979) Kako shichibutsu shinkō ni tsuite. (clan)”; He is the historical Buddha
Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 27(2):682–683
6. Makransky JJ (1997) Buddhahood embodied: sources
of controversy in India and Tibet. State University of
New York Press, Albany Definition
7. Makransky JJ (2004) Buddhahood and Buddha bod-
ies. In: Buswell R (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism.
Macmillan Reference, USA, New York, pp 76–79 He was born into the noble Gautama family of the
8. Nagao G (1973) On the theory of the Buddha-body: Śākya clan of Kapilavastu, in southern Nepal. He
(Buddha-kāya). East Buddh 6(1):25–53 was given the name of Siddhārtha, “goal accom-
9. Nakamura H (1992) Gōtama budda. Shunjūsha, plished”. Gautama Siddhārtha is Śākyamuni, the
Tōkyō
10. Reynolds EF, Hallisey C (2005) Buddha. In: Jones historical Buddha. He was born at the foot of the
L (ed) Encyclopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Thompson Himalayas, in Lumbinī (Rummindei), near
Gale, Farmington Hills, pp 1059–1071 Kapilavastu. In the Brahmanical society of Maga-
11. Strong J (1989) The legend of king Asoka: a study and dha, immediately to the south, he was said to be of
translation of the Asokavadana. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi the kṣatriya caste, just below Brahmins. Rulers
12. Takakusu J, Watanabe K (1961) Taishō shinshū are linked with this caste.
daizōkyō. Taishō Shinshū Daīzōkyō Kankōkai, Tokyo He died ca. 483 B.C. [13], at the ripe age of
13. Takemoto J (1979) Kako shibutsu ni tsuite. Indogaku approximately 80 years. Traditional dates of his
Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū 28(1):297–299
14. Windisch E (1908) Buddha’s geburt und die lehre von decease, (pari)nirvāṇa, vary widely from 2420 B.
der seelenwanderung. Bei B.G. Teubner, Leipzig C. to 290 B.C. The southern Theravāda tradition,
15. Xing G (2004) The concept of the Buddha: its evolu- very influential today, believes that the death of
tion from early Buddhism to the trikāya theory. Psy- the Buddha occurred in 543 B.C. This chronology
chology Press, London/New York
16. Yamazaki M (1986) The concept of Buddha in early is said to be part of the long chronology. A short
Jaina scriptures. Chūō Gakujutsu Kenkyūjo Kiyō chronology, taking mainly northern Sanskrit
15:3–27 based information literally as to the time
280 Buddha Śākyamuni

(about a hundred years) between the decease and soon after 380 A.D.); Aśvaghoṣa’s
the reign of King Aśoka (ca. 264–227 B.C. [13]), Buddhacarita (ca. 100 A.D.), Acts of the Bud-
places the decease between 420 and 350 B.C., dha, translated to Chinese by Baoyun in
possibly shortly after 400 B.C. The Japanese Jiankang (Nanjing) in 421 A.D., Taishō ed.
scholar Ui Hakuju was the first to propose the IV 192. This translation is not the work of
short chronology in 1924–1930 [19]. He dates Dharmarddhin, Tan Wuchen, or Tanwu Chen,
the decease in 386 B.C. H. Bechert later proposed as the colophon in the Taishō ed. mentions
this idea in Germany [3]. A. K. Narain finally, in [23]. Lamotte further mentions here that the
1994, established the date of the decease in ca. life of the Buddha is narrated in the
483 B.C., based on the Ahraura version of Minor Saṅghabhedavastu and in the Vinayakṣu-
Rock Edict I of Aśoka. The same scholar drakavastu of the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya.
established the exact spot of birth, namely, under- 5. Sinhalese compilations.
neath the Māyā Devī Temple, close to the stone
pillar inscription of Aśoka in Rummindei [13, 14]. The material in the Chinese language is more
The spot was found by Japanese scholars. plentiful than material in Indian languages. Chi-
nese and other East Asians pay a great deal of
attention to (religious) history. The life of the
Sources of Information on Buddha’s Life Buddha is well researched in Japan. South Asians
are more concerned with the Buddha’s message,
Lamotte [9] distinguishes five more or less suc- the teaching. The material in Indian languages
cessive stages in texts about the life of exists in English translation.
Śākyamuni: The Pāli Jātakanidāna (Nidānakathā, Account
of Events, fifth or sixth century) was translated by
1. Biographical fragments incorporated in the Jayawickrama in 2002 [6]. But the material found
sūtras. He refers to the Majjhima Nikāya in the Pāli canon as a whole is presented by
and to Saṅghadeva’s Chinese translations of Ñānamoli in 1978 [12]. Many modern authors
the Madhyamāgama, Taishō ed. I 26, and of rely on his information.
the Ekottarikāgama, Taishō ed. II 125. The The Sautrāntika Sarvāstivāda Lalitavistara,
Catuṣpariṣatsūtra, as studied by E. Graceful Description, is not the work of one par-
Waldschmidt [21], is mentioned here too. ticular author. It grew over time, and it became
Lamotte also mentions the quite influenced by the so-called Mahāyāna ideas
Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra in its different (e.g., tathāgatagarbha) [5]. Speaking in terms of
recensions. schools, nikāyas, not of vehicles, yāna, it is clear
2. Biographical fragments incorporated into the that the Sarvāstivāda text adopted quite some
vinayas, esp. in the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya. Mahāsāṅghika elements, a phenomenon which is
Buddha biographies may indeed have devel- typical for Sautrāntikas, for non-Vaibhāṣika
oped from the vinaya. Or vice versa [4]? Sarvāstivādins. From ca. 700 A.D., these were
3. Autonomous but incomplete “lives.” These known as Mūlasarvāstivādins. This helps under-
developed from ca. 100 A.D., are mentioned: stand why there is a Tibetan version [17].
Lalitavistara, Mahāvastu, and many Chinese The standard edition of the text is the work of
texts (Taishō ed.III 184,185,186,189,190,191 P. L. Vaidya [20]. It was studied more than once.
[15]). S. Lefmann was the first, in 1902–1908 [10]. The
4. Complete “lives” of the Buddha. These also Tibetan version was studied by Foucaux from
developed from ca. 100 A.D., are mentioned: 1847 on and published in 1884–1892. Its Mongo-
Taishō ed. IV 194 Sengqie Luocha suoji jing, lian version was studied by N. Poppe in 1967 [16].
The Scriptural Text compiled by Saṅgharakṣa, The Chinese versions Taishō ed. III 186 Puyao
translated to Chinese by Sengqie Bacheng (or jing by Dharmarakṣa (308 A.D.) and 187
Badeng), Saṅghabhadra (arrived in Chang’an Fangguang da zhuangyan jing by Divākara (in
Buddha Śākyamuni 281

Chang’an in 680, died 688 A.D.) do not exist in Gandhāran Jñānagupta (523–600 A.D.), is said
English translation. to be of Dharmaguptaka affiliation [2].The text is
Another old biography of the Buddha is found a collection from existing literature and borrows i.
in the Mahāvastu, The Great Event, a. from the Buddhacarita. At the very end of the
a Lokottaravāda Mahāsāṅghika text. This text is Chinese text, it is mentioned that the Buddha B
part of vinaya literature. It was translated in 1949 biography is known by different names, but that
by J. J. Jones [8]. it is essentially the same text. Mahāsāṅghikas
The most famous Buddha biography is have a Dashi, Mahāvastu; Sarvāstivādins have
Aśvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita, Acts of the Buddha. a Da zhuangyan, Lalitavistara; Kāśyapīyas have
Aśvaghoṣa (ca. 100 A.D.) was a Brahmin, a Fo sheng yinyuan, Causality (Story) of Buddha’s
converted to Sautrāntika Sarvāstivāda Buddhism, Life; Dharmaguptakas have a Shijiamouni Fo
but influenced by (Bahuśrutīya?) Mahāsāṅghika benxing, Former Acts of Buddha Śākyamuni;
ideas. The first 14 chapters of the Sanskrit text, Mahīśāsakas have a Pinizang genben, Basis of
which belongs to world-class literature, are pre- the Vinaya Piṭaka.
served in the original Sanskrit language. The A text which has had quite some influence in
remaining 14 chapters exist in Chinese and in Japan is Taishō ed. III 189 Guoqu xianzai yinguo
Tibetan version. The Sanskrit was studied by jing, Cause and Effect of Past and Present, by
E. H. Johnston in 1936 (often reedited) [7], the Guṇabhadra (394–468 A.D.), brought out between
Tibetan by F. Weller in 1926–1928, in German 444 and 453 A.D. Guṇabhadra came from South
[22], and the Chinese version, Taishō ed. IV 192 India via the maritime route. He was nicknamed
Fo suoxing zan, was studied by C. Willemen in Mahāyāna. He introduced basic ideas for Chan/
2009 [23]. S. Beal, the English pioneer, rendered Zen (e.g., Taishō ed. XVI 670 Laṅkāvatārasūtra),
the contents of this text in 1883. S. Beal noticed even though he was in China before Bodhidharma
the Chinese biographical material early on, in the (ca. 479–534 A.D.). All these texts show that in
nineteenth century, but outside of Japan, it has both North and South China, also before Tang
been given scant attention. E. Zürcher translated (618–907 A.D.), there was a keen interest in the
into Dutch Taishō ed. III 184 Xiuxing benqi jing, life of the Buddha. It must be remembered that the
Former Events about his Practice, and Taishō ed. Buddha is the first of the three precious things,
IV 196 Zhong benqi jing, Middle (Length) Scrip- together with Dharma (Doctrine) and Saṅgha
ture about Former Events [24]. J. Nattier (Order). His life is a practical example.
considers only IV 196 as the work of Kang Recently the life of the Buddha has been used
Mengxiang, 190–220 A.D. Based on the work of in popular literature. Hermann Hesse’s
S. Kawano, J. Nattier mentions that III 184 may be Siddhārtha of 1922 was translated from German
a revised and expanded version of an old lost Xiao in 1951 by Hilda Rosner and in 2007 by Rika
(Short) benqi jing, maybe established during the Lesser. The book was very influential in the
Eastern Jin (317–420 A.D.) [15]. Then there is Zhi 1960s, and it was often reprinted. There is the
Qian’s (died ca. 252 A.D., during the Wu in South popular Deepak Chopra’s Buddha: A Story of
China) Taishō ed. III 185 Taizi ruiying benqi jing, Enlightenment. In 2008, Wake Up: A Life of the
Auspicious Former Events of the Crown Prince, Buddha by J. Kerouac was finally published.
of 223–228 A.D. This text may be of Mahīśāsaka Finally, let it be known that the most useful
affiliation, having reached China via the maritime studies about the life of the Buddha are the work
route, ultimately coming from Southeastern India. of A. Bareau [1].
The anonymous Taishō ed. III 188 Yichu pusa
benqi jing, Former Events of the Bodhisattva,
different ed., wrongly attributed to Nie Daozhen, Life of the Bodhisattva/Buddha
has no relation with III 185.Taishō ed. III 190
Fo benxing ji jing, Collection of Former Acts of Soon after his birth, his mother Māyā passed
the Buddha (Abhiniṣkramaṇasūtra?) of the away. He was raised by Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī,
282 Buddha Śākyamuni

the younger sister of his mother and second wife luxury and asceticism, and the four noble truths.
of his father, Śuddhodana. Such texts as the He expounded the impersonality of all beings,
Buddhacarita describe in detail the luxurious life that there is no ātman. At this occasion he
of the future Buddha, called bodhisattva before accepted his first disciples, establishing his order
his enlightenment. He was married to Yaśodharā, of monks, saṅgha. After that, he continued his
the mother of Rāhula. Gautama Siddhārtha preaching and his conversions for 45 years.
acknowledged him as his son. When he, like all Many converts were Brahmins, e.g., Śāriputra
beings, realized that he was subject to old age, and Maudgalyāyana, his two chief disciples.
disease, and death, he abandoned his home at the Upāli, who became the specialist of vinaya, was
age of 29. He went forth to live as an ascetic, a ś converted. The Buddha visited his home town,
ramaṇa. He asked leading yoga masters, Ārāḍa where his father and his foster mother lived. His
Kālāma and Udraka Rāmaputra, for instruction, son Rāhula and many members of the Śākya clan
but still detecting some ātman, ego, in their yoga, joined the order. Ānanda, a member of the Śākya
he went to a site near the river Nairañjanā and clan and cousin of the Buddha, accompanied him
practiced extreme asceticism for 6 years. Five as a privileged disciple. Bimbisāra, the king of
other ascetics joined him in his practice. Realizing Magadha, was converted and donated the
that this practice did not lead to any salvation, he Veṇuvana, a grove near his palace in Rājagṛha.
took a meal and a bath and sat down under a tree, This was the first ārāma, residence for monks.
a Ficus religiosa, later known as the bodhi The Buddha was constantly threatened by
(enlightenment, awakenment) tree, in Bodh Devadatta, a relative who had been ordained
Gayā, presently in Bihar. Under this tree, he when the Buddha was in Kapilavastu. Devadatta
obtained bodhi, 7 years after he had left his caused a schism in the order. He was supported by
home. He realized that extremes did not have Ajātaśatru, the son and successor of Bimbisāra,
any result and that only a middle way led to who had become the king in the eighth year before
perfect rest, nirvāṇa [18]. Having seen the four Buddha’s death. But Ajātaśatru was converted to
noble truths ((1) suffering, duḥkha; (2) origination, the Buddha’s teaching and supported him during
samudaya; (3) extinction, nirodha; (4) path, his final years. The fact that so many converts
mārga) and the 12 links of the chain of dependent were Brahmins may help explain the later rise
origination, he put an end to karma, intentional of, e.g., the Vātsīputrīyas, personalists who
action, and to saṃsāra, the circle of birth and believed in an existing personality, pudgala. The
death, two dogmas of Indian intellectual life at end of the Buddha’s life is well documented [21].
the time. Initially hesitant to make his path, his After he had delivered a sermon in Pāṭaliputra
dharma, known, he decided to preach and went to (Patna), the new upcoming center, the Buddha
Benares, Vārāṇasī, a traditional center of cultural crossed the Ganges and went to Vaiśālī. There he
life in present Uttar Pradesh. Benares had been the converted the courtesan Āmrapālī. Then he spent
center of Indian culture long before Rājagṛha the rainy season in Veṇugrāmaka with Ānanda.
(Rajgir in Bihar), the capital of Magadha at the He fell ill but recovered. Buddha went to
time of the Buddha. The youthful Buddha went to Kuśinagara, in the land of the Mallas. On the
Benares, but he did (could?) not preach on the way, he accepted a meal of pork or of truffles,
banks of the holy Ganges in Benares itself. On his offered by the metal-worker Cunda. There is
way there he met Upaka, an Ājīvaka ascetic, but uncertainty about the Indian term sūkara-
he did not convert him. When he reached the maddava. Buddha then died of mesenteric infarc-
Ṛṣipatana in Sārnāth, near Benares, he delivered tion, caused by an occlusion of an opening of the
his first sermon; he turned the wheel of the law superior mesenteric artery, as Mettanando has
(Dharmacakra) for the first time. This place of the established [11]. He basically died of old age.
first sermon is also known as the Deer Park, Only after he had arrived from Rājagṛha,
Mṛgadāva. Setting the wheel of the dharma into Mahākāśyapa, the most important surviving dis-
motion, he expounded the middle way between ciple, was able to set fire to the bier. After the
Buddhadhātu 283

cremation, the bones (śarīra, relics) and the ashes 8. Jones J (first edn 1930; 1949–1956) The Mahāvastu.
were distributed. Luzac, London
9. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: From
the origins to the Śaka era (trans: Webb-Boin S).
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Louvan-La-neuve B
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▶ Ajātaśatru Leben und Lehre des Çākya-Buddha. Meicho-Fukyū-
▶ Āmrapālī kai, Tokyo
▶ Anātman 11. Mettanando B, von Hinüber O (2000) The cause of the
Buddha’s death. J Pali Text Soc 26:105–117
▶ Aśvaghoṣa 12. Ñānamoli B (first edn 1972; 1978) The life of the
▶ Bimbisāra Buddha as it appears in the Pali canon. Buddhist
▶ Bodhagayā Publication Society, Kandy
▶ Causality (Buddhism) 13. Narain AK (1994) An independent and definitive evi-
dence on the date of the historical Buddha. Indian
▶ Devadatta J Buddh Stud 6:43–58
▶ Dharmacakra 14. Narain AK (2002) The exact spot of birth of
▶ Karma Siddhārtha Gautama, the Śākyamuni Buddha. Indian
▶ Kuśinagara Int J Buddh Stud 3:169–179
15. Nattier J (2006) A guide to the earliest Chinese
▶ Lalitavistara Buddhist translations. Texts from the Eastern Han
▶ Lumbinī and Three Kingdoms periods. International
▶ Magadha research institute for advanced buddhology. Soka uni-
▶ Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī versity. Bibliotheca philologica et philosophica X,
Tōkyō
▶ Parinirvāṇa 16. Poppe NN (1967) The twelve deeds of Buddha:
▶ Pudgalavādins A Mongolian version of the Lalitavistara. Otto
▶ Rāhula Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
▶ Saṅgha 17. Rockhill WW (first edn 1884; 1972) The life of the
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▶ Śāriputra Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur.
▶ Sarvāstivāda Orientalia Indica, Varanasi
▶ Tathāgatagarbha 18. Thomas E (first edn 1927; many reprints, esp 1956)
▶ Vinaya The life of Buddha. As legend and history. Routledge
and Kegan Paul, London
▶ Yoga 19. Ui H (1924–1930; also in complete works of 1970,
Iwanami Shoten) Butsumetsu nendairon (Theories
about the death of the Buddha). Indo tetsugaku kenkyū
References 2:2–111
20. Vaidya PL (1958) Lalita-Vistara. Mithila Institute,
1. Bareau A (1995) Recherches sur la biographie du Dharbhanga
Buddha dans les Sūtrapiṭaka et les Vinayapiṭaka 21. Waldschmidt E (1952–1962) Das Catuṣpariṣatsūtra.
anciens. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris Akademie-Verlag, Berlin
2. Beal S (first edn 1875; 1985) The romantic legend of 22. Weller F (1926–1928) Das Leben des Buddha von
Śākya Buddha. A translation of the Chinese version of Aśvaghoṣa. Verlag Eduard Pfeiffer, Leipzig
the Abhiniṣkramaṇasūtra. Motilal Banarsidass, New 23. Willemen Ch (2009) Buddhacarita. In praise of Bud-
Delhi dha’s acts. Numata center for Buddhist Translation and
3. Bechert H (ed) (1997) The dating of the historical Research, Berkeley
Buddha. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 24. Zürcher E (1978) Het leven van de Boeddha.
4. Frauwallner E (1956) The earliest Vinaya and the Meulenhoff, Amsterdam
beginning of Buddhist literature. Is.M.E.O, Roma
5. Goswami B (2001) Lalitavistara. The Asiatic Society,
Kolkata
6. Jayawickrama NA (first edn 1990; 2002) The story of
Gotama Buddha (Jātaka-nidāna). Pali text Society,
Oxford Buddhadhātu
7. Johnston EH (first edn 1936; new enlarged edn 1984;
many reprints) The Buddhacarita. Or acts of the Bud-
dha. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
284 Buddhaghosa

literature. Pali language was called Māgadhī at

Buddhaghosa that time. He wrote two books there called
Ñāṇodaya (on some philosophical subject, and
Angraj Chaudhary Aṭṭhasālinī (commentary on the Dhammasangaṇī)
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, [4].
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India During the time of Buddhaghosa, the Tipiṭaka
was available in India, but the Aṭṭhakathās were
not available. They were available in Ceylon (now
Definition called Sri Lanka) in Sīhala language. His teacher
Ven. Revata, therefore, asked him to go to Ceylon
Buddhaghosa was a commentator par excellence and bring those Aṭṭhakathās back to India.
of the Buddhist canonical literature in the fifth Buddhaghosa immediately agreed to go to Sri
century A.D. Lanka and complete the task given by his Vener-
Buddhaghosa was the greatest of the three able teacher. While he was going to Ceylon by
commentators. boat, he met Buddhadatta on the way while he was
Of the three commentators on the Tipiṭaka, coming back from there. When he came to know
Buddhaghosa, Buddhadatta, and Dhammapāla, from Buddhaghosa what he was going to Sri
the first is a commentator par excellence. He was Lanka for, he wished him well and asked him to
really the greatest commentator on the Tipiṭaka. accomplish the work.
Buddhaghosa was born in a brahmin family in It is said that when he met Saṅkhapāla and
a village near Gaya in Magadha now called the expressed his desire to write Aṭṭhakathās on the
state of Bihar. His father’s name was Kesa and his Tipiṭaka, Saṅkhapāla wanted to test his merit and
mother’s name was Kesi [1]. scholarship. The famous gāthā beginning with
He became very proficient in Brahminical lore “anto jaṭā, bahi jaṭā, jaṭāya jaṭitā pajā/taṃ taṃ
as he had mastered the Vedas and allied literature gotama pucchāmi, ko imaṃ vjaṭaye jaṭanti” [5].
at a very young age. He must have been a prodigy “Rendered into English as the inner tangle and the
and so very proud of his knowledge. That is why outer tangle–/ This generation is entangled in
he went from place to place to enter into debate a tangle/And so I ask of Gotama this question;/
and derive the satisfaction of defeating those who Who succeeds in disentangling this tangle” [6]
came to debate with him. But it so happened that was given to him to explain. Buddhaghosa wrote
he once met a Buddhist monk called Revata. In the famous Visuddhimaggo. explaining the mean-
the debate that took place between them, Revata ing of this gāthā. The meaning, in brief, is: Sīle
asked him some questions which he could not patiṭṭhāya naro sapañño, cittaṃ paññaṃ ca
answer. He did not feel humiliated, but definitely bhāvayaṃ/ Āṭāpī nipako bhikkhu, so imaṃ
he was humbled. Because his desire to learn was vijaṭaye jaṭanti// [7]. Rendered into English as
insatiable, he requested Revata to teach him. He when a wise man, established well in virtue,
taught him the teachings of the Buddha when he develops consciousness and understanding, then
became a Buddhist monk and entered the Bud- as a bhikkhu ardent and sagacious, he succeeds in
dhist Order. It is said that he became well versed in disentangling this tangle [8]. Saṅkhapāla was
the Tipiṭaka in only one month [2]. greatly impressed by his erudition and wisdom.
Why was he called Buddhaghosa? “Because All facilities available there were given to
his speech was profound, like that of the Buddha, Buddhaghosa by him. Buddhaghosa, of course,
and because his words spread throughout the read the Aṭṭhakathās written in Ceylon but wrote
world (like those of the Buddha), he came to be Aṭṭhakathās on different books of the Tipiṭaka
called Buddhaghosa” [3]. anew. At that time he lived in Ganthākara Vihāra.
While he was studying with Ven. Revata, he Malalasekera says that “he rendered the Sinha-
had attained mastery over Pali language and lese Commentaries into Pali” [9]. This is like
Buddhaghosa 285

underestimating the genius and erudition of explains them in detail. But there is one respect
Buddhaghosa. If it is his view, one finds it difficult in which he surpasses all commentators. The fol-
to agree with him; if his view is based on other lowing passage may be taken as a typical example
sources, the sources also smack of prejudice. of his method:
A genius like Buddhaghosa is not meant to copy B
Brahmacariyaṃ nāma methunaviratisamaṇadham-
and imitate, but he is meant to have his thoughts in masāsanmaggānaṃ adhivacanaṃ. Tathā hi
gestation and then create, to give his own view in “abrahmacariyaṃ pahāya brahmcārī hotīti
accordance with his light. And this is what is seen (D 1.25) evamādīsu methuna virati brahmacariyaṃ
in his commentaries. ti vuccati.” “Bhagavāti no, āvuso, brahmacariyaṃ
vussati (M 1.194) ti evamādīsu samaṇadhammo.”
Buddhaghosa was a prodigious commentator “Na tāvāhaṃ pāpima, parinibbāyissāmi, yāva me
and a prolific writer. He wrote commentaries on idaṃ brahmacariyaṃ na iddhaṃ ceva bhavissati,
a great number of books of the Tipitaka. He wrote phītaṃ ca vitthārikaṃ bāhujaññaṃ” (D.2 83–84) ti
commentaries not only on the books of Sutta piṭaka evamādīsu sāsanam. “Ayameva, kho bhikkhu, ariyo
aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo, brahmacariyaṃ seyyathidaṃ
but also on the Vinaya piṭaka and Abhidhamma sammādiṭṭhīti” (S 4, 8) ti evamādīsu maggo.
piṭaka. Some of the important commentaries
he wrote are the Samantapāsādikā and the It is pretty evident from this that Buddhaghosa
Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī on the Vinaya piṭaka, the takes up a polysemous word, enumerates all its
Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, the Papañcasūdanī, the meanings, quotes sentences from the Tipiṭaka to
Sāratthappakāsinī, and the Manorathapūraṇī on show their different uses, and then puts his finger
different Nikāyas of the Suttapiṭaka. He wrote on the meaning that it obtains in a particular
commentaries on the Khuddaka pāṭha and context. . .It proves beyond any doubt that the
Suttanipāta (called Paramatthajotikā). The entire Pali tipitaka was at his fingers’ tips and
Aṭṭhasālinī, the Sammohavinodanī, and the therefore his commentaries are authentic. . . .
Pañcappakaraṇa Aṭṭhakathās are commentaries Apart from these scholarly merits, the
on the Abhidhamma piṭaka. Some scholars are Aṭṭhakathās are full of historical and quasi-
of the view that the Jātakaṭṭhakathā was also com- historical anecdotes [10].
posed by him. Buddhaghosa’s Aṭṭhakathās reveal his psycho-
ethical knowledge. While commenting on the
Uraga Sutta of the Sutta nipāta, he describes differ-
Contribution of Buddhaghosa as ent degrees of anger. One type of anger arises in
a Commentator one, burns him for some time, and then is quieted;
another type of anger stronger than the first distorts
As has been said earlier, Buddhaghosa was his face and his facial expression makes it clear that
a commentator par excellence. If he is compared he is angry; the third type stronger even than the
with Sāyanācārya who wrote Bhāṣyas on the second agitates him so much that he becomes ready
Ṛgveda in Sanskrit, the differences will be clear. to speak harsh words; the fourth type of anger
Sāyanācārya explains the meaning of words “by makes him speak harsh words; the fifth type stron-
giving synonyms quoting from Yāska’s Nirukta.” ger than the fourth one makes him look for weapons
He also refers to the rules of Pāṇinī and to and staff, yet stronger anger makes him take
Uṇādisūtras in order to explain the formation of a weapon, yet stronger anger makes him run
words. The third method followed very rarely by after the man with whom he is angry, yet stronger
him is to refer to the variants in the text. anger makes him beat the man with a staff, yet
Buddhaghosa in his commentary breaks new stronger anger makes him kill even the relative,
grounds. In addition to giving the meaning of and yet stronger anger makes him so repentant
words and referring to grammatical rules for that he commits suicide. This is a wonderful psy-
explaining the formation of words he also, where chological description of different degrees of
possible, enumerates its different kinds and anger [11].
286 Buddhapālita

Buddhaghosa’s Aṭṭhakathās are not merely

verbal explanations but also they are a storehouse Buddhapālita
of many kinds of information – social, economic,
political, historical, geographical, religious, and Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore
cultural [12]. Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in
There is one more respect in which his Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and
Aṭṭhakathās are unique. Before explaining the Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra,
meaning of the verse or a sutta, Buddhaghosa India
mentions the place where the verse was uttered
or the sutta was preached, the person or the per-
sons to whom it was addressed, and also the event Synonyms
which led to the uttering of the gāthā or preaching
of the sutta. Commentator on Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-śā
Yena, yattha yadā yasmā vuttā gāthā ayaṃ stra; Composer of Madhyamaka-vṛtti; Founder
imaṃ/ of Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika tradition of
Vidhiṃ pakāsayitvāssā, Buddhism
karissāmatthavaṇṇanaṃ// [13]

Definition
Cross-References
Buddhapālita, a commentator on the works of
▶ Buddhadhātu Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva, was the exponent of
▶ Dhammapāla the Prasaṅgika system of Mahāyāna Buddhism.

References Founder of Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika

Tradition of Buddhism
1. Sāsanavaṃsa, p 31
2. Ibid., p 31 Buddhapālita (470–550 C.E.) was a great master
3. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names,
vol 2, p 306
and exponent of the Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika
4. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names, thought. He composed a commentary on
vol 1, p 976 Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-śāstra, known as the
5. Buddhaghosa, Visuddhimaggo, p 1 (Unless otherwise Madhyamaka-vṛtti, and also wrote commentaries
mentioned all books referred to here are published by
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998)
on the works of his predecessors including that of
6. Visuddhimaggo, The path of purification (trans: Āryadeva. However, only the Madhyamaka-vṛtti,
Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli), Taiwan edn. p 1 originally written in Sanskrit, is available in its
7. Visuddhimaggo, p 1 translation in Tibetan. All the other writings of
8. The path of Purification Tr. by Bhikkhn Ñǎna moli
P. (Tai Wan China)
Buddhapālita appear to have been lost [1].
9. Malalasekera GP. Dictionary of Pali proper names, Buddhapālita was born at Haṁsakridā, in
vol 1, p 307 South India. Since an early age, he was keenly
10. Chaudhary A (ed) (1975) Introduction to Suttanipāta interested in teachings of the Buddha and hence
Aṭṭhakathā, Part 2. Introduction. Nava Nalanda
Mahavihara, Nalanda, Bihar, pp 11–12
joined the saṃgha. After full ordination
11. Chaudhary A (2012) Buddhaghosa: a commentator (Pravrajā), he began his study at the Nālandā
par excellence. J Asiatic Soc Mumbai (Published by monastery Ācārya Saṅgharakṣita, a disciple of
the Asiatic Society of Mumbai, vol 84, pp 1–13) Nāgamitra. Buddhapālita also studied directly
12. Chaudhary A (ed) (1974) Introduction to Suttanipāta
Aṭṭhakathā, vol 1. Nava Nalanda Mahavihara,
under Nāgamitra. After having mastered the phil-
Nalanda, Bihar, p 12 osophical tenets of Nāgārjuna, he went on reside
13. Ibid., at the [O]Dantapuri monastery in South India,
Buddhapālita 287

where he composed many commentaries on the even if one attempts to find out faults and rejects,
works of Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva. Buddhapālita the thesis already put forth by someone else, log-
had many disciples, among whom Kamalabuddhī ically it suffices. By pointing out logically false/
became well known [2]. absurd consequences, inconsistencies, and contra-
Out of the two schools of Mādhyamikas, dictions involved, one can vanquish the opponent B
namely, Svātaṅtrika and Prāsaṅgika, it seems, and succeed in argumentation indirectly. Thus, it/
Prāsaṅgika tradition emerged explicitly with refutation is an indirect mode of establishing
Buddhapālita, though (in the implicit form) seeds a thesis, which involves truth claim/s apparently
(of its development) were present in the writings in the implicit and unexpressed form. That is,
of Āryadeva. Whereas, Bhāvaviveka seems to be criticism is a mode of argumentation to establish
the founder of Svātaṅtrika-Mādhyamika, who the ultimate truth indirectly and to disprove/reject/
composed Prajñā-pradīpa, a commentary on refute absurd/faulty thesis (of the opponent/s)
Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-śāstra (and he also directly, which is called as a Prasaṅga (reductio-
wrote an independent treatise entitled ad-absurdum) method, which seems to be a prom-
Madhyamaka-hṛdaya, with an auto-commentary inent feature of philosophization of Nāgārjuna,
on it known as Tarkajwāla). Later on Candrakīrti and obviously of his commentators/interpreters
wrote Prasannpadā, which too is a commentary like, Āryadeva, Buddhapālita, Bhāvaviveka/
on Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka-śāstra [3], in order Bhavya, and Candrakīrti.
to defend Buddhapālita and combat the criticism Nāgārjuna explicitly has written that indepen-
leveled by Bhāvaviveka. dently he himself has no truth claim/s to make,
Prāsaṅgika is a dialectician/debater, who is rather what he wants to advocate is teaching of the
interested in finding out fault/s in the arguments Buddha. It is this statement at the hands of his
of others, and by using those faults as grounds of interpreters, which became a point of controversy.
(one’s own) argumentation, he or she attacks on Now the question arises: why Nāgārjuna was
the opponent. However, he himself is not neces- reminding to understand the importance of Bud-
sarily interested in establishing any thesis (of dha’s teaching? Because, before him, various
his own) independently. His intension rather is scholars from early Buddhism and some of the
only to disprove/reject the (faulty) thesis followers of the Mahāyāna-sūtras prevalent have
forwarded. Having no position, the attempt is attempted to respond to problems confronted in
only to reject/deny the argument advanced by the then situations and interpreted Buddha’s
others, either in full form of argumentation or teaching according to their own convenience, per-
else partially by pointing out the lacunas and haps, in a faulty way. Buddha’s teaching was
inconsistencies in supportive main constituents interpreted partially adopting Śāśvatavāda
of the argument/s, namely, Hetu (reason) and (eternalism and certainty) on the one hand, and/
Udāharaṇa (example) [4]. or Ucchedavāda (nihilism) in some form or the
In any argumentation, there are two modes of other, on the other hand, either unknowingly or
establishing a thesis – direct and indirect. A thesis deliberately. Especially, the negativistic attitudes
can be established by providing appropriate rea- were promulgated by some of the Buddhists, who
son/s (Hetu) and an acceptable well-known (affir- were wrongly emphasizing on Śūnyatā (empti-
mative/negative) example (Udāharaṇa), which is ness/void). According to them, if there is no
a direct mode of establishing thesis (a critique). beginning and no end, then there will not be
But a logician has to be careful not only in appro- importance of the Ārya-Satya (Four Noble
priately putting forth the thesis, he or she has to be Truths), and then there will be no importance of
cautious and careful about flaws and contradic- Dharma (teaching of the Buddha) along with
tions involved in already put forth argument/s by Karma (actions). Consequently, it means that
others/opponents (a criticism) in argumentation there is no significance of Vinaya (rules/codes of
for establishing the ultimate truth. Instead of put- practice) and finally of the Buddha himself. It is to
ting forth another argument independently, thus, this chain of argumentation, perhaps, Nāgārjuna
288 Buddhapālita

was criticizing and rebuking their modes of situations and circumstances in a clear way is
philosophization. necessary. Instead of repeating/reiterating the
Thus, in order to reject and oppose completely same arguments, supplementation/addition of
such extremists modes of adherence and backdoor new arguments, which is an appropriate mode of
entry of wrong/faulty views, Nāgārjuna stressed giving new interpretation (of Nāgārjuna’s
on the need of criticism/negation. Though, later thoughts) and brings out its significance, seems to
on such a mode of negation/refutation itself be the insistence of Bhāvaviveka. Śūnyatā should
became a point of divergence among his followers not be interpreted as (an independent) metaphysi-
and interpreters. He was emphasizing on the cal entity, but it is a method of understanding
importance of Madhyamā-pratipadā (middle reality by negation [6].
way or non-extremism), by using concepts It is against this that Buddhapālita and later on
already prevalent in the earlier Buddhist tradition, Candrakīrti, perhaps, held a position that in order
namely, Śūnyatā (emptiness/void), Pratī tya- to establish Nāgārjuna’s contention indirect mode
samutpāda (dependent origination), of argumentation suffices, and moreover empha-
Niḥsvabhāvatā (essencelessness), and Nirvāṇa sizing Śūnyatā (emptiness) is minimally essential.
(emancipation), by giving importance to both the Against Bhāvaviveka, they were stressing on the
truths equally, namely, Paramārtha-sat (Ulti- other side of Śūnyatā (emptiness), and insisting on
mate-Truth) and Vyavahāra/Saṁvṛtti-sat (Con- a view that Śūnyatā should be interpreted in both
ventional-Truth) [5]. Although he was using the the senses – Sarva-dharma-śūnyatā (emptiness of
old concepts, he was giving a new interpretation all characteristics) and Sarva-bhāva-śūnyatā
and presenting a novel mode of correlation backed (emptiness of all things and beings) too. All
by an appropriate rationale. However, while understanding is after all a conceptual construc-
understanding Nāgārjuna, his followers attempted tion on both the levels of truth. Hence, what
to interpret him in different way/s, and apparently Nāgārjuna has denied/negated needs to be empha-
there is a schism in between them. sized directly to understand his position.
In order to generate an appropriate conception In the fag end of life, Buddhapālita, it seems,
of Śūnyatā (emptiness/essenceless), one should was blessed by Ārya Mañjuśrī, after hard austerity
use the established arguments/knowledge claims and meditation, and he was a recipient of mystic
and advocate (directly) that things ultimately Guṭikā, which uplifted him to celestial reality of
(Paramārthataḥ) have no intrinsic nature (in the Tūṣita heaven.
context of Dvisatya – the two truths doctrine),
according to Nāgārjuna. Nāgārjuna used this
Prasaṅga method to refute the already put forth Cross-References
faulty views.
Bhāvaviveka, later on, it seems, asserted that ▶ Āryadeva
stating consequences directly and implications ▶ Bhāvaviveka
clearly of Nāgārjuna’s contention is not sufficient. ▶ Bodhisattva
It is essential to insist that things even convention- ▶ Buddha (Concept)
ally (Vyavahārataḥ) do not have any intrinsic ▶ Candrakīrti
nature. While connecting and explaining ▶ Four Noble Truths
Nāgārjuna’s views, in order to avoid confusion ▶ Karma
and ambiguity, an independently (Svataṅtra) ▶ Madhyamā Pratipad
new arguments in support of the already given ▶ Mādhyamika
ones, are to be supplied, which are transcending ▶ Mahāyāna
the limitations of contexts and making thoughts ▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
more relevant context-freely, and further bringing ▶ Mañjuśrī
out the implicit meaning involved in the changed ▶ Nāgārjuna
Buddhavamsa 289
˙

▶ Nālandā The Buddhavaṃsa is the fourteenth book of the

▶ Nirvāṇa Khuddaka Nikāya, which in turn is part of the
▶ Paramārtha Sutta Piṭaka. It is a small text in verse which offers
▶ Prajñā an account of the life of Gotama (Sk: Gautama)
▶ Pāramitā Buddha and 24 Buddhas who are supposed to B
▶ Pratītya Samutpāda have preceded him in the last 12 eons (kalpas).
▶ Śūnyatā The 24 Buddhas are Dīpaṃkara, Koṇḍañña,
▶ Uccheda-vāda Maṅgala, Sumana, Revata, Sobhita, Anomadassī,
▶ Upāya-Kauśalya Paduma, Nārada, Padumuttara, Sumedha, Sujāta,
▶ Vinaya Piyadassī, Atthadassi, Dhammadassī, Siddhattha,
Tissa, Phussa, Vipassi, Sikhi, Vessabhu,
Kakusandha, Konāgamana, and Kassapa. The
References names of the last six Buddhas of this list also find
mention in two suttas (Āṭānāṭī ya Suttanta and
1. Vaidya PL (1960) Madhyamakaśāstra of Nāgārjuna Mahāpadhāna Suttanta) of the Dī gha Nikāya.
with Prasannapadā of Candrakīrti. The Mithila Institute,
It has been suggested that the number of 24 pre-
Darbhanga
2. Pandeya R (ed) (1988) The Madhyamakaśāstram of decessors of Gotama Buddha given in the
Nāgārjuna (intro), vol I. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Buddhavaṃsa is probably analogous to the
p xiii corresponding number of Jaina tīrthaṃkaras. The
3. Chattopadyaya D (ed) (1997) Tārānātha’s history of
author of the Madhuratthavilāsinī , the commen-
Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 186–187
4. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal tary of the Buddhavaṃsa, says that Buddhavaṃsa
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 443, 451–452 was proclaimed and delivered by Gotama Buddha
5. Richard HR (1967) Early Mādhyamikas in India and himself and was transmitted further down by
China. The University of Wisconsin Press, London
a continuous line of theras up to the time of the
6. Santina PD (1986) Mādhyamika schools in India.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi Third Buddhist Council and likewise from then
onwards by an uninterrupted teacher-pupil lineage.
After an introductory chapter, the
Buddhavaṃsa devotes one chapter each to the
24 predecessor Buddhas. In a rather monotonous
Buddhavamsa style, the Buddhavaṃsa relates about each of the
˙
earlier Buddhas as to how each of them set the
K. T. S. Sarao
wheel of the dhamma (Sk: dharma) rolling and
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
how (with slight deviations) the main happenings
Delhi, Delhi, India
of Gotama Buddha’s life took place in the case of
each one of the earlier Buddhas. Speaking in first
person, Gotama Buddha himself relates the story
Synonyms as to who he was during the time of each of the
earlier Buddhas, how he paid respect to each of
Chronicle of the Buddhas; Lineage of the
those Buddhas, and how those Buddhas predicted
Buddhas
his own Buddhahood in the future.
The Buddhavaṃsa consists of three divisions
called nidānas. The first nidāna begins in a distant
Definition past when a rich brāhmaṇa called Sumedha took
the vows to become a Buddha at the time of
The Buddhavaṃsa is a Buddhist text that talks Dīpaṃkara Buddha and the latter prophesied that
about the lives of Gautama Buddha and the 24 he would indeed become a Buddha and counted
Buddhas who preceded him. the ten pāramitās (perfections) that he would be
290 Buddhism and Politics

required to practice to achieve his goal. This References

nidāna ends with the death of Vessantara and his
rebirth in Tusita devaloka. The second nidāna 1. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
relates the history beginning with death in Tusita
2. Horner IB (ed) (1946) Madhuratthavilāsinī nāma
and ending with the attainment of Buddhahood Buddhavaṃsaṭṭhakathā of Bhadantācariya Buddhadatta
(enlightenment) under the Bodhi tree. The third Mahāthera. Pali Text Society, London
nidāna relates the history from the attainment of 3. Horner IB (trans) (1975) Chronicle of Buddhas
(Buddhavaṃsa) and basket of conduct (Cariyapiṭaka).
Buddhahood till the attainment of nibbāna (Sk:
Pali Text Society, London
nirvāṇa). The nidāna ends with a list of the Bud- 4. Horner IB (trans) (1978) The clarifier of sweet meaning
dhas up to Metteya (Sk: Maitreya), the future (Madhuratthavilāsinī): commentary on the chronicle of
Buddha, and a report on the distribution of the Buddhas (Buddhavaṃsa) by Buddhadatta Thera. Pali
Text Society, London
relics of the Buddha.
5. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) Buddhavaṃsa and
Along with the Apadāna and the Cariyāpiṭaka, Cariyāpiṭaka, new edn. Pali Text Society, London
the Buddhavaṃsa has been termed as hagiograph- 6. Winternitz M (trans) (1983) V.S. Sarma. History of
ical. It is also considered a late addition to the Indian literature, vol 2, rev. edn. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
Pāli Tipiṭaka. Winternitz, for instances, on the
7. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
basis of his study of this text has pointed out that vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
there is an overwhelming presence of the kind of 8. Morris R (ed) (1882) The Buddhavaṃsa and the
worship and deification of the Buddha which is Cariyapiṭaka. Pali Text Society, London
not known to the oldest Tipiṭaka texts, but
with which the Buddhist Sanskrit literature is
replete, particularly that of the Mahāyāna. It
was also suggested by Richard Morris, the first
editor of the Buddhavaṃsa for the Pali Text Soci-
Buddhism and Politics
ety, that the Buddhavaṃsa may be a mere
poetical expansion of some short prose history of
▶ Engaged Buddhism
the Buddhas who appeared before the time
of Gotama Buddha. The contents of the
Buddhavaṃsa to some extent are similar to the
nidānakathā of the Jātaka book, where verses
from Buddhavaṃsa have been repeated. Same is
the case with regard to the introduction to the Buddhism in North America
Atthasālinī , Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Dhammasaṅgaṇī . ▶ Westernization (Buddhism)

Cross-References

▶ Apadāna Buddhism in the West

▶ Cariyāpiṭaka
▶ Dīgha Nikāya ▶ Westernization (Buddhism)
▶ Enlightenment
▶ Jātaka
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya
▶ Pāramitās
▶ Sutta Piṭaka Buddhist Animism
▶ Tipiṭaka
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) ▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism)
Buddhist Councils 291

among the members of the saṃgha, Mahākassapa

Buddhist Art and his associates decided to convene this council
so that the authenticity and purity of the
▶ Amaravati buddhavacana (teachings of the Buddha) may
be preserved. It took place at Rājagaha (Sk: B
Rājgṛha) about 3 months after the
Mahāparinibbāna. Five hundred (according to
Buddhist Canon Xuanzang 1,000) monks were chosen to partici-
pate in the proceedings. Initially, Ānanda was not
▶ Tipiṭaka invited to participate as he had not attained
arhanthood. However, later, Mahākassapa
approved his participation on popular demand as
the Master had taught him the Dhamma and the
Buddhist Councils Vinaya in person. Still, the saṃgha found Ānanda
guilty of the following ecclesiastical offenses, and
K. T. S. Sarao despite the fact that Ānanda had reached
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of arhanthood on the night before the council began
Delhi, Delhi, India and that the attainment of arhanthood makes
a person immune to all guilt and punishment, it
was considered essential to keep the leading per-
Synonyms sonality of the council above board.

Saṅgīti 1. He had not ascertained the lesser and minor

precepts whose abrogation had been permitted
by the Master. Ānanda replied that he was not
Definition able to do so as he was overwhelmed with grief
at the imminent death of the Master.
Four assemblies (saṅgī ti) of the Buddhist saṃgha 2. He had treaded on the rainy season garment of
that took place after the death of the Buddha to the Master while sewing it. Ānanda replied
sort out various differences that arose relating to that he had to do so as there was no one to
matters of discipline and interpretation of the help him.
teachings of the Buddha. 3. He had allowed women first to salute the dead
body of the Master. Ānanda replied that as he
did not want to detain women, he permitted
The First Council them to salute the body of the Mater first. He
also did this for their edification.
The First Council was held 3 months after the 4. He had not requested the Master to enable him
Mahāparinibbāna at Rājagaha (Sk: Rājagṛha) to continue his study for a kappa (Sk: kalpa).
under the presidentship of Mahākassapa (Sk: Ānanda replied that he forgot to do so as he
Mahākāśyapa). Ānanda and Upāli were the other was under the influence of Māra.
leading personalities who participated in this 5. He had successfully pleaded for the entry of
council. A newly ordained monk called Subhadda women into the saṃgha. Ānanda replied that
(Sk: Subhadra) had declared, on hearing the news he did so out of consideration for Mahāpajāpatī
of the death of the Buddha, that it was an occasion who had nursed the Master in his infancy.
to celebrate as the latter would no longer be there 6. He failed to supply drinking water to the Bud-
to reprimand the likes of him for their unseemly dha though he had asked thrice for it. Ānanda’s
conduct. Alarmed by such a disrespectful behav- reply was that he was not able to do so as the
ior and widespread sentiment of doubt and dismay water of the river was muddy.
292 Buddhist Councils

7. He showed the privy parts of the Buddha to The Second Council

men and women of low character. Ānanda
replied that he did so with a purpose to rid The Second Council was held at Vesālī (Sk:
them of their sensuality. Vaiśālī), in the reign of King Kāḷāsoka, a century
after the Mahāparinibbāna. This council was
Ānanda’s replies were taken as satisfactory and called to address the following Ten Extravagances
he was exonerated. The council began with (dasavatthūni) that the monks of Vajji (Sk: Vṛji)
Kassapa questioning Upāli on the Vinaya. Follow- region had got the habit of:
ing a procedure as to where, concerning whom, in
regard to what matter was a particular rule of the 1. Siṅgiloṇakappa: The practice of carrying salt
Vinaya along with the subrule was formulated, the in a horn for use, violating Pacittiya 38 which
whole of the Vinaya text is said to have been prohibits the storage of food.
agreed upon at the council. After the Vinaya was 2. Dvaṅgulakappa: The practice of taking meals
formulated, the Dhamma was prepared. The when the shadow is two fingers wide, i.e.,
answers given by Ānanda settled the corpus of taking meal after midday, thus, violating
the Sutta Piṭaka. In some texts, it has been pointed Pacittiya 37 which forbids the taking of food
out that immediately after the recitation of the after midday.
scriptures was over, the monk Purāṇa arrived at 3. Gāmantarakappa: The practice of going to
Rājagaha with 500 brethren. When asked to asso- another village and taking a second meal
ciate himself with the Dhamma and Vinaya as had there on the same day, thus, violating
just been recited, he replied the he would like to Pacittiya 35 which forbids overeating.
retain it in his memory the way he had personally 4. Āvāsakappa: The practice of observing
heard from the Master. It appears that it would Uposatha ceremony in various places in the
have been impossible to think that two huge parts same parish which contravened the Mahāvagga
of the Tipiṭaka, i.e., Sutta and Vinaya, were finally (II,8.3) rule of residence in a parish.
composed and settled within a short period of 5. Anumatikappa: The practice of obtaining
3 months. Further, there is no reason to hypothe- sanction for a deed after it was done, thus,
size that the Abhidhamma (Sk: Abhidharma) leading to breach of monastic discipline
formed part of the proceedings that took place at (Mavāvagga.IX,3.5).
the First Council. Though it is no longer possible 6. Āciṇṇakappa: The practice of using custom-
to regard the First Council as pure fiction, yet its ary practices as precedents which amounted
nature and work remain uncertain. to a breach of monastic discipline.
Another significant item on the agenda of the 7. Amathitakappa: The practice of drinking but-
council related to Channa, the charioteer of the termilk after meals, thus, contravening
Buddha on the day of the Great Renunciation. The Pacittiya 35 which prohibits overeating.
Brahmadaṇḍa (highest penalty) was passed on 8. Jalogiṃ-pātuṃ: The practice of drinking
Channa as he had insulted all the member of the toddy which was a violation of Pacittiya 51
saṃgha through his extremely insolent demeanor. which forbids the drinking of intoxicants.
Ānanda told that monks that the Buddha had said 9. Adasakaṃ-nisīdanaṃ: The practice of using
at the time of his death: “Let then the saṃgha, a rug without a fringe whereas Pacittiya 89
Ānanda, when I am dead, impose the higher pen- forbids the use of borderless sheets.
alty on Channa the Monk.” The punishment 10. Jātarūparajataṃ: The practice of accepting
imposed was total social ostracism of Channa. gold and silver which was forbidden by rule
When this punishment was divulged to Channa, 18 of the Nissaggiya-Pacittiya.
he was struck with intense sorrow and repentance.
As result of this, he was cleansed of all his faults Elder Yasa (Sk: Yaśas) felt that these Ten
and he became an Arhant, the punishment auto- Extravagances were unorthodox and proclaimed
matically losing its meaning and application. them to be outrageous and unlawful. The Vajjian
Buddhist Councils 293

monks imposed the punishment of doctrines were refuted after a thorough examina-
paṭisaraṇī yakamma (Sk: pratisaṃharṇī yakarma tion. However, scholars now mostly believe that
Act of Reconciliation) upon him, requiring him to the compilation of Kathāvatthu was probably
apologize to the laity. However, Yasa successfully begun but not completed by Moggaliputta. One
defended himself before the laity, convincing them of the history-making decisions taken at this coun- B
to be on his side. This further enraged the Vajjian cil was the dispatch of missionaries to foreign lands
monks who expelled him from the saṃgha by for the propagation of the Dhamma. This council is
promulgating the penalty of ukkhepaṇī yakamma mentioned only in the Pāli records, and for this
(Sk: utkṣepaṇī yakarma, Act of Excommunication) reason, it is often referred to as the third Theravāda
upon him. Thereafter, Yasa went to different mon- Council. Whereas some scholars such as Keith and
asteries requesting monks to meet and deliberate Dutt feel that this council was either a sectarian
upon the matter. Consequently, 700 monks met at affair of the Theravādins or was not held at all,
Vesālī. Sabbakāmi (Sk: Sarvagāmin) was elected others, including Bhandarkar and Bongard-Levin,
president. The Ten Extravagances were put to vote point out that there is nothing inherently impossible
one by one and were declared unlawful. In the in the events connected with it.
Samanta-pāsādikā, Buddhaghosa observes that
after the verdict, the Vinaya and the Dhamma
were recited afresh. On their part, the Vajjian The Fourth Council
monks convened their own council called the
Mahāsaṅgī ti (Great Council). The Mahāsāṃghika The Fourth Council took place in c. 100 C.E.
Vinaya passes in silence over the first nine points during the reign of King Kaniṣka I. The venue of
and condemns only the tenth one. the council was either Jālaṃdhara (Punjab) or
somewhere in Gandhāra-Kaśmīr. According to
Xuanzang, confused by the conflicting views of
The Third Council Buddhist monks, Kaniṣka consulted Pārsva, who
proposed the convening of a council. Conse-
The Third Council was held at Pāṭaliputta under the quently, the Fourth Council was convened under
patronage of the King Asoka (Sk: Aśoka). Asoka the presidentship of Vasumitra and vice-
had instructed one of his ministers to put a stop to presidentship of Asvaghosa. It was at this council
wrong practices being followed in the saṃgha. that commentaries on each of the Piṭakas were
However, the minister misinterpreted the order written and each of the commentaries contained
and executed several monks for their disobedience 100,000 verses. According to Xuanzang, the
of the king’s order. When this matter was reported newly composed Vibhāsā treatises were inscribed
to Asoka, he was distressed and asked the saṃgha on copper plates, incased in stone boxes, and
whether he was guilty of the murder of monks. buried in a stūpa. The council apparently took
Some thought him guilty, some not. Finally, 12 years to accomplish the work it had under-
Moggaliputta was invited to Pāṭaliputta to arbitrate taken. Most probably, Sanskrit was the language
in the matter. He declared the king not guilty, as he used at this council. One of the most momentous
had no intention of killing the monks. The king decisions taken at this council was the settlement
thereafter convoked an assembly of the entire of dissidence within the saṃgha. The council rec-
saṃgha, and heretical monks numbering 60,000 ognized all the 18 sects as the repositories of
were disrobed. Vibhajjavāda (the religion of the genuine buddhavacana. It appears that the
analytical reasoning) was declared the true monks of the Sarvāstivāda School were most pre-
buddhavacana. Moggaliputta thereafter elected dominant at this council. The Theravādins do not
a 1,000 monks and worked with them, and the recognize this council, and there is no reference to
Tipiṭaka was compiled. Halfway through the coun- this council in the Sri Lankan chronicles. Some
cil, Moggaliputta is said to have compiled scholars such as Poussin doubt the historicity of
the Kathāvatthu-pakarṇa wherein the heretical this council altogether, though others, such as
294 Buddhist Environmentalism

Dutt, feel that it was a sectarian affair of the

Sarvāstivādins. Buddhist Ethics

Cross-References ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)

▶ Arahant
▶ Aśoka
▶ Dhamma Buddhist History
▶ Mahākassapa
▶ Māra ▶ History, Indian Buddhism
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
▶ Sarvāstivāda
▶ Theravāda
▶ Tipiṭaka Buddhist Learning
▶ Vesālī
▶ Vinaya ▶ Education (Buddhism)
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

References Buddhist Monarchy

1. Bareau A (1955) Les premiers conciles bouddhiques.
Presses Universitaires de France, Paris
▶ Kingship (Buddhism)
2. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes Bouddhiques du Petit
Véhicule. École Française d’Extrême Orient, Saigon,
Vietnam
3. Demiéville P (1951) A propos du concise de Vaiśālī.
T’uong Pao, Leiden, pp 239–296
Buddhist Philosophy
4. Dutt N (1959) The second Buddhist council. Indian
Hist Q XXXV(I):45–56 ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
5. Franke RO (1908) The Buddhist councils at Rājagaha
and Vesālī as alleged in Cullavagga XI., XII. J Pali
Text Soc I908:1–80
6. Frauwallner E (1952) Die buddhistische Konzile.
ZDMG 102:240–261 Buddhist Psychology
7. Hofinger M (1946) Étude sur le concile de Vaiśālī.
Bureaux du Muséon, Louvain
▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
8. De La Vallée Poussin L (1908) The Buddhist councils.
Indian Antiq 37(1908):1–18, 81–106
9. De La Vallée Poussin L (1908) Councils. Encycl Relig
Ethics 4(1908–21):170–185
10. Oldenberg H (ed) (1880) The Vinaya Pitakaṃ, vol ii.
Pali Text Society, London, pp 284–308
Buddhist Veneration of the Natural
11. Prebish CS (1974) A review of scholarship on the World
Buddhist councils. J Asian Stud XXXIII(2):239–254
12. Przyluski J (1926) Le Concile de Rajagṛha. Paul ▶ Nature Worship (Buddhism)
Geuthner, Paris

Buddhist Environmentalism Budh Gyā

▶ Ecology (Buddhism) ▶ Bodhagayā

C

Cāga a morally wholesome quality which makes one

well disposed toward giving away or sharing
K. T. S. Sarao one’s possessions with others. In its practical
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of application, cāga refers to continuous habit of
Delhi, Delhi, India giving and sharing according to one’s means and
ability. Whenever there is anyone to receive, one
practicing cāga does not, for instance, eat even his
Synonyms last morsel of food without sharing it ([13], p. 8;
[12], p. 184).
Liberality; Tyāga A heart keen on liberality (cāgaparibhāvita
citta; [3], Vol. v, p. 309) is viewed in Buddhism
as part of one of the three, four, five, or seven
Definition noble treasures (ariyadhanāni) possessed by
a human being ([7], p. 264), namely, (as three),
A morally wholesome quality which makes one saddhā (faith), sīla (virtue), and cāga (liberality)
well disposed toward giving away or sharing ([2], Vol. ii, p. 112); (as four) saddhā, sī la, cāga,
one’s possessions with others. and paññā (wisdom) ([3], Vol. v, p. 395; [4],
Vol. ii, p. 62) or as sacca (truthfulness), dama
Cāga (Sanskrit, tyāga) may be translated into (restraint), cāga, and dhiti (steadfastness) ([1],
English as “liberality.” Sometimes, this word has p. 188; [3], Vol. i, p. 215); (as five) saddhā, sī la,
also been used in the sense of “renunciation” ([3], suta (right knowledge), cāga, and paññā ([3],
Vol. iii, pp. 13, 26, 158; [4], Vol. i, p. 299; [5], Vol. i, p. 232, Vol. iv, p. 250; [4], Vol. i, pp. 152,
Vol. i, p. 10; [11], Vol. i, p. 486). Cāga is not listed 210, Vol. iii, pp. 44, 80; [6], Vol. iii, pp. 164, 165;
in the Pāli texts as a mental force (saṃkhāra), but [11], Vol. iii, p. 99); and (as seven) ajjhesanā
as a wholesome force (kusala-saṃkhāra), i.e., (entreaty), tapo (asceticism), sī la, sacca, cāga,
nongreed (alobha). The opposite of cāga is ava- sati (introspection), and mati (thought) ([2],
rice (macchariya/macchera), an unwholesome Vol. ii, p. 327) or as saddhā, sīla, hiri (shame),
force (akusala-saṃkhāra) whose characteristic is ottappa (remorse), suta, cāga, and paññā ([4],
“holding on to one’s own possessions,” i.e., being Vol. iv, p. 5; [6], Vol. iii, pp. 163, 251). Liberality
averse to sharing one’s own possessions with can also be found often mentioned with several
others, as a mental malady which must be other good qualities. It occurs, for instance,
renounced through the power of wisdom ([4], together with faith (saddhā) in the Buddha, the
Vol. v, pp. 40, 209; [12], p. 398). Thus, cāga is Dhamma, and the Saṃgha ([3], Vol. v, p. 391). As
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
296 Cāga

a moral quality, cāga is often commended by the in giving up and hopes to be besought, i.e., always
Buddha as something which is a treasure (dhana) looks for opportunities to give” ([3], Vol. v,
([4], Vol. iii, p. 53, Vol. iv, p. 5; [6], Vol. iii, p. 395). As opposed to this, avarice
pp. 163, 251) and a bliss (sampadā) ([4], Vol. i, (macchariya) is rooted in greed (lobha) and hatred
p. 62, Vol. ii, p. 66, Vol. iii, p. 53, Vol. iv, p. 221) (dosa) which lead to the destruction of the natural
which bring happiness ([3], Vol. v, p. 391f). transparency of the mind. The practice of gener-
Liberality is perceived by Buddhism as the osity eliminates both greed and hatred, while pro-
practical side of benevolence (avyāpajjha), i.e., moting their opposite good qualities, i.e.,
whereas benevolence is a charitable feeling or greedlessness (alobha) and hatelessness (adosa)
inclination to do good to others, liberality is ([4], Vol. i, p. 10; [12], p. 184). A person who is a
a charitable action done to promote the happiness practitioner of liberality is appreciated and sought
of others mainly through the offer of various after by many people ([4], Vol. iii, p. 40). Thus,
necessities like food, drink, and shelter ([10], liberality “is a practice greatly beneficial to the
p. 200). As benevolence is an admirable inclina- giver himself, he be a recluse or a layman.” Con-
tion, so liberality is an admirable action. Liberality sequently, as pointed out by the Buddha,
must have benevolence as its necessary element bestowing of food is like giving life, and such
and, thus, takes its place next to benevolence in its a person attains either divine life or human life
inception, presupposing its presence in the practi- after death ([4], Vol. iii, p. 42).
tioner. In Buddhism, the concept of liberality
teaches the individual to renounce attachments to
material possessions. Consequently, if instead of
Cross-References
liberal action prompted by this or other similar
feelings, a person is moved by some material
▶ Dhammapada
motives, such an action, however much it may
▶ Paññā
resemble liberality, would be worthless. Without
▶ Saṃkhāra
benevolence, one cannot be liberal or generous.
▶ Sīla
Tachibana contends that the practical application
of liberality is the underlying value that makes
benevolence a virtue ([10], p. 200). Thus, benev-
References
olence has ethical value only when it is put into
action, i.e., when it is transformed into liberality. 1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta.
Accordingly, benevolence is the cause of a kind Pali Text Society, London, reprint
action and takes the form of liberality when in 2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
London
effect. In other words, a feeling of benevolence
3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
must be in the heart of the individual before lib- 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
erality is set into motion. Thus, “he who is virtu- 4. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
ous and religious excels all niggardly people in Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London
5. Oldenberg H (ed) (1979–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
liberality” (sī lasampanno saddho purisapuggalo
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sabbe maccharino loke cāgena atirocati) ([4], 6. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
Vol. iii, p. 34). As pointed out in the The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
Dhammapada, “A wise man exults in liberality London
7. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (1921–1925) Pāli-English
and through it becomes blessed in the other dictionary. Pali Text Society, London
world” ([9], p. 290). 8. Rhys Davids TW, Thera SS, Woodward FL (trans)
According to Buddhist texts, a person practic- (1950–1956) The book of Kindred saying, reprint,
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9. Sarao KTS (trans) (2009) The Dhammapada:
mind is liberated from the stain of avarice
a translator’s guide. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
(maccheramala), who openly practices liberality, 10. Tachibana S (1995) Ethics of Buddhism. Routledge,
is even-handed and pure-handed, who delights London
Cakka 297

11. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The of the Dhamma, i.e., the symbol of acquiring the
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London efficacy implicated in the Doctrine: [8], Vol. i,
12. Warren HC (ed) (1951) The Visuddhimagga of
Buddhaghosācāriya (rev. Kosambi D). Harvard Orien- p. 23), brahmacakka (Wheel of Brahmā, i.e., the
tal Series, vol. 41. Harvard University, MA best wheel, the noblest quality: [18], Vol. i, p. 71),
13. Windish E (ed) (1889) The Itivuttaka. Pali Text bhavacakka/saṃsāracakka (Wheel of Existence:
Society, London [19], pp. 163, 451), etc. The term has been liberally
used in Buddhism, its meaning varying from C
“wheel of a vehicle” ([12], Vol. iii, p. 1058; [16],
p. 1) to “a weapon” ([2], Vol. i, p. 74). For instance,
Caga – Generosity in some contexts, it has been used for the purposes
of denoting of the second characteristic of a Great
▶ Dāna (Buddhism) Being ([2], Vol. ii, p. 331; [11], Vol. ii, p. 17, Vol. iii,
pp. 143, 149). Elsewhere, it has been used to refer to
the wheel of a Universal King (cakkavatti,
cakkaratana) who sets rolling the wheel, i.e., the
Cairn ideal ruler who not only conquers the world righ-
teously but also rules it righteously. Cakka has been
▶ Cetiya used in a deeper and profound sense denoting
a sphere of existence of gods and men characterized
by four wheels (kinds) of prosperity (cattāri
Caitya sampatticakkāni), i.e., having a suitable dwelling,
company of the good, perfect use of oneself, and
▶ Stūpa meritorious deeds of the previous birth ([8], Vol. ii,
p. 32). It is also mentioned frequently in the
Buddhist texts as part of a compound word
denoting a proper name, e.g., Cakrapāṇī (a
Cakka bodhisatta) or cakravimala (a plant, see [7]: s.v.
cakra). The term cakkabheda, which is used in the
K. T. S. Sarao sense of schism in the Saṃgha (saṃghabheda),
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of “can also mean breaking a wheel, and symbolically
Delhi, Delhi, India cakkabheda, has the special meaning of ‘breaking
up the peace, sowing discord’” ([5], Vol. i, p. 296
fn3). Similarly, cakkabhañjanin implies “someone
Synonyms who destroys a state of welfare and good” ([2],
Vol. v, p. 112).
Cakra; Cakra (Buddhism); Dhammacakka; The Saddhammappakāsinī mentions the
Dhamma-cakra; Dharmacakra dhammacakka as signifying the bodhisatta’s attain-
ment of Enlightenment at the foot of the Bo-tree
([6], p. 444) indicating that the Dhamma was used
Definition as a disk-shaped weapon to destroy the forces of
defilements ([6], p. 444). It has also been suggested
Wheel – an important term used both literally and that the circular motion of the wheel provided the
figuratively in Buddhism. basis to the concept of circumambulation (kora/
parikramā) of sacred places thereby signifying the
Cakka (Sanskrit, cakra), which means “circle” or circular motion of the sun and thus having the same
“wheel,” is an important term in Buddhism, both symbolic importance as that of the wheel ([17],
literally and figuratively. This word has been used p. 1896). In Tantric Buddhism, cakra is a very
frequently in phrases such as dhammacakka (Wheel important term and is often used as a synonym of
298 Cakka

manḍala (see [4], p. 135). Above all, one of the Cross-References

fundamental contributions of Buddhism in the field
of ahiṃsā was that the image of the wheel as ▶ Bārāṇasī
a symbol of sacred warfare (e.g., the chariot ▶ Bodhagayā
wheel) was changed into a symbol of sacred ▶ Dhamma
peacemaking, i.e., the Dhamma Wheel ([10], ▶ Enlightenment
pp. 25–28). ▶ Sāñcī
Before the images of the Buddha were made,
the cakka symbol, besides implying the historic References
episode of dhammacakkappavattana, also implied
the Buddha and/or the Dhamma. Examples of this 1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta.
kind of dual representation can be seen at Sāñcī, Pali Text Society, London, reprint
Bhārhut, and Bodhagayā ([20], pp. 20, 21, 24). In 2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
London
these representations, various divine beings are 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
shown paying homage to the garlanded wheel as 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
if they were in the presence of the Buddha himself 4. Govinda LA (1959) Foundations of Tibetan mysti-
([14], p. 70). Thus, at its peak of development in cism. Reider, Weiser Books, London
5. Horner IB (trans) (1938–1966) The book of the disci-
Buddhist art the concept of the dhammacakka pline, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London
played a dual role. It has a symbolic value where 6. Joshi CV (ed) (1933–1947) The Saddhammappakāsinī:
it stands aniconically, like the Bo-tree and the commentary on the Paṭisambhidāmagga, 3 vols. Pali
stūpa, to represent the Buddha and a narrative Text Society, London
7. Monier-Williams (1899) Sanskrit-English dictionary.
value where it depicts the setting in motion Clarendon, London
(pavattetuṃ) the Wheel of the Dhamma or 8. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
preaching of the First Sermon. Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London
The association of the concept of the wheel 9. Oldenberg H (ed) (1979–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
with the Dhamma that the Buddha discovered 10. Queen CS (1998) The peace wheel: nonviolent activ-
([9], Vol. i, p. 5ff; [18], Vol. i, p. 167f) is to be ism in the Buddhist tradition. In: Smith-Christopher
traced back to the days of the Buddha himself. DL (ed) Subverting hatred: the challenge of nonvio-
While he was on his way to Isipatana after lence in religious traditions. Boston Research Center
for the 21st Century, Boston, pp 25–28
attaining Enlightenment, in response to 11. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911) The
a stranger’s query as to where he was going, he Dīgha Nikāya, 3 Vols. Pali Text Society, London
replied that he was proceeding to Bārāṇasī “for 12. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE, Stede W (eds)
setting in motion the Wheel of the Dhamma.” This (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
is the first instance of the use of this expression by Society, London
the Buddha himself shortly before he began his 13. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (1921–1925) Pāli-English
ministry. The forward or progressive revolving dictionary. Pali Text Society, London
movement of the wheel (pavattana) is indicative 14. Rowland B (1953) The art and architecture of India:
Buddhist, Hindu, Jain. Penguin, Harmondsworth, p 70
of advance and extension. It is in this very sense 15. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics: essence of Bud-
that a Cakkavatti calls upon his wheel treasure to dhism. G. Braziller, New York
begin rolling ([11], Vol. ii, p. 172). However, this 16. Sarao KTS (trans) (2009) The Dhammapada: a trans-
conquering wheel of the Cakkavatti which con- lator’s guide. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
17. Simpson W (1896) The Buddhist praying-wheel.
quers territories for him in all directions is not to Macmillan, London
be confused with the peace-conferring dhamma 18. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
wheel which was set rolling to proclaim to the Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
world the Truth that the Buddha had discovered. 19. Warren HC (ed) (1951) The Visuddhimagga of
Buddhaghosācāriya (rev. Kosambi D). Harvard Orien-
In both these cases, it is the wheel’s function to tal Series, vol 41. Cambridge, Harvard University, MA
roll on to imply advance and extension both tem- 20. Zimmer H (1955) The art of Indian Asia, vol II. Pan-
porally and spatially. theon Books, New York
Candāla (Buddhism) 299
˙˙

([7]: iv.6, 9, 203; [9]: ii.152, 183; [3]: i.93; [6]:

Cakra i.107, ii.85, iii.385). These people were often col-
lectively vituperated as vile-caṇḍālas
▶ Cakka (duṭṭhacaṇḍālā) ([2]: iv.392, 397; [6]: i.107,
162, ii.85; [7]: iv.6; [9]: ii.152; [3]: v.168) and
odious-caṇḍālas (mahācaṇḍālā) ([2]: iv.200).
Originally, the caṇḍālas seem to have been an C
Cakra (Buddhism) aboriginal tribe as they had their own argot
([2]: iv.391f). But later, they appear to have
▶ Cakka become a mixed tribe as some of them do not
appear to be physiognomically different and
could hide their identity ([2]: iv.390–401). T.W.
Calm Rhys Davids is of the view that they were origi-
nally an abominable group of aborigines, who
▶ Samatha were dealt with as such by the Āryans ([8],
p. 40). In the Mahāvastu, caṇḍālas are listed
among the enemies of birds ([5]: ii.251.5). In
one of the Jātakas, a caṇḍāla is mentioned as
Candāla (Buddhism) a mongoose-trainer (koṇḍa-damaka) ([2]: iv.389)
˙˙ and in another Jātaka, caṇḍālas are mentioned as
K. T. S. Sarao learning caṇḍālavaṃsadhopana (translated vari-
Department of Buddhist Studies, ously as “art of sweeping in the caṇḍāla breed,”
University of Delhi, Delhi, India “feat of acrobats by caṇḍālas”) ([2]: iv.390).
Jātakas which provide abundant information
on the caṇḍālas show them as people who were
Synonyms looked upon as untouchables. The extent to which
the caṇḍālas were abhorred could be conceived
Outcast; Untouchable; Vaivarṇika; Vevaṇṇiya from various occurrences mentioned in some of
the Jātakas. For instance, in one of the stories, it is
shown that when a caṇḍāla enters a town, people
Definition pound him with blows and render him uncon-
scious ([2]: iv.376, 391). Contact with the air
A person of a low tribe, one of the low classes, an that touched a caṇḍāla’s body was regarded as
outcast contamination. In one of the Jātakas ([2]:
iii.232–237), a brāhmaṇa youth who was very
The Buddhist texts frequently mention people conceited about his caste was going out from the
who were considered by the brāhmaṇical society city with his companions when he saw a caṇḍāla.
as inferior and not of good blood/birth Fearing that the wind which contacted the caṇḍāla
(ajātimanta, ajacca, ittarajacca, hī najacca, might touch his own body and contaminate him,
nihī najacca, jātinihī na, nihī na-jātika: [9]: ii.47; he swore at him for being there and commanded
[2]: i.342; iii.17; v.257; vi.100, 356). Many the wretched man to move to leeward and he
among such unfortunate human beings had been himself ran in the opposite direction.
placed outside the pale of caste system and were, The very sight of a caṇḍāla foreboded evil ([2]:
thus, known as outcasts or having no caste at all iv.376, 391). As told in the Citta-Sambhūta
(vevaṇṇiya, vaivarṇika; [6]: v.87; [1], p. 424). Jātaka ([2]: iv.390–401), two women, a daughter
These people referred to as caṇḍāla, nesāda, of a wealthy merchant and a royal councilor, who
veṇa, rathakāra, pukkusa, and chapaka in the had gone to the city gate to play, on seeing two
Pāli texts were viewed as nī cakulas (base-born) caṇḍāla brothers, washed their eyes with scented
300 Candāla (Buddhism)
˙˙

water (gandhodaka) and turned back. The poor river, a toothpick (dantakaṭṭhaṃ) thrown by the
caṇḍālas received a sound beating from the peo- caṇḍāla upstream into the river got stuck into the
ple who lost a very good chance of feasting on the ascetic’s hair. At this, the ascetic became offended
occasion. Same sort of incident is related in the through and through, vituperated him, and
Mātaṅga Jātaka ([2]: iv.375–390) when the commanded the caṇḍāla to go somewhere else.
daughter of a seṭṭhi of Bārāṇasī, seeing By and large, the Jātaka references indicate
a caṇḍāla, washed her eyes with holy water, that that although the caṇḍālas were loathed as
had been contaminated by a mere glance at that untouchables by the members of the higher castes,
despised person. they were especially hated by the brāhmaṇas.
Food and drink, if seen by a caṇḍāla, were not They led a life of misery and squalor. A simile
to be taken and ingesting of his food, even from a Pāli text informs us that a caṇḍāla boy or
unknowingly, led to social ostracism ([2]: girl, clad in rags, with begging tray (kalopihattha)
iv.390). The Satadhamma Jātaka ([2]: ii.82ff) in hand, “on entering a settlement assumes
exemplifies the harshness of these caste rules. a humble mien and then goes on” ([6]: iv.376).
According to the story told in this Jātaka, two In popular parlance, the term caṇḍāla signified
youths, a brāhmaṇa and a caṇḍāla, travel together a person who was without any virtues, a person
on a long journey. Incidentally, it may be observed without faith and morals ([6]: iii.206). Fick rightly
here that it was very unusual that a brāhmaṇa says that in their portrayal of the caṇḍāla, the
traveled together with a caṇḍāla. Only the Jātakas show that the reality was not far different
caṇḍāla youth, who is the bodhisatta, takes pro- from the priestly theory ([4], p. 318).
visions for the journey. On the way, before taking Brāhmaṇic attitude toward the caṇḍālas was so
his meals, the caṇḍāla invited the other to join negative that even when a brāhmaṇa took
him, which was naturally turned down. After hav- a caṇḍāla woman as his wife, he was accused of
ing traveled the whole day, the bodhisatta had his having transgressed a major covenant and is
second meal in the evening. The brāhmaṇa, who referred to as a brāhmaṇa-caṇḍāla ([6]:
had been very tired by this time, was feeling very iii.228–228). There are references to a caṇḍāla’s
hungry. His hunger made him forget all about his begging tray, which consisted of a small vessel
caste, and this time he asked for a portion of the fixed to the end of a stick so that there is no contact
meal from the caṇḍāla and ate it. No sooner had between the giver and the recipient ([6]: iv.376).
he finished eating, than he was overcome by grief Just as the origins of the caṇḍālas cannot be
and remorse, that he being a brāhmaṇa, had eaten clearly explained, even their professional work
food left over by a caṇḍāla, and he immediately defies clear explanation. Probably, on account of
vomited out with blood what he had eaten. He was their being hunters and fowlers, they appear to be
feeling so guilty that he became sick of life for associated with the removal and disposal of
having committed such a serious crime that he corpses (chavachaḍḍaka-caṇḍālā), execution
decided to starve himself to death and entered (coraghātaka), whipping, and cutting off the
a forest to do so. Here, too, it is a case of Buddhist limbs of the criminals, coffin-making, and grave-
authors scoffing at the rule of the brāhmaṇas that digging ([2]: iii.41, 149, 195).
no brāhmaṇa should eat the food left over by Due to the contempt with which they were
a caṇḍāla. This is also pointed out in another held, the caṇḍālas were kept out of the society at
Jātaka ([2]: iv.388), in which 16,000 brāhmaṇas large. As a result, they were made to live in set-
are said to have lost their caste just because the tlements (caṇḍālagāma) which were earmarked
water which had been mixed with rice left over by for the purposes and located outside towns
a caṇḍāla fell into their mouths. There is another (bahinagare) ([2]: iv.376, 390 etc.). It appears to
story in a Jātaka ([2]: iv.388) where a brāhmaṇa have been mandated by the brāhmaṇical society
ascetic had his hermitage on the bank of a river that whenever they entered a village or a town,
and a caṇḍāla, too, lived in the neighborhood. either for begging or to do their professional work,
One day when the ascetic was taking bath in the they had to be distinguished from the others in
Candrakīrti 301

terms of their appearance. In one of the Jātakas, it References

has been mentioned that the caṇḍāla possessed
a pair of colored garments in order to distinguish 1. Cowell ED, Neil RA (eds) (1886) The Divyāvadāna.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
him from the rest of the population, a girdle,
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
a ragged robe, and an earthen bowl ([2]: iv.379). London
In the Cittasambhūta Jātaka ([2]: iv.390–401), it 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
has been mentioned how two caṇḍāla brothers 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London C
4. Fick R (1920) Social organization in north-east India in
dressed as brāhmaṇas go to Takkasilā to study
Buddha’s Time (trans: Mitra SK). University of
under a teacher. Later, one of them burns his Calcutta, Calcutta
mouth with hot-rice, forgets himself, cries in his 5. Jones JJ (trans) (1949–1956) The Mahāvastu, 3 vols.
own caṇḍāla-language (caṇḍālabhāsāya), upon Luzac, London
6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
which their disguise is detected. According to
Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London
the story, they were driven out immediately and 7. Oldenberg H (ed) (1979–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
then, they entered a forest to become ascetics. It 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
may be remarked here that this distinction in their 8. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. G.P. Putnam’s
Sons, New York
speech was probably not in their language as
9. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
a whole, but in certain words and expressions, Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
for, being excluded from the rest of the popula-
tion, they must have preserved some traits of their
original language. Sometimes, the term caṇḍāla is
used in the Pāli literature as a term of contempt.
Thus, when a jackal makes a proposal of marriage Candrakīrti
to a young lioness, the latter says that the jackal is
regarded as the lowest and the most wretched William Edelglass
among the four-footed animals and is similar to Philosophy and Environmental Studies,
a caṇḍāla (caṇḍāla-sadiso ([2]: ii.6)). The lioness Marlboro College, Marlboro, VT, USA
felt so insulted at the jackal’s proposal that she
decided to kill herself. However, there is an
instance in which a departure from the normal is
Definition
mentioned. In the Chavaka Jātaka ([2]: iii.
27–30), a king, on being pleased with the behavior
Candrakīrti (seventh century), an interpreter of
of a caṇḍāla, appoints him as the lord protector of
Nāgārjuna and proponent of Madhyamaka Bud-
the city.
dhism, one of the most important Mahāyāna
The low material culture and the resultant woe-
philosophers.
ful situation of the caṇḍālas is recounted in the
Pāli texts as “a life of vagrancy, want and penury,
scarcely getting food and drink for the stomachs
or clothes to their backs” ([9]: iii.169–170; [6]: Candrakīrti
ii.85). This would suggest that these people had
a very precarious living and were in far worse Candrakīrti (seventh century) wrote some of the
condition than the śūdras, some of whom worked most important works of Buddhist philosophy in
as dāsas and kammakāras and enjoyed at least India. According to the Tibetan historians Bu ston
some security of livelihood. [7] and Tāranātha [1], Candrakīrti was active at
Nālandā, the great center of Buddhist learning.
Little is known about his life, though in their
Cross-References hagiographies Bu ston and Tāranātha tell extraor-
dinary stories to illustrate Candrakīrti’s moral and
▶ Jātaka intellectual excellence.
302 Candrakīrti

Candrakīrti belongs to the Madhyamaka emptiness refer to some mysterious transcenden-

(Middle Way) tradition of Mahāyāna Buddhism, tal reality, as some earlier Western scholars
a lineage that traces itself back to Nāgārjuna believed. Emptiness, according to Candrakīrti, is
(second century), especially his simply the lack of inherent existence of mental
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (Fundamental Wisdom and physical phenomena. To reify emptiness,
of the Middle Way) [3]. Most Buddhist philoso- Candrakīrti famously argues, would be akin to
phers had agreed that phenomena arise based on a situation in which “a shopkeeper were to
causes and conditions; thus, phenomenal objects say, ‘I have nothing to sell you,’ and would
are empty of intrinsic being or essential nature receive the answer, ‘very well, then just sell me
(svabhāva). Following Nāgārjuna, Candrakīrti this – your absence of goods for sale’” [9].
argues that along with gross phenomena, their According to Candrakīrti’s interpretation of
constituent parts lack inherent existence. Even Madhyamaka, the highly developed practitioner
the primary phenomena of Buddhist philosophy cannot grasp on to external phenomena or
and practice, including suffering, the four noble conceptual objects of any kind, including libera-
truths, saṃsāra, nirvāṇa, and the Buddha, are tion or Buddhahood.
empty of inherent existence, as well as basic cat- Candrakīrti’s understanding of the emptiness
egories such as time, space, and motion. of phenomena, to which inherent existence is gen-
Indian philosophers generally distinguish erally attributed, raises the problem of how to
between negation, which in its negating affirms think about common truths and the status of
the existence of something else (paryudāsa), and Candrakīrti’s own propositions. Following
negation that carries with it no positive implica- Nāgārjuna, Candrakīrti distinguishes between
tion and thus leaves only absence (prasajya). two truths: the ultimate and the conventional.
According to Candrakīrti, the former is only This distinction is not between truth and false-
a “relative” negation, and leads to one of two hood, but between two truths (satya). For, what
extreme ontological positions. Either existence is is conventionally true (tathya saṃvṛti) is still true
negated and nihilism is affirmed, or nihilism is and is to be distinguished from what is conven-
negated and absolutism, or eternalism, is affirmed. tionally false (mithyā saṃvṛti). For, from
But, for Candrakīrti, the Madhyamaka negation is a conventional perspective objects do possess
a relative negation, a thoroughgoing application their own (sva) nature or form (rūpa), or being
of emptiness as a method to liberate the practi- (bhāva). Thus, Candrakīrti argues, in common
tioner from reifying concepts. Thus, there is no language, heat characterizes the nature
affirmation, either of existence or of nonexistence, (svabhāva) of fire because heat is necessarily pre-
or of any propositions (pratijñās) or views sent in fire. Heat in water, in contrast, is not
(dṛṣṭis). Madhyamaka is therefore a “middle thought of as necessarily present but as having
way” between nihilism and eternalism. arisen from other conditions. Conventionally,
Candrakīrti is not claiming that objects of then, heat is a necessary property of fire but not
experience do not exist or are somehow absent. of water, and thus things do have natures, from
Rather, they do not possess “inherent existence” a conventional perspective. But ultimately,
(svabhāvasiddhi). The fundamental conceptual Candrakīrti argues, if fire is analyzed, it is found
error is imputing inherent existence to the object to be dependent on causes and conditions; there-
when there is no suitable basis for inherent, essen- fore, heat cannot be said to be the nature of fire
tial, or substantial existence. Candrakīrti wants his because fire does not possess an essence. Objects
readers to become aware of the mind’s tendency to such as fire exist, then, but not in the manner that
grasp on to objects that are merely conceptual they are conventionally taken to exist.
constructs (prajñāptimātra). Objects do not exist Conventional truth is true, then, but surpassed
in themselves, but they are mentally imputed by insight into the emptiness of the inherent exis-
dependent designations (prajñaptir upādāya). tence attributed to objects. But this emptiness is
Emptiness, then, is not nonexistence. Nor does itself dependent on the condition of the imputation
Candrakīrti 303

of the object to be analyzed and, thus, is itself Bhāvaviveka (sixth century) argued that
empty of inherent existence. This is the basis of Mādhyamikas should draw on the recent develop-
Candrakīrti’s doctrine of the emptiness of empti- ments in Buddhist logic and epistemology, espe-
ness (śūnyatāśūnyatā). There is no infinite regress cially the work of Dignāga. According to
of analyses of emptiness; emptiness is always the Bhāvaviveka, for each reductio argument in the
emptiness (śūnyatā) or absence (abhāva) of Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, there is an unstated
a particular object, a reified, conceptually positive argument – at least at the conventional C
constructed phenomenon. For Candrakīrti, in the level – and Mādhyamikas should employ the
end, it is only insight into the emptiness of emp- new methods of inferential reasoning to defend
tiness that neutralizes both ignorance and the pas- the Madhyamaka view of the emptiness of
sionate attachments of desire and aversion and, inherent existence. Given the new intellectual
therefore, leads to liberation. context, Bhāvaviveka claimed that to adequately
Candrakīrti presented his interpretation of defend a view requires using formal probative
Madhyamaka both in commentaries, especially (prayoga) and autonomous arguments
on Nāgārjuna’s texts, and in independent works. (svatantraprayoga). It is against Bhāvaviveka
Candrakīrti’s most important independent work is and in support of Buddhapālita that Candrakīrti
the Madhyamakāvatāra (Introduction to the Mid- formulates his interpretation, claiming that
dle Way) (translated in [4] and [8]), which shows the logical language of formal syllogisms and
how Madhyamaka philosophy is related to autonomous arguments requires the affirmation
the virtues of a bodhisattva. Candrakīrti’s of inherent natures of things. Instead, Candrakīrti
extant commentaries include: the Bodhisatt- insists that the reductio, or prasaṅga, form of
vayogācāracatuḥśatakaṭīkā (Commentary on the argumentation is uniquely suited for
Four Hundred Verses on the Bodhisattva’s Prac- Madhyamaka thinkers because it does not
tice of Yoga), a commentary on Āryadeva’s require smuggling in any foundational premises.
Catuḥśataka (partially translated in [5] and Though neither Bhāvaviveka nor Candrakīrti
[10]); the Śūnyatāsaptativṛtti (Commentary on would likely have characterized it in this way,
Seventy Verses on Emptiness) and their debate was retroactively described by
Yuktiṣaṣṭī kāvṛtti (Commentary on Sixty Verses Tibetan doxographers, half a millennium later,
on Logical Reasoning) (translated in [6]), both as a debate between two Madhyamaka
of which comment on texts by Nāgārjuna. subschools, with the former as the founder of the
Candrakīrti’s most famous and important text is Svātantrikas and Candrakīrti as the founder of the
the Prasannapadā Mūlamadhyamakakavṛtti Prāsaṅgikas [2].
(Clear Words on the Fundamental Wisdom In Tibet, where the Indian Mahāyāna philo-
of the Middle Way) (partially translated sophical tradition continued after the significant
in [9]), a commentary on Nāgārjuna’s decline of Buddhism in India (twelfth to four-
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. teenth century), Candrakīrti’s interpretation of
The Mūlamadhyamakakārikā is the locus Nāgārjuna was generally regarded as the most
classicus for understanding Nāgārjuna’s account authoritative. And because Nāgārjuna’s teach-
of dependent origination, the two truths, and the ings were thought to most accurately articulate
emptiness of inherent existence [3]. In the the highest teachings of the Buddha,
earliest extant commentary on the Candrakīrti’s works were often used as text-
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, Buddhapālita (fifth to books for studying Madhyamaka by Tibetan
sixth century) maintained Nāgārjuna’s primary monks. In India, however, Candrakīrti does
methodological approach, employing reductio not appear to have attained a particularly spe-
ad absurdam arguments that lead from the pre- cial status. His writings must have been
mise of an opponent – both other Buddhists as regarded as important enough to preserve, but
well as non-Buddhist philosophers – to an absurd later Indian Buddhists rarely mention
consequence (prasaṅga). Shortly thereafter, Candrakīrti and commentators on Bhāvaviveka
304 Cariyāpitaka
˙

do not address Candrakīrti’s criticisms [11]. 8. Padmakara Translation Group (2005) Introduction to
Indeed, in the centuries following Candrakīrti’s the middle way: Chandrakirti’s Madhyamakavatara
with commentary by Jamgön Mipham. Shambhala,
death, the leading Madhyamaka thinkers, Boston
Śāntarakṣita and Kamalaśīla, who played impor- 9. Sprung M (2008) Lucid exposition of the middle way:
tant roles in bringing Buddhism to Tibet, actually the essential chapters from the Prasannapadā of
integrated Madhyamaka thought and Buddhist Candrakīrti. Routledge, New York
10. Tillemans T (1997) Materials for the study of
logic and epistemology much more fully than Āryadeva, Dharmapāla and Candrakīrti. Motilal
Bhāvaviveka. Regardless of how significant, or Banarsidass, Delhi
insignificant, Candrakīrti was in India, contem- 11. Vose K (2009) Resurrecting Candrakīrti: disputes in
porary Buddhist scholars share the Tibetan view the Tibetan creation of Prāsaṅgika. Wisdom, Boston
that Candrakīrti is a profound and rich thinker
whose work merits serious study and is rightly
situated among the foremost philosophers in
Indian Buddhist traditions. Cariyāpitaka
˙
K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Cross-References Delhi, Delhi, India

▶ Āryadeva
▶ Bhāvaviveka Synonyms
▶ Buddhapālita
▶ Mādhyamika Basket of conduct; Collection of the ways of
▶ Mahāyāna conduct
▶ Nāgārjuna
▶ Santhara
▶ Yogācāra Definition

One of the books of the Khuddaka Nikāya of the

References Sutta Piṭaka of Pāli Tipiṭaka.

1. Chattopadhyaya D (ed) (1970) Tāranānatha’s Cariyapiṭaka is one of the 15 books of the

history of Buddhism in India. Motilal Banarsidass, Khuddaka Nikāya, generally placed last in the
Delhi
2. Dreyfus GBJ, McClintock S (eds) (2003) The
list. It is a collection of 35 tales in verse which
Svātantrika-Prāsaṅgika distinction: what difference pursue the underlying goal of showing how the
does a difference make? Wisdom, Boston bodhisatta possessed each of the ten buddha-
3. Garfield JL (1995) The fundamental wisdom of the making perfections (Pāli: pāramī . Sk: pāramitā)
middle way: Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā.
in several of his earlier births as a deva, man,
Oxford University Press, New York
4. Huntington CW Jr (1989) The emptiness of emptiness: mythical being, or animal. In each of these tales,
an introduction to early Indian Mādhyamika. Univer- called Cariyā, illustrating the modes in which the
sity of Hawaii Press, Honolulu bodhisatta practiced the cariyā (unparalleled
5. Lang K (2003) Four illusions: Candrakirti’s advice to
travelers on the Bodhisattva path. Oxford University
conduct), he is shown as gradually mastering
Press, New York a particular perfection leading to his attainment
6. Loizzo J (2007) Nāgārjuna’s reason sixty (Yuktiś of enlightenment by mastering all the ten perfec-
aṣṭikā) with Candrakīrti’s commentary tions, a prerequisite in Theravāda Buddhism to
(Yuktiṣaṣṭī kāvṛtti). American Institute of Buddhist
Studies, New York
attain enlightenment.
7. Obermiller E (1999) Bu Ston: the history of Buddhism Composed in post-Aśokan period ([5]: I.i.2),
in India and Tibet. Sri Satguru, Delhi the Cariyāpiṭaka consists of three vaggas
Cariyāpitaka 305
˙

(sections), with titles corresponding to the first and then arranged and modified them with refer-
three of the ten perfections: ence to the ten pāramitās ([12], pp. 158–160) and
provided the verses with a strong Buddhist touch
Section-I: Dāna pāramitā (Perfection of Offering): often missing in the Jātaka verses ([3], p. 63). Of
ten tales. course, according to Winternitz, it is a different
Section-II: Sīla pāramitā (Perfection of Good question, whether the Cariyāpiṭaka that exists
Conduct): ten tales. now is in the same form in which it was incorpo- C
Section-III: Nekkhamma pāramitā (Perfection of rated in the canon in the third century BCE ([12], p.
Renunciation): In this section, five other per- 158). In fact, in the introduction to the Nidānakathā
fections have been allocated as follows: of the Jātaka-book, résumé of a Cariyāpiṭaka can
1. Nekkhamma pāramitā (Perfection of be seen that is essentially different from the extant
Renunciation): five tales text of the Cariyapiṭaka. This résumé consists of 34
2. Adhiṭṭhāna pāramitā (Perfection of Reso- tales of which only 21 agree with those of the
lute Determination): one tale Cariyāpiṭaka, indicating that there were various
3. Sacca pāramitā (Perfection of Truth): six recensions of the Cariyāpiṭaka ([12],
tales pp. 158–159). Horner was of the opinion that “the
4. Mettā pāramitā (Perfection of Loving-kind- Jātaka collection of the Buddha’s former lives is
ness): two tales arranged on a different principle, and though
5. Upekkhā pāramitā (Perfection of Equanim- a considerable number of its stories show the
ity): one tale Bodhisatta’s intense strivings for Buddhahood, by
no means all of them do so. It is among those where
The three remaining perfections viz., paññā striving is paramount and perhaps too where
(wisdom), viriya (energy), and khanti (patience) a perfection is named that we must look for
have been mentioned in a closing verse (No. 9), correspondence between Cariyāpiṭaka and Jātaka”
but no connected Cariyāpiṭaka tales have been ([4]: vii).
provided. In this regard, it has been suggested by The Dīghabhāṇakas (Reciters of the Dī gha
Horner that these three perfections are “implicit in Nikāya) excluded it from the Sutta Piṭaka though
the collection,” referred to in titles as well as they had conceded that the Majjhimabhāṇakas
contexts of the different tales ([4]: vi). (Reciters of the Majjhima Nikāya) accepted it
The tales are put into the mouth of Śākyamuni together with the Buddhavaṃsa and the Apadāna
Buddha himself who in very precise words reports ([10]: i.15, 23; [4]: iii). The commentary on the
an episode, sometimes only indirectly, thus, provid- Cariyāpiṭaka, ascribed to Dhammapāla, is part of
ing only what is bare minimum for narration of the Paramatthadī panī . According to the
a particular perfection. “Every trace of poetry is Paramatthadī panī , the Cariyāpiṭaka was uttered
lacking, every trait of humour is scrupulously by the Buddha at the Nigrodhārāma, after the
avoided. The tales are subjected to manifold muti- conclusion of the Buddhavaṃsa and at the request
lations so that they may serve as illustrations for of Sāriputta ([2], p. 8f). It was taught by Mahinda
a perfection” ([12], p. 157). The tales in the at the Nandanavana in Anurādhapura, soon after
Cariyāpiṭaka are parallel to the corresponding his arrival in Sri Lanka ([6]: xiv.45).
Jātaka tales in prose, and pre-suppose Along with the Buddhavaṃsa and the
a familiarity with all the incidents of the prose Apadāna, this text is viewed a late addition to
tales. However, Winternitz has suggested that the the Pāli Tipiṭaka and considered as one of the
tales, as they are found in the Jātaka book, appeared “the three legendary chronicles” ([1]: 72). It was
perhaps too mundane to one of the schools of more suggested by D.L. Barua ([2]: vi) and R. Morris
serious monks and therefore, they made an effort to ([8]: xv) that the text of the Cariyapiṭaka is incom-
link the Jātakas more intimately with the Buddhist plete as stories exemplifying the last three perfec-
dogma. Thus, the Cariyāpiṭaka was “the work of tions are entirely lacking. Rhys Davids actually
a righteous monk” who made a selection of Jātakas, suggested that the compiler, who may have died
306 Cārvāka

while preparing the text, had meant to have 5. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) Buddhavaṃsa and
a hundred tales, ten for each perfection as in the Cariyāpiṭaka, new edn. Pali Text Society, London
6. Law BC (ed and trans) (1958) The chronicle of the
first two Divisions ([9]: liv). However, B.M. Barua Island of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa. The Ceylon Hist
believes that perhaps, the section dealing with the J 7:1–266
three unrepresented perfections is lost (see [4]: vii). 7. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
However, Warder is of the opinion that the vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
8. Morris R (ed) (1882) Buddhavaṃsa and Cariyāpiṭaka.
Cariyapiṭaka is “a small collection of Jātakas with- Pali Text Society, London
out known parallel except the Bodhisattvapiṭaka of 9. Rhys Davids TW (1880) Buddhist birth stories.
certain schools, which the Mahāyāna developed George Routledge & Sons, London
into a special collection of sūtras on their new 10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
ideal” ([11], p. 286). He further says that this con- commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
sists of 12 chapters all concerned with the basic six Society, London
doctrines of the six perfections ([11]: 340) as rec- 11. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd rev edn.
ognized in Mahāyāna instead of Theravāda’s ten. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
12. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
Horner disagrees that it is a Mahāyāna text simply (trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
because it refers to six perfections ([4]: v). Delhi
According to Horner, insofar as Cariyāpiṭaka
“treats of nothing but some earlier lives of the
Buddha supposedly in this aeon and not in a past
one, and insofar as it arranges them to illustrate the Cārvāka
gradual maturing and mastery of the perfections, it
is unique in Pāli literature” ([4]: vii). ▶ Materialism (Buddhism)

Cross-References
Caste (Buddhism)
▶ Apadāna
▶ Bodhisatta K. T. S. Sarao
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
▶ Buddhavaṃsa Delhi, Delhi, India
▶ Jātaka
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya
▶ Mahāyāna Synonyms
▶ Pāramitā
▶ Theravāda Vaṇṇa; Varṇa

Definition
References
Birth-based societal system with gross inequalities.
1. Barua BM (1945) Ceylon lectures. Satis Chandra Seal,
Calcutta
2. Barua DL (ed) (1939) Acariya Dhammapāla’s
Paramatthadīpanī, being the commentary on the
Introduction
Cariyā-Piṭaka. Pali Text Society, London
3. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature. At the time of the Buddha, birth-based (jāti) caste
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin (vaṇṇa; Sanskrit, varṇa) system with its gross
4. Horner IB (trans) (1975) The minor anthologies of the
Pāli canon, Part III: chronicle of Buddha
inequalities had become well established in the
(Buddhavaṃsa) and basket of conduct (Cariyāpiṭaka). Indian society. It had become both functional and
Pali Text Society, London hereditary. The Buddhist texts frequently mention
Caste (Buddhism) 307

people who were conceited or proud of their birth words, knowing the mystic verses by heart. . . fair
(jātithaddha: [1], p. 104) because they were in color. . . gifted with virtue.” The first of the five
“endowed” with distinguished/pure/high birth (jāti characteristics constituting a well-bred brāhmaṇa is
sampanna, jātimant, sujātimant: [1], p. 420; [6], to be of unblemished parentage back to the seventh
Vol. vi, p. 356; [13], Vol. iii, p. 152). Then there generation ([1], pp. 315, 596; [13], Vol. i, p. 166,
were those who were considered by the Vol. iii, pp. 152, 233; [16], Vol. i, p. 120). Most of
brāhmaṇical society as inferior and not of good these are obviously only ideal qualities whereas the C
blood/birth (ajātimanta, ajacca, ittarajacca, purity of birth, which is given pride of place in the
hī najacca, nihī najacca, jātinihī na, nihī na-jātika: lists, was the most essential quality. Because of their
[6], Vol. i, p. 342, Vol. iii, p. 17, Vol. v, p. 257, Vol. supposed high birth, the brāhmaṇas claimed special
vi, pp. 100, 356; [22], Vol. ii, p. 47). They were prerogatives not only in religious affairs but also in
perceived as morally ignoble, low, undistinguished, day-to-day affairs of life.
mean, uncultured, common, not Aryan, and of The claim to superiority by the brāhmaṇas
shameless behavior (anariya, anāriya, anariya- against the rest of the society was challenged by
rūpa, nī cakula: [1], pp. 411, 462, 664, 782, 845; the khattiyas, who took lead in the struggle against
[6], Vol. i, p. 106, Vol. v, pp. 48, 87; [13], vol. i, p. 8; this kind of brāhmaṇic attitude, when their power
[16], Vol. ii, p. 87, Vol. iii, p. 232; [18], Vol. i, p. as the rulers of the society increased. At the outset,
10). Many among such unfortunate human beings the Buddha attempted to refute the brāhmaṇas’
had been placed outside the pale of caste system claim to divine origin. For instance, there is the
and were thus known as outcasts or having no caste story of the brāhmaṇa Assalāyana who approaches
at all (vevaṇṇiya, vaivarṇika; [3], p. 424; [13], the Buddha and says, “. . .only brāhmaṇas are sons
Vol. v, p. 87). of Brahmā, born of his mouth, born of Brahmā,
formed by Brahmā, heirs to Brahmā. What does the
good Gotama say about this?” To this, the Buddha
Rise of Brāhmanas to Power replies, “But, Assalāyana, brāhmaṇa wives of
˙ brāhmaṇas are known to have their seasons and to
In the period, immediately prior to the time of the conceive and to give birth and to give suck. Yet
Buddha, with the development of the sacrificial cult, those brāhmaṇas, born of women like everyone
the position of the brāhmaṇas had become consid- else, speak thus: ‘. . .only brāhmaṇa form the best
erably powerful and their social prestige soared far caste. . . heirs to Brahmā’” ([22], Vol. ii, p. 148f).
above the rest of the populace. They were reckoned The supremacy of the brāhmaṇas was also com-
with so much fear and idolization that they were not bined with the dogma of the efficacy of sacrifice.
considered accountable for any kind of punishment So the Buddha also directed his attack on the
even if they happened to commit the gravest of brāhmaṇical sacrificial cult and gave the Buddhist
crimes ([10], p. 81). Though they derived their view of what a right sacrifice should be. Similarly,
power from the efficacy of the sacrifice, in the time austere ascetic practices carried out by the
of the Buddha, all brāhmaṇas were not necessarily brāhmaṇas, too, were completely ridiculed and
sacrificial priests for they seem to have followed all denounced ([7], Vol. iv, p. 338; [16], Vol. iii,
sorts of occupations. But the basic qualification to pp. 6f, 44f; [22], Vol. i, p. 387ff). Brāhmaṇas
be a brāhmaṇa appears to have been his birth. The believed that their sins could be washed away by
Soṇadaṇḍa Sutta gives a list of the essential charac- bathing themselves with water.
teristics of a brāhmaṇa as it was accepted by the
brāhmaṇical society at that time ([16], Vol. i, Birth-Based Versus Kamma-Based
p. 111ff). Thus, “a brāhmaṇa is well born on both Division of the Society
sides, on the mother’s side and on the father’s side,
of pure descent back through seven generations, The Buddha’s main argument against this was that
with no slur put upon him, and no reproach, in no man could be superior or inferior in society
respect of birth; he is a preacher of the sacred merely by reason of his birth. He clearly pointed
308 Caste (Buddhism)

out that the position of man depended on his con- Madhura Sutta, attributed to thera Mahākaccāna,
duct. This meant that it was a person’s attitude and shows how economic superiority can defeat caste
behavior (kamma) which made a man superior or superiority by birth ([22], Vol. ii, pp. 83–90). This
inferior. The Buddha did not find it easy to put sutta points out that the ability to command the
across this simple teaching of social philosophy to services of another did not depend upon one’s
the overbearing brāhmaṇas of his day. Despite the caste but on one’s wealth. If one has wealth, whether
immense popularity which his teaching enjoyed in he be a sudda, he can obtain the services even of
Indian society, the Buddha seems to have met very a brāhmaṇa. The king of Madhurā, to whom the
strong opposition from the brāhmaṇas in propagat- discourse was addressed, is made to admit that in
ing his teaching. The Buddhist suttas record some this respect, there is no difference among the four
interesting discussions which the Buddha had with castes as claimed by the brāhmaṇas. And, in fact, the
some of the well-known brāhmaṇas of his day. The profession of brāhmaṇas was not only that of priest;
Ambaṭṭha Sutta of the Dī gha Nikāya is one of there were those who earned their livelihood even as
the more important discourses in this respect ([16], butchers and carriers of corpses which were nor-
Vol. i, p. 87ff). It mainly deals with the sociological mally confined to suddas in the laws, drawn up by
aspect of the caste problem. Ambaṭṭha was a learned the brāhmaṇas themselves ([14], Vol. xxv,
brāhmaṇa who, on the advice of his teacher, went to pp. 150–168). This shows that the brāhmaṇas
meet the Buddha in order to find out whether the could not maintain their so-called superiority by
Buddha deserved all the respect and reputation that birth in society, although they preached it in theory.
was accorded to him. Ambaṭṭha was so proud of his Under such circumstances, it is natural that the claim
brāhmaṇic birth that he disparaged the Sākyans to of the brāhmaṇas that they are the highest caste is
the very face of the Buddha who, in order to humble referred to by the Buddhists as a propagandist cry
his pride, explained to him that Ambaṭṭha’s lineage (ghoso yeva eso lokasmin). It is only moral superi-
was traceable to the son of a slave girl of the ority that can stand against secular temptation. The
Sākyans. In the course of the argument that next point raised by Kaccāna is an ethical one in that
followed, the Buddha concluded by pointing out he makes the king admit that in the retribution of
that if lineage is taken into consideration, then the kamma, both in reward and in punishment, there is
khattiyas are the best, but the outward behavior of no caste difference. Moral and spiritual develop-
a person who is morally superior is a result of his ment is not a special privilege by virtue of birth,
inward knowledge and it is that kind of person that but is open to all. The Buddha taught that all men,
the Buddha described as being endowed with true irrespective of caste, are equal before moral law. The
knowledge and conduct (vijjācaraṇa) and it is he Assalāyana Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya ([22],
who is the best both among men and gods ([16], Vol. Vol. ii, p. 147ff) is another discourse that contains
i, p. 99), thereby implying that the righteous life some arguments against the social attitude of the
leading to Nibbāna is independent of caste distinc- brāhmaṇas. Here, the brāhmaṇas seem to have been
tions. The statement attributed to the Buddha that offended by the Buddha’s statement that all the four
khattiyas are the best caste if lineage is to be taken castes had the ability to practice virtue and achieve
into consideration is not without its sociological and purity (catuvaṇṇiṃ suddhiṃ). Here, the Buddha
historical significance for it seems that during the pointed out that fire kindled with a piece of sandal-
days of the Buddha, khattiyas had overcome wood by a man of so-called high birth serves the
brāhmaṇic superiority in society. The fight against purpose of fire just as it would serve if kindled with
brāhmaṇic snobbery came mainly from the the branch of the castor oil shrub by a man belong-
khattiyas, who also produced the originators of the ing to a low caste. Irrespective of the source, the fire
two nonbrāhmaṇic religions of the then Indian soci- is the same, and in the same way, whatever be the
ety, Buddhism and Jainism. The Buddha’s caste of a man by birth, he can have the ability for
approach, thus, was based upon ethics. The self-development to the highest degree. Any
Caste (Buddhism) 309

division, whether it be social, economic, intellectual, renunciation, and wisdom. From the Buddhist
or racial, is an obstacle for the realization of the point of view, there is no reason whatsoever for
spiritual unity of mankind. Well-known brāhmaṇas one class of people to be hereditary rulers and
are very often mentioned as pure by birth back to masters over another class regarded as slaves
seven generations on both their father’s and and inferiors by birth. From the Buddhist point
mother’s side ([13], Vol. i, p. 162; [16], Vol. i, of view, the work one does has no genetical sig-
pp. 113, 121, 123). This question is taken up toward nificance and everyone has the ability to rise to the C
the end of the Assalāyana Sutta where the seer Asita highest position in society if one has the will and
Devala questions seven brāhmaṇas, who made that the ability to do so. It is in accordance with this
claim, whether they can be sure of the fact their doctrine that the Buddha threw open the doors of
mothers and grandmothers, back through seven gen- his Saṃgha to everyone alike, irrespective of caste
erations, never committed adultery. The same ques- by birth. He pointed out that just as the great rivers
tion is put with regard to their forefathers, and to like the Gaṅgā, Yamunā, Aciravatī, Sarabhū, and
both questions, the brāhmaṇas have to reply that Māhī lose their separate identities once they join
they cannot be sure on this point. These questions the ocean, even so do the four castes lose their
are followed by a more interesting question where former names and origins once they become
the brāhmaṇas are asked whether they know the members of the Saṃgha ([18], vol. ii, p. 239).
caste of the gandhabba, the spirit that takes concep- The truth of his theory was amply proved when
tion in the womb of the mother. Ultimately, the irony even the most baseborn were able to become
that is found in the Ambaṭṭha Sutta recurs here when eminent members of his Saṃgha. He fearlessly
these caste-conscious brāhmaṇas are made to admit proclaimed that merit acquired by virtue, knowl-
that they do not know who they are. edge, and practice, and not by birth, was the sole
The Buddha’s opposition to the attempt of the criterion of worth. Whatever the birth be, a person
brāhmaṇas to divide society into watertight com- who lives according to this theory would be the
partments on the basis of caste by birth is clearly true social worker, useful to himself and to others.
seen in his discourses. His interview with the The Buddha was opposed to the fatalistic view
brāhmaṇa Esukārī is especially interesting ([22], that the situation into which one is born is unal-
Vol. ii, p. 177ff). Esukārī asked the Buddha about terable. What the Buddha taught was that one’s
castes and their distinctions from the point of view kamma alone is important, not the circumstances
of their functions. The Buddha points out that the of one’s birth. Another important point that needs
divisions imposed on society by the brāhmaṇa are clarification is whether a person cannot be born
quite arbitrary and are not conducive to the good into a conventionally despised caste because of
of the individual or of society. Giving his own his previous bad kamma. This possibility is clearly
alternative, the Buddha says that all the four castes admitted in Buddhism, as understood in the doc-
alike can practice the pure life, which is the true trine of kamma. Gradations in human society based
service (personal as well as public), and follow the on caste, race, religion, etc., are a universal phe-
Dhamma, which is the true wealth (spiritual as nomenon and cannot be eliminated completely.
well as material). Here, the Buddha never forgets They have to be admitted as a part of social life.
the practical side of social life as he points out that The Buddha’s advice is to work against that kind of
whatever be the work one does, it should be done divisive phenomenon in society by changing one’s
skillfully. Otherwise, one cannot do justice to kamma for the better. If one is baseborn due to
one’s work. Even if caste be regarded on the one’s bad kamma, let one change that kamma and
basis of occupation, only a clever person can do be “nobly born” in this life itself. Truly diligent
his work well. And when he does his job well, he men should be able to achieve this metamorphosis
will grow in the five forms of noble (ariya) and that is what is expected of those who call
growth, viz., faith, morality, learning, themselves Buddhists. The moral worth of
310 Caste (Buddhism)

a person should receive social recognition, regard- in society ([16], Vol. iii, p. 80ff). With a deep tinge
less of the caste to which he belongs, and everyone of irony, the Buddha pointed out the fallacy of the
should have the opportunity for moral and spiritual brāhmaṇas’ view that members of the fourfold
development which the individual concerned could order are obliged to perform specific tasks
achieve according to the potentiality for such assigned to them ([22], Vol. ii, p. 151f). The
development (upanissaya) he has. brāhmaṇas even regarded salvation as their pre-
The Buddha stressed the fact that biologically, rogative, but the Buddha pointed out the error of
man is of one species, and thus, any distinction this claim and stated that all alike had the capacity
based on birth goes against the biological unity of to attain salvation and that there was no difference
mankind. On this ground, too, he rejected the in regard to the quality of salvation attained ([22],
brāhmaṇa claim to superiority and special privi- Vol. ii, pp. 129, 130, 147). Such arguments against
leges. Men differ not by birth but by kamma and the brāhmaṇas claim to superiority were,
belong to one species genetically. This fact can be however, not meant to place the khattiyas above
easily observed if we look at the distinctions brāhmaṇas but to establish the fact that all men are
between the vegetable and animal kingdoms on on an equal footing (samāsama) with regard to
the one hand and human beings on the other. This their capabilities. The Buddha equally denounced
scientific truth has been very well expressed in the the khattiya and vessa claims for superiority. He
Vāseṭṭha Sutta of the Sutta-Nipāta ([1], p. 115ff). emphatically pointed out the fact that it is not
The sutta opens with a discussion between two one’s birth, but one’s conduct (kamma), that
brāhmaṇas as to whether one becomes makes one a brāhmaṇa or a low-caste person
a brāhmaṇas by birth (jāti) or by conduct ([1], Vol. vv, pp. 116–142; [6], Vol. iv, p. 301ff).
(kamma). Unable to decide the matter for them- As compared to the old brāhmaṇic concept of
selves, they visited the Buddha and asked him for what constitutes a brāhmaṇa, the Buddha laid
a solution. The Buddha pointed out that among down the two qualities of virtue (sī la) and wisdom
grass, trees, worms, moths, fishes, beasts, birds, (paññā), as understood by the Buddhists, to be the
etc., there are various types, whereas in the case of most important characteristics of a true brāhmaṇa
men they constitute only one. The biological unity (The Soṇadaṇḍa Sutta ([16], Vol. i, p. 124f)).
of mankind as against genetical caste distinctions The equality of mankind is also stressed by later
is further shown by the Buddha in the Assalāyana Buddhist thinkers, e.g., Asvaghosa in his
Sutta ([22], Vol. ii, p. 154) where he argues that if Vajrasūci says, “the doctrine of the fourfold
by the union of a brāhmaṇa and a khattiya, a child order is altogether false. All men are of one
were born, his offspring would remain a human grade” ([24], p. 202ff).
being whereas if a he-ass and a mare were to mate
the offspring would still be called a mule. Then
the Buddha cites examples of how men are desig- The “Baseborn” People
nated by different names according to their occu-
pations. The Buddha pointed out that, whereas in In sharp contrast to the brāhmaṇas who consid-
the case of the plants and animal kingdoms there ered themselves as a superior caste
were many species and marks by which they (ukkaṭṭhakulī na; [18], Vol. iv, p. 6), caṇḍāla,
could be distinguished, in the case of man, there nesāda, veṇa, rathakāra, and pukkusa are men-
were no such species and no such marks ([1], Vol. tioned in the Pāli literature as five categories of
vv, p. 600ff; [22], Vol. ii, p. 196f). According to people who were viewed as baseborn (nī cakulas;
the Buddha, the apparent divisions among men [7], Vol. i, p. 93; [13], Vol. i, p. 107, Vol. ii, p. 85,
are not due to basic biological factors but are only Vol. iii, p. 385; [18], Vol. iv, pp. 6, 9; [22], Vol. ii,
conventional (sāmañña). The Buddha provides an pp. 152, 183f). Birth in any of these five nī cakulas
evolutionary account of society and shows that the was considered as most unfortunate as only sinful
fourfold order arose from the division of functions people were said to be born into these nī cakulas.
Caste (Buddhism) 311

The caṇḍālas were the most unfortunate people of caste system. Buddhist tradition conceived
who were often vituperated as vile cycles of birth and rebirth in individual terms, and
(duṭṭhacaṇḍālā) ([6], Vol. iv, pp. 392, 397; [7], once the cycle was so conceived, one’s present
Vol. v, p. 168; [13], Vol. i, pp. 107, 162, Vol. ii, p. position in a low caste was justified by virtue of
85; [18], Vol. iv, p. 6; [22], Vol. ii, p. 152) and the deeds in a previous existence and a higher one
odious outcasts (mahācaṇḍāla) ([6], Vol. iv, was promised if one performed the set obligations
p. 200). The extent to which the caṇḍālas were properly. Furthermore, nowhere do we come across C
abhorred could be conceived from various a statement which is against the division of society
occurrences mentioned in some of the Jātakas. into castes. As pointed out by Romila Thapar, the
Contact with the air that touched a caṇḍāla’s Buddha made a distinction between the caste as the
body was regarded as contamination ([6], Vol. frame of the socioeconomic structure, which he
iii, pp. 232–237). The very sight of a caṇḍāla accepted, and the notion of the relative purity inher-
foreboded evil ([6], Vol. iv, pp. 376, 391). Food ent in the upper castes, which he rejected ([21],
and drink, if seen by a caṇḍāla, were not to be pp. 51–52). In the Saṃgha, the adoption of a new
taken, and ingesting of his food, even unknow- name by the bhikkhu was symbolic not merely of
ingly, led to social ostracism ([6], Vol. iv, p. 390). a new birth in the Saṃgha but also of a removal
The caṇḍālas led a life of misery and squalor. In from his caste and status. But unfortunately, the
popular parlance, the term caṇḍāla signified value attached to upper caste birth and the privi-
a person who was without any virtues, a person leges that went with upper caste birth does not
without faith and morals ([13], Vol. iii, p. 206). appear to have been completely extinguished
Fick rightly says that in their portrayal of the from the minds of the members of the Saṃgha.
caṇḍālas, the Jātakas show that the reality was The fact that upper castes may have swamped the
not far different from the priestly theory ([8], Saṃgha completely is hinted at by an incident
p. 318). Brāhmaṇic attitude toward the caṇḍālas related in the Tittira Jātaka ([6], Vol. i, p. 217).
was so negative that even when a brāhmaṇa took Once when the Buddha put a question to the
a caṇḍāla woman as his wife, he was accused of bhikkhus as to “who deserves to have the best
having transgressed a major covenant and is quarters, the best water, the best food?” He
referred to as a brāhmaṇa-caṇḍāla ([13], Vol. iii, received a reply from some: “He who was
pp. 228–228). Due to the contempt with which a khattiya before he became initiated,” and from
they were regarded, the caṇḍālas were kept out of others: “He who was a brāhmaṇa or a gahapati.”
the society at large. As a result, they were made to Thus, in the consciousness of the great majority of
live in settlements (caṇḍālagāma) which were the bhikkhus, the caste distinction had value ([8],
earmarked for the purposes and located outside p. 33). The Buddha also appears to have been
towns (bahinagare) ([6], Vol. iv, pp. 376, 390, extremely careful not to antagonize the established
etc.). The low material culture and the resultant order and its guardians.
woeful situation of these people are recounted in
the Pāli texts as “a life of vagrancy, want and
penury, scarcely getting food and drink for the Implications of the Ambiguous Use of
stomachs or clothes to their backs” ([13], Vol. ii, the Word “Brāhmana”
p. 85; [22], Vol. iii, pp. 169–170). ˙
The ambiguous use of the word “brāhmaṇa” also
appears to have led to some negative implications.
The Theory of Kamma and Caste System There is no doubt that the Buddha was critical of
the brāhmaṇas as far as their pretentiousness as
Though the Buddha is never known to have taught a caste was concerned. However, Pāli literature
the excellence of caste system, yet his theory of holds the word “brāhmaṇa” in high esteem, imply-
kamma is seen as the most effective rationalization ing a person of high moral character and insight.
312 Caste (Buddhism)

The very choice of this word as a title of honor Buddhist texts show some lurking sympathy for the
must have actually afforded a fresh strength to the lower orders ([20], p. 94) and that early Buddhism
veneration which the word inspired. Rhys Davids, could not have crusaded against the upper castes, as
in fact, goes on to say that “the very means they they constituted the interest of its patrons ([20],
(Buddhists) adopted to lend weight to their doctrine pp. 58–66).
of emancipation became a weapon to be used
against them” ([16], Vol. i, pp. 139–141). It is
perhaps because of such ambiguities that some Low Representation of Lower Castes in
scholars have gone to the extent of saying that the Samgha
“[t]here was in fact nothing substantial in the Bud- ˙
dhist clerical order which could ruin the entire caste Undeniably, lower castes, especially the suddas, had
system” ([19], p. 305) and that the Buddha was not a very low representation in the Saṃgha. An anal-
a champion of the cause of lower classes despite ysis of the background of various tharas and therī s
the fact that the Buddhist theory acknowledged the mentioned in the Theragāthā and Therīgāthā
equal right of all males to be received in the showed that about 91% of them were dvijās
Saṃgha ([19], p. 153f). In other words, it has (twice born, i.e., the upper three castes) and only
been alleged that a marked leaning to aristocracy 9% came from the sudda background ([9], p. 395).
(of all the three varieties, birth, brain, and bullion) One has only to go through the Pāli canonical
lingered in ancient Buddhism as an inheritance literature to see how strong in numbers were the
from the past ([17], pp. 155–159). Max Weber, brāhmaṇa followers of the Buddha who had rejected
too, agreed with such a view and pointed out that the claim of their brāhmaṇahood by birth in theory,
as the members of the Saṃgha were predominantly but followed mostly in practice. It has been shown
recruited from the great noble families, the rich that well over 40% of the leading bhikkhus and
“burghers,” and the brāhmaṇas who were distin- bhikkhuṇī s taken together belonged to the
guished representatives of a “cultured laity,” Bud- brāhmaṇa caste ([9], p. 395). It has been pointed
dhism had no tie with any social movement and, as out that the Buddha used the vaṇṇa-jāti terminol-
a whole, was the product not of the underprivileged ogy of his times in his reference to existing
but of a very clearly privileged strata ([23], society and only tended to rank the khattiyas
pp. 225–227). In a similar vein, Fick stated that higher than the brāhmaṇas. He ridiculed
the development of caste was in no way broken or brāhmaṇical pretensions to ritual purity and
even retarded by Buddhism because its doctrine socialeminence and insisted that a person be
did not aim at a transformation of social conditions judged by his individual virtue rather than his
and it was taken for granted that they were familial, class, or social origins, which was pre-
unchangeable ([8], p. 335). C. Eliot too did not cisely the demand of the new urban social classes
see the Buddha as a social reformer and pointed who felt closer to Buddhism than the traditional
out that although the Buddha denied the superiority brāhmaṇical sacrifice-dominated Vedic cults ([9],
of the brāhmaṇas, he did not preach against caste p. 395). Buddhism clearly prescribes that the Bud-
partly because it existed only in rudimentary form dhas can only be born in khattiya or brāhmaṇa
at that time ([5], p. xxii). C. Bouglè also argued that families and the one born of the womb of a slave
though it cannot be denied that “the Buddhist com- can never be a Bodhisatta (see [12], Vol. ii,
munity worked to undermine the brāhmaṇa’s cli- pp. 323–324).
entele and the conflict of interests in undeniable”
([2], p. 73), the Buddhists were far from
“reconstructing the edifice of Hindu society Impact of Buddhism on Social
according to new plans; if they worked at replacing Organization
the roof, they never gave a thought to changing the
foundations” ([2], p. 73). R.S. Sharma too echoes D.P. Chattopadhyaya, taking a balanced view,
similar views and agrees that only occasionally the argued that while it is true that Buddhism was
Caste (Buddhism) 313

supported by monarchs, merchants, and contempo- Cross-References

rary aristocrats, it would be superficial to see only
this aspect of Buddhism. He believed that the ▶ Aśvaghoṣa
Buddha’s attitude to injustice of the caste system ▶ Bhikkhunī
and his attacks upon brāhmaṇic rituals were signif- ▶ Bodhisatta
icant reasons for its appeal to the people. However, ▶ Buddha (Concept)
Chattopadhyaya also argues that the Buddha ▶ Jātaka C
created an illusion of liberty, equality, and fraternity ▶ Madhurā
by modeling his Saṃgha on the tribal values, ▶ Paññā
whereas in reality, these values were being tram- ▶ Saṃgha
pled upon in the world outside the Saṃgha ([4], ▶ Sīla
pp. 466–467). ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
Though the all-pervading influence of caste ▶ Upāli
system had in fact affected Buddhist way of
thinking, yet it cannot be denied that the Bud- References
dha threw the doors of his Saṃgha open to the
lowliest of the low and that the members of the 1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta.
Pali Text Society, London, reprint
lower orders actually got into the Saṃgha is
2. Bouglè C (1977) Essays on the caste system
indicated by quite a few instances. As pointed (trans: Pocock DF). Cambridge University Press,
out by T.W. Rhys Davids, the advantages or Cambridge
disadvantages arising from birth, occupation, 3. Cowell ED, Neil RA (eds) (1886) The Divyāvadāna.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
and social status were completely irrelevant
4. Chattopadhyaya DP (1978) Lokāyata: a study in
when it came to recruitment into the Saṃgha, ancient Indian materialism. People’s Publishing
the only organ of the society over which the House, New Delhi
Buddha had complete control ([16], Vol. i, p. 5. Eliot C (1921) Hinduism and Buddhism: an historical
sketch, vol I. Kegan Paul, London
102). He supports his argument by citing exam-
6. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
ples of Vinayācariya Upāli (barber), Sunita London
(pukkusa), Sāti (fisherman), Subhā (daughter of 7. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
a smith), and Puṇṇā and Puṇṇikā (slave girls) 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
8. Fick R (1920) Social organization in north-east India
([16], Vol. i, p. 102). In the Buddhist view,
in Buddha’s time (trans: Mitra SK). University of
anybody could be a teacher irrespective of his Calcutta, Calcutta
caste, and it is said that a teacher is always to be 9. Gokhale BG (1965) The early Buddhist ‘life.’ J Indian
respected, be he a sudda, a caṇḍāla, or Hist XLIII, Pt. II:391–402
10. Hutton JH (1946) Caste in India: its nature, function
a pukkusa ([6], Vol. iv, p. 205). In fact, when
and origins. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
the Sākyan youths and their employee and bar- 11. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) The Buddhavaṃsa. Pali
ber Upāli approached the Buddha together for Text Society, London
ordination, the Buddha is said to have ordained 12. Malalasekera DP (ed) (1983) Dictionary of Pāli proper
names, 2 vols, reprint. Oriental Reprint, New Delhi
Upāli before the Sākyan youths, so that their
13. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
pride of birth and caste may be humbled ([11], Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London
Vol. i, p. 61; [18], Vol. ii, p. 182). A Buddhist 14. Muller MF (ed) (1973) The sacred books of the east,
monk or a nun never made any distinction 50 vols, reprint. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
15. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. G.P.
between people while begging for food and
Putnam’s Sons, New York
could approach any householder for a meal or 16. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
could eat at his house when invited by him The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 Vols. Pali Text Society, London
([18], Vol. iii, pp. 184–185, Vol. iv, pp. 80, 17. Oldenberg H (1927) The Buddha: his life, his doc-
trines, his order. Rider, London
177). Thus, it cannot be denied that Buddhism
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left lasting impact on the social organization in 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
India. 19. Senart É (1950) Caste in India. London
314 Cattāri Ariya Saccāni

20. Sharma RS (1968) Material background of the origin everything has a cause. From this point of view,
of Buddhism. In: Sen M, Rao MB (eds) Das capital those who hold that there is a primordial cause of
centenary volume: a symposium. People’s Publishing
House, Delhi, pp 58–66 all that happens in the world are wrong. It is
21. Thapar R (1978) Ancient Indian social history: some simply incredible that one cause which is
interpretations. Sangam, New Delhi uncaused can cause so many effects, which are
22. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The opposite in nature. How can birth and death be
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
23. Weber M (1958) The religion of India (ed and tr: Garth caused by the same uncaused cause? How can
HH, Martindale D). The Free Press, Glencoe suffering and its absence be caused by the same
24. Wilson HH (1877) Indian caste, vol 1. William Black- cause?
wood, London The serious sensitive thinkers who see ubiqui-
tous suffering in the world will feel baffled and
will not be able to find a way out of suffering if
Cattāri Ariya Saccāni they believe in one uncaused cause. How can then
suffering end? And how taking measures by one
▶ Aryasacca to end suffering will be meaningful? Then shall
people go on suffering endlessly? Will there be no
light at the end of the tunnel? Will the world be
a vale of tears for beings, particularly human
Catvāri Ārya Satyāni beings forever? Will there be no silver lines in
the dark clouds?
▶ Aryasacca If it were so, what will be the role of human
beings to end their suffering? Will they not be as
helpless as puppets, which are at the mercy of
a puppeteer? What then will be the role of
Causality (Buddhism) human endeavor and energy? Or shall man ever
remain helpless?
Angraj Chaudhary By discovering the Law of Dependent Origi-
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, nation (Pali: Paṭicca-samuppāda), the Buddha
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India proved that suffering has a cause, and when
that cause is removed, suffering comes to an
end. This law is generally expressed in the follow-
Synonyms
ing way:
Paṭiccasamuppāda Imasmiṃ sati, idaṃ hoti, imassuppāda idaṃ
uppajjati. Imasmiṃ asati, idaṃ na hoti imassa
nirodhā idaṃ nirujjhati. ([1], Vol. III, p. 110)
Definition
(When this exists, that comes to be; with the
Causality does not only explain the relationship arising of this, that arises. When this does not
between cause and effect but also explains the exist, that does not come to be; with the cessation
cause of suffering and the way to eliminate it. of this, that ceases ([2], pp. 655–656).)
Paṭicca-samuppāda is the Law of Dependent
Origination or conditioned arising discovered by
Causality or The Law of Dependent the Buddha with his bhāvanāmayā paññā. This
Origination Explains the Cause of paññā is understanding at the experiential level. It
Suffering and How it can be Ended is not intellectual knowledge, but it is gained at the
experiential level.
Causality means the relationship between cause This law is applied to explain dukkha and
and effect. It also means the principle that saṃsāra, the cycle of birth and death, i.e.,
Causality (Buddhism) 315

repeated existence. It is a causal chain with 12 as old age and death to viññāṇa. This order has
links. been put into the mouth of Vipassi Buddha. But in
The 12 links are avijjā (ignorance), saṅkhārā the Nidāna vagga of the Saṃyutta Nikāya ([5],
(karma-formations) viññāṇaṃ (consciousness), Vol. I, p. 1), 12 links of the chain of causation are
nāma-rūpaṃ (mind and matter, i.e., mental and given – the other two being avijjā and saṅkhāra.
physical phenomena), saḷāyatanaṃ (six faculties), Avijjā is ignorance. Not knowing suffering, not
phasso (contact), vedanā (sensation), taṇhā knowing its origin, not knowing its cessation, and C
(desire), upādānaṃ (clinging), bhavo (process of not knowing the way leading to its cessation is
becoming), jāti (birth), and jarā-maraṇa, dukkha ignorance. Not knowing that all objects are imper-
domanassa etc. (decay, death, lamentation, pain manent is ignorance. Three kinds of saṅkhāras are
etc.) ([3], Vol. II, p. 42). produced (formations) by a man, who acts in
These 12 links extend over three lives and span ignorance. They are the bodily volitional forma-
them. The first two belong to the past life, the last tions, the verbal volitional formations, and the
two represent the future, i.e., rebirth and the rest of mental volitional formations. Saṅkhārās become
the links, i.e., 8 links from viññāṇaṃ to bhava a condition for patisandhi viññana (rebirth-
represent the present life. Each link is an effect linking consciousness). There are six classes of
of the preceding link, which acts as a cause. consciousness such as eye consciousness, ear con-
It means every link of this chain is caused by sciousness, nose consciousness, tongue con-
the preceding link, and then, it causes the sciousness, body consciousness, and mind
succeeding link. Here, nothing arises indepen- consciousness. This consciousness becomes
dently. Everything has a cause to arise. Imasmiṃ a condition for nāma-rūpa (mentality-material-
sati idaṃ hoti (When this exists, that comes to be) ity). Feeling perception, volition, contact, atten-
Imass’uppādā idaṃ uppajjati (with the arising of tion: these together are called name. The four
this, that arises). This law also speaks about the great elements such as earth, water, fire, and air
opposite. Nothing happens without a cause. Noth- and the form derived from them are called form.
ing happens fortuitously. Imasmiṃ asati idaṃ na Thus, this name and this form are together called
hoti (When this does not exist, that does not come name and form. This becomes a condition for
to be) imassa nirodhā idaṃ nirujjhati (with the ṣaḷayatana – sixfold base such as eye base, ear
cessation of this that ceases), i.e., when the cause base, nose base, tongue base, body base, and mind
ceases, the effect also ceases. In the complete base. The six sense bases become a condition for
absence of a cause, there is no possibility of the the arising of six kinds of contact such as cakkhu
arising of an effect ([3], Vol. II, p. 42). samphassa (eye contact) and sota samphassa (ear
This law is very deep and profound. How contact) etc. They, in turn, become a condition for
profound it is is clear from what the Buddha six kinds of feeling (vedanā) which become con-
says to Ānanda who says that although it is pro- ditions for six groups of craving (taṇhā). The
found, “yet it appears to me as clear as clear” ([4], craving becomes a condition for grasping
p. 223). The Buddha says to Ānanda that it is not (upādāna), which, in turn, becomes a condition
so easy as you make it out to be but “through not for becoming (bhava). Becoming becomes
understanding, not penetrating this doctrine that a condition for rebirth (jāti) and then follows
this generation has become like a tangled ball of aging, disease, death, etc.
string, covered as with a blight, tangled like coarse This law is not based on axioms as the laws are
grass, unable to pass beyond states of woe, the ill based in Euclid’s geometry, nor it is based on
destiny, ruin and the round of birth and death” intellectual inference observing phenomena hap-
([4], p. 223). pening in the outside world as Newton’s laws of
There are 12 links of this causal chain, as said gravitation. It is a product of direct experience
above but in the Mahāpadāna Sutta of the which man has by looking within him with
Dīghanikāya; only 10 links of the chain are a pure mind. The laws applicable in geometry
given in reverse order from dukkha manifested and physics are different from that of paṭicca-
316 Causality (Buddhism)

samuppāda as the latter, unlike the former two, point of view, but unless he experiences it, unless
applies to the animate world, where man’s will is he sees how each link of this chain is caused by the
important as it is the driving force. For realizing preceding link and how it itself becomes a cause
the truth of these laws, one is required to experi- to produce another link, unless he sees at the
ment them within one’s fathom-long body and not experiential level that even pleasant sensations
to experiment in the outside laboratories. Besides, are ephemeral and do not give lasting pleasure,
one has to develop one’s body and mind, i.e., he cannot develop nonattachment and end
insight and concentration to realize these laws suffering.
operating within. In short, one has to drive out There is another difference between the laws
defilements from one’s mind in order to be fit to that apply to the physical world and the Law of
experience the truth of the Law of Dependent Dependent Origination, which applies to the
Origination. moral-spiritual world. It is not possible for anyone
For proving the laws of geometry and gravita- to annihilate the gravitational force. A mango will
tional laws, one need not necessarily be a man fall down from a tree, it cannot go up, but one can
with a pure mind. Persons having defilements like annihilate desires by annihilating their cause. One
anger, hatred, and jealousy can make experiments can even stop them from arising. Desires ordinar-
and prove those laws in the laboratories, but they ily overpower one, but he can overpower them
cannot experience how the Law of Dependent and root them out completely if he understands the
Origination works. A Vipassana practitioner can working of this law.
experience and see how this law works. He can Unlike Euclid’s geometrical laws and New-
see it working in his own fathom-long body by ton’s gravitational laws, the Law of paṭicca-
developing insight and by remaining equanimous samuppāda is a moral law based on psychology,
when pleasant and unpleasant sensations arise on ethics, and metaphysics. This law, therefore, has
his body. (See [1], Vol. I, p. 302 where develop- great spiritual implication in the philosophy
ment of body means insight according to the com- propounded by the Buddha. The second noble
mentary because a Vipassana practitioner is not truth propounded by him says that taṇhā (desire)
overwhelmed by the experience of pleasant feel- is the cause of suffering. It implies that suffering is
ings through his development of insight and when not permanent. Remove the cause and the suffer-
unpleasant feeling arises, he is not overwhelmed ing will automatically come to an end. So the
because he has developed concentration of mind teachings of the Buddha are not pessimistic as
and is able to escape from it.) they are made out to be by some, but they hold
For developing one’s body and mind, one out hopes for mankind. The fourth noble truth is
purifies one’s conduct by following five precepts. the path leading to the cessation of suffering. This
Besides, one develops contentment, restraint of Noble Eightfold Path is called the middle path
the sense faculties, and sati and sampajañña because it avoids the two extremes of hedonism
which internalize the process of purification and and asceticism. It has eight constituents, which
thereby bridge the transition from virtue to con- form the action plan as to how to live the philos-
centration. These two enable him to attain paññā ophy of the Buddha. This eightfold path consists
so that he has what is called the knowledge and of sī la, samādhi, and paññā. Sī la means purity of
vision of reality as it is – yathābhūtañāṇa physical and vocal actions and samādhi is the one-
dassana. Unless a person walks on the eightfold pointedness of wholesome mind. The mind can be
path shown by the Buddha, it is not possible wholesome when it is free from defilements. With
for him to understand the truth of paṭicca- this pure, undefiled, and concentrated mind, man
samuppāda. can attain wisdom and will be able to see reality as
It is on account of this that an intellectual it is. As the darkness of his ignorance will be
understanding of this law will not bring the expelled by the light of his wisdom, he will be
desired result. One may explain paṭicca- able to break the cycle of existence, which causes
samuppāda very clearly from the intellectual his endless suffering. Papañca (sk.prapañca)
Causality (Buddhism) 317

equivalent to Schopenhauer’s “world” will cease ([7], Vol. III, p. 158). They are either pleasant or
to be. No world of suffering will come into being unpleasant. One hankers after pleasant ones and
([6], p. 312). hates the unpleasant ones. Because pleasant sen-
The Noble Eightfold Path happily and harmo- sations do not last forever, suffering is caused, and
niously combines psychology, ethics, and meta- suffering is caused also because some sensations
physics. Sī la is ethics. One can observe ethical are unpleasant.
precepts like abstinence from killing, stealing, The Bodhisattva was primarily concerned with C
lying, etc., when he is not under the influence of discovering a way to end suffering. While looking
craving, aversion, and ignorance. Samādhi, i.e., for the way, he had learned much how suffering is
concentration of mind, is not possible without caused.
understanding its fickle and unsteady nature and So when he went to Uruvela with a great
without purifying it from various defilements, resolve to practice austere penances to discover
which is possible by observing sī la (moral pre- a way to end suffering, three similes, never heard
cepts). This is psychology. When one attains before, flashed across his mind ([1], Vol. II, p. 286
paññā (insight, wisdom), one understands reality and [1], Vol. I, p. 302).
as it is. The realization of its impermanent nature, The similes related to a wet sappy piece of
which comes under metaphysics, makes one wood lying in water, to another piece of wood
detached. lying on dry land away from water, and to
The Buddha’s spiritual quest was primarily a third dry sapless piece of wood lying on dry
concerned with finding a way out to end ubiqui- land far away from water. Howsoever, a man may
tous suffering. Suffering as physical and mental is try to produce fire by rubbing the first two pieces
experienced by all, although not as sensitively as of wood with an upper fire stick; he will be tired
it was experienced by him. He also experienced and disappointed but will not be able to produce
that aspect of suffering, which is the root cause of fire and heat. Why? Because those pieces of wood
the two mentioned above. It is that suffering are wet and sappy. Only a dry piece of wood
which causes one to be born again and again and rubbed against another dry piece of wood can
suffer endlessly. The Buddha was concerned with produce fire and heat.
ending that suffering – the root of all kinds of This was a sort of “eureka” for the Bodhisattva
suffering. And what is the root cause of all suffer- going to become the Buddha. He came to the
ing? It is being born with five aggregates. conclusion that whether good samaṇas and
By learning and practicing samatha type of Brahmaṇas feel or do not feel painful racking
meditation, one is able to keep out external objects and piercing feelings due to exertion, they are
impinging on one’s senses causing sensations, incapable of knowledge and vision and supreme
which give rise to desire and attachment. But enlightenment because they do not live bodily and
how can one annihilate desires, which keep on mentally withdrawn from sensual pleasures and
arising within one all the time? The future Buddha whose desire for sensual pleasures has not been
could see two dangers. One was from outside abandoned and extirpated. Wet and sappy piece of
when one’s sense organs come in contact with wood stands for people who are full of sensual
their respective objects. One sees with eyes desires. So long as sensual desires are there, it is
a visible object, contemplates upon its desirability, impossible to attain peace and happiness, let alone
and develops desire to have it. When this desire is the highest good, i.e., nibbāna.
not fulfilled, he suffers. The other danger was With these three apt and relevant similes, he
from within. There was a stock of anusaya klesas underlines the importance of becoming bodily and
(dormant mental impurities) deep within the mentally free from sensual desire before he can
unconscious mind. They also come on the surface. end suffering and aspire for the greatest good, i.e.,
This is a psychological fact that any thought aris- nibbāna – a state of desirelessness.
ing in the mind manifests itself through sensations Finding austere penances worthless, he did not
on the body. Vedanāsamosaranā sabbe dhammā lose heart. The 64-dollar question before him was
318 Causality (Buddhism)

how to discover a path to end suffering. So he evaluates it either positively, negatively, or neu-
once again concentrated his mind and applied it to trally in the light of the past experience. Percep-
look within. In other words, he started practicing tion, thus, gives rise to sensation, which is either
Vipassana. This technique of meditation made it pleasant or unpleasant or neither pleasant nor
clear to him how desire – the cause of suffering unpleasant. It is here that taṇhā arises because
arises and how it can be eradicated. In a flash, as it one wants to have more of pleasant sensations
were, he saw how mind works, how it reacts under and none of unpleasant ones. One’s reaction to
the old habit pattern, and how it multiplies miser- have more of pleasant and none of unpleasant
ies. He also saw how suffering could be ended by sensations causes suffering because even pleasant
reversing the working of mind. It is here that the sensations are not permanent. All sensations
law of paṭicca-samuppāda became crystal clear to pleasant or unpleasant arise to pass away. The
him. Bodhisattva saw this very clearly. Thus, aniccatā
Thus, it can be said that this law of Dependent (impermanence) became crystal clear to him. He
Origination applies in the spiritual world. It realized it.
explains how dukkha comes into being and how The future Buddha saw the process of the
it can be eradicated. Thus, it explains papañca origin of suffering very clearly. Because of the
(expansion or development of dukkha or the com- five physical senses such as the eye, ear, etc.,
ing into being of the cycle of birth and death). But and the mind, one’s contact with the countless
how to stop this papañca and get rid of dukkha phenomena, namely, sights, sounds, odors,
was the most important question before the flavors, textures, various thoughts and emotions
would-be Buddha. becomes inevitable. Contact gives rise to sensa-
He thought unless he knew the real nature of tion – phassa paccayā vedanā. One likes to have
desires, and where they arise, he could not end more of pleasant sensations and hates to have the
them. This made him look within. And while unpleasant ones. Thus, desires are caused –
looking within, this law of Dependent Origination vedanā paccayā taṇhā. Taṇhā becomes stronger
became very clear to him. One practices and stronger producing upādanaṃ – taṇhā
Vipassana to see what happens there. Samatha paccayā upādānaṃ. Strong desire (upādana)
type of meditation enables a meditator to attain produces bhava (becoming) which causes jāti
concentration of mind and of course helps him to (birth). Upādāna paccayā bhavo and bhava
keep outside objects coming in contact with his paccaya jāti.
sense organs and producing sensations at bay. But The future Buddha while looking within, i.e.,
Vipassana helps him to see clearly how pleasant or while practicing Vipassana must have made
unpleasant sensations arise in him, which he either a beginning from here. Any serious meditator
wishes to continue or discontinue. In both the who concentrates his mind and develops sati
cases, there is a desire which when frustrated (awareness) and sampajañña (thorough under-
causes suffering. Pleasant sensations do not con- standing) must make a beginning from here.
tinue and are replaced by unpleasant ones giving Then, he will very clearly and sharply see differ-
rise to suffering. ent kinds of sensations arising and passing away.
It became clear to the would-be Buddha that The more he sees their impermanent nature, the
vedanā (sensation) gives rise to taṇhā. How does less he craves for them. He begins to develop
it produce taṇhā? The Bodhisattva examined his detachment. Why should one be attached to even
own mind and saw that broadly speaking, it pleasant sensations, which are only fleeting?
consisted of four processes: viññāṇa (conscious- When the future Buddha came to see the pro-
ness), saññā (perception), vedanā (sensation), and cess how suffering arises, he went deeper to see
saṅkhāra (reaction). When any phenomenon, say how it can be ended. He concluded that it could be
the eye coming in contact with any visible object, ended by eliminating desires. This was a second
occurs, consciousness simply registers it. The sec- “eureka” for him, a “eureka” with higher wisdom.
ond process perception recognizes it and Wisdom dawned upon him. He now knew that the
Causality (Buddhism) 319

things he desired are impermanent. Up till now, he How to practice Vipassana? This becomes
was ignorant. He did not know their real nature. clear if one remembers what the Buddha says
So he looked back and saw that up till now what about producing fire. The two pieces of dry
he did was because of ignorance. Thus, he came to wood should be continuously rubbed together to
know the first link, ignorance (avijjā), of the chain produce heat and fire. If they are rubbed off and
of causation. on, fire cannot be produced. Vipassana should be
But how to eliminate suffering? Concentrating continuously practiced to see aniccatā (imperma- C
more on the process of origin of suffering, the nence) and develop nirveda (nonattachment).
Bodhisattva saw that the only way to eliminate Continuity of practice is the key to success.
desires – the cause of suffering – is not to see One can know aniccatā by practicing
sensations as pleasant or unpleasant but to remain vedanānupassanā – one of the four anupassanās
equanimous. In other words, one should not react described in detail in the Mahāsatipaṭṭshāna
to them. If one remains equanimous, desires arise Sutta, the other three being kāyānupassanā,
and pass away. When there is craving for pleasant cittānupassanā, and dhammānupassanā. These
sensations to continue and for unpleasant ones to four anupassanās are practiced to establish one’s
stop, one multiplies one’s miseries. But once he mindfulness.
knows their real nature, he is on the way to Vipassana led the Buddha to see that if sensa-
develop nonattachment to them. He can do this tions are left unobserved, the desires caused by
by cultivating sati (awareness) and sampajañña them grow stronger and stronger and cause more
(thorough understanding). Sati helps to see sensa- suffering. But if sensations, which are the causes
tion every moment, moment after moment, and of desires, are observed mindfully, their real
sampjañña enables him to see its impermanent nature is known. Once their impermanent nature
nature. The two together help him to develop is known at the experiential level, one is less likely
nirveda (nonattachment). This is how suffering to crave for them. This is how Vipassana is a very
can be extirpated. How Vipassana can help one effective means of eliminating desires.
eliminate desires has been explained in the article Just as the Bodhisattva saw this process of the
entitled “Mechanism of Vipassana” [8]. origin of suffering and how it can be ended very
There is no other effective way to end suffer- clearly and became the Buddha, any serious med-
ing. The only effective way is to practice itator of Vipassana can experience the truth of
Vipassana and cultivate equanimity. It is not pos- what the Buddha says about the origin of suffering
sible to destroy the objects of the five physical and how it can be eliminated. He can realize the
senses and the objects of mind. Nor is it possible chain of causation and see its different links.
to destroy the six bases of sensory organs. They Vipassana meditation helps a meditator to
will be there, and the sensations, which they pro- experience the transitory nature of body and
duce when they come in contact with their respec- mind. In the process of investigation of the ulti-
tive sense organs, will also be there. The world is mate reality of mind and matter, he discovers that
full of thorns. One cannot clear all of them. The whenever a defilement arises in the mind, two
best way to protect oneself is to wear a pair of types of changes take place at the physical level.
shoes as beautifully said by Confucius – a Chinese When he is angry, his breath does not remain
philosopher. Similarly, the best way not to cause normal and smooth. It becomes rough. The other
and multiply one’s miseries is not to react to change is subtler in nature. It is biochemical. It is
sensations but to remain equanimous. And this is a sensation. A meditator is taught in a 10-day
possible by understanding the impermanent course to observe both respiration and sensation.
nature of sensations. Continuous practice of Both can be made to act as warning signals if the
Vipassana strengthens bhāvanāmayā paññā meditator mindfully observes them. What hap-
(wisdom developing from direct, personal experi- pens is that most of the time, one is not aware of
ence) which enables one to see reality as it is and the negativity arising in one and as a result reacts
ultimately no trace of darkness remains. blindly and is overpowered by it. A meditator
320 Causality (Buddhism)

taught to observe his breath and sensation has at looks within and sees what sensations are pro-
least a few occasions when he clearly sees them duced when anger or hatred arises in the mind.
and stops reacting blindly. This practice of mind- He also experiences how he burns when such
ful observation goes a long way in making two negativities arise in him. This, he realizes, is unde-
things clear to him. When any negativity arises in sirable. Who wants to burn? When pleasant sen-
him, his breath is not normal, and he feels differ- sations arise and he likes to have more of them, he
ent kinds of sensations. The second thing he learns is disappointed to see that they are also imperma-
at the experiential level is that sensations are nent. This experience of aniccatā tears his veil of
impermanent. This eventually leads him to ignorance. And he begins to have a good under-
develop detachment and remain equanimous. By standing of this law.
remaining detached, he cuts down his desires, and Paṭicca-samuppāda can be explained in four
by remaining equanimous, he does not multiply ways. Either one begins from avijjā and goes up to
his miseries. dukkha domanassa, etc., or one begins from
A Vipassana meditator trains himself in sī la vedanā and goes up to dukkha, etc., or one begins
before he is able to concentrate his mind. By from the end, i.e., dukkha domanassa and traces it
observing sī la, he promotes the purification of to avijjā or one begins from vedanā and goes up to
conduct and livelihood. Right speech, right avijjā.
action, and right livelihood purify his conduct While practicing Vipassana, it is best to begin
and livelihood. Then, he begins to concentrate from vedanā and realize its different links. It has
his mind by observing the incoming and outgoing been explained here how vedanā gives rise to
breath. In this process, his mind wanders, but with taṇhā, taṇhā causes upādāna, upādāna causes
right effort, he brings it back, and by developing bhava, and bhava causes jāti, jarā dukkha,
right mindfulness, he develops right concentra- domanassa, soka, etc. So the chain from vedanā
tion. This he does again and again. This is called to dukkha becomes clear. But the question is why
right effort with bhāvanāmayā paññā. This makes does one have vedanā? What causes vedanā?
his mind sharp and concentrated. With this mind, Going deep within, a meditator can see that
he begins to observe different sensations arising vedanā is caused by phassa (contact) which
on his body. With the cultivation of two powerful means the contact between sense organs and
tools – sati and sampajañña – he develops their respective objects. Not only concrete visible
the knowledge of aniccatā (aniccatā ñāṇa). and audible objects cause contact but also
With this direct knowledge, he develops nirveda thoughts and ideas produce contact. Contact is
(nonattachment). possible because of saḷāyatana (six sense bases).
The link vedanā, therefore, is the most impor- They are possible because of nāma and rūpa, one
tant in the chain of causation. Here, one stands at is endowed with. The flow of nāma and rūpa is
a place where the road forks. If one reacts to caused by consciousness, i.e., paṭisandhi viññāṇa.
sensations, one multiplies one’s misery. But if he Going deep, he can see that consciousness is
learns to observe the impermanent nature of sen- caused by reaction called saṅkhāra (skt
sations, does not react, and remains equanimous, saṃsakāra). What is saṅkhāra? It is the deed
he is on the path to develop wisdom. Saññā is (kamma) that one does with volition. But one
gradually going to be replaced by paññā does these deeds in ignorance. One’s blind liking
(wisdom). and disliking without understanding the real
While practicing Vipassana meditation, nature of things cause saṅkhāra. And why does
a meditator first begins to observe respiration as one react? Because one is ignorant of the nature of
said above. By being mindful, he also observes reality that he reacts to. So he concludes that avijjā
the changes that it undergoes. He also sharply is the first link to set in motion this law of causa-
notices how changes are brought about. This tion. One has been reacting blindly since time
observation helps him concentrate his mind. immemorial, and it has become his habit pattern
With this concentrated and focused mind, he to react. A Vipassana meditator can come out of
Cetiya 321

this habit pattern by observing respiration and

sensation mindfully and having thorough under- Cessation
standing of the impermanent nature of what he
desires and what he reacts to. ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
Practice of Vipassana, therefore, has twofold
function. It does not only make one mentally and
bodily pure as one walks on the Noble Eightfold C
Path, observes sī la, and practices samādhi but Cetanā
also makes him fit to see how suffering is caused
and how it can be ended by attaining paññā. ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Thus, all the 12 links of paṭicca-samuppāda
which cause one to move in the cycle of birth and
death become clear to him. And this also becomes
clear to him how he can reverse the process and Cetiya
end suffering forever.
Angraj Chaudhary
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
Cross-References Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India

▶ Kamma
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda Synonyms

Cairn; Pagoda; Sepulchral monument; Tumulus

References

1. Majjhima Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all Definition

books referred to here are published by Vipassana
Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
2. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (Trs) (1995) The middle length
Cetiya is a large pile of earthwork or a structure
discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom, Boston made of bricks over the place where an important
3. Dīgha Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all books person such as a kind yakkha, a saint, or a bhikkhu
referred to here are published by Vipassana Research was cremated or buried so that people could
Institute, Dhammagiri)
remember him, his good work, or his teachings
4. Walsh M (1995) The long discourses of the Buddha.
Wisdom, Boston long after he was gone.
5. Saṃyutta Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all
books referred to here are published by Vipassana
Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
6. Durant W (1926) The story of philosophy. Simon and
Cetiyas Are Places of Worship
Schuster, New York (I have referred to its Pocket Book
edition published in 1991) The word “cetiya” is derived from the root “ci”
7. Aṅguttara Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all which means to “heap up” ([2], p. 272). It is
books referred to here are published by Vipassana
related to “citā” which means a pyre made of
Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
8. (2007) Dhamma and Abhidhamma. Somaiya Publica- firewood on which a dead body is kept for being
tions, Mumbai cremated ([1], p. 384). Thus, cetiyas are places of
worship ([3], p. 188).
Cetiyas are also called thūpas that are
worshipped by gods and men and are made of
Causing Misery, Sorrow, or Trouble bricks ([4], 52). A vihāra made at the place
where a saint or a bhikkhu worthy of worship is
▶ Dukkha cremated is also called a cetiya in Pali or caitya in
322 Cetiya

Sanskrit. It also means a temple where the statue Post-Buddhist cetiyas were made big where
of the dead is erected. a large number of devotees gathered to worship
the Buddha. They contained some relics of the
Buddha or the statue of the Buddha. There were
There Are Two Kinds of Cetiyas, cetiyas which had the relics of the great disciples
Pre-Buddhist and Post-Buddhist of the Buddha enshrined in them [9].
There were cetiyas made in the shape of lotus
Pre-Buddhist cetiyas are referred to in the in the post-Buddha period, so they were called
Mahāparinibbāna Sutta of the Dī gha Nikāya. In Paduma cetiyam. Such cetiyas were made with
this context, a cetiya has been defined as a vihāra a view to worshipping the Buddha whose statue
or a temple made in honor of a yakkha. A vihara was erected there ([10], 49).
made in honor of Udena yakkha is called Udena Another synonym of cetiya is pagoda which is
cetiya; one made in honor of Cāpāla yakkha is in very common use now.
called Cāpāla cetiya and so on.
Yakkhas are of two types, good and bad. The
type who helps mankind is worshipped by man. Origin of the Word Pagoda
Udena and Cāpāla must have been kind and
friendly to men and must have helped them. How did the word pagoda originate? It is neither
That is why they were worshipped even after from Pali or from Sanskrit nor from Hindi or from
they were no more. A cetiya made where any Indian languages. This term is not found in Sri
Sārandada yakkha lived was called Sārandada Lankan, Myanmar, Thai, Cambodian, Laotian,
cetiya; a cetiya made where the seven daughters Chinese, or Japanese languages.
of King Kikī of Kāsī came after leaving the palace Goenkaji says about its origin:
because they developed religious emotion
The thūpa in which the relics of the Buddha or any
(Dhamma saṃvega) caused by the contemplation arahant is (are) enshrined was called dhātu gabbha
of the sufferings of the world and strove hard was (dhātu = relics, gabbha = interior, cavity, cavern,
called Sattamba cetiya ([5], 283). This cetiya must womb) With the passage of time, all thūpas began to
have been made to remind people of suffering and be called dhātugabbha. Later this became corrupted
to dhagabbha or dhagobā or ḍagobā. A few centu-
how it could be ended. For ending suffering, ries ago Portuguese sailors first came to the east,
developing of religious emotion is necessary. they did not see any thupas in India but they saw
There was a banyan tree in which there lived thupas in many places in Sri Lanka. They asked the
a deity whom people worshipped and asked for local people and were told that these were dagoba.
They found it difficult to pronounce this new word
boon to be blessed with child. This was, therefore, and started to call dagoba as pagoda. Later when
called a Bahuputtam cetiyam ([6], 283). they went to other Buddhist nations, they saw many
Cetiyas made over big rocks were called thupas there which they called pagoda. As time
Pāsāṇaka cetiyaṃ ([7], 274). They were made of passed, the thupas that were earlier called cetiya,
cedigo or thupa were all called pagoda. Later on, the
bricks and stones as they would last longer than term pagoda became popular not just among
the one made by piling up earth which was likely foreigners but also among the local inhabitants.
to be washed away by heavy rains and strong ([11], p. 9)
winds.
There were some trees which were honored
and worshipped. They were called Rukkha cetiyas Cetiyas Are of Three Types, viz., Sārīraka,
([8], p. 223). Pāribhogika, and Uddesika
In the Pācityādiyojanā Pāli ([9], 52), cetiya is
said to be a thūpa, the Sanskrit equivalent of Cetiyas are divided into three categories: first is
which is stūpa. They were made of bricks and sārī raka which means a cetiya or a pagoda where
were worshipped because some relics of the relics of the Buddha or of his great disciples are
dead were enshrined in them. enshrined; second is pāribhogika which means
Citta 323

places and objects used by the Buddha, for exam- devaṭṭhanaṃ ahosi. Uppanne pana bhagavati vihāro jāto.
ple, Bodh Gaya and the Bodhi tree; and third So teneva purimavohārena ‘pāsāṇaka cetiyanti vuccanti
8. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī Purāṇa
is uddesika which means cetiyas where the abhinava ṬĪkā, p 223. Sammataṃ rukkhaṃ
statue of the Buddha is kept so that people can cetiyarukkhaṃ
remember him. 9. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Pācityādiyojanā Pāli 2.52
10. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Apadāna A.2. 49
11. VRI, Dhammagiri (2006) The global Pagoda, p 9
C
Development of Architecture Helped in
Constructing Big Cetiyas
Cetiyagiri
With the passage of time and with the develop-
ment of architecture, many cetiyas were ▶ Sāñcī
constructed for accommodating devotees who
came for performing worship in a large number.
Big cetiyas were carved out of a single massive
rock, thanks to the skill, devotion, and patience of Chag Lo-tsā-ba Chos rje dpal
the monks who made use of hammer and chisel.
Many caityas such as Ajantā, Bhaja, Kārle, etc., ▶ Dharmasvāmin
are found in Mahārāstra. One of the reasons for
this is that there are mountains with suitable rock
to cut caves.
Chenrezig

▶ Avalokiteśvara
Cross-References

▶ Caitya
▶ Stūpa Chin-kang

References ▶ Vajra

1. Bṛhat Hindi Kośa (2012) Jānamanḍala Ltd, Varanasi,

p 384, Reprint (see under ‘caitya’)
2. Rhys Davids TW, Pali English dictionary. Oriental
Books Reprint Corporation, Delhi, see under ‘cetiya’,
Chos-skyon
p 272 (1st column)
3. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Ekakanipāta Ṭīkā 1.188 ▶ Dhammapāla
4. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Pācityādiyojanā Pāli, 2.52
‘Cetiyaṃ vā ti thūpaṃ vā. So hi devamanussehi
cititabbaṃ pūjetabbaṃ iṭṭhkādīhi vā cinitabbanti
cetiyan’ti vuccati’
5. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Udāna Aṭṭhakathā 283 Chronicle of the Buddhas
(Kikissa kira Kāsirañño dhītaro satta kumāriyo
saṃvegajātā rājagehato nikkhamitvā yattha padhānaṃ
padahinsu, taṃ ṭhānaṃ sattambaṃ cetiyanti vadanti
▶ Buddhavaṃsa
6. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Udāna Aṭṭhakathā 283
Bahuputtanti bahupāroho eko nigrodharukkho,
tasmiṃ adhivatthaṃ devataṃ bahūmanusse putte
patthenti, tadupādāya taṃ ṭhānaṃ ‘bahuputtaṃ
cetiyanti paññayittha
Citta
7. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Suttanipāta A 2.274
(Pāsāṇakaṃ cetiyanti mahato pāsaṇassa upari pubbe ▶ Mind (Buddhism)
324 Cittamātra

Cittamātra Commentarial Literature

▶ Vijñānavāda Angraj Chaudhary

▶ Yogācāra Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India

Citta-viśuddhi Synonyms

▶ Ethics (Buddhism) Aṭṭhakathā Sāhitya; Nirukta

Definition
Cognition
Commentarial Literature is the Aṭṭhakathās writ-
▶ Knowledge (Buddhism) ten on the Tipitaka by three commentators in the
fifth century A.D., about 1,000 years after the
Buddha’s Mahāparinibbāna. The commentators
were Buddhadatta, Buddhaghosa, and
Collection of Connected Discourses Dhammapāla.
Buddhadatta and Buddhaghosa were contempo-
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya rary. The former was a senior contemporary as is
evident from the dialogue between the two as
recorded in the Buddhaghosuppatti ([1], p. 60).
He had gone to Sri Lanka to study the words of
Collection of Dhammas the Buddha. After finishing his studies at
Anurādhapur Mahāvihāra, he was returning to
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī India. The boat he was coming by and the boat by
which Buddhaghosa was going to Sri Lanka met
on the way, and both of them introduced them-
selves to each other. Buddhadatta said to him that
Collection of Long Discourses he had also gone to Sri Lanka to render the words
of the Buddha from Sīhalī into Māgadhī but he
▶ Dīgha Nikāya could not do. When Buddhaghosa expressed the
same purpose for going to Sri Lanka, he was very
glad to hear it and wished him success in his efforts
([2], p. 31). He also requested Buddhaghosa to
Collection of Middle Length send the copies of his Aṭṭhakathās so that he
Discourses could summarize them in book form.

▶ Majjhima Nikāya
Buddhadatta’s Atthakathās
˙˙ ˙
Buddhaghosa sent his Aṭṭhakathās to him.
Collection of the Ways of Conduct Buddhadatta wrote Abhidhammāvatāra by sum-
marizing Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
▶ Cariyāpiṭaka Abhidhamma Piṭaka and Vinayavinicchaya by
Commentarial Literature 325

summarizing Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Aṭṭhakathā that he wrote, he said that whatever
Vinaya Piṭaka. Buddhadatta wrote Uttaravi- has been explained in the Visuddhimaggo would
nicchaya and Vinayavinicchaya in a verse form not be repeated here ([4], p. 2).
which are the summaries of the Buddhaghosa’s He was not merely a translator but one might
Samantapāsādikā. His Abhidhammāvatāra has say he was a transcreator. That is why his
been written in both prose and verse. He also Aṭṭhakathās reveal his vast knowledge of gram-
wrote a commentary on the Buddhavaṃsa called mar, etymology, and other aspects of linguistics C
Madhuratthavilāsinī or Madhuratthapakāsinī besides his deep understanding of Dhamma taught
which is a very important book from many points by the Buddha.
of view. It is here that one gets a year-wise account Buddhaghosa draws upon the Aṭṭhakathās that
of the vassāvāsa (rainy retreat) spent by the were extant in Sri Lanka and gives his own
Buddha. interpretation.
Buddhaghosa has given the same explanation That he made use of the different
of the words Tathāgata, Brahma, Ajjhāyaka, etc., Aṭṭhakathās, such as Mahā Aṭṭhakathā, Mahā
as given by Buddhadatta which proves that either Paccarī or Mahāpaccariya, Kurundī or
they made use of the same source or they Kurundiya, Andhaṭṭhakathā, Saṅkhepaṭṭhakathā,
exchanged their ideas. Āgamaṭṭhakathā, etc., is proved by what
Buddhaghosa himself says at the end of
each Aṭṭhakathā of the four Nikāyas such as
Buddhaghosa Was a Commentator Par Dīgha, Majjhima, Saṃyutta, and Aṅguttara.
Excellence He acknowledges that the Sumaṅgalavilāsinī ,
Papañcasūdanī , Sāratthappakāsinī , and
Of all the three, Buddhaghosa was a towering Manorathapūraṇī – Aṭṭhakathās of the respective
genius, and he wrote a number of commentaries first four Nikāyas are based on Mahā Aṭṭhakathā
which are still held in high esteem because they ([9], p. 220).
make not only the meanings of words clear but also Buddhaghosa also wrote the Aṭṭhakathās of the
they give us a lot of information about the various Sutta Nipāta and the Dhammapada. He also has said
aspects of Indian and Sīhalī life and culture. Vari- that his Vinaya Aṭṭhakathā called the
ous aspects include social, economic, historical, Samantapāsādikā, and the Abhidhamma Aṭṭhakathā
political, philosophical, religious, and commercial are based on Mahāpaccarī and Kurundī .
aspects. At various places besides giving the views It is said that Mahendra – Asoka’s son who had
of the commentators of Sri Lanka who preceded become a bhikkhu – had himself taken with him
him, he gives his own view ([3], Ayaṃ me mati). the Tipiṭaka as well as its Aṭṭhakathās. It is also
This shows that he does not blindly follow in the said that Aṭṭhakathās were recited in the First
footsteps of the commentators of Sri Lanka but Buddhist Council and in the following two coun-
throws his own light on many words and terms. cils. But this seems doubtful. Had the Aṭṭhakathās
That he was not an imitator and a copyist is amply been there, they also must have been written down
proved by the Visuddhimaggo – his magnum opus along with the Tipiṭaka in the first century B.C. in
which he wrote before he was allowed to take Sri Lanka.
a look at the Tipiṭaka and the Aṭṭhakathās which However, this is a fact that Buddhaghosa drew
were there. This masterpiece of Buddhaghosa upon the Aṭṭhakathās which were there in Sri
amply proves that he was not only a translator Lanka ([9], p. 220).
who translated the Aṭṭhakathās that existed there
from Sīhalī into Pali or Māgadhī but he wrote them
anew, of course, making use of whatever was of Important Features of His Atthakathās
importance in those Aṭṭhakathās. In the ˙˙
Visuddhimaggo he had already made many things The following quotation brings out the important
clear. That is why in the beginning of each features of Buddhaghosa’s Aṭṭhakathā.
326 Commentarial Literature

“One of the important features of his exist, and pass away), bhutvāpagatūppannaṃ
Aṭṭhakathās is that before explaining the mean- (dhammas which have ceased to be after becom-
ings of the words of a gāthā or a prose paragraph ing the objects of experience in the past),
Buddhaghosa does not forget to place the gāthā or okāsakatuppannaṃ (kammas powerful enough
the sutta in the right context, because it is the to produce their results at the proper time super-
context that greatly helps in understanding the seding other kammas), and bhūmiladdhupannaṃ
meaning. Context comprises these things – Who (firmly established akusala kammas in different
speaks with whom? Where? When? And why? planes of existence which wait for their eradica-
This method of exegesis has, more or less, been tion by vipassana).
uniformly followed by Buddhaghosa in all the This word “uppannaṃ” has been further clas-
Aṭṭhakathās that he wrote. One example will sified into four, viz., samudācāruppannaṃ (orig-
make it clear. ination of kilesas on account of irrational or wrong
While commenting on the first gāthā of the thinking), ārammanādhiggahituppannaṃ (origi-
Uraga Sutta of the Sutta Nipāta, he first of all nation of kilesa due to appropriate object),
narrates the occasion when the Buddha uttered avikkhambhituppannaṃ (origination of
this gāthā to a tree deity. The deity was very unsuppressed kilesas), and asamūhatuppannam
angry with a bhikkhu of Āḷavī because the (origination of the kilesas not completely
bhikkhu cut the branch of a tree where the deity eradicated).
lived, and even when he was requested by him not This sort of detailed explanation helps the
to demolish his abode for constructing his vihāra, reader a great deal, and he comes to know what
he did not pay any heed to his request. Moreover, kind of origination is and how what has originated
he knocked the arm of his son while cutting the can be ended or eradicated. If one knows the
branch. This made the tree deity furious. He origin of a thing, it is easy to end it.
wanted to kill the bhikkhu on the spot, but think- While explaining kodhaṃ (anger),
ing that giving vent to anger is not good, he went Buddhaghosa goes deep into the problem of
to the Buddha and complained to him against the anger, its various causes, and the harm it can do.
bhikkhu. Therefore, anger must be removed. The Pali word
The Buddha was very happy to know that the for removal is vinaya (derived from vineti – to
tree deity had controlled his anger and had not remove). Not only its two kinds such as saṃvara
become a prey to his passion. It is in this context, vinaya (removal consisting in restraint) and
particularly in praise of such exercise of control pahāna vinaya (removal consisting in overcom-
over his anger, that the Buddha said that “a monk ing) but five kinds of each have been explained
who controls the rise of anger goes beyond the with examples from the Tipiṭaka by him. The first
bounds of both here and yon like a snake, who comprises restraint by virtue (sī la saṃvara),
sheds his old and worn-out slough.” restraint by mindfulness (sati saṃvara), restraint
The second characteristic of his exegesis by insight (ñāṇa saṃvara), restraint by patience
(Aṭṭhakathā) is word for word explanation. Here (khanti saṃvara), and restraint by effort (viriya
also Buddhaghosa is different from other com- saṃvara).
mentators. Whereas other commentators explain In the same way, he has explained five kinds of
the meaning of words by giving their synonyms pahāna vinaya (removal consisting in overcom-
and quoting grammatical rules how that particular ing). They are tadaṅgappahāna (overcoming by
word is formed, Buddhaghosa is not satisfied with the opposite), vikkhambhana-pahāna (overcom-
giving only the lexical meaning of words, which ing by repression), samuccheda-pahāna (over-
he thinks significant, but he does more than that. coming by destruction), paṭipassaddhi-pahāna
He explains them in detail. For example, he does (overcoming by tranquillization), and nissaraṇa-
not only say that uppatitaṃ means uppannaṃ pahāna (overcoming by escape).
but explains its different kinds such as Another important characteristic of his method
vattamānuppannaṃ (dhammas which arise, of exegesis is giving different connotations of
Commentarial Literature 327

a compound word in great detail. For example, where possible and explains them in detail. But
“orapāram” consists of “ora” (this world) and there is one respect in which he surpasses all
“pāra” (the higher worlds), whereas “ora” stands previous commentators. Scholars might say that
for one’s own self, six internal āyatanas, human he had learned this method of commenting from
world, kāma dhātu, kāmarūpa bhava and self the previous Sīhala commentators, but this will be
and “pāra” stands for other’s self, six external just a conjecture because the commentaries on the
āyatanas, devaloka, rūpārūpa dhātu, arūpa basis of which they could prove it are irretrievably C
bhava and the requisites for making one happy. lost. We know that the commentaries written in
Yet other characteristic of his method of exe- Sīhalī language were given to Buddhaghosa to
gesis is that while explaining a lexical term, he render them into Māgadhī only when the senior
gives its types. For example, wealth (dhana) is of monks of Ceylon tested his intelligence. The
five kinds, such as wealth earned by giving gift Visuddhimaggo that he wrote clearly brings out
and observing precepts which follows you his vast knowledge of the Tipiṭaka and his deeper
(anugāmikadhanaṃ), immoveable (thāvara) understanding of the teachings of the Buddha as
property consisting in arable land and the plot of also the method adopted by him to make mean-
land where houses can be constructed, moveable ings of the words of the Buddha crystal clear. On
(jaṅgama) property like cows and horses, etc.; the basis of his performance as a writer of the
collectable (saṃhāriya) is a property like gold Visuddhimaggo where he explained sī le
and ornaments made of gold, learning of crafts patiṭṭhāya naro sapañño, we can say that he
with limbs like hand, etc., so that they become broke new ground. The following passage may
as important as parts of one’s body be taken as a typical example of his method.
(aṅgasamadhana); (ibid., 35) greed (lolatā) is of
five kinds (greed for food, greed for ornament, Brahmacariyaṃ nāma methunaviratisamaṇadham-
masāsanamaggānaṃ adhivacanaṃ. Tathā hi
greed for making love to another man than her “abrahmacariyaṃ pahāya brahmacārī hotī ”ti (D.
husband, greed for earning wealth by hook or by 1.194; M. 1.292) evamādī su methunavi rati
crook, and greed for loafing about visiting differ- brahmacariyanti vuccati. “Bhagavati no, āvuso,
ent places) (ibid., 30); and cows are of three types brahmacariyaṃ vussatī ”ti evamādī su (M 1. 257)
samaṇadhammo. “Na tāvāhaṃ, pāpima,
such as cows giving milk (dhenupā), pregnant parinibbāyissāmi, yāva me idaṃ brahmacariyaṃ
cows (godharaṇī ), and cows young enough to na iddhañceva bhavissati phī tañca vitthārikaṃ
mate with bulls (paveṇiyo). bāhujaññan”ti evamādī su (D. 2.168; S. 5.822; U.
Let us now show the difference between 51) sāsanaṃ. “Ayameva kho, bhikkhu, ariyo
aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo brahmacariyaṃ.
Sāyanācārya and Buddhaghosa by showing the Seyyathidaṃsammādiṭṭhī ” ti evamādī su (S 5.6)
difference between the Bhāṣya and Aṭṭhakathās. maggo.
The Aṭṭhakathās in Pali are distinguished from
Bhāṣyas in Sanskrit in more than one respect. It is pretty evident from this that Buddhaghosa
The latter brings out the intended meaning by takes up a polysemous word, brings out all its
exclusively explaining the meaning of words. different meanings, quotes sentences from the
Sāyanācārya explains the meaning of words by Tipitaka to show their different uses, and then
giving synonyms from Yāska’s Nirukta. He also puts his finger on the meaning that it obtains in
explains meanings by showing the formation of a particular context. Like a modern compiler of
words. He quotes the rules of Pāṇini and good dictionary, he gives all different meanings
Uṇādisūtras to show how a particular word is with examples/usages.
formed. The third method followed very rarely is Scholars may disapprove of this method and
to refer to the variants in the text – ityapapāṭhah. may argue that giving all meanings of a word does
Buddhaghosa in his commentary breaks new not serve our purpose of understanding the text
ground. In addition to giving meaning of words quickly. Isn’t it, they would say, like taking us
and referring to grammatical rules for explaining round and round a jungle to show us a particular
their formation, he also enumerates their kinds tree? But I think that it has a great value. It also
328 Commentarial Literature

speaks of the great authority that Buddhaghosa Ettāvatā ca kodho paramavepullappatto hoti.
wields in bringing out the meaning. The numerous Sobhagavatā bodhimaṇḍeyeva sabbaso pahī no
ucchinnamūlo tālāvatthukato, tasmā bhagavā
quotes that he gives from the Tipitaka prove “akkodhanohamasmī ” ti āha
beyond any doubt that the entire Pali Tipitaka
was at his finger’s tips, and therefore what he One type of anger arises in one, burns him for
says here is authentic. The second importance of some time, and then is quieted; another type of
this method is if we collect all the polysemous anger stronger than the first distorts his face and
words found in his commentaries, an exhaustive his facial expression makes it clear that he is
and authoritative Pali Dictionary can be compiled. angry; the third type stronger even than the second
Another characteristic of his commentary is the agitates him so much that he becomes ready to
collection of variants. The text abounds in “iti pi speak harsh words; the fourth type of anger makes
pāṭho.” This proves that he took meticulous care him speak harsh words; the fifth type stronger than
of consulting a number of texts or manuscripts to the fourth one makes him look for weapons and
write commentary of the text he considered staff, yet stronger anger makes him take a weapon,
authentic or genuine. Like a modern editor, he yet stronger anger makes him run after the man
adopted all apparatus criticus to bring out with whom he is angry, yet stronger anger makes
a correct text as far as possible. him beat the man with a staff, yet stronger anger
Buddhaghosa also reveals his deep knowledge makes him kill even his relative, and yet stronger
of Pali grammar. He shows genitive being used for anger makes him so repentant that he commits
accusative and instrumental used for accusative suicide.
and locative. This is a wonderful psychological description
Apart from these characteristics, of different degrees of anger.
Buddhaghosa’s commentary has two very impor- The commentary on the Dhaniya Sutta high-
tant dimensions. The first is that he brings his lights the Buddha’s comparison and contrast
psycho-ethical knowledge/scholarship to bear between worldly pleasure and nibbānic bliss.
upon his commentary. This can be seen in his Worldly pleasures are insatiable. They keep us
exegesis of anger, its different degrees, what constantly burning. This fire that keeps us burning
harm it can do, and how it can be controlled. All can be put out only by sprinkling the water of the
these are subtle psycho-ethical matters, which Noble Eightfold Path. The Noble Eightfold Path
Buddhaghosa describes competently and compre- has been compared with water. As water cools
hensively. This is clear from his commentary on a man burning with heat, walking on the Noble
the Uraga Sutta. Different degrees of anger have Eightfold Path can cool him burning with desires.
been explained in the following way: This is an apt and innovative simile. Buddhaghosa
gives many such apt and appropriate similes to
Visesapadānaṃ panāyaṃ padato atthato ca
vaṇṇanā akkodhanoti akujjhanasabhāvo. Yo hi make the meaning clear. Some similes are very
so pubbe vuttappakāra-āghātavatthusambhavo sublime and exalting. We shall speak about such
kodho ekaccassa suparittopi uppajjamāno apt and exalting similes later.
hadayaṃ santāpetvā vūpasammati, yena ca tato
Buddhaghosa is also aware of many social
balavataruppannena ekacco mukhavikuṇa-
namattaṃ karoti, tato balavatarena ekacco aspects and the popular beliefs in the society of
pharusaṃ vattukāmo hanusañcalanamattaṃ that time as he is aware of moral and ethical
karoti, aparo tato balavatarena pharusaṃ bhaṇati, aspects. This is revealed in his commentary on
aparo tato balavatarena daṇḍaṃ vā satthaṃ vā
the Dhaniya Sutta. Here he makes a distinction
gavesanto disā viloketi, aparo tato balavatarena
daṇḍaṃ vā satthaṃ vā āmasati, aparo tato between a gopa and a gopālaka. Dhaniya is
balavatarena daṇḍādī ni gahetvā upadhāvati, a gopa, not a gopālaka, because he keeps his
aparo tato balavatarena ekaṃ vā dve vā own cows and does not work as a laborer for
pahāre deti, aparo tato balavatarena api
keeping other’s cows. ‘Yo hi attano gāvo pāleti,
ñātisālohitaṃ jī vitā voropeti, ekacco tato
balavatarena pacchā vippaṭisārī attānampi jī vitā so ‘gopo’ ti vuccati. Yo paresaṃ vetanena bhato
voropeti sī haḷadī pe kālagāmavāsī amacco viya. hutvā, so gopālako’” ([5], Vol. 84).
Commentarial Literature 329

Buddhaghosa’s Birth and Early Life Lastly he describes paññā (wisdom, under-
standing). He says that understanding grows in
Buddhaghosa was born in Bodh Gaya. He was the soil of aggregates, bases, elements, faculties,
a Brahman and very early he became a great truths, dependent origination, etc. With the help of
scholar of the three Vedas. He had a great passion a beautiful simile, he shows how paññā is devel-
for acquiring knowledge. He used to go from oped. He says, “Now the things classed as aggre-
place to place and meet scholars with whom he gates, bases, elements, faculties, truths, dependent C
debated. He defeated all of them. But once he met origination, etc., are the soil of this understanding,
Revata – a Buddhist monk who defeated him. and the first two purifications namely Purification
When he heard the teachings of the Buddha from of Virtue and Purification of Consciousness, are
him, he was sure that the path taught by the its roots, while the five purifications namely, Puri-
Buddha is the right path to attain nibbāna. He fication of view, Purification by Overcoming
became ordained as a Buddhist monk. Seeing his Doubt, Purification of Knowledge and Vision of
genius and vast knowledge, his teacher Bhikkhu what is the path and What is not the Path, Purifi-
Revata asked him to go to Sri Lanka and bring cation by Knowledge and Vision of the way, and
back all the Aṭṭhakathās from there as they were Purification by knowledge and the vision, are its
not here in India. They were there preserved in trunk.” ([8], p. 560).
Sīhalī Language. He had to translate them into He then describes in detail the aggregates,
Māgadhī Language. bases and elements and faculties, law of depen-
He went to Sri Lanka and expressed his desire dent origination, etc. and makes it clear that noth-
to translate Aṭṭhakathās into Māgadhī. But the ing is permanent, but all these are in a constant
monks of the Mahāvihāra wanted to test his abil- state of flux. All are changing. Nothing is perma-
ity. He was given two verses, one forming the nent. When one realizes this, he develops under-
question put by a deity to the Buddha and the standing, develops non-attachment (nirveda), and
other the answer given by the Buddha to the deity. ultimately attains nibbāna.
The question was:
The inner tangle and the outer tangle—
This generation is entangled in a tangle. Four Commentaries of the Four Nikāyas
And so I ask of Gotama this question;
Who succeeds in disentangling this tangle?
([6], p. 1)
The Sumaṅgalavilāsinī – commentary of the
Dīgha Nikāya – has a number of anecdotes. It
And the answer given by the Buddha was: contains the description of the life of the Buddha
When a wise man, established well in Virtue and his disciples. Here one finds why the Buddha
Develops Consciousness and Understanding, is called “Tathāgata.” Eight explanations are
Then as a bhikkhu ardent and sagacious given here. It contains not only the political,
He succeeds in disentangling this tangle. ([6], p. 1)
social, historical, and religious conditions of
As an explanation of these two verses, India of that time but also it gives a lot of infor-
Buddhaghosa wrote the Visuddhimaggo in which mation about important persons like Jīvaka,
he describes in great detail the three milestones on Bimbisāra, Ajātasatru, and Ambaṭṭha.
the path of purification. They are sī la (virtue), The Papañcasūdanī – commentary of the
samādhi (concentration), and paññā (wisdom). Majjhima Nikāya – is full of the important expla-
Here he explains virtue, its characteristics and nation of the Buddha and his Dhamma. It is also
function, its benefits, and its kinds. He also important from the historical and geographical
explains here how virtue is defiled and how it points of view. Here we get descriptions of
can be cleansed. Kuru, Srāvastī, and Himavanta.
Similarly he describes concentration, its char- The Sāratthapakāsinī –commentary of the
acteristics, its function, its kinds, and its defile- Saṃyutta Nikāya – is also important from histor-
ment and cleansing. He also describes its benefits. ical and geographical points of view. Here we get
330 Commentarial Literature

a description of the parinibbāna of Sāriputta and grammar to justify a particular use, and explains
Tissa Thera’s love of forest life. We also get some the meaning of the verse or prose passage. Like
important information about Mahākassapa here. Buddhaghosa he also gives all meanings of
The Manorathapūraṇī – commentary of the a polysemous word, gives quotations from the
Aṅguttara Nikāya – is very important from this Tipiṭaka, and points out the meaning that the
point of view that it contains the biographies of word has in a particular context ([7], p. 25).
the important male and female disciples of the He also like Buddhaghosa compared and
Buddha both the ordained and the laity. consulted many existing manuscripts of a text
The Paramatthajotikā is the commentary of which is clear from the phrase “Iti pi pāṭho”
the Khuddaka Pāṭha and the Sutta Nipāta of the found here and there in the text.
Khuddaka Nikāya. The Ratanasuttavaṇṇanā of In the Theragāthā Aṭṭhakathā Dhammapāla
the Sutta Nipāta Aṭṭhakathā contains the story of speaks of three kinds of pabbajjā (ordination),
the origin of the Licchavis, the Vajjis, and Vesālī. such as paribbājaka pabbajjā, tāpasa pabbajjā,
In the Hirisuttavaṇṇanā, we get a description of and isi pabbajjā. It also refers to trade and com-
eight kinds of ascetics (tāpasas) such as merce of that time.
Saputtabhariyā, Uñchācārikā, Sampattakālikā, Both the Theragāthā Aṭṭhakathā and the
Anaggipakkikā, Asmamuṭṭhikā, Dantaluyyakā, Therīgāthā Aṭṭhakathā amply prove that not
Pavattaphalikā, and Vanṭamuttikā. only people of Brahmin caste but also people
The Dhammapadaṭṭhakathā has many stories belonging to other castes such as śūdras including
similar to Jātaka stories. This Aṭṭhakathā makes laborers, slaves, fishermen, and elephant trainers
a very good reading. The stories are very interest- followed the teachings of the Buddha, joined the
ing and make points very clear. saṅgha, walked on the Noble Eightfold Path,
Buddhaghosa wrote Aṭṭhakathās on the attained nibbāna, and became arhats.
Abhidhammattha saṅgaho. His commentary on Commentarial Literature, therefore, is very
Dhammasangini called Atthasālinī is very deep important not only from the viewpoint of getting
but difficult to understand as it deals with mind closer to the meaning of words the Buddha used in
and matter. Besides he wrote The the Tipiṭaka but also it throws ample light on the
Sammohavinodanī on the Vibhaṅga and the historical, social, economic, and political condi-
Pañcappakaraṇa Aṭṭhakathā on the rest of five tions of India of that time. It also throws light on
books of Abhidhamma. different philosophies that grew here. It is thus
a storehouse of many important information
about the life and culture of that time.
Dhammapāla’s Works

Dhammapāla who was born in Kañchipur had his Cross-References

education in the Mahāvihāra of Sri Lanka. He
wrote commentaries on those books of the ▶ Buddhaghosa
Khuddaka Nikāya on which Buddhaghosa did ▶ Buddhapālita
not write commentary. His Paramatthadī panī
includes the Aṭṭhakathās on Udāna, Itivuttaka,
Vimānavatthu, Petavatthu, Theragāthā,
References
Therīgāthā, and Cariyāpiṭaka. The Theragāthā 1. Gray J (ed) Buddhaghosuppatti, p 60. Āvuso
Aṭṭhakathā and the Therīgāthā Aṭṭhakathā are Buddhaghosa ahaṃ tayā pubbe laṅkā dīpe bhagavato
important from historical point of view as they sāsanaṃ kātuṃ āgatomhī ti vatvā ahaṃ appāyuko tvaṃ
record the biographies of the theras and therī s, eva sādhu karohīti
2. Dhammakitti Mahathera, Saddhammasaṅgaho, p 33.
respectively. Atha kho bhikkhusaṅgho piṭakattayapālipotthake
Dhammapāla also, like Buddhaghosa, gives sīhalaṭṭhakathāpotthakehi saddhiṃ adāsi, Devanagari
the meaning of words, refers to the rules of edn
Cosmic Law 331

3. Buddhaghosa (1998) Ayaṃ pana me attano mati. VRI,

Dhammagiri Concept of a Person
4. Sīlakkhandhavagga Aṭṭhakathā 1.2 Iti pana sabbaṃ
yasmā visuddhimagge mayā suparisuddhaṃ vuttaṃ
tasmā bhiyyo na taṃ idha vicārayissāmi (1998) VRI, ▶ Puggalapaññatti
Dhammagiri
5. Chaudhary A (2010–2011) Buddhaghosa:
a commentator Par Excellence. J Asiatic Soc, (pp 1-6)
Mumbai 84
C
6. Buddhaghosa (1998) Visuddhimaggo. VRI,
Dhammagiri, p 1. Anto jaṭā bahi jaṭā, jaṭāya jaṭitā
Concubinage
pajā/, Taṃ taṃ gotama pucchāmi, ko imaṃ vijaṭaye
jaṭanti//, Sīle patiṭṭhāya naro sapañño, cittaṃ paññaṃ ▶ Polygamy (Buddhism)
ca bhāvayaṃ/, Ātāpī nipako bhikkhu, so imaṃ vijaṭaye
jatanti// ibid p 1
7. VRI (1995) Theragatha Atthakatha, vol I, p 25
8. Ñāṇamoli B (tr) The path of purification, p 560 (printed
in Taiwan)
9. Pāthikavagga Aṭṭhakathā 3.220. Sā hi mahā
Conjugal Bond
aṭṭhakathāya sāramādāya niṭṭhitā esā (1998) VRI,
Dhammagiri ▶ Marriage (Buddhism)

Commentator on Nāgārjuna’s Consciousness

Madhyamaka-śāstra
▶ Viññāṇa
▶ Buddhapālita

Common Property Consciousness-Only

▶ Universal ▶ Vijñānavāda

Compassion Consumerism (Buddhism)

▶ Karuṇā ▶ Economics (Buddhism)

Compendium of Dhammas Conversance

▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī ▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)

Composer of Madhyamaka-vrtti Cosmic Law

˙
▶ Buddhapālita ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
332 Craving

expositions of the four noble truths in several

Craving Chinese Āgama discourses):

Bhikkhu Anālayo • Sensual craving, kāma-taṇhā

Center for Buddhist Studies, University of • Craving for existence, bhava-taṇhā
Hamburg, Balve, Germany • Craving for nonexistence, vibhava-taṇhā

The first of these, sensual craving, could man-

ifest in relation to anything experienced by way of
Synonyms
the senses. Taking sensual pleasures to be gratify-
ing leads to a quest for obtaining them through
Taṇhā (Pāli); Tṛṣṇā (Sanskrit)
earning a livelihood, a quest that in itself is often
enough beset with much suffering, pain, and at
times even danger ([1], Vol. I, p. 86). When in
Definition spite of all effort this quest is not successful, one
sorrows and grieves, crying in distress. Should the
According to the early Buddhist analysis of exis- effort succeed, however, one’s gains will have to
tence, craving is the root cause of the human be protected against avaricious kings and cunning
predicament. Its role in this respect is highlighted thieves as well as against natural calamities.
in the second of the four noble truths, which Moreover, as a result of their quest to satisfy
identifies craving as the crucial condition for the craving, men only too often resort to the taking
arising of dukkha and therewith for continued up of sticks and swords. They thereby experience
rebirth in saṃsāric existence. the suffering and evils of quarrel, warfare, and
crime, just for the sake of enjoying fleeting sen-
sual pleasures.
Craving Craving for existence could be concerned with
various forms of existence, in the sense of wanting
The perhaps most central teaching of early Bud- to be in a certain position or situation in one’s near
dhism, and at the same time the topic of what or more distant future. A first beginning of such
according to tradition was the first discourse craving for existence cannot be predicated ([2],
delivered by the Buddha, delineates four noble Vol. V, p. 116). That is, according to Buddhism,
truths. These four noble truths set out by identify- craving for existence has been one’s companion
ing the scope of dukkha (first truth) – a term whose since times immemorial.
meaning ranges from barely noticeable dissatis- Craving for nonexistence would then range
faction to outright suffering as inherent features of from the comparatively gross suicidal impulse to
human existence – and then proceed by delineat- the spiritually motivated aspiration to leave
ing the arising of dukkha (second truth), its cessa- behind the sense of selfhood through a mystic
tion (third truth), and the path that leads to its merger with some form of ultimate reality.
cessation (fourth truth). From a Buddhist perspective, all these forms of
According to this analysis, the key factor craving are but manifestations of ignorance. True
responsible for the experience of dissatisfaction, happiness cannot be found either in satisfying
frustration, suffering, or outright pain – in other sensual desires or in achieving any form of exis-
words, for the arising of dukkha – is craving. The tence, while the attempt to transcend selfhood
standard exposition of the second noble truth in through some form of mysticism is misdirected,
the Pāli discourses differentiates this key factor since the truth of the matter is that there was never
into three aspects (a presentation absent from a self in the first place.
Craving 333

The Arising of Craving 335). In contrast, sorrow falls off from those who
overcome craving, like water from a lotus leaf
Factors that according to the second noble truth ([4], 336).
accompany craving are delight and lust, in other
words, one’s tendency of delighting here and there
([3], Vol. V, p. 421). This reference to a tendency The Cessation of Craving
of delighting here and there, in this or that, reveals C
the nature of the unawakened mind as being on the The extinction of craving stands on a par with
lookout for something delightful and gratifying, various other epithets of Nirvāṇa ([1], Vol. I,
as a consequence of which craving will grow. p. 436). The complete cessation of craving, its
To highlight the dynamic that results from per- giving up and relinquishment, is the theme of the
ceiving things as gratifying, the discourses third noble truth, which points out that with the
employ several similes. Just like a great fire, to cessation of craving the cessation of dukkha is
which more fuel is added, will keep on burning for reached.
a long time, so craving will increase when one The liberation attained through the destruction
perceives things that can be clung to as gratifying of craving implies the highest degree of ethical
([3], Vol. II, p. 85). In this way, craving will perfection in early Buddhism. Thus, an arahant,
continue just like an oil lamp will keep burning one who has completely eradicated all forms of
as long as oil is added and the wick is adjusted craving, is held to be incapable of consciously
([3], Vol. II, p. 86). killing a living being, of taking what has not
Craving arises and becomes established in been given, of engaging in sex, of knowingly
regard to whatever in this world is pleasant and speaking falsehood, and of enjoying sensual plea-
agreeable, by way of mistaking it to be lasting, to sures by hoarding them in the way normally done
provide real happiness and satisfaction. Such in households ([1], Vol. I, p. 523).
a mistake finally leads to the wish to appropriate The freedom that results from the destruction
it. Yielding to such craving is comparable to of craving is reckoned as yielding supreme hap-
a thirsty man who partakes of a drink that is of piness. A stanza proclaims that neither sensual
exquisite taste, even though he knows it to contain happiness in the world nor divine happiness in
poison ([3], Vol. II, p. 110). heaven is worth even the 16th part of the happi-
These similes illustrate, from complementary ness of the destruction of craving ([5], p. 11).
perspectives, a central point made in the standard Since it is reasonable to give up a minor happi-
presentation of the dependent arising, paṭicca ness, if in this way a greater and superior happi-
samuppāda, of dukkha in early Buddhist dis- ness can be gained ([4], 290), a true disciple of the
course. According to this standard presentation, Buddha should not delight even in divine plea-
the arising of craving takes place in dependence sures, but rather delight in the destruction of crav-
on feeling. Hence, it is when feelings arise and ing ([4], 187).
manifest that craving needs to be kept in check.
In addition to pointing out the role of feeling as
the condition for craving, the 12-link presentation The Path to Freedom from Craving
of dependent arising also highlights that craving
in turn is responsible for the arising of clinging or The path to freedom from craving and therewith to
attachment, and ultimately therewith for the aris- freedom from dukkha is said to be the noble eight-
ing of dukkha. fold path, which requires the combined develop-
In short, for the ignorant ones who allow them- ment of rightly directed view, intentions, speech,
selves to succumb to the arising of craving, sor- action, livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and
rows grow, just like grass grows after rain ([4], concentration.
334 Craving

Since craving arises and grows due to perceiv- passage, namely, as a term that represents the
ing something as gratifying, viewing things as highest of aspirations, the wish to reach full liber-
unsatisfactory leads to diminishing and eventually ation, is significant. That craving can become the
to eradicating craving. In the case of sexual means to overcome craving points to a gradual
desires, such craving grows ever more as long as approach, which replaces unwholesome forms of
particular aspects of the body are seen as beautiful craving and desire with more wholesome counter-
([4], 349). A method that counters sensual craving parts. The central point behind this presentation is
would then be a contemplation of the body as not to bring out the need for a step by step procedure
beautiful, asubha, undertaken by directing mind- when trying to eradicate craving.
fulness to the anatomical constitution of the body, Another aspect of the same dictum is the need
for example. to develop wisdom, in the sense that to overcome
The unsatisfactory nature of sensual pleasures craving through craving requires a clear distinc-
is the theme of a series of similes ([1], Vol. I, tion between wholesome objects of desire and
p. 364). According to this series, to seek satisfac- their unwholesome counterparts, coupled with
tion in sensuality is comparable to a hungry dog the insight that the objects of unwholesome crav-
that gnaws a meatless bone, or to a bird that has ings are of such nature that they will never yield
gotten hold of a bit of food but is right away any lasting or true satisfaction.
attacked by other birds and therefore has to let The dictum according to which craving should
go of the food in order to avoid injury. Thirst for be overcome through craving thus enjoins
sensuality burns, just like a blazing torch held a gradual shift of the basic mode of craving and
against the wind or like falling into a burning desire from unwholesome to wholesome objects.
charcoal pit. Sensual pleasures are illusory like This shift is based on clear awareness of the fact
a dream or like parading with things that are that the deep-seated tendency to craving can only
owned by others. To pursue sensual pleasures is be overcome if wholesome forms of “desire” and
dangerous, like climbing up a tree in search for even “craving” are used as tools for progressing
fruit, only to find that the tree is being cut down by on the path to total freedom from any craving.
another person.
Another passage compares indulging in sen-
sual pleasures to a leper, who cauterizes his Cross-References
wounds over a fire and scratches them. The leper
experiences momentary relief by an act that aggra- ▶ Taṇhā
vates his condition ([1], Vol. I, p. 507). The chief
purpose behind these sometimes stark similes is to
aid the development of wisdom that sees craving References
for sensual satisfaction as futile and meaningless.
To eradicate the mode of craving that is 1. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
directed to existence requires the development of Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
2. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
deeper insight ([1], Vol. III, p. 289). Such insight Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
would in particular be concerned with unveiling 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
the illusory nature of the notion “I am,” which is Pali Text Society, Oxford
the very basis for any craving for existence. 4. von Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) The
Dhammapada. Pali Text Society, London (references
According to an instruction delivered by the are by stanza)
Buddha’s personal attendant, it is based on crav- 5. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udāna. Pali Text Society,
ing that craving should be overcome ([2], Vol. II, London
p. 145). As the same discourse explains, based on 6. Anālayo (2011) Śakra and the destruction of craving.
Indian Int J Buddh Stud 12:157–176
craving for liberation other forms of craving can 7. Matthews B (1983) Craving and salvation, a study in
be overcome. The tantalizing use of the term Buddhist soteriology. Canadian Corporation for Studies
craving in an evidently positive sense in this in Religion, Ontario
D

Daeil Yeorae Definition

▶ Vairocana Derived from the root “da” (1P, 3U) means to give,
to hand over; “dana” (noun) act of giving; liberal-
ity; munificence; especially a charitable gift to
a bhikkhu or to the community of bhikkhus; con-
stitutes a meritorious act ([1], p. 318). Caga means
Daiba generosity, munificence; (silasampanno saddho
purisapuggalo sabbe maccharino loke cagena
▶ Āryadeva atirocati – one who is virtuous and religious
excels all stingy people in generosity ([2], Vol. II.
Pt.1.4.5.31–32.); liberal spending of alms ([3], Pt.I.
7.5.160); fruit of munificence, giving (danaphala,
dana paramita); meritorious act of giving (deya
Dainichi Nyorai dhammam [4], Pt.I.7.2.199).
Tradition of Dana: Buddhists believe that
▶ Vairocana giving without seeking anything in return leads
to greater spiritual wealth. Moreover, it reduces
the acquisitive impulses that ultimately lead to
continued dukkha ([5], p. 236, 238). Giving
(dana), liberality; offering, alms, specifically, giv-
Dāna (Buddhism) ing of any of the four requisites to the monastic
order, more generally, the inclination to give,
K. Sankarnarayan without expecting any form of repayment from
K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, the recipient. Dana is the first theme in the
Mumbai, India Buddha’s system of gradual training (anupubbi-
katha), the first of the ten perfections (paramis),
one of the seven treasures (dhanam), and the first
Synonyms of the three grounds for meritorious action (sila
and bhavana [6], Vol. II. 21.434.v.176).
Caga – generosity; Donation; Gift; Munificence; Dana and Caga: Both are identified as one of
Offering; Tyaga the four traits conditioning happiness and wealth in

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
336 Dāna (Buddhism)

the next life ([2], Vol. III. Pt.1.6.1.4). Giving (dana) Pt.1.4.6.36). Giving, a Dharma life, caring for
in Buddhist tradition includes charity or giving relatives, and blameless deeds: this is the greatest
material help to people in want. It also includes fortune ([10], 2.16.4. v.263 danam ca
giving spiritual guidance to those who seek it and dhammcariya ca nnatakanam ca sangaho/
loving kindness to all who need it. It is pointed out anavajjani kammani etam mangalamuttamam//).
there are two gifts (dana, [2], Vol. I. Pt.2.13.3; [7], A lay follower is accomplished in generosity
tr., 2.13.3., p. 81), namely, carnal (amisadana) and dwells at home with a heart freed from the
spirit (dhammadana). These great giving comprise taint of stinginess (cetasagaram). He is open
the meticulous observance of the Five Precepts. By handed, pure handed (payatapanini), delighting
doing so one gives fearlessness, love, and benevo- in self-surrender, to ask a favor of (muktacaga),
lence to all beings. If one human being can give rejoices in dispensing of charitable gifts
security and freedom from fear to others by his (danasamvibhagarata) ([4], Vol. III. Pt.2.11.4.
behavior, that is the highest form of dana one can 9.1035).
give, not only to mankind, but to all living beings A person of ample wealth enjoying all by him-
([6], Vol. I. 21.535, v. 232) Thus the gift of teachings self, not sharing or giving to the needy, is digging
(dhammadana) excels all gifts ([8], v.354); this pre- his own grave ([10], 1.6.v.102- pahuvitto puriso
cept has been emphasized through Jataka stories. sahiranno sabhojano/eko bhujjati saduni tam
The Paramis: The paramis are the noble qual- parabhavato mukham//). Man reaps his fruit by
ities such as giving, etc., accompanied by com- his own deeds as he sows he reaps (yadisam
passion and skillful means, and untainted by vapate bijam, tadisam harate phalanti – [6],
craving, conceit, and views. Giving has the char- 222.v.144).
acteristic of relinquishing; its function is to dispel The Five Gifts: The five great gifts referred to
greed for things that can be given away; its man- in the teachings of the Buddha – original, long-
ifestation is nonattachment, or the achievement of standing, traditional, ancient, unadulterated,
prosperity and a favorable state of existence; an unadulterated from the beginning – that are not
object that can be relinquished is its proximate open to suspicion ([2], III.1.4.9.39); besides this,
cause ([9], p. 236). there are 14 things which are considered as worthy
According to Caryapitaka and Jatakas there gifts – 14 items that are fit to be given for charity.
are ten perfections (Dasa Paramita or Dasa They are robes, alms food, dwelling places,
Paramita bhumi), namely, generosity (dana) medicine, and other requisites for the sick, food,
([9], p. 91.), good conduct (sila), renunciation drink, cloths, vehicles, garlands, perfume,
(nekkhamma), wisdom (panna), firmness (virya), unguent, beds, houses, and lamps ([2], Vol. III.
patience (khanti), truth (sacca), resolution Pt.1.4.5.35; [11], Vol. 2.523; [6], Vol. II. 524,
(adhitthana), kindness (metta), and equanimity v.174–175; p. 14).
(upekkha). The six “paramitas” of Mahayana Gift of Person of Integrity: A person of integ-
Buddhist tradition are “dana” (gift), “sila” rity gives a gift with a sense of conviction. A person
(morality), “ksanti” (forbearance), “virya” of integrity gives a gift attentively. A person of
(energy), “dhyana” (meditation), and “prajna” integrity gives a gift in season. A person of integrity
(wisdom). gives a gift with an empathetic heart. A person of
Gifts/Dana: The teachings of the Buddha integrity gives a gift without adversely affecting
emphasize the importance of giving gift, advan- himself or others ([2], III.1.4.7.37; [7], tr.
tages from gifts, the timely gifts, the gifts which VIII.4.38, pp. 166–167).
are worthy to be given ([2], Vol. II. Pt.1.4.5.35; The Right Occasion to Give Gifts ([2],
6,36), and the gifts of a good man ([2], Vol. II. II.1.4.6.36): The five gifts are to be given at the
Pt.1.15.8.148.). right time – giving gifts to a guest, giving gifts to
The Practice of Giving: Giving is considered one going away, giving gifts to the sick, giving
as among the first of the three act of meritorious gifts when there is a famine, and leaving aside the
deeds (punnakiriyavatthu) ([2], Vol. III. first reaping of grains and the first fruits to the
Dāna (Buddhism) 337

virtuous. These are the five gifts to be given at the deti); one also may give with the hope of getting
right time. a similar favor for oneself in the future (dassati me
The wise give at the right time, talking politely ti danam deti); one gives because giving is con-
and dispelling selfishness. Giving to the straight- sidered good (Sadhu danan ti danam deti); still
forward noble ones, with a pleasant mind, the others give alms to adorn and beautify the mind
results are much. When they are pleased, the (Cittalankara-cittaparikkarattham danam deti).
results are much. Good results are not lacking to Favoritism (chanda), ill will (dosa), and delu-
those who attend rejoicing. Gifts given with an sion (moha) are also listed as motives for giving.
unobstructed mind bring much merit and merit Sometimes alms are given for the sake of D
supports beings in the otherworld. ([7], Vol. III. maintaining a long-standing family tradition
iv.vi.36.). (kulavamsam). Desire to be reborn in heaven
Kind of Gifts to be Made and the Benefit: It after death (param marana sugatim saggam
is explained further which are considered as the lokam upajjissami’ ti) is another dominant motive
best gifts to be made. They are held in high ([6], Vol. II. 21.537.v.441–442). Giving pleases
esteem by noble-minded men from ancient some and they give with the idea of winning
times. Among those charity (danam), kind a happy frame of mind (cittam pasidati – [2],
words (peyyyavajjanca), doing a good turn Vol. III. Pt.3.4.33,35).
(atthacariya), and treating all like (samanattata), It is maintained in the suttas that neither alms
charity is considered as the highest ([2], Vol. I. Pt should be given with any expectations ([2],
2.4.31–34). Vol. II. Pt.2.5.9.52 – na sapekho danam deti) nor
Of those who have faith in the Order (dhamma) should alms be given with attachment to the recip-
the field of merit is supreme. But of those who ient. If one gives with the idea of accumulating
give gift of their best, their merit does increase, things for later use that is an inferior act of giving.
attain the best in their life – beauty, fame, good If one gives with the hope of enjoying the result
report, bliss, and strength ([2], Vol. I. Pt.2.32.; [7], thereof after death that is also an inferior act of
tr. Vol. II, pp. 39–40). Therefore, long life, good giving. The only valid motive for giving should be
appearance, happiness, and strength will be his the motive of adorning the mind, to rid the mind of
share, whether among heavenly beings or among the ugliness of greed and selfishness.
men ([2], Vol. I. Pt.2.4.34). Five blessings accrue Benefits of Giving Gifts: Becomes pleasing to
to the giver of alms: the affection of many, noble many, associates appeased Great Men, a good
association, good reputation, self-confidence, and name spreads, the ethics of the lay life get com-
heavenly rebirth. pleted, after death is born in a good state, in
Motivation of Giving Gifts: However, one’s heaven. These are the five benefits of giving
motivation for giving to others is at least as impor- gifts ([2], Vol. II. Pt.1. 4.5.34). Making offering
tant as what is given. What is right or wrong one should cleanse the mind in all ways. For the
motivation? A number of motivations for practic- one who offers, the offering helps abandon hatred
ing charity are listed. These include being shamed ([10], 3.,31.5 v.506). Making offering you should
or intimidated into giving; giving to receive cleanse the mind in all ways. Friendship between
a favor; giving to feel good about oneself. These the donor and the recipient strengthens ([10],
are impure motivations ([2], Vol. III. Pt.1.4.31). 1.10.10.v.187). Giving, a Dharma life, caring for
While giving the gifts, the motivation of the relatives, and blameless deeds: this is the greatest
giver is also specified as those of eight motives fortune ([10], 2.16.4.v.263).
([2], Vol. III. Pt.1.4.31–33) one gives with annoy- Person Worthy of Gift: A person endowed
ance, or as a way of offending the recipient, or with eight qualities is worthy of offerings, worthy
with the idea of insulting him (asajja danam), fear of gifts, worthy of oblations, meet to be reverently
also can motivate a person to make an offering saluted, the world’s peerless field of merit. The
(bhaya danam deti); one gives in return for a favor eight qualities are being virtuous; learned; having
done to oneself in the past (Adasi me ti danam good friends, companions, and intimates; having
338 Dāna (Buddhism)

right views and endowed with wisdom; and attains sowing the seed in the fertile land (bijani
at will, easily without difficulty to those pleasant mahapphalani). Person who earns through righ-
state of living, the four musings wholly mental ([2], teous means and liberally gives it to the needy is
Vol. III. Pt.1. 6.1.7 – pathamahuneyyasutta). praiseworthy ([10], 1.5.v.87).
The Goodwill Between the Donor and the The gift given by one if it causes others to weep
Recipient ([2], Vol. II. Pt.1.15.5.8. 148): The is called a tear-faced gift. It is explained further
attitude of the giver whether he gives big or about the various fruits (danavipaka) of giving –
small to make the recipient feel comfortable is a giver of food gains strength, a giver of clothes
very important. Alms should be given with great gains beauty, a giver of a vehicle gains ease,
faith (saddhaya danam) in such a way that the a giver of lamp gains vision, and the one who
recipient does not feel humiliated, belittled, or gives residence gains everything, but the one
hurt (attanan ca paran ca anupahacca danam who teaches Dhamma gains Deathless-Ambrosia
deti). The needy ask for something with a sense ([4], Vol. I. Pt.1.1.5.2).
of embarrassment, and it is the duty of the donor The Buddhist narrative literature teaches and
not to make him feel more embarrassed and make focuses this particular aspect of “giving” without
his already heavy burden still heavier (sakkaccam expecting anything in return when one gives to
danam). Alms should be given with due consid- others; it should be given without expectation of
eration and respect to help one at the time of reward. One should give without attaching to
difficulty (anuggahitacitta danam). When a gift either the gift or the recipient. One should practice
is given with such warmth that a cohesive mutu- giving to release greed and self-clinging, which
ally enriching friendliness emerges between the leads to the path of enlightenment.
donor and the recipient. One should not give as
alms what is only fit to be thrown away (na
apaviddham deti). One should be careful to give
Cross-References
only what is useful and appropriate. One should
not give in such a callous manner so as to make the
▶ Brahmavihāra
recipient not feel like coming again (na
▶ Caga – Generosity
anagamanaditthiko deti).
▶ Dhammapada
Who Reaps the Fruit of Being Generous
▶ Metta
in Giving Gifts: One who binds his friend by
▶ Muditā
giving – by his generosity, he will enjoy the hap-
piness in this world as well where ever when he
passed away ([4], Vol. I. Pt.1. 10; 12.246); one
References
could overcome the taint of greed by the practice
of giving ([4], Vol. I. Pt.1.1.4.3.33); he who gives 1. Rhys Davids & Stede William Reprint (2007) Pali –
in spite of his scanty wealth is considered as english dictionary. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
equivalent to the gifts of thousand pieces rank 2. (1995) Angutta Nikaya. Vipassana Research Institute
(VRI), Igatpuri
(appasma dakkhina dinna sahassena samam
3. Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa (1998) Pt. I & II.
mita – [4], Vol. I. Pt.1.1.4.3.33; [8], v.224 – VRI
dajjappasmim pi yacito). Giving gift is equivalent 4. Samyutta Nikaya (1994) VRI
to a battle as one fights for the welfare of others to 5. Tsong-kha-pa; the Lamrim Chenmo Translation Com-
mittee; Joshua Cutler, ed. in chief; Guy Newland, ed.
save but not of his own, in the same way, it is for (2002). The Great Treatise on the Stages of the Path to
the welfare of the other one gives from his own Enlightenment, Volume II. Canada: Snow Lion. ISBN
scanty riches (dananca yuddhamca samanam). 1559391685.: 236, 238
The man who gives from wealth got by his honest 6. (1998) Jataka Pali, 2 Pts. VRI
7. The gradual saying (trans: Hare EM), Pt. I (2000), Pt.
effort and with discretion is praised and crosses
II (2001) & V (1996) F.L. Woodward; Pt. III (2001) &
the dark river of Death. Such act of giving to the Pt. IV (2001) (tr). Pali Text Society (PTS), Oxford/
right person from one’s own hard earned is like London
Date of the Buddha 339

8. Dhammapada, Kalupahana DJ (Text & tr) (2008) Bud-

dhist Cultural Centre, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka Date of the Buddha
9. Nyanatiloka, Bhikkhu Reprint (1988) Buddhist dictio-
nary, manual of Buddhist terms and doctrines. Bud-
dhist Dharma Education Association, Nyanaponika K. T. S. Sarao
(ed). Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
10. Suttanipata, Bapat PV (ed) (1990) Bibliotheca indo- Delhi, Delhi, India
Buddhica, No.75. Sri Satguru, Delhi
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(trans: Cowell EB), 2 vols, reprint. Low Price Publi-
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The year in which the Buddha died.

Dara Eke Introduction

▶ Tārā (Buddhism) The year of the death (Mahāparinibbāna) of the

Buddha, who died at the age of 80, has remained
perhaps the most controversial subject in the his-
tory of India till date. This controversy is primar-
ily grounded in the fact as to which of the two
Dārī Rūlāi chronologies, the so-called Long and Short, based
on the Southern and Northern Buddhist legends,
▶ Vairocana respectively, be accepted as the correct one. Both
these chronologies use the year of consecration of
King Asoka as the base year. The Southern Bud-
dhist legends contained in the Sri Lankan tradition
Dāsa place the consecration of Asoka 218 years after
the death of the Buddha, and, according to the
▶ Slaves (Buddhism) Northern Buddhist legends, this event took place
only 100 or 110 years after the Buddha’s death.
On the basis of the dates of the various Greek
kings mentioned in Asoka’s 13th Rock Edict, the
date of Asoka’s accession may be calculated to
Dasaratha Jātaka
within very narrow limits at c. 268 B.C.E. and the
consecration (abhiseka), which took place in the
▶ Rāmāyaṇa, Indian Buddhism
fourth year of his reign (i.e., after 3 years), to
c. 265 B.C.E. On the basis of this information,
the year of the death of the Buddha may be calcu-
lated to c. 483 (265 + 218) B.C.E. as per the Long
Dasaśı̄la Chronology and c. 365 (265 + 100) B.C.E. or
c. 375 (265 + 110) B.C.E. as per the Short Chro-
▶ Ethics (Buddhism) nology. Most of the controversies and discussions
340 Date of the Buddha

among scholars are largely centered on the merits starting from 483 B.C.E. as the date of the Bud-
of these two modes of calculation. dha’s death was known and used in Sri Lanka until
the beginning of the eleventh century and that the
Buddhavarṣa of 544 B.C.E. was generally
Long Chronology accepted at a later date ([29], pp. 153–161). How-
ever, Wickremasinghe’s theory which was based
The best survey of the arguments, which led on wrong presuppositions has been refuted repeat-
scholars to believe that the calculation of the edly ([9], pp. 517–531; [15], pp. 39–54; [20],
date of the Buddha should be based on the Long pp. 129–155). It is important to note that while
Chronology, was given by André Bareau [1] who the Corrected Long Chronology is quite reliable
used the information given in the Dī pavaṃsa from King Duṭṭhagāmaṇī onward, information on
(vi.1) and the Mahāvaṃsa (v.21) that Asoka was the earlier period was derived from oral tradition,
consecrated 218 years after the death of the Bud- and the chronological calculations were based on
dha. In fact, the Southern Buddhists had initially rough estimates made by the authors of the earliest
adopted 544–543 B.C.E. as the date of the Bud- Sri Lankan historiography which forms the basis
dha’s death. But this was corrected by Geiger and of the now existing sources. Hence, it has been
others, who pointed out that 60 extra years had suggested that there is no substantial evidence in
been interpolated into the chronology of the kings favor of the Corrected Long Chronology ([3],
of Sri Lanka ([8], pp. xxv–xxvi; [15], pp. 39–54). p. 34f). It may, therefore, be said that there is no
Those scholars who support this chronology point trace of a chronology starting with 483 B.C.E. or
out that this chronology is supported by the events 486 B.C.E. in any document of ancient Southern
of contemporary political history. Ajātasattu (Sk: Tradition. These eras are the inventions of much
Ajātaśatru) was on the throne until 24 years after later scholarship. V.A. Smith found the Sri Lankan
the Buddha’s death ([12], Vol. iii, p. 60), and then, chronology prior to 160 B.C.E. as absolutely and
it has been pointed out, at least 78 years elapsed completely rejected, as being not merely of doubt-
between the foundation of the Nanda dynasty and ful authority but positively false in its principal
the consecration of Asoka (Mhv.v.15–22) though propositions ([25], p. 57). The tradition for the
Purāṇic sources mention much more than period from Vijaya to Devānaṃpiyatissa appears
78 years. The followers of the Long Chronology suspicious on the ground that Vijaya’s arrival in
also point out that the lists of Magadhan kings in Sri Lanka ([12], Vol. ix, pp. 21–22; Mhv.vi.47) is
different sources, though showing discrepancies dated on the same day as the death of the Buddha.
on many points, are nevertheless unanimous in Besides, there are the round numbers for the
placing several kings between Ajātasattu and length of the simple reigns which have in them-
Candagutta (Sk: Candragupta). Among them is selves the appearance of a set scheme and
Udāyin who shifted his capital from Rājagaha to a positive impossibility in respect of the last two
Pāṭaliputta. They further point out that if the Short kings of that period: Paṇḍukābhaya and Muṭasiva
Chronology were adopted, the Nanda dynasty (Geiger, 1912: [12]). Here, the former is made to
appears to have been founded just after the reign live 107 years and the latter, despite his becoming
of Ajātasattu. But on the other hand, it may be king much past his prime, still reigns 60 years ([8],
pointed out that the Purāṇa as give false informa- p. 12). It appears that “certain names and events in
tion at some places. Pradyotas who ruled from the tradition may indeed be maintained, but the
Avanti are placed at Magadha. But most historians last reigns were lengthened in order to make
agree that this Avanti line of dynasty has some- Vijaya and the Buddha contemporaries” ([8],
how or the other been inserted into the Magadhan p. 12). It may be noted that the Southern Tradition
line of dynasties. appears to have been built and completed by its
One of the main arguments for the validity of authors with certain notions in mind. The figure
Geiger’s chronological calculations was a theory “218” does not appear to have formed a part of the
proposed by Wickremasinghe that a chronology initial process, i.e., of the original text on which
Date of the Buddha 341

the two chronicles are based. The Dī pavaṃsa has people. . . which has misled scholars into the
gaps here and there, which are filled up in the belief that it represents reliable historical
Mahāvaṃsa through the addition and inflation of information. . . (which actually). . . is a purely
the periods of reign of various kings. For instance, mythological construction without any historical
at one place in the Dī pavaṃsa the Buddha is foundation” ([3], p. 35). Therefore, the Long
quoted as saying that the Third Council Chronology must have been developed in an
shall take place 118 years after his death ([12], attempt to adjust the traditional Short Chronology
Vol. i, pp. 24–26). to the particular needs of the Sri Lankan histori-
ography. Matters are made further difficult for the D
Long Chronology by the fact that the Sri Lankan
Short Chronology sources are not in complete harmony among
themselves. Actually, if one were to look at the
The Short Chronology is based on the testimony whole issue dispassionately, it appears that the
of all the recensions of the Vinaya Piṭaka and their adherents of the Corrected Long Chronology
Chinese and Tibetan translations, where it is made “use of very complicated and artificial argu-
pointed out that the Buddha died 100 or ments in their attempt to work out a coherent
110 years before the consecration of Asoka, thus chronological system” ([3], p. 35).
implying that the Mahāparinibbāna should be The theory of 100 years is widespread through-
dated in the year c. 368 B.C.E. or c. 378 B.C.E. out the world. The Tibetan sources place Asoka
The Northern Tradition does not mention the 100–160 years after the Buddha’s death ([8],
Third Council for the fact that it had occurred p. lxi). Tāranātha says that the Tibetan Vinaya
after the schism and hence the other sects do gives 110 A.B. as one of the dates for Asoka
not mention it as they were unaware of it. Those ([8], p. lxi). Similarly, the Chinese Tripiṭaka
scholars who do not accept the Northern gives 116, 118, 130, and 218 A.B. as the dates
Tradition say that it is a contradiction to place for Asoka ([8], p. lxi). The last mentioned date,
Dhammāsoka’s consecration and the Council of however, is found apparently only in the Chinese
Vesālī in the same year ([1], pp. 27–29). But those Sudaśana-vibhāṣā Vinaya which is a translation
following this tradition say that such a thing could of Buddhaghosa’s Samantapāsādikā ([8], p. lxi).
not be out of place considering the importance of In Vasumitra’s account also, Asoka is placed
such an occasion ([3], p. 35). But numeral 100 is about 100 years after the death of the Buddha
often used in the sense of a large number, without (quoted at [8], p. lxi). According to Xuanzang,
any precise value and mostly as a rounded off “In the one hundredth year after the Nirvāṇa of the
number. But it may be pointed out that though Śākya Tathāgata, King Aśoka. . . removed his cap-
218 is not a rounded off number, it may not be ital from the city of Rājagṛha to Pāṭaliputra” ([14],
acceptable on various other grounds. For instance, p. 223). Furthermore, it has been pointed out that
as pointed out earlier, it may have been inflated King Asoka had a half brother called Mahinda
through additions to an originally much smaller ([14], p. 227) who is known as a relative of
number so that credence could be given to various Asoka Moriya. At another place, Asoka is given
personalities as well as events. Rock Edict XIII of as the great grandson of Bimbisāra ([14], p. 223),
Asoka mentions Sri Lanka (Tambapaṇṇi) as one i.e., grandson of Ajātasattu. But as Asoka was
of the countries to which he dispatched mission- actually Candagutta’s grandson, the picture
aries. Since this edict belongs to the 13th year of appears somewhat contradictory. But there is no
Asoka’s reign, there appears to be an error in the reason to believe that the king in that case was
Southern Tradition which puts the conversion as Kāḷāsoka as the description of Asoka matches
late as the 18th year. The Sri Lankan historiogra- in so many ways with Asoka Moriya. Still at
phy actually may be seen as politically motivated another place, Xuanzang points out that
“in order to serve for the legitimation of the claim “The different schools calculate variously from
of the Sinhalese to be the Buddha’s elected the death of the Buddha. Some say it is
342 Date of the Buddha

1,200 years and more since then. Others say, Dotted Record
1,300 or more. Others say, 1,500 or more. Others
say that 900 years have passed, but not 1,000 W. Geiger’s discussion of the chronology of the
since the nirvāṇa” ([14], p. 186). Buddha appears to have been extremely influen-
The various dates here recorded would corre- tial in the acceptance of the Long Chronology as
spond with 552 B.C.E., 652 B.C.E., 852 B.C.E., against the Short Chronology [13]. However, the
and a date between 252 B.C.E. and 352 B.C.E. By biggest justification for the Long Chronology
the last date, Xuanzang probably means to place came in the shape of the Dotted Record, contained
the death of the Buddha a 100 years before in the Li-tai san-pao chi written by Fei-Chang-
Asoka. The Council of Vesālī’s date as 100 years fang in 597 C.E. In this text, it has been pointed
after the Mahāparinibbāna in the Vinaya out that according to Saṃghabhadra
of the Theravādins, the Mahīsāsakas, the
Dharmaguptakas, and the Haimavatas and as there is a tradition which had been handed down
from teacher to teacher for generations, viz., after
110 years in the Vinaya of the Mūlasarvāstivādins the passing away of the Buddha, Upāli collected the
and the Sarvāstivādins had a common origin, and Vinaya and observed the Pavāraṇā on the 15th of
“we may quite justifiably be skeptical about the the 7th Moon of the same year. Having offered
precision of the two numbers thus given” ([2], flowers and incense to the Vinaya on that occasion,
he marked a dot (on a record) and placed it close to
p. 212). But as there is always a tendency to the Vinaya text. Thereafter this was repeated every
exaggerate and give round numbers, the figure year. When Upāli was about to depart from this
100 may be interpreted as a rough and round world, he handed it over to his disciple Dāsaka. . .
number, which is used to denote a rather lengthy Dāsaka to Sonaka. . . to Siggava. . . to Moggalīputta
Tissa. . . to Candavajjī. In this manner the teachers
period of time. in turn handed it down to the present master of
Tripiṭaka. This Master brought the Vinaya-piṭaka
In placing the council of Vaiśālī 100 or 110 years to Canton. When he. . . decided to return to his
after the Parinirvāṇa, the authors of those accounts (native land). . . (he). . . handed over the Vinaya-
certainly did not make use of reliable and scrupu- piṭaka to his disciple Saṃghabhadra. . . Having
lously preserved documents and traditions, a minute observed the Pavāraṇā and offered flowers and
examination and critical consideration of which incense to the Pavāraṇā at midnight (on the 15th)
would have allowed them to fix such a date. of the 7th Moon, in the 7th year of Yung-ming
Not only did they have but a very vague idea of (489 AD), he added a dot (to the Record) as a tradi-
the time that had passed between the passing of tional practice. The total amounted to 975 dots in
the Blessed One and the Second Council, but also that year. A dot is counted as a year. ([19],
they did not know as to how many decades sepa- pp. 342–345)
rated the latter event from their period. ([2],
pp. 212–213) Hence, as per this record, the
Mahāparinibbāna of the Buddha took place in
The Council of Vesālī took place in all proba- the year 486 (489 C.E.–975 years) B.C.E. ([19],
bility about 62 years after the Mahāparinibbāna of pp. 344–345). But Pachow was of the opinion that
the Buddha (see [24], Appendix 1). Because of possibly three extra dots had been inadvertently
this, in turn, the fact that Sāṇavāsī, one of the added; the actual number of dots in the year
great authorities of this convocation, was 489 C.E. should have been 972 and not 975.
a personal pupil of Ānanda becomes credible. Thus, the actual date of the Mahāparinibbāna
Invariably, the Buddhist texts appear to exaggerate should be 489 C.E. 972 = 483 B.C.E. ([19],
numbers, and in all Indian religions, there is pp. 342–345).
always a tendency to claim an antiquity for But this tradition known from the Chinese
a religious leader. Of course, as a counterargument, sources is apparently not of an independent origin.
one may say that the legend-teller monks of It has been maintained by Bareau and Takakusu
Madhurā fabricated the short period to bring that this tradition initially originated in Sri Lanka
Upagupta, a contemporary of Asoka, closer to the and hence cannot be used reliably ([1], p. 53; [26],
Buddha in time. pp. 415–439). It appears thus that the dot is a later
Date of the Buddha 343

invention to dignify the Vinaya. Moreover, as no could not have come into existence before the
written record of the Vinaya existed till the time of end of the fifth century B.C.E. Critics of this
Duṭṭhagāmaṇī in the first century B.C.E., it is argument may say that such references are later
difficult to accept the authenticity of this tradition. interpolations or that certain portions of the Canon
Moreover, “the process of adding one dot at the are altogether late compositions. But such
end of every year during 975 years is extremely a criticism will appear to be of a superficial nature
precarious” ([16], p. 153). because the whole material milieu reflected in
Not only that the tradition of Long Chronology early Buddhist literature is urban. In fact, Bud-
cannot be traced with confidence earlier than the dhism undoubtedly had its origins in an urban D
middle of the eleventh century ([30], p. 597), it is milieu (see for details, [24], pp. 31–33). Uncertain
also incompatible with the chronology of the kings and unsatisfactory as archaeological data still
of Magadha. E.J. Thomas was of the view that the is in this context, it appears to lean toward
relevant passages in the Dī pavaṃsa (Vol. i, supporting a later rather than earlier date for the
pp. 24–25 and Vol. v, pp. 55–59) actually point to Mahāparinibbāna of the Buddha. In other words,
the existence of the original Short Chronology there is at least a good case that can be made for
which failed to be assimilated in the Long Chro- the age of the Buddha being about a century later
nology of the final version of the Dī pavaṃsa ([28], than generally accepted.
pp. 18–22). The first passage prophesies that the
first council shall take place 4 months after the
Mahāparinibbāna of the Buddha and the second Lists of Patriarchs
100 years thereafter. In three of the four manu-
scripts of the Dī pavaṃsa, the term dve (two) has In the chronological system on which the
been inserted before vassasate (100 years) and in Dīpavaṃsa and the Mahāvaṃsa are based, the
two of the three only subsequently. The second succession of the great teachers from Upāli
passage prophesies that “in the future, in down to Mahinda played an important part. This
100 years (after the Buddha) at the time of Asoka ācariyaparamparā is of interest because in it,
in Pāṭaliputta, Tissa would rout the heretics.” there is a continuous synchronological connection
To sum up the argument thus far, it may be said between the histories of Sri Lanka and India.
that there is no special reason on the basis of Here, the system appears to have been carried
which one of these two chronologies may be out in detail and completed. As is clear in the
accepted in preference to the other. However, accounts of the Dīpavaṃsa and the Mahāvaṃsa
archaeological considerations and the lists of the there was a teacher/pupil relationship between
patriarchs (ācariyaparamparā) appear to favor them, and this continuity is of vital importance.
a younger date for the Buddha. The archaeologi- The lists of ācariyas which occur in the Vinaya
cal records in the Gaṅgā valley show that (perhaps Sri Lankan chronicles, and elsewhere as
with the exception of Kosambī) even by c. 450 B. Vinayadharas are more reliable and useful than
C.E., the new urban settlements were indeed not any other form of information to determine the
those cities which may be expected after reading date of the Buddha. As most of the research was
early Buddhist literature. Extensive use of baked conducted in the light of number 218, it was given
bricks for construction, well-developed sanitation out that the number of Elders (Vin.v.2; DÏp.
system, etc., are not found in the excavations till iv.27–46; Mhv.v.95, 153) as the Vinayapāmokkhas
later times. In early Buddhist literature, the exis- for the period between the Buddha and Asoka
tence of prosperous and fully developed urban caused a problem. There were not enough number
centers is taken for granted. Though the roots of of Elders. Thus, it was pointed out that to bridge
the Gaṅgā Urbanization may be traced back to the gap of 218 years, each of the elders had to be
about 500 B.C.E. or so, the archaeological records assigned such a lengthy period of time as guardian
clearly suggest that the sort of urban centers that of the Vinaya that it seemed highly unlikely. The
are talked about in the earliest Buddhist texts statement that the eight Elders who considered the
344 Date of the Buddha

Ten Extravagances (dasavatthūni) in the Second also because the verse itself does not mean as
Council had all seen the Buddha ([12], Vol. iv, much as it has been taken to. Rationally speaking,
pp. 54–56; Mhv.iv.59) was also seen as creating the numbers mentioned in this verse appear to be
difficulties. These so-called contradictions how- the ages of the Elders at which they became
ever, were regarded as faulty records on the part of the custodians of the Vinaya. The expression
the Theravādins. More weight was given to the sabbakālaṃhi (i.e., all the years) in the case of
chronology of the kings, even though this too Upāli means that he was the custodian of the
posed difficulties. All these problems had come Vinaya all the years from the death of the Buddha
up because the number 218 was thought to be till his own death. Furthermore, in the case of
supreme. Dāsaka, Soṇaka, Siggava, and Moggaliputta, it is
Here, in the calculation of the date of the Bud- not the total number of years that is given but the
dha based upon the lists of patriarchs, the begin- respective ages at which each of them became the
ning of the reign of Candagutta has been used as custodian of the Vinaya. That means they became
the base year as against the year of Asoka’s coro- custodians at the ages of 50, 44, 55, and 68 years,
nation. This shortens the gap between the date of respectively. In other words, they became custo-
the Buddha and the base year, thus reducing the dians respectively when they were 49, 43, 54, and
margin of error. It is more or less certain that 67 years old. Following this argument, Upāli,
Candagutta started to rule in the year c. 317 B.C. Dāsaka, Soṇaka, and Siggava were custodians
E., though some scholars have put it a few years for 30 (74 44), 15 (64 49), 23 (66 23),
earlier (see [24], p. 21). and 22 (76 54) years, respectively.
The Southern Sources relate that five patriarchs As the custodianship of these four Vinaya
transmitted the Vinaya from the time of the Bud- pāmokkhas is mentioned only in years, and no
dha’s death till the days of Asoka ([1], Vol. v, months and days are mentioned, 1 year per
pp. 55–107; Mhv.v.95–153). These five Elders pāmokkha may be added to make up for the mar-
were Upāli, Dāsaka, Soṇaka, Siggava, and gin of error. This would put the total period of
Moggaliputta Tissa ([12], Vol. v, pp. 95–96). guardianship of these four pāmokkhas, i.e., the
time span between the death of the Buddha and
Seventy-four (years) of Upāli, sixty-four of Dāsaka,
Sixty-six of Thera Soṇaka, seventy-six of Siggava,
the death of Siggava at approximately 90 +
Eighty of Moggaliputta: this is the Upasampadā of 4 = 94 years. As shall be seen in the following
them all. ([12], Vol. v, p. 95) pages, Siggava died in the year c. 303 B.C.E.
This would mean that the Buddha’s death may
Though this verse mentions the years of
approximately be placed in the year 303 +
Upasampadā, but in reality, they are the years at
94 = c. 397 B.C.E.
which these Elders died. This fact is borne by the
When 16 years had elapsed after the death of
verses preceding as well as following this verse.
the Buddha, at that time Upāli was 60 years old
For example, [12], Vol. v, p. 103 mentions that
([12], Vol. iv, p. 33, Vol. v, p. 76). This means he
Upāli died at the age of 74.
was 44 (60 16) years old when the Buddha died,
Learned Upāli was all the years chief of the Vinaya, i.e., when he became the Vinayapāmokkha. But as
Thera Dāsaka (became chief at the age of) fifty,
Sonaka forty-four, Siggava fifty-five, the (Thera)
mentioned above, he actually lived to be 74. Thus,
called Moggaliputta sixty- eight. ([12], Vol. v, p. 96) Upāli was the custodian of the Vinaya for 30 (74
44) years. This is also supported by a direct state-
It may be interesting to note that [12], Vol. v, ment in the Dī pavaṃsa that Upāli guarded the
p. 96 has been taken to imply the number of years Vinaya for 30 years ([12], Vol. iv, p. 34, Vol. v,
for which the five Elders were the custodians of p. 89).
the Vinaya. This is difficult to accept not only Dāsaka, who died at the age of 64, was
because it would have been impossible for any a learned brāhmaṇa from Vesālī and appears to
Elder to keep the Vinaya for such a long time but have been fairly matured in years at the time of
Date of the Buddha 345

joining the Saṃgha to study the Dhamma ([12], began in the year c. 317 B.C.E. This means that
Vol. v, p. 95; Vin.v.2; VA.i.32, 62, 235, vii.1304, in the year c. 315 (317 2) B.C.E., Siggava was
etc.). When Upāli died, Udaya had completed 64 years old. But as Siggava died at the age of 76,
6 years of his 16-year reign ([12], Vol. v, p. 97). that means, he lived for another 12 (76 64) years
This means during the last 10 (16 6) years of after 315 B.C.E. This would put the death of
Udaya’s reign, Dāsaka was the custodian of the Siggava in the year c. 303 (315 12) B.C.E.
Vinaya. But Dāsaka died when 8 years of the This statement is also supported by another refer-
10-year reign of Susunāga had elapsed ([12], ence where it has been pointed out that Siggava
Vol. v, p. 97). As Anuruddhaka/Muṇḍa ruled for died 14 years after the beginning of the reign of D
8 years between Udaya and Susunāga, Dāsaka Candagutta ([12], Vol. v, pp. 73, 100), i.e., c. 303
appears to have been the custodian for a total of (317 14) B.C.E.
10 + 8 + 8 = 26 years.
Soṇaka joined the Saṃgha at the age of 15 at
Rājagaha (Vin.v.2; VA.1.32, 62, 235, vii.1304, Conclusion
etc.). Susunāga ruled for 10 years and Dāsaka
died 8 years after the end of Susunāga’s reign The upshot of the calculation made above is as
([12], Vol. v, p. 98). After the death of Susunāga, follows:
the Ten Brothers reigned for 22 years and Soṇaka The death of Siggava took place in the year c. 303
died when 6 years of their reign were over ([12], B.C.E. Soṇaka died 30 years before Siggava.
Vol. v, p. 99). This means Soṇaka kept the Vinaya Dāsaka died 8 years before Soṇaka. Upāli died
26 years before Dāsaka. The Buddha died
during the last 2 years of the reign of Susunāga 30 years before Upāli. In other words, between
and first 6 years of the reign of the Ten Brothers, c. 303 B.C.E. and the death of the Buddha 94
making it 8 (2 + 6) years. (30 + 8 + 26 + 30) years had elapsed. This
Siggava joined the Saṃgha at the age of 18. would mean that the Buddha died in the year
c. 397 (303 + 94) B.C.E.
Siggava was the custodian during the remaining
16 (22 6) years of the reign of the Ten Brothers. It must finally be emphasized that the sources
Siggava died when 14 years of the reign of are not always exact in their calculation of time
Candagutta had elapsed ([12], Vol. v, pp. 73, supposing a deviation by 1 year has not been
100). In other words, Siggava was the custodian accepted. Numbers of years for which
for a total period of 30 (16 + 14) years. But as shall a particular king reigned or an Elder kept the
be seen in the following paragraphs, Candagutta Vinaya are given as rounded off numbers in the
did not succeed the Ten Brothers who began their records. Months and days are not mentioned.
reign not at Pāṭaliputta but elsewhere because it A deviation of a couple of years one way or
has been pointed out that Susunāga had a son another cannot be denied in a calculation involv-
called Kāḷāsoka who held power at Pāṭaliputta ing about 100 years or so. Thus, the 397 B.C.E.
([12], Vol. v, p. 25) for a period of 28 years may only be taken as a rough approximation to the
(Mhv.iv.7). It appears after his governorship for year in which the Buddha expired.
10 years during Susunāga’s reign, Kāḷāsoka Some scholars strongly support the Long
reigned for 28 10 = 18 years as a king at Chronology on the basis of three Asokan edicts
Pāṭaliputta and the Ten Brothers continued to of Sāhasārām, Rūpanāth, and Bairāṭ which refer to
rule from the same place as Susunāga after the the figure 256. This figure has been interpreted by
possible split of the kingdom. In other words, it these scholars to mean a time span of 256 years
appears that Candagutta succeeded Kāḷāsoka at between the installation of these inscriptions and
Pāṭaliputta and the Ten Brothers (possibly the the Mahāparinibbāna ([6], pp. 149–160; [17]).
Nandas) at Rājagaha. Siggava was 64 years old An attempt has also been made by scholars to
when Candagutta had completed 2 years of his present a date akin to Short Chronology on the
reign ([12], Vol. v, p. 81). Candagutta’s reign basis of these inscriptions. For example, T.W.
346 Date of the Buddha

Rhys Davids provided “426 B.C.E., or perhaps 10. Kern H (1896) Manual of Indian Buddhism. Grundriæ
a few years later” as the date of the der indo-arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, III,
Band 8 Heft, Strassburg
Mahāparinibbāna by pointing out that the num- 11. Lamotte E (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from
ber 256 represents the time-span between the the origins to the Śaka Era (trans: Webb-Boin S).
installation of these inscriptions and the abandon- Insitut Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve. Originally
ment of home by the Buddha ([22], p. 37). How- published in French in 1959
12. Law BC (ed & Tr) (1958) The chronicle of the Island
ever, there are scholars who have not even of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa. Ceylon Hist J (Colombo)
accepted these inscriptions as those of Asoka 7:1–266
([21], p. 145). There are others who point out 13. Law BC (1982) India as described in early texts of
that these inscriptions do not say as much as it Buddhism and Jainism. Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi,
reprint
has been made out. For example, Hermann 14. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang Dynasty record of
Oldenberg pointed out that not only that the the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
inscriptions contain no word for “years,” they Translation and Research, Berkeley
also do not refer to the Buddha but to 256 beings 15. Mendis GC (1947) The chronology of the early Pāli
chronicle of Ceylon. Univ Ceylon Rev 5(1):39–54
([18], pp. 472–476). In other words, the date of the 16. Müller FM (1884) The true date of Buddha’s death.
Buddha continues to remain one of the most dis- The Academy, No. 667, 1 March 1884, pp 152–153
puted controversies in the history of India. 17. Narain AK (ed) (2003) The date of the historical
Śākyamuni Buddha. B.R. Publishers, Delhi
18. Oldenberg H (1881) Die Datierung der neuen
angeblichen Asoka-Inschriften. Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft
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19. Pachow W (1965) A study of the dotted record. J Am
▶ Ajātasattu Orient Soc 83(3):342–345
▶ Buddha (Concept) 20. Paranavitana S (1960) New light on the Buddhist Era
in Ceylon and early Sinhalese chronology. Univ
▶ Buddhaghosa
Ceylon Rev 18:129–155
▶ Tipiṭaka 21. Pischel R (1977) The Aśokan inscriptions. The Acad-
▶ Vesālī emy, XII, 11 Aug 1877, p 145
22. Rhys Davids TW (1877) The new Asoka inscriptions.
The Academy, XII, 14 July 1877, p 37
23. Rhys Davids TW (1922) The early history of the
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Death (Buddhism) 347

Death is conceived to be the end of life or of an

Death (Buddhism) existence. More exactly, death is the dissolution of
the organism constituted at birth to experience the
Madhumita Chattopadhyay fruits of a certain set of actions. This organism,
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, both material and mental, does not contain any
Kolkata, West Bengal, India single stable underlying principle. Like the flame
of a burning oil-lamp it continues to renew itself
moment by moment. Viewed thus, there is “an
Synonyms incessant death” undergoing in the individual D
every moment. However, he is not at all aware
Demise; Eternal rest; Final exit; Passing away of this process of death going on within him every
moment. He thinks that death is the final state
when the body will no longer be there. In spite
Definition of speaking of death as a continuous process,
always going on within man, the Buddhists also
A stage of life leading to the final cessation believe that death is the end of this homogeneous
of all the vital organs. It is an event that renewing – it is the separation of the elements
terminates life. (skandha), both the physical elements
(rūpakāya) as well as the elements of conscious-
ness (vijñāna).
Buddhist Concept of Death In the later works of the Abhidharma philoso-
phy, a more elaborate idea of death can be found.
In the traditional texts of Indian philosophy as, for It is stated there that from the origin of existence
example, in the Bhagavadgī tā the soul is regarded there is a thought which gives rise to the formation
to be eternal, and so birth has been conceived as of a new being in the matrix (pratisandhi) and
the soul’s putting on a new body and death as the this thought is known as bhavāṇga or as
soul’s departing the old body. Since the Buddhists bhavāṇgasantati (existence limb series) which is
do not admit any permanent soul, they offer a new the limb of existence. This bhavāṇga evolves into
interpretation of birth and death. For them birth is an uninterrupted, relatively homogeneous series
the production, the outcome, the rising up of of mental states like the flow of a river. Thus, this
a new form of mental and physical qualities bhavāṇga may be viewed as the foundation of
which in combination constitute the individual. a soul, the support and origin of particular
If birth is the combination of the five elements, thoughts which interrupt it. At the end of life,
death is the dissolution or breaking down of this this thought dissolves and transforms itself into
combination. Though in the Buddhist framework a thought in the dying state. Existence in the series
like all other existence this combination of the five of existences ends up with the disappearance of
constituents is regarded as transitory, an ordinary bhavāṇga. It has been said that at the stage of
human being does not have any experience death a new existence occurs in a new status
regarding this transitoriness. On the contrary it is because the thought in the stage of death is
perceived to be permanent. So the passing away of reflected in the “thought in a state of being
the individual, the thought of the dissolution of born.” On such a view, death is the transformation
the five elements bring pain and as such man is of the bhavāṇga (“limb of existence”) into
afraid of death. Death in the Buddhist text, cyuticitta (emerging thought).
Dhammapada, has often been compared with Another conception is prevalent among the
flood that carries off villages without giving any Buddhists regarding death, according to which
hint, for death also sweeps off the man engaged in death is the end of a particular organ – the
gathering the flowers, objects of worldly jī vitendriya, the vital sense. Life is actually the
enjoyment. activity of the organs; the persistence, subsistence,
348 Death (Buddhism)

and going on of the bodily and mental functions or life.” In other Buddhist texts like Divyāvadāna or
states actually presupposes “a vital organ” Mahāvyutpatti, the last stage of the life of Lord
supporting the living complex just as the water Buddha has been described as entering into such
supports the water lily. This notion of “vital concentration of thought as to control his vitality-
organ” comes closer to the notion of “the principal virtues and rejecting the life-virtualities.
breath” (mukhya-prāṇa) admitted by the Vedāntic Though ideologically the Buddhist philoso-
school of Indian Philosophy. Death, then, stands phers admit the doctrine of rebirth for the common
for the interruption of the series of the vital organ man, death is nothing but the termination of life.
corresponding to a given existence. Regarding the In spite of the fact that death is inevitable, ordinary
nature of this “vital organ” or jī vitendriya the people are afraid of death because there is no case
different schools of Buddhism are not unanimous. of the returning back of the deceased. Lord Bud-
In some text it has been regarded as the eighteenth dha in his several dialogues had tried to show that
term of the rūpakhaṇda. In the Dhammasaṃgāni there is nothing to be afraid of death. Death has
it has been described successively as mental and become a frightening inevitability because it is the
as material. The Abhidharmakośa described it as negation of the “will to live.” Out of his craving
immaterial having no connection with thought for existence man always wants to live – he fights
(arūpa cittaviprayuktaḥ). Such jī vitendriya is to live now and yearns to live in future, even if the
nothing but the result of one’s past actions. In future be no better than the present one. Lord
the Abhidharmakośavyākhyā life has been stated Buddha tried to put a strike at the fundamental
to be connected with the senses – the body lives so craze of human mind. In his different teachings he
long as it is endowed with the senses. Life thus pointed out that all this is due to ignorance. So, if
belongs to the body having the senses and not to this ignorance can be replaced by wisdom, man
the soul. If life is believed to be connected with the will be able to realize the worldly phenomena as
body, death will be the body robbed of the senses. they really are – empty and substanceless. Such
By “senses” is sometimes meant the organs of a wisdom will sweep away all the cravings and
sense which depend on the jī vitendriya, some- will lead to the path of perfection. Once man is
times the jīvitendriya identified with the able to set himself on that path, each successive
kāyendriya (the body-sense). The working and life will be considered as leading him nearer to
persistence of consciousness depends on the that goal. For such a person death will lose all its
kāyendriya which at the time is to take place. terrors. Death will be simply a doorway to a new
Instead of using the terms jī vita or jī vitendriya life better equipped for the task ahead. The phys-
sometimes such terms as āyus meaning “life” and ical body being impermanent finally wears out.
uşman meaning heat standing for “life” are used. Even Lord Buddha, in spite of his attaining
The reason behind such use is that the workability nirvāṇa, could not avoid old age and the ills that
of the five senses is grounded on life and the proof beset the flesh nor could he avoid the final disso-
of life is heat or reversely heat is there in the body lution of the physical body. So, all human beings
so long as it is alive. Life and heat more or less seeking the attainment of nirvana, have to go
denote the same state of affair. In the ancient through the process of laying aside the empty
Nikāya text Samyuttanikāya, consciousness has worn shell and passing through the door of death
been stated to be associated with āyus and to regain youth and vigor so that they can continue
uşman. With such a usage death will be regarded their progress on the path sustained by the wisdom
as the disappearance of heat. Those who associate gained in their present life. Thus, for the Bud-
consciousness with āyus regard death as the dhists, the present life is given to eliminate the
destruction of the viññāna, of the organ and also fetters and hindrances created by our past lives.
of life. In the Dī ghanikāya in course of describing Death is the gateway to further opportunities
the last days of Lord Buddha it has been toward the attainment of Perfection or nirvāṇa.
commented “the Blessed One rejected the Viewed thus, there is nothing to be afraid of death
āyusankhārā” – “the rest of his allotted sum of – rather it has to be welcomed.
Death (Buddhism) 349

Any discussion on the topic of death and dying individual nor contributes anything to the welfare
remain incomplete unless it includes discussion of the community at large – it only shifts the
on suicide. Suicide has been defined as “a self- problem of this life to another state of existence.
initiated intentional act directed toward, and Further, suicide, by its nature, is opposed to the
resulting in, the ending of one’s own life.” Obvi- Buddhist first precept, though discussion on the
ously any religion or religious system which puts first precept hardly makes any mention of suicide.
much value on nonviolence, or not exhibiting any In a text entitled Mahāprajñāparamitāśāstra,
form of violence to others, cannot justify suicide. Nāgārjuna, however, has shown that suicide is
The Buddhists are also no exceptions in this completely different from what is stated in the D
regard. The core idea of Buddhist moral philoso- first precept. The first precept is basically regard-
phy, as is reflected in their first precept – “to do no ing other individuals. Virtue (puṇya) and vice
injury to anyone, but to live full of love and (pāpa) generate only in the context of wrong
kindness in the world” – indicates that noninjury done to others. Such fruitfulness or misdeed
is the distinguishing mark of dhamma. Accord- does not originate in the case when one is not
ingly for such a system, it is most expected that caring for his own body or when one kills oneself.
suicide should be considered as a heinous act. But As such, suicide is not a fault of killing a living
reading through the lines of the different Buddhist being but is done only under delusion, attachment,
texts reveal some novel idea which may go against and hatred. Thus this text tries to show that there is
the long-accepted belief. no contradiction in admitting the first precept and
The attitude of the Buddhists, in general, is that committing suicide.
suicide is wrong. Whether one kills someone else Leaving aside the issue as to whether suicide
or kills oneself, it is still taking life. Besides, really goes against the first precept or not, it can be
wanting not to exist any longer is a delusion. It said that self-murdering in any form cannot be
is a form of attachment that, destructive though it regarded as justified from the Buddhist point of
is, nonetheless binds one to saṃsāra, the circle of view. In the Vinaya text while explaining the rules
suffering existence. When someone commits sui- to be followed by the monks (Bhikkhus) it has
cide, all he does is change to another state, and not been categorically said that if any bhikkhu utters
necessarily a better state either. Out of such a words praising death or incite another to self-
belief the Indian Buddhists abstain from commit- destruction, he too is fallen into defeat, he is no
ting suicide or self-sacrifice. longer eligible to stay in the Buddhist community.
In the Buddhist moral philosophy, an action is This instruction clearly indicates that according to
judged to be right or wrong not by itself but by the Buddhist morale inciting someone to self-
its motivation and result. That action which has as destruction amounts to permanent expulsion
its basis in the kuśala-mūla, the good dispositions, from the community (samgha) since it is consid-
and whose consequence can be enjoyed with ered to be a “defeat” (pārājika) in the monastic
cheers is regarded as a good one. On the other life and is considered to be equally wrong as that
hand, that action which is due to akuśala-mūla, of murdering someone. In the Milindapañhā,
the wrong dispositions, and whose consequence/ Nāgasena has referred to as the saying of Lord
results are to be borne with a heavy heart and tears Buddha the following words – “A brother is not,
in eyes is regarded as a bad one. Seen from this O Bhikkus to commit suicide. Whosoever does so
perspective, suicide is negative, because it is shall be dealt with according to the Law.”
a failure in one’s attempt of saving life. By com- This negative attitude of the Buddhists toward
mitting suicide, one destroys the possibility that suicide also seems to follow from their admission
one has, in this life of realizing the potential for of the Law of Karma. According to this law, the
transformation that one has within oneself. One present life of any individual is the result of the
succumbs to an intense attack of discouragement actions done in the past lives. So, it is not justified
which is a weakness, a sort of drawback in one’s that by committing suicide the individual can
character. Suicide brings nothing good to the avoid the sufferings of this present life which
350 Death (Buddhism)

bears the fruits of his former evil deeds; similarly From what has been said so far, it seems to
he cannot enjoy the rewards of his good deeds by follow that in Buddhist system:
a voluntary untimely death. Everyone has to live
his allotted span of life. In the Dī gha Nikāya this 1. Suicide is not recommended as an ascetic act
has been explained with the simile of a pregnant leading to spiritual progress and nirvāņa
woman who being very curious about the sex of 2. No monk or arhat is recommended to kill
her unborn child, cuts her belly and dies. Thus did himself
she destroy both her own life and that of her
unborn infant, and her wealth also, through the But a number of stories and passages found in
foolish and thoughtless way in which, seeking different Buddhist texts lead to the revision of
a heritage, she met with ruin and disaster. In these conclusions. They indicate that in certain
a similar manner, anyone committing suicide cases suicide may be the actual cause or the occa-
will be regarded as foolish and thoughtless and sion for the attainment of liberation, although in
will meet with ruin and disaster by seeking with- other cases it may be premature and sinful. And
out wisdom for another world. arhats are sometimes found to commit suicide. In
Not only for enjoying the rewards of the past reply to the dilemma raised by King Milinda,
deeds is it prohibited to commit suicide, it is namely, that Buddha has advised the monks not
prohibited also for religious motives. The Bud- to commit suicide, and again has recommended to
dhists object to the thirst for nonexistence put an end to birth, old age, disease and death,
(vibhavatṛṣṇā) equally as to the thirst for exis- Nāgasena clarified that in a certain sense Lord
tence (bhavatṛṣṇā). A monk must abide in indif- Buddha instigated mankind to put an end to life.
ference without caring life, without caring for The starting point of the teaching of Lord Bud-
death. He is not permitted to commit suicide so dha is the existence of suffering. Birth is full of
as to reach nirvāṇa sooner. For in that case he still pain, and so are old age, disease, and death. Sor-
possesses some desire (desire for nirvāṇa), some row is painful and similarly are lamentation, pain,
disgust (disgust for life) which are considered to grief, and despair. Association with the unpleasant
be hindrance to the path of liberation. In his dia- is painful and so is separation from the pleasant.
logues with King Milinda, Nāgasena has said that Not only these, but also death of one’s near and
no one needs to carry favor nor to bear malice. dear ones, ruin of one’s family, suffering of dis-
One should not shake down the unripe fruit but ease, loss of wealth, loss of insight are painful.
awaits the full time for its maturity. Similarly, objects of nature like earthquake, flood,
Unlike other ascetic thinkers, the Buddhists do etc., and mental agonies like fear, bodily pains
not recommend any austerity which is likely to caused by punishment, etc., all lead to some
weaken the body. The Jains and many other form of pain or other. In other words, the whole
thinkers find in asceticism and physical pains the existence of human being in this world as also in
force to bring in purification from sin. While vocal different rebirths is associated with several kinds
sins can be got rid of through keeping silence and of pain – each being is “caught in succession of
mental sins through respiratory restrains, bodily births and rebirths to endure such manifold and
sins can be eliminated through starvation. Suicide various pains.” Since the succession of rebirths is
by starvation is considered to be the ascetic act par full of pain, the only alternative to get rid of this
excellence. Such an ascetic prescription is not suffering is to stop this succession. The basic
admissible in the Buddhist framework. Lord Bud- objective of Lord Buddha was to put an end to
dha believed that the bodily sin and lust can be this succession of rebirths and consequently to
terminated only by the realization of the imper- different kinds of suffering. If it is the case that
manence of pleasure and non-substantiality of the the individual has attained such a state that he
Ego. Thus Lord Buddha replaced the ascetic prac- does not have any regard for life, no desire for
tice by the realization of impermanence and life, and has been able to remove thirst and the
momentary characters of all things in the world. root of this thirst, namely, ignorance, he is allowed
Death (Buddhism) 351

to kill himself. In the Kathāvatthu there is the auspicious one (apāpika) and will lead to the
story of Godhika who being unable to remain in attainment of the highest stage of nirvāṇa.
a certain state of meditation because of disease, These stories show that the nirvāṇa of the great
thought of killing himself by cutting his own saints like Vakkali, Godhika, Sīha, Sappadāsa was
throat with a sword. Māra then approached Bud- not previously attained by them because they did
dha, informing him about Godhika’s thought and not possess the power of loosening the saṃskāras
asked Buddha to prevent him from so doing. of their life. But the moment they were able to
There Buddha justified such an act by saying remove such saṃskāra by thinking of giving up
“those who take the sword are without regard for life, they could reach the final stage. All these D
life; they achieve insight (vipassanā) and reach show that “a Buddha, when he has done what he
nirvāṇa.” This story of Godhika indicates that in had to do” is duly authorized to enter into the final
the Buddhist framework, if a person has been able rest. The case of an arhat is not different, the arhat
to remove ignorance and consequently the differ- also has achieved what he had to achieve – that is,
ent varieties of desire including the desire of life, he has removed the slightest kind of desire. If he is
which in fact is the cause of bondage, but is unable not, like a Buddha, capable of abandoning life in
to reach the final stage of nirvāṇa because of his a quiet way, there is no reason why he should not
association with the body, he is allowed to give up have recourse to more drastic methods.
his body. In the Mahāyāna text Saddharmapundarī ka
The stories of the attempted suicide of Sīha, a passage is found which regards self-sacrifice to
Sappadāsa, and Vakkali, as stated in the be the best form of worship. “Sacrificing one’s
Therīgāthā and Theragāthā, indicate that suicide own body, young man of good family, is the most
in their cases were the actual cause or the occasion distinguished, the chiefest, the very best, the most
for their attainment of arhatship. So in their cases sublime worship of the law.” Abandoning one’s
committing suicide has not been condemned but existence (ātmanas tyāgah) is to be looked upon
justified. Sīha was distressed at not obtaining spir- as the best form of sacrifice, to give one’s body is
itual progress after 7 years of endeavor. She was better than to give alms. Since one’s own body is
thinking of what to do with this wretched life the dearest of all things to oneself, to sacrifice it is
(pāpajī vita) and so decided to die through hang- the best abandonment (tyāgah) – to burn one’s
ing. Just as the rope was tied round her neck, she body is better as an offering is, therefore, more
was turning her thought toward enlightenment meritorious than to kindle 1000 lamps at a shrine.
(vipassanā). She attained arhatship and at that In the stories of Buddha’s previous births
very moment the rope loosened from her neck (Jātakamālā) the future Śākyamuṇin, offered his
and fell. Similar is the story of Sappadāsa. This own body to appease the hunger of a starving
monk was overpowered by passion (kleśa) and tigress. The Saddharmapundarī ka mentions the
never attained concentration (Samādhi). This dis- legend of Bhaiṣajyarāja, who was not at all satis-
tressed him so much that he was about to commit fied with his previous worship which was painful
suicide with a sharp instrument. At that time sud- and extravagant, and as such he filled his body
denly he realized that inward vision. Another with all sorts of oil and set it on fire. In this way it
monk, Vakkali, was fond of looking at Buddha is told that the bodhisattvas of the past had prac-
and attached excessive importance to the physical ticed many heroic deeds which made them
body of his Master. Such importance was an advance toward the attainment of nirvāṇa.
obstacle to his spiritual advancement. In order to It follows therefore that the general principle of
remove this attachment of Vakkali, the Buddha Indian Buddhism was to abstain from killing or
ordered him to go. Desperate at being no longer torturing any living being including oneself;
able to see his Master, Vakkali decided to commit the theologians of this system were strongly
suicide by throwing himself down from a hilltop. involved in the practice of self-killing. In the
At such a moment, the Master appeared before Śikṣāsamuccaya, a disciple, beginner, has been
him and told him that his death will be a holy, recommended to follow the heroic deeds of the
352 Death (Buddhism)

bodhisattvas in their past lives. The beginner has variety of euthanasia may be regarded as assisted
to be ready, willing, and resolved to commit self- suicide. Often a distinction is drawn between two
destruction with the objective of realizing the other varieties of euthanasia – pre-voluntary and
highest ideal. This sort of self-killing is the highest nonvoluntary ones. In the pre-voluntary euthana-
goal of nirvāṇa. It should, however, be borne in sia, the patient beforehand makes a will to the
mind that though the Buddhists allow or recom- effect that if he or she becomes mentally incapable
mend what may be described as “religious sui- in future then, under such and such medical con-
cide,” they allow it only in those cases where there ditions, he or she likes to terminate life. The
is no other means of attaining that universal wel- medical conditions referred to are such where
fare. If, any other route is open, such form of self- the patient is in deep coma but his or her heart is
destruction will not be allowed. To be very brief, kept active with the help of medical aids like
the Buddhists view regarding suicide is that if artificial ventilator, etc. In the nonvoluntary eutha-
suicide is committed out of some dissatisfaction nasia, the patient being in deep coma or in a stage
regarding mundane affairs such as not getting the of serious disease like Alzheimer, etc., is not able
desired object, etc., suicide is a very heinous act to suggest the termination of his or her life and
and leads one to hell, but if suicide is committed there the decision to end his or her life is to be
by a monk who has made much progress in the taken by the doctors in consultation with the rel-
spiritual realization but is not able to attain atives and with permission of the court. Active
nirvāṇa because of the hindrance created by the euthanasia is generally condemned by all and is
body, he is allowed to get rid of it. also resisted by medical practitioners, though
Death, these days, gives rise to another impor- some are willing to apply passive euthanasia to
tant question, namely, that of euthanasia. Derived some cases. Moral philosophers are involved in
from the two Greek words eu and thanatos, eutha- disputes as to whether euthanasia is justifiable at
nasia literally means “a good death.” As defined in all.
the Concise Oxford Dictionary the term stands for In connection with suicide it has been noted
“gentle and easy death; bringing about of this, that according to the Buddhist view the monks
especially in case of incurable and painful dis- and the nuns are prohibited strictly to provoke
ease.” The term normally comes to stand for a person to commit suicide/self-destruction either
such cases of dying where death is the intended by praising or aiding the act of suicide. This
result of some kind of action or inaction, thus prohibition gives the hint as to what the Buddhist
giving rise to the notions of active euthanasia view would be regarding euthanasia. Euthanasia,
and passive euthanasia. Active euthanasia is whether active or passive, is nothing but causing
intentionally hastening toward death by or hastening the death of the person. It amounts to
a deliberate positive act, such as pushing a lethal the same thing as deliberately killing a person,
injection. Passive euthanasia is intentionally has- even though such killing may have been requested
tening toward death by some deliberate passive upon by the person himself. Such an act obviously
act such as by withdrawing medical treatment or goes against the Buddhist first precept of not to
withdrawing food which could have prolonged “kill a living being,” not to cause “a living being
illness and thereby delay death. Sometimes a dis- to be killed,” and “not to approve of the killing of
tinction is drawn between voluntary and involun- a living being,” since to keep with the request to
tary euthanasia. Involuntary euthanasia is that kill the person amounts “to cause a living being to
which is carried out against the wishes of the be killed.” The same holds true even if the request
patient. This involuntary euthanasia may be had been made in the form of “a living will.” The
regarded the same as murder. Voluntary euthana- doctor who carries out or executes the request will
sia, on the other hand, is that in which the patient then be accused of the same charge as killing/
requests the doctors to take some measure which murdering the person, for it is quite possible that
will help to bring an early end to his life. This the person who previously made the request, at the
Death (Buddhism) 353

time of execution of the will, may have changed pain of another, the intention or the immediate
his mind. goal was something wrong, namely, inviting
In the case of the person who is suffering from death. Hence the monks were regarded guilty.
intense pain and when there is no chance of recov- The question of course arises: Why are the acts
ery as in the case of brain death, it seems that of “mercy killing” regarded to be wrong? In reply it
voluntary euthanasia is morally recommendable can be said that in the Buddhist perspective an
as it may be considered to be a case of mercy action is regarded as morally wrong if it is rooted
killing. But the Buddhists would not support in unwholesome roots like greed, delusion, or
such a justification. From several episodes stated hatred. Here “rooted in” means “having as the D
in the Vinaya, it seems to be clear that the Bud- motive or intention or both.” To recommend death
dhists do not look upon such cases as mercy on the grounds of compassion may be regarded as
killing, rather the monks involved in such cases rooted in delusion, as such the action is regarded as
are regarded as guilty of act entailing defeat in the wrong. Moreover in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya it
monastic life. The first case stated there is where has been said that killing may be originated in other
the monks “out of compassion” praise before roots as well – for example, it may be rooted in
a sick monk the beauty of death so that the latter ignorance. This happens, for instance, when
adopt some unpleasant means and die. The second a person puts his/her parents to death if the parents
case is that of a condemned man. A monk then are suffering from severe pain and the person thinks
asks the executioner to kill himself so that his pain that after dying the parents will have a new body
is not prolonged and he does not need to wait for with new organs and a painless life. This sort of
his death for a long period. The third case is of death, though may seem to be good from humani-
a man whose hands and feet have been cut off. tarian point of view, is regarded as unwholesome in
A monk then asks his relatives looking after him Buddhist outlook. It is delusion to try to end
whether they want to reduce his pain, and when a person’s suffering by killing that person. In the
his relatives agree, the monk prescribes buttermilk Buddhist perspective, death or dying is considered
for the man, and taking the buttermilk the man to be an opportunity for reflection when the indi-
dies. All these three cases may be looked upon as vidual can realize the impermanence of body,
mercy killing for in each case the monks did not wealth, worldly attachments, etc., and as such iden-
have any bad intention – they were upset by the tify the error of attachment toward such imperma-
pain of the ailing person and wanted to reduce nent objects. In other words, death provides the
their pain. So they prescribed different means. In individual an opportunity to have insight regarding
other words, they did not have any bad motive, the real nature of body, mind, and other empirical
rather they had compassion. Still in all these cases, conditions. An enforced death will put an end to
the Bhikkhus were guilty of committing paccitiya such an opportunity. Hence such act of encouraging
kamma (explanatory acts). To justify this position death is regarded to be rooted in delusion.
of the Buddhists, Keown has drawn a fundamental According to Buddhists, euthanasia dismisses the
distinction between motive and intention. Motive opportunity of dying in a good state of mind – calm,
refers to the ultimate aim of an action while inten- conscious, to be able to see the death
tion refers to the immediate goal of the action. For process through and also to learn the spiritual qual-
the Buddhists, life is the ultimate value, the ities. As such, euthanasia is wrong and is not
highest end, and such a motive cannot be recommended.
sacrificed for any other value like that of compas-
sion of friendship. To have compassion as motive
and to intend death in the process is not justifiable Cross-References
in the Buddhist framework. So, although in the
above cases the motive of the monks was some- ▶ Euthanasia
thing good, namely, compassion or reducing the ▶ Jarā-maraṇa
354 Decline of Indian Buddhism

▶ Kilesa (Kleśa)
▶ Parinirvāṇa Decline of Indian Buddhism
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
▶ Sin (Buddhism) K. T. S. Sarao
▶ Suicide (Buddhism) Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

References Synonyms
1. Harvey P (2000) An introduction to Buddhist ethics: End of the Dhamma in India
foundations, values and issues. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge
2. Kern H (tr) (1963) Saddharmapundarīka or the lotus of
the true Law, xxiii. Sacred books of the east, vol XXI. Definition
Dover, New York
3. Max Muller F (tr) (1998) The Dhammapada. Sacred
books of the east, vol VIII. Motilal Banarsidass. Indian
The near disappearance of Buddhism from
Reprint, Delhi the plains of India during the early medieval
4. Max Muller F, Rhys Davids TW (1998) The questions period.
of king Milinda. Sacred books of the east, vol XXI.
Motilal Banarsidass. Indian Reprint, Delhi
5. Poussein LV (1922) Death and Disposal of the Dead
(Buddhism). In: Hastings J (ed) Encyclopaedia of Introduction
ethics and religion, vol iv. Scribners
6. Pruden LM (1991) Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. Asian The first symptoms of crisis in monastic Bud-
Humanities Press, Berkeley
7. Revel JF, Ricard M (2000) The monk and the philos-
dhism made their appearance during the post-
opher. John Canty, Schuken Kuṣāṇa period when derelict monasteries in or
8. Rhys Davids CAF (1996) A Buddhist manual of psy- near decaying urban centers begin to appear in
chological ethics. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers the archaeological remains. The signs of this
Pvt Ltd., Indian Edition, Delhi
9. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (2001) Dialogues of the Buddha.
decline became quite pronounced when Faxian
Low Price Publication, Indian Reprint, Delhi (399–414 C.E.) paid a visit to India. When
10. Rhys Davids TW, Olderberg M (1998) Vinaya texts. Xuanzang (629–645 C.E.) arrived, Buddhism
Sacred books of the east, vol XIII. Motilal had become somewhat of a spent force in most
Banarsidass. Indian Reprint, Delhi
11. Roth JK (1995) International encyclopaedia of ethics.
parts of India. While appearing global, the decline
F.D. Publishers, London, Chicago of Buddhism in India had distinctive regional
12. Telang KT (tr) (1998) The Bhagavadgītā. Sacred features. Hence, no period can be delimited as
books of the east, vol VIII. Motilal Banarsidass. Indian marking the commencement of a general decline
Reprint, Delhi
13. Walshe M (1995) The long discourses of the
of Buddhism all over India. While one comes
Buddha: a translation of the Dīghanikāya. Wisdom, across Buddhism flourishing at one place, at the
Boston same time, one can see it in decline at another
14. Santideva (1999) Sikshasamuccaya: a compendium of place. For instance, when some well-endowed
Buddhist doctrines (trans: Bendall C, Rouse WHD).
Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi. Indian Reprint
Buddhist monasteries existed under the Pālas in
15. Ramanan KV (1993) Nagarjuna’s philosophy as eastern India, Buddhism had already met its
presented in the Mahaprajnaparamitasastra. Motilal worst fate in Sind. However, wherever it
Banarsidass, Delhi survived, it seems to have fallen into a state of
16. Norman KR, Davids CF (tr) (1989) Poems of early
Buddhist nuns: Therigatha. Wisdom, Massachusetts
complete disarray and collapsed rather quickly
17. Musaeus-Higgins M (2005) Jatakamala or a Garland and comprehensively toward the end of the
of birth stories. Low Price, Delhi twelfth century.
Decline of Indian Buddhism 355

The following reasons are often cited as being at certain times and places; still, it would be wrong
responsible, individually or collectively, for the to say that it had assumed a universal character.
decline: The saṃgha had never turned into an institution in
disgrace, and there is no well-documented evi-
1. Moral and ethical degeneracy in the saṃgha dence to prove that Buddhism was abandoned by
2. Animosity of the brāhmaṇas its followers just because it had become a corrupt
3. Persecution by Brāhmaṇical-Hindu kings and religion. Moreover, if moral and ethical degener-
withdrawal of royal patronage acy were the cause of the decline of Buddhism, it
4. Sectarianism and the rise of Mahāyāna and would not have survived as long as it did because D
Vajrayāna many of the examples of corrupt bhikkhus and
5. Attacks by Arabs and Turks bhikkhunīs are from an early period.
6. Role of Ṣūfism
7. Rise of Bhakti movement and revival of Animosity of the Brāhmanas
˙
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism It is suggested sometimes that the brāhmaṇas
8. Saṃgha-laity relationship, decline of urbaniza- mostly despised the Buddhists and that their ani-
tion, and evolving material milieu mosity, though not persistent and sustained, broke
out in a frenzy from time to time till Buddhism
Moral and Ethical Degeneracy in the Samgha was overpowered and wiped out from the land of
˙
An examination of the vast Buddhist as well as its origin. Anti-Buddhist campaigns of Kumārila
non-Buddhist textual material indicates that there Bhaṭṭa and Śaṃkarācārya are cited as important
were indeed many men and women who had examples in support of such a hypothesis. The
joined the saṃgha under circumstances of com- description of the Buddha in some of the Purāṇas
pulsion. The saṃgha is said to have had monks as a grand seducer who brought the asuras to their
who were cheats, frauds, false witnesses, and ruin and the view in the Yajñavalkya that
unscrupulous. Laxity in the saṃgha seems to a bhikkhu in yellow robes was an ill omen are
have grown to the extent that monks in large further quoted as examples of the contempt in
numbers were pocketing individual or community which the brāhmaṇas held the Buddhists. Though
wealth and engaging in several other indiscre- undoubtedly there were occasions when Buddhist
tions. There is evidence to show that some of the monks were held in ridicule, stray examples
prominent vihāras in early medieval period had quoted in support of Brāhmaṇical enmity and
become so influential that they began to issue their persecution certainly do not warrant that
own seals and coins. Thus, it cannot be denied that Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism had turned itself on Bud-
many corrupt practices had become widely prev- dhism lock, stock, and barrel. The wrangles
alent in the Buddhist saṃgha, but it is highly between the followers of the Buddha and the
unlikely that these practices led to its decline. As followers of various sects of Brāhmaṇical-
a matter of fact, corrupt practices in a religion do Hinduism appear more like internal petty alterca-
not appear to affect its well-being and it would be tions within a religious system rather than frenzied
difficult to explain as to how the ownership of communal riots. The Brāhmaṇical hostility, hav-
land, servants, granaries, and precious metals by ing an intellectual flavor on the whole, appears to
monasteries could have caused the decline of have been directed primarily at the monastic
Buddhism even if the Buddha had advocated oth- movement and, to some extent, at the comparative
erwise. Moreover, laxity in discipline of religious opulence of the monasteries. The Buddha made
life was not unique to Buddhism alone. It also respectful reference to those brāhmaṇas who
existed in the other contemporary religious com- observed their vows and classed the worthy ś
munities which did not decline. Besides, moral ramaṇas with the brāhmaṇas. Moreover, to the
laxity may have corrupted the Buddhist saṃgha Brāhmaṇical-Hindu followers, Buddhism was
356 Decline of Indian Buddhism

a mere sect within their religious system and, from in Buddhist literature as an enemy of Buddhism
their point of view, the bickering between the two who spared no efforts to snuff life out of Bud-
must be seen as an internal affair. Śaṃkarācārya dhism. However, scholars have generally
may not have been exactly a friend of Buddhism; expressed skepticism about the veracity of the
still, no special animosity is betrayed against the Buddhist legends relating to the persecution of
Buddhists in the writings attributed to him. It Buddhism by Puṣyamitra Śuṅga and Śaśāṅka.
cannot be denied that some Purāṇas mention the For instance, the testimony of the Divyāvadāna
Buddha as the grand seducer and the Yajñavalkya appears doubtful not only because it is chronolog-
considers the sight of a monk with yellow robes as ically far removed from the Śuṅgas but also
an execrable augury, but this kind of attitude was because at that time, dī nāra coins were not prev-
not always one-sided. The Buddhists, too, tried to alent. The policy of Puṣyamitra Śuṅga appears to
show different Brāhmaṇical deities in bad light. have been tolerant enough for the simple reason
For instance, the Siddhas are expected to be that if he were against the Buddhists, he would
served in heaven by Hari as their gatekeeper. have dismissed his Buddhist ministers. Besides,
Each of the Brāhmaṇical-Hindu gods Brahmā, there is sufficient evidence to show that the well-
Viṣṇu, and Śiva is stigmatized as Māra or the known Buddhist monuments of Sāñcī and
seducer in Buddhist literature. But even in such Bhārhut came into existence during the Śuṅga
cases, it cannot be said with certainty that similes period. The only thing that can be said with cer-
such as these smack of any sectarian disdain. They tainty on the basis of the stories told in the Bud-
are more reflective of the period’s peculiar fond- dhist texts about him is that he may have
ness for grandiloquence and extravagant exagger- withdrawn royal patronage from the Buddhist
ation than anything else. The Buddhist challenge institutions. It seems that as a consequence of
to thought was answered primarily on an intellec- this shifting of patronage from Buddhism to
tual plane, and the buck seems to have stopped Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism, the Buddhists became
there. politically active against him and sided with his
enemies, the Indo-Greeks. This might have
Persecution by Brāhmanical-Hindu Kings and incited him to put them down with a heavy hand.
˙
Withdrawal of Royal Patronage The reason that he made the declaration from
On the basis of the information provided by Śākala, the capital city of his archenemies, points
Xuanxang, Tāranātha, and Buddhist texts such to reasons motivated by political considerations.
as the Vibhāṣā, the Divyāvadāna, and the Thus, it would be fair to say that wherever the
Āryamañjuśrī mūlakalpa, it has been sometimes Buddhists did not or could not ally themselves
proposed that the decline of Buddhism took place with the invading Indo-Greeks, Puṣyamitra did
because of the withdrawal of patronage not beleaguer them. In any case, after the end of
and systematic policies of persecution by the Śuṅga dynasty, Buddhism found congenial
Brāhmaṇical kings such as Puṣyamitra Śuṅga environment under the Kuṣāṇas and Śakas, and
(second century B.C.E.) and Śaśāṅka (seventh it may be reasonable to assume that it did not
century C.E.). According to the Divyāvadāna suffer any real setback during the Śuṅga reign
and the Tibetan historian Tāranātha, Buddhism even if one could see some neglect or selective
became extinct in the north as a result of the persecution of Buddhists.
campaigns of Puṣyamitra, during the course of Similarly, anti-Buddhist feelings of Śaśāṅka
which he burnt down numerous Buddhist monas- appear to have arisen from the fact that the Bud-
teries and ordered the killing of monks. His dec- dhists in Magadha, who enjoyed considerable
laration to award anybody with 100 dī nāras who political clout, may have helped his archenemy,
would bring him the head of a monk is particularly Harṣavardhana, against him. Consequently, he
cited by some scholars as an example of the may have felt the need to punish them in such an
degree of hatred with which he treated Buddhism. oppressive manner. Thus, it has been suggested
Similarly, Śaśāṅka, the king of Gauḍa, is viewed that the expulsion of the pro-Buddhist Maukharis
Decline of Indian Buddhism 357

from Magadha by the Brāhmaṇical Gauḍas possi- Buddhism, adoption of Tantric practices does not
bly made Śaśāṅka unpopular with the powerful appear to have caused any damage for the simple
Buddhists of Magadha, and the uprooting of the fact that Tantra in its Brāhmaṇical-Hindu form has
Bodhi Tree may have been an economic move enjoyed great popularity and apparently has not
against the Magadhan Buddhists as the Bodhi contributed to the demise of Brāhmaṇical-
Tree was attracting hugely lucrative presents Hinduism in any observable way. Though the
from all over the Buddhist world. As Śaśāṅka’s development of Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna did not
acts of persecution were all committed away from weaken Buddhism as such, damage appears to
his own kingdom, it may be argued that his object have been done at another level. It ripped those D
was not so much to extirpate Buddhism as to make walls apart which had kept Buddhism and
a political statement before his own Buddhist sub- Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism apart and provided the
jects. On the whole, tolerant pluralism of the pop- mass-based, overarching, reinvigorated, and mul-
ulace and neutrality of the state toward different tifaceted Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism with an opportu-
religions worked quite well during the ancient and nity to assimilate Buddhism.
medieval period of Indian history. There being no
concept of a “state religion” in India, it would be Attacks by Arabs and Turks
difficult to assign any perceptible damage occur- There is sufficient literary and archaeological evi-
ring to any religion as a consequence of the with- dence to show that some important Buddhist
drawal of patronage by the rulers. Moreover, it vihāras were attacked and destroyed by Arab and
does not appear that in any period of the history of Turkish invaders. For instance, the monasteries at
ancient India, the saṃgha throve anywhere merely Sāranātha, Somapura, Odantapurī, Vikramaśilā,
on royal patronage or declined just because such and Nālandā suffered massive onslaughts at the
patronage was withdrawn. hands of these marauders. A Tibetan monk,
Dharmasvāmin, who paid a visit to Nālandā
Sectarianism and the Rise of Mahāyāna and toward the end of the twelfth century, has given
Vajrayāna a graphic eyewitness account of one such attack.
It is sometimes suggested that quarrels within the According to him, the libraries had perished and
saṃgha, lack of discipline, and the rise of diver- he could not get a scrap of manuscript to copy.
gent schools gravely endangered Buddhism. However, it is important to note that these attacks
Qualitative decay of Mahāyāna and abuses of were neither organized nor systematic. In some
Vajrayāna are cited as important examples. How- cases, there is also evidence to show that invading
ever, internal bickering as well as sectarian divi- central Asian tribesmen being ignorant of edifices
sions and rivalries do not appear to have caused in their desert homelands mistook the Buddhist
any damage to Buddhism. On the contrary, Bud- vihāras for military strongholds. Another reason
dhism being noncentralized, the emergence of for attacks by the plundering hordes was the enor-
numerous sects should actually be seen as an mous wealth accumulated by these monasteries.
indication of both intellectual and spiritual vigor. Moreover, according to R.M. Eaton, temples had
Buddhist sectarianism was largely confined to been the natural sites for the contestation of kingly
interpretation of texts. All schools more or less authority, and Turkish invaders, while attempting
accepted the validity of the basic Tipiṭaka and to plant their own rule in early medieval India,
shared an almost identical code of conduct, and were basically following and continuing the
coexistence of different sects within the Buddhist established patterns already followed by both
saṃgha seems to have been a normal practice. It Muslim and non-Muslim rulers in India. More
may also be pointed out here that the divisiveness importantly, according to him, acts of temple des-
associated with sectarianism was much more ecration typically occurred on the cutting edge of
severe among the Jainas but did not lead to their a moving military frontier. There is sufficient evi-
decline. Though it cannot be denied that Tantra dence to show that Buddhism actually survived
was sometimes followed in a degenerate form in the Turkish conquest and existed rather
358 Decline of Indian Buddhism

precariously for a few centuries afterward in parts a sociopolitical status that the brāhmaṇas simply
of eastern and southern India. Some new monas- could not ignore. It has been suggested that the
teries are also known to have been built and a few brāhmaṇas responded to this situation not only by
old ones repaired. But some scholars have being purposely friendly and assimilative toward
expressed surprise as to how a creed, so long as those ideas of Buddhist thought which had
it possessed any inner vitality, could become become socioreligiously commonsensical but
nearly extinct from such a vast country only with also by slowly and steadily, but systematically,
the fall of a few monasteries situated northern subverting institutional Buddhism. This can be
Bihar. Similarly, another question is asked as to seen in the shifting of the theories and political
why the Buddhists, like the Jainas and the orientation of kingship from Buddhist to Vaiṣṇava
Brāhmaṇical-Hindus, were not able to regroup and Śaiva rationales from the eighth century C.E.
and rebuild once things had settled down after onward. The Buddha was accorded the status of
the initial disruption. Thus, though it cannot be an avatāra within the Brāhmaṇical ideological
denied that the Arab and Turkish attacks were scheme. Thus, it has been suggested that the
quite ruthless in some ways, those attacks cannot avatāra device of Viṣṇu was an ingenious and
be held as raison le plus décisif of the decline of convenient means used to assimilate and then
Buddhism in India. The harsh truth is that by the subordinate the figure of the Buddha, thereby
time the Turkish invaders descended upon the causing a complete loss of his cultic veneration
plains of the eastern India, Buddhism had gone within Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism. In this assimila-
past its glory. tion, some credit is given to the Bhakti movement.
The growth of Mahāyāna and devotionalistic ele-
Role of Sūfism ments in Buddhism came to embrace parapherna-
˙
It has been sometimes incorrectly suggested that lia consisting of faith, devotion, prayer, worship,
Ṣūfism played a key role in the conversion of surrender, and the consequent salvation by grace.
Indian Buddhists to Islam. Buddhism had become At the same time, the Bhakti movement imbibed
completely marginalized and insignificant in most from Buddhism its devotionalism, its sense of the
of India when the Ṣūfīs began their activities. The transitoriness of the world, its conceptions of
conversions of Buddhists to Islam in Sind and the human worthlessness, its suppression of desires
rest of Pakistan took place before the Ṣūfīs began and asceticism as also its ritual, the worship of
their work in India. In Kashmir, majority of the idols and stūpas or liṅgams, temples, pilgrimages,
Buddhists had already been assimilated into fasts and monastic rules, love and compassion for
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism when the Ṛṣis and Ṣūfīs animals, and its idea of the spiritual equality of all
began their five-century-long activities. In eastern castes. Thus, with the fully grown and well-settled
India, especially territories covered by the pre- Bhakti element in the two traditions, theological
sent-day Bangladesh, when Islam arrived, Bud- and devotional ideas and even names came to be
dhism was influenced grievously by local cults used almost indistinguishably. This clearly
and Tantricism and was largely assimilated into marked an ultimate triumph of the Bhakti cult
Islam as an indirect consequence of the peaceful over Buddhism.
activities of the Ṣūfīs as well as through accultur-
ation and assimilation spread over several Samgha-Laity Relationship, Decline of
˙
generations. Urbanization, and Evolving Material Milieu
Buddhism regarded the laity basically as out-
Rise of Bhakti Movement and Revival of siders, and the precarious relationship between
Brāhmanical-Hinduism the laity and the saṃgha appears to have contrib-
˙
From the time of King Aśoka, institutional Bud- uted toward the decline. It is true that the Buddha
dhism came to acquire the character of a pan- was not interested in cultivating a community of
Indian and politically significant religion. Conse- lay followers for whom his monks and nuns
quently, the Buddha and Buddhism came to enjoy would have to act as priests and preside over
Decline of Indian Buddhism 359

their various life-cycle rituals. In fact, Buddhism temples had a clear advantage over mahāvihāras
in India never made an attempt to create in the management of landed estates due to their
a community of lay supporters who could exclu- better knowledge of agriculture (especially rice
sively be called followers of the Buddha and no cultivation) and seasons and their ingenuity in
one else. They were no more than mere unat- constructing origin myths and enormous capacity
tached well-wishers. Thus, it must be accepted for legitimation, and thus wider sociopolitical
that the lack of lay aficionados was a major draw- functions. This advantage was manifested in the
back of Buddhism. With the onset of urban crisis shift of royal patronage from Buddhism to
during the post-Kuṣāṇa period, the situation Brāhmaṇical-Hindu sects. This has been attrib- D
developed completely to the disadvantage of Bud- uted to the better adaptability and resilience of
dhism. Buddhist monasteries were no longer the brāhmaṇas to the situation in terms of their
attracting generous donations and political patron- transformation from a sacrificial cult to a gift-
age on the same scale as before, and between 300 receiving sect. Moreover, it has been suggested
and 600 C.E., Brāhmaṇical-Hindu temples that the Śāstras allowed the brāhmaṇas, who stud-
emerged as the focus of social and economic ied them and commanded a considerable body of
activity and began to attract more and more land knowledge on state administration and political
grants by playing an important role in the consol- economy, to become political specialists and
idation and expansion of agrarian settlements. work as priests, councilors, administrators, and
Loss of support due to the dispersal of mercantile clerks.
communities led to a dwindling in the numbers of
Buddhist monasteries as well as those who aspired
to adopt renunciation in the Buddhist saṃgha. In A Model for Decline
such a newly emerged situation, the number of
Buddhist monasteries became reduced signifi- The following factors, most of which were inher-
cantly. Though some support may still have ent weaknesses of Indian Buddhism, appear to
accrued here and there from the few surviving or have collectively caused its decline:
newly emerged urban settlements to a number of
Buddhist monasteries, the number of traditional 1. Urban character, lack of mass base, and anti-
supporters of Buddhism remained grievously Buddhist brāhmaṇa-peasant alliance
small. In order to survive in a situation of dwin- 2. Inalienable affiliation with and dependence
dling traditional support and the rising tide of upon mercantile communities for material
rejuvenated Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism, the few sur- support
viving Buddhist monasteries began to tune them- 3. Intellectual snobbery, social aloofness, and
selves to the emerging feudal situation by lack of interest in cultivating loyalty among
adopting new roles for themselves through the the fickle-minded lay supporters
practice of self-supporting economies based on 4. Death-wish mentality
land grants. Further, the saṃgha liberalized learn- 5. Overwhelming presence of Brāhmaṇical ele-
ing and opened the doors of its monasteries to ments in the saṃgha and unwittingly playing
secular education so as to make it more effective second fiddle to Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism
in debates and disputations. Thus, from the fifth
century onward, a number of monasteries began Urban Character, Lack of Mass Base, and Anti-
to grow out of their conventional character into Buddhist Brāhmana-Peasant Alliance
˙
fully grown universities (mahāvihāras) of laicized Indian Buddhism was the creation of an urban
academic learning and scholarship. A major share milieu, found favor only with an urban society,
of the land grants to these mahāvihāras came from and its lay supporters were almost entirely urban-
their Brāhmaṇical-Hindu patrons who appear to ites consisting of merchants, traders, bankers,
have approached Buddhist deities as if they were financiers, artisans, and members of the ruling
Brāhmaṇical-Hindu. The Brāhmaṇical-Hindu authority. Thus, the inclination of the Buddhist
360 Decline of Indian Buddhism

monasteries to be elitistic rather than mass-based systematically and steadily, the Brāhmaṇical-
and aversion to serve the rural communities and Hindu temples, through their better knowledge
lack of interest in winning supporters among of agriculture (especially rice cultivation) and sea-
them, turned these monasteries into some sort of sons and their ingenuity in constructing origin
islands. Moreover, considering that only a tiny myths and enormous capacity for legitimation,
portion of the Indian society was urban, in numer- and thus wider sociopolitical functions, obtained
ical terms, Buddhist support base was indeed very an advantage over Buddhist mahāvihāras. Conse-
small. However, when urbanization began to quently, Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism, with its institu-
decline in India, Buddhism found its narrow sup- tional base in the temple-centered agrarian
port base further shrunk. After urban centers settlements, grew into a dynamic and progressive
began to decline, dispersal of urban occupational force. In other words, the ascendance of the agrar-
groups, leading to loss of material support, made ian class and its alliance with Brāhmaṇical-
the existence of the saṃgha very precarious. The brāhmaṇas during the heydays of the Bhakti
emergent situation resulted in majority of the movement appear to have tilted the
small monasteries, which formally existed inside scales against Buddhism. From the eighth century
or within the vicinity of urban settlements, becom- onward, this advantage of the Bhakti-inspired
ing derelict. The few monasteries which managed brāhmaṇa-peasant alliance can be viewed as
to survive did so either by receiving land endow- manifested in the shift of the royal patronage
ments or eked out an existence within or on the from Buddhism to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu sects.
periphery of the surviving urban settlements espe-
cially in the coastal regions of peninsular India. In Inalienable Affiliation with and Dependence
order to survive in a situation of dwindling tradi- upon Mercantile Communities for Material
tional support, the monasteries began to accept Support
grants of land for religious purposes from the Archaeological, epigraphic, and literary evidence
ruling authorities. To sustain support and compete clearly indicates toward a link between Buddhist
with Brāhmaṇical-Hindu temples, learning was vihāras and long-distance trade networks of the
liberalized and the doors of the monasteries were Northern Highway (uttarāpatha) and the South-
opened to secular education. Consequently, from ern Highway (dakṣiṇāpatha) which incorporated
the fifth century onward, these monasteries began regional and local micronetworks of individual
to grow out of their conventional character into regions and were connected to overland and mar-
centers of laicized academic learning as well as itime routes. The spirit of commerce which cut
scholarship. Some of these monasteries became across social boundaries, dissolved social distinc-
metamorphosed into mahāvihāras and managed tions, and created new social realities, found its
not only to attain self-sufficiency but were also supreme ideological expression in Buddhism and
able to successfully exploit their niche for hence facilitating both its spread and sustenance.
extending their power and influence in their Thus, it is no surprise that Buddhism retained an
respective localities through the ownership of vil- enduring appeal to mercantile communities. Sym-
lages, land, and cattle. As these newly sprung biotic relationship that existed between Buddhist
mahāvihāras had to manage large pieces of land monastic institutions and trade networks is proved
and a whole lot of the associated paraphernalia, by the fact that these monasteries worked not only
the character of Buddhist monastic institutions as rest houses for the merchants and traders but
underwent a revolutionary change. This phenom- also participated in commercial activities includ-
enon helped these few mahāvihāras to survive and ing banking and manufacture of goods and their
even prosper for a while. However, ultimately, storage. In other words, monastic establishments
they turned out to be poor competitors to their which were central to the survival of Indian Bud-
Brāhmaṇical-Hindu counterparts as the latter had dhism remained inalienably dependent on the
many advantages over Buddhist mahāvihāras in highly organized mercantile communities which
the management of landed estates. However, not only constructed most of the stūpas and
Decline of Indian Buddhism 361

provided material support to Buddhist monaster- Death-Wish Mentality

ies but also contributed toward accumulation of The theme of an inevitable end of the dharma
wealth in the monasteries. With the decline in appears to have played an avant-garde role in the
trade and the onset of feudalism, agrarian commu- formation of the Buddhist psyche. References are
nities gained in sociopolitical importance. From not wanting in Buddhist literature indicating the
about the eighth century C.E. onward, belief entertained by Buddhists that their faith
Brāhmaṇical-Hindu temple-building activity was neither in aeternum nor aeonic and that the
resulting from the alliance of Bhakti movement impending end to their faith was unavoidable. In
and agrarian classes led to the Buddha being fact, the prophecy of “decline” forms a recurrent D
elbowed out by Viṣṇu and Śiva as the favorite theme in Indian Buddhism and there appeared to
deities of the royalty. have been a sort of death wish in Buddhism, so to
say. The Vinaya Piṭaka refers, for instance, to the
Intellectual Snobbery, Social Aloofness, and decline of moral life resulting in the anticipated
Lack of Interest in Cultivating Loyalty Among collapse of the religion. The Buddha himself is
the Fickle-Minded Lay Supporters said to have expressed the view that his religion
Indian Buddhism was highly intellect, élitistic, would last only 1,000 years and that the entry of
and urban. Consequently, it was wary of those women would further cut its life span to half. Both
who lacked education and sophistication. More- the Cakkavatti-Sī hanāda Suttanta and the Aggañña
over, it was merely a monastic religion and in Suttanta of the Dī gha Nikāya refer to the idea of
reality signified only those who had become imminent decline as part of the cosmic cycle of
monks and nuns by renouncing the lives of house- evolution and devolution spanning vast expanses
holders. There was no complementarity between of time. The Indian Buddhists themselves believed
the Buddhist saṃgha and its lay supporters. In that they were living in the valley of decline and
fact, the conversion of the lay supporters of Bud- were in fear of an approaching cataclysm. Such
dhism was never either complete or effective. a mindset must have contributed toward the saṃgha
There was absolutely nothing in Buddhism that not thinking or acting in terms of working toward
ever barred its supporters from extending financial a perennial survival of the dharma.
or other support to other religious orders or, for
that matter, from paying respect to the holy per- Overwhelming Presence of Brāhmanical
˙
sons of those religious orders which from time to Elements in the Samgha and Unwittingly
time competed with Buddhism for space. It has ˙
Playing Second Fiddle to Brāhmanical-
˙
been correctly suggested that to a typical lay sup- Hinduism
porter, the saṃgha was nothing more than a mere Though Buddhism had opened its doors to all
adult education class with voluntary attendance. irrespective of caste, creed, or gender, yet highly
The Buddha was not interested in cultivating educated brāhmaṇas and rich merchants remained
a community of lay followers for whom his the most favored candidates, the former for mem-
monks and nuns would have to act as priests and bership of the saṃgha and the latter as providers
preside over their life-cycle rituals. Thus, Bud- of material support. Over a quarter of all the
dhism neither had any aficionados nor was it Buddhist monks and nuns came from brāhmaṇa
meant to have any bigoted following. What Bud- families and carried with them their Brāhmaṇical
dhism had created, at best, were fickle-minded lay notions into the very core of Buddhism. The infil-
supporters, a floating element in the vast popula- tration of such elements in huge numbers, most of
tion which conformed to the Brāhmaṇical caste whom were never fully converted to the ideals set
system. The lay supporters of Buddhism did not forth by the Buddha, contributed greatly toward
have particularly much at stake in its survival, and sabotaging the saṃgha from within.
thus, such followers did not have any guilty con- The Buddha had advised the monks and nuns to
science while switching loyalties in favor of one stay away from performing the life-cycle rituals
of the Brāhmaṇical-Hindu sects. of householders which were left entirely to the
362 Degenerate Age

brāhmaṇas. Thus, even the most regular supporters References

of Buddhism followed not only Brāhmaṇical rites
but also frequently conformed to Brāhmaṇical- 1. Eaton RM (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal
frontier, 1204–1706. University of California Press,
Hindu caste regulations. Moreover, Brāhmaṇical-
Berkeley
Hindu declaration of the Buddha as an incarnation 2. Holt JC (2004) The Buddhist Viṣṇu: religious transfor-
of Viṣṇu was allowed to go uncontested unlike the mation, politics, and culture. Columbia University
Jainas who countered every move of Brāhmaṇical- Press, New York
3. Inden RB (1979) The ceremony of the great gift
Hinduism. Buddhism had no mechanism in place
(Mahādana): structure and historical context in Indian
to thwart Brāhmaṇical assimilative onslaught. On ritual and society. In: Gaborieau M, Thorner A (eds)
the contrary, Buddhism continued to play second Asie du sud: Traditions et changements. Centre national
fiddle to Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism and continued to de la recherchè scientifique, Paris, pp 131–136
4. Jaini PS (1980) The disappearance of Buddhism and the
make appeasing accommodations with it at every
survival of Jainism: a study in contrast. In: Narain AK
stage. Adoption of Sanskrit must also be seen as (ed) Studies in history of Buddhism. B.R. Publishing
a step taken in this direction. It not only brought Corporation, Delhi, pp 81–91
Buddhism nearer to the Brāhmaṇical embrace but 5. Joshi LM (1957) Studies in the Buddhistic culture of
India, 2nd rev edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
also turned Buddhism into a religion for academic
6. Li R (trans) (1996) Da Tang Xiyu Ji, the great Tang
study and took it further away from the common Dynasty record of the western regions (trans: Li R).
man who did not understand Sanskrit. Mutual Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research,
exchange and adoption of different deities with Berkeley
7. Mitra RC (1954) The decline of Buddhism in India.
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism should also be seen as
Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, Birbhum
part of the wider scheme of things whereby Bud- 8. Takakusu J (trans) (1896) A record of the Buddhist
dhism succumbed to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu strategy religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago
of ultimately bringing the Buddha home as a minor (A.D. 671–695) by I-tsing. Clarendon Press, Oxford
9. Sarao KTS (2012) The decline of Indian Buddhism:
player. The rise of Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna in Bud-
a fresh perspective. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
dhism and the growing strength of Bhakti move-
ment in Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism did away with any
of the remaining walls that had kept Buddhism
apart from Brāhmaṇical-Buddhism. In the end, Degenerate Age
with the assumption of a queer form whereby it
had turned into an arcane and kabbalistic cult con- ▶ Eschatology (Buddhism)
trolled by nāthas and yogis, it was left with no
internal justification to survive as a distinct creed.

Demise
Cross-References
▶ Death (Buddhism)
▶ Dīgha Nikāya
▶ Divyāvadāna
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
▶ Mahāyāna Demon
▶ Māra
▶ Nālandā ▶ Yakṣa
▶ Persecution (Buddhism)
▶ Saṃgha
▶ Saṃkhāra
▶ Sāñcī Description of Human Individuals
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) ▶ Puggalapaññatti
Devadatta 363

Devadatta joined the Saṃgha, the Buddha was

Destiny warned by the devaputta Kakudha about
Devadatta’s desire to deprive him of the leader-
▶ Fate (Buddhism) ship of the Saṃgha. But the Buddha was not
troubled by such reports as he felt that such
actions of Devadatta would only be counterpro-
ductive ([6], Vol. ii, pp. 184–188).
Deva
D
▶ Āryadeva Rise to Fame and “Anti-Samgha”
Activities ˙

Devadatta is said to have begun his career quite

Devadatta impressively as a monk. During the Vassāvāsa
that followed his entry into the Saṃgha, he
K. T. S. Sarao acquired the power of iddhi, possible to those
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of who are still of the world (puthujjanika-iddhi.
Delhi, Delhi, India [6], Vol. ii, p. 183). As a result of this achieve-
ment, his prestige grew tremendously, and he
came to acquire great respect within the Saṃgha.
Synonyms In fact, Devadatta is praised as a quintessential
example of an ideal monk, who had right views
Godhīputta and preached the correct dhamma ([14], Vol. iv,
p. 402). Sāriputta lavished praises on him saying:
“Godhīputta is of great psychic power,
Definition Godhīputta is of great splendour” ([6], Vol. ii,
p. 189).
Cousin and brother-in-law of the Buddha. But after this, it has been pointed out, began the
story of acrimony and bad blood. Devadatta is
suspected of evil designs ([4], Vol. ii, p. 156). He
Introduction is shown in the texts as a person who became not
only jealous of the Buddha’s fame but also began
Devadatta was the son of Sākyan Suppabuddha to entertain ambitions to win lay converts and
(the Buddha’s mother’s brother) and Amitā (the satisfy his desire for honor and material gain. To
Buddha’s father’s sister, [27], Vol. i, p. 289; [28], attain this objective, Devadatta joined hands with
Vol. i, p. 105). Prince Siddhattha was married to crown prince Ajātasattu who was tremendously
Devadatta’s sister Bhaddakaccānā/Bhaddakaccā impressed with Devadatta’s display of his super-
([5], Vol. ii, p. 24; [8], Vol. xxvi, p. 15; [26], natural power and became his loyal patron
Vol. i, p. 204) who is generally mentioned as showering all kinds of favors on him. After this,
Rāhulamātā in the texts and is also known in Devadatta is said to have begun to smell real
later texts by various other names such as power and conceived the idea of becoming the
Yasodharā ([7], p. 245), Bimbādevī ([3], Vol. ii, leader of the Saṃgha in the Buddha’s place. But at
p. 392f), and Bimbāsundarī ([3], Vol. iv, p. 478). this point, his psychic powers diminished ([6],
Devadatta, who is said to have had the strength of Vol. ii, p. 184). For the fulfillment of his desire
five elephants ([29], Vol. i, p. 62), entered the to take up the leadership of the Saṃgha,
Saṃgha when the Buddha visited Kapilavatthu Devadatta is said to have approached the Buddha
after Enlightenment ([6], Vol. ii, pp. 182–202, and pointed out to him that as the latter was
Vol. iii, pp. 172–175). Almost immediately after getting old, he should let former assume
364 Devadatta

leadership of the Saṃgha. The Buddha outrightly the Buddha’s evil deeds in previous births ([12],
rejected his request and snubbed him for enter- Vol. ii, pp. 300–301). In any case, despite the
taining such thoughts ([6], Vol. ii, p. 188; [25], hatred shown by Devadatta toward him, the Bud-
Vol. i, p. 393). Devadatta left dejected and threat- dha on his part did not harbor any ill will toward
ened revenge. The Buddha, thereafter, told the him ([24], p. 410).
monks to carry out the following formal act of
information against Devadatta in Rājagaha ([17],
Vol. v, pp. 264–265). Five Austere Practices and Schism in
The act being carried out, the Buddha asked the Samgha
Sāriputta to inform against Devadatta in ˙
Rājagaha. When Sāriputta expressed hesitation After having failed to kill the Buddha, Devadatta
because he had formerly spoken in praise of along with four other companions goes to the
him, the Buddha allowed that just as Sāriputta’s Buddha and requests him that the following five
former praise had been true, now his condemna- austere (dhuta) practices be imposed on the
tion will be equally true ([6], Vol. ii, p. 189). When Saṃgha and that their violation be treated as sinful
Sāriputta proclaimed the act of information in ([6], Vol. iii, p. 171):
Rājagaha against Devadatta, it resulted in protest
by some of the lay devotees of Devadatta who 1. Monks should dwell all their lives in the forest
accused the followers of the Buddha of being (āraññaka).
jealous of Devadatta’s gains and honors ([6], 2. Monks should all their lives obtain alms by
Vol. ii, p. 190). After this incident, Devadatta is begging (piṇḍapātika).
said to have turned into a complete antisocial 3. Monks should all their lives wear robes made
character and a criminal. He makes up his mind of discarded clothes (paṃsukūlika).
to murder the Buddha. For this purpose, he 4. Monks should all their lives dwell at the foot of
approaches Ajātasattu who agrees and provides a tree (rukkhamūlika).
him with assassins. But the assassins are dis- 5. Monks should abstain completely from fish
suaded from their intended act by the charisma, and flesh (macchamaṃsaṃ na khādeyyuṃ).
insight, and kindness of the Buddha ([6], Vol. ii,
pp. 190–193). Thereafter, Devadatta tries to kill It has been pointed out by Mukherjee ([15],
the Buddha by rolling down a boulder on to him p. 120) that it is quite strange indeed to note that
from a hilltop. Though the boulder is miracu- even after the various attempts made by Devadatta
lously destroyed, splinters from the boulder draw on the life of the Buddha (including injuring him),
blood from the Buddha’s foot ([6], Vol. ii, p. 193). he was not expelled from the Saṃgha. So much
After this incident, the monks become very so, he even went over to the Buddha as a monk
worried about the Buddha’s safety, but the latter and demanded the imposition of these five austere
tells them not to worry as a Buddha cannot be practices. The Buddha leaves the option to the
killed before his time ([6], Vol. ii, p. 194). Now, monks and enjoins Devadatta not to bring out
Devadatta sets a mad killer elephant on the Bud- a schism in the Saṃgha. However, Devadatta in
dha, but the Buddha tames the elephant through turn, according to the account, accuses the Bud-
his loving-kindness ([6], Vol. ii, pp. 194–195). dha of being prone to luxury and abundance espe-
According to the texts, attempts to kill the Buddha cially because “people esteem austerity.”
led to an outrage and public unpopularity of Devadatta then goes ahead (in the Uposatha cer-
Devadatta. Ajātasattu was compelled by the emony) through the formalities of creating the first
force of public opinion to withdraw his patronage schism in the Saṃgha and leaves for Gayāsīsa
from Devadatta, whose gain and honor, anyway, along with 500 supporting monks ([6], Vol. iii,
had decreased ([23], Vol. iv, p. 811). However, it pp. 171–172). Then onward, Devadatta tries to
has been pointed out in the texts that these plans of imitate the Buddha by keeping two chief disciples
Devadatta to harm the Buddha were the result of by his side ([16], Vol. i, p. 122). Among his
Devadatta 365

followers, Devadatta also had some prominent The Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā points out that
personalities like nun Thullanandā who upheld Sākyan Suppabuddha was angry with the Buddha
Devadatta as a stalwart in the sāsana ([6], Vol. because he had not only deserted his daughter in
ii, pp. 66, 335). The Buddha sends Sāriputta and renouncing the household life but had also turned
Moggallāna to Devadatta’s camp. After arriving, hostile to his son Devadatta after ordaining him as
though these two seem to have approved of a disciple in the Saṃgha. Devadatta’s enmity
Devadatta’s dhamma but when Devadatta goes toward the Buddha is also shown as being based
to sleep, they convince the 500 “wayward” on the same reasons as that of Suppabuddha ([16],
monks to return to the Buddha. Kokālika then Vol. iii, p. 44). Different personalities associated D
wakes up Devadatta and reveals the bad news to with Devadatta, especially Kokālika and
him. Devadatta is so shocked by the events that Thullanandā, also face the brunt of criticism, and
hot blood gushes out of his mouth and he falls this criticism becomes sharper as time goes by
fatally ill. According to some texts, Kokālika ([3], Vol. i, pp. 474ff, 491, Vol. ii, pp. 65ff, 108,
actually kicks Devadatta in the chest ([3], Vol. i, 110, 175, 438, Vol. iv, p. 242; [16], Vol. i, p. 143).
p. 491; [16], Vol. i, p. 143). The Buddha subse- However, Devadatta does not stand totally
quently remarks that Devadatta would fall into condemned. As many as three Pāli suttas are
Niraya Hell. However, when Devadatta breaths named after Devadatta. Once mention is also
his last 9 months later, he makes a dying statement made of the text of a sermon delivered by
that he has no refuge other than the Buddha ([16], Devadatta, and when this was reported to
Vol. i, p. 147; [24], p. 111). Though Devadatta Sāriputta, he used it as an occasion for a talk to
falls into Niraya Hell, yet he is assured that the monks ([14], Vol. iv, p. 402f). Sometimes he is
after a 100,000 aeons, he would be born as mentioned as an impeccable saint, who had the
a paccekabuddha by the name of Aṭṭhissara right view and could preach the correct dhamma,
([16], Vol. i, p. 125; [24], p. 111). However, whose achievements were acknowledged by the
according to the Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka, Buddha himself ([14], Vol. iv, p. 402). Sāriputta
Devadatta would be born as a Buddha by the and Ānanda are known to have acknowledged his
name of Devarāja (Chap. xi, stanza 46). great psychic power and majesty, which the Bud-
dha also affirmed ([6], Vol. ii, p. 189, see [18],
p. 162). Moreover, the Buddha once called him
Criticism of Devadatta along with ten other elders as the one who had
“put away evil. . . (and). . . destroyed the fetters”
Interestingly, as one moves away from the Bud- ([22], Vol. i, p. 5). He is also mentioned as a true
dha chronologically, the criticism of Devadatta friend ([16], Vol. i, p. 65) and an eloquent teacher
becomes more and more scathing. Thus, in the (BD.v.280) who meditated in solitude ([6], Vol. ii,
different commentaries of the Nikāyas and later p. 184). In one of the dilemmas, discussed in the
texts such as the Jātakas, Devadatta is depicted as Milindapañha, Devadatta is depicted as a mixture
the quintessential example of a wicked person. of good and evil ([24], pp. 200–205). How does
The Dhammapada commentary gives graphic one explain such a contradictory description?
details of the tortures inflicted on Devadatta in
Avīcī ([16], Vol. i, p. 147). The same text also
mentions that when people heard of the death of Evaluation of Criticism of Devadatta
Devadatta, they were so happy that they held
a great festival ([16], Vol. i, pp. 126–127). As A critical review of all the references appears to
many as 89 Jātaka tales portray him as the object indicate that stories regarding Devadatta being an
of hatred of Buddhists. In all these tales, he is opponent of the Buddha since childhood are only
portrayed as the bodhisatta’s arch rival who con- later additions. There does not appear to be any
stantly competed with him and committed perni- historical truth in them. The differences between
cious deeds. the Buddha and Devadatta appear to have arisen
366 Devadatta

out of some serious issues which may have been taking up leadership after the Buddha’s death
personal and/or related to the functioning of the considering that he believed and wanted to keep
Saṃgha. It certainly cannot be denied that after Buddhism austere against settled monasticism. As
the death of the Buddha and with the passage of pointed out by Bareau, the only issue that could be
time, the positive side of the character of accepted historically true is that Devadatta pro-
Devadatta is overshadowed by the vitriolic con- posed to the Buddha that the five austere practices
demnation as most of this condemnation appears be made obligatory, which the Buddha rejected,
in later Buddhist literature (see [18], p. 176 fn 32). and thereafter, Devadatta affected schism in the
Some of the contemporaries of the Buddha, like Saṃgha by leaving along with 500 bhikkhus, and
Nigaṇṭha Nātaputta, also felt that criticism of later these bhikkhus were won back by Sāriputta
Devadatta was not justified ([25], pp. 392–393). and Moggallāna ([15], p. 540ff). That Devadatta
Even Ānanda is said to have been unsure about the was not so bad, after all, has also been pointed out
criticism of Devadatta ([14], Vol. iii, p. 402). in some of the texts of other Buddhist traditions.
The episodes relating to Devadatta have been In the Sarvāstivāda-Vinaya, it has been pointed
analyzed systematically by Mukherjee [15] and out that for 12 years after his admission into the
Bareau ([1], pp. 533–547), both of whom have Saṃgha, Devadatta conducted himself with fault-
pointed out quite convincingly that the episodes less deeds and thoughts. He read and recited the
maligning Devadatta are a fabrication of later sūtras, lived according to proper discipline, and
times. Devadatta’s positive character becomes strove in his practice of Dharma ([15], p. 120). In
darker and darker as time goes by, and one can the Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka Sūtra, Devadatta is
discern an attempt to whitewash the positive side depicted in a former life as a forest renunciant
of his character as more and more blame is heaped who assisted Buddha Sākyamuni as his teacher
on him. He is, thus, accused of being filled with to Buddhahood ([9], xi, stanza 46). In future
greed, pride, and ambition and of attempting var- times, this text says, Devadatta will become as
ious crimes to set himself in the Buddha’s stead, to revered as Tathāgata Devarāja, leading innumer-
induce Ajātasattu to kill his father, to himself able beings to Enlightenment and that those
murder the Buddha, and so on – all in spite circumambulating the stūpa raised over his relics
of his (in some accounts) previously saintly may hope for realization as an arhant,
character. All this appears to be nothing but a pratyekabuddha, or a Buddha [9].
a misrepresentation intended to tarnish his char-
acter ([1], p. 542). It appears, as argued by Ray,
that Devadatta was not an evil doer but a realized Legacy of Devadatta
master and that the most important reason for the
vilification was his strict identification with forest It appears that the schism created by Devadatta
Buddhism as it did not go well with settled monas- was successful and Sāriputta and Moggallāna
ticism. “It is not just that he practices forest Bud- were either unsuccessful in winning back all
dhism, is a forest saint, and advocates forest those dissident monks who had left with
renunciation. Even more, and worse from the Devadatta or Devadatta succeeded later in
viewpoint of his detractors, he completely repudi- recruiting some of his own. This fact is proved
ates the settled monastic form, saying in effect that by a story related in one of the Jātakas. According
he does not judge it to be authentic at all” ([18], to this story, Ajātasattu built a monastery for
p. 171). He considered this “as a form of laxity, Devadatta and sent there such luxurious food
a danger for the future of the community and that even some of the Buddha’s followers would
of Buddhism altogether” ([1], p. 542). His steal it ([3], Vol. i, pp. 186, 508). Interestingly,
unwavering advocacy of the five austere practices Devadatta, who left the Saṃgha on account of
may also be seen in the issue of leadership disagreement with the Buddha because the latter
whereby Devadatta may have shown interest in refused to implement the five austere practices, is
Devadatta 367

himself accused in later portions of the Pāli liter- ▶ Enlightenment

ature of having indulged in violation of the same. ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
Examples such as luxurious food being served at ▶ Iddhi
his monastery and his attempts to imitate the Bud- ▶ Kapilavatthu
dha appear to be part of the smear campaign. ▶ Moggallāna
Thus, it seems that not only that Devadatta con- ▶ Saṃgha
tinued to have his own followers but he even ▶ Sāriputta
continued to have the support of Ajātasattu. ▶ Sāvatthī
Over seven centuries later, Faxian saw near ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) D
Sāvathī a community of disciples following
Devadatta who rendered homage to the three pre-
vious Buddhas but not to the Sākyamuni Buddha References
([2], p. 82). Similarly, Xuanzang saw three mon-
asteries in Bengal where the followers of 1. Bareau A (1988–1989) Ėtude du bouddhisme.
Devadatta were in residence ([11], p. 303). It is Annuaire du College de France:533–547
suggested that the reason for Devadatta’s schism 2. Beal S (1869) The travels of Fah-hian and Sung- yun.
Trübner, London
was indeed his adherence to certain austerities, 3. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
which the mainstream community from which London
he and his group seceded were not willing to 4. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
follow. These references also reveal the great suc- 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
5. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text
cess of Devadatta and his tradition which was in Society, London
existence at least up to a 1,000 years after its 6. Horner IB (ed) (1938–1966) The book of the disci-
separation from mainstream Buddhism ([1], pline, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London:194-195
p. 544; [10], p. 374; [18], p. 172). However, Ray 7. Horner IB (ed) (1946) Madhuratthavilāsinī nāma
Buddhavaṃsaṭṭhakathā of Bhadantācariya
believes that Devadatta’s schism actually took Buddhadatta Mahāthera. Pali Text Society, London
place after the death of the Buddha ([18], 8. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) The Buddhavaṃsa.
p. 172). This appears a little far-fetched. Not Pali Text Society, London
only that Devadatta predeceased the Buddha, but 9. Kern K (trans) (1884) The Saddharma-Puṇḍarīka or
the lotus of the true law, sacred books of the east, no
the tradition of Devadatta’s differences with the 32. Clarendon, Oxford
Buddha is also well grounded in all the traditions. 10. Lamotte Ė (1958) Histoire du bouddhisme indien: Des
Thus, it is hard to believe that Devadatta’s parting origenes à l’ère Śaka, vol 43. Bibliothéque du Musèon,
of ways with the Saṃgha took place after Louvain
11. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang Dynasty record of
the Mahāparinibbāna. The argument in the the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā that Devadatta’s resent- Translation and Research, Berkeley
ment against the Buddha was for reasons similar 12. Lilley ME (2000) The Apadāna, 2 vols. Pali Text
to Suppabuddha’s does not appear to be true in the Society, London
13. Malalasekera GP (1983) Dictionary of Pāli proper
case of Devadatta, a realized master. The five names, vol 2. Oriental Reprint, New Delhi, Reprint
austere practices and the issue of leadership must 14. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
be seen as raison le plus décisif for the parting of Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
ways between the Buddha and Devadatta. 15. Mukherjee B (1966) Die Uberlieferung von
Devadatta, dem Widersacher des Buddha, in den
kanonischen. Schriften, Munich
16. Norman HC (1906) The commentary on the
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17. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Ajātasattu 18. Ray RA (1994) Buddhist saints in India: a study in
▶ Buddha (Concept) Buddhist values & orientations. Oxford University
▶ Dhamma Press, New York
368 Devānampiya Asoka
˙

19. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)

(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist)
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
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20. Rockhill WW (1884) The life of the Buddha and the Angraj Chaudhary
early history of his order. Trübner, London Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
21. Smith H (ed) (1915) The Paramatthajotikā, the Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
Khuddakapāṭha commentary, vol I. Pali Text Society,
London
22. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udānaṃ. Pali Text Society,
London Synonyms
23. Takkakusu J, Nagai M (eds) (1947–1965) The
Samantapāsādikā, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
the Vinaya Piṭaka. Pali Text Society, London Dharma (Buddhism)
24. Trenckner V (ed) (1880) The Milindapañha. Williams
and Norgate, London
25. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Definition
26. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
Dhamma is not to go to a temple, or a church, or a
London mosque and worship there by performing differ-
27. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938) ent rites and rituals, but it is to purify one’s mind
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of of different defilements that rob us of our peace
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
28. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramattha-Dīpanī:
and cause our suffering. In short, it is to keep
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of oneself from unwholesome actions, perform
Dhammapālācariya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London wholesome actions, and purify one’s mind by
29. Woodward FL (1977) The Sāratthappakāsinī, observing precepts of morality (sī la).
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Saṃyutta Nikāya,
3 vols. Pali Text Society, London

Dhamma Gives the Key to Understand

Dharma
Devānampiya Asoka
˙ The words “Dhamma” and “Dharma” are the
▶ Aśoka same. “Dharma” of Sanskrit language has become
“Dhamma” in Pali language.

Dharma Is Universal: It Is the Law of

Devānampiya Piyadasi Nature
˙
▶ Aśoka The Dhamma of fire is to burn and burn others.
But should it be our Dhamma to burn with anger
and burn others? The answer is an emphatic “no.”
The Buddha has succinctly defined Dhamma in
these words:
Dhamma Sabbapāpassa akaraṇaṃ, kusalassa upasampadā/
Sacittapariyodapanaṃ, etaṃ buddhāna
sāsanaṃ// ([2], verse 183)
▶ Dhammavijaya
▶ Ethics (Buddhism) Do not do any unwholesome action, cultivate
▶ Good (Buddhism) good, purify your mind – this is the teaching of the
▶ Responsibility (Buddhism) Buddhas.
Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist) 369

Who will not regard what has been said above When one performs actions like killing, stealing,
as true Dharma? etc., the roots of which are greed, anger and hatred,
No Dharma worth the name would require and sexual desire, one is overpowered by these
people to kill, steal, commit sexual misconduct, unwholesome roots of action. Consequently, he
tell a lie, and get inebriated by drinking wine, will have no peace in his mind, and consequently,
etc. They are unwholesome physical and vocal there will be no peace in the society he lives in. But
actions as their roots are craving, aversion, and if he keeps himself from committing such actions,
ignorance. he will have peace. This is Dharma because
What does Dharma actually mean? Dharma is Dharma really is that which makes one peaceful, D
derived from the root “dhṛ” which means to hold, enables him to have good sleep in the night. Their
to support, and to form a foundation ([3], 165). It opposites cause tension, fear, agitation, and restless-
prevents one from doing akusala kamma and pro- ness in life. When one is angry, he burns first before
tects one from burning in the fire of different kinds he causes harm to others. Can one call it Dharma?
of results of these kammas. It can also protect one
like an umbrella from different kinds of suffering
in life. In this sense, Dharma is to be cultivated, The Word Dharma Is also Used to Refer
developed, and lived in life. It is not enough to Sectarian Dharma like Hindu Dharma,
to know about Dharma, but it has to be practiced Jain Dharma, etc.
in life.
There is one more sense in which the word Dharma
is used in modern times. It refers to different sectar-
All Dharmas Prescribe Removing ian Dharmas like Hindu Dharma, Buddha Dhamma,
Unwholesome Roots of Action such as Islam, and Christian Dhamma. Hindu Dharma
Greed, Aversion, and Ignorance and believes in a creator God, in an eternal soul, and in
Cultivating Wholesome Roots of Action the theory of kamma and rebirth, whereas Buddha
such as Non-greed, Non-aversion, and Dhamma believes neither in a creator God nor in an
Non-ignorance. eternal soul. But both believe in the results of good
and bad actions, in the theory of kamma and rebirth,
All Dharmas worth the name want people to per- and in heaven and hell. Christians believe in
form wholesome actions whose roots are non- a creator God and Muhammadans believe in Allah
greed, non-hatred, and non-ignorance. The Bud- the great. These differences are found in sectarian
dha talks about ten wholesome actions such as Dharmas mentioned above.
three physical actions, viz., abstention from kill-
ing, stealing, and committing sexual misconduct;
four vocal actions, viz., abstention from lying, Observation of Precepts of Morality Is
speaking harshly, backbiting, and talking use- Taught by All Dharmas
lessly; and three mental actions, viz., abstention
from covetousness, hatred, and wrong view. And Even all sectarian Dharmas teach people not to
their opposites are unwholesome actions. kill, steal, commit sexual misconduct, tell a lie,
No Dharma would ever teach and encourage and take intoxicants. The “Pañcasī la” of the Bud-
people to perform unwholesome actions. Why? dhists, the “Ten Commandments” of the Chris-
Because they cause suffering. One cannot kill tians, the five great Vratas of the Jains, and the
without hatred, one cannot steal without greed, Aṣṭāṅga yoga of the Hindus are the same. If one
and one cannot commit sexual misconduct analyzes the ten characteristics of Dharma like
without having sexual desire. It can be said dhṛti (resolution, steadfastness), kṣamā (forgive-
unequivocally that hatred, greed, and sexual ness), dama (restraint), asteyam (not stealing),
desire are not good. They are defilements that śauca (purification), indriya nigraha (controlling
pollute the mind. of senses), dhī (intelligence), vidyā (learning,
370 Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist)

a particular skill), satya (truth), and akrodha (non- nature. He said, “Vedanā samosaranā sabbe
anger), he will find that the same are found in Dhammā” ([4], 159), whatever arises in the mind
other Dharmas as well. is accompanied by sensation. A sensation arises
But as far as the universal Dharma is concerned, on the body when any Dhamma arises in the mind.
it is one only. All Dharmas teach people to observe If one learns to observe sensation, one can be
precepts of morality so that they can be happy, aware of what arises in his mind, a defilement or
make others happy, and ultimately be free from its opposite. If it is a defilement, it has to be got rid
suffering – the existential problem of mankind. of, and if it is its opposite, it is to be cultivated.
The Buddha has very clearly defined Dhamma This is actually Dhamma, the practice of which
which is universal in nature and which is shorn of makes one happy and peaceful. The nature
all sectarian characteristics, rites, and rituals found (Dhamma) of a defilement is to cause misery,
in the sectarian Dharmas mentioned above. His and the nature of its opposite is to make one
definition of Dhamma is truly universal. He says happy. One lives a pure Dhammic life by purify-
that Dhamma consists in purifying one’s mind of ing one’s mind of defilement and cultivating
different defilements like greed, anger, and jealousy. Dhammas that make one happy and peaceful.
So long as these defilements are there in one’s mind,
one cannot be happy and peaceful. Take the exam-
ple of anger. When anger arises, whatever its cause How to Live a Dharmic Life Has Not Been
may be, one experiences unpleasant sensations such Explained in Dharmic Literature
as palpitations, tension, and burning, and he
becomes miserable. Every one in whom anger In most of the Dharmic literature, the importance
arises, whether he is a Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim, and benefits of Dharma have been described.
Jain, or Christian or an Indian, Pakistani, American, Religious literature such as the Gī tā, the
or Japanese, he becomes miserable. When one is Mahābhārata, the Smṛtis, and the Upaniṣads all
free from anger, he feels happy. What does it mean? talk of Dharma. They describe it in great detail.
It means that anger makes everybody miserable, They also explain its constituents, but how to live
and if he has no anger, he feels happy. Technically a Dharmic life, how to practice and cultivate
speaking, anger is a Dhamma and absence of anger Dharma, has not been explained anywhere. They
also is a Dhamma. The former makes one misera- talk of precepts of morality, and they say morality
ble, the latter makes one happy. Dhamma is prac- must be observed; they talk of being
ticed in order to get rid of anger and develop mettā a sthitaprajña, but how to observe precepts of
(loving kindness) so that one can live a happy life, morality and why they should be observed and
not a miserable one. And this is possible when how to become a sthitaprajña (to remain calm and
defilements are driven out. It means making the cool in all the circumstances of life) have not been
mind pure. It is for this reason that observation of described there in detail. How to attain concentra-
moral precepts is prescribed. Abstention from kill- tion of mind and why should it be attained have
ing, stealing, committing adultery and telling lies, not been explained. What is the path by walking
etc., is possible if one’s mind is free from defile- on which one can be Dharmic has not been
ments like greed, anger, sexual desire, and jealousy. explained anywhere; how to live with Dhamma
One can live a Dhammic life if he is free from these to get these benefits has not been explained.
defilements.

The Teachings of the Buddha Called

But How to Be Free from Defilements Is Dhamma Explain the Practical Way to
the Most Important Question Live a Dhammic Life

Practicing Vipassana, the Buddha learned the It is only in the teachings of the Buddha called
nature of true Dhamma which is universal in Dhamma where it has been explained thoroughly.
Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist) 371

How can one live a life of sī la, how he can attain Vipassana is a simple and logical way to attain
concentration of mind (samādhi), how he can peace of mind. It enables one to lead a happy life.
attain insight wisdom (paññā),how he can develop Vipassana teaches one how to swim, teaches
non-attachment by experiencing the real nature of swimology so that one can come out of the sea
the objects of the world one hankers after, and of sufferings ([1] see Swimology).
how he can annihilate his desires – the cause of his As said above, it is not enough to know what is
suffering – and attain peace and happiness, the Dhamma, but it is absolutely necessary to practice
goal of Dhamma, have been fully described. That it in life in order to derive benefit from it. There is
is why it is said that Dhamma (found in Bud- a path by walking on which one can live a life of D
dha’s teachings) gives the key to understand Dhamma. But walking on this path is like going up
and practice Dharma (found in Sanskrit Liter- the hill or going against the current. Many find it
ature), described in other literature where how to difficult. But because they know the words in
attain it and how to practice it are not described. In which Dhamma is explained, they mistakenly
short, Dharma described in a different literature can think that they are Dharmic. So they become just
be lived only when one tries the key found in the fond of those words in which the path is described.
teachings of the Buddha called Dhamma where This is the reason why instead of experiencing
how misery arises and where it arises have been Dhamma and deriving benefits from it, one
explained and also how it can be ended has been becomes fond of the words in which Dhamma is
explained. Who can end his suffering and how he described. This, in fact, is responsible for the devel-
can do that have also been described thoroughly in opment of different sectarian Dharmas where birth
the suttas taught by the Buddha. in a so-called high caste, holding of a philosophical
view, the way one dresses, the marks one has on his
forehead, and the words he utters characterize him
Technique of Vipassana Explained a Dharmic person.
Yo ca vassasataṃ jī ve, dussī lo asamāhito/
The Buddha has explained the technique of prac- Ekāhaṃ jī vitaṃ seyyo, sī lavantassa jhāyino//
ticing Vipassana. One who practices Vipassana ([5], verse 110)
sees very clearly how and where suffering arises
and how it can be annihilated. Practicing A single day’s life of one who is moral and
Vipassana means walking on the Noble Eightfold meditative is far better than the life of one who
Path which is possible by observing the precepts lives a hundred years’ immoral and uncontrolled
of morality, attaining concentration of mind, life.
developing mindfulness, and attaining wisdom Let a Hindu become very happy to hear the
to see things as they are. When the objects of the word “Dharma” and sthitaprajña or a Buddhist
world are thus seen with wisdom, one develops become very happy to hear the word “Dhamma”
non-attachment and attains nibbāna. and nibbāna; in fact, there is no difference
between them if none of them lives a Dharmic/
Dhammic life, i.e., if none of them realizes truth at
What Is Vipassana? the experiential level. He is just far away from
Dharma/Dhamma.
Vipassana is to see or experience clearly how But how to live a moral life, how to attain
craving is caused and how it can be annihilated. concentration of mind and paññā (wisdom), so
While practicing Vipassana, one learns to see that one can live a pure, Dharmic, and controlled
bodily sensations which arise because of defile- life is the most important question.
ments like anger. As all Dhammas converge upon The teachings of the Buddha are called
feelings and sensations (vedanā samosaranā Dhamma, which contain many laws (ṛta or
sabbe dhammā), one can clearly observe how Dharma) relating to how our mind works, how
anger arises and how one can get rid of it. Thus, we generate desire – the cause of suffering – and
372 Dhammacakka

how we can annihilate it, how we can stop burning sensations such as palpitations, burning, tension,
and attain peace, tranquility, and ultimately etc. Everyone irrespective of the caste, clan, or
nibbāna. In his discourses, he describes the path country he belongs to and irrespective of whatever
and explains the three important milestones, religion he practices suffers. There is no exception
namely, ṣī la (morality), samādhi (concentration), to this. But if one learns to observe sensations that
and paññā (wisdom). arise when he is angry, he comes out of anger.
Vipassana teaches one to be alert and attentive
and enables him to drive out defilement and
The Suttas in the Tipitaka Where the become his own master. When one’s mind is free
Technique of Vipassana Is Explained from defilements, he experiences peace and tran-
quility. This is the ultimate goal of Dharma which
The suttas where the Buddha explains the path can be attained by practicing Vipassana.
and how to walk on it are the Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna
Sutta and the Ānāpāna Sutta. The two suttas
together explain Vipassana – the technique of Cross-References
meditation, practicing which people can know
what Dhamma/Dharma really is. If the end of ▶ Dhamma
Dharma is to attain peace and tranquility and end ▶ Dharma
suffering, one can attain it by practicing Vipassana ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
which enables one to see at the experiential level
the cause of suffering. It also enables him to see References
how the cause can be removed. It also enables him
to see very clearly how one hurts oneself first 1. Hart B (2004) The Art of Living (see Introduction
before hurting others ([6], verse 139). entitled Swimology). VRI, Dhammagiri, reprint
2. D.P Verse 183 (1998) VRI, Dhammagiri
Practicing Vipassana, the Buddha learned the
3. Sīlakkhandhavagga Aṭṭhakathā, Dhāretīti Dhammo
nature of true Dhamma which is universal in nature 1.165 (1998) VRI, Dhammagiri
and which is shorn of all sectarian characteristics, 4. A 3.159 (1998) VRI, Dhammagiri
rites, and rituals. The Buddha said “Vedanā 5. D P 110 (1998) VRI, Dhammagiri
6. Thera G verse 139 (1998) VRI, Dhammagiri
samosaranā sabbe Dhammā” which means what-
ever arises in the mind is accompanied by sensa-
tion. A sensation arises on the body with whatever
Dhamma arises in the mind: this is the law of Dhammacakka
nature. Whatever arises in the mind is called
Dhamma. Dhamma means what one’s mind con- ▶ Cakka
tains now. If what it contains is wholesome, one is
rewarded by nature; if it is otherwise, he is
punished. The mind and body are inextricably
interrelated. When a defilement arises in the mind, Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
some sensations simultaneously arise in the body,
and these sensations are connected to the defile- Bhikkhu Anālayo
ment in mind. This is what the Buddha taught. One Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
understands that there is a defilement in the mind Hamburg, Balve, Germany
by observing sensations. He begins to observe
them. As a result, defilement becomes weak and
disappears just like a thief who enters a house and Synonyms
finding that the master is awake runs away. Take
the example of anger. When anger arises, whatever Discourse on setting in motion the wheel of
its cause may be, one experiences unpleasant Dharma
Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta 373

Definition a temporal gap may have occurred between this

first part of the discourse and the remainder. In
The Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta is the Pāli other words, the five former companions may
version of what according to tradition was the have needed a little time to digest this new per-
first discourse spoken by the Buddha, whose spective in their minds which, instead of the sim-
delivery of this discourse led to the attainment of plistic duality between either indulging the body
stream-entry by one of his first disciples. With this or else torturing it, proposes that the path to awak-
successful outcome, the Buddha had set in motion ening requires a conjoined cultivation of body and
the “wheel of Dharma.” mind based on rightly directed view. D
Rightly directed view in terms of the four noble
truths is then the main topic of the Dhammacak-
The Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta in kappavattana-sutta. These four noble truths iden-
the Pāli Canon tify the scope of dukkha (first truth) – a term
whose meaning ranges from barely noticeable
The Discourse on Setting in Motion the Wheel of dissatisfaction to outright suffering as inherent
Dharma occurs in the Pāli canon twice, once in the features of human existence, followed by
Saṃyutta-nikāya ([4], Vol. V, p. 420) and again in presenting craving as being responsible for the
the Vinaya ([5], Vol. I, p. 10). A broad range of arising of dukkha (second truth), by indicating
parallel versions are extant in Chinese, Sanskrit, that the cessation of craving results in the cessa-
and Tibetan, found either among the discourse tion of dukkha (third truth), and by mentioning the
collections or in the Vinayas of different Buddhist noble eightfold path as that which leads to the
schools or in various biographies of the Buddha. cessation of dukkha (fourth truth).
The narrative setting at the background of the The Four Noble Truths:
discourse is that the Buddha has recently attained
awakening and comes to visit his five former • The scope of dukkha
companions from the time when he had been • The arising of dukkha
engaged in ascetic practices. These five had left • The cessation of dukkha
him when he had given up asceticism, thinking • The noble eightfold path that leads to the ces-
that by stopping his ascetic penances he had lost sation of dukkha
all chances of reaching awakening. The actual
delivery of the discourses is preceded by an The Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta then con-
episode where the Buddha has to convince his tinues with the Buddha indicating that three tasks
former companions that, in spite of having need to be completed in regard to each of these
stopped self-mortification, he had been able to four noble truths:
reach emancipation.
The Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta then • An initial appreciation of the respective truth
begins by clarifying that, while indulgence in • Putting this into practice
sensuality is one extreme to be avoided, asceti- • Successfully completing the respective task
cism is another extreme that should similarly be
avoided. Instead of these two extremes, the Bud- Taking the second noble truth as an example,
dha had realized that progress to awakening first of all it needs to be appreciated that one’s own
requires a middle way, majjhimā patipadā, craving is indeed responsible for one’s experience
namely, the noble eightfold path: rightly directed of dukkha. This initial appreciation then must lead
view, intentions, speech, action, livelihood, effort, to the realization that theoretical insight alone is
mindfulness, and concentration. not enough. Something has to be done about this
Judging from the way the Discourse on Setting situation: craving needs to be eradicated. Such
in Motion the Wheel of Dharma has been pre- practical implementation then eventually culmi-
served in some of the parallel versions, nates in the total eradication of craving,
374 Dhamma-cakra

wherewith the knowledge arises that the task has References

been successfully completed.
By applying this threefold scheme to the four 1. Anālayo Bh (2012) The Dhammacakkappavattana-
sutta and its Chinese Parallels. Journal of the Oxford
noble truths, a twelvefold presentation can be
Center for Buddhist Studies, vol. 3.
developed. According to the Dhammacakkap- 2. Chung J (2006) Dharmacakrapravartana-
pavattana-sutta, the Buddha made a point of dharmaparyāya of the Sarvāstivāda and
declaring that it was only when he had realized Mūlasarvāstivāda tradition. In: Hüsken U et al (eds)
Jaina-Itihāsa-Ratna, Festschrift für Gustav Roth zum
each of the four noble truths in this threefold way
90. Geburtstag. Indica et Tibetica, Marburg, pp 75–102
that he had become able to claim having reached 3. Dessein B (2007) The first turning of the wheel of the
unsurpassed awakening. doctrine: Sarvāstivāda and Mahāsāṃghika controversy.
While listening to this exposition, one of the five In: Heirman A et al (eds) The spread of Buddhism. Brill,
Leiden, pp 15–48
former companions of the Buddha by the name of
4. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Kondañña is reported to have attained stream- Pali Text Society, Oxford
entry, hence from then onward he was called 5. Oldenberg H (ed) (1897–1882) Vinayapiṭakaṃ, 5 vols.
Aññā Kondañña, “Kondañña who understood.” Pali Text Society, Oxford
6. Sastri NA (1938) The first sermon of the Buddha. New
With this successful outcome of the Buddha’s
Indian Antiq 1(8):473–492
teaching the “wheel of Dharma” had been set in
motion. The Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
reports that gods of various celestial realms up to
the Brahmā Heaven made a proclamation to this
effect. While according to the Pāli version they Dhamma-cakra
proclaimed that the wheel of Dharma set in
motion by the Buddha could not be stopped by ▶ Cakka
anyone in the world, in the parallel versions the
point at issue was rather that nobody else in the
world would have been able to set this wheel in
motion. Alongside this minor difference, how- Dhammapada
ever, the parallel versions agree in highlighting
the extraordinary nature of the setting in motion K. T. S. Sarao
of the wheel of Dharma. Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
The motif of the wheel of Dharma has become Delhi, Delhi, India
widely popular in the Buddhist traditions, inspir-
ing a series of depictions in ancient Indian sculp-
ture and painting and eventually also coming to Synonyms
feature on the national flag of the Republic of
India. Dharmapada

Cross-References Definition

▶ Ariya Saccāni One of the most popular texts of the Theravāda

▶ Asceticism (Buddhism) canon.
▶ Avijjā Like the Bhagvadgī tā of the Hindus, the
▶ Craving Dhammapada is a very popular Buddhist text.
▶ Dhammacakka This text forms part of the Khuddhaka Nikāya of
▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā the Sutta Piṭaka, and its Pāli version consists of
▶ Middle Way (Buddhism) 423 melodious verses gathered from different
▶ Sotāpanna sources which are put together into 26 vaggas
Dhammapada 375

(chapters). The Pāli word dhamma (Sanskrit: C.E. According to Brough, this version is prob-
dharma) is difficult to translate into English. It ably of Dharmaguptaka or Kāśyapīya origins
has many meanings as well as connotations, and and did not belong to the schools responsible
its meaning can only be understood in the context for the Pāli Dhammapada, the Udānavarga, and
in which it is used. In general, this word may be the Mahāvastu ([1], pp. 44–45).
translated as “religion, law, truth, virtue, justice, • The Patna Dharmapada: This version is in
discipline, or morality.” The word pada literally Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit and most probably
means “foot” and by extension “footpath, path, belongs to the Saṃmitīya school (See [4],
way, track.” On the basis of this, the word pp. 101–217). D
dhammapada may be translated as “the path of • The Udānavarga: This version appears to be
virtue.” However, the word pada may also be related to Mūla-Sarvastivāda or Sarvastivāda
translated as “a line of verse or a saying.” On the ([1], pp. 38–41). Its text exists in three Sanskrit
basis of this, the word dhammapada may be trans- versions as well as one Tibetan translation.
lated as “the sayings on virtue.” Though many of According to Hinüber, the Udānavarga origi-
the well-known scholars have preferred to leave nally was a text that corresponded to the Pāli
the title of the Dhammapada untranslated, others Udāna. However, through addition of verses
have entitled or subentitled their translations as from the Dhammapada, it was transformed
“The Sayings of the Buddha” (Carter and into a Dhammapada parallel in course of
Palihawadana, Thomas Cleary, Thomas Byrom), time, which is a rare event in the evolution of
“The Path of the Eternal Law” (Swami Buddhist literature ([6], p. 45).
Premananda), “Verses on the Way” (Glenn Wal- • Mahāvastu: It is a Lokottaravāda text which
lis), “A Path of Religiousness” (D.J. Kalupahana), has parallels to the verses of Sahassa Vagga
and “The Word of the Doctrine” (K.R. Norman). and Bhikkhu Vagga of the Pāli Dhammapada
The Dhammapada was the first Pāli text to have ([9], p. iv).
ever been critically edited in the West, by the
Danish scholar V. Fausbøll in 1855. A large- According to Brough, the Pāli Dhammapada,
sized commentary on the Dhammapada attributed the Gāndhārī Dharmapada, and the Udānavarga
to Buddhaghoṣa was written in the fourth–fifth have in common 330–340 verses, 16 chapter
century C.E. It consists of 305 background stories headings, and an underlying structure. He pro-
each along with the supposed occasion on which poses that the three texts have common origins,
the Buddha is thought to have spoken a particular though there is no evidence that any one of these
verse. three texts might have been the original
Though more than half of the verses of the Dhammapada out of which the other two evolved
Dhammapada can be found in other canonical ([1], pp. 23–30). The linguistic features of some
texts, the compiler of this text certainly did not verses indicate that origins of the Dhammapada
depend solely on these canonical texts but also might reach back to a very early period [7]. How-
made use of the great mass of pithy sayings which ever, according to Brough, “the Pali text is not the
formed a vast floating literature in India ([5], p. 19). primitive Dharmapada. . . (and). . . it is much more
The parallels of many verses also exist in non- likely that the schools, in some manner or other,
Buddhist texts, such as the Mahābhārata. Besides, had inherited from the period before the schisms
several equivalent collections exist in Buddhist lit- which separated them, a definite tradition of
erature whose history and mutual interaction is a Dharmapada-text which ought to be included
obfuscated by continuous mutual borrowing and in the canon, however fluctuating the contents of
interpolation (See [7]; [11], p. 156): this text might have been, and however imprecise
the concept even of a “canon” at such an early
• The Gāndhārī Dharmapada: Its original period” ([1], pp. 27–31).
Kharoṣṭhī manuscript is believed to have Though some scholars acclaim the
been written in the first or second century Dhammapada as a “masterpiece of Indian
376 Dhammapāla

literature,” others have pointed out that this text is 12. Norman KR (trans) (2000) The word of the doctrine.
largely composed from a patchwork of clichés and Pali Text Society, Oxford
13. Radhakrishnan S (1950) The Dhammapada: with
consists of vague moral aphorisms, many of introductory essays, Pāli text, English translation and
which are not clearly specific to Buddhism at all notes. Oxford University Press, Oxford
[6, 7]. Radhakrishnan was of the view that the 14. Sarao KTS (2009) The Dhammapada: a translator’s
verses of the Dhammapada “embody the spirit of guide. Munishiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
the Buddha’s teaching” [13]. According to
Brough, while it contains a few novel and well-
constructed verses, it suffers from an “accumula-
tion of insipid mediocrity” ([1], p. xxi). Thus, Dhammapāla
while Brough believes that the Dhammapada
does not deserve the accolades occasionally Anand Singh
lavished upon it, he does acknowledge that it School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
consisted of “small fragments of excellent poetry” Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, UP,
([1], p. xxii). India
Institute of Management Sciences, University of
Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India
Cross-References

▶ Dhamma Synonyms
▶ Dharmapada
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya Chos-skyon; Elder Dhammapāla; Ta-mo-po-lo
▶ Sutta Piṭaka

Definition
References
Dhammapāla was one of the greatest commenta-
1. Brough J (2001) The Gāndhārī Dharmapada. Motilal tors on Dī gha Nikāya, Majjhima Nikāya, and
Banarsidass, Delhi, Reprint Samyutta Nikāya. He lived in south India and
2. Burlingame EW (trans) (1921) Buddhist legends,
3 vols. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
probably received his education in Ceylonese
3. Carter JR, Paliwadana M (trans & eds) (1987) The Pali tradition. He also visited Nalanda and became
Dhammapada: a new English translation. Oxford Uni- its chief abbot.
versity Press, New York
4. Cone M (transcriber) (1989) Patna Dharmapada. In:
The Journal of the Pali Text Society, vol XIII. Pali Text
Society, Oxford, pp 101–217 Early Life
5. Geiger W (2004) Pāli literature and language (trans:
Ghosh BK), reprint. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Dhammapāla was born in Kanchipuram in Pallava
Delhi
6. Hinüber O (2000) A handbook of Pāli literature.
domain of south India [1]. He lived in
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin Badaratittha-vihāra (Padaratittha) in Damila
7. Hinüber O (2003) Dhammapada. In: Encyclopedia of country near the island of Sinhala [2]. It was
Buddhism (Editor-in-Chief: Buswell RE Jr). Macmil- built by Dharmaśoka at Negapatam and situated
lan Reference USA, New York, pp 216–217
8. Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) Dhammapada.
on the southeast coast of India in vicinity of
Pali Text Society, Oxford Madras (Chennai) [3]. The Śāsanavamsa says
9. Law BC (1930) A Study of the Mahāvastu. Thacker, that Negapatam was not far away from Sri
Spink, Calcutta Lanka and Dhammapāla who lived there was
10. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
known as Ceylonese elder [2]. He was trained in
11. Norman KR (1996) Collected papers, vol VI. Pali Text Mahavihāra of Sri Lanka and wrote his commen-
Society, Bristol taries on basis of Sinhalese atthakatha tradition.
Dhammapāla 377

He was well read and well informed. His com- Buddhist literature. He received ordination from
mentaries throw considerable light on social, reli- ācārya Dharmadasa, and from ācārya Dignaga,
gious, moral, and philosophical ideas of time. In he learned Pitakas along with other disciplines.
his commentaries he follows a regular scheme Dhammapāla visited Vajrasana (Bodhgaya)
with an introduction to the poems with giving and propitiated Bodhisattva Akasagarbha. He
the traditional account of how it came to be put became the head of Nālandā University [7].
together. Then each poem is elaborated separately. Tāranātha says that he was one of the famous
After explaining how, when, and by whom it was luminaries of Jambudvipa. He also lived in
composed, each verse in the poem is quoted and south India and patronized by kings Simha and D
explained philologically and exegetically [4]. Panchamasimha [7].
Dhammapāla was born after Buddhaghosa as
he wrote commentary on Buddhaghosa’s Literary Activities
Visuddhimagga, and his canonical commentaries The Gandhavaṃsa [8] attributes the following
are on the same exegetic lines as Buddhaghosa’s. works to Dhammapāla:
On the basis of these similarities the conclusion
has been drawn that Buddhaghosa and 1. Nettipakarana-atthakathā
Dhammapāla were trained in similar tradition [5]. 2. Itivuttaka-atthakathā
3. Udana-atthakathā
References in Chinese and Tibetan Sources 4. Cariyapitaka-atthakathā
Hiuen Tsang informs that Kanchipuram was 5. Thera and Therīgatha-atthakathā
a native place of Dhammapāla Bodhisattva, and 6. Vimalavilasini or Vimanavatthu-atthakathā
he was the eldest son of a great minister of 7. Petavatthu-atthakathā
a southern state. On auspicious day of his marriage, 8. Paramatthamanjusa
he renounced home and became a Buddhist monk. 9. Linattha-pakasini (atthakathā on four
The royal family searched for him but later on Nikāyas)
permitted him to be a recluse [1]. Dhammapāla 10. Linatthapakasini on Jataka-atthakathā
earned a brilliant reputation of scholar monk. He 11. Nettittha-kathayatika
reestablished the Buddhist order and defeated 12. Paramāttha-dipanī
many heretics. He lived in a vihāra in south India 13. Linatthavannana
originally built by Aśoka [1].
It-sing informs that Dhammapāla was Dhammapāla wrote commentaries on
predecessor of Śīlabhadra. He learned Itivuttaka, Udana, Cariyapitaka, Theragātha,
Vidyamatrasiddhi written by Dhammapāla [6]. Therigātha, Vimanavatthu, Petavatthu, and
He also says that Dhammapāla lived in Nālandā Netti. He also composed sub-commentaries on
as chief abbot and must have died before Hiuen Visuddhimagga, sub-commentaries on Dī gha
Tsang reached Nālandā in 635 CE. It-sing Nikāya, sub-commentaries on Majjhima Nikāya,
says that only one or two teachers became and sub-commentaries on Samyutta Nikāya com-
famous in Jambudvipa in every generation and mentary [2]. The Vimanavatthu commentary is
they were compared to the sun and moon. practically a collection of stories illustrating the
Such were Nāgarjuna, Deva, and Aśvaghosha of Buddhist perspective of heaven and hell prevalent
an early age; Vasubandhu, Asanga, and in northern India especially at the time of the
Sanghabhadra in the middle age; and Ginas, Buddha. These stories help us to form an idea of
Dhammapāla, Silabhadra, Gunamati, Sthirmati, the various grades of heaven, the pleasure of the
Prajnagupta, Gunaprabha, Jinaprabha, etc. of Tavatimsa heaven, and the joys, comforts, and
later age [6]. form of the various vimanas [9]. The Petavatthu
The Tibetan scholars Tāranātha informs that commentary has been entirely devoted to petas or
Dhammapāla was born in the south in a family spirits of the deceased. It compiled the stories
of bard and acquired expertise in most of the mainly from Buddhist tradition handed down
378 Dhammasaṅgaha

orally as well as recorded in the ancient

atthakathas preserved in Ceylon. His atthakatha Dhammasaṅganī
is a storehouse of information about the individual ˙
peta or spirits and enable to form an idea about the K. T. S. Sarao
Buddhist conception of spirits. The Theragātha Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
commentary mentions accounts of theras in Delhi, Delhi, India
Theragātha. It refers to a number of important
places Sāvatthī, Rājagaha, Kapilvatthu, Kośambi,
Veśali, etc. It also mentions Kings and states Synonyms
contemporary to the Buddha like Pasenadi,
Bimbisara, Candapajjota, Mallas, Vajjians, A Buddhist manual of psychological ethics;
Śakyas, etc. [4]. The Therīgātha commentary Collection of dhammas; Compendium of
written by Dhammapāla informs explanatory dhammas; Dhammasaṅgaha; Sangītipariyāyapada
stories to the verses of the Therīgātha and pro-
vides information about women who gradually
became theris. The Parmatthdipanī is is Definition
a commentary of Cariyapitaka [4]. His other
works also shed valuable information prevalent The Dhammasaṅgaṇi is the first book of the
in the age of the Buddha and in later Buddhist Abhidhamma Piṭaka of Pāli Tipiṭaka.
tradition.
The Dhammasaṅgaṇi, the first book of the
Abhidhamma Piṭaka, enumerates and defines
from a psychological perspective a number of
References categories of scattered terms occurring in the
1. Beal S (1995 reprint) Si-yu-ki, Buddhist records of the
Nikāyas of the Sutta Piṭaka. The book begins
Western World, vols I & II. Low Price Publication, New with a mātikā, which is a table of classifications
Delhi of dhammas (the psychological states and
2. Law BC (1952) The history of Buddha’s religion phenomena) consisting of 22 threefold
(Sasanavamsa). Luzac & Co., London
classifications, 100 twofold classifications
3. Malasekera GP (2007 reprint) Dictionary of Pali proper
names. MLBD, New Delhi according to the Abhidhamma method, and 42
4. Law BC (2000 reprint) A history of Pali literature. classifications according to the sutta method.
Indica Books, Varanasi The main body of the book consists of four sec-
5. Dutt S (2000) Buddhist monks & monasteries of India.
tions. In the first section, states of mind and factors
MLBD, New Delhi
6. Takakusu J (1998 reprint) It-sing, a record of Buddhist present in them are enumerated and defined. In the
religion as practiced in India and the Malaya Archipel- second section, material phenomena are catego-
ago (AD 671–695). Munshi Ram Manohar Lal, rized numerically. The third section uses the mate-
New Delhi
rial of the first two sections for explaining the
7. Chattopadhyaya D ed. (1990 reprint) Taranatha’s
history of Buddhism in India. MLBD, New Delhi classifications in the mātikā. The fourth section
8. Kumar B (1992) Gandavamsa: a history of Pali litera- omits the sutta method of twofold classifications
ture. Eastern Book Linkers, New Delhi but otherwise follows the methodology employed
9. Law BC (1973) Heaven and hell in Buddhist perspec-
in the third section though in a more detailed way.
tive. Bhartiya Publishing House, Varanasi
As the Dhammasaṅgaṇi begins without any
introduction and in a rather snappish manner
with a mātikā, it appears to have somewhat
annoyed the custodians of the tradition in the
Dhammasaṅgaha past. This can be guessed from the fact that its
commentary, the Atthasālinī written by
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī Buddhaghosa, refers to attempts made to prepare
Dhammasaṅganī 379
˙

a nidāna for the Dhammasaṅgaṇi. This is either piṭakas, and intended to serve as the complement
taken from an existing suttanta or made up for this and crown of the learners’ earlier courses. Acquain-
tance with the doctrine is taken for granted. The
very text (see [4], p. 66; [6]: 30.16–31.16). This object is not so much to extend knowledge as to
introduction refers to the tradition of the Buddha ensure mutual consistency in the intension of ethi-
having first taught the Abhidhamma to his cal notions, and to systematize and formulate the
deceased mother (reincarnate as a devatā) in the theories and practical mechanism of intellectual
and moral progress scattered throughout the suttas.
Tāvatiṃsa heaven during the fourth week after his ([7], xvi–xvii)
attainment of enlightenment under the Bodhi tree
([6]: 13.12). According to Hinüber, the reasons That the technical terms used in the nikāyas are D
that gave birth to such an idea are not difficult to used in it leads one to place the Dhammasaṅgaṇi,
visualize. In order to provide legitimacy to the in point of time, after the nikāyas. The
late Abhidhamma as Buddhavacana (teaching of Kathāvatthu which is the fifth book of the
the Buddha), it was vitally important to locate the Abhidhamma Piṭaka was composed by Tissa
site of its deliverance, as is the norm in the texts of Moggaliputta in the middle of the third century
the Vinaya and the Sutta Piṭakas as well as the B.C.E. According to C.A.F. Rhys Davids,
Vinaya texts. Obviously, there being no tradition Dhammasaṅgaṇi deals with the same topics as in
on place names, the relocation into Tāvatiṃsa was the nikāyas differing only in method of treatment.
a smart move, acceptable to all local Buddhist The Kathāvatthu raises new questions belonging
communities, because it was not mentioned in to a later stage in the development of the faith. The
the nidāna ([4], p. 66). Dhammasaṅgaṇi is, therefore, younger than the
The Dhammasaṅgaṇi is a compilation from nikāyas and older than the Kathāvatthu. Thus, it
different sources ([4], p. 68). According to should be dated in the middle of the fourth century
Frauwallner, as the Dhammasaṅgaṇi is the youn- B.C.E. or a little earlier ([7], pp. xviii–xix). How-
gest of the seven texts that are included in the ever, it should be noted that “the ideas it system-
Abhidhamma Piṭaka, it reflects the state of devel- atizes are, of course, older. Practically all of
opment of Theravāda philosophy of a period them go back to the time of the Buddha himself”
when the Abhidhamma Piṭaka was closed ([2], ([7], p. xix).
p. 118). The language of the Abhidhamma texts Though the Dhammasaṅgaṇi is primarily
is clearly different from the usage that is available a work of scholarship and has not been so popular,
in the Vinaya and the Sutta Piṭaka ([4], p. 68). it has a tradition of having been greatly revered in
Responses to brief queries have been offered with Sri Lanka. Proof of this can be seen in the report of
lists of concepts quite often in formulas. Hence, King Kassapa V (929–939 C.E.) of Sri Lanka,
the method of explanation used in the who got it engraved on gold plates studded with
Abhidhamma texts is also found in the Niddesa jewels and took it in grand procession to a vihāra
with its explicative formulas ([4], p. 68). The where he worshipped it with offerings of flowers
Dhammasaṅgaṇi was not compiled solely for aca- ([7], p. xix). The Dhammasaṅgaṇi was translated
demic use and “is, in the first place, a manual or into Sinhalese by King Vijayabāhu I of Sri Lanka
text-book, and not a treatise or disquisition, elab- ([3]: lx.17). However, this translation has not been
orated and rendered attractive and edifying after found so far.
the manner of most of the Sutta Piṭaka. . . . Its
subject is ethics. But the inquiry is conducted
from a psychological standpoint and, indeed, is
in great part an analysis of the psychological and Cross-References
psychophysical data of ethics” ([5], p. 310). The
definition of the term Abhidhamma in it shows ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
that the Abhidhamma Piṭaka ▶ Kathāvatthu
and a fortiori the Dhammasaṅgaṇi was considered ▶ Tipiṭaka
as a subject of study more advanced than the other ▶ Vibhaṅga
380 Dhammāsoka

References Definition

1. Bapat PV, Vadekar RD (eds) (1940) The Dharmasvāmin or chag lo-Tsā-ba chos-rje-dpal
Dhammasaṅgaṇi. The Bhandarkar Research Institute,
or Dharmasvāmīśiri was a Tibetan scholar monk
Poona
2. Frauwallner E (1971) Abhidharma-Studien III. Der who visited India between 1234 and 1236 C.E.
Abhidharma der anderenSchulen. Wien Z Kunde Süd- His early life, travel accounts of India, and his
asiens 15:103–121 academic and spiritual pursuits in Tibet after his
3. Geiger W, Rickmers M (trans) (1929–1930) The
return from India were well documented in his
Cūlavaṃsa: being the more recent part of the
Mahāvaṃsa, 2 vols. Pali Text Society, London biography written by chos-dar under his direction
4. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli Literature. [5]. Dharmasvāmin informs condition of Bud-
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin dhism in thirteenth century C.E. in middle and
5. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
lower Ganga valley and fluid political situation
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
6. Müller E (ed) (1979) The Atthasālinī: Buddhaghosa’s of India due to frequent Turushka (Turks) raids in
commentary on the Dhammasaṅgaṇi, rev edn. Pali Text Magadha and Bengal.
Society, London
7. Rhys Davids CAF (trans) (1900) A Buddhist manual of
psychological ethics, being a translation of Dhamma-
saṅgaṇi: compendium of state or phenomena. Royal Early Life
Asiatic Society, London
8. Tin PeMaung (trans) (1920–1921) The expositor Dharmasvāmin was born in 1197 C.E. (Fire-
(Atthasālinī), Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Female-Serpent Chinese year) in chag-gram cas-
Dhammasaṅgaṇī (ed & rev Rhys Davids CAF), 2 vols.
Pali Text Society, London tle in southern Tibet [5]. At age of 7, he mastered
9. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature Indian Vivarta or Vartula, and Tibetan scripts. He
(trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, also learned the techniques of translating Bud-
Delhi
dhist texts and drawing the mandalas of
Vajrayāna tradition. He spent his early 22 years
in attainment of education and spiritual guidance
[5]. At age of 22, he started his journey to get
acquainted with Buddhism in India and reached
Dhammāsoka Nepal.

▶ Aśoka
Journey to Nepal and India

From Tibet, he first reached Nepal and spent

8 years to learn Vajrayana texts [1]. He stayed at
Dharmasvāmin Dharmadhatu vihāra and Svayambhu caitya. In
Nepal, he learned Guhyasāmaja according to the
Anand Singh
method of Nāgarjuna and mandala-sādhana from
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
Ratnarakshita. Mahāpandita Ravindradeva taught
Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, UP,
him Vajravalī . Dharmasvāmin also mentions
India
vihāra of Bu-kham with its miraculous sandal-
Institute of Management Sciences, University of
wood image of Avalokiteśvara and chariot proces-
Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India sion related to it [5].
After completing his education in Nepal, he, at
the age of 37, started his journey for India in 1234
Synonyms C.E.. His fellow associates and well wishers
requested him not to proceed for India because
Chag lo-Tsā-ba chos rje dpal; Dharmasvāmīśiri of frequent Turushka invasions and political
Dharmasvāmin 381

turmoil. But Ravindrdeva encouraged him. Bakhtiyar Khilji. He says that in Nālandā com-
Dharmasvāmin first reached Tirhut, then Vaiśali, plex, 14 lofty pinnacles and 80 small vihāras still
Bodhgayā, and Gridhakuta in Rājagraha and then exist. There are four holy images in the monastery
returned to Tibet via Tirhut and Nepal. He called complex – the stone image of lord Khāsarpana,
Tirhut as Pa-ta which had 60,000 houses, and it Manjuśri with turned neck, the miraculous image
was surrounded by seven hills. The king’s palace of Jňananātha, and image of Tārā without any
had 11 large gates which were surrounded by ornament [5]. At Nālandā, he studied under
21 ditches filled with water and rows of trees. Rahulaśribhadra, the chief abbot of the monastery
The bridges and gates were protected by archers who was residing in the monastery with his 70 D
and soldiers because of Turushkas or Gar-logs disciples and patronized a rich brāhaman
(Central Asian Turkish tribe) [3]. Jayadeva of Odantapuri [4]. He was a learned
From Tibet, Dharmasvāmin started for monk and well versed in Tibetan and assisted
Vajrasana (Bodhgayā). He joined the party of Dharmasvāmin in translation of Kalachakravatī
300 men of whom 16 of them were going to into Tibetan. During his study, Dharmasvāmin
Vajrasana. In the way, he stayed at Vaiśali and was down with fever, and despite his illness and
visited stone image of Ārya Tārā to pay homage. weakness, he continued his study and completed it
He informs that the Turushkas invaded Vaiśāli by March 1236 C.E. [5]). He also informs that
during his stay but soon left. When Turushkas invaded Nālandā, but he with
Dharmasvāmin reached Bodhgayā, he found that Rahulaśribhadra escaped and took shelter in the
only four monks were residing in temple complex temple of Jňanananātha [4].
and rest fled due to fear of Turushka invasion.
Before leaving these monks blocked front side of
Mahābodhi temple and plastered it. Outside the Journey to Tibet
gate they put the image of Maheśvara in order to
protect it from non-Buddhists [4]. Even the fear of He began his return journey for Tibet in May 1236
Turushka raid was so strong that Buddhasena fled C.E. and reached Tirhut by the end of June 1236
to nearby forest and returned only after Turushka C.E. Here he again fell ill and suffered from
retreat. Dharmasvāmin relates him to descendant Magadha fever for about 2 months. He was mirac-
of Devasthira who was related to the Buddha’s ulously saved by a tantrika who served
maternal uncle. He and other four monks were Dharmasvāmin for 2 months with great devotion.
greeted by the Buddhasena when he reappeared He says tantrika as a manifestation of
from forest [4]. Dharmasvāmin paid his homage Avalokiteśvara. During this prolonged stay in
to bodhi tree, the image of the Buddha, the Tirhut, he met the local king Ramasimha who
gandola erected by Aśoka, and two footprints of offered him position of his priest, but he politely
the Buddha [2]. He resided in Bodhgayā for 4 declined. The king welcomed him with gold and
months between July and October in 1234 C.E. other offerings [5]. Dharmasvāmin returned to
He also informs his visit to some other minor Nepal probably at the end of 1236 C.E. or the
places of worship of Buddhist and Brahmanical beginning of 1237 and was well received with
including a temple of Kali mythologically associ- rich offerings by his devotees. He utilized this
ated with Kalidāsa [5]. money and gold to buy manuscripts and images
In January 1235 C.E., he started his journey for for his own monastery. He was keen to return his
Nālandā and reached Rājagraha. Here he met own monastery in Tibet situated at ITe-u-ra but
mahāpandita Yaśomitra and learned many doc- received an invitation from Yandog monastery
trines from him. He spent 4 months in Rājagraha situated on the border of Nepal and Tibet.
and in April proceeded for Nālandā [5]. He glo- His teacher Ravindradeva pressed him to accept
rifies Nālandā and hints that Nālandā University invitation which he accepted. He was also
complex was still not completely destroyed requested to send a copy of his commentary on
despite the destruction done by Afghan invader Nāmasaṁgitī by Śakya monastery which was
382 Dharmasvāmin

highly appreciated. During his 4 years stay at 13. Raktayamāribalividhi

Yandog monastery, he collected a number of man- 14. Raktayamārisādhana
uscripts including six copies of Paňchaviniśā 15. Svādhishthānakramopadeśa-
tisahasrikā and two Asthṭasāhasrika written raktayamāntakābhisamaya
in gold, 150 volume of sūtra written in ink, and 16. Vajrayānasthūlāpatti
two lots of books of 32 and 16 volumes each [5]. 17. Arapacahanasādhana
18. Lokeśvarasādhana
19. Paňcharaksāvidhi
Activities in Tibet 20. Vajrāvali-nāma mandalasadhāna
21. Nishpannayogavali-nāma
Dhammasvami started for Tibet and reached his 22. Jyotirmanjarī-nāma homopāyikā
own monastery I-Te-u-ra in 1241C.E. and resided 23. Uchchhushma jambhalasādhana-nāma
there for 23 years with occasional visit to adjoin 24. Raktayamāriyantratattvanirdesaka-nāma-
monasteries for preaching. He visited Śakyamuni sādhana
temple at Lhasa and sTaag-tshal monastery 25. Svarodayalalagnaphalopadeśa
of Yar-lung to enquire about pandita Danasri 26. Prabhāsodayakrama
where he got the Indian original of 27. Śrīchakrasamvarabhisamaya tī kā
Sādhanasamuchhaya. In 1258 C.E., he visited 28. Prajňālokasādhana
Than-po-che and spent a year on discoursing on 29. Pindikramasādhana
Jātakas, Mahāchittotpāda, Samādhiraja-sutra, 30. Yamāntakayantravidhi
Bodhichāryavatara, Suhrilekha, Bhāvanakarma
of Kamalśila, Samvritibodhichitta-bhāvana, and In January 1264 he died at the age of 67 on
Parmartha-bodhichittabhavana of Aśvaghosha. Wednesday on the 10th day of the bright half of
The Mongol monarch Kublai khan sent an impe- Margaśirsha of the Chinese year Wood-Male-
rial embassy to him with a request to visit his Mouse.
court, but he politely declined. Another embassy
from Kublai Khan was sent in 1256 C.E. with the
Cross-References
same request. Now he started for Mongolia and
reached as far as northern sNin-bum but began to
▶ Bodhgayā
suffer from pain in his legs. The Mongol dignitar-
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
ies permitted him to return to Tibet [5].
Dharmasvāmin was instrumental for transla-
tion of numerous short texts, sadhanas etc. His
References
30 such works are mentioned in bstan-’gyur [6].
These texts are: 1. Bhattacharya B (ed) (1925–1928) Sādhanamāla, 2 vols.
GOS, No. 26 &241. Oriental Institute, Baroda
1. Kālachakrāvatāra-nāma 2. Cunningham A (1892) Mahābodhi or the great
Buddhist temple under the bodhi tree at Bodhgaya.
2. Amritaṇikā nāma Ārya-nāmasaṁgī titoppanī
WH. Allen, London
3. Śrīdvibhujasaṁvarasādhana 3. Hoffmann H (1950) Quellen zur Geschichte der
4. Svādhishthānakramopadeśa-nāma tibetischen Bon-religion, akademie der wiss enschaften
5. Sragdharāstrota und der literature in Mainz. Franz Steiner, Virtag-
Weisbaden
6. Karmśntavibhanga-nāma
4. Lama C, Chattopaddhyaya A (1970) Taranath’s history
7. Raktayamantakasadhana of Buddhism in India. Indian Institute of Advanced
8. Balividhi Studies, Shimala
9. Raktayamārisādhanavidhi 5. Roerich G (1959) Biography of Dhammasvami:
a Tibetan monk Pilgrim. K.P. Jayaswal Research Insti-
10. Śrī raktayāmarisādhana
tute, Patna
11. Śrī raktayāmarimandalavidhi 6. Ui H (1934) Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons
12. Krishnayamāriraktktayamarisha pūjāvidhi (hKa’-’gyur &bsTan-’gyur). Tohoku University, Sendai
Dhammavijaya 383

4. Magas of Cyrene (Maka 282–252 BCE)

Dhammavijaya 5. Alexander of Epirus (Alikasundara 252–244
BCE)
Anand Singh
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, Aśoka states that he achieved dhammavijaya in
Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, UP, the kingdom of Antiochus, situated at a distance
India of 600 yojanas and in the kingdoms of four more
Institute of Management Sciences, University of Greek kings lying beyond his empire [2]. The
Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India southern states of Colas, Pandayas, Keralaputtas, D
and Tamraparni and of Yonas, Nabhakas,
Nabhapanktis, Bhoja-Paitryanikas, Andhras, and
Synonyms
Pulindas are also conquered by dhamma [3]. The
dhammavijaya was a well-thought policy based
Dhamma; Dhammayata; Dharmavijaya
on a strong conviction, and with the help of it, he
transformed his internal and external policies. He
Definition relinquished armed conquest and began propaga-
tion of his ethical messages of nonviolence, for-
It was Emperor Aśoka’s Policy of Dhamma. After bearance, and compassion [2]. Radha Kumud
the Kaliṅga war, he relinquished war and initiated Mookerji says the term dhammavijaya was not
the policy of dhammavijaya, i.e., conquest by newly coined by Aśoka though he gives his own
righteousness. His Major Rock Edict XIII defines definition [4].
dhammavijaya as the conquest through righteous-
ness and piety (ayi ca mukhamuta vijaye
Devanampiyasa yo dhammavijayo) [3]. Objectives of Dhammavijaya

Aśoka’s effort to formulate the policy of The Major Rock Edict XIII informs Kalinga war
dhammavijaya commenced with his increased as the main motivation for showing repentance
efforts for the promotion of dhamma after 10 and increasing his efforts in promotion of
years of his coronation. To usher in his policy of dhamma however his own quasi-autobiographical
dhammavijaya, he evolved a set of simple, straight- reference in Pillar Edict VII which was written
forward, and nonsectarian principles based on con- after 27 years of his coronation does not subscribe
temporary virtues and ethics. Aśoka in his Major this idea [3]. Aśoka’s dhamma deliver a message
Rock Edict XIII mentions it a conquest by piety, of peace and goodwill. It neither contained any-
and he says that his policy of dhamma has been thing that be objectionable to the Greeks and other
accepted by the kings reigning beyond his frontier states, nor was it highly philosophical, too diffi-
[5]. Aśoka proclaims that dhammavijaya has been cult to be comprehended, and could be accepted
achieved both within his dominion, in the frontier by the people even without renouncing their own
kingdoms and beyond. He listed the name of five faith. His arrangement for medical treatment of
Greek rulers and others who imbibed or shown men and animals in the territories of the Greek
their keen interest in his policy of dhammavijaya. kings would have earned the goodwill of the peo-
These kings are [3]: ple living there and contributed in achieving some
success in disseminating his dhamma in Greek
1. Antiochus II Theos of Syria (Antiyoka, territories [6]. Though he was a great emperor
261–246 BCE) with great resources and capable of enacting and
2. Ptolemy II Philadelphus of Egypt (Turamaya, enforcing laws with firm hand, he avoided doing
285–247 BCE) that and instead preferred to motivate people to
3. Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia (Antekina follow the path of righteousness by persuasion. It
277–239 BCE) is more of acquaintance with the people, and also
384 Dhammavijaya

its impact was long lasting. Besides, as a medium mentions that the king has planted banyan trees at
of material and moral uplift of the people, the roadside which would provide shade to men and
dhamma that Aśoka propagated was helpful in beast. The mango groves were also caused to be
politically binding the multicultural and planted. Wells were dug at every half kosa and inns
multireligious people of his far-flung empire [1]. were built for stay of travellers [3]. Aśoka’s welfare
His dhammavijaya was based on ethics and measures, viz., medical services for men and ani-
morality with an idea of discharging of duties of mal, cultivation of medical plants, etc., were not
individuals toward various relationships, nonvio- restricted to his dominions but also at frontiers such
lence, and concern for welfare of people and other as the kingdoms of Colas, Pandyas, Satyaputtas,
living beings and for establishing harmony, toler- Keralaputtas, and Tamraparni and also in the Greek
ance, understanding, and mutual respect among kingdoms of northwest. He recommends adher-
all communities [6]. He exerted for its dissemina- ence of dhamma policy to his sons, grandsons,
tion among the people not only within his empire and great grandsons and wishes that the promotion
where he achieved considerable success but also of dhamma lasts to the end of the aeon or so long as
among people of other countries, where the suc- the sun and the moon endures [3]. The king also
cess was marginal. expects that his subject should follow certain rules
and practices [3]:

Modalities and Proclamation 1. Abstention from slaughter of living creatures

2. Nonviolence of beings
Aśoka sets down for himself a quantitative target to 3. Obedience to mother and father
achieve. He adopted and implemented his policies 4. Obedience to elders
of dhammavijaya by formulating certain policies 5. Proper respect to the aged
which is universal in applicability. He caused to 6. Good behavior to Brahmanas, Sramanas,
announce dhamma proclamations by raising pillar poors, slaves, and servants
and rock edicts for public and officers. It com-
menced with the involvement of the existing Dharmalipis were a new kind of documenta-
administrative mechanism for provincial, district, tion that Aśoka developed for dhammavijaya. His
and local governments. It includes offices of inscriptions are not edicts in the sense of pure and
Kumaramatyas, Mahamattas, Pradeshikas, simple royal decrees. Some of them are legislative
Rajukas, and Yutas. The Major Rock Edict V says in nature, but the majority of them have been
that Aśoka appointed Dhammamahamattas for devoted to highlight the emperor’s own insights,
implementation of his policy of dhamma. The ref- experiences, and example. It begins with
erences of Separate Rock Edicts [3] of Dhauli and a dhamma regulation banning the slaughter of
Jaugadh and Major Rock Edict III [3] inform that animals for sacrifice. It also necessitated the ban
the officers like Pradeshika, Yuta, Rajuka, and on samajas. The inscriptions recount steps taken
Vyvaharika were also engaged in the implementa- by Aśoka for the promotion of dhamma and eval-
tion of dhamma policy, even though they were uation of the result achieved [2]. His tolerance can
admonished for not performing their duty in right be judged by his donations to Ajivaka monks in
direction. Aśoka was also conscious of personal the Barabar hills of Bodhgaya [3]. He demon-
supervision of his policies, and for it, he initiated strates his multi-sectarian policy which underlines
his dhammayatas after abandoning viharayatas. his spirited declarations on interreligious toler-
He visited places of Buddhist pilgrimage and took ance and harmony. The emperor expresses his
opportunity to mingle with people for their welfare. intention to execute state business at all times,
Aśoka at one end rendered public services and irrespective of where he is like on horse saddle
on other side issued proclamation for public to or in inner apartment, etc. He upholds his dedica-
follow certain practices. The Major Rock Edict II tion to royal duties as an appropriate way to repay
Dharma (Jainism) 385

the moral debt he owes to the people by being

their emperor. The sending of nine missions by Dhāranī
Aśoka has been associated with dhammavijaya ˙
though no direct reference has been made in his ▶ Mantra
inscriptions. His Bhabhru edict indicates such
missions corroborated by Dī pavaṁsa and
Mahāvaṁsa.

Dhāranī, Smrti D
Cross-References ˙ ˙
▶ Memory (Buddhism)
▶ Bodhgayā
▶ Dhamma
▶ Lumbinī

Dharma
References
▶ Bodhidharma
1. Bhandarkar DR (2005, reprint) Asoka (BC273 to BC ▶ Buddha (Concept)
232), Asian Educational Service, New Delhi
2. Guruge AWP (1993) Aśoka, the righteous: a definitive
biography. Central Cultural Fund, Colombo
3. Hultzsch E (1969) Corpus inscriptionum indicarum
(inscription of Asoka). Indological Book House, Delhi Dharma (Buddhism)
4. Mookerji R (2007, reprint) Asoka, Motilal Banarasidas,
New Delhi ▶ Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist)
5. Thapar R (1997) Aśoka & decline of the mauryas.
Oxford University Press, New Delhi
6. Thaplyal KK (2012) Aśoka: the king & the man. Aryan
Book International, New Delhi
Dharma (Jainism)

Ana Bajželj
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
Dhammayata University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
▶ Dhammavijaya Institute, Jerusalem, Israel

Abbreviations
Dhammayātā
Ns Niyama-sāra
▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism) Paks Pañcāstikāya-sāra
Tas Tattvārtha-sūtra

Synonyms

Dhanyakataka Behavior in accordance with intrinsic nature; Cos-

mic law; Medium of motion; Religion; Teaching;
▶ Amaravati Virtuous behavior
386 Dharma (Jainism)

Definition being divided. In that sense they are much like

the substance of space, but they differ from space,
The term “dharma” has two principal meanings in which is infinite, in their being finite; whereas
Jainism. Ontologically speaking, it refers to one of space contains an infinite number of space-points,
the basic kinds of substances, the function of dharma and adharma consist of an innumerable
which is to enable motion. The other common number thereof (Tas 5.7, 5.9; cf. [5],
use employs the term to refer to either the teaching pp. 125–126). In fact, the two are said to delineate
or religion of Jainism in their various aspects. the border of cosmos (Sanskrit loka); beyond
them, no moving or coming to rest is any longer
possible and only empty acosmic space (Sanskrit
Dharma as Medium of Motion aloka-ākāśa) is said to exist (Paks 3; cf. [1], p. 2).
All the substances excluding space (i.e., jīvas,
According to the Jain tradition, everything there is matter, and time) are therefore confined to the
consists of five to six kinds of substances. They space, which has the size and the shape of dharma
are divided into two main categories of living and adharma. Since about the sixteenth century
(Sanskrit jīva) and nonliving (Sanskrit ajīva) C.E., this space has been represented in the form
types with regard to the criteria of being conscious of a man with legs slightly apart and arms akimbo.
(Sanskrit cetana); living substances are conscious All substances accepted in the Jain doctrine are
and nonliving are not. There are said to be an said to share the same structure. They all possess
infinite (Sanskrit ananta) number of jīvas, some essential qualities (Sanskrit guṇa), which are per-
with a body and some without it. All jīvas are manent, and their modes (Sanskrit paryāya),
extensive substances, meaning they can occupy which are continually changing. Modes may
numerous space-points. The ajīva types of sub- arise either in relation to external causes (Sanskrit
stances are further categorized into those that are vibhāva-paryāya) or independently of them (San-
material and those that are immaterial. Matter skrit svabhāva-paryāya) (Ns 28; cf. [4],
(Sanskrit pudgala) is the sole substance that pp. 38–39). The modes of dharma and adharma
belongs to the first. It exists in the form of basic are said to be of the latter kind.
material particles (Sanskrit parama-aṇu), which Jain authors have, furthermore, recognized that
are innumerable (Sanskrit asaṃkhyeya), and all substances perform specific functions, and they
their aggregates (Sanskrit skandha). Like jīvas, stated the functions of dharma and adharma to be
matter is also an extensive type of substance. offering support (Sanskrit upagraha) to motion
The largest immaterial kind of substance is (Sanskrit gati) and rest (Sanskrit sthiti), respec-
space (Sanskrit ākāśa), which is single and uni- tively (Tas 5.17; [5], p. 128). However, it is
fied, but is said to consist of an infinite number of emphasized that they do not directly cause move-
space-points (Sanskrit pradeśa). Digambaras rec- ment and rest, but act merely as auxiliary or
ognize time as an immaterial substance as well instrumental causes (Sanskrit nimitta-kāraṇa) for
and claim it to exist in the form of innumerable them. Moreover, this supporting function of theirs
non-extensive time particles (Sanskrit kāla-aṇu). is only directed toward other substances, and they
Śvetāmbaras are divided regarding the inclusion themselves are not affected by it. Albeit
of time in the list of substances. The last two supporting motion, dharma therefore does not
immaterial nonconscious types of substances are move and does not cause anything else to do so.
most likely unique to the Jain doctrine and are This is expressed with various metaphors,
treated somewhat like a pair; one is medium of a common one comparing dharma to water,
motion (Sanskrit dharma) and the other medium which enables fish to swim but neither moves
of rest (Sanskrit adharma). itself nor causes the fish swimming in it to move.
Both dharma and adharma are single, unified, Adharma is, similarly, compared to earth or
and extensive substances, meaning that they a shade of a tree, which allows rest but does not
occupy a vast number of space-points, without bring themselves to rest nor cause other things to
Dharma (Jainism) 387

pause. Paul Dundas has pointed out that the commentary to Kundakunda’s Pravacana-sāra, in
Bhagavatī-sūtra extends the supportive function which the commentator understands the highest
of dharma and adharma from physical motion and dharma, leading to liberation, as behavior that is in
rest to dharma also enabling verbal and mental accord with one’s inner nature. In his Śāstravārtā-
activity and adharma facilitating mental stability samuccaya, Haribhadra proposes a twofold defi-
by means of concentration ([2], p. 95). nition of dharma, wherein both paths, one with
activity (Sanskrit pravṛtti) that keeps with the
moral norms and leads to gaining merit and the
Dharma as Jain Teaching other without activity (Sanskrit nivṛtti) that is in D
accord with one’s own nature and leads to libera-
The term dharma has been even more commonly tion, are integrated. In the medieval period, Jain-
than to denote medium of rest used to refer to Jain ism saw a development of the third denotation of
teaching. This use is found already in the early dharma, that is, of dharma as cosmic order, which
Śvetāmbara canonical texts but becomes particu- recognized that everything acts in accordance
larly frequent from the arising of the first textual with its own nature and laws that pertain to it.
Sanskrit systematizations of the Jain doctrine in Eventually all of these meanings were more or
the early centuries C.E. onward. It was then that less integrated into a unified discourse on dharma
Jainism stepped into the broader philosophical ([3], pp. 600–605). In the recent times, dharma has
arena of its time, not only addressing its adherents developed into the rough equivalent of the “West-
but also rival traditions. For that purpose a more ern” term “religion,” and it is commonly used
specific conception of dharma arose within it. Olle in this manner with reference to Jainism. For
Qvarnström identifies three related meanings of example, the phrase “ahiṃsā paramo dharmaḥ”
dharma in Jainism, which were eventually synthe- (“nonviolence is the highest religion”) has
sized into one. The first is dharma as ethics, become one of the slogans of contemporary
concerning the behavior of laity and mendicants. Jainism ([6], p. 75).
The second meaning connects dharma with the
behavior that is in agreement with the inner nature
of jīva. From 400 to 1200 C.E., these two mean-
Cross-References
ings were integrated into one with a twofold char-
acter, and dharma came to denote proper conduct
▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
(Sanskrit samyak-cāritra) in agreement with ethi-
▶ Dravya (Jainism)
cal rules and at the same time acting in accordance
▶ Environmental Ethics and Jainism
with one’s own nature (Sanskrit svabhāva). The ▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
third meaning of dharma understands the term as
▶ Jīva (Jainism)
denoting cosmic order ([3], pp. 599–600).
▶ Philosophy
A prime textual example of understanding ▶ Reality (Jainism)
dharma as ethical behavior is Umāsvāti’s
▶ Self (Jainism)
Tattvārtha-sūtra, where dharma is defined as “per-
▶ Tattvārtha-Sūtra
fect forgiveness, humility, straightforwardness,
purity (freedom from greed), truthfulness, self-
restraint, austerity, renunciation, detachment, and
References
continence” (Tas 9.6, cf. [5], pp. 221–223), and its
observation is considered to assist proper conduct. 1. Chakravarti Nayanar A (tr) (2002) Ācārya
These guidelines gradually developed into two Kundakunda’s Pañcāstikāya-sāra (The building of the
separate ethical codes, one for laypeople (Sanskrit cosmos). Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
2. Dundas P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, London/New
śravaka-dharma) and the other for mendicants
York
(Sanskrit yati-dharma). An example of the second 3. Qvarnström O (2004) Dharma in Jainism – a prelimi-
denotation of dharma is Amṛtacandra’s nary survey. J Indian Philos 32:599–610
388 Dharmacakra

4. Sain U (tr) (2006) Acharya Kundakunda’s Niyamasāra. was a precious gem of the great monastic univer-
Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi sity of Nālandā. He emerged as an extremely
5. Tatia N (tr) (2011) Tattvārtha sūtra: that which is. Yale
University Press, New Haven/London influential Buddhist philosopher and logician
6. Willey KL (2009) The A to Z of Jainism. The Scare- who, through his writings and debates, firmly
crow Press, Lanham/Toronto/Plymouth established and enriched Buddhist logic and epis-
temology and protected and strengthened Bud-
dhism. He also maintained Yogācārā (mind
only) system of thought which greatly influenced
Dharmacakra Mahāyānism and the highest teachings in Tibetan
Buddhism like the rNying-ma and the rDzogs-
▶ Cakka chen schools.
According to Tibetan tradition, he was born in
a village called Trimalaya in the kingdom of
Cūḍāmaṇi, which probably is the same as the
Dharmachakrajinavihāra
Coḍa or Cola country in South India. His father’s
name was Parivrājaka Korunanda, who was
▶ Sārnāth
a Tīrthika (perhaps someone belonging to the
group of religious center priests). From early
childhood he was endowed with a very sharp
Dharma-Ending Age intellect and he attained great skill in the Vedic
studies, grammar, and the studies of the Tīrthikas
▶ Eschatology (Buddhism) by age 16 or 18. Buddhism was at its philosoph-
ical best and Nāgārjuna, Asaṅga, Vasubandhu,
and Dignāga had acquired prestige among the
people. Occasionally, he attended their lectures
Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660) and got deeply influenced by them. He began to
dress like a lay devotee and was made an outcast
Radha Madhav Bharadwaj by the Brāhmaṇa community. It was now that he
Department of History, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya decided to come to Nālandā University, the most
College, University of Delhi, Karampura, respectable educational center in Mahāyāna stud-
New Delhi, India ies in India at that time, where he was ordained
and made a pupil by the chief of the university,
Ācārya Dharmapāla. Here he learned the three
Definition Piṭakas and other important branches of Buddhist
learning ([7], p. 103).
Dharmakīrti was an extremely influential seventh As Dharmapāla lived in 635 A.D., Dharmakīrti
century Buddhist philosopher who refined and must also have lived about that time. It seems that
enriched Buddhist logic and epistemology and Dharmakīrti was very young in 635 A.D. as the
strengthened Buddhist religion. He belonged to Chinese scholar Hiuen Tsang, who visited
the Yogācārā or Vijñānavāda (mind only) system Nālandā between 633 and 645 A.D., does not
of thought which greatly influenced Mahāyāna mention him. But I-tsing who lived at Nālandā
philosophy. between 675 and 685 A.D. declares eloquently
how “Dharmakīrti made further improvement in
logic after Dignāga” ([7], pp. 104–105). It was
His Life and Thought here that he developed a great taste for the subject
of logic. Hence, he studied Dignāga’s Pramāṇa-
Ācārya Dharmakīrti, one of the principal spokes- samuccya from a renowned scholar Īshvarasena,
men of Yogācārā school of Mahāyāna Buddhism, a grand-disciple of Dignāga. Īshvarasena, on
Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660) 389

coming to know of his pupil’s willingness to centers of Buddhist learning in India is evidenced
improve upon its errors, asked him to prepare by the number of commentaries written on it in
a critical commentary on it. Dharmakīrti then different places and at different periods of time. In
composed a metrical commentary on the said Tibetan translations, out of about 177,000 verses
book and called it Pramāṇa-vārttika-kārikā. He on logic, about 137,000 are on Dharmakīrti’s
then came back to his country, defeated his oppo- works alone ([5], Preface).
nents in philosophical debates, strengthened peo- The nature of perception has been one of the
ple’s faith toward Buddhism, and then toward the most contentious issues between the Buddhists and
end of his life erected a Vihāra in the land of the Brāhmaṇa logicians. All the preconditions of D
Kaliṅga where he passed away while leading generating the right kind of perception or valid
a life of meditation ([7], pp. 104–106). cognition are set in the definition. Hence giving
Dharmakīrti’s contribution is so great that after definition of perception was the first thing that the
him, the whole Indian philosophical literature, logicians did as it served their purpose. The first
especially logic (Nyāyaśāstra), echoes his mar- thing that Dharmakīrti, therefore, did was to define
velous reasoning power and deep knowledge Pramāṇa (means of valid cognition or proof) as
([4], Introduction). Dharmakīrti argued that the a reliable knowledge (avisaṃvādi jñānaṃ) of an
true taste of knowledge is its efficacy, and likewise object which is not based on conceptual construc-
that only the efficacious is knowledgeable and tion but on causal efficacy (arthakṛyā) in the
real. Around this central theme revolves Pramāṇasiddhi chapter of Pramāṇa-vārttika ([5],
inter-related theories concerning perception, rea- p. 29). In his Nyāyabindu, he has given yet another
son, language, and the justification of knowledge. definition of Pramāṇa as “Pratyakṣaṃ
He wrote nine works – seven original and two Kalpanāpōḍhaṃ Abrānataṃ,” which means
auto-commentaries on his own works – all on a knowledge is a perception only when it is free
logic ([5], Preface): from mental construction (kalpanā) and is non-
illusory (abhrānta). A knowledge is not entitled
1. Pramāṇa-vārttika-kārikā (commentary on to be perception unless it becomes abhrānta (non-
means of valid cognition) illusory). Perhaps there was a need to exclude the
2. Pramāṇa (determination of valid cognition) element of error from the scope of perception ([3],
3. Nyāya-bindu (a drop of logic) pp. 135–143). The words for the definition were,
4. Hetu-bindu (drop of reasons) thus, carefully chosen to make it compact and
5. Vādanyāya (method of discussion and indica- scientific. They were an indication of the fact that
tions of defeat situations) any explanation of perceptions not falling within
6. Santānāntarasiddhi (proof of the continuity of the parameters of these definitions was not going to
succession) be respected and accepted.
7. Sambandha-paī ikṣā (analysis of relations) Dharmakīrti accepted only two kinds of cogni-
8. Pramāṇa-vārttika-vrṭti (auto-commentary on tions – perception (pratyakṣa) and inference
the first chapter of Pramāṇa-vārttika called (anumāna) – as reliable as opposed to four or
inference for oneself) more by the Brāhmaṇa dialecticians. Perceptions
9. Sambandha-paī ikṣā-vrṭti (auto-commentary are of four types: sense perception (indriya-
on Sambandhaparī kṣā) pratyakṣa), mental perception (mānasa-pratyakṣa),
perceptions of the mystics (Yogipratyakṣa), and
Among these, the subject matter of the self-awareness (swasaṃvedanā). Another kind of
Pramāṇa-vārttika, Pramāṇa-viniścaya, Nyāya- perception, though indirect, is inference and is dis-
bindu, and Hetu-bindu is the same ([6], tinguished between inference for oneself
pp. 744–750) but his most matured work was the (svārthānumāna) and inference for others
Pramāṇa-vārttika, which was equally admired by (parārthānumāna).
both his followers and critics. The popularity of Although Dharmakīrti does not seem to hold
the Pramāṇa-vārttika at Nālandā and other scriptures to be a genuine (third) means of valid
390 Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660)

cognition, like perception and inference, as it can Dharmakīrti’s logic also pursued religious
hardly result in a trustful cognition, but, for the aims as Radha Madhav Bharadwaj, in one of his
ordinary people who want to learn about trans- lectures delivered at the National Mission for
empirical things and means of religious liberation, Manuscripts in June 2008, said that a method of
he suggested that one should rationally choose the preservation of Buddhist scriptures in ancient
a scripture which coherently teaches about India was the use of Buddhist logic, in which
human goal (Puruṣārtha, like eschatological ele- Dharmakīrti’s logic played a crucial role in coun-
vation) together with a practically realizable tering the criticisms of the rival Vedic Brāhmaṇa
means (anuguṇōpāya), such as the Buddhist cul- philosophers and reestablishing the philosophy of
tivation of selflessness. To assess the reliability of the Buddha ([1], pp. 103–104). The renowned
the scripture, Dharmakīrti says that the principal Dharmakīrtian scholar Vincent Eltschinger also
point (like the Four Noble Truths of Buddhist holds the same view when he says that
religion) taught in the scripture should stand crit- Dharmakīrti, through his logic, tried to preserve
ical analysis through the above-mentioned two Buddhism by defeating non-Buddhist opponents,
means of valid cognition. Dharmakīrti believes converting those lacking faith in Buddhism and
that trustworthy persons like the Buddha exist as strengthening the faith of the coreligionists ([2],
they are endowed with the ability to perceive p. 400). Dharmakīrti, through his logic and
soteriologically relevant things which are imper- method of reasoning, refuted the basic premises
ceptible to ordinary human beings and they are of the Brāhmaṇa dialecticians, like their belief in
compassionate and willing to teach things as they verbal testimonies of the Vedic seers (Sabda
themselves have experienced. This serves to dem- Pramana- the Vedas and their words being a
onstrate the possibility and reliability of Buddhist source of valid cognition), the eternity of God,
liberation system. Dharmakīrti aims to prove that soul, and creation, the God being the cause of
the Buddha is like a means of valid proof creation, the Vedas being beginning less (Anādi
(Pramāṇabhūta), i.e., he teaches in an authorita- and Sanātana) and authorless ((Apauruṣēya - not
tive manner about soteriologically relevant things written by man, or even the God, according to the
([2], pp. 419–426). This is to support this that Mī māṃsa Philosophers). He also attacked the
Dharmakīrti has directed his second chapter of Brahmanas for their not accepting the Buddhist
the Pramāṇa-vārttika to the relevance of Buddhist Theory of Cause and Effect (ahetuvāda) and also
scriptures wherein he has explained the first salu- the Jains for their theory of multiplexity of truths
tation verse of Dignāga’s Pramāṇa-samuccaya or Anekāntavāda. ([6], pp. 779–805).
which ascribes five epithets to the Buddha: He Apart from the intellectual fight at the episte-
has become, or is like, a proof incarnate mological level, his deep love for Buddhism also
(Pramāṇabhūta), seeks the benefit of all living led him to indulge in face-to-face philosophical
beings (Jagaddhitaiṣiṅ), is a teacher (Śāstṛ), debates with his Brāhmaṇa opponents. Following
a Sugata (literally, “well gone,” a perfectly the footsteps of the earlier master Dignāga, who
enlightened Buddha), and a protector (tāyin) of was called “Tarka-puṅgava” (a bull in the discus-
living beings: sion), he also challenged his rivals for debates. It
Pramāṇabhūtāya Jagaddhitaiṣiṅe praṇamya Śāstṛē is said that he defeated the greatest Brāhmaṇa
sugatāya tāyinē/ dialectician Kumarila Bhatta, who was the most
Pramāṇasiddhyai svamatā samucchayaḥ kariṣyatē influential representative of the Mī māṃsā school
viprasitādihaikakaḥ// ([5], Preface).
of philosophy (the earlier and the ritualistic part of
He also talked about the inference of momen- the Vedas) on whose shoulders lied the onus of
tariness to prove that entities are intrinsically tran- defending the basic Vedic premises and who
sient, i.e., do not exist beyond a moment or point owned a large field of land, probably donated by
of time (kṣana), the root of Yogācārā or the king in recognition of his being so. He also
Vijñānavādin school of philosophy which he orig- defeated Kaṇāda Gupta, the leading exponent of
inally belonged to ([2], p. 423). the Kaṇāda system of philosophy, and the
Dharmavivardhana 391

followers of the Tīrtha system, the Nirgranthas Basu R (ed) Buddhist literary heritage in India: text and
(Jains), and others in the Vindhya regions. He felt context. National Manuscript Mission, New Delhi
4. Sānkṛtyāyana R (ed) (1935) Vādanyāya of Dharmakīrti.
that his task was yet to be accomplished. When he J Bihar Orissa Res Soc xxi(part 2) (Patna, 1935)
returned to his Dravali (Draviḍa) country, he 5. Sānkṛtyāyana R (ed) (1938) The Pramāṇa-vārttikaṃ by
hired the services of the criers and through them Dharmakīrti. J Bihar Orissa Res Soc xxiv (Patna)
challenged those he felt were still left out and were 6. Sānkṛtyāyana R (1994) Darśana-Digdarśana. Kitab
Mahal, Allahabad
ready for a debate. The majority of the Tīrtha 7. Vidyabhushan SC (1977) History of the medieval
Brāhmaṇas fled, and some actually confessed school of Indian logic, 2nd edn. Oriental Books Reprint
that they were not equal to the fight. He Corporation, New Delhi D
reestablished the religion that had fallen into
decay in that country and lived in the loneliness
of the forest given up to meditation. In the Kaliṅga
country, his erudition and an image of selflessness Dharmapada
convinced many people to convert to Buddhist
religion ([7], p. 103). ▶ Dhammapada
This way we have seen that Dharmakīrti has
gone in history as a master Buddhist logician
during the seventh century A.D. who systema-
tized and refined the subject of logic. He accepted Dharmāranya
only two means of valid cognitions (Pramāṇa) –
direct perception and inference – and a third one – ▶ Bodhagayā
Yogipratyakṣa (perception of the mystics) with
only some qualifications as opposed to the four
or more by his rival Vedic dialecticians by
weeding out the errors of the previous masters.
He also attempted to preserve and strengthen Bud-
Dharmāśoka
dhism by refuting the most basic premises of his
▶ Aśoka
Brāhmaṇa dialecticians and epistemologists at the
philosophical level and also by challenging them
for a face-to-face debate before the public or in the
court of a king.
Dharmasvāmīśiri

Cross-References ▶ Dharmasvāmin

▶ Dignāga

Dharmavijaya
References
▶ Dhammavijaya
1. Bharadwaj RM (2010) The methods and stages of the ▶ Warfare (Buddhism)
preservation of scriptures in ancient India. In: Tripathi
DS (ed) Tattvabodha, vol III. National Mission for
Manuscripts-Indira Gandhi National Centre for the
Arts, New Delhi
2. Eltschinger V (2010) Dharmakīrti. Rev Int Philosoph
64(253)
Dharmavivardhana
3. Sadhukhan SK (2007) The implication of the word
Abhrānta in Dharmakīrti’s definition of perception. In: ▶ Kunāla
392 Dharmayātrā

The discussion demonstrates that there can

Dharmayātrā be no soul, ego, attan. This idea was essential
for Buddha’s bodhi, enlightenment, or
▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism) awakenment.
The text is divided into two parts [4, 5]:
(1) table of contents and (2) catechetical exposi-
tion. The whole consists of 14 parts, using differ-
Dharmayuddha ent modes of classification. The text deals with the
analysis of 371 states of factors (dhamma), with
▶ Warfare (Buddhism) reference to the 5 aggregates (khandha), the 12
bases (āyatana), and the 18 elements (dhātu). The
point of departure for the whole discussion is
a mātikā, taxonomic list, which corresponds to
Dhātukathā the first and the second mātikā of the Vibhaṅga.
There is a discussion about which aggregates and
Charles Willemen elements include the members of the mātikā and
International Buddhist College, Songkhla, with which they are connected [4, 10].
Thailand The corresponding text in the Vaibhāṣika
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma Piṭaka of seven texts
is the Dhātukāya, Corpus of Elements. This text
Synonyms is similar to Chapter four of the Prakaraṇapāda,
attributed to Vasumitra [2, 3]. The Dhātukāya
Discussion of elements; The third text of the replaces the mātikā by a list of mental elements,
Theravāda Abhidhamma Piṭaka but the Dhātukathā keeps the original features of
the list. The core of the Dhātukathā is ancient, and
additions are not essential. The Dhātukathā adds
Definition adhimokkha (resolute faith) and manasikāra
(attention) [4]. Dhātukathā and Dhātukāya seem
In the Pāli Theravāda Abhidhamma Piṭaka, historically connected. The Mahāvibhāṣā of the
among the seven texts of Theravāda scholasti- Sarvāstivāda “orthodoxy” in Kaśmīra does not
cism, the text is mentioned in third place, after quote the Dhātukāya. This may lead to the con-
Vibhaṅga, Analysis, and Puggalapaññatti, Desig- clusion that this text was completed after the
nation of Persons [1, 8, 9]. The sequence of the Mahāvibhāṣā, ca. 200 A.D.
seven texts was determined by Buddhaghosa (ca. It is mentioned that the Dhātukathā was
370–450 A.D.). The first two texts, and also part not recited during the first three synods or
of the Dhammasaṅgaṇī , Enumeration of Factors, councils [5].
are considered to be the oldest parts of the
Abhidhamma. U. Nārada translated the text in
1962 [7]. Cross-References
Lamotte mentions that some chronicles pre-
serve traces of an Abhidhamma Piṭaka in six ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
texts. In that case the Dhātukathā is considered ▶ Buddhist Councils
apocryphal [6]. ▶ Pāli
The Dhātukathā is said to have been commu- ▶ Sarvāstivāda
nicated by Sāriputta, the ultimate authority of all ▶ Sthaviravāda
Sthaviravāda scholasticism. ▶ Theravāda
Dhyāna/Jhāna 393

References Buddhaghosa’s Definition of Jhāna

1. Bareau A (1952) Les sectes bouddhiques du petit

véhicule et leurs Abhidharmapiṭaka. Bulletin de Jhāna is so called because it thinks closely of an
l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 50:1–11 object or because it burns those averse things
2. Cox C (1997) Kaśmīra: Vaibhāṣika orthodoxy (hindrances—nī varaṇas) [1].
(Chapter 3). In: Willemen C e.a. Sarvāstivāda Bud-
dhist scholasticism. Brill, Leiden Concentrating one’s mind on an object and
3. Cox C (2004) Abhidharma. In: Buswell R (ed) Ency-
reflecting on it is called meditation. Its Pali equiv-
clopedia of Buddhism, vol I. Macmillan Reference
alent is jhāna and Sanskrit equivalent is dhyāna. D
USA, New York, pp 1–7
4. Frauwallner E (1995) Studies in Abhidharma literature “Jhāna” is derived from “jhāyati” [2], which has
and the origins of Buddhist philosophical systems two meanings. The first meaning is to concentrate
(trans: Kidd SF). State University of New York
one’s mind on an object and to think deeply and
Press, Albany
5. Hinüber O von (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature. carefully (jhāyati, dhyāyati) about it. The second
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/New York meaning is to burn up (jhāyati, kṣāyati) all which
6. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from act as enemies to proper reflection and concentra-
the origins to the Śaka era (trans: Webb-Boin S).
tion on it.
Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut
Orientaliste, Louvan-La-Neuve Jhāna can be translated into English as absorp-
7. Nārada U (1962) Discourse on elements (Dhātu- tion, trance, and meditation.
Kathā). Pali Text Society, Oxford For concentrating one’s mind to practice
8. Nyanatiloka M (first edn 1938; many reprints, e.g.
meditation, what is necessary is to get rid of
2009). Guide through the Abhidhamma Piṭaka. Bud-
dhist Publication Society, Kandy five hindrances such as kāmacchanda (sensu-
9. Potter K (ed) Abhidharma Buddhism to 150 A.D. In: ous desire), vyāpāda (ill will), thī namiddha
Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies, vol 7. Motilal (sloth and torpor), uddhaccakukkucca (restless-
Banarsidass, New Delhi
ness and scruples), and vicikicchā (doubt).
10. Wijesundera S (1989) Dhātukathā. In: Weeraratne WG
(ed) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, vol 4, fasc 4. They are all defilements of mind and unless
Government of Sri Lanka, Colombo, p 575 the mind is free from them it cannot attain
concentration [3].
But it does not mean that the mind has to be
made completely free from all of them before one
Dhyāna can be able to practice meditation. What it means
is that one can concentrate one’s mind only when
▶ Dhyāna/Jhāna it is free from them. Even if they are suspended
temporarily, one can practice meditation. Tempo-
rary suspension is called vikkhambhana pahāna
[4] (overcoming through repression). The degree
of the concentration of the mind achieved is
Dhyāna/Jhāna directly proportional to the abandoning of
hindrances.
Angraj Chaudhary What does temporary suspension of hin-
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, drances mean? It means that one has abandoned
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India sensual desire and is free from it for the time
being. Similarly he abandons other four hin-
drances and is free from them temporarily. So
Synonyms long as he is free from them, he enters into the
first rūpāvacara jhāna (the first stage of fine
Absorption; Dhyāna; Jhāna; Meditation; Trance material sphere).
394 Dhyāna/Jhāna

Types of Rūpāvacara Jhāna stage of arūpāvacara jhāna is the stage of “nei-

ther perception nor non-perception” called
There are four types of rūpāvacara jhāna “nevasaññān’āsaññāyatana” and abides there [9].
according to the Sutta Piṭaka [5] and five types When his mind becomes very subtle, then it
according to the Abhidhamma Piṭaka [6]. becomes fit for practicing vipassana.
From what has been said above, let no one get
the impression that vipassana can be practiced
Five Factors of Rūpāvacara Jhāna only after passing through all the stages described
above. It is not so. There are moments while
There are five factors of rūpāvacara jhāna. They practicing jhāna when one attains samādhi (con-
are vitakka (a thought arises in one’s mind), vicāra centration). At that time he can practice vipassana;
(he begins to think about it), pī ti (thinking about it otherwise, his whole life may be wasted in the
he feels rapture), sukha (rapture leads to happiness hope to attain such concentration of the mind from
and joy), and ekaggatā (and then his mind is con- where he will never fall.
centrated) [7]. Just as sī la, samādhi, and paññā can be prac-
According to the Sutta Piṭaka, there are four ticed together, in the same way attainment of
stages of rūpavacara (fine material sphere) jhāna. samādhi and practice of vipassana can go hand
When one progresses from the first stage to the in hand and can go together.
second, the first two factors of jhāna are dropped. From what has been shown above, it is clear
According to the Abhidhamma these two factors that the arūpāvacara jhāna is subtler than the
are not dropped at a time but in two stages. There- rūpāvacara jhāna. There is another difference.
fore there are five stages of rūpāvacara jhāna In the rūpāvacara jhāna when one moves from
according to it. In this stage he practices medita- the first to the last stage, factors of jhāna are
tion filled with pī ti (rapture) and sukha (joy). The dropped. In the last stage of the rūpāvacara
difference between pīti and sukha is that the first jhāna, only two factors upekkhā and ekaggatā
is mental and the second is physical. remain.
When one enters into the 3rd jhāna, rapture
fades, sukha is replaced by equanimity, and he is
mindful and conscious. In this stage of jhāna, he
Arūpāvacara Jhāna
experiences in his person that feeling about which
the noble ones (ariyā) say, “Happy lives the man
In the arūpāvacara jhāna, the factors of jhāna,
of equanimity and attentive mind” [8].
i.e., upekkhā and ekaggatā, are the same, but the
In the 4th stage of jhāna, he transcends plea-
subject of meditation changes.
sure and pain and develops upekkhā (equanimity)
and ekaggatā (mindfulness, one-pointedness of
mind). This is the highest stage of rūpāvacara
jhāna. 40 Subjects of Meditation
Practicing rūpāvacara jhāna his mind
becomes very subtle. He overcomes perceptions In the Visuddhimaggo it has been explained how
of matter and enters into the immaterial sphere to full concentration and absorption can be achieved
practice jhāna. He reaches the boundless space by means of the 40 subjects of meditation.
(ākāsānañcāyatana) and abides in it. He pro- Out of forty subjects of meditation, ten are
gresses further, his mind becomes subtler, and in called kasiṇas. A kasiṇa is a purely external
the second stage of arūpāvacara jhāna, he device to attain concentration. There are 10
reaches the sphere of boundless consciousness kasiṇas such as earth kasiṇas, water kasiṇas, fire
(viññāṇañcāyatana) and abides in it. He tran- kasiṇas, wind kasiṇas, blue kasiṇas, yellow
scends it also and reaches the sphere of nothing- kasiṇas, red kasiṇas, white kasiṇas, space
ness (ākiñcaññāyatana) and abides in it. The last kasiṇas, and consciousness kasiṇas.
Dīgha Nikāya 395

These kasiṇas are a great help in producing References

four absorptions. Besides there are 30 more sub-
jects of meditation suitable for different types of 1. Quoted from A manual of Abhidhamma by Nārada
Mahāthera (1956). Taiwan Publication, p 47
people [10].
2. Rhys Davids TW, Pali English dictionary
There are ten loathsome subjects called 3. A.2.59 (Unless otherwise mentioned all books referred
asubha, most suitable for people who are of pas- to here are published from V.R.I. Dhammagiri in 1998)
sionate character (rāga carita). 4. Paṭis, p 24
5. D 1.64
There are ten anussatis (recollections like
buddhānussati, dhammānussati, etc.), most suit-
6. Abhidhamma a Sa D
7. Paṭis A 1.246
able subjects of meditation for those who are 8. Abhidhammāvatāra nāmarūpacchedanī, p 176;
faithful. A manual of Abhidhamma by Nārada Mahāthera, p 42
9. D 1.65
There are four brahmavihāras such as mettā
10. D.1.66
(loving kindness), karuṇā (compassion), muditā 11. See Visuddhimaggo 1.108
(sympathetic joy), and upekkhā (equanimity). 12. Therag A 2.289; Mahāniddesa A 101
Four (4) immaterial spheres also form subjects
of meditation.
Apart from them, there are two more: (1) āhāre
paṭikūla saññā (perception of loathsomeness of Dhyanī Buddha
food) and (2) catudhātu vavatthāna (analysis of
four elements) [11]. ▶ Vairocana
All these jhānas come under samatha, the pur-
pose of which is to attain concentration of the
mind.
With such concentrated mind, one can practice
Dīgha Āgama
vipassana and realize the three characteristics
▶ Dīgha Nikāya
of all things of the world and develop
nonattachment. The three characteristics are
anicca (impermanent), dukkha (suffering), and
anattā (not self or substanceless, impersonality) Dīgha Nikāya
kasiṇas.
K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Ārammanūpanijjhāna and Delhi, Delhi, India
˙
Lakkhanūpanijjhāna
˙
Dhyāna or jhāna is of two types, one in which Synonyms
one concentrates one’s mind on different kasiṇas
and the other in which one reflects on the Book of the longer sayings; Collection of long
three characteristics of things such as anicca, discourses; Dīgha āgama; Dīgha saṃgaha; Dīrgha
dukkha, and anatta. The first is called āgama
ārammaṇūpanijjhāna and the second is called
lakkhaṇūpanijjhāna [12].
Definition

Cross-References The first of the five collections of the Sutta Piṭaka.

▶ Ānāpānasati The Dī gha Nikāya is a Buddhist scripture, the first

▶ Meditation of the five nikāyas (collections) in the Sutta
396 Dīgha Nikāya

Piṭaka, which is one of the “three baskets” that beliefs, occupations, entertainments, ways of
constitute the Pāli Tipiṭaka of Theravāda Bud- life, and thought of the brāhmaṇas and the
dhism. In English it is known as the “Collection ascetics have been enumerated, from which
of Long Discourses.” A complete version of the Buddhist monks have been advised
the Dī rgha Āgama of the Dharmaguptaka to avoid. The second suttanta, the
School survives in Chinese translation under the Sāmaññaphala, consists of two parts, the first
title of Cháng Ahánjī ng. There are 30 sūtras discusses the doctrines of the six heretical
(discourses) in it as compared to 34 suttantas teachers and the second enumerates the bene-
(discourses) of the Theravādin Dī gha Nikāya. fits that result from being a monk in the Bud-
Fragments of the Sarvāstivādin School’s dhist saṃgha. The Ambaṭṭha, Soṇadaṇḍa, and
Dīrgha Āgama are also extant in their Sanskrit Kūṭadanta suttantas generally talk about the
as well as Tibetan translations [3]. During the fifth unfairness and bias of the Brāhmaṇical view
century, a commentary on the Dī gha Nikāya, that brāhmaṇas deserved certain privileges
known as the Sumaṅgalavilāsinī , was written by based upon birth. The Poṭṭhapāda Suttanta
Buddhaghosa. talks about practice of samatha meditation
The Theravāda Dīgha Nikāya appears to be and its benefits. The Kevaṭṭa Suttanta shows
composed of earlier and later portions and is not that the Buddha was superior to Brahmā and
the earliest work of the Pāli Tipiṭaka ([10], p. 44). the other Brāhmaṇical gods. In the Tevijja
In it, though there are some long suttantas, major- Suttanta, the Buddha repudiates the view that
ity of the suttantas are short, some being even the Brahmaloka could be attained through the
shorter than those of the Majjhima Nikāya. The practices recommended by the Vedic seers. On
second vagga consists of the longest suttas some the contrary, he teaches that it can only be
of which have grown into their present bulky size attained through self-restraint and the practice
as a result of interpolations ([10], p. 35). Each of of the four Brahmavihāras, viz. mettā (loving
the suttantas of the Dīgha Nikāya treats inten- kindness), karuṇā (compassion), muditā
sively some particular point or points of doctrine (empathetic joy), and upekkhā (equanimity).
and may be as well considered an independent 2. Mahāvagga (suttantas 14–23): The second
work ([10], p. 35). These 34 suttantas have been book of the Dī gha Nikāya contains suttantas
put together into the following three vaggas most of which have the Mahā prefixed to the
(groups/divisions). This three fold division is title. The first suttanta of this vagga, the
a purely formal division with no direct link to Mahāpadāna, deals with the lives of the
the subject-matter or content of the respective seven Buddhas – Gautama Buddha and his
parts of the Dī gha Nikāya (see [9], p. 26). The six predecessors. Another important suttanta,
three vaggas differ in contents and character, but the Mahānidāna, offers an exposition of
all of them contain earlier and later strata of tradi- Paṭiccasamuppāda (Dependent Origination),
tion. The earliest stratum is represented princi- seven kinds of beings, and soul. The most
pally in the first and the third vaggas. important and well-known suttanta of the
Dī gha Nikāya, the Mahāparinibbāna, forms
1. Sī lakkhandhavagga (suttantas 1–13): Impor- part of the second vagga. It offers a realistic
tant suttantas of this vagga are Brahmajāla, account of the last days of the Buddha’s life,
Sāmaññaphala, Ambaṭṭha, Soṇadaṇḍa, particularly the vivid account of his last wan-
Kūṭadanta, Poṭṭhapāda, Kevaṭṭa, and Tevijja. derings, his food poisoning, his death at
The Brahmajāla Suttanta is the first suttanta Kusinārā, the cremation of his body, and the
which is important not only for Buddhism but division of his relics. In the Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna
also for the ancient India religion and philoso- Suttanta, the path of mindfulness is exhaus-
phy as a whole. In this sutta, besides the rules tively explained. It also encourages one to per-
for the moral conduct (sīla) of the Buddhists, form the duties as well as acquire the virtues
long lists of various types of superstitious recommended by the Buddha.
Dignāga 397

3. Pāṭikavagga (suttantas 24–34): Important ▶ Sarvāstivāda

suttantas of the third vagga are Cakkavatti- ▶ Theravāda
Sī hanāda, Aggañña, Siṅgālovāda, and ▶ Tipiṭaka
Āṭānāṭiya. In the Cakkavatti-Sī hanāda
Suttanta the Buddha exhorts his disciples to
be self-reliant and make the Dhamma as their References
sole refuge. The Aggañña Suttanta gives infor-
mation on cosmology and refutes the 1. Bapat PV (1956) 2500 years of Buddhism. Publica-
Brāhmaṇical assertion to superiority by birth.
tions Division, New Delhi D
2. Basham AL (1951) History and doctrine of the
The Siṅgālovāda Suttanta is the only Ājivikas. A Vanished Religion, London
comprehensive discourse delivered by the 3. Keown D (2004) A dictionary of Buddhism. Oxford
Buddha for the benefit of the lay devotees. It University Press, London
4. Law BC (1930) Chronology of the Pāli canon.
has been suggested that this suttanta may Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst, Poona
have been some sort of manual for teaching 12(Pt 2):171–201
the lay followers (see [9], p. 32). It is also 5. Manné J (1990) Categories of sutta in the Pāli Nikāyas
regarded by some scholars as the source of and their implications for our appreciation of the
Buddhist teaching and literature. J Pali Text Soc
Aśoka’s Dhamma. The Āṭānāṭiya Suttanta is
15:29–87
described as a magic spell for the protection of 6. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
lonely monks from evil-minded yakṣas. The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
7. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
(1886–1932). The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī:
More than half of the suttantas of the Dī gha
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3
Nikāya are debates either with brāhmaṇas or vols. Pali Text Society, London
members of other sects that were contemporaries 8. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (2000) Dialogues
of early Buddhism, and hence contain much infor- of the Buddha, reprint, 3 vols. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
mation on sects some of which is the only avail- 9. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
able information on these sects ([2]; [5], p. 75; [9], Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
p. 28). Though these types of debates were popu- 10. Winternitz M (1983) A history of Indian literature
lar in ancient India much before the Buddha, the (trans: Srinivasa Sarma V), revised edn, vol II. Motilal
Ban arsidass, Delhi
Buddhists further developed and improved upon
them (see [9], p. 29). It has been suggested that
these debates in the Dī gha Nikāya were probably
used to win followers as these texts are directed
Dīgha Samgaha
outwardly toward the non-Buddhists. Thus, in all ˙
probability, once the heretics were defeated and
▶ Dīgha Nikāya
Buddhism established itself, the content of the
Dīgha Nikāya may have become outdated ([5],
pp. 71, 78).

Dignāga

Cross-References Madhumita Chattopadhyay

Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
▶ Aśoka Kolkata, West Bengal, India
▶ Brahmavihāra
▶ Dhamma
▶ Majjhima Nikāya Synonyms
▶ Pāli
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda Ācārya dignāga
398 Dignāga

Definition the Madras Presidency of India. But ultimately he

breathed his last breath in a solitary wood in
A South-Indian monk and scholar who was an Orissa, India.
indirect student of Vasubandhu. He was one of Dignāga has often been regarded as the “Father
the founders of Buddhist logic. A famous of Mediaeval Logic” because of the distinctness
Buddhist logician and a disciple of Vasubandhu. of his works from those of his predecessors
in respect of matter and manner of treatment
From the origin of Buddhism in the sixth century of the subject. His magnum opus the
B.C. to its expansion into four philosophical Pramāṇasamuccaya is a logico-epistemological
schools, no systematic treatment of logic by the treatise dealing mainly with valid cognition or
Buddhist thinkers can be found. There were only pramāṇa. The questions which he addressed
a few haphazard references to logic in course of regarding pramāṇa are (1) their number, (2) their
discussion on other subjects like philosophy, reli- nature, (3) their object, and (4) the result of such
gion, etc. In the works of Nāgārjuna, Maitreya, pramāṇa. The view which he upheld was that
Asaṃga, and Vasubandhu, there is discussion on (1) there exists a particular entity, an object in
logic, no doubt, but that did not establish logic as itself (svalakṣaṇa); (2) it exists independent of
an independent branch of study within philosophy. the judgment of the person who perceives it;
With 450 A.D. began a period when logic was (3) this object in itself is known through intuition
completely differentiated from general philosophy, which is essentially true, and no error can occur
and there were a good number of Buddhist thinkers unless it has been interfered through judgment and
who concentrated mainly on that branch of learn- interpretation (vikalpa).
ing. The earliest known writer of this period was The significant contribution of Dignāga in
Dignāga who is also known as Ācārya Dignāga. respect of logic lies in the fact that he consolidated
The time of Dignāga has been thought to be and systematized the insights found in the works
before 557–569 A.D. when two of his works had of his teacher Vasubandhu in a formal basis. First,
been translated into Chinese. He flourished prob- he made the distinction between inference for
ably in 500 A.D. when the Buddhist kings of the oneself and inference for others the fundamental
Pallava dynasty were ruling in Southern India. He basis of his treatment of inference. Second, he
was born in a Brāhmin family near Kāñcī, in the made the threefold characteristics of reason or
Madras Presidency. He was admitted to the reli- probans (trirūpahetu) in a more precise way by
gious system of the Vātsīputrīya sect by emphasizing on the Sanskrit particle eva. Third
Nāgadatta and attained erudition in the Tripiṭaka and perhaps most strikingly, he devised the
of the Hīnayāna tradition. Later on he became “wheel of reason” (hetucakra), a three-by-three
a disciple of Ācārya Vasubandhu, with whom he matrix set up to specify the pseudo reasons in
studied all the Piṭakas of both the Mahāyāna and the light of the last two characteristic features of
Hīnayāna traditions. He miraculously had the the probans. The probans which are completely or
vision of the face of the Buddhist God of learning partially present in the similar instances but
Mañjuśrī who inspired him to the Dharma. After completely absent from the dissimilar instances
a few years, he was invited to a debate at Nālandā are considered as valid and their opposites as
where he defeated the orthodox scholar Sudurjaya contradictory or uncertain.
and others and established the authenticity of the Another important contribution of Dignāga in
Buddhist conclusions. Since he refuted the Tīrtha- respect of logic was with regard to example or the
controversialists in debate, he attained the title dṛṣṭānta of an inference. Before the time of
“Fighting Bull” or “Bull in discussion” (tarka- Dignāga, an example was considered to be simply
puṅgava). He was a man of vast learning and a familiar case which was cited only to help the
wisdom and practiced throughout his life the dif- understanding of the listener. Dignāga converted
ferent virtues spoken of in the Buddhist tradition. an example into a universal proposition, that is,
He spent most of his life in Andhra (Telingana) in a proposition which expresses the invariable
Discourse on the Descent into Laṅkā 399

relation between the probans and the probandum. Cross-References

This example may be either positive/homoge-
neous or negative/heterogeneous, and an infer- ▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
ence can become invalid if this example is invalid. ▶ Logic (Buddhism)
Ascertaining the validity of an inference on the ▶ Reality (Buddhism)
basis of the triple characteristics of the probans led ▶ Śabda
Dignāga to explain the notion of meaning of ▶ Universal
words in terms of the notion of apoha which is
often translated as the differentiation theory of D
meaning. According to Dignāga, words, or utter- References
ance of words, behave as inferential signs because
1. Chattopadhyay DP (ed) (1980) Taranath – history of
their meaning can be determined only by exclud- Buddhism in India. K.P. Bagchi, Calcutta
ing any dissimilar object where the intended 2. Hattori M (1968) Dignāga on perception: being the
meaning does not belong. To be precise, the Pratyakṣapariccheda of Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccaya
from the Sanskrit fragment and the Tibetan version.
meaning of such common nouns like “cow,”
Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
“dog,” etc., arises in the mind of the hearer from 3. Rangaswami Iyenger HR (ed) (1930) Dinnāga –
their utterance, not because there are positive uni- Pramāṇasamuccaya. University of Mysore, Mysore
versals like cow-ness, dog-ness, etc., but through 4. Singh A (1984) The heart of Buddhist philosophy:
Dignāga and Dharmakīrti. Munshiram Manoharlal,
the exclusion of complement classes of non-cows
New Delhi
or non-dogs, etc. Thus, when it is said “This is 5. Vidyabhushan SC (1977) A history of the mediaeval
a cow,” one is not applying the predicate cow-ness School of Indian Logic. Oriental Books Reprint Corpo-
to the subject; one is only denying that anything ration, New Delhi
contrary to cow-ness can be applied to the subject.
Such notion of differentiation or exclusion is thus
a substitute for the objective universal admitted by
the realist school like the Nyāya. Dipaṅkara Śrijñāna
Apart from the Pramāṇasamuccaya Dignāga
had composed several texts on Buddhist logic and ▶ Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054)
epistemology. These are Hetucakradamaru;
Nyāyamukha; Pramāṇa-samuccaya-vṛtti which
is a commentary on the text Pramāṇasamuccaya
by Dignāga himself; Pramāṇa-śāstra-Nyāya- Dīrgha Āgama
praveśa; Ālambana-parīkṣā; Ālambana-
parı̄ kṣā-vṛtti an autocommentary on Ālambana- ▶ Dīgha Nikāya
parī kṣā; and the Trikāla-parı̄ kṣā. However, there
is another text on Buddhist logic, namely the
Nyāyapraveśa regarding whose authorship
there is a controversy among the Buddhist
scholars. According to many, including S.C. Discourse on Setting in Motion the
Vidyābhushana and Muni Jambuvijayji, this text Wheel of Dharma
is the work of Dignāga, whereas scholars like
Tucci and others do not support this view. It is, ▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
however, beyond any controversy that this work
was based directly within the framework of
Dignāga’s logical system. The works of Dignāga
set the scheme on which later Buddhist logicians Discourse on the Descent into Laṅkā
discussed philosophical issues pertaining to infer-
ence and debate. ▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
400 Discussion of Elements

obtains the miraculous power of divya-dhvani

Discussion of Elements ([4], p. 260). The sound manifests artha, the full
meaning of the Jina’s teaching, and is thought to
▶ Dhātukathā be the origin of Jain canonical texts, or sūtras ([4],
p. 42).

The Character of Divya-dhvani:

Divine Sound
Diverging Interpretations
▶ Divya-dhvani
Śvetāmbara Jains assert that divya-dhvani is
a primal sound related to Ardhamāgadhi, the
definitive form of Prākrit in which many Jain
scriptures are written ([7], p. 81). As a potential
Divya-dhvani root language – or basis for numerous other
languages – Ardhamāgadhi is the language of
Brianne Donaldson the tīrthaṅkaras. According to the Bhagavatī
Claremont School of Theology, Claremont, CA, Sūtra, it is even spoken by heavenly devas ([2],
USA p. 141). The Aupapātika Sūtra describes
Mahāvīra addressing an audience of humans,
gods, and animals, as well as Aryans and non-
Synonyms Aryans, in the Ardhamāgadhi language that trans-
forms into the language of each individual listener
Divine sound; Root language ([2], p. 141).
Digambara Jains understand divya-dhvani as
an unarticulated blend of all sounds, similar to
Definition Oṃ. Only the gaṇadharas, or disciples, of
a tīrthaṅkara are able to understand it. Numerous
Divya-dhvani refers to the special communication Digambara views exist as to whether the sound
of a tīrthaṅkara after obtaining omniscience. comes from the mouth, is emanated from the
body, or is constituted by syllables or not. In
some views, it contains all the major and minor
Aspect of Omniscience languages of India ([2], p. 141).
These differing interpretations reflect doctrinal
Divya-dhvani derives from √divya (meaning variations between the two main sects of Jainism.
divine, heavenly, supernatural, wondrous, magi- Digambaras understand the Jina to be absolutely
cal) and √dhvani (meaning sound, noise, echo, free from the 18 human imperfections such as
voice, tone, tune, thunder, allusion, hint). This movement, hunger, sleep, disease, communication,
divine sound is a distinct attribute of etc. ([3], p. 35). The Jina is free from all sense
a tīrthaṅkara, or liberated Jain teacher, who has activity and its message cannot be expressed in
achieved kevala-jñāna, or omniscience, meaning language or action. Thus, divya-dhvani has been
the simultaneous perception of everything in the interpreted as a “sound” of silence, or rather the
universe. “sound of inaction” ([4], p. 188).
At the moment of omniscience, a tīrthaṅkara, The Śvetāmbara tradition conceives of the
also called a Jina or kevalin, who has overcome kevalin as relatively human, eating and engaging
bodily and mental limitations and whose conduct in mundane bodily activities that in no way under-
in previous lives enables the gift of divine sound, mine omniscience ([3], pp. 36–39). The
Divyāvadāna 401

connection between divya-dhvani and 6. Titze K (2001) Jainism: a pictorial guide to the religion
Ardhamāgadhi must be understood in this of non-violence. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
7. Wiley K (2010) The A to Z of Jainism. Scarecrow Press,
context. Lanham

The Samavasarana Divyāvadāna

˙
K. T. S. Sarao
Divya-dhvani takes place within the
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
D
samavasaraṇa, which describes both an event
and a layered, circular architectural structure in Delhi, Delhi, India
which people, devas, and animals gather peace-
fully to hear the first speech of the tīrthaṅkara
([1], pp. 115–126). Artistic depictions often Definition
blend the Śvetāmbara and Digambara doctrines
such that the Jina emanates a monolingual The Divyāvadāna is an anthology of Buddhist
sound that is amplified for all five-sensed crea- narratives.
tures to hear in their own language ([6],
pp. 232–233). The message is believed to The Divyāvadāna (literally Divine or “Heavenly
instruct a listener on one’s innate potential for Stories/Exploits/Narratives”) is an anthology of
right knowledge and inspire a renewed commit- 36 Buddhist avadānas (narratives) and two sūtras
ment to spiritual practices and nonviolence, that celebrate the lives of exemplary personalities
even among animals. in the history of Buddhism. Archetypally, these
narratives revolve around the Buddha explaining
to his disciples the functioning of retributive
Cross-References karma. The leitmotif is the huge merit earned as
a result of actions involving charity, faith, devo-
▶ Deva tion, sacrifice, ahiṃsā, moral discipline, and piety.
▶ Jina Some of the important avadānas are:
▶ Samavasaraṇa (Jainism)
▶ Sūtra Piṭaka Koṭikarṇa (avadāna no. 1): A caravan leader
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) comes across people from his home town
who had been reborn as hungry ghosts due to
their past bad karma. After returning home, he
References intercedes on behalf of their family members
who were not following the true dharma. Later
1. Cort J (2010) Framing the Jina: narratives of icons and he becomes a monk and meets the Buddha.
idols in Jain history. Oxford University Press, New Pūrṇa (avadāna no. 2): A wealthy merchant
York
2. Dundas (1996) Jain attitudes toward the Sanskrit marries a slave girl after she cures him of
language. In: Houben J (ed) Ideology and status of illness. She bears him a son named Pūrṇa
Sanskrit: contributions to the history of the Sanskrit who is later turned out of the house by his
language. Brill, New York half brothers. Though a destitute, Pūrṇa is
3. Jaini P (2001) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi hardworking and clever. He becomes
4. Kabay P (2013) Interpreting the Divyadhvani: on why a wealthy merchant, meets the Buddha, and
the Digambara sect is right about Kevalin. Philos East joins the saṃgha.
West 63(2):176–193 Maitreya (avadāna no. 3): A story of the events
5. Owen L (2006) Depicting a Jain assembly: representa-
tions of the Samavasaraṇa at Ellora. Jinamañjari that culminated in Maitreya becoming
35(1):44–60 a buddha.
402 Divyāvadāna

Meṇḍaka (avadāna no. 10): The story of different eras put together by a diligent curator”
Meṇḍaka who offered to a paccekabuddha the ([11], p. 13). Cowell and Neil, who were amongst
little food that he and his family had during the first Europeans to work on the Divyāvadāna,
a severe famine. As a result of this meritorious had suggested in the nineteenth century that these
deed, Meṇḍaka and his family came to possess narratives “evidently belong to various authors”
magical powers. ([3], p. vii, fn.1). Later, in the same vein, almost all
Sahasodgata (avadāna no. 21): It describes the the scholars who have worked on this text have
Buddha’s instructions for creating the pointed out that the Divyāvadāna is “not an orig-
bhavacakra (wheel of cyclic existence). inal book, but compilations from various
Pāṃśupradāna (avadāna no. 26): The story of sources. . . (with) component parts. . . of unequal
the conversion of Māra, Buddhist god of evil. age” ([7], p. 297), an assortment of pre-Buddhist
Kunāla (avadāna no. 27): The tragic story of tales reworded and revised for many generations
Emperor Aśoka’s son, Kunāla, who was ([12], p. 163), a collection of inspired derivations
blinded at the behest of his stepmother. from an earlier canonical tradition ([5], p. 591), or
Aśoka (avadāna no. 29): The story of Emperor even an accretion of narrative fragments from the
Aśoka. Indian discourse extended over hundreds of years
Sudhanakumāra (avadāna no. 30): A prince’s ([8], p. 285). Thus, the narratives of the
arduous, perilous, and daring mission. Divyāvadāna were “most likely produced by mul-
Śārdūlakarṇa (avadāna no. 33): A caṇḍāla (out- tiple authors at different times, whose dates and
cast) woman who falls in love with an eminent sites of production are uncertain, whose intended
monk. audience is unclear, whose expected use is
Mākandika (avadāna no. 36): A brāhmaṇa unknown, and whose intertextual relations are
ascetic who offers his nubile daughter to the unresolved” ([11], p. 8).
Buddha in marriage. As explained by P.L. Vaidya, “The literary
Rudrāyaṇa (avadāna no. 37): The first illustra- qualities of these avadānas vary considerably,
tion of bhavacakra to King Rudrāyaṇa and contain elements of old tales in Purāṇa style,
(Udāyana) is described. tales from the sacred literature, tales modelled on
classical style with considerable dramatic element
It has been suggested that as more than half of on classical style with considerable dramatic
the narratives of the Divyāvadāna have been element. . ., tales in the semi-classical style. . .,
borrowed from the Vinaya of the and tales in purely classical style” ([14], p. x).
Mūlasarvāstivāda School [6, 9], it “is a work of However, historically speaking, the legends of
the Mūlasarvāstivāda school” ([1], p. 19). How- the Divyāvadāna do not contain much that is of
ever, Rotman felt that it would be “more judicious any historical value ([15], p. 277). In fact,
to treat the Divyāvadāna not as a text created Winternitz found its composition as “very con-
exclusively within a Mūlasarvāstivādin frame- fused and disconnected,” the language and style
work, but as one created more generally within being not at all “unified,” and there being “no sign
the context of early Indian Buddhist monastic of any principle of arrangement” ([15],
culture– probably during the period of pp. 273–274). However, he also found the most
Sarvāstivādin Buddhism in Northwest India dur- of the narratives are written in good and simple
ing the first millennium” ([11], pp. 18–19). Fol- Sanskrit prose with a sprinkling of “the metres of
lowing this line of argument, earlier P.L. Vaidya ornate poetry and the genuine Kāvya style with its
had declared that “it is now proved beyond doubt long compound words” ([15], pp. 274).
that the Divyāvadāna is a work belonging to the Though the Divyāvadāna contains some addi-
Sarvāstivāda School” ([14], p. x). tions in the spirit of the Mahāyāna, “as a whole it
It appears that the Divyāvadāna “was compiled decidedly belongs to the Hīnayāna school” ([15],
using materials of differing antiquities, as if the p. 273). In terms of chronology, it was composed
stories it contains were Buddhist heirlooms from later than the Avadāna-Śataka, but it also includes
Dorje 403

some very old texts and there are some passages (trans: Verellen F). Columbia University Press,
which must certainly have been written prior to New York
5. Lamotte E (1988) History of Indian Buddhism from
the third century C.E. ([15], pp. 273–274). the origins to the Śaka Era (trans: Sara W-B). Institut
According to Winternitz, the Divyāvadāna “as Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve
a whole” could not have been in existence earlier 6. Lévi S (1907) Les éléments de formation du Divyā-
than the fourth century C.E. ([15], p. 274). But vadāna. In T‘oung Pao, Sér II. vol VIII, pp 105–122
7. Nariman GK (1923) Literary history of Sanskrit
P.L. Vaidya felt that it would be “safe to hold that Buddhism. Indian Book Depot, Bombay
the Divyāvadāna came into existence between 8. Prakash S (1970) Divyāvadāna Meiṅ Saṃskṛti kā
200 and 350 A.D.” ([14], p. xi). Svarūpa (Hindi). Pragati Prakashan, Agra D
It is no exaggeration to say that the narratives of 9. Przyluski J (1929) Fables in the Vinaya-Piṭaka of the
Sarvāstivādin School. Indian Hist Q 5(1):1–5
the Divyāvadāna are by far some of the most 10. Rotman A (2003) Monks, merchants, and a moral econ-
influential stories in the history of Buddhism. omy: visual culture and the practice of faith in the
The stories have influenced literature, theatre, Divyāvadāna. PhD dissertation, University of Chicago
sculpture, and mural arts throughout Asia. “Rep- 11. Rotman A (trans) (2008) Divine stories: Divyāvadāna.
Part I, Wisdom Publications, Somerville
resentations of these stories can be found across 12. Sarkar SC (1990) Studies in the common Jātaka and
Asia, from Kizil in China to Sanchi in India Avadāna tales. Sanskrit College, Calcutta
to Borobudur in Indonesia” ([11], p. 1). 13. Strong J (trans) (1983) The legend of King Aśoka
Some scholars have even gone so far as to claim (Aśokāvadāna). Princeton University Press, Princeton
14. Vaidya PL (ed) (1959) Divyāvadāna, Buddhist San-
that this text played a role in influencing economic skrit texts no. 20. The Mithila Institute of Post-
policy and commercial relations in China between Graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning,
the fifth and tenth centuries and guided the revival Darbhanga
of Buddhist monasticism in Japan during the reign 15. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
(trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
of the Tokugawa shoguns (see [4], [2], [11], p. 3). Delhi
Rabindranath Tagore’s celebrated play Caṇḍālikā,
which is a critique of the caste system, is based on
the Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna of the Divyāvadāna.
Doctrine of the Elders

Cross-References ▶ Theravāda

▶ Aśoka
▶ Aśokāvadāna
▶ Karma Dölma
▶ Kunāla
▶ Māra ▶ Tārā (Buddhism)
▶ Sarvāstivāda

References Donation

1. Banerjee AC (1957) Sarvāstivāda literature. The ▶ Dāna (Buddhism)

World Press, Calcutta
2. Clark S (2006) Miscellaneous musings on
Mūlasarvāstivāda Monks: the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya
revival in Tokugawa Japan. Jpn J Relig Stud 33(1):1–49
3. Cowell EB, Neil RA (eds) (1886) Divyāvadāna. Dorje
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
4. Gernet J (1995) Buddhism and Chinese Society: an
▶ Vajra
economic history from the fifth to the tenth centuries
404 Dosa

characteristics or attributes and specific character-

Dosa istics or modes. Attributes are the criteria for
distinguishing different types of substances, and
▶ Kilesa (Kleśa) modes are the criteria for differentiating individ-
ual substances within each substantial type. From
the point of view of attributes, substances retain
their identity and permanence in time, whereas
Doubtfulness from the point of view of modes, they are different
and continually changing.
▶ Skepticism

Jain Doctrine of Substance

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
According to the Jain doctrine, a substance (Skt.
▶ Ambedkar dravya) is that which exists (Sas 5.29, cf. [5], p.
155). This means that the Sanskrit term dravya is
a key concept for the understanding of the Jain
theory of what there is. In the early systematiza-
Dravya (Jainism) tions of Jain thought, substance is described as
possessing attributes (Skt. guṇa) and modes (Skt.
Ana Bajželj
paryāya) (Tas 5.37, cf. [7], p. 142 and [6], p. 75).
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
The relationship between substance on the one
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
hand and attributes and modes on the other is not
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
understood as one of subordination. In other
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
words, substance does not ontologically precede
attributes and modes which it is maintained to
possess, i.e., it does not retain its being indepen-
Abbreviations dent of their existence. On the contrary, substance
would no longer be substance without the other
Ns Niyamasāra
two, meaning that attributes and modes are indis-
Ps Pravacanasāra
pensable features of substance. Additionally, this
Paks Pañcāstikāyasāra
dependence is mutual. Substance cannot be with-
Sas Sarvārthasiddhi
out attributes and modes, and they cannot be
Ss Samayasāra
without substance (Paks 12–13, cf. [3], p. 8–9).
Tas Tattvārthasūtra
As far as the relationship between substance
and attributes goes, the first is described as offer-
Synonyms ing support (Skt. āśraya) to the latter. Since that
would render them substances as well, attributes
Substance
cannot perform the same supportive function as
substance (Tas 5.40, cf. [7], p. 144 and [1], p. 90).
Definition They are rather identified as those aspects of exis-
tence which characterize substance (Ps II.1, cf.
Dravya is a Sanskrit term for substance, of which [2], p. 392). More precisely, they are understood
Jains recognize five to six types, namely, living to function as essential factors by which a certain
substance, matter, medium of motion, medium of substance is differentiated from those belonging
rest, space, and, sometimes, time. Every substance to another substantial genus. Through the charac-
has the same structure, that is, it possesses general terizing function of attributes, a relation of either
Dravya (Jainism) 405

relative identity or relative difference may be rec- possess innumerable non-concrete attributes,
ognized between various substances. Substances the basic ones of which are consciousness
with different attributes are considered to belong (Skt. caitanya), bliss (Skt. sukha), and energy
to different classes of substances. Substances of (Skt. vī rya). These attributes differ from the
the same genus share the same attributes and from essential attributes of each of the nonliving sub-
that perspective they are matching, but are none- stances. The living substances may also be differ-
theless not completely identical to one another. entiated from one another, that is, by the modes
The factor which functions as differentia for dis- they possess. A specific mode of living substances
tinguishing substances within the same genus is is the degree to which one of their essential D
their mode. This means that substances are not attributes is manifested. For instance, living sub-
different only as far as they belong to groups stances vary according to different manifestations
characterized by different attributes, they are dif- of their attribute of consciousness.
ferent as individual substances because they pos- With its theory of a perpetually dynamic real-
sess distinct modes. All substances are then non- ity, Jainism avoids siding with both the ontology
different from each other as far as they are sub- of absolute permanence/identity and the ontology
stances. Based on the attributes they possess, they of absolute change/difference in favor of an inte-
may be classified into various groups. Within grative ontology in which identity and perma-
particular groups they may be further nence on the one hand and difference and
distinguished by specific modes they support. change on the other are coordinated ([4], p. 123).
Jain acknowledge the existence of an infinite In line with Jain thought, substances are therefore
number of substances (Ps I.49, cf. [2], p. 388). not static. Quite the opposite, their very nature is
Apart from a class containing infinite living sub- transformation (Skt. pariṇāma) (Ts 5.41, cf. [7], p.
stances (Skt. jī va), they speak of four or five 144). and it is maintained that every substance is
classes of nonliving (Skt. ajī va) substances. conjoined with origination (Skt. utpāda), cessa-
Among nonliving substances, matter (Skt. tion (Skt. vyaya), and persistency (Skt. dhrauvya)
pudgala) is material, whereas space (Skt. ākāśa), (Ps II.3, cf. [2], p. 392). As general characteristics
medium of motion (skt. dharma), medium of rest of substances, attributes coexist with substances
(Skt. adharma), and (in accordance with some) they characterize. They are, like substances, per-
time (Skt. kāla) are immaterial. Matter exists in manent and remain identical through time.
the form of innumerable atoms (Skt. parama-aṇu) Modes, however, as particular manifestations of
and their aggregates (Skt. skandha). Space, attributes and thus specific characteristics of
medium of motion, and medium of rest substances, are their changing aspects (Ps II.9,
are singular, the first one infinite and the other cf. [2], p. 393). They arise and cease every
two vast but finite. As regards the substance of moment. Substances and their attributes therefore
time, Digambaras accept it as an independent maintain their identity, whereas modes are differ-
substance whereas the Śvetāmbara tradition ent in each moment of time.
remains divided in this matter. Those who take To summarize, according to Jain ontology,
time for an independent substance claim that it is there exists a plurality of substances. They may
pluralistic, namely, that there are innumerable be classified into five or six different kinds; how-
time-particles (Skt. kāla-aṇu). ever, they all have the same basic structure. All of
Disregarding their particularities, all of the them possess permanent general qualifiers,
abovementioned substances are non-different to namely, attributes, and continually changing spe-
the extent of being substances. However, the cific qualifiers, namely, modes. Substances them-
essential attributes they possess are the criteria selves are permanent like the attributes they
for classifying them into various genera of sub- possess. This temporal structure of substances,
stances (Ps II.38, cf. [2], p. 396). For example, all attributes, and modes reflects the coordinative
substances in the genus of living substances model of Jain ontology, in line with which
406 Dreams (Buddhism)

everything that exists is not only permanent and Definition

identical but also differs in time since the perma-
nent substantial base continually undergoes Series of pictures or events occurring in the minds
modal change. of persons during sleep in such a way that the
person has the experience of perceiving them or
participating in them.
Cross-References

▶ Ajīva Buddhists on Dreams

▶ Dharma (Jainism)
▶ Jainism (Yakṣa) In Buddhist tradition, a systematic explanation of
▶ Jīva (Jainism) the phenomenon of dream is found. According to
▶ Karma (Jainism) the Buddhists, dream consciousness is supralimi-
▶ Philosophy nal normal kāma consciousness which has an
▶ Reality (Jainism) object or content of a mysterious kind. The object
▶ Time (Jainism) may or may not be previously experienced; it may
be a distant object or a near one. The object of
dream is colorful and can have different kinds of
References shapes. Sometimes it is pleasurable and some-
times painful. It may be of something good or
1. Jaini PS (2001) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
bad. So, depending on the content of dream
2. Kundakunda (1984) Śrī Kundakundācārya’s consciousness, it is tough to define it. However,
Pravacanasāra (Pavayaṇasāra). In: Upadhye AN (ed in the Pāli Buddhist texts, for example, in the
and trans) A pro-canonical text of the Jainas. Parama- Milindapañhā, dream has been defined as an
Śruta-Prabhāvaka Mandal, Shrimad Rajachandra
Ashrama, Agas
image or suggestion coming into the field of con-
3. Kundakunda (2001) Pañcāstikāya-sāra (ed and trans: sciousness. This definition is incomplete and sub-
Chakravarti A). Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi ject to the fallacy of overapplication since it
4. Padmarajiah YJ (1963) A comparative study of the becomes equally applicable to waking hallucina-
Jaina theories of reality and knowledge. Jain Sahitya
Vikas Mandal, Bombay
tions. But as the Pāli term corresponding to
5. Pūjyapāda (1960) Reality (trans: Jain SA). English “dream” is supina which is derived from the root
Translation o Shri Pujyapada’s Sarvarthasiddhi. Vira sup meaning to sleep, it seems that Nāgasena
Sasana Sangha, Calcutta undoubtedly meant “consciousness in sleep.”
6. Soni J (1991) Dravya, Guṇa and Paryāya in Jaina
thought. J Indian Philos 19:75–88
Regarding dreams, the first question that is
7. Umāsvāti (2011) Tattvārtha Sūtra. That which is (trans: addressed by the Buddhists is whether dreams
Tatia N). HarperCollins, San Francisco/London are perceived or thought. Obviously, dream
objects are different from those which are per-
ceived with an open eye. In dreams, scenes are
reproduced automatically when all the external
Dreams (Buddhism) sense organs are shut down. So at first sight, it
seems that dream presentations do not come from
Madhumita Chattopadhyay without but from within, from the inner activities
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, of the mind. In the case of perception, the subject
Kolkata, West Bengal, India turns toward vibration occurring in the stream of
consciousness by the five doors turning toward
their respective objects, while in dream it turns
Synonyms toward the mind door. The physical counterpart of
the mind door may be said in the terminology of
Fantasy modern psychology as the central activity of
Dreams (Buddhism) 407

cerebrum and the physical counterparts of five journey through space, (2) the dream of fire and
doors as the afferent sensory nerves. So dreams flames, (3) the dream of water, (4) the dream of
are not perceived by the sense organs but thought good and bad things depending on the kindness of
internally, although in some cases some of those God, (5) the dream of the past experiences of any
nerves indirectly play an auxiliary causal role in place or any event or any person, and (6) the
creating dream objects. For example, when light is dream of future happenings. Analysis of the dif-
brought near the eyes of a sleeping man, he may ferent varieties of dreams reveals that some
dream of bonfire. Except such kinds of peripheral dreams have physical basis, while there are others
stimulations, dream is thought in mind automati- which are due to some supernatural causes and D
cally with the help of past traces or samskāras. some occur because of past experiences.
This suggests that in most cases dreams are the Flatulence, bile, and phlegm are the three basic
creation of human mind. However, the problem components of human body. These are called
with this view is that creation is always dhātus in Āyurveda. Equilibrium among them is
a voluntary action whereas dreaming is neither maintained in a fit body. But when this balance is
a voluntary nor a conscious act. Even in the case disturbed, there is disturbance in the body which
of prophetic dreams, mind acts as a mere passive causes diseases and also dreams. So, in a sense,
receptor. In that case, can one regard dreams to be dreams and diseases are interrelated in such a way
creations of human minds? that one can infer disease from the dreams that one
Dream objects are like the perceived objects has experienced. The dreams due to such distur-
except that there is no volitional control over the bances of the physical elements, in the terminol-
objects that occur in the dream states. In spite of ogy of the Buddhists dhātukkhobha, constitute
this exception, the dream generally takes the form the first variety. In such cases, dreams can be
of a vision. Hence, in the context of all dreams, the explained from the practical standpoint. But
expression is “to see a dream,” in Pāli supinam there are other types of dreams, for example,
passati. dreams about future which can be accounted for
In the text Milindapañhā (translated as “The only from the transcendental standpoint. Since
Questions of King Milinda”), dreams have been such dreams cannot be explained in terms of any
classified under six heads depending on the dif- ordinary physical causes, the question obviously
ferences in the causes giving rise to dreams. The arises how the dreamer can come to know or
six causes are as follows: dream such future events. In order to justify
the claim that these dreams represent future events
1. The influence of flatulence (vāyu-vikāra). properly, theorists need to describe a reliable pro-
2. The influence of bilious disorders (pitta- cess or establish a necessary connection between
vikāra). the future event and the present state of mind.
3. The influence of phlegmatic disturbances Nāgasena in the text Milindapañhā formulates
(ślesmāvikāra). the question thus: “Does his own mind set out
4. The influence of God or any spiritual agents. itself to seek the omen, or does the prognostica-
5. The influence of the habits of the dreamer tion come to its own accord into the path of his
himself or any recurrent previous experiences mind, or does someone else come and tell him of
regarding any particular object or an act. it?” Nāgasena answers the question with the Sim-
6. Apart from these one may see dreams in ile of a mirror: “Just as the looking glass does not
the way of prognostication. It is a kind go anywhere to seek for the reflection, neither
of foregoing signs or prophetic dreams that does anyone come and put the reflection onto it,
the dreamer sees due to the force of his but the object itself comes in front of it for being
character. reflected, the object of prognostication itself
comes into the mind.” The way the question has
As examples of each of them, the following been formulated indicates that there are three pos-
cases are cited respectively: (1) the dream of sible ways in which the future dream may occur.
408 Dreams (Buddhism)

The first alternative is that mind sets out itself and analysis. The dreamer only receives the object or
seeks the omen. It indicates that mind takes an the future event passively and there the story ends.
active part in finding the prognostication as if it Interpretation is a separate function.
creates or imagines it. But according to Nāgasena, Another important question that arises in the
in the case of clairvoyance, the mind of the context of dream is: When does a person dream, in
dreamer does not construct, imagine, or create sleep or in waking state? This is a question that
the object out of itself. If it were so, the dream has remained a puzzle for the psychologists even
would not be a reliable representation of the prog- today. According to some Western thinkers,
nostication. The suggested function of the mind is dream is a hallucination occurring in sleep. But
operative in the case of dreams due to physical there is a dispute as to whether it is possible to
disorder or due to past habits. The third alternative have a dream when one is in sound or deep sleep.
is that someone external comes and generates the According to Nāgasena, dreams occur neither in
dream objects. Such an alternative suggests the deep sleep nor in waking moments but in
existence of spiritual agents. But this alternative a transitional stage between the waking and the
can explain the dreams of the fourth type only and deep sleep. The dream occurs in a stage when the
may be true of some dreams of the future events, person is getting sleepy but still his mind has not
but not all. However, in the case of clairvoyance, entered into the subliminal state of consciousness
the relation is somewhat direct where the mind or the bhavānga. At this state, the mind neither
passively receives the objects which have them- remains fully awake nor becomes inactive. In such
selves come to the mind from the future. Hence, states dreams occur. When the mind enters into
Nāgasena is in favor of the second option, namely, deep sleep, it sinks into the bhavānga, and then
that the prognostication comes to its own accord the individual cannot distinguish between the
into the path of the mind. But how does the prog- good and the evil. And one who does not know
nostication come from the future has not been that cannot dream. Nāgasena justifies his point
elaborated by Nāgasena except the hint “force of with an analogy. Just as in the darkness where
character.” there is no light, even if there is a very good
Now some dreams are considered to be auspi- mirror, no reflection occurs, similarly when the
cious and some not. So a question naturally arises mind is inactive because of returning to the sub-
whether at the time of occurrence the dreamer liminal state, even if there is a body, no dream can
himself can identify any omen as auspicious or occur. Buddhaghoṣa, another noted Buddhist phi-
inauspicious. This question has also been losopher, justifies the same conclusion with refer-
discussed by Nāgasena. And his reply is given ence to what is stated in different Buddhist texts.
with the simile of pimples or eruptions arising For example, he holds that to say that dreams
on human body. When such pimples arise, they occur during sound sleep would be opposed to
are considered to be foregoing signs of profit or spirit of the Abhidhammapitaka, which says that
loss, fame or dishonor, praise or blame, happiness a man sleeps during subconsciousness. On the
or woe of the human being. But the pimples them- other hand, to say that dreams occur in waking
selves do not know whether they are good or hours would be opposed to the idea of
bad signs. It is the fortune-teller who interprets Vinayapitaka where it is held that a bhikkhu who
such pimples as the signs of this or that event. commits an offense in dreams is not morally
Similarly, the mind which sees the dreams does responsible for his dream acts. Avoiding both
not know whether the dream is good or bad. They these extremes, it can only be said that dream
tell it to others such as to the fortune-tellers who occurs only in a transitional stage. In sleep, there
then interpret them as signs of something good or is a beginning, a middle, and an end. The feeling
bad. It signifies that to have a dream is not the of slackness, inertness in the body constitutes the
same thing as the interpretation of a dream. first stage or the beginning. Then arises a state
Merely having a dream is not sufficient for its which is described as “monkey’s sleep” (okkanta
Dukkha 409

middhe) by the Buddhists, in which the individual 5. Rhys Davids TW, Oldenberg H (tr) (1996) Vinaya texts.
still guards his scattered thoughts. This is the Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Indian Reprint
6. Rhys Davids CAF (1996) A Buddhist manual of psy-
middle of the sleep. And when the mind enters chological ethics. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,
into itself, it is the end of it. It is in the middle stage Indian edition
that dreams occur.
The question that arises next is about the ethics
of dreams. That is, can an act done in a dream be
regarded as morally good or as morally bad. The Drölma
answer of the Buddhists in this regard is negative. D
They hold that no one can be morally responsible ▶ Tārā (Buddhism)
for the acts done in dreams, since there is no
volitional control over the content of a dream,
and only the volitional or voluntary acts are sub-
ject to moral judgments. Drolwai Gonpo
Another important issue is who can see
dreams. According to the Buddhists, there are 12 ▶ Tāranātha
classes of intelligent beings (puggalā) of whom 4
are regarded as average or ordinary (putthujanā)
and 8 as noble (ariya). All those belonging to the
ordinary class see dreams. But of the eight noble Dubiety
beings, only those who are at the stage of fruition
can have dreams while the Arhant who is in the ▶ Skepticism
final stage of emancipation and those who are at
the stage of reaching the path cannot have dreams,
since they are no longer in the stage of having
Duhkha
hallucinations. ˙
▶ Evil (Buddhism)

Cross-References

▶ Ethics (Buddhism) Duhkha – Unpleasant

▶ Mind (Buddhism)
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) ▶ Dukkha

References
Dukkha
1. Layek S (1990) An analysis of dream in Indian philos-
ophy. Sri Satguru, Delhi K. Sankarnarayan
2. Nāṇmoli B (1991) The path of purification: K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies,
Viśuddhimagga. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy,
Mumbai, India
Sri Lanka
3. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1920) The expositor
(Atthasālini): Buddhaghoṣa’s commentary on the
Dhammasangani: the first book of the Abhidham- Synonyms
mapitaka. Pali Text Society, London
4. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (2003) The questions of King
Milinda in sacred books of the east, vol 35. Motilal Causing misery, sorrow, or trouble; Duhkha –
Banarsidass, Delhi, Indian Reprint unpleasant; Painful ([1], p. 324)
410 Dukkha

Definition leading to the cessation is the Noble Truth; it

has been said: oppression (pilanattho), being
It is difficult to give the exact translation in conditioned (sankhatattho), heart burning
English for this term, the general understanding (santapattho), change (viparinamattho) – these
of this term is “unhappiness, suffering,” and pain, four meanings given to dukkha are true; heaping
that is, physical, emotional, and mental pain; up (ayuhanattho), source, (nidanattho) fetter
“dush + kha” is said to be from “dus + kha” in (samyogattho), impediment (palibodhattho) –
the sense of “uneasy, uncomfortable,” unpleasant, these are the meanings of the origin (samudaya)
difficult, sorrow, sad, and distressed. as truth. Escape (nissaranottho), aloofness
The Importance of Dukkha: Importance is (vivekattho), no conditions (asankhatattho),
given to “sabbam dukkham” – everything is deathlessness (amatattho) – these are the mean-
“dukkha.” Its reality, cause, and means of suppres- ings of cessation(nirodha); way out (niyyanattho),
sion formed the subject of the Buddha’s first ser- root cause(hetuttho), discernment (dassanattho),
mon. Why is the emphasis on dukkha in dominant influence (adhipateyyattho) – these are
Buddhism or in the teachings of the Buddha? the meanings of the path (magga) as truth ([4],
The Buddha relates to “dukkha” as associated Pt.2.22.10.842; [5], Vol. XXII, p. 849).
with birth (jati), old age (jara), and death Dukkha Samudaya: And the sound “sam”
(marana) ([2], Vol. III.4.11.373). denotes connection in such words as “upannam,”
The Buddha declares that “the Noble Truth of “samagamo,” and “sametam” (coming together,
Suffering (dukkha) is this: Birth is suffering, aging concurrence). The sound “u” (d) denotes uprising
is suffering, sickness is suffering, death is suffer- in such words as “upannam” and uditam (upris-
ing, association with the unpleasant is suffering, ing, sprung up). The sound “aya” shows reason.
dissociation from the pleasant is suffering, not to This second truth shows the reason for the upris-
receive what one desires is suffering – in brief the ing of dukkha when it connected with other causes
five aggregates subject to grasping are suffering” than itself. Hence, as being the reason for the
([3], Vol. III.Pt.2.12.2.1081). uprising of ill when connected with causes, it is
Etymology of Dukkha: The classification is as called the origin of dukkha (dukkhasamudayanti-
such- By analysis, characteristic, and such other [3], Vol. III.Pt.2.12.4.1074; [4], Vol. II, p. 530; [5],
kinds – first, the word “dukkha” is “the sound ‘du’ p. 586).
in the sense of despicable, since they speak of Dukkha Nirodha: And because the sound “ni”
despised son as duputto.” The sound “kham” means “absence” and the sound “rodha” signifies
means empty, as the empty space is spoken a prison; therefore, as being devoid of all courses
of as “kham.” And this, the first truth, is despica- of life, the third truth (cessation of dukkha is
ble because it is the abode of various dangers Dukkha Nirodha) is the absence (ni) of the prison
and empty because it is devoid of the ideas of (rodha) of dukkha, said to be the absence of prison
eternity, pleasantness, happiness, and individual- of repeated births. Or when one has attained to it
ity, which exist only in the thoughts of the foolish. (the third truth), one is freed from the prison of
Hence, as being despicable and empty, it is called dukkha, said to be the prison of repeated births;
“dukkha” ([4], Pt.2.16.2.530; [5], Pt.III.XVI.2, hence, as being opposed to that prison, the third
p. 586). truth is called the cessation of dukkha. Or it is the
Dukkha Is Ariya Sacca: Dukkha is the Noble cessation of dukkha because it is the cause of
Truth ([2], Vol. III.4.11.373; [3], Vol. III. the non-arising of dukkha ([4], Pt.2.16.530; [5],
Pt.2.12.2.1081; [4], Vol. II.16,529; [5], Vol. XVI, p. 586).
XVI.2.494, p. 585; [6], VI.v.2; [7], Vol. VI, Dukkha Nirodha Gamini: One goes forth with
p. 896). Dukkha Samudaya, the origin of dukkha the cessation of dukkha as the object and as the
is the Noble Truth; for Dukkha Nirodha, the ces- goal, and because the fourth truth is the practice
sation of dukkha is the Noble Truth. The practice leading to its attainment, therefore, the fourth truth
Dukkha 411

is called the progress leading to the cessation of of the various beings in this or that group of
dukkha ([4], Vol. II.16.530; [5], Vol. XVI, p. 587). beings, is called birth.”
And because the Noble Ones (Ariyans) such as “And what is aging (jara)? Whatever aging,
the Buddhas penetrate them, therefore, these decrepitude, brokenness, graying, wrinkling,
truths are called the Noble (Ariyan) Truths ([4], decline of life force, weakening of the faculties
Vol. II.16.530; [5], Vol. XVI, p. 587; [6], VI.v.2; of the various beings in this or that group of
[7], Vol. VI, p. 898). beings, is called aging.”
The origin of suffering, as a noble truth, is this: “And what is death (marana)? Whatever
It is the craving (tanha) that produces renewal of deceasing, passing away, breaking up, disappear- D
being accompanied by enjoyment and lust, and ance, dying, death, completion of time, breakup of
enjoying this and that – in other words, craving for the aggregates, casting off of the body, interrup-
sensual desires, craving for being, and craving for tion in the life faculty of the various beings in this
nonbeing ([2], Vol. III.4.11.374). or that group of beings, is called death.”
Cessation of suffering, as a noble truth, is this: Suffering, as a noble truth, is this
It is remainder-less fading and ceasing, giving up, (dukkhasaccaniddesa): Birth is suffering; aging
relinquishing, letting go, and rejecting of that is suffering; sickness is suffering; death is suffer-
same craving ([8], Vol. I.Pt.2.20.5.9.199). ing; sorrow and lamentation, pain, grief, and
The way leading to cessation of suffering as despair are suffering; association with the loathed
a noble truth is this: It is simply the noble eight- is suffering; dissociation from the loved is suffer-
fold path, that is to say, right view, right intention, ing; not to get what one wants is suffering – in
right speech, right action, right livelihood, right short, suffering is the five categories of clinging
effort, right mindfulness, and right concentration objects ([8], Vol. I.Pt.1.7.2.62).
[2], III.4.11.375; ([8], Vol. I.Pt.1.7.2.62). Three Types of Dukkha: Sariputta, the disci-
Delineation on Dukkha: Vasubandhu explains ple of the Buddha, explains ([3], III.3.8.6) to
the truths of “dukkha” ([6], Vol. VI, pp. 686–687; Jambukhadika, the wanderer in Magadha in
[7], tr. pp. 896–897) in the order in which they are Nalaka Village, the three types of dukkha: suffer-
comprehended (abhisamaya). The reason to fol- ing or pain (dukkhata), impermanence or change
low the order is explained by Vasubandhu, in the (parinama-dukkha), and conditioned states
period preparatory to the path proper, that is, the (samkhara-dukkha). These three types of
period of examination (vyavacarana = pariksa), “dukkha” are explained by Vasubandhu ([6], ch.
in the sense that one first creates an idea of that VI, p. 688; [7], p. 899): dukkha which is dukkha
which he is attached, of that by which he is itself (dukkhameva dukkhata dukkha-dukkha),
tormented, and of that from which he seeks to be dukkha which is change or transformation
delivered, namely “dukkha.” Then one asks what (viparinama eva dukkhata -viparinamadukkhata),
its cause is, and he creates an idea of origin and dukkha through the fact of conditioned
(dukkha satyam). Then he asks what does extinc- (samskara eva dukkhata samskaradukkhata).
tion consist of (dukkhasamudayasatyam- hetu) Dukkha-dukkha, an ordinary dukkha, is one
and creates an idea of extinction (dukkha nirodha form of dukkha which includes physical, emo-
satyam). Then he asks what the path to extinction tional, and mental pain – viparinama-dukkha.
is and creates an idea of the path (marga satyam). Anything that is not permanent, that is subject to
Jati (Birth), Jara (Old Age), and Marana change, is parinama-dukkha. Thus, happiness is
(Death) as the Causes of Dukkha ([9], Pt. dukkha because it is not permanent. Great success,
I.1.10.120–136): The Buddha elaborates each of which fades with the passing of time, is dukkha.
the three as the causes of dukkha. Birth is dukkha. Even the purest state of bliss experienced in spir-
“What is birth (jati)? Whatever birth, taking birth, itual practice is dukkha. Samkhara-dukkha – to be
descent, coming-to-be, coming-forth, appearance conditioned is to be dependent on or affected by
of aggregates, and acquisition of (sense) spheres something else. According to the teaching of
412 Dukkha

dependent origination (paticcasamutpada), all comprehend sensuality or would rouse another

phenomena are conditioned. Everything affects with the truth so that, in line with what they have
everything else. This is the most difficult part of practiced, they would comprehend sensuality. It is
the teachings on dukkha ([3], Vol. III.Pt.1.7.5, 42). the same with form (rupanm nissaranam) and the
A Simile on Dukkha: A beautiful simile is same with feeling (vedananam nisaranam). He
given by Vasubandhu ([6], ch.VI, p. 689) that would realize the truth of dukkha (dukkha sacca)
one does not feel a hair placed on the palm of and overcome it ([2], Pt.I.2.163–180; [10],
the hand (karatalasamstham); but the same hair, I.1.20–21, 144–145).
in the eye, causes pain and injury. So too the Dukkha, as the first of Four Noble Truths, is
ignorant, resembling the hand, does not feel the elaborated ([2], Pt.I.10.120–131) in regard to jati,
hair which is dukkha through the fact of being jara, marana, soka (sorrow), parideva (lamenta-
conditioned, but the Aryans (Vasubandhu tion), dukkha (pain), domanassa (distress), and
explains why it is specified as aryan/arya satya/ upayasa (despair).
aryasacca ([6], ch.VI, p. 687; [7], p. 898)), resem- Each of the above is explained ([4], Pt.2.16.
bling the eye, are tortured by it ((aksigatam tu 4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12).
tattaiva hi janayattyratim ca pidamca), yam pare And what is soka (sorrow)? Whatever sorrow,
sukhato ahu tad ariya ahu dukkhato/yam pare sorrowing, sadness, inward sorrow, inward sad-
dukkhato ahu tad ariya sukhato vidu//). ness of anyone suffering from misfortune,
Senses as the Cause of Dukkha: The differ- touched by a painful thing, is called sorrow ([4],
ence in understanding “sensuality” (kamanam) is Pt.2.16.7.544).
explained as follows. There is the allure of sensu- And what is (parideva) lamentation? Whatever
ality. Those are five via the eyes, the ear, the nose, crying, grieving, lamenting, weeping, wailing,
the tongue, and tactile sensation via the body lamentation of anyone suffering from misfortune,
which are agreeable, pleasing, charming, touched by a painful thing, is called lamentation
endearing, fostering desire, and enticing. Thus ([4], Pt.2.16.8.545).
whatever pleasure or joy arises in dependence on And what is (soka) pain? Whatever is experi-
these five strands of sensuality, that is, the allure of enced as bodily pain, bodily discomfort, pain or
sensuality, and what is the drawback of sensual- discomfort born of bodily contact, is called pain
ity? There is the case where, on account of the ([4], Pt.2.16.9.546).
occupation by which a clansman makes a living – And what is (domanassa) distress? Whatever
whether checking, accounting, calculating, is experienced as mental pain, mental discomfort,
plowing, trading, cattle tending, archery, or as pain or discomfort born of mental contact, is
a king’s man, or whatever the occupation may be called distress ([4], Pt.2.16.10.547).
– he faces cold and heat, is harassed by mosqui- And what is (upayasa) despair? Whatever
toes and flies, wind and sun, and creeping things, despair, despondency, desperation of anyone suf-
and dies from hunger and thirst. Now this draw- fering from misfortune, touched by a painful
back, in the case of sensuality, this mass of stress thing, is called despair ([4], Pt.2.16.11.548).
visible here and now, has sensuality for its reason, And what is the stress of (sampayoga) associ-
sensuality for its source, sensuality for its cause, ation with the unbeloved (appiya)? There is the
the reason being simply sensuality which arises in case where undesirable, unpleasing, and unattrac-
future life. The subduing of desire/passion for tive sights, sounds, aromas, flavors, or tactile sen-
sensuality, the abandoning of desire/passion for sations occur to one; or one has connection,
sensuality: That is the escape (nissarana) from contact, relationship, and interaction with those
sensuality. Any priests or contemplatives who do who wish one ill, who wish for one’s harm, who
not discern, as it actually is, the allure of sensual- wish for one’s discomfort, and who wish one no
ity as allure (kamanam nissaranam), the draw- security from the yoke. This is called the stress
back of sensuality as drawback, and the escape of association with the unbeloved ([4],
from sensuality as escape would themselves Pt.2.16.12.549).
Dukkha 413

And what is the stress of (vippayoga) separa- of his friend though did playfully but with malev-
tion from the (piya) loved? There is the case where olence of mind due to greed and so on, did not
desirable, pleasing, and attractive sights, sounds, have the pleasure of senses as the result of his
aromas, flavors, or tactile sensations do not occur deed resulted in misery (dukkha) (papakmmassa
to one; or one has no connection, no contact, no katukam dukkhavipakam – [11], p. 196). Further
relationship, and no interaction with those who in the text, it is pointed out how one experiences
wish one well, who wish for one’s benefit, who misery (dukkha) being born as an animal
wish for one’s comfort, and who wish one security (tiraccha) or mane (peta) or a devil (asura), etc.,
from the yoke, nor with one’s mother, father, as result of one’s own deed (dharayate phalani). D
brother, sister, friends, companions, or relatives. Dukkha as a Raging Fire ([3], Pt.
This is called the stress of separation from the III.12.2.3.1083): Each of the six senses is aflame,
loved ([4], Pt.2.16.13.550). which is dukkha itself. The eye (cakkhu) is aflame.
And what is the stress of not getting what is Forms (rupa) are aflame. Consciousness (mana)
wanted (yampiccham na labhati)? In beings sub- at the eye is aflame. Contact at the eye is aflame.
ject to birth, the wish arises, “O, may we not be And whatever there is that arises in dependence on
subject to birth, and may birth not come to us.” contact at the eye – experienced as pleasure, pain,
But this is not to be achieved by wanting. This is or neither pleasure nor pain – that too is aflame.
the stress of not getting what is wanted. In beings Aflame with what? Aflame with the fire of pas-
subject to aging, illness, death, sorrow, lamenta- sion, the fire of aversion, and the fire of delusion.
tion, pain, distress, and despair, the wish arises Aflame with birth, aging, and death and with
([4], Pt.2.16.14.551). sorrows, lamentations, pains, distresses, and
The five clinging-aggregates ([4], despairs. In the same way, the ear is aflame.
Pt.2.16.15.552), in short, are stressful: the cling- Sounds are aflame. The nose is aflame. Aromas
ing-aggregate of form, the clinging-aggregate of are aflame. The tongue is aflame. Flavors are
feeling, the clinging-aggregate of perception, the aflame. The body is aflame. Tactile sensations
clinging-aggregate of fabrications, and the cling- are aflame. The intellect is aflame. Ideas are
ing-aggregate of consciousness. These are called aflame. Consciousness at the intellect is aflame.
the five clinging-aggregates that, in short, are Contact at the intellect is aflame. And whatever
stressful. This is the noble truth of dukkha there is that arises in dependence on contact at the
(dukkham ariyasaccam). intellect – experienced as pleasure, pain, or neither
It is further explained and defined in terms of pleasure nor pain – that too is aflame ([2],
the association (samudaya sacca) with the senses III.5.7.428–429).
(salayatana) ([2], I.1.10.133). They are the six Dukkha Should Be Known ([3], Vol. III,
internal sense media, namely, the media of the p. 2.12.2.2.1082; [10], I.12.4.516): Dukkha
eye, the ear, the nose, the tongue, the body, and should be known. The cause by which dukkha
the intellect. This is called the noble truth of comes into play should be known. The diversity
dukkha. in dukkha should be known. The result of dukkha
The Principal Law of Kamma as the Cause should be known. The cessation of dukkha should
of Dukkha: One’s own deed (kamma) also results be known. The path of practice for the cessation of
in dukkha ([11], 1.4.1; [12], p. 230). An episode of dukkha should be known. “Thus it has been said.
Licchavi king, Ambasakkhara, who had the In regard to what was it said? ([8], Vol. I.
wrong view, ruled Vesali. On one occasion Pt.2.20.5.8, pp. 240–241).
a trader (from the city of Vesali), who was virtu- It is said with reference to six elements – ele-
ous by nature, while his friend was bathing he did ment of earth, the element of water, that of heat,
hid the clothes in fun. When he died, though that of air, the element of space, and the element of
enjoyed the heavenly comforts by virtue of his consciousness – and the six spheres of contact –
praising the virtue of others, he was naked, the sphere of eye contact, that of ear, nose, body,
a peta, because of his deed of hiding the clothes and the sphere of mind contact: There is descent
414 Dukkha

into the womb. Then the five groups based on When a disciple of the noble ones discerns
grasping are dukkha: conditioned by ignorance, dukkha in this way, the cause by which dukkha
the activities come to be; conditioned by the activ- comes into play in this way, the diversity of
ities, consciousness; conditioned by the con- dukkha in this way, the result of dukkha in this
sciousness, name and shape; conditioned by the way, the cessation of dukkha in this way, and the
name and shape, the sixfold sphere of sense; con- path of practice leading to the cessation of dukkha
ditioned by the sixfold sphere of sense, contact; in this way, then he discerns this penetrative
conditioned by contact, feeling; conditioned holy life as the cessation of dukkha ([8],
by feeling, craving (phasaccaya vedana); 17.2.7.8.167–168; [13], Pt.II.3.7.62, p. 161).
conditioned by craving, grasping; conditioned by Dependent Origination ([3], Vol. III.
grasping, becoming; conditioned by becoming, Pt.2.11.8.1024): The core philosophy of the
birth; conditioned by birth, old age, and death, teachings of the Buddha is based on the natural
dukkha, grief, woe, lamentation, and despair.” law and value of “dependent origination”
This is the reason of the arising of dukkha. This (paticchasamuppada or pratityasamutpada)
is the arising of the whole mass of dukkha (dukkha ([14], pp. 87–92) “in terms of evolution one can
samuccaya). Each of the existence of becoming see that the aim is to look outward and outside
(bhava) is explained. The five aggregates of world. The second sense stresses looking inward
grasping (panca-upadanakkhandha) are suffering to the internal life of beings, to the things related
([2], Pt.III.1.9.85–89). to the interconnectedness of the life process and
It is to be noted, however, that that which leads the experience of dukkha.”
to suffering is not the five aggregates but the Dependent origination ([4], Pt.2.17.1.
mental process of grasping (upa + a + √dà) 570–571) can reveal the whole process of arising
thereof. Suffering that one has to experience in and extinguishing of the dukkha. The three char-
one’s wanderings in the cycle of existence has acteristics of existence (tilakkhana – dukkha,
to be understood in this doctrinal basis and not anicca, and anatta) and the Four Noble truths
on the constituent factors of individuality. These (cattari ariya sacca) have dukkha as an
sufferings are described (cf. [2], Pt.III.4.11. important element. Among the three types
371–375). “dukkhadukkhata, viparinama-dukkha, and
Diversity of Dukkha: Birth is dukkha; aging is sankhara-dukkha, the third type of dukkha is
dukkha; death is dukkha; sorrow, lamentation, very important ([3], Vol. III.Pt.1.2.17.5.350; [6],
pain, distress, and despair are dukkha; association VI.v.3; [7], Vol. VI, p. 899). It explains the con-
with what is not loved is dukkha; separation from dition of all compounded things according to the
what is loved is dukkha; not getting what is way they really are. This condition may have
wanted is dukkha. The five clinging-aggregates psychological significance in the sense that it
are dukkha. Craving (tanha)is the cause by may not give a person complete satisfaction and
which dukkha comes into play. There is diversity can lead to constant state of dukkha with igno-
in dukkha. There is major dukkha and minor, slowly rance, craving, and attachment. The principle of
fading and quickly fading. This is called the diver- dependent origination explains the relationship
sity in dukkha ([2], I.10.124–132). between all things as interconnected, as cause
The Result of Dukkha (Dukkhavipaka): and effect of one another, and as a flowing current.
“There are some cases in which a person over- All things have relationship dependent on com-
come with pain, his mind exhausted, grieves, mon factors; all things exist in an interrelated
mourns, laments, beats his breast, and becomes fashion; all things are impermanent as they exist
bewildered. Or one overcome with pain, his mind temporarily; all things do exist unto themselves,
exhausted, comes to search outside, ‘Who knows that is, there is no real self; all things do not have
a way or two to stop this pain?’ The dukkha results first cause that brought them into existence. This
either in bewilderment or in search. This is called can be understood in both ways as onward and
the result of dukkha” ([2], I.5.6.476–477). backward (anuloma and pratiloma).
Dukkha 415

This process is explained as Conditioned Aris- leading to the quiescence of misery lacks release
ing which explains the ongoing flow of personal- of mind and release through wisdom and is inca-
ity and rebirths: (1) spiritual ignorance or pable of making an end. These are the ones who
misperception underlays the (2) intentions and indeed experience birth and old age. It is further
concerns of unenlightened people – kamma – so emphasized that misery is because of conscious-
that these direct (3) consciousness into noticing ness (vijnana); by stopping consciousness, there
certain things and into being reborn in a certain is no arising of misery ([15], III.12.734–735; [16],
way. Thus, (4) the sentient body is sustained in life 38.12.v.734–735). All misery is because of suste-
or develops in the womb at the start of a new life. nance, mental commotions, and fall into fear D
This supports (5) the five senses, the basis of of peril ([15], III.12.747–757; [16], 38.12.
(6) sensory stimulation, and thus (7) feeling. v.747–757). One who is mindful, vigilant, would
Thus, (8) craving for and against pleasant and be able to abandon old age, grief, and affliction
unpleasant feelings arises, hence (9) grasping and go beyond misery.
and (10) further involvement in the stream of It is pointed out that “dukkha” is impermanent
existence. This leads on to (11) rebirth in either and what is impermanent is “anatta,” and thus,
a new situation or a new life, which leads to dukkha, anicca, and anatta are all the truths ([3],
(12) aging and death of these “dukkha” ([4], Vol. III.Pt.1.7.5.6.7.252–254; [4], Pt.2.21.740).
Pt.2.17.1.570). It is pointed out that to overcome the first three
Fear of Dukkha: The Buddha explains the Noble Truths is to follow the fourth diligently
term “dukkha” as something to be scared of (the eightfold path – atthangika magga). The
(bhaya [4], Pt.2.20.695; [15], Vol. XX, p. 739), order of eight path factors is seen as that of
dangerous, or frightening. All conditioned phe- a natural progression, with one factor following
nomena invariably disintegrate and dissolve; on from the one before it. Right view comes first
they therefore offer no true safety, relief, or assur- because it knows the right and wrong form of each
ance. Any such phenomenon is threatened by of the eight factors; it also contracts spiritual igno-
destruction and disintegration. The object thus rance, the first factor in the chain of Conditioned
creates danger – both fear and peril – for anyone Arising (paticcasamuppada), leading to dukkha.
who attaches to it. The commentaries elaborate From the cold knowing of right understanding
the meaning of dukkhatā, including these two blossoms a right way of thinking, which has
frequently used definitions: First, something is a balancing warmth. From this, a person’s speech
considered dukkha “in the sense that it is under becomes improved and thus one’s action. Once
perpetual pressure through arising and disintegra- he/she is working on the right action, he/she
tion” (uppādavaya-patipīlanatthena ([4], becomes naturally inclined toward a virtuous live-
Pt.2.21.739) or uppādavaya-patipī lanatāya ([5], lihood. With this as basis, there can be progress in
Vol. XXI, p. 788)). Here, it is pointed out that right effort. This facilitates the development of
there is pressure on everything that interacts with right mindfulness, whose clarity then allows the
that object, and the object itself is under stress development of the calm of meditative concentra-
from its component elements. Since it is tion. Neither the ordinary nor the Noble Path is to
a foundation for suffering (dukkha-vatthutāya) or be understood as a single progression from the
dukkhavatthuto. first to the eighth factor; however, right effort
The Pairs in the Teachings of the Buddha: and mindfulness work with right understanding
There is importance for the pairs of doctrine ([8], to support the development of all the path factors;
Vol. III.Pt.2.7.2.1.61–62; [15], III.12.724–726; the path factors mutually support each other to
[16], 38.12.v.724–726). That is misery and the a gradual deepening of the way in which the
origin of misery. Here it is pointed out that one path is trodden ([17], pp. 37–39).
who does not know misery and the arising of In this high philosophical process, the Buddha
misery, and where misery without exception is not only diagnosed the disease (dukkha/Dukkha
wholly stopped, and does not know the way Samudaya) but the medicine (Dukkha Nirodha)
416 Dukkha

that would cure the disease (Dukkha Nirodha 6. Dwarikadasasastri S (ed) (1998) Abhidharma kosa
Gamini). The Buddha has offered a practical phi- bhasya. Bauddhabharati, Varanasi
7. Pruden LM (tr) (1988) Abhidharmakosabhasya. Asian
losophy which can easily be trodden with faith Humanities Press, Berkeley
and persistence. 8. Devanagari (1995) Anguttara Nikaya. Vipassana
Research Institute (VRI), Igatpuri
9. Horner IB (tr) (1999) Middle length sayings. Pali Text
Society, London
Cross-References 10. Devanagari (1993) Digha Nikaya. Vipassana Research
Institute (VRI), Igatpuri
▶ Anicca 11. Devanagari (1998) Petavatthu Atthakatha
▶ Buddhaghosa (Paramatthadipini). Vipassana Research Institute
(VRI), Igatpuri
▶ Craving 12. Ba Kyaw U (1980) Peta stories, sacred books of the
▶ Jarā-maraṇa Buddhists (ed. Annotated, tr. Masefield P),
▶ Kamma vol XXXIV. PTS, London
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda 13. Woodward FL (2000–2001) The gradual sayings. PTS
14. Olson GA (1995) Dhamma: natural laws and values
▶ Petavatthu for life of Buddha (trans: Phra Prayudh Payutto).
▶ Sutta-Nipāta SUNY Press, Albany
15. Norman KR (tr) (2001) The group of discourse. PTS
16. Bapat PV (ed) (1990) Suttanipata. Sri Sadguru, Delhi
17. Harvey P (2007) An introduction to Buddhist ethics,
References 6th printing. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
18. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (1995) Dialogue of the Buddha.
1. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (2007) Pali English dictio- PTS, Oxford
nary, rev edn. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi 19. Ñanamoli B, Bodhi B (trs) (2005) The middle length
2. Devanagari (1995) Majjhima Nikaya. Vipassana discourses of the Buddha: a new translation of the
Research Institute (VRI), Igatpuri Majjhima Nikaya. Wisdom, Boston
3. Devanagari (1998) Samyutta Nikaya. Vipassana 20. Devanagari (1998) Patisambhidamagga. Vipassana
Research Institute (VRI), Igatpuri Research Institute (VRI), Igatpuri
4. Devanagari (1998) Visuddhimagga. Vipassana 21. Nanamoli B (tr) (2002) Path of discrimination. PTS,
Research Institute (VRI), Igatpuri London
5. Maung Tin PE (2003) The path of purity 22. Rhys Davids TW, Woodward FL (tr) (1997) Kindred
(Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga). PTS, Oxford sayings. PTS, Oxford/London
E

Early Buddhism According to a standard description in early

Buddhist discourse, manifestations of the element
▶ Theravāda earth within one’s own body would be hair, nails,
teeth, skin, flesh, sinews, bones, and the internal
organs, in short, whatever is experienced as solid
within oneself.
Earth (Buddhism) Proper appreciation of the four element scheme
requires the clarification that these bodily parts are
Bhikkhu Anālayo not merely earth element, but rather instances that
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of exemplify the quality of solidity. In fact, even an
Hamburg, Balve, Germany object like a tree can be seen as a manifestation of
any of the four elements, depending on the per-
spective taken by the meditator, as each of the four
Synonyms is present within the tree ([1], Vol. III, p. 340).
Actual contemplation of the earth in terms of
Paṭhavī (Pāli); Pṛthivī (Sanskrit) the solid parts of the body could then be under-
taken by attempting to feel these parts, by visual-
izing them, or by way of mentally recollecting
them. Such practice can have various purposes.
Definition One aspect of such contemplation is to drive home
the fact that such solidity within oneself is no
Earth is one of the four elements recognized in
different from solidity found in outer nature. The
Buddhism as the basic constituents of matter.
resulting insight is geared toward what early Bud-
dhism reckons a crucial insight, namely, not-self.
Practicing in this way, a meditator regards any of
The Element Earth the solid parts of the body as “this is not mine, this
I am not, this is not my self ” ([2], Vol. I, p. 422).
Buddhist analysis distinguished the material A simile to illustrate contemplation of the ele-
world into the four elements of earth, water, fire, ments within one’s own body, given in a discourse
and wind, which represent hardness, cohesion, of central importance for early Buddhist medita-
temperature, and motion, to which at times space tion practice, the Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta, compares
is added as yet another element. the effect of such contemplation to a butcher

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
418 Earth (Buddhism)

who has cut up a cow for sale after slaughter ([2], instead of issuing in the detachment that is the
Vol. I, p. 58). The point of this simile appears to be aim of the exercise.
to illustrate a change of perception, since after the Of the various solid bodily parts, the bones can
slaughter the butcher no longer thinks in terms of become an object of contemplation in their own
a “cow,” but only in terms of “pieces of meat.” right ([4], Vol. V, p. 129). Such contemplation can
A similar shift of perception is to be expected then be combined with a development of the fac-
when the body is mentally dissected into its ele- tors of awakening, bojjhaṅga, the seven mental
ments. After successful contemplation undertaken qualities that according to early Buddhist medita-
in this way, a meditator no longer relates to his or tion theory are crucial for reaching awakening:
her body in terms of “my body” or “I am this mindfulness, investigation of phenomena, energy,
body,” but simply sees the body as a combination joy, tranquility, concentration, and equanimity.
of earth, water, fire, and wind. Undertaking contemplation of the bones in this
The Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta lists the bodily parts way could lead to non-return, the third of the
that exemplify the element earth in one’s own four levels of awakening recognized in early
body as part of another, closely similar, contem- Buddhism, or even to full liberation.
plation. According to the instructions given in this In addition to representing the solid parts of
case, a meditator should review his or her own one’s own body or that of others, the element
body from the soles of the feet to the top of the earth can also function in other ways within
head as full of various bodily parts, which addi- a meditational context. One such alternative
tionally also comprise bodily fluids as manifesta- approach takes up the fact that, according to
tions of the element water. A particular focus of ancient Indian cosmology, the whole earth will
this exercise is to question the body’s apparent periodically undergo complete destruction. This
attractiveness and beauty, which penetrative notion then stimulates the reflection that, given
investigation shows to be otherwise once one that all external manifestations of the element
goes beyond the skin level. earth, from mountains to the whole planet, will
Seeing through the body’s apparent attractive- eventually disappear, what to say of the ephemeral
ness in this way can become a strong antidote to manifestation of the same element in one’s own
sensual desire. At the same time, such true vision body ([2], Vol. I, p. 185). The point of such
will also undermine conceit. As another discourse contemplation is to instill a clear awareness of
points out, after proceeding through a detailed impermanence.
investigation of the anatomical constitution of Another approach takes the earth as an inspi-
the body: “How else, except through lack of ration for developing a patient and forbearing
insight, could one exalt oneself or disparage attitude. The recommended reasoning is that the
another because of such a body?” ([3], 206). earth is free from resentment, even when various
The simile given to illustrate contemplation of types of refuse or dirt are thrown on it, such as
the anatomical constitution of the body in the excrement, pus, etc. ([2], Vol. I, p. 423). Taking
Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta speaks of looking at a bag the earth as an example, a meditator should keep
full of various grains and recognizing each type his or her mind similarly free from any resent-
of grain ([2], Vol. I, p. 57). Compared with the ment. The successful undertaking of such contem-
above-mentioned simile of the cut-up cow, this plation is exemplified by a chief disciple of the
simile conveys a sense of peaceful and detached Buddha who on one occasion had been wrongly
observation. These nuances conveyed by the accused of an offense he had not committed. He is
image of surveying grains may have been chosen reported to have reacted by stating that his mind
quite on purpose, since lack of balance when was free from any resentment, just as the earth
contemplating the anatomical parts of one’s own does not resent refuse being thrown on it ([1],
body needs to be avoided. Excessive emphasis on Vol. IV, p. 374).
the unattractive nature of the body can go over- The element earth can also become an object
board and lead to loathing and repugnance, of meditation within the context of kasiṇa
Ecology (Buddhism) 419

meditation. The term kasiṇa refers literally to References

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can be gathered together and placed on a round
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8. Kloetzli WR (1983) Buddhist cosmology, science and
meditation, the nature of the earth as a planet theology in the images of motion and light. Motilal
receives less attention in early Buddhist sources. Banarsidass, Delhi
A notion held in common with ancient Indian
cosmology is that the earth is based on water,
which in turn is based on air and space. Due to
being based on water, an earthquake can be Ecology (Buddhism)
brought about, according to early Buddhist texts,
by an accomplished meditator who has developed K. T. S. Sarao
a narrow perception of the earth and a vast per- Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
ception of water ([5], Vol. II, p. 108). Delhi, Delhi, India
The same notion of a dependency of earth on
water also underlies the evolution of the planet
earth described in the Aggañña-sutta ([5], Vol. III, Synonyms
p. 86), which depicts how the earth emerged as
a savory kind of skin on a mass of water that had Buddhist environmentalism; Environmental
already come into existence previously. This edi- ethics and Buddhism; Green Buddhism
ble substance eventually became coarse and
developed into what nowadays is known as earth.
A conception presumably inherited from Definition
ancient Indian cosmology is that at the center of
the planet earth stands Mount Meru, surrounded by Buddhist perception of the relations of organisms
four continents, one of which is Jambudvīpa. The to one another and to their physical surroundings
earth also occurs as a goddess in later Buddhist
texts, where she acts as a witness to the bodhi-
sattva’s accomplishment when, on the eve of his Introduction
awakening, he was attacked by the forces of evil.
Ecology is the study of relationships among
organisms themselves as well as between organ-
Cross-References isms and their environment. In today’s globaliz-
ing, profit-oriented, and consumerist system, all
▶ Heaven (Buddhism) the living beings and plants in their natural diver-
▶ Hell (Buddhism) sity are perceived as resources, useful for humans,
420 Ecology (Buddhism)

but not in and of themselves. This anthropocentric Belief in the Sacredness of Nature
view believes that sustaining our way of life and Buddhism is suffused in the sacredness of nature
our individual habits of mind are basic elements of and is more explicitly positive in its concern for
a democratic society that should be tolerated and the natural world than those faiths which place
sustained, even if it entails our being cruel, our humans over and against the world of animals,
polluting the biosphere, our driving to extinction plants, and their physical environment. The Bud-
other life-forms, and our declining quality of life dhist texts speak of harmlessness to the plant and
([26], p. 128). In other words, it is taken as vegetable kingdom (bī jagāma bhūtagāma) ([20]:
a matter of fact to pay little or no attention to the iv.35). As a matter of fact, the Buddhist custom of
nonhuman domain of flora and fauna. Such an Rainy Retreat (vassāvāsa) ([17]: iii.67) owes its
attitude has led to atrocities perpetrated by origins to such a concern. Incurring such damage
humans against ecology and the tremendous loss is an offense which requires expiation on the part
of natural beauty and diversity. The destruction of the monk. This may be interpreted as an exten-
and debasement of the ecology have been con- sion of the principle of noninjury (ahiṃsā) to the
stantly occurring through cruel methods of hunt- vegetable kingdom. A consequence of this insis-
ing, fishing, butchering, deforesting, over mining, tence is that animals and plants are to be respected
excessive use of pesticides, and pollution in vari- and such respect arises naturally from the insight
ous forms. Buddhist attitude towards ecology, provided by Buddhist cosmology that all sentient
which is the opposite of such an anthropocentric beings are intimately interrelated.
view, is similar to what Arne Naess of Norway In Ch’an/Zen school, the traditional ideal has
calls deep ecology. Deep ecology believes that been one of harmony with nature, particularly
faulting cruelty, respecting other life-forms for emphasized through such actions as blending
their intrinsic worth irrespective of their potential meditation huts into the landscape, not wasting
usefulness to humans, and arguing that through any food in monasteries, landscape painting,
such respect and nurturance, our own lives will be landscape gardening, and nature poetry ([25],
greatly enriched, made more meaningful, and Chap. 11). In paintings, human beings are just
assured of a better chance at survival ([26], p. one part of a natural scene, not the focus. Great
128). Such a thinking expects that people recog- attention is paid to seemingly insignificant aspects
nize not only that they are an important part of of nature, for insight into them can give an intui-
nature but also that they have unique responsibil- tive appreciation of the inexpressible and cryptic
ities to nature as moral agents. From a Buddhist suchness which runs through the whole fabric of
perspective, the profit-oriented, globalizing con- existence. Such a harmony with natural phenom-
sumerist system is aggravating ecological crisis enon is also visible in the different poems of the
which needs to be rationalistically addressed Theragāthā. They admire the delightful rocks,
([13, 21]), and in any policy governing social cool with water, having pure streams, covered
and economic development, the primary criterion with Indagopaka insects (verse 1063), resonant
should be the well-being of the members of the with elephants and peacocks, covered with flax
society as a whole whereby the social system is flowers as the sky is covered with clouds (verse
viewed as an integral part of the total ecosystem. 1068), with clear water and wide crags, haunted
Thus, the societal development should be guided by monkeys and deer, covered with oozing moss,
along lines that promote the health and well-being those rocks delight me (verse 1070), forests are
of the social order without harming the natural delightful (verse 992). The Buddha is also said to
systems within which human society is lodged. have had a positive effect on his environment and
Buddhist idea of “‘One’ world that is the home to accounts of his life are richly embellished with
all known life” ([11], p. 13) and its virtue ethics allusions to nature. He was born under a tree and
and positive values of compassion, equanimity, as he took his first steps, lotus flowers sprang up.
and humility are important contribution towards During childhood, he often meditated under
building an ecologically wholesome society [4]. a jambo tree. He gave his first sermon in an animal
Ecology (Buddhism) 421

park and his Enlightenment took place under one has oneself gone through its myriad forms
a peepal tree. When he lay down between two ([7]: ii.186). Moreover, in the cycle of births,
sāl trees to pass into Nirvāṇa, these are said to every being one comes across, down to an insect,
have burst into a mass of unseasoned blossom, will at some time have been a close friend or
which fell on him in homage ([22]: ii.137–138). It relative, and had been very good to one ([7]:
goes without saying that the Buddhist ideal for ii.189–190). Keeping this in mind, one is expected
humanity/ies relationship with animals, plants, to reciprocate the kindness in the present. As
and the landscape is one of complimentary and noted by Padmasiri de Silva: “The day to day
harmonious cooperation. maintenance of our life support system is depen-
The ideal of forest dwelling has an important dent on the functional interactions of countless
E
place in Buddhist thinking and forest represents interdependent biotic and physiochemical factors.
the ideal place for meditation for monks ([27]: Since the inherent value of life is a core value in
i.118; [20]: ii.183f; [7]: ii.202f). For a renouncer Buddhist ethical codes, the notion of reciprocity
and ascetic living in the wilderness (araṇya), one and interdependence fits in with the Buddhist
may say that it is primarily the wild animals (and notion of a causal system. A living entity cannot
plants) that constitute his society, so to speak isolate itself from this causal nexus, and has no
([24], p. 39). Buddhism appreciates the spiritual essence of its own. Reciprocity also conveys the
benefits of the solitude and silence of wilderness idea of mutual obligation between, nature and
particularly for meditation ([1]: 221). On the humanity, and between people” ([5], p. 18).
whole, Buddhist attitude towards wild nature is As the Vietnamese monk Thich Nhat Hanh
quite positive and suggests that nature ought to be says, “We classify other animals and living beings
preserved as well as restored in case it has been as ‘Nature’, a thing apart from us, and act as if
destroyed for some reason ([27]: i.117). Such an we’re somehow separate from it. Then we ask,
attitude is, in fact, an important element in the rise ‘How should we deal with Nature?’ We should
of ecological movements in some Buddhist coun- deal with Nature the same way we should deal
tries ([12]: 303ff). One good example of this is the with ourselves: nonviolently. Human beings and
Thai monks who, among themselves and with Nature are inseparable. Just as we should
laypeople, work to protect remaining areas of not harm ourselves, we should not harm Nature”
virgin forest and to reforest other areas whose [8]. As part of Conditioned Arising (Pali:
previous felling had led to disruption of water paṭiccasamuppāda; Sk: pratitī yasamutpāda),
supply or flooding ([2], pp. 92–99). humans are seen as having an effect on their
environment not only through the purely physical
Conditioned Arising, Reciprocity, and aspects of their actions but also through the moral/
Ecological Interdependence immoral qualities of these. That is, karmic effects
Buddhism believes that there is karmic fruitful- sometimes catch up with people via their environ-
ness in planting groves and fruit trees for human ment. It is thus said that, if a king and his people
use ([7]: i.33). The famous Indian Buddhist king, act unrighteously, this has a bad effect on the
Aśoka, is known to have prohibited the burning of environment and its gods, leading to little rain,
forests without reason ([18], p. 56). Buddhism poor crops, and weak, short-lived people ([17]:
does not see humans as having either dominion ii.74–76). Right actions have the opposite effect.
or stewardship over the animal kingdom, and on The environment is held by Buddhism to respond
the contrary, human higher status implies an atti- to the state of human morality; it is not a neutral
tude of kindness to lesser beings, an ideal of stage on which humans merely flounce or a sterile
noblesse oblige ([9], pp. 229–247). This is backed container unaffected by human actions. This
by the reflection that one’s present fortunate posi- clearly has ecological ramifications: humans can-
tion as a human is only a temporary state of affairs not ignore the effect of their actions on their envi-
conditioned by past good karma. One cannot ronment. This message is also strongly implied by
detach oneself from the plight of sentient life, as the Aggañña Suttanta ([22]: iii.84–93), which
422 Ecology (Buddhism)

gives an account of the initial stages of the devel- its quality fades and the earth is destroyed ([16],
opment of sentient life on earth. This occurs when p. 93). As Schumacher has pointed out that Bud-
previously divine beings fall from their prior state dhism is far less anthropocentric than the religions
and, through consuming a savory crust floating on based in Judeo-Christian tradition, it does not
the oceans, develop physical bodies and later sex- allow humans the unrestricted right to exploit,
ual differentiation. At first, their environment is dominate, and oppress nature. “Man is a child of
bountiful, but it becomes less, so the more they nature and not the master of nature” ([23], p. 84).
greedily take from it. They feed off sweet-tasting He describes Buddhist attitude with reference to
fungus, and then creepers, but these in turn disap- ecology as follows:
pear, as the beings differentiate in appearance, the
The teaching of the Buddha. . . enjoins a reverent
more beautiful ones become conceited and arro- and non-violent attitude not only to all sentient
gant. Then they feed off quick-growing rice, gath- beings but also, with great emphasis, to trees.
ering it each day as they need it. But through Every follower of the Buddha ought to plant a tree
laziness, they start to gather a week/s supply at every few years and look after it until it is safely
established. He does not seem to realize that he is
a time, so that it then ceases to grow quickly, part of an ecosystem of many different forms of life.
which necessitates cultivation. Consequently, the As the world is ruled from towns where men are cut
land is divided up into fields, so that property is off from any form of life other than the human, the
invented, followed by theft. Here, then, is a vision feeling of belonging to an ecosystem is not realised.
This results in a harsh and improvident treatment of
of sentient beings and their environment coevolving things upon which we ultimately depend, such as
(co-devolving). The beings are affected by what water and trees. ([23], 49)
they take from their environment, and the environ-
ment becomes less refined and fruitful as the beings The earliest monastic rules as enshrined in the
morally decline. Thus, the relationship of humans Vinaya Piṭaka contain numerous injunctions
with their environment is interdependent and this against environmental irresponsibility. Some are
interdependence is delicately balanced. In other basically sound advice governing personal and
words, nothing can exist by itself and everything communal hygiene, but others are designed to
makes its own contribution to the whole. The eco- avoid harm to sentient beings. Thus a monk may
logical interdependence between animals and their not cut down a tree or dig the earth because that
habitat is clearly perceived in the Jātakas where the would destroy small life-forms and he must not
emigration of tigers from a forest enables the forest empty a vessel of water containing, say, fish, onto
beings felled by woodcutters but also deprives the the ground. In Buddhism, killing or injuring living
tigers of their former habitat ([6]: ii.356ff; [12], p. beings is regarded as both unwholesome and fun-
303). Thus, from Buddhist perspective, this damentally immoral for, on the one hand, killing
interdependent relationship in which the humans or injuring them is bad karma entailing evil con-
are inextricably linked to their ecological environ- sequences for the perpetrator after his death and,
ment needs to be sustained through compassion and on the other, all living, sentient beings are afraid
love [14] because in the end, interrelatedness of of death and recoil from pain just like oneself
all life-forms may be critical to the recovery ([17]: iii.204f, 212f; v.264f; [27]: i.285, 313,
of human reciprocity with nature (see Tucker and 489). Monks and nuns are even prohibited from
Williams [28]). injuring plants and seeds ([20], p. 34; [22]: i.64).
As shown in dozens of Jātakas, Buddhism accepts
Injunctions Against Overexploitation and the popular belief that trees are inhabited by
Environmental Irresponsibility sprites or divinities protecting them. Trees deserve
As the Buddhist ideal is cooperation with nature gratitude for the service they render people, espe-
and not its domination, it prescribes that environ- cially offering shade and fruits, and should not be
ment should not be overexploited. As the Tibetans injured or felled by people who have benefitted
say very wisely that not too much of anything that from them (e.g., [6]: iv.352; [17]: iii.369; cf. [12],
is precious should be taken from the earth, as then p. 10). Such a view may not necessarily mean that
Ecology (Buddhism) 423

Buddhism regards trees as sentient beings, but at 2. Batchler M, Brown K (eds) (1992) Buddhism and
least they are regarded as if they were such, i.e., as ecology. Cassell, London
3. Chapple CK (1993) Nonviolence to animals, Earth,
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4. Cooper DE, James SP (2005) Buddhism, virtue and
environment. Ashgate, Burlington
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Badiner AH (ed) Dharma Gaia: a harvest of essays in
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Understanding of the Buddhist notion of anātman
6. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
(Pāli: anattā), i.e., the non-substantiality of an inde- Luzac, London
pendent self or ego, is key to the adoption of a truly 7. Feer ML (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
ecological perspective. From Buddhist perspective, Pali Text Society, London E
8. Hahn TN (2012) Nature and non-violence. http://
environmental crisis has been caused to a great
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extent by insatiable human greed arising out of the 18 May 2013
false notion of the self. Buddhist attitudes of ahiṃsā 9. Hall HF (1902) The soul of a people. Macmillan,
(nonviolence), mettā (benevolence), and karuṇā London
10. Harris I (1991) How environmentalist is Buddhism?
(compassion) entail an ecological behavior as
Religion 21:101–14
these attitudes are not limited to human beings 11. Henning DH (2002) Buddhism and deep ecology. First
alone but include the entire flora and fauna. Though Books Library, Bloomington
Buddhism views voluntary simplicity as ideal for 12. Kabilsingh C (1987) How Buddhism can help protect
nature. In: Davies S (ed) Tree of life: Buddhism and
a good human being, it is not against the acquisition
protection of nature. Buddhist Perception of Nature,
of wealth. However, wealth must be acquired and Geneva, pp 7–16
used in full accord with the ethical norms. The 13. Kaza S (2010) How much is enough? Buddhist per-
ideals are rather contentment (Pāli: saṃtuṭṭhi. Sk: spectives on consumerism. In: Paine R (ed) How
much is enough? Consumerism, Buddhism, and the
saṃtuṣti) and – in the case of rich laypeople –
human environment. Wisdom Publications, Boston,
liberality (Pāli: cāga. Sk: tyāga). Being content pp 39–61
with little and avoiding wastefulness are, of course, 14. Macy J (2007) World as lover, world as self: courage
attitudes favoring a moderate and careful utilization for global justice and ecological renewal. Parallax,
Berkeley
of nature. The udumbara-khādikā method blamed
15. McDermott JP (1989) Animals and humans in early
by the Buddha ([17]: iv.283), the method of shaking Buddhism. Indo-Iranian J 32(2):269–280
down an indiscriminate amount of fruit from a fig 16. Morgan P, Lawton C (eds) (1996) Ethical issues in six
tree in order to eat a few, is precisely the same as the religious traditions. Edinburgh University Press,
Edinburgh
one employed in drift-net fishing, where many
17. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
more animals are killed than utilized. Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
London
18. Nikam NA, McKeon R (1959) The edicts of Asoka.
Cross-References University of Chicago Press, Chicago
19. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (eds) (1990) The Thera- and
Therīgāthā, 2nd edn. Pali Text Society, Oxford. With
▶ Ahimsa Appendices by K.R. Norman & L. Alsdorf
▶ Cāga 20. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
▶ Jātaka 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Karma 21. Payne R (ed) (2010) How much is enough? Consum-
erism, Buddhism, and the human environment.
▶ Karuṇā Wisdom Publications, Boston
▶ Pratītya Samutpāda 22. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
23. Schumacher EF (1973) Small is beautiful. Harper &
References Row, London
24. Schmithausen L (1991) The problem of the sentience
1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1913) The Sutta-Nipāta. of plants in earliest Buddhism. International Institute
Pali Text Society, London for Buddhist Studies, Tokyo
424 Ecology (Jainism)

25. Suzuki DT (1959) Zen and Japanese culture. Acaranga Sutra prohibit slaying, harming, abus-
Bollingen Foundation, New York ing, or tormenting any living being. Some of the
26. Tobias M (1998) Deep Ecology. In: Bekoff M,
Meaney CA (eds) Encyclopedia of animal rights and living testimonies of such values are the Jain
animal welfare. Greenwood Press, Westport, monks and nuns who walk on the earth with
pp 128–29 utmost care and avoid causing any harm by any
27. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The of their actions in any form. Several other later
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
28. Tucker ME, Williams DR (eds) (1997) Buddhism and important texts such as the Tattvartha Sutra
ecology: the interconnection of Dharma and deeds. describe the nonviolence in speech, thought, and
Harvard University Center for the Study of World action with the ultimate liberation. Further, like
Religions, Cambridge, MA other Hindu texts, Jain texts also mention that
there are 8,400,000 different living species exist,
which are part of a cycle of life and death. The Jain
texts also provide a detailed taxonomy of these
Ecology (Jainism) species according to the number of senses in
each. Earth bodies, plants, and microorganisms
Pankaj Jain (nigodha) possess only one sense of touch. Earth-
Department of Anthropology, Department of worms and mollusks possess two senses of touch
Philosophy and Religion, University of North and taste. Crawling insects have three senses of
Texas, Denton, TX, USA touch, taste, and smell. Moth, bees, and flies pos-
sess four senses of touch, taste, smell, and sight.
Finally, all mammals, reptiles, and birds possess
Synonyms five senses of touch, taste, smell, sight, and hear-
ing. Although nonviolence and protection of all
Environmental ethics and Jainism living beings is strongly advocated by various
Jain texts, a certain gradation of nonviolence is
also deduced by this taxonomy. For instance,
Definition householders, with their minor vows of nonvio-
lence, are allowed to commit a bit more violence
Attitudes to ecology based on the philosophy of than the ascetics do and can accrue more karma in
Jainism and practices of Jains. the process depending on which kind of life form
is being affected. Nonviolence to animals, trees,
and self, combined with non-possessiveness, can
Jain Perspectives Toward the Ecology result in ecological awareness. The solutions that
Gandhi proposed to counter the ills of colonialism
Jain role models are their Tirthankaras who had can also be put into effect to redress this new and
renounced all their belongings including their ultimately deleterious situation. The observance
clothing to perform the toughest austerities possi- of nonviolence, coupled with a commitment to
ble. One of the earliest statements by Mahavira, minimize consumption of natural resources, can
the last Tirthankara, gives an insight into Jain contribute to restoring and maintaining an ecolog-
views about life, “Thoroughly knowing the ical balance [1]. Gandhi also limited his posses-
Earth-bodies and water-bodies, and fire-bodies, sions and “vital needs” and thus can serve as an
and wind-bodies, seeds, and sprouts, he inspiration for environmental ethics. Gandhi and
comprehended that they are, if narrowly others who follow the Jain values such as truth,
inspected, imbued with life” (Acaranga Sutra non-stealing, nonpossession, celibacy, and nonvi-
1:8:1.11–12). olence serve as role models for limiting the con-
This recognition of living beings in every spe- sumption and thus reducing the burden on
cies is the foundation of Jainism’s perspectives ecology [2]. Gandhi also serves as a role model
toward ecology. The Jain texts such as the of practicing environmentalism that is much
Ecology (Jainism) 425

beyond what “deep ecology” presents in its phi- wards in form of cages for different species like
losophy [2]. Jains, following their ascetic values, sparrows, parrots, domestic fowls, and pigeons. It
have exerted an active social conscience. They also has a research laboratory and even an inten-
successfully convinced the first Buddhist monks sive care unit for its serious patients. The nearby
to cease their wanderings during the rainy season, people bring the wounded birds for treatment. The
to avoid harm to the many insects and plants that hospital admits a maximum of 60 injured birds on
sprout during the monsoons [3]. The Jaina com- a day and about 15,000 in a year. They are treated,
munity has developed and implemented lay codes bathed, and fed nutritious diet for their fast recov-
for assuring an integration of nonviolent values ery. Later, the birds are set free from the hospital’s
into the workplace. Jains have lobbied against terrace overlooking the Red Fort. To show yet
E
nuclear weaponry. The head of the Terapanthi another example of Jains protecting the animals,
Shvetambara sect, Acharya Tulsi, took a public in 1969, Goa’s largest wildlife sanctuary was
stance on numerous issues. named after Mahāvīra. The Governor at the time
As one of the most prominent ways of practic- was a Jain and he suggested the name. In 1982, the
ing nonviolence, Jains also avoid eating meat and local Jains donated 12.5 million rupees for the
those vegetables that are roots or trunks of the development of the sanctuary.
plants. They also avoid eating fruits and vegeta- JAINA (an umbrella organization of several
bles that may contain living organism such as fig Jain associations in North America) has
and honey. a Jivadaya Committee that has selected about
a dozen animal shelter organizations in India.
JAINA encourages its Jain members to send dona-
Examples of Jain “Environmentalism” tions to these organizations to help fund animal
shelter and protection activities in India. In 2003,
Efforts to shelter and protect cattle by Jain com- Nitin Talsania, active member of several JAINA
munity are widely reported from many places in committees in New Jersey, helped the Voith Fam-
India [3]. Justice Gumanmal Lodha, a Jain ex- ily of Angelica, New York, in their struggle to
lawmaker from Rajasthan, during his tenure as raise cows in accordance with their Hindu prac-
the chairperson of the National Commission on tice. Similarly, the Jain Center of Southern Cali-
Cattle, published a detailed report to ban cow fornia joined hands with “The Purple Cow and
slaughter in India and submitted it to the Union Friends,” a nonprofit organization near San
Government of India. The report, in four volumes, Diego. Its director Ms. Tiffany and her coworkers
called for stringent laws to protect the cow and its collected fruits, vegetables, and grain from local
progeny in the interest of India’s rural economy. farmers and grocery stores for more than 100
Lodha moved close to a national ban on cow animals (including cows, dogs, pigs, goats,
slaughter in India, although most states except horses, and other birds).
Kerala have already banned it long ago. However, In 2009, the Fifteenth Biennial JAINA Con-
this political activism is also interpreted as vention in California had a theme “Ecology, the
pseudo-environmentalism since it is tied with Jain Way.” Inspired by his Jain background of
a bigger motive of luring the “Hindu” votebanks Ahiṃsā, nonviolence, Saurabh Dalal is the presi-
in the electoral politics of Indian democracy. dent of the Vegetarian Society of the District of
Another dimension of Jain principles in prac- Columbia, the oldest vegetarian society in the
tice is evident at the Jain Bird Hospital in Delhi at USA. He has been active in spreading the aware-
the Digambar Jain Temple, opposite Red Fort near ness about the connection between meat-based
Chandni Chowk, where the patients admitted are diet and global warming. A vegetarian diet
only birds, preferably the vegetarian ones [3]. requires only 10 % of the land than the standard
Prachin Shri Aggarwal Digambar Jain Panchayat meat-based diet does, while a vegan diet would
established it in 1956 on the Jain principle of require only 5 % of the same land. Similarly, by
aversion to killing. The hospital has separate becoming vegan, one can save 3,900 gal of water.
426 Economics (Buddhism)

Anne Vallely argues that Jains in the North Cross-References

American diaspora have made a shift from the
conservative and orthodox Jain community in ▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
India [4]. She notes that most Jains in India
are not so active in social and ecological areas,
whereas the “diaspora” Jains, especially the sec- References
ond-generation youth, are active in interfaith and
animal welfare forums and groups. However, there 1. Chapple CK (1993) Nonviolence to animals, earth, and
self in Asian traditions. SUNY Press, Albany
are several instances by Jain community taking
2. Chapple CK (ed) (2002) Jainism and ecology: nonvio-
active role together with other communities of lence in the web of life. Harvard University Press,
India as has been shown by Peter Flügel [5]. Cambridge
Evidently, Jain history is full of examples, leg- 3. Lal V (2000) Too deep for deep ecology. In: Chapple
CK, Tucker ME (eds) Hinduism and ecology: the inter-
ends, and tales of protecting and avoiding injury
section of earth, sky, and water. Harvard University
to plants, animals, and environment in general [6]. Press, Cambridge
Jains believe that the nineteenth Jain Tīrthaṅkara 4. Vallely A (2002) From liberation to ecology:
Mallinātha had taken the responsibility of ethical discourses among orthodox and Diaspora
Jains. In: Chapple CK (ed) Jainism and ecology: non-
protecting the forests. The royal court through
violence in the web of life. Harvard University Press,
the governor of Gujarat invited a prominent Jain Cambridge
monk during the reign of the Mughal emperor 5. Flügel P (2005) Review of Jainism and ecology: non-
Akbar, Hiravijaya Suri. Following the Jain tradi- violence in the web of life. In: Chapple CK (ed) Envi-
ronmental Ethics 27(2):201
tion, Hiravijaya Suri walked on foot to Fatehapur
6. Chapple CK (1998) Jainism and nonviolence. In:
Sikari where he first met Muslim scholar Abul Smith-Christopher D (ed) Subverting Hatred the
Fazal and then Akbar. He influenced Akbar to challenge of nonviolence in religious traditions.
issue several ordinances in 1592 C.E. to prohibit Boston Research Center for the 21st Century, Boston,
pp 13–24
animal slaughter for 6 months, to present
Shatrunjaya temple to Jain authorities, to stop
confiscating the property of a dead person, to
stop taxes against non-Muslims, and to liberate
the prisoners. Even fishing was prohibited in Economics (Buddhism)
Fatehapur Sikari during his time. This is evident
from an edict of 1593 C.E. found at the eastern K. T. S. Sarao
entrance hall of Adinath Temple at Shatrunjaya Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
written by Hemavijay. Akbar himself also Delhi, Delhi, India
refrained from eating meat for a certain period of
the year.
It is evident that there are several examples of Synonyms
Jains actively protecting the plants, animals, birds,
and environment in general. Still, it is true that like Consumerism (Buddhism)
any other traditional societies, Jains are yet to
wake up to the problems of environmental disas-
ters. Most sects, castes, and other traditional Definition
Indian groups continue to practice their dharmic
rituals without being mindful of the environmen- Economic system in which the primary criterion
tal connections. Yet, despite being the second governing policy formulation must be the well-
most populated country on the planet, India con- being of members of the society as a whole and
tinues to boast of the richest flora and fauna on the in which production must serve the real needs of
planet, the biodiversity that has been preserved for the people, not the demands of the economic
thousands of years. system.
Economics (Buddhism) 427

Introduction greed and indulges in an orgy of envy, and these. . .

features. . . carry within themselves the seeds of
A society founded upon the Buddhist Dharma rec- destruction” ([10], pp. 17–18). As compared to
ognizes that one should aim at promoting the good this, Buddhist economy is based on the motto
of the greater unit to which one belongs and as of happiness and welfare of maximum number
a minimum, one must not look for one’s own satis- of people (bahujanahitāyabahujanasukhāya: [8],
faction in ways that may cause harm to others. Vol. i, p. 21). Buddhist economics does not neces-
Thus, in Buddhist approach to social and economic sarily see unbridled modernism and westernization
development, the primary criterion governing pol- as a positive phenomenon as it is responsible for
icy formulation must be the well-being of members many of the major problems that exist today.
E
of the society as a whole. Production must serve the A modern Buddhist scholar, for instance, has pointed
real needs of the people, not the demands of the out that “Modernity is rejected because it is seen as
economic system. In such a system, economic a form of life that has in a short period of time
development would be guided not by maximum despoiled the landscape and done irreparable dam-
consumption but sane and rational consumption age to the environment” ([5], pp. 1–2).
furthering human well-being. Buddhism promotes
a wide distribution of basic necessities so that no
one has to suffer deprivation as deprivation is the Interdependence and Reciprocity
root cause of social conflict. Thus, talking about the
cause of social conflict, the Buddha pointed out that Not only the inherent value of life itself but also
“goods not being bestowed on the destitute poverty the interdependence and reciprocity of human and
grew rife; from poverty growing rife stealing other forms of life are a fundamental Buddhist
increased, from the spread of stealing violence belief. Thus, nature and humanity on the one
grew apace, from the growth of violence, the hand and humans among themselves on the
destruction of life became common” ([9], Vol. iii, other are seen as mutually obligated to each
p. 67). other. A living entity can neither isolate itself
from this causal nexus nor have an essence of its
own. In other words, as part of the Dependent
Cooperation Arising (Pāli: paṭiccasamuppāda. Sk: pratitya-
samutpāda), humans are seen as affecting their
The current socioeconomic system promotes com- environment not only through the purely physical
petition rather than cooperation. This is bound to aspects of their actions but also through the moral
generate conflict and resentment. The emerging and immoral qualities of such actions. That is,
profit-driven global economy is guided by unbridled karmic effects sometimes catch up with people
development and gigantism. Such an economy is via their environment. It is thus said that, if
also coming under ever increasing domination of a king and his people act unrighteously, this has
science and technology. Such a development is not a bad effect on the environment and its gods,
only cutting humans from nature and one another but leading to little rain, poor crops, and weak,
also undermining natural and cultural diversity. One short-lived people ([7], Vol. ii, pp. 74–76). This
major consequence of this is that the very survival of message is also strongly implied by Aggañña
humans is threatened. Moreover, the global econ- Sutta ([9], Vol. iii, pp. 80–98), which shows how
omy is overwhelmingly controlled and run by con- in the beginning nature was bountiful but it
sumerism and salespersons in which things are became less so when humans began to take greed-
bought not because people need them but because ily from it. When they began to harvest more rice
they want them. The modern economic notion that than they needed, it was not naturally able to grow
more production of goods would make people quickly enough. This necessitated cultivation
happy is misplaced. As pointed out by Schumacher, which in turn caused division of land into private
“The modern economy is propelled by a frenzy of fields so that property was invented. Origin of
428 Economics (Buddhism)

private property became the root cause of different be an adequate measure of whether something is
social and economic ills. Here, then, is a vision of “economic” or not. Buddhist economics would
how sentient beings are affected by what they take take into account not only the profitability of
from their environment. a given activity but also its effect upon people
and environment, including the resource base.
The higher animals have an economic value
Giving and Sharing because of their utility, but they are not a meta-
economic value in themselves. “If I have a car,
Hoarding wealth in any form is looked down upon a man-made thing, I might. . . never to bother
in Buddhism ([7], Vol. iii, p. 222), and if a wealthy about maintenance and simply run it to ruin.
person were to enjoy his wealth all by himself I may indeed have calculated that this is the most
only, it would be a source of failure for him ([2], economical method of use. . .. But if I have an
p. 102). In fact, pride of wealth or economic animal. . . am I allowed to treat it as nothing but
snobbery is given in Buddhism as a cause of a utility? Am I allowed to run it to ruin?. . . It is
one’s downfall ([2], p. 104). The modern dinosaur metaphysical error, likely to produce the gravest
society has become a greedy society, and people practical consequences, to equate “car” and “ani-
do not know when enough is enough. A society mal” on account of their utility, while failing to
driven by greed loses the power of seeing things in recognize the most fundamental difference
their wholesomeness. “The hope. . . that by the between them, that of “level of being””([10],
single-minded pursuit of wealth, without bother- pp. 84–85).
ing our heads about spiritual and moral questions,
we could establish peace on earth is an unrealistic,
unscientific, and irrational hope” ([10], Restraint, Voluntary Simplicity, and
pp. 18–19). Thus, “given unlimited desires, even Contentment
the greatest production cannot keep pace with
everybody’s fantasy of having more than their By pointing out that the vulgar chase of luxury
neighbors. . .. (Conflict in the society) cannot dis- and abundance is the root cause of suffering,
appear as long as greed dominates the human Buddhism encourages restraint, voluntary sim-
heart” ([4], p. 114). Buddhism, even though plicity, and contentment. “The cultivation and
speaking in atheistic and secular terms, aims at expansion of needs is the antithesis of wisdom. . .
the liberation of human beings from egoism and Only by a reduction of needs can one promote
greed as they are the main cause of misery and a genuine reduction in those tensions which are
harm. There is no doubt that environmental disas- the ultimate causes of strife and war” ([10], p. 20).
ter is to a great extent due to the insatiable greed of Thus, Buddhist economics based on ideals such as
humans. Buddhism on the whole, though, does being content with little, avoiding wastefulness,
not mind wealth and prosperity, but they have to voluntary simplicity, i.e., fewness of desires
be acquired and used in full accord with the ethical (appicchatā), and contentment (santuṭṭhi) aspires
norms. The human tendency to have – to possess – to pave the road to peace and happiness.
which the Buddha called craving (taṇhā) is the Contentment is the mental condition of a person
basis of present profit-driven global economy fos- who is satisfied with what he has or the position in
tering greed. As compared to this, Buddhist econ- which he finds himself (santussamānoitarī tarena:
omy would base itself on what Fromm calls “to [2], p. 42).
be” – to share, to give, and to sacrifice ([4], The question arises as to how a person can
pp. 105–106). remain content in the midst of so many economic
In the present profit-driven global economic difficulties. From the Buddhist point of view, eco-
system, anything that is “uneconomic” is sought nomic and moral issues cannot be separated from
to be obliterated out of existence. However, in each other, and mere satisfaction of economic
Buddhist view of things, profitability alone cannot needs without spiritual development can never
Economics (Buddhism) 429

lead to contentedness among people. Just as pov- The Buddha compares the man who righteously
erty is the cause of much crime, wealth too is earns his wealth and shares it with the needy to
responsible for various human ills. In the con- a man who has both eyes, whereas the one who
sumer society, wealth is merely seen from only earns wealth but does no merit is like a one-
a materialistic point of view. The result of such eyed man ([7], Vol. i, pp. 129–130). To build up
an attitude is that its possessor is never satisfied a healthy society, therefore, liberality and gener-
and does not have the correct attitude toward it. osity have greatly to be encouraged.
However, correct attitude toward wealth from the
Buddhist point of view is very important because
it views material wealth as only required to meet Streamlining and Downsizing E
bare necessities. Moreover, wealth must be earned
only through righteous and moral mean. Since human beings are social creatures who nat-
The fig-tree glutton (udumbarakhādika) urally come together for common ends, this
method blamed by the Buddha ([3], Vol. iv, means that a social order guided by Buddhist
p. 283), the method of shaking down an indis- principles would consist primarily of small-scale
criminate amount of fruit from a fig tree in order to communities in which each member can make an
eat a few, is precisely the same as the one effective contribution. Only small-scale social
employed in drift-net fishing, where many more arrangements can rescue people from the
animals are killed than utilized. Humanity cannot portending future disaster. Considered from
continue to consume the planet’s limited a Buddhist point of view, the huge polluted mega-
resources at the rate to which it has become accus- cities and uncaring bureaucrats and politicians
tomed. Such an attitude is bound to have cata- typical of the present age are unsuitable for
strophic consequences as the human economy a proper welfare of sentient beings. The most
does not operate in an infinite expanse capable suitable and compatible economy would be
of providing an inexhaustible supply of resources. small scale and localized. Such an economy
When the economy expands, it does so by absorb- would use simple technology which would not
ing into itself more and more of the resource base drain natural resources, and in it production
of the extremely fragile and finite ecosystem and would be aimed principally at local consumption
by burdening the ecosystem in turn with its waste. so that there would be direct face-to-face contact
But long before the human economy reaches that between producers and consumers. Large-scale
limit, it will cross a threshold point beyond which technologies are dehumanizing and morally
the delicate fabric of the ecosystem will be dam- wrong. Schumacher called for human-scale,
aged so badly that it shall no longer be capable of decentralized, and appropriate technologies. Peo-
sustaining higher forms of life. ple can only feel at home in human-scale environ-
ments. If economic structures become too large,
they become impersonal and unresponsive to
Generosity and Liberality human needs and aspirations. Under these condi-
tions, individuals feel functionally futile, dispos-
Generosity (dāna) and liberality (cāga) are always sessed, voiceless, powerless, excluded, and
linked in Buddhism with virtue. Moreover, by alienated. “Wisdom demands a new orientation
doing so, one gets rid of selfishness and becomes of science and technology towards the organic,
more unacceptable to others because “one who the gentle, the nonviolent, the elegant and beauti-
gives makes many friends” ([2], p. 187). It is not ful” ([10], p. 20). Thus, in the Buddhist concept of
necessary to have much to practice generosity economic development, gigantism should be
because giving from one’s meager resources is avoided, especially of machines, which tend to
also considered very valuable ([3], Vol. i, p. 18). control rather than serve human beings. If bigness
Generosity is one of the important qualities and greed can be avoided, the Middle Path of
that make one a gentleman ([7], Vol. iv, p. 218). Buddhist development can be achieved, i.e., both
430 Economics (Buddhism)

the world of industry and agriculture can be [11], Vol. i, p. 289) and compassion (karuṇā)
converted into a meaningful habitat. Present-day which is “the desire to remove what is detrimental
economy is already big enough and the technolo- to others and their unhappiness” ([2], p. 73). This
gies too smart and too powerful. What is needed is the concept of the well-adjusted and balanced
most of all is streamlining and downsizing: cut- person, who, while he seeks pleasure, exercises
ting down on weapons production, on industries a degree of restraint and limits his needs and
dedicated to wasteful luxuries, and on conspicu- avoids greed (visamalobha) ([9], Vol. iii, p. 70).
ous consumption as the engine that drives the
economy. Instead qualitative improvements are
needed to make the technologies more humble Caring Attitude Toward Ecology
and humane, more benign toward the total
biosphere. The Buddhist values mean that environment
should not be over exploited. As the Tibetans
say very wisely that not too much of anything
Economic Justice and Social Equity that is precious should be taken from the earth,
as then its quality fades and the earth is destroyed
From the Buddhist perspective, economic justice ([6], p. 93). The Buddhist ideal, in fact, is coop-
and social equity are essential so that no one is eration with nature, not domination. From a
deprived of a fair standard of living. “To live Buddhist point of view, “non-renewable goods
peacefully, we must live with a reasonable degree must be used only if they are indispensable, and
of equity, or fairness, for it is unrealistic to think then only with the greatest care and the most
that, in a communications-rich world, a billion or meticulous concern for conservation. To use
more persons will accept living in absolute pov- them heedlessly or extravagantly is an act of
erty while another billion live in conspicuous violence. . . The Buddhist economist would insist
excess. Only with greater fairness in the consump- that a population basing its economic life on non-
tion of the world’s resources can we live peace- renewable fuels is living parasitically” ([10],
fully, and thereby live sustainably, as a human pp. 43–44). Thus, a new relation must be
family” ([1], p. 42). Well-documented scientific established between people and nature, one of
studies have now clearly established that each cooperation not of exploitation. Buddhism
living creature has its place in the biosphere, enjoins a respectful and nonviolent attitude
whereby playing its unique role is part of the toward ecology.
collective balance. The egalitarianism of rights
to life is therefore based on scientific realities
such as the unity of the living world, its vast Spiritual Health and Material Well-Being
diversity (a key factor in evolution), and the com-
plementary nature of its different components, the The driving force of such an economy would be
right to have humanizing work that is dignified the promotion of well-being both material and
and meaningful-right livelihood (sammā-ājī va) as social, not commercial profit and unrestrained
it is known in Buddhism. “The study of Buddhist expansion. As pointed out by Fromm, the devel-
economics could be recommended even for those opment of profit-oriented “economic system was
who believe that economic growth is more impor- no longer determined by the question: What is
tant than any spiritual or religious values. . . It is good for Man? But by the question: What is
a question of finding the right path of develop- good for the growth of the system? One tried to
ment, the Middle Way between materialist heed- hide the sharpness of this conflict by making the
lessness and traditionalist immobility, in short, of assumption that what was good for the growth of
finding “Right Livelihood”” ([10], p. 45). The the system (or even for a single big corporation)
righteous householder aims at harmonious living was also good for the people. This construction
(dhammacariya, samacariya) ([3], Vol. i, p. 101; was bolstered by an auxiliary construction: that
Economics (Buddhism) 431

the very qualities that the system required of the maximum of well-being with the minimum
human beings – egotism, selfishness, and greed of consumption. . . The ownership and the con-
– were innate in human nature; hence, not only the sumption of goods is a means to an end, and
system but human nature itself fostered them. Buddhist economics is the systematic study of
Societies in which egotism, selfishness, and how to attain given ends with the minimum
greed did not exist were supposed to be ‘primi- means” ([10], pp. 38–41). Buddhist economics is
tive,’ their inhabitants ‘childlike’” ([4], pp. 7–8). very different from the economics of modern
For Buddhism, material satisfaction merely pro- materialism, “since the Buddhist sees the essence
vides a starting point for the pursuit of higher of civilisation not in a multiplication of wants but
goals. The Buddha called upon people to wake in the purification of human character” ([10],
E
up and liberate themselves from the illusion that p. 39). It is unBuddhistic to consider goods as
craving for things leads to happiness. It is not more important than people and consumption as
cleverness but wisdom which can “enable us to more important than creative activity.
see the hollowness and fundamental unsatisfacto-
riness of a life devoted primarily to the pursuit of
material ends, to the neglect of the spiritual” ([10], Cross-References
p. 24). Spiritual health and material well-being
are not enemies: They are natural allies. ▶ Cāga
A Buddhist approach to economics would distin- ▶ Karuṇā
guish between misery, sufficiency, and glut. Eco- ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
nomic growth would be good only to the point of ▶ Taṇhā
sufficiency. Limitless growth and consumption
would be disastrous. Further, whereas Buddhist
economics would be based squarely on renewable
resources, modern economics is based on the
References
ruthless exploitation of nonrenewable resources 1. Elgin D (1993) Voluntary simplicity: toward a way of
and recognizes no limits to production and con- life that is outwardly simple, inwardly rich, rev edn.
sumption – a nonsustainable system. “Economics Quill, New York
without Buddhism, i.e., without spiritual, human, 2. Fausböll V (ed) (1885) The Sutta-Nipāta. Pali Text
Society, London
and ecological values, is like sex without love. . . 3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
While the materialist is mainly interested in 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
goods, the Buddhist is mainly interested in 4. Fromm E (1976) To have or to be? The Continuum
liberation. . .. It is not wealth that stands in the Publishing Company, New York
5. Lancaster L (2002) The Buddhist traditions in the
way of liberation but the attachment to wealth; contemporary world: history and critique. A keynote
not the enjoyment of pleasurable things but the speech made at the opening ceremony of the fourth
craving for them. . . From an economist’s point of Chung-Hwa international conference on Buddhism,
view, the marvel of the Buddhist way of life is the 18–20 Jan 2002
6. Morgan P, Lawton C (eds) (1996) Ethical issues in six
utter rationality of its pattern- amazingly small religious traditions. Edinburgh University Press,
means leading to extraordinarily satisfactory Edinburgh
results. . . For the modern economist this is very 7. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1995–1900) The Aṅguttara
difficult to understand. He is used to measuring Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
8. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭaka.
the ‘standard of living’ by the amount of annual Pali Text Society, London
consumption, assuming all the time that a man 9. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
who consumes more is ‘better off’ than a man TheDīgha Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London
who consumes less. A Buddhist economist 10. Schumacher EF (1973) Small is beautiful: economics
as if people mattered, 1999 print with commentaries.
would consider this approach excessively irratio- Hartley & Marks, Point Roberts
nal: since consumption is merely a means to 11. Trenckner V, Chelmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
human well-being, the aim should be to obtain Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
432 Education (Buddhism)

formed the key elements of the learning process.

Education (Buddhism) The education of a novice began with his initial
initiation known as pabbajjā. After the ceremony,
Jaya Singh the novice was taken under the care of his elder
Department of Applied Science and Humanities, who brought him up until the latter acquired the
I.T.S. Engineering College, Greater Noida merit for the higher ordination. Certain constraints
Gautam Buddh Technical University, Lucknow, were put on persons who were above the permis-
Ghaziabad, UP, India sible age limit and still sought admission in
a monastery. Thus, admission was denied to those
who did not have the consent of their parents. The
Synonyms process of ordination was rendered complete with
the final ordination known as Upasampadā. Here-
Buddhist learning upon, the novice was referred to as a monk. One
who had undergone the process of Upasampadā
was further placed under the guidance of two senior
Definition monks, namely, an upādhyāya and ācārya. This
period of training extended to a minimum of 10
Education, formal and informal, that is based years. The student-teacher relation was expected to
upon the study and exposition of the original be very intimate. The mutual duties of both have
works and message of Buddhism. A Buddhist been specifically emphasized upon. The disciples
educational unit may impart either only religious were also allowed to indulge in entertaining activ-
or both religious and secular education. ities such as driving carriages. In every rainy sea-
son, the instructors would come to a common place
A General Understanding of the System: Bud- and receive instructions from the Buddha (in his
dhist education is based upon the teachings of times). Here, they would also gain the benefit of
Gautama Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. enlightening mutual discussions. Buddhism places
A study of Buddhist education may well begin no prohibitions on the renunciation of one’s mem-
with a general understanding of Buddhist educa- bership of the Order. Nevertheless, in certain coun-
tional system as understood from some reputed tries, like Sri Lanka, there is social disapproval
works on Buddhism. Buddhist education, thus, is associated with such a step. Buddhist art and archi-
open to men of all castes. It helps man surge over tecture, symbolic of the teachings of Buddhism,
his egocentric tendencies that give rise to all kinds also aim at wisdom and inspiration in mankind.
of sorrows, and leads to the attainment of As regards women, initially, the Buddha was
“wisdom.” In the ancient times, Buddhist educa- not in favor of allowing them into the Order. After
tion was imparted in the monasteries which had the establishment of the Order of nuns, also, there
several groups of monks, living and also studying, were many constraints with regard to those desir-
under the care and guidance of their respective ous of leading a nun’s life. Besides, there were
teachers. The monastic education system took strict lines of separation between the monks and
care of both the religious and secular education nuns. Despite this, the nuns of the Order made
of the monks. The laity also relied upon the qual- significant contributions to Buddhist teaching and
ified teachers of the Order of monks (Saṃgha) for distinguished themselves as speakers, educators,
their religious education. The ancient Buddhists and also devout missionaries.
relied upon the oral method of imparting instruc- Buddhist Education as Found in Asia and
tion. It was only later that the religious texts were Beyond: Beginning with the days of the Buddha
put to writing. There were monks who gained himself, Buddhist teachings have spread to all
specialization in different parts of study. Certain parts of the world. Thus, there are countries such
areas of study, such as the art of witchcraft, as Sri Lanka, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and
were prohibited. Debates and also discussions Myanmar that follow the Theravada form of
Education (Buddhism) 433

Buddhism or the Doctrine of the Elders. Then values. Thus, Thailand has monasteries (Wat)
there are nations such as China, Vietnam, Nepal, such as Wat Sompoumeois and Wat Koh, medita-
Korea, Japan, and Indonesia wherein the Maha- tion centers, Thai educational institutions
yana form of Buddhism predominates. Mention imparting instruction in Buddhism, and also Thai
must also be made of Tantric Buddhism that pre- government patronizing endeavors aimed at the
vails in places such as Tibet and Mongolia. There spread of Buddhist teachings. The World Bud-
are other parts of the globe that cannot be grouped dhist University, which began in December 2000
under any of these specific forms of Buddhism. in Thailand, is committed to study and research in
These include India, United States, Europe, Buddhism.
Australia, and Africa. The following is a brief Sri Lanka: Buddhism gained ground in Lanka
E
outline of Buddhist education as found in some with the arrival of a mission sent by King Aśoka
of these places. (272–232 B.C.) from India, in the second half of
Thailand: Buddhist education in Thailand the third century B.C. Arahat Mahinda, a part of
dates back to the 13 CE. From 1238 to 1378 this mission, spread the message of Buddhism far
C.E., Sukhothai was the capital of Thailand. and wide in the nation. His efforts culminated into
Beginning from this time, the Theravada form of developments such as many Lankans joining the
Buddhism became dominant in the country. King Buddhist Order of monks as also the building of
Lithai (1347–1366 C.E.) of the period is credited many monasteries (pirivena). For fulfilling the
with being the first ruler of Thailand to have wish of the ladies of the royalty for joining the
undergone the process of ordination. The Lanna Order, he arranged for the arrival of an Indian nun,
Kingdom, to the northwest of the Sukhothai Saṅghamittā, in Lanka. The latter found the Order
Kingdom, is credited with numerous reputed of nuns in Lanka. Some significant monasteries of
Pāli writings such as Janakalamali and those days were those of Mahavihara, Abhayagiri,
Mangalatthadipani. From 1350 to 1767 C.E., and Aluvihara. The Pāli Canon was first reduced
Ayutthaya remained the center of political activity to writing somewhere around 80 B.C. in Lanka.
in Thailand. It was during this time that an exam- The Chinese scholar Fa-Hsien and Indian scholar
ination was held to purge the Order of unworthy Buddhaghosa visited Lanka during the fifth cen-
monks. With due time, such examinations were tury C.E. Buddhaghosa wrote elaborate commen-
conducted on a routine basis. The Bangkok period taries on the Pāli Canon. His Visuddhimagga
that started in 1782 C.E. and continues to the (Path of Purity) is an exemplary classic in the
present saw earnest endeavors to revitalize the field of Theravada Buddhism.
Buddhist education and also the literary traditions From the very beginning, Sri Lankan kings
of Thailand. were patrons and ardent supporters of Buddhist
Buddhist education in Thailand, before 1868 religion and learning. They built monasteries,
C.E., was imparted in temples, monasteries, and established libraries, and encouraged scholastic
also in the royal palace. During their education, endeavors. Also, at all times of political and con-
the learners learned basic skills such as reading sequent religious instability, Lankan kings took to
and writing. This helped the novices in complet- dedicated revival methods. These included send-
ing their education successfully. The Buddhist ing missions to foreign lands such as Burma and
monks, monasteries, and also learning were Thailand to help in reestablishing ordination prac-
strongly patronized by the Thai rulers. The tices, reviving monasteries, and also supporting
Order of monks occupied a central place in Thai- literary endeavors. The Portuguese entry of 1505,
land. Religious missions were sent to neighboring followed by the Dutch and British rule, brought in
lands, and Thai monks used to visit seats of learn- the decline of Buddhist system of education as
ing in other nations. Even with the introduction of found in ancient Lanka. The British, initially,
modern type of education in Thailand, during the were supportive of Buddhist educational system.
latter half of the nineteenth century, the people of With time, however, this support was withheld for
Thailand stand committed to their Buddhist a variety of reasons. Thus, ultimately, the British
434 Education (Buddhism)

rule also led to loss of patronage to Buddhist study discourses on the Sūtras. The teachers, moving
and scholarship. The year 1880 saw the establish- from place to place, were designated as ching-
ment of the Colombo Buddhist Theosophical shih, chiang-shih, fu-chiang-shi, and tu-chiang.
Society by Colonel Olcott. Another Buddhist of The first were the exponents of the Sūtras, the
this time, whose efforts helped revitalize Buddhist second were master lecturers, the third were
education, was Anagārika Dharmapāla. The repeaters of the lectures, and the fourth were
postindependence era brought the Buddhist those who clarified the teachings of the main
schools under government control. Religion, exponent by resorting to the vernacular. Then
along with secular education, formed part of the there were those teachers who gained specializa-
academic syllabi of schools. The Sri Lankan Gov- tion in a general preaching of the Dharma and
ernment supports Buddhism as also Buddhist edu- were quite in demand. These were designated as
cation. Sri Lanka today boasts of numerous Ch’ang-tao-shih. Some such important preachers
Buddhists centers of learning such as the Buddhist of ancient China were Tao-shun and Fa-tsang.
and Pali University of Sri Lanka, Asgiriya Apart from these, there were Su-chiang-seng
Pirivena, Dharmodaya Pirivena, Parama who were also the propagators of the Dharma to
Dhamma Cetiya Pirivena, and Vidyakara the masses. However, they differed from Ch’ang-
Pirivena. The recent opening of the Sri tao-shih in focusing their message around
Sambuddhatva Jayanthi International Buddhist a specific religious work. There was royal
Centre in Thummulla, Colombo, shows the com- patronage associated with the organization of
mitment of Sinhalese government toward the Buddhist lectures in monasteries. To make the
spread of Buddhist learning. The center proposes expositions related to Mahayana works of repute
to excel in the collection of Buddhist works and digestible to the masses, the teachers resorted to
also promote study and research in Buddhism. some necessary modifications also. The T’ang era
China: The official entry of Buddhism into led to the official involvement in the process of
China is considered to have taken place in 67 ordination. The different methods through which
C.E. The initial teachers demonstrated the simi- one could gain ordination certificate included
larities between Buddhism and Confucianism as passing in the relevant examination, royal grace,
also Taoism. Deeper studies, nevertheless, also and also buying. There was also the royal practice
brought forth many differences between these of purging the Order of monks of unworthy
religions. Some of the early intellectuals, commit- members.
ted to serious study of Buddhism, included the It needs to be mentioned that Buddhist educa-
likes of Tao-an (312–385 C.E.) and Chi-tsang tion, in China, also met with suppressions that
(549–623 C.E.). By the fifth century C.E., men eventually led to its decline. Thus, there were the
like Kumārajīva (344–413 C.E.) had put into persecutions effected at different times such as by
effect more than 1,300 translations of Buddhist Emperor Tai Wu of the northern Wei dynasty
works. With time, many schools of Buddhism (386–534 C.E.) and Emperor Wu of the northern
sprung up in China. These included the T’ien- Chou dynasty (557–581 C.E.). The suppression of
t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and the Pure Land schools 845 C.E. was especially damaging. In the modern
of thought. It needs to be noted that Chinese era, there were attempts at revitalization by
Buddhism has its distinctive characteristics that scholars such as T’ai Hsu. The period between
conform well to its, more of a, this-worldly orien- 1368 C.E. and 1644 C.E. saw numerous scholarly
tation. Ch’an Buddhism offered solace to many endeavors and also the building of temples and
through its meditative practices. The Pure Land publication of religious works. The Manchus
School, with its simple ways of salvation, was (1644–1912 C.E.) wrecked another reign of dam-
especially attractive to the common man. age. The present number of Buddhists in China is
Buddhist education gained a major boost approximately 100 million. The communist gov-
during the T’ang Dynasty (618–907 C.E.). ernment in China is getting more relaxed in its
The Buddhist monks of these times mainly gave approach. The recent (2006) hosting of the World
Education (Buddhism) 435

Buddhist forum by China is a case in point. centuries, the system as found in its heydays
A news report (May 2011) told that the Peking could not be revived again.
University, Beijing, has launched a program In the modern times, it was Bhim Rao
to teach Sanskrit language for the purpose of Ambedkar who, in the twentieth century, gave
the translation of recently found Buddhist a boost to Buddhist teachings. In the present cen-
manuscripts. tury, mention may be made of monasteries in
India: Gautama Buddha, the founder of Bud- places such as Karnataka, centers of Buddhist
dhism, was dedicated to the spread of Buddhist studies in universities such as the University of
teachings to all mankind. The teacher continued Delhi, Delhi, and Central Institute of Higher
his missionary activities, in his native land (India), Tibetan Studies at Varanasi, and also many mod-
E
until he lived and instructed his disciples to do the ern spiritual leaders who are committed to
same. During his time, monasteries sprung up, in Buddhist education in varying forms. There are
India, at places such as Sravasti (Gond) and opportunities such as scholarships and cultural
Banaras (Varanasi). The establishment of monas- exchange programs through which scholars may
teries which were residential areas wherein the study and gain at reputed centers of Buddhist
Buddhist teachers and also the disciples resided studies in foreign lands.
created quite a conducive environment for learn- Europe: The nineteenth century saw Europe
ing. A teacher-monk was allowed to accept as gain interest in Buddhism. As the century
many novices as he could handle for the purpose progressed, there was a rapid upsurge in Buddhist
of instruction. Both Buddhist and non-Buddhist studies, translations, and also establishment of
kings extended patronage to these seats of learn- societies by the Europeans. These developments
ing. Many foreign scholars such as Faxian (fifth educated a growing number of people into Bud-
century C.E.) and Ijing (seventh century C.E.) dhist teachings. The works of men like Arthur
visited India and left detailed accounts of the Schopenhauer (1788–1860 C.E.) from Germany
educational system in the country. With further and Eugene Burnouf (1801–1852 C.E.) from
progress, many places such as Bihar, Kashmir, France stand out in this regard. Herman
Amravati in Andhra Pradesh, and Matipura Oldenberg’s “The Buddha, His Life, His Doctrine,
in Uttar Pradesh became famous for their His Community,” published in 1881, generated
monasteries. great response in Germany. The founding of the
A significant phenomenon of ancient days was Theosophical society, in New York in the year
the existence of monastic universities. These 1875, by Colonel Olcott (1832–1907 C.E.) and
grand establishments included names such as Madame Blavatsky (1831–1891 C.E.) also
those of Nalanda, Valabhi, Vikramasila, and increased interest in Buddhism in Europe. The
Odantapuri. These universities had myriads of Pali Text Society, established in 1881, by British
students and disciples devoted to different areas Thomas W. Rhys Davids (1843–1922 C.E.),
of religious and secular study. Thus, the Univer- occupied itself (and it does so until present
sity of Nalanda in Bihar is said to have had tens of times) with the study and translations of Buddhist
thousand students learning subjects as diverse as texts in Pāli.
grammar, medicine, logic, and philosophy. The Inspired by these and similar endeavors, many
university compound included lecture halls and intellectuals in Europe took Buddhism. Some of
also libraries. A scholar seeking admission to these were also ordained as monks. These made
these universities had to pass through rigorous significant contributions to the propagation of
entrance tests. Buddhist education suffered Buddhist teachings. Thus, the Buddhist Society
a definite blow with the destruction ravaged in of Great Britain and Ireland was founded, in
Bihar during the conquest of Muslim General London, in 1907 by an ordained monk from
Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khalji between 1197 C.E. Scotland. The efforts of Anagārika Dharmapāla
and 1206 C.E. Though some efforts at revitaliza- (1864–1933 C.E.) led, in the first few decades of
tion were made in the fourteenth and fifteenth the twentieth century, to the establishment of
436 Education (Buddhism)

Buddhist religions and also educational centers in teachers. The influence of others such as Thich
London. Many new forms of Buddhism such as Nhat Hanh, from Vietnam, also needs to be men-
Nichiren Buddhism, Zen Buddhism, and the tioned in this context. Around the 1970s, Tibetan
Teachings of the Sōka-Gakkai Group traveled to form of Buddhism gained a stronghold in the
the different parts of Europe during the second United States. Tibetan spiritual leaders, such as
half of the twentieth century. Also, during this the Chōgyam Trungpa Rinpoche, founded many
time, many new Buddhist organizations, lectures, teaching centers in the United States. Sōka-
and writings flooded the different European coun- Gakkai Group of the United States of America,
tries. Many religious educators from Asia also a branch of Sōka-Gakkai Japan, has similarly
started visiting Europe. These teachers were its own share of teachers and practitioners in
involved in conducting lectures and also organiz- the States.
ing courses on Buddhism in Europe. Tibetan Bud- Specific editions on Buddhism in the West
dhism gained a stronghold in the continent, after started appearing with the publication of works
1975, due to the active contribution of Tibetan such as Buddhism: A Modern Perspective
spiritual leaders. (1975) by Charles S. Prebish. Henceforth,
The present times find Europe with many a range of reputed American works on Buddhist
developed avenues of Buddhist learning such as education including books, book chapters, schol-
reputed institutions, journals, and conferences that arly journals, conference publications, and the
work or are organized on a regular basis. These like educated the Americans into Buddhist philos-
include the Jamyang Buddhist Centre, London; ophy and ways. The endeavors such as those of
Yeshe Buddhist Centre, Cumbria (U.K.); Center the International Association of Buddhist Univer-
for Buddhist Studies at the University of Bristol, sities; Institute of Buddhist Studies at Berkeley,
London; and Journal of the International Associ- California; American Academy of Religion; Bud-
ation of Buddhist Studies. There are very many dhist Association of United States; Buddhist lec-
European monks, nuns, and also lay educators tures and courses at universities (such as the
who are working toward the spread of Buddhist Center for Buddhist Studies at the University of
education. Many Asian spiritual leaders and lay California, Berkeley); and various online study
Buddhists, living in or visiting Europe, are also materials as well as information sites add meaning
helping toward the cause. Buddhism, as a part of and new prospects to the modern-day scenario.
study and research program, finds a place in the Singapore: Buddhism came to Singapore in the
famous universities of today. late nineteenth century. For long, Buddhists in
US: The second half of the nineteenth century Singapore had to go to foreign lands for gaining
saw the Chinese and the Japanese as the first education. The situation has improved in the mod-
followers of Buddhism in the United States of ern times. The Buddhist and Pāli College of Sin-
America. However, it was from the second half gapore that was opened in 1994 and is affiliated to
of the twentieth century that the United States has the Buddhist and Pāli University of Sri Lanka is
had a notable growth in the number of Buddhist committed to Theravāda studies. In recent times,
temples, centers of teaching and meditation, pub- mention needs to be made of the Buddhist College
lishing concerns, writings, and lectures. Besides of Singapore that was opened in 2006. Committed
these, the presence of varying forms of Buddhism to the Chinese Mahāyāna form of Buddhism, the
has been a phenomenon that needs to be noted. college is a great step toward furthering Buddhist
These include, besides the Theravāda and teachings through dedicated studies.
Mahāyāna, forms adhered to by the immigrant South Africa: Buddhism was introduced in the
Buddhists, Zen Buddhism, Tibetan Buddhism, universities of South Africa through the efforts
Insight Meditation movement, and Sōka-Gakkai of Louis van Loon. The latter came, from the
Group. Netherlands, to the place in 1956. Today many
Zen Buddhism in America owes a lot to the of the universities include Buddhist studies as
contribution of both the American and Japanese a part of their syllabi.
Education (Jainism) 437

Australia: Buddhism came to Australia with 15. Prebish CS, Martin B (2002) Westward Dharma: Bud-
the arrival of Chinese in the second half of the dhism beyond Asia. University of California Press,
Berkeley
nineteenth century. Starting from the 1970s, 16. Radhakumud M (2003) Ancient Indian education:
Buddhist immigrants from Asia increased in Brahmanical and Buddhist. MotilalBanarsidass, India
great numbers. Today, Australia has many reputed 17. Ryūken WD (1999) American Buddhism: methods
monasteries, retreat centers, and also organiza- and findings in recent scholarship. Curzon Press,
Surrey
tions that help spread Buddhist teachings far 18. Salve RN (2008) Buddhism and education. Shruti,
and wide. Jaipur, India
Thus, it is found that Buddhist education, in 19. Yong Z (2011) Handbook of Asian education
varying formal and informal ways, sprawls a cultural perspective. Routledge, New York
E
throughout the world. At some places it is overtly
supported by the ruling classes, and in some it is
not. However, at most places, Buddhism has the
support of an increasing number of followers, and Education (Jainism)
Buddhist education continues to play a promising
role in the society. Stephanie Varnon-Hughes
Claremont Lincoln University, Claremont, CA,
USA

References
Synonyms
1. Ch’en KK (1973) The Chinese transformation of Bud-
dhism. Princeton University Press, Princeton
2. Chia Jack Meng Tat (2009) Teaching Dharma, Gragyaa; Hita; Jaananaa; Samjhanaa; Swaartha
grooming Sangha: The Buddhist College of Singa-
pore. SOJOURN: J Soc Issues Southeast Asia
24(1):122
3. Comstock WR (1972) Religion and man India and Definition
far eastern religious traditions. Harper and Row,
New York/Evanston/San Francisco/London
4. Dreyfus GBJ (2003) The sound of two hands clapping: Education in Jainism refers to both types of
the education of a Tibetan Buddhist monk. University knowledge and its acquisition, as well as under-
of California Press, Berkeley takings that support self-knowledge and self-
5. Frederick M (1960) A history of educational thought. understanding.
Charles E. Merrill Books, Columbus
6. Gombrich RF (1988) Theravada Buddhism: a social
history from ancient Benares to modern Colombo.
Routledge, London
7. Hartmut S (2002) Education in ancient India. Brill, Knowledge as Spiritual Practice
Boston
8. Hawkins BK (1999) Buddhism. Routledge, London Knowledge is an attribute of the soul. Pure soul
9. Lekshe TK (2000) Innovative Buddhist women:
can be considered perfect knowledge. And so,
swimming against the stream. Curzon Press,
Richmond according to Nanannarassasaro (JainendraVarni
10. Lewis H (1924) Buddhism and Buddhists in China. II, [1]), the sole purpose of existing as a human is
Macmillan, New York to acquire knowledge. And so, in one sense, the
11. Morgan KW (1956) The path of the Buddha:
Buddhism interpreted by Buddhists. Ronald Press,
spiritual undertaking of elimination of ignorance,
New York in pursuit of clarity of consciousness, is one aim of
12. Nithiyanandam V (2004) Buddhist system of educa- education, particularly self-education.
tion. Global Vision Publishing House, Delhi, India Education – encountering new ideas or experi-
13. Perry S-L (2006) Understanding Buddhism. Dunedin
Academic Press, Edinburgh
ences that disrupt earlier understandings – cannot
14. Prebish CS (1994) Buddhism: a modern perspective. happen without space and time for self-reflection.
Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park That is, the physical sensations we encounter
438 Education (Jainism)

prompt curiosity about the world. Self-reflection criticize, but offered a new perspective. As Jain
is foundational for education. scholar Kusum Jain asserts, “The more different
It is possible that short flashes of self- perspectives we adopt, and the more different
knowledge can be fostered by the activities in independent investigations we do, the more dif-
which we engage (S. R. Sarma, [2]). ferent conclusions we will gain and the more
deeply and comprehensively we are bound to
understand. The more powerful will be our infor-
Focus on Self mation, our ability to analyze, our solutions and
our creativity” [4].
Jain scholars also underscore the unique value of Education should be an invitation to ever-
self-observation. Without self-reflection, the viv- widening perspective and a practice of helping
idness of other disciplines – including practice of students see the world as multifaceted, even as
aparigraha and ahimsa – pales and becomes less their own thoughts and experiences interact with
effective. One of the aims of education is to cul- it. One sees an early glimpse of such a model for
tivate flashes of self-observation. One Jain meta- education in the words of the Sthananga Sutra,
phor likens this to having one’s sleep broken. which ordains the following: “Be ready to
Jains recommend using meditation as a way to listen. . .Be ready to follow noble conduct. . .Be
disengage from the incessant material chatter of ready to help and provide refuge. . .to the
the world and foster introspection. The theory of helpless. . .Be ready to educate the
Jain texts should be connected with the need for uneducated. . .Be ready to serve the ailing with
real practice for experiencing the existence of the joy. . .[and] be ready to resolve differences, strife,
soul. Veer Sagar Jain cites Amṛtacandra as he [and] conflicts. . .and bring about harmony”
writes, “Jain texts repeatedly suggest/preach that (D. R. Mehta, [5]).
we must experience the nature and existence of Consequently, for Jainism, education should
the soul. This is the only way to destroy work to allow students to envision, articulate, and
delusion. . ., i.e., meditate upon self, stay con- follow right conduct and help one another and
tented with self and be focused on it” (Veer those less fortunate. Education includes practice
Sagar Jain, [3]). Educators seek to make time resolving differences and understanding the con-
and space for students to learn the practices that flicts that give rise to strife.
will awaken self-reflection, self-knowledge, and
self-understanding.
The power of narrative also awakens perspec- Self-Study as Supreme Austerity
tive and self-observation. In contemplating the
stories of saints, for example, one can sometimes It should be noted that because knowledge is
identify aspects of his journey that can illuminate related to spiritual consciousness, education is
his challenges. Indeed, the tirthankaras remained part of observing of a code of conduct that allows
with their communities to try and model practices individuals to pursue truth and avoid further accu-
that could help followers attain clarity. In this way, mulation of impurities to their souls. Additionally,
one can see the tirthankaras as the original and accordingly, spiritual practices that lead to
teachers. purification – like meditation – enhance mental
capacities.
One of the supreme austerities (uttamatapa) and
Anekānt-vāda one of the supreme renunciations (uttamatyaga)
are related to knowledge and education. Svadhyaya
Anekānta-vāda, one of the major tenets of Jain- involves reading scriptures. Both saints and
ism, helps foster a flexibility of mind; education householders can participate in this form of
should be involved with helping students practice self-education. This austerity helps uplift the spiri-
this. Jains remember that Mahavira did not tual self.
Ellora 439

Supporting Education 3. Veer Sagar Jain (2011) Concept of soul/self (Atma) in

Jain philosophy. ISJS Jain Study Notes Version 4.0,
p 190
Vidyadana is knowledge; all Jains are called to 4. Kusum Jain (2011) Anekanta-Syat-Saptabhangi. ISJS
practice charity related to education and knowl- Jain Study Notes 4.0, p 300
edge as part of renunciation. To support 5. Mehta DR (2011) As translated and quoted in “Com-
vidyadana, householders have a few options – prehensive Concept of Ahimsa and its Application in
Real Life”. ISJS Jain Study Notes Version 4.0, p 383
they might financially support needy students or
donate books, for example. If one member of
a family becomes educated, he might then help
the family become self-supporting. The sharing of
Ekottarāgama E
scriptures – either by purchasing books or provid-
ing handwritten copies – with temples and
▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
scholars is a tradition in Jainism, which has cre-
ated a legacy of learning and writing.
For example, Jains in India also have a tradition
of establishing boarding houses as central locations
for education, including for young people and for
Elder Dhammapāla
women. These boarding houses were locations
▶ Dhammapāla
where individuals could receive a comprehensive
education – with financial assistance when needed –
and then return to uplift their communities.
Finally, within the idea of education, there is an
understanding that wisdom and practices that lead Elders’ Verses
to self-understanding should be accessible to all.
Mahavira was known to have neither enemy nor ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
friend; even animals took part in the congrega-
tions that attended his sermons. Many parts of the
writings of Kundakunda are pithy and memorable
statements – listeners or readers can commit them Ellora
to memory and ponder them over time. Similarly,
as in other modes of Indian education, Jain teach- Claudine Bautze-Picron
ings are often posed in question form, for exam- Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
ple, “What is misery?” In this way, even beginners (CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’,
or the uneducated can take part in reflecting upon Paris, France
the questions that might lead to insight.

Synonyms
Cross-References
Elūrā
▶ Anekāntavāda
▶ Jhāna
▶ Knowledge
▶ Self Definition

A Buddhist, Hindu, and Jain excavated site in

References
Maharasthra.
1. JainendraVarni II, Jain DishantaSabdakosa, 430
2. Sarma SR (1997) Theory of philosophy of education. Ellora is a major site of Maharashtra (lat. 20
10 N.,
Mohit Publications, Delhi long. 75
100 E.) located northwest of Aurangabad
440 Ellora

where Buddhist, Hindu, and Jain caves were exca- row inside the monument are similarly practically
vated from the sixth up to the eighth century A.D. unadorned [9]. False beams are carved on the
All monuments form a continuous line in this hill ceiling; the entablature preserves a series of niches
which is facing west and runs from North to with the Buddha flanked by Bodhisattvas,
South, the cluster of the Buddhist caves numbered reproducing thus an ornamentation noted in
from 1 to 12 being the southernmost and having Ajaṇṭā caves 19 and 26. The lower part of the
most probably been excavated in the course of the caitya is here very high and hidden by a deep
seventh century. Whereas caves 1–10 practically niche within which the preaching Buddha sits in
form a group which is linked to earlier develop- the so-called European way, flanked by Maitreya
ments in Ajaṇṭā and Aurangabad and reflects and Avalokiteśvara and venerated by flying semi-
architectural and stylistic common features, the divine couples. Much sobriety characterizes thus
later caves 11 and 12 illustrate a dramatic turn in the ornamentation of the monument which basi-
terms of architecture and iconography ([4], pp. cally remains iconographic and not decorative
367–384; [8], pp. 70–78). Although completed (Figs. 1 and 3).
in the middle of the eighth century as a Hindu The same remark applies to the outside struc-
monument, cave 15, also named Daśāvatāra, was ture of the façade. The veranda supports in fact
initially regarded as a Buddhist monument ([6], a balcony accessible from inside the cave. The
p. 75): small images of the Buddha were indeed walls at ground-floor level are plain, whereas at
carved in the brackets above the pillars of level 2, the first floor, deep niches hide images of Maitreya
which were most probably part of the initial plan. and Avalokiteśvara at both extremities; further
Moreover, the monument shares its structure with intrusive panels have been sculpted between
caves 11 and 12, having superimposed stories those niches and the central opening which is
with side niches in the upper level, a large court- flanked by flying semidivine characters. The
yard, and a screen preserved in the rock which horseshoe-shaped window of earlier times has
separates the monument from the outer world. here evolved into a complex structure with
This appropriation marks the end of the Buddhist a central upper horseshoe-shaped opening lying
excavations at Ellora.

Architecture

Like in all other sites of Maharashtra, a sanctuary

or caityagṛha (“house of the caitya”) stands prac-
tically at the center of the Buddhist caves of the
place. Cave 10, known locally as “Viśvakarman,”
is a monument of imposing size probably realized
toward the end of the sixth or in the seventh
century. It is also the last sanctuary with apsidal
plan to have been excavated in South Asia. It is
preceded by a square courtyard separated from the
outside world by a screen, which is today much
damaged and barely recognizable. Upper parts of
the sidewalls also collapsed in the course of time.
At ground level, a gallery turns around the rear
and sidewalls where cells and shrines have been
excavated. The square pillars do not show any-
more the luxuriance of those carved at Ajaṇṭā and
Aurangabad; those, octagonal, forming an apsidal Ellora, Fig. 1 Cave 10 (After [4])
Ellora 441

above two half-horseshoe-shaped arches. A simi-

lar and even more intricate ornamentation sur-
mounts the niches with Bodhisattvas, and
another use of this window can be seen above
cave 9 where small windows are distributed in
staggered rows above the shrine. The couple con-
stitutes a recurrent motif in the ornamentation of
the façade; friezes of couples adorn the balustrade
of the first floor and the upper part of the façade as
well as the doorway to the shrine (Fig. 2).
E
Caves 1–9 have different ground plans, some
still being in the tradition of the monasteries exca-
vated at Ajaṇṭā, the places of habitation of the
monks showing a square or rectangular ground
plan with cells dug on lateral and eventually rear
walls (caves 3, 5, 6, and 7).The function of the
monuments is, however, not always very clearly
defined in contrast to the caves of Ajaṇṭā, and one
observes an increase of the importance of the
shrine integrated within the monastic dwelling
places (vihāra). The unfinished cave 7 was
planned as vihāra but most cells were only started
Ellora, Fig. 2 Cave 10 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) and no shrine was hollowed in the rear wall.
Together with cave 8, it is situated at ground
level under caves 6 and 9 (Figs. 4, 5, and 6).
Cave 3 is the only monument that reproduces
perfectly the model created at Ajaṇṭā of having
a shrine with an image of the Buddha hollowed in
the rear wall and a central square room with a row
of pillars. The same concept lies behind excava-
tion 2, but the monastic cells were never realized,
letting place to niches where tall images of
the preaching Buddha seated in the so-called
European manner are carved, a feature which
announces the structure noted in level 3 of
cave 12 (see below) – niches hollowed in both
sidewalls being also a distinctive aspect of the
Hindu caves 14 and 15. Clear lines were drawn
between the different religious communities in
Ellora, but this did not necessarily preclude the
emergence of certain similarities, particularly
related to style and architecture, between the mon-
uments of these communities. As a matter of fact,
work started around the same period at different
places of the site, and similarities can be observed
in the ground plan of Buddhist and Hindu caves.
Ellora, Fig. 3 Caitya, cave 10 (Photo # Joachim For instance, cave 8 illustrates a ground plan
K. Bautze) combining a shrine with monastic cells which traces
442 Ellora

Ellora, Fig. 4 Façades of caves 9 and 6 at the upper level and of caves 8 and 7 at the ground level (Photo # Joachim K.
Bautze)

Ellora, Fig. 5 Caves 2–4 (After [4])

its source at Aurangabad and finds also an echo in being surrounded by a passage. The entrance to this
the Hindu caves 14, 21, or 26 of the site. In this case, shrine is small; it is constituted by a series of plain
the shrine forms a compact independent monument recesses which form like a frame to the image of the
which has been completely dug out of the stone, preaching Buddha seated inside (Fig. 7).
Ellora 443

Ellora, Fig. 6 Caves 7 and 8 and caves 6 and 9 (After [3, 4])

Cave 6 reminds of similar structures at Aurang- are excavated; the second floor has a shrine exca-
abad: the cave is widely open with monastic cells vated very deep in the rear wall of a large hall.
in the rear wall on either side of the antechamber Whereas a certain structure can be seen, for
of the shrine. Also the pillars remind through their instance, a larger shrine flanked by two smaller
strict square ground plan some of those of this site. ones in the first story, one observes that the exca-
Cave 5 is a deep rectangular monument with cells vation did not follow strict lines and seems rather
and shrines excavated all around; it includes a row disorganized. On the contrary, the works in cave
of pillars following the same rectangular line and 12 were extremely well planned; the monument is
two low benches, perhaps study desks, which are very regularly excavated with large pillared halls
carved at a low level in the center of the room ([7], at all three levels; a single shrine is excavated in
pp. 183–184) (Figs. 8 and 9). the rear wall, preceded by an antechamber;
Caves 11 and 12 (and 15, see above) were monastic cells are distributed in the side and rear
conceived on a radically different ground plan: walls of levels one and two, whereas deep niches
three-storied, they are excavated at the back of with images of the Buddha cover these walls in
a rather large courtyard eventually separated the upper story. Moreover, the antechamber of
from the outer world by a screen. Cave 11 still level three is fully covered with 12 female images.
shows hesitations: the ground floor and the first The pillars within these halls are square and with-
story have a veranda in the back of which shrines out any ornamentation, another rupture thus from
444 Ellora

Ellora, Fig. 7 Cave 8, shrine (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Ellora, Fig. 8 Cave 6 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Ellora 445

Ellora, Fig. 9 Cave 5, pillared hall with benches (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

what is observed in the first earlier group of Bud- Vajrapāṇi holding his vajra is now indeed very
dhist caves of the site (Fig. 10). rarely encountered (cave 9). Likewise, the image
of Avalokiteśvara protecting the travelers from
dangers which they can meet on their way is
Iconography only seen in one case (cave 3).
A major innovation in this group of caves is the
In the caves of the first group (1–10), a very presence of independent female characters stand-
specific triad is constituted by the Buddha ing by the side of a Bodhisattva and identifiable, for
preaching and seated in the so-called European instance, with the Tārā or Bhṛkuṭī (caves 2, 3, 4, 6,
manner in the shrine and the two tall images of the 8, and 10). Both the Tārā and Bhṛkuṭī appear
Bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya, already here as attendants to Avalokiteśvara,
carved outside the shrine on either side of the a position which they kept in Eastern India up to
doorway, which is a follow-up of an iconographic the twelfth century. Beside them, one should under-
composition observed at Aurangabad. They do act line the emergence of images related to magic, such
as protectors of the shrine or can be standing at as Mahāmāyurī, the “Great Pea Hen,” one of the
both sides of the Buddha in the shrine itself in “Five Protectors” or Pañcarakṣās, who eventually
most of the caves (2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, and 10), letting forms a pair with Bhṛkuṭī in the antechamber of
surmise the expansion of contacts between caves 6 and 10. This leads the way to the represen-
Ellora and Bodhgaya where, as we know from tation of a group of 12 female deities at the third
Xuanzang’s testimony in the seventh century, level of cave 12. Again, such a development paved
two such images used to stand in niches at the the way to the iconography encountered in Eastern
gate of the Bodhi Mandir ([2], p. 77). The triad India, more particularly in Bihar and Bengal, where
worshipped at Ajaṇṭā and showing the Buddha female deities are very much present in the devo-
with Avalokiteśvara holding a padma and tion (Figs. 11 and 12).
446 Ellora

Ellora, Fig. 10 Cave 12 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Ellora, Fig. 11 Bhṛkuṭī, cave 6 (Photo # Joachim K. Ellora, Fig. 12 Mahāmāyurī, cave 6 (Photo # Joachim
Bautze) K. Bautze)
Ellora 447

The triad which is worshipped in those in these two caves where, in a number of shrines,
shrines, i.e., the Buddha flanked by it is this particular event which is depicted, an
Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya, is also figured in evolution which thus wanders from the iconogra-
the shrines of cave 11. However, a major new phy established up to then and which showed the
concept is illustrated in the two side shrines of Buddha preaching.
the first floor with the “Eight Great Bodhisattvas,” The third floor of cave 12 constitutes a per-
Aṣṭamahābodhisattvas, standing on the sidewalls fectly achieved ensemble. The rear and sidewalls
and thus flanking the Buddha image [1]. This of this large pillared hall contains a series of
concept is also illustrated in all three shrines of niches with images of the Buddha. Two impres-
cave 12 and appears on the walls of these caves sive sets of six Buddha images each, either med-
E
with a nine-square panel having the Buddha in the itating or preaching, are displayed on the rear
center and the eight Bodhisattvas distributed in wall; they most probably represent the set of the
the surrounding fields. Such carvings are the first Buddhas of the past having preceding Śākyamuni
testimonies of illustration of a maṇḍala, a sym- since those who meditate sit under different trees
bolic illustration of the universe with the central (Fig. 14). This pattern of having simultaneously
field occupied by the Buddha and various catego- Buddhas displaying the gestures of meditation
ries of characters situated all around in the direc- and of teaching is also encountered at Aurangabad
tions of space which will become fundamental and might allude to the two hand gestures, or
in Buddhist iconography from now onward mudrās, displayed by Vairocana, a supreme aspect
(Fig. 13). In particular, the topic of the “Eight of Śākyamuni who is located at the center of two
Great Bodhisattvas” is also observed in the art of complementary maṇḍalas [5]. The images distrib-
Bodhgaya and Kurkihar, two sites of Bihar, in the uted in the niches of the sidewalls – a pattern
ninth century [1]. The link with Bodhgaya, the site which is similarly observed in cave 2 – show the
where Śākyamuni became Buddha, is strongly felt Buddha usually seated in the so-called European

Ellora, Fig. 13 Maṇḍala carved in cave 12 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

448 Ellora

Ellora, Fig. 14 Set of six Buddhas meditating, cave 12 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Ellora, Fig. 15 Buddha preaching, cave 12 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Emptiness 449

way and teaching, being accompanied by two References

Bodhisattvas (Fig. 15).
Buddhism leaves Māhāyāna at Ellora and 1. Bautze-Picron C (1997) Le groupe des huit Grands
Bodhisatva en Inde: genèse et développement. In:
enters its esoteric phase as it culminates with
Eilenberg N, Subhadradis Diskul MC, Brown RL
Vajrayāna in Eastern India. Attention is not paid (eds) Living a life in accord with Dhamma: papers in
anymore to the Buddha offering his compassion honour of Professor Jean Boisselier on his eightieth
and understanding to his devotees as he used to do birthday, Bangkok. Silpakorn University, Bangkok,
pp 1–55
in his images on the façade of sanctuaries 19 and
2. Bautze-Picron C (2010) The bejewelled Buddha from
26 at Ajaṇṭā, for instance. On the contrary, the India to Burma, new considerations. Sanctum Books/
iconographic ornamentation of the façade of the Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern
India, New Delhi/Kolkata
E
sanctuary at Ellora (cave 10) gives more impor-
3. Burgess J (1883) Report on the Elura cave temples and
tance to images of Bodhisattvas. Images of the
the Brahmanical and Jaina caves in western India com-
preaching Buddha were basically carved in the pleting the results of the fifth, sixth, and seventh seasons
shrines at Ajaṇṭā, as it is the case in Ellora; the operations of the archaeological survey 1877–78,
teaching is thus not open to the outer world but is 1878–79, 1879–80. Supplementary to the volume on
“The Cave Temples of India”. Trübner & Co., Ludgate
received in the depth of the monuments, such
Hill, London
images being mainly designed for the monks. It 4. Fergusson J, Burgess J (1880) The cave temples
is relevant in this context to shortly remind the of India. W.H. Allen, London; Gupte RS, Mahajan
rich program created in the third level of cave 12 BD (1962) Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves,
Bombay
where the Buddha is no more the historical char-
5. Huntington JC (1981) Cave six at Aurangabad:
acter Śākyamuni, but Vairocana, the perfect and a Tantrayāna monument? In: Williams JG (ed)
unique teacher, seated on a royal throne and Kalādarśana, American studies in the art of India.
dispensing his wisdom to the entire universe, Oxford & IBH/American Institute of Indian Studies,
New Delhi/Bombay/Calcutta, pp 47–55
as seen through his multiplied images in the
6. Malandra GH (1993) Unfolding a Maṇḍala, the Bud-
pillared hall. He is no more alone but surrounded dhist cave at Ellora. State University of New York
by Bodhisattvas in the shrine and female Press, Albany
characters in the antechamber. His teaching 7. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
Calcutta
is eternal – which is alluded to through the
8. Plaeschke HI (1983) Indische Felsentempel und
depiction of the Buddhas of the past who Höhlenklöster, Ajaṇṭā und Elūrā. Böhlau, Wien/Köln/
show the dharmacakrapravartanamudrā or the Graz
dhyānamudrā, two hand gestures particularly 9. Stern P (1972) Colonnes indiennes d’Ajant^a et d’Ellora.
Presses Universitaires de France, Paris
displayed by Vairocana [5].

Cross-References Elūrā

▶ Ajaṇṭā ▶ Ellora
▶ Aurangabad
▶ Avalokiteśvara
▶ Bodhgayā
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni Emptiness
▶ Caitya
▶ Mahāyāna ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
▶ Vairocana ▶ Relativity (Buddhism)
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism) ▶ Śūnyatā
450 Empty

affiliated, nongovernmental organizations.

Empty Coined by the Vietnamese monk, Thich Nhat
Hanh (b. 1926) to describe the political activism
▶ Śūnya of monastics during the Vietnam War, engaged
Buddhism has come to signify a refocusing of
traditional notions of liberation (Skt. Vimokṣa),
from the individual, spiritual goals associated
End of the Dhamma in India with nirvana (inner peace and freedom) and
bodhi (enlightened mind), to the collective idea
▶ Decline of Indian Buddhism of laukodaya (this-worldly awakening) that liber-
ates individuals, communities, villages, and
nations – not in a future life or heavenly, Western
paradise, but in this lifetime, “on the ground.” In
Engaged Buddhism Sri Lanka, for example, engaged Buddhism is the
quest for a clean environment, safe drinking
Christopher S. Queen water, basic clothing, diet, housing and health
Division of Continuing Education, care, and access to communication, energy, edu-
Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA cation, and cultural and spiritual resources,
according to the lay volunteers, monks, and stu-
dents who work in more than 11,000 villages of
Synonyms the Buddhist-inspired Sarvodaya Shramadana
rural development movement. It is also the non-
Action Dharma; Ambedkar Buddhism; Buddhism violent struggle for peace between warring fac-
and politics; Fourth Yana; Navayāna; Socially tions on the island nation [1–3].
engaged Buddhism In India, the land of Buddhism’s birth, devel-
opment, decline, and disappearance nearly
a millennium ago, a religious revival attracting
Definition millions of new converts was launched in 1956,
the year of the 2,500th Buddha Jayanti (anniver-
A decentralized, global movement of Buddhists, sary). Led by Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
with roots and branches in Asia and the West, that (1891–1956) (see ▶ Ambedkar) the anti-caste
addresses the social, economic, political, and activist, author, Law Minister in Nehru’s cabinet,
environmental causes of suffering through collec- and principal architect of the Indian Constitution,
tive action and social service. Engaged Buddhism the Buddhist revival in India exemplifies many
in India was launched in 1956 by Dr. B. R. features of engaged Buddhism: an unflinching
Ambedkar, statesman and author, who invited focus on the human suffering caused by poverty,
converts to practice a “new vehicle” (navayāna) social injustice, government corruption, and tyr-
and “true teaching” (saddhamma) of the Buddha’s anny; and a collectivist approach to human liber-
path. ation, based on service and activism and
exemplified by the movement slogan, “Educate,
Agitate, Organize!” On the eve of the massive
Origins of Engaged Buddhism conversion, reporters asked Ambedkar what
branch of Buddhism he planned to embrace. He
The terms engaged Buddhism and socially replied that a “new vehicle” (navayana) of the
engaged Buddhism have come into general use Dhamma would avoid the perennial controversies
since the 1960s to denote new teachings, prac- between Hinayana and Mahayana sectarians
tices, and identities that have taken root in India while embodying “the tenets of the faith as
and beyond, in a global movement of loosely preached by Lord Buddha himself” ([4], p. 498).
Engaged Buddhism 451

Ambedkar’s brand of engaged Buddhism, like In a survey of Buddhism and politics in the
the Sri Lankan variety, may be seen as manifesta- twentieth century, Ian Harris offers a framework
tions of structural and ideological changes in the for understanding engaged Buddhism:
tradition since the nineteenth century. Far from the It is difficult to point to any part of the contemporary
“anti-political status religion” that German soci- Buddhist world that has not been massively
ologist Max Weber described a century ago – “a transformed by at least one aspect of modernity,
religious technology of wandering and intellectu- be it colonialism, industrialization, telecommunica-
tions, consumerism, ultra-individualism, or totali-
ally schooled mendicant monks. . .the most tarianism of the left or right. In this radically new
radical form of salvation-striving conceivable, situation Buddhists have been forced to adapt or
[whose] salvation is a solely personal act of the risk the possibility of substantial decline. There is
plenty of evidence. . .of significant Buddhist E
single individual” – the emerging Buddhism is
involvement in anticolonial movements, particu-
a progressive force in the national identities and larly since the Second World War. Similarly, new
geopolitics of Asia and a recognizable voice in the or revamped Buddhist organizations with strongly
global conversation on conflict resolution, nonvi- nationalist, reformist, social-activist, therapeutic or
olent social change, social ethics, and political reactionary-fundamentalist character are much in
evidence throughout the 20th century ([7], p. 19).
legitimation ([5], p. 206).
The recent rise of Buddhist social service and In this snapshot of the struggle between tradition
political activism may be witnessed throughout and modernity, Harris suggests the stark options
the Buddhist world, both in traditional Buddhist that Buddhism faces – adaptation or retreat – and
Asia and in the diaspora and convert communities the great range of responses the struggle has gen-
in the West. Taiwanese Buddhism offers another erated. These tend to move in great circles from
vivid example: anticolonial and nationalist (conservative) move-
ments, to reformist (liberal) and social-activist (rad-
In comparison with the stalled development of
Catholicism and Protestantism, local Buddhism ical) movements, back around to therapeutic
has entered a new era known as the “new religious (individualist/libertarian) and fundamentalist (reac-
renaissance,” in which there has been a phenomenal tionary) movements. Not all of these movements
increase in its followers over the past decade: from qualify as “engaged,” if engaged Buddhism is
800,000 in the 1980s to more than 5 million by
2000. The number of registered Buddhist temples defined as the revitalization of Buddhist institutions
has multiplied as well, from 1,157 to more than and belief systems from below, at the hands of grass
4,500, while the number of monks and nuns has roots organizations, not national religious bodies or
increased from 3,470 to more than 10,000 during religiously inspired governments. Harris’s survey
the same period. . .
The most striking difference between this newly focuses on the evolution and interaction of large-
revitalized Buddhism and its traditional form lies in scale religious and state institutions in ten histori-
their philosophical stands, in which the new groups cally Buddhist countries – what Thai Buddhist
have adopted a hands-on approach in reaching out activist Sulak Siviraksa calls “Capital-B Bud-
to society through charitable works and social
causes. These new Buddhist troops are involved in dhism.” Nevertheless, many of his observations
social welfare and medical services, education, pub- serve equally well to locate the world of the
lications, and environmentalism, and their worldly “small-b” Buddhist movements that have received
approach has dramatically changed the way religion scholarly attention over the past decade, from local
has been practiced in Taiwan for centuries ([6],
p. 49). and regional dharma organizations to international
NGOs focused on peace, justice, freedom, and
Similar transformations of faith and practice have environmental protection ([8], pp. 62–72).
been documented in the Theravada countries of
South and Southeast Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Thai-
land, Cambodia, Myanmar), the Mahayana coun- Engaged Buddhism and Religion
tries of Southeast and East Asia (Vietnam, Japan,
Taiwan, South Korea), and the Vajrayana lands In light of the worldly focus of engaged Bud-
bordering China (Tibet, Ladakh, Sikkim, Bhutan). dhism, and its de-emphasis of core religious
452 Engaged Buddhism

features of the tradition – belief in heavenly bud- but it is also the authentic, “faith as preached by
dhas and bodhisattvas, the rituals of meditation, Lord Buddha himself” which traditionalists call
alms-giving, merit-making and temple worship, the Dharma.
and the doctrines of karma, rebirth, and emptiness Ambedkar underscores the social teachings of
– the question arises whether engaged Buddhism Buddhism, which he believes have been neglected
may be considered Buddhist or even religious. by modern interpreters. While religion is personal,
Justifying the title of a widely used textbook, he argues, dhamma is social. Dhamma means
The Buddhist Religion, Richard Robinson argues morality and righteousness, “which means right
that “when Buddhism is viewed in its entirety – in relations between man and man in all spheres of
terms of devotional practices, institutional history, life.” The alternative to dhamma is social anarchy.
ritual, and meditative experience, as well as doc- Dhamma means prajna, which Ambedkar inter-
trine – it most certainly is a religion.” Likewise, prets as the “understanding” obtained through
Robinson justifies the use of the term “Buddhism” science and an education open to all, the opposite
itself, in view of its European provenance. of speculation, superstition, and esoteric learning.
Moreover, prajna must be accompanied by sila,
Only recently have Asian Buddhists come to adopt right conduct, consisting of skillful actions on
the term and the concept behind it. Previously, the
terms they used to refer to their religion were much behalf of others and karuṇā-maitrī, the compas-
more limited in scope: the Dharma, the Buddha’s sion and love “without which society can neither
message, or the Buddha’s way. In other words, they live nor grow.” In dhamma, social ethics takes the
conceived of their religion simply as the teaching of place of God in traditional religion. The epitome
the Buddha, what the Buddha himself called
Dharma-Vinaya (Doctrine and Discipline). of dhamma is saddhamma, the “true teaching” of
Whereas Dharma-Vinaya is meant to be prescrip- the Buddha. Saddhamma aims to create “an ideal
tive, advocating a way of life and practice, Bud- society,” in contrast to the hierarchically graded
dhism is descriptive in that it simply denotes the society of Vedic religion and its successor,
actions of people who follow a vision of Dharma-
Vinaya without suggestion that the reader accept Brahminism. Saddhamma “must pull down all
that vision or follow it, too ([9], pp. 1, 2). social barriers” of caste, economic inequality,
and political tyranny. One’s place in society
It is notable that the fifth edition of the text was must be based on “worth, not birth,” where wor-
renamed The Buddhist Religions to herald the thiness is based on the universal value of persons,
argument that the Theravada, Mahayana, and despite individual differences. “Some are robust,
Vajrayana traditions are functionally “separate others are weaklings. Some have more intelli-
religions.” gence, others have less or none. Some are well-
Ambedkar believed that new language is to-do, others are poor.” Yet all are worthy of
required to do justice to engaged or navayana dignity and respect. And just as the Buddha admit-
Buddhism. In his final work, The Buddha and ted the weak and the outcaste – untouchables,
His Dhamma, Ambedkar acknowledged that, women, even notorious criminals – to his sangha,
while the practice and concept of religion has so must his followers practice saddhamma in the
evolved during its long history, it most typically struggle for a just and equitable society ([10],
signifies “beliefs, rituals, ceremonies, prayers, and pp. 199–221).
sacrifices. . .necessary to propitiate a benevolent
power and to conciliate an angry power.”
Ambedkar contrasts this conventional notion of Varieties of Engaged Buddhism
religion with the socially engaged teachings and
practices he finds in the earliest Buddhist scrip- To illustrate the nature of engaged Buddhism in
tures, which he calls dhamma. In choosing the Asia, we turn to three neighboring countries of
Pali spelling of the Sanskrit dharma, Ambedkar India in which Buddhist actors and ideologies
illustrates the paradox of the term navayāna: it is have played a defining role: Tibet, Burma, and
both new – marked by the less familiar dhamma – Sri Lanka. In each case, Buddhism has long
Engaged Buddhism 453

shaped national destiny “from above,” as the offi- clergy) called on China to liberate the country.
cial ideology of government. But Buddhist The People’s Liberation Army entered the Tibetan
nationalism is not, by definition, “engaged Bud- capital, Lhasa, in 1951 and brokered a 12-point
dhism” as it is understood today. While the Free accord between Beijing and Lhasa. But in 1959
Tibet movement is allied with a government-in- another uprising of monks triggered a crackdown
exile, the democracy movement of Aung San Ssu that has placed the country firmly under Chinese
Kyi and the Sarvodaya movement of Dr. control ever since. The Fourteenth Dalai Lama,
Ariyaratne are nongovernmental, “grass-roots,” still a teenager, fled to India with the senior mem-
“small-b” manifestations of the new Buddhism. bers of the government. In 1966, the Chinese
The issues confronting these movements are those Cultural Revolution encompassed Tibet in the
E
of peaceful conflict resolution, economic justice, systematic destruction of all things Buddhist:
human rights, democracy, and freedom. In each clergy, monasteries, libraries, rituals, and artifacts
case, we begin with a summary of the political and ([11], pp. 229–253).
social conditions that gave rise to engaged The Free Tibet Movement emerged in the
Buddhism in the late twentieth century. Tibetan refugee camps in India in the 1970s,
with the Tibetan Youth Congress and the Tibetan
The Struggle for Tibet People’s Freedom Movement giving voice to the
The Free Tibet movement is perhaps the best- growing militancy of the exiles. In 1977, a group
known theater of engaged Buddhism, due in part of young Tibetans held a hunger strike outside the
to the global activism of the Fourteenth Dalai United Nations Information Centre in New Delhi,
Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, and the strong interest of stating to the press, “We Tibetans are treated as
the press and the public since 1959, when Chinese political lepers by the international community
troops overran the country. The political, eco- and our cause as an embarrassing and contagious
nomic, cultural, and environmental carnage that disease. We the victims are ignored and shunned
resulted from Chinese annexation of the Tibetan while our oppressors are courted and feted by
region has been well documented. Political insta- a world gone mad. We are peaceful people and
bility is not new to Tibet, but arguably its defining we have nowhere to turn to for justice except the
characteristic since before the transmission of United Nations” ([12], p. 224).
Buddhism to the region in the seventh century In the three decades that followed, while unrest
C.E. Its provinces were not unified until the sev- has simmered within the refugee communities in
enteenth century, when the First Dalai Lama con- India and the West, the Dalai Lama has increas-
solidated the country under Manchu patronage. ingly become an international symbol of nonvio-
When the British invaded in 1904, the Thirteenth lent resistance. His tools have been the lecture
Dalai Lama fled to Mongolia and attempted, circuit and the printing press, not the streets that
unsuccessfully, to enlist Russian support. The Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. used
Chinese recovered control of the country in to such advantage in the struggle of Indian inde-
1909, but were expelled by the Dalai Lama in pendence and civil rights in the USA. His consis-
1913. tent rejection of military means is based on
Declaring independence in 1914, the Thir- Buddhist principles, as is his deep conviction
teenth Dalai Lama attempted to institute political that political reform must be built on the
reforms, but was opposed by the monasteries. interdependence of human goals and “a policy of
After an uprising of monks in 1921, the Dalai kindness,” as he explained in his evening address
Lama gave up all efforts to modernize the country; to the Nobel Committee upon receiving the Peace
the army was disbanded, English schools closed, Prize in 1989:
and regents took over the country following his
It is quite clear that everyone needs peace of mind.
death in 1933. In 1947, armed monks of the Sera The question, then is how to achieve it. Through
Je monastery took part in a rebellion that resulted anger we cannot; through kindness, through love,
in 300 deaths; elements of the sangha (Buddhist through compassion we can achieve one
454 Engaged Buddhism

individual’s peace of mind. The result of this is 12,000 troops to quell; its leader, who claimed to
a peaceful family. . . .Extended to the national be the “Restorer of the Golden Age” and the
level, this attitude can bring unity, harmony, and
cooperation with genuine motivation. On the inter- forerunner of future Buddha, was hanged by the
national level, we need mutual trust, mutual respect, British ([16], pp. 26–53).
frank and friendly discussion with sincere motiva- U Nu, a devout Buddhist practitioner and
tion, and joint efforts to solve world problems. All thakin (young, western-trained leader), became
these are possible. But first we must change within
ourselves ([13], p. 49). the first prime minister of independent Burma in
1948, and immediately set about to place Bud-
Such a “ripple effect” of spiritual practice on dhism at the center of national unity and state
social and political reality – His Holiness fre- legitimacy. Recognizing the sangha as the nation’s
quently describes to Western audiences how he most visible institution, U Nu attempted to adapt
rises at 4 a.m. each day to generate kindness elements of the traditional Buddhist monarchy,
toward the Chinese, “who are also subject to suf- established by the Indian king Aśoka Maurya in
fering, as the Buddha taught” – is recognized as the fourth century B.C.E., to the needs of
a traditional principle in Buddhist social a modern constitutional republic. These included
ethics, and has become a touchstone for engaged social welfare, a Buddhist Sasana (“institutional”)
Buddhists today. The slogan “Inner Peace, Council to restore standards and control over the
World Peace” has motivated many individuals clergy, hosting a Great Buddhist Council (the first
and organizations to enter the political arena on was held after the Buddha’s death), abolition of
behalf of the Tibetan cause and many others ([14], cattle slaughter, institution of the Buddhist lunar
pp. 295–321; [15]). calendar, and a conciliatory approach to political
adversaries, including communists. These
Burmese Liberation reforms, while sincerely motivated, were seen by
Burma (or Myanmar, as it has been called since pragmatist and military factions of the govern-
1989) offers another case of Buddhism as a central ment as dangerously naïve and neglectful of true
player in a struggle for national identity and economic and political reforms. In March 1962,
state legitimacy. In spite of Burma’s history as the Revolutionary Council of General Ne Win
a peaceful Theravada Buddhist monarchy dating deposed U Nu in a bloodless coup on the grounds
back to the eleventh century, the British occupa- that the prime minister’s flirtation with federalism
tion (1886–1948) prepared the soil for growing would lead to ethnic secession and the breakup of
discontent. In lieu of the king’s traditional over- the country. “After fourteen years of being courted
sight of the Buddhist sangha (both the king and and consulted by the government, suddenly the
the Buddhist patriarch were deposed), the British powerful Buddhist sangha found itself totally cut
practiced benign neglect of religious institutions, off from political life. . .. Monks were simply sur-
resulting in a slackening of monastic discipline gically removed from the body politic, like dis-
and a rise of political militancy. The Young Men’s eased flesh.” The new government was based on
Buddhist Association (patterned on Henry Steel Marxist-Leninist principles, and Buddhist influ-
Olcott’s YMBA in Sri Lanka) became the setting ence was marginalized ([16], p. 35).
for rising nationalist activism during the early Upon Ne Win’s death in 1988, millions of
decades of the twentieth century. In 1921, the jubilant Burmese surged into the streets, led by
activist monk U Ottama was jailed for equating monks and students. The army, under the direction
the Buddhist nibbana (Skt. nirvana) with national of a new State Law and Order Council (SLORC),
independence, and in the 1930s another monk, responded quickly, killing hundreds of protesters
U Visera, became a martyr in Gandhian fashion, and instituting harsh restrictions. Nevertheless,
starving himself in British custody for being the military government gradually revived the
denied the right to wear his Buddhist robes. The idea that a spiritualized Buddhism was
Saya San Rebellion of 1937, inspired by a unifying force for the country, and since 1988,
Buddhist and animistic images, took 2 years and SLORC has been careful to balance ah na se
Engaged Buddhism 455

(secular rule) with dhamma se (the authority of public even showed its support by avoiding busi-
Buddhism). For its part, the sangha has been care- ness with or riding in the same bus as the [clergy]
([16], p. 37).
ful to avoid violent reactions to government
policies. Aung San Ssu Kyi was awarded the Nobel
An estimated 60% of the sangha may have partici- Peace Prize in 1991, but spent most of the next
pated in the (1988) demonstrations and mass assem- 20 years under house under orders of the country's
blies. They did not, however, directly participate in SLORC government.
the violence that accompanied these protests, and
even prevented some attempted summary execu-
tions of regime officials caught by the crowd. Fur-
Sri Lankan Development
ther, as Bertil Lintner observes, monks never served
as initiators or “storm troopers,” but only as sup- The civil war between the Sinhala Buddhist major-
E
porters of the demonstrators. Still, the sangha was ity and the Tamil Hindu minority has wracked the
perceived by many to be the last hope for the dem-
island kingdom of Ceylon (the modern republic
ocratic opposition, and the appropriate instrument
to achieve democratic aims without bloodshed of Sri Lanka) since ancient times. In the fifth-
([16], p. 38). century Mahāvaṃsa or Great Chronicle, King
Duṭṭhagāmaṇī (fl.101–77 B.C.E.) experienced
A few weeks after the uprisings of 1988, Aung
deep remorse after his bloody defeat of the Hindu
San Ssu Kyi, the daughter of Major General Aung
Tamils. But unlike his Indian predecessor Aśoka,
San, slain at 32 in 1948 and regarded by many as
Duṭṭhagāmaṇī fought not only to unify his island
Burma’s greatest nationalist hero, gave a historic
kingdom, but also to defend the Buddhist way of
speech in front of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda,
life. His enemies were not only armed aliens
Rangoon’s central Buddhist shrine, launching
with ties to the mainland – they were Hindus,
the National League of Democracy (NDL). Ms.
worshipers of alien gods. And unlike Aśoka, the
Ssu Kyi was arrested in 1989, but in 1990 the
Sinhalese king was comforted by eight Buddhist
NDL swept the polls in the nation’s first demo-
monks who assured him that, in spite of the thou-
cratic election, winning 392 of the 485 seats in the
sands slain in the battle, “only one-and-a-half
national parliament. Supporters rushed to the
humans perished,” that is, one who pledged alle-
streets again, burning their state identity cards
giance to Buddhism and another who vowed to
and proclaiming the dawn of a new era. Again,
follow the Buddhist precepts. All the other Hindu
SLORC responded, killing or imprisoning thou-
Tamils were “unbelievers and men of evil life” –
sands of protesters, raiding hundreds of monaster-
subhuman and deserving of death ([17], p. 1).
ies and arresting or killing monks on the grounds
Buddhist state terrorism was revived during the
that they had been infiltrated by CIA and commu-
late colonial period, as Sinhala nationalists sought
nist agents. In August 1990, the army attacked
to reestablish sovereignty over the island. After
a gathering of 7,000 monks in Mandalay on the
400 years of conquest by the Portuguese
occasion of the first anniversary of the democracy
(1505–1602), the Dutch (1602–1796), and the
movement, prompting a national strike by monks,
British (1796–1948), Buddhist patriots believed
who, in effect, excommunicated the nation by
the Mahāvaṃsa offered evidence that they were
exercising “the power of overturning the begging
the Aryan descendents of Asoka, whose children
bowl.” Matthews explains,
had brought Buddhism to the island, and that their
In a society where merit-making is a central respon- history was as glorious as that of the Europeans.
sibility, not being able to give alms to the sangha or
Implicit in these claims was the alleged inferiority
receive religious instruction and blessings (dhamma
sambawga) is a serious matter. Eventually the mil- of the Tamils residing in the north and east, who,
itary government obligated the Mingon Sayadaw, though racially identical, were ethnically distinct
the most respected patriarch, to lift the proscription. in language, custom, and religion. One conse-
But the episode showed the political strength of
quence of this reading of the national chronicle
a united sangha and its potential to engage in polit-
ical struggle. Up to 20,000 monks are thought to was that three of the four constitutions promul-
have participated in the boycott and a sympathetic gated after Sri Lankan independence in 1948
456 Engaged Buddhism

placed Buddhism “foremost” among the island’s nonviolent peace activism to the organization’s
religions, while granting Hindus, Muslims, and agenda during the 1990s. Its activities included
Christians “equal protection under the law.” marches and rallies, the Shanti Sena or Peace
A more sobering consequence has been the civil Brigade for youth volunteers, outreach to the
war itself, in which thousands have died leaders of the Tamil Tiger insurgency, and relief,
defending claims to territorial and cultural integ- rehabilitation, reconstruction, and development
rity, if not hegemony. projects (RRR&D) funded by international agen-
Throughout the Sri Lankan civil war, Buddhist cies and carried out in villages by Sarvodaya
narratives and principles have motivated both teams ([20], pp. 128–135; [21, 22]).
nationalists and peacemakers. An example of When Dr. Ariyaratne was awarded the Niwano
Buddhist ethnic chauvinism is provided by the Peace Prize in 1992 by Japan’s Niwano Peace
lay activist, Anagarika Dharmapala, protégé of Foundation (affiliated with the Rissho Kosei-kai
the American Buddhist, Colonel Henry Steel Buddhist sect), and the Gandhi Peace Prize in
Olcott, and the first Buddhist missionary to 1996 by the Government of India, he placed the
North America. Despite his cordial relations prize money in a trust fund for the construction of
with the West and his long sojourn in India, Vishva Niketan, a new peace center. In accepting
Dharmapala anathematized Christians and Hindus the Gandhi Peace Prize, Dr. Ariyaratne said,
for their “vulgar practices of killing animals, pros- We recognize that the resolution of our war cannot
titution, licentiousness, lying and drunkenness” be left to either the politicians or to the military
and “the diabolism of vicious paganism, intro- commanders alone. Making peace calls for
duced by the British administrators. . .[who] a realistic assessment of ground realities. Increasing
the awareness of people at the grass roots and gen-
have cut down primeval forests to plant tea; have erating in them a sympathetic feeling for the suffer-
introduced opium, ganja, whisky, arrack and other ing of others is one part of changing those ground
alcoholic poisons; have killed all industries and realities ([23], pp. 38, 39).
made the people indolent” ([18], p. 24; [19]).
In reference to the new peace center, he further
In 1958, the Sri Lankan Prime Minister, S.W.
avers, “Vishva Niketan is being established in the
R.D. Bandaranaike, was assassinated by a
firm belief that enduring peace can only be
Buddhist monk associated with the Eksath
attained when the participants achieve inner
Bhikkhu Peramuna (EBP), a monastic political
peace, a cessation of conflict within themselves”
party pressing for full Sinhala-Buddhist national
– a succinct statement of the guiding principle of
identity. Ironically, Bandaranaike had won elec-
socially engaged Buddhism.
tion in 1956 on a “Sinhala-only” platform favored
by a broad cross-section of monks and laity and
fueled by the symbolism of the 2,500 Buddha Cross-References
Jayanti celebration. Yet the assassination of
a head of state by a monk impatient for social ▶ Ambedkar
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Aśoka Maurya (fl. 272–232 B.C.E.).
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458 Eschatology (Buddhism)

north, Pūrvavideha in the east, Aparagodānīya in

Eschatology (Buddhism) the west, and Jambudvīpa in the south), subconti-
nents, and various seas in between. Humans live in
A. W. Barber Jambudvīpa. Supporting this massive configura-
Department of Communication and Culture, tion are the circles of earth, water, fire, air, and
University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada space in descending order.
Below Jambudvīpa are the eight hot hells
(Saṃjīva, Kālasūtra, Saṃghāta, Raurava,
Synonyms Mahāraurava Tāpana, Pratāpana, and Avīci in
descending order), and according to the
Ages of the Dharma; Degenerate age; Dharma- Abhidharmakośa these hells each have sub-hells
ending age; Last age; Latter days of the Dharma associated with them. There are also the eight cold
hells (Arbuda, Nirarbuda, Aṭaṭa, Hahava,
Huhuva, Utpala, Padma, and Mahāpadma, respec-
Definition tively). On the ground level are animals (the
Abhidharmakośa states that they first originated
Buddhist eschatology: information on the end of in the sea and evolved to the land and air later),
the world system, the different ages of the teach- people, and sometimes ghosts (they can also visit
ings, and the end of the teachings among other realms although their proper abode is below
humankind. Jambudvīpa). In the sea surrounding the base
of Mt. Sumeru, one finds the asuras (similar to
titans).
Introduction Near the summit of Mt. Sumeru is the heaven
of the gods of the four directions and their retinues
Being founded on a pragmatic philosophical idea (east – Dhṛtarāṣṭra with his army of gandharvas,
that all dharmas (phenomena) are impermanent south – Virūḍhaka with his army of khum-
(anitya), Buddhists developed various responses bhaṇḍas, west – Virūpākṣa with his army of
to eschatological questions. These were enhanced nāgas, and north–Vaiśravaṇa with his army of
by the notion of the unique role played by yakṣas). At the summit is the heaven of the 33
a samyaksaṃbuddha (complete perfect Buddha). gods with their king Indra (similar to Jupiter).
Eschatological theories can be subdivided into Above that is the heaven of Yama, lord of the
three areas: the end of the world, the end of dead (similar to Pluto); Tuṣita where the future
beings, and the end of Buddhadharma (Bud- Buddha stays before his last life on earth; and two
dhism). These of course are interconnected, but further heavens stacked vertically (Nirmāṇarati
the last area received the most attention in classic and Paranirmitavaśavartin, respectively). This
times. then is the top of the realm of desire. Above
the realm of desire is the form realm consisting
of three heavens associated with the first
The Trichiliocosm meditative (dhyāna) level (Brahmakāyika,
Brahmapurohita, and Mahābrahmā in ascending
A human’s world system (trichiliocosm) is order), three heavens associated with the second
completely surrounded by a circle of Adamantine dhyāna level (Parīttābha, Apramāṇābha, and
Mountains (cakravāḍa). At the center is Mt. Ābhāsvara, respectively), three heavens associ-
Sumeru (similar to Mt. Olympus) surrounded by ated with the third dhyāna level (Parīttaśubha,
seven circles of mountains (the innermost Apramāṇaśubha, and Śubhakṛtsna), and eight
Yugandhara, then Īṣādhāra, Khadiraka, Sudarśana, heavens associated with the fourth dhyāna level
Aśvakarṇa, Vinataka, and Nimindhara, respec- (Anabhraka, Puṇyaprasava, Bṛhatphala, Abṛha,
tively), four primary continents (Uttarakuru in the Atapa, Sudṛśa Sudarśana, and Akaniṣṭha as the
Eschatology (Buddhism) 459

highest). Sometimes pictured as above the realm of These beings were “mind made (Pali:
form, the formless realm is not locatable in space, manomaya), self-luminous (Pali: sayampabha),
although time is still operative. There are four sub- feeding on joy (Pali: pī tibhakkha),” and they
divisions to the formless realm: abode of infinite could also fly. Those beings from the Brilliant
space (Ākāśa-ānantya-āyatana), abode of infinity world system were reborn here. The current
consciousness (Vijñāna-ānantya-āyatana), abode of world at that time was dark and made of water
nothingness (Ākiṃcanya-āyatana), and abode of only. Slowly, a froth on the water appeared and it
neither thought nor non-thought (Naiva-saṃjñā- had a pleasant odor, color, and taste. One self-
nāsaṃjñā-āyatana). Similar to the realm of form, luminous being, greedy and curious, tasted the
these places are accessible through meditation. As earth and finding it delicious generated cravings.
E
Buddhism developed, very exacting information on Others following this example did the same and
the height and dimensions of these realms was even devoured large pieces of the earth. In this
postulated. manner they lost their luminosity. Then day and
night became distinguished. Continuing to eat of
the earth, they became solid with some handsome
The End of the World and Its People and others not. Because of developing pride in
their appearances, the delicious earth disappeared
At the time of the destruction of the trichiliocosm and discriminations developed.
(see below), first the hells empty, then the realms Mushrooms and creepers began to grow, peo-
of ghosts, and then the realm of animals empties. ple ate of them, and slowly they disappeared and
Humans find they can enter the heavens of the first rice began to grow in the wild. From eating this
dhyāna, and the gods of the heavens associated rice, sexual distinctions developed and men and
with the first dhyāna enter the second dhyāna women produced passions for each other and they
realms. Actually, many beings find they are trans- acted on their lust. To hide their actions they built
ferred to other trichiliocosms. With the worldly huts. Some being lazy began to store up the rice,
karma exhausted, seven suns appear and burn up and the rice plants stopped producing grain twice
the world system starting from the circle of air all daily. So people divided up the fields and began
the way up to the highest heaven associated with farming. Because of this, stealing, lying, and pun-
the first dhyāna (i.e., Mahābrahmā). The realms ishment all appeared. To deal with these problems
from the second dhyāna heaven up to Akiniṣṭha the people chose a leader and called him lord. This
are spared in this destruction. is the origin of the noble class. A group of people
Time within this trichiliocosm is thought to understanding that this devolution all occurred
begin with the kalpa (an incalculable period) of due to immorality began being moral, and thus
dissolution. This universal entropy continues until the Brahmin class developed. Other people took
the entire world system is destroyed. Then, for an to trades and some to hunting, and thus the two
entire kalpa there is nothing manifested. This is other classes developed.
followed by a kalpa of generation and then the In some theories, a complete perfect Buddha
kalpa of duration. During these time periods, the (see below) can only appear during the kalpa of
mental streams that are susceptible to rebirth can duration. However, preserved in Chinese transla-
be transferred from one trichiliocosm to another, tions are three sūtras collectively called the Sutras
thus helping to account for the population and of the Names of the Three Thousand Buddhas.
depopulation of world systems. They teach that during the present three kalpas
The Dī gha Nikāya’s Aggañṅasuttanta pro- time span, a thousand Buddhas can appear in each
vides a detailed description of the repopulation of these periods. The Tathāgata acintyaguhya-
of this current world. Following the destruction nirdeśa agrees with the 1,000 Buddhas figure
of the previous trichiliocosm and during the last and the Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka-sūtra claims 1,005.
kalpa of nothing manifested, beings were dwell- The end of the Buddhadharma was understood
ing in a world called “Brilliant” (Pali: Ābhassara). as certain however remote or immanent, before
460 Eschatology (Buddhism)

the time of Emperor Aśoka, as it is known that A bodhisattva, a “being” directed to full awak-
he worshiped the Krakucchanda Buddha, ening (bodhi), is one who is training to become
Kanakamuni Buddha, and Kāśyapa Buddha, all a complete perfect Buddha. As such, he/she is not
who lived before Śākyamuni. fully awakened yet and is traditionally thought to
be stationed in one of ten levels of spiritual devel-
opment. Unlike a Buddha, who arrives at libera-
Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and Arhants tion without a teacher in the last life, bodhisattvas
require a Buddha to be a teacher for their spiritual
Early Buddhist texts identify two types of Buddhas: advancement. Some of the great bodhisattvas are
the complete perfect Buddha (samyaksaṃbuddha) indeed very close to the full wisdom and compas-
and “for oneself” Buddha (pratyekabuddha). sion of a Buddha.
Although both are able to arrive at the goal of Arhats, or “worthy ones,” too require a teacher
awakening by their own efforts alone, the complete to reach their elevated state. Although they are
perfect Buddha dispenses instructions (śāsana), the awakened, the exact nature of their awakening is
collected body of which is the Dharma (teachings), disputed among the various śrāvaka centered tra-
establishes a path (mārga) leading to nirvāṇa, and ditions. Some hold that the arhats’ awakening is
creates a community of followers (saṅgha). The the same as a Buddha’s, and others hold that it is
“for oneself” Buddha does not in general establish inferior. Some Mahāyāna traditions hold that
the teachings or a community. In some theories, no the arhats are also inferior to the lowest-level
two Buddhas can appear at the same time, and this bodhisattvas.
would include the “for oneself” Buddhas. This has
to do with the unique duties of a complete perfect
Buddha. The Dakkhiṇāvibhaṅga sutta in the The End of Buddhism
Majjhima Nikāya and the Dasaka Nipāta of the
Anguttara Nikāya both give the “for oneself” Bud- Various theories about the duration of the Dharma
dha a status below a complete perfect Buddha but were propagated. First, the final form of the theory
above arhats. with the first two periods much agreed upon is that
At some date before the third century B.C.E., there would be multiple periods in this process.
the idea of Buddhas preceding Śākyamuni had The Dharma-ending period attested in some texts
already developed. The Mahāpadāna sutta of became extremely important in East Asian Bud-
the Dīgha Nikāya provides a list of three Buddhas dhism philosophy and praxis, while the last period
from the past kalpa: Vipassin (Sk. Vipaśyin), (often not counted) is a logical necessity. The first
Sikhin (Sk. Śikhin), and Vessabhu (Sk. Viśvabhū). period is the age of the True/Good Dharma (Sk.
It also provides a list of three other Buddhas in this saddharma) equal to the Golden Age. The second
kalpa preceding Śākyamuni: Kakusandha (Sk. period is the age of the Semblance of the True
Krakucchanda), Konāgamana (Sk. Kanakamuni), Dharma (Sk. saddharma pratirūpaka) equal to
and Kassapa (Sk. Kāśyapa). The Buddhavaṃsa the Silver Age. The last period wherein Dharma
of the Khuddaka Nikāya provides a list of 27 pre- is found is the age of the End/Destruction of the
vious Buddhas. Mahāyāna texts also provide Dharma (no single Sk. term/possible terms: paś
lists of Buddhas before Śākyamuni and this cime samaye, paścimekāle, saddharma vipralopa,
continues even into the Kālacakra-tantra. The śāsanavipralopa, śāsanāntardhāna). The
Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka-sūtra teaches about a previous Mahāyānābhisamaya-sūtra speaks of these three
kalpa’s Buddha and the bodhisattvas who train periods. Beyond the End of the Dharma, there is
under him, one of which will be Śākyamuni. All a period when no Dharma is known, creating the
traditions seem to recognize the possibility of future conditions for the arising of another complete
Buddhas, with Maitreya being the next on earth. perfect Buddha. In some theories, other periods
Buddhas in other realms and plains of existence are are inserted and finer distinctions are made
acknowledged in some traditions. between each.
Eschatology (Buddhism) 461

The Cullavagga’s section ten “On the Duties or establishment of liberation lasting 500 years,
of the Bhikkhunī s” relates how the Buddha followed by the strength or establishment of pre-
Śākyamuni was requested by Ānanda to accept cepts, learning, etc. These deal with the dominant
his aunt into the monastic order. Asking her to force in the Dharma during each successive period
accept eight rules more than the male members, (see below). These texts are preserved in Chinese
she is accepted upon agreement. Śākyamuni then translations. Although these texts accept an overall
tells Ānanda that if women had not been accepted 1,000-year period to the total duration of the
into the order, the Dharma would last a thousand Dharma, they differ on the internal divisions within
years. Be that as it may, since women were those 1,000 years.
accepted the pure dispensation would only last The Karmāvaraṇapratiprasrabdhi-sūtra, the
E
500 years. This duration seems to be directly Bhadrakalpika-sūtra, the Mahāmegha-sūtra,
attributed to the eight additional rules for the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra (attributed to
bhikṣunī s. Much modern scholarship argues that Nāgārjuna), and the Madhyamaka-śāstra all
this account was a later addition to the text and accept the 1,000-year total duration scheme with
represents Indian cultural stenotypes influencing two divisions of 500 years each. This theory is the
the tradition. There is no mention in the one put forth by the Mahāvibhāṣā.
Cullavagga’s section of other periods of the The Mahāmāyā-sūtra puts forth 1,500-year
Dharma but only the True Dharma’s duration. duration and provides a detailed listing of events
The Abhidharma-Mahāvibhāṣā-śāstra, a text of (as prophecy) that are to come. In short, for the
considerable influence even on the Mahāyāna, first 500 years after the parinirvāṇa of
claims that the shortening of the duration of the Śākyamuni, the arhats will up hold the True
Dharma would only happen if the bhikṣunī s did Dharma. The pure Dharma will then cease.
not accept the eight additional rules, and since Aśvaghoṣa and Nāgārjuna will labor for the
they did, the shortening of the duration of the Dharma for the next 200 years. People’s ability
Dharma did not take place. to practice the Dharma continues to degenerate
The Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra men- until after 1,500 years two bhikṣus will kill each
tions 700 years after the parinirvāṇa of the other and the Dharma will disappear. The
Śākyamuni, but the relationship between this Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka-sūtra offers the 1,500-year
700-year period and the periodization of the dura- time frame, but the True Dharma age lasts for
tion of the Dharma is not clear from the passage. 1,000 years and the Semblance Dharma only
The passage in question has been stated by some lasts 500 years.
scholars as indicating a 700-year duration; how- The Candragarbha-sūtra of the
ever, this point is still debated. The shorter trans- Mahāvaipulyamahāsaṃnipāta-sūtra gives a
lation into Chinese of the same text accepts 2,000-year time frame and another time table of
a 1,000-year duration and provides each century 2,500 years. This latter is divided into five periods
with the dominant characteristic in descending of equal duration. The 2,500-year time frame is
order: Noble Dharma, tranquility, appropriate also taught in the Dharmatāsvabhāvaśū
conduct, renunciation, meaning of the Dharma, nyatācalapratisarvāloka-sūtra and accepted by
teaching of the Dharma, search for gain and Abhayākaragupta in his Munimatālaṁkāra. The
honors, quarrels, restlessness, and vain/false talk. great Theravāda commentator Buddhaghoṣa gave
There are at least ten texts of the śrāvakayāna a 5,000-year scheme in his Manorathapūraṇī as
traditions that testify to a 1,000-year duration of the did Daṁṣṭrasena in his commentary to the
Dharma. Most of these are from the Sarvāstivādin Prajñāpāramitā, and this is the time table found in
or their offshoot, the Mūlasarvāstivādin. The most the Maitrī (Maitreya) sūtra. The Kālacakra-tantra
important text among these is the Mahāvibhāṣā. offers a 5,104-year duration for the Dharma. This
After explaining the shortening of the duration of overview is not exhaustive and other possibilities
the True Dharma because of the admission also exist. Further, the continuation of the Dharma is
of women, the text begins discussing the strength presented in other sources.
462 Eschatology (Buddhism)

The Period of True Dharma period is dominated by meditation, recitation, and

The period of True Dharma (saddharma) follows instruction. Bhikṣus and bhikṣunī s are able to still
the parinirvāṇa of Śākyamuni. In this period, one keep the precepts. The initial laxity of the monastic
finds both the teachings of the Sūtras, Vinaya, and orders, that is, ordination for free room and board,
Abhidharma as well as the 37 bodhipākṣi- not seeking solitude, a superficial approach to recit-
kadharmas (dharmas that aid bodhi). Here too ing, lacking logic, and discussing samsāric affairs,
are people who support the Dharma as well as will continue to deepen. People will stop respecting
those who practice it. Practitioners will extinguish the Masters, the Dharma, and the Saṇgha in
their pollutants (kleśas), bhikṣus and bhikṣunī s general.
will keep their vows purely, and bodhisattvas
will attain the six perfections. The fourfold rea- The Period of the End of the Dharma
soning leading to realization (pratisaṃvid) and The Period of the End of the Dharma (paś
the four fruits (arhat, anāgāmin, sakadāgāmin, cimadharma, etc.) is noted by the fact that only
and sotāpanna) are all possibilities. The teachings the outer form of the Dharma is prevalent
will be understood as intended and realization even though according to the Mahāyāna
won. Liberation will be well established, and of Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra, 120,000 bodhisattvas
all the periods more people will achieve liberation labor to uphold the Dharma. One or the other of
easier than at any other time. the terms given above appears in works like the
According to the Mahāvibhāṣā, toward the end Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka-sūtra, Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra,
of this period, foreign kings will conquer north- Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchā-sūtra, Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra,
west parts of India and destroy the Dharma in Pratyutpannabuddha-saṃmukhāvasthitasamādhi-
those lands. Kauśāmbī will be the safe haven sūtra, and in others. Although there are still bhikṣus
and its king will be victorious over the foreigners. and bhikṣuṇī s, they no longer keep their precepts,
But the monks will be lax, and finally a dispute they marry and keep families, get drunk, and
between the faction supporting the last arhat and engage in worldly pursuits. Quarreling and debat-
the faction supporting the last great propagator ing become the modus operandi, and only half-
will end in both monks being murdered. This hearted efforts are put into practice. It is the time
story places the responsibility for the internal of the five defilements, that is, of desire, of living
cause of the decline squarely on the shoulders of beings, of thought, of the time period, and of the
the monastic order and not on the laity. This life span. Officials appropriate the saṇgha’s goods
will mark the end of the True Dharma and and destroy stupas, statues, and temples. The
the beginning of the Semblance Dharma. The Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka-sūtra states that the Buddha’s
story of Kauśāmbī is found in Candragarbha- relics will sink into the earth, later becoming
sūtra, Mahāmāyā-sūtra, Aśokāvadāna, as well a wish-granting gem which relieves poverty tem-
as other texts with variations on the themes. porarily, and then they move to Akaniṣṭha heaven.
Scholars have indicated that both the external The Buddhist texts will be gathered and disappear.
and internal causes for the decline are significant. Following all of this, the Dharma ceases to exist in
this world and beings must await the appearance of
The Period of the Semblance Dharma the future Buddha Maitreya.
The preponderance of the term “Period of the
Semblance Dharma” (saddharma pratirūpaka)
is found in Mahāyāna literature such as the Countermeasures
Mahāyānābhisamaya-sūtra, Avataṃsaka-sūtra,
Ratnakūṭa collection, various Prajñāpāramitā- It is tempting to think that the increasing of the
sūtras, and śāstras like the Mahāprajñāpāramitā- duration allotted to the various periods could rep-
śāstras, but it also occurs in śrāvaka-based litera- resent attempts to deal with the reality that the
ture. Unlike the True Dharma period which was Dharma did not disappear when predicted. How-
dominated by practice leading to liberation, this ever, the accurate dating of any sūtra is extremely
Eschatology (Buddhism) 463

difficult when they circulated in an oral form for requirements and as long as laypeople and monas-
several centuries. Further, many sūtras have mul- tics revere the Three Jewels. The Anguttara
tiple layers and determining which information Nikāya concurs with the above and in several
belongs to a particular layer is sometimes impos- places speaks about the degeneration of the True
sible. Finally, as the sūtras mentioned above may Dharma. It says that carelessness in hearing, mas-
have developed in different regions, one may be tering, bearing, testing, and knowing the Dharma
looking at multiple attempts to address a concern is the cause of the disappearance. Elsewhere it
in the greater Buddhist community that occurred states that the disappearance is due to monks not
at approximately the same time in some of these mastering the various forms of Buddhist litera-
cases. Be this as it may, there were other ture, not teaching the Dharma in details as
E
approaches for dealing with the possibility that heard, not making students recite the details, and
the Dharma lasted longer than predicted. monks not thinking over the Dharma. Further, it
says that some of the causes are monks who only
Forestalling the Inevitable partially grasp what they heard and confuse the
Although the Dharma may one day disappear, arrangement of the words, monks who are unruly,
people will no longer relate to these profound monks who have low expectations of their stu-
teachings and various timetables are provided, dents, those lax in applying themselves to realiza-
a way to mitigate this situation is by not allowing tion, and when there is quarreling and rivalry
the Dharma the advent of degeneration. Techni- between monks.
cally, the Dharma consists of (1) the realization Some Mahāyāna texts take a different
(adhigama) brought on by leading the pure life approach, for these texts state that although the
(brahmacarya) and cultivation (bhāvanā) of the age of the destruction of the Dharma may come,
37 aids to awakening (bodhipākṣikas) and (2) the still there will be people who uphold the True
teachings (āgama) understood in commentaries as Dharma by copying, studying, explaining, etc.,
both something that is carried forward to the the sūtra(s) and progressing to realization. The
future (i.e., memorized) and something that is Śatasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra presents
taught (i.e., explained). As long as there are peo- this position as does the famed Diamond Sutra
ple who maintain these two aspects of the (Vajracchedikā prajñāpāramitā-sūtra), although
Dharma, the True Dharma will continue. the phrase “in the future period, in the last time,
Saṁghabhadra’s discussion of this indicates that in the last epoch, in the last 500 years, at the time
he understood a more localized application of the of the collapse of the good doctrine” [15] found in
idea, that is, in some locale the True Dharma may many Mahāyāna texts has been questioned as to
disappear when in another location it may be actually indicating a Dharma-ending age as
flourishing. He also seems to leave open the pos- a separate period. Although the Sanskrit would
sibility of situations improving. He further notes permit other renderings, a sub-commentary (ṭī kā)
that as long as the adhigama lasts the āgama to the sūtra by the great Kamalaśīla presents the
(Sūtra, Vinaya, Abhidharma) will last, because five periods of 500 years’ theory as discussed
the latter is dependent on the former. This position above. The Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra, using the
is supported by canonical sources. same phraseology, promises that it will not disap-
The Majjhima Nikāya’s Bhaddāli-sutta pear in the final age.
explains that corruption comes into the Dharma
when it has developed and become famous, and Revelations
this could begin the degeneration of the True The story of Nāgārjuna opens up an interesting
Dharma. In order to prevent the degeneration, possibility with regard to eschatology. Bu ston
the Buddha establishes rules of training (Pali: informs the reader that after first mastering Brah-
sikkhā). The Saṃutta Nikāya explains that the manical, Śrāvaka, and some Mahāyāna teachings,
True Dharma will not disappear into the Sem- Nāgārjuna was escorted to the realms of the nāgas
blance Dharma in agreement with the above beneath the sea by the nāga king. There he studied
464 Eschatology (Buddhism)

and mastered a number of Mahāyāna texts and teachings from any number of Buddhas if one
brought these teachings back to the realm of can accomplish the samādhi.
humans. The teachings he is supposed to have The Mahāvairocana-sūtra and the
brought back include the Śatasāhasrikā- Vajrasekhara-sūtra are not the only tantras that
prajñāpāramitā-sūtra. The Buddha Śākyamuni were revealed to humans. The Guhyagarbha-tan-
had given these teachings to the nāgas for safe- tra and related Mahāyoga texts began in the
keeping until humans were made ready for their Dharmakāya with the Ādi-Buddha. From there,
profundity by the Śrāvaka teachings. In some they were transmitted to Vajrasattva Buddha who
accounts, he also reveals the Mahāvairocana- taught the 18 Mahāyoga tantras to Vajrapāṇi
sūtra and the Vajrasekhara-sūtra from an iron Bodhisattva. Vajrapāṇi in turn taught these to
tower in South India wherein he received tantric King Indrabodhi who disseminated them among
empowerment. These later two tantric texts begin humans. Many of the other tantras in the Buddhist
with Vairocana Buddha and are transmitted to tradition have a similar form of genesis.
Nāgārjuna by Vajrasattva Bodhisattva. The teachings and texts mentioned immedi-
The Śatasāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra was ately above cover a wide range of Buddhist posi-
not the only teaching that was placed in the tions, but what is shared is the fact that continued
nonhuman realms for safekeeping. Another of revelations addressed the main concern of the
the most important Mahāyāna texts, the prediction of the demise of the Dharma. The
Avataṃsaka-sūtra, had been kept by the gods of prediction is informing followers that at some
Akaniṣṭha heaven. Again, this was because the point in the future the teachings of Śākyamuni
people were not ready for its profound teachings will no longer be efficacious and that humans
until prepared by the Śrāvaka teachings. This will not long be able to relate to those teachings.
sūtra is given to humans by the bodhisattvas. The revealing of sūtras taught by Śākyamuni but
Āryāsaṅga after attempting to communicate preserved in the nonhuman realms until people
with the future Buddha Maitreya for 12 years in were spiritually more mature postpones the end
order to have his doubts removed finally meets the time. Revelations from the future Buddha or from
bodhisattva and receives the five works that will other Buddhas like Vairocana address the major
form the basis for the Yogācāra school of Bud- concern of teachings not being efficacious
dhism. However, he was not the only human to because of being too far removed in origin what-
meet Maitreya. Buddhabhadra (fourth century ever else these teachings accomplish.
C.E.) was another great master who was said to
have visited Tuṣita. Meeting Maitreya is a minor What Is and Could Never Be
reoccurring theme in Indian Buddhism at this Current research on the tathāgatagarbha theory
time. This indicates that there was some need in has shown that at least one of the interpretations,
the greater Buddhist community that flights to perhaps the earliest, of the tathāgatagarbha com-
Tuṣita or the meeting with the future Buddha plex of ideas is that one is already awakened and
addressed that seems to cross sectarian lines. simply covered by the adventitious defilements
Partly this may be due to the intellectual chal- (kleśas). In fact, the idea that one was unaware
lenges brought on by the Prajñāpāramitā litera- (avidyā) is an illusion manufactured by oneself.
ture. Partly this may be due to the considerable Thus, some masters held that since one is innately
changes taking place in the geopolitical sphere awakened and only has to rediscover one’s nature,
that directly affected Buddhists, like the fall of the awakening is sudden. This has two implica-
the Kuṣāṇa empire, the rise and fall of the tions. First, since awakening is innate in each per-
Sātavāhanas, and the beginning of the Gupta son, the decline in the Dharma does not put nirvāṇa
dynasty, to mention but a few. The Pratyutpan- out of reach. Second, since this is simply
nabuddha Saṃmukhāvasthitasamādhi-sūtra a rediscovery of what was there all along, the
holds out the possibility of acquiring new inherent problems of trying to follow a path
Eschatology (Buddhism) 465

(mārga) to awakening that occurs in the degenerate From this overview of Buddhist eschatology,
age are null. Sūtras like the Tathāgatabarbha-sūtra one can readily see that there was a dynamic cre-
act as a catalyst for this realization because ative process in the generation of different theo-
of explaining the correct view. The ries and the filling in of significant details to
Śrīmālādevī siṃhanāda-sūtra teaches that in the provide a complex picture of Buddhist thought
final age people should embrace the True on this one topic. The implication of these various
Dharma which is the Mahāyāna. The Mahāyāna, theories had overwhelming influence on the
Dharmakāya, and the Tathāgata are equivalent. development of various forms of praxes and in
The Tathāgata is the only one who truly under- some cases on the development of whole schools
stands the four Noble Truths, and the four Noble in the greater Buddhist world.
E
Truths explain the tathāgatagarbha. Thus,
tathāgatagarbha equals the Tathāgata’s
knowledge which is the Dharmakāya. Confidence Cross-References
in these teachings is liberation.
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Dharma
Conclusion ▶ Karma
▶ Rebirth
By the eighth century C.E., Buddhism had devel- ▶ Śrāvaka
oped complex multifaceted eschatological theories. ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
Comprehensive when viewed in their entirety, they ▶ Vairocana
cover the destruction of the world system, ▶ Vinaya
depopulation/repopulation of the six realms, the ▶ Vimalakīrti
end of the Dharma, the distinction between types ▶ Yogācāra
of Buddhas, and the inclusion of other spiritually
advanced beings. These developments were logical
given the philosophical and mythical base of References
Buddhism in its earliest phase.
Regardless of viewing sūtras or tantras, there 1. Barber AW (ed) (1991) The Tibetan Tripitaka,
Taipei edn. SMC, Taipei; No. 8 (Śatasāhasrikā); 16
is general agreement that there were multiple time
(Vajracchedikā); 35 (Maitrī ); 44 (Avataṃsaka); 45
periods associated with the Dharma often includ- (Ratnakūṭa); 47 (Tathāgata acintyaguhya); 62
ing its introduction, continuation, demise, and (Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchā); 92 (Śrī mālādevī ); 94
a period of there being no Dharma available in (Bhadrakalpika); 107 (Laṅkāvatāra); 112
(Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka); 113 (Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka); 120,
the human realm. The commentarial tradition
121 (Mahāparinirvāṇa); 128 (Dharmatāsvabhāvaśū
often seems comfortable with the contradictions nyatācalapratisarvāloka); 133 (Pratyutpannabuddha);
of the numbered time periods, picking one or the 176 (Vimalakī rtinirdeśa); 219
other from 500 years up to more than 5,000 years (Karmāvaraṇapratiprasrabdhi); 235, 657 (Mahāmegha);
258 (Tathāgatagarbha); 479 (Vajrasekhara); 494
and neglecting other positions.
(Mahāvairocana); 832 (Guhyagarbha); 3807
Some sūtras attempting to meliorate the (Śatasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitābṛhaṭṭī kā); 3824
consequences of having too specific of a time (Madhyamaka-śāstra); 3903 (Munimatālaṁkāra);
frame claim that the True Dharma will last as 5590, 5591 (Abhidharmakośa & bhāṣya)
2. Carpenter JE (ed) (1960) The Dīgha Nikāya, vols II,
long as certain conditions are met or specific III. Pali Text Society, London, pp XIV, XXVII
occurrences do not transpire. The purport of 3. Chalmers R (ed) (1960) The Majjhima Nikāya, vols I,
some traditions of reveled texts is that the True III. Pali Text Society, London, pp 65, 142
Dharma is still coming forth. Other texts contain 4. Conze E (1973) The Short Prajñāpāramitā Texts.
Luzac, London
teachings that make the question of the End of the
5. Conze E (1973) The Diamond Sutra. In his: The Short
Dharma age meaningless. Prajñāpāramitā Texts. Luzac, London, pp 128–129
466 Esoteric

6. Conze E (1978) The Prajñāpāramitā literature. The

Reiyukai, Tokyo Esoteric Buddhism
7. de La Vallée Poussin L (1988) Abhidharmako-
śabhāṣyam (trans: Pruden LM). Asian Humanities
Press, Berkeley ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
8. Hardy E (ed) (1958) The Anguttara-Nikāya, vol V. Pali
Text Society, London
9. Horner IB (1975) The Book of the Discipline,
vol V (Cullavagga). The Pali Text Society, London
10. Kashyap BJ (ed) The Samyutta Nikāya, vol II. Pali Essence of Wisdom Sūtra
Publication Board, Varanasi, p 26.13
11. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism (trans: ▶ Heart Sūtra
Webb-Boin S). Peeters Prewss, Louvain
12. Law BC (1938) The Lineage of the Buddhas. In:
Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon, vol III. H.
Milford, London
13. Nattier J (1991) Once Upon a Future Time Studies in Establishing of Mindfulness
a Buddhist prophecy of Decline. Asian Humanities
Press, Berkeley
14. Sadakata A (1999) Buddhist Cosmology Philosophy ▶ Satipaṭṭhāna
and Origins. Kōsei, Tokyo
15. Shastri SD (ed) (1973) Abhidharmakośam &
Bhāṣya of Acharya Vasubandhu with Sputartha com-
mentary of Acarya Yasomitra. Bauddha Bharati,
Varanasi Eternal Rest
16. Takakusu J (ed) (1922–1933) Taishō shinshū
daizōkyō. Daizō shuppan kai, Tokyo; No. 157, 158 ▶ Death (Buddhism)
(Karuṇāpuṇḍarī ka); 220 (1) (Śatasāhasrikā); 220
(9), 235–239 (Vajracchedikā); 262–265
(Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka); 278 (Avataṃsaka); 293
(Gaṇḍavyūha); 310 (Ratnakūṭa); 310 (3), 312
(Tathāgatā-cintyaguhya); 310 (18), 321 Ethics (Buddhism)
(Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchā); 310 (48), 353
(Śrī mālādevī ); 374–376, 390 (Mahāparinirvāṇa);
383 Mahāmāyā); 397(15) Candragarbha); 416–419 Hari Shankar Prasad
(Pratyutpannabuddha); 425 (Bhadrakalpika); 446 Department of Philosophy, University of Delhi,
(Guo qu zhuang yan jie qian fo ming jing); 447 (Xian New Delhi, Delhi, India
zai xian jie qian fo ming jing); 448 (Wei lai xing xiu jie
qian fo ming jing); 474–476 (Vimalakī rtinirdeśa);
666, 667 (Tathāgatagarbha); 670–672
(Laṅkāvatāra); 673, 674 (Mahāyānābhisamaya); Synonyms
848, 849 (Mahāvairocana); 865, 866, 882
(Vajrasekhara); 989, 991–993 (Mahāmegha); 1493
(Karmāvaraṇapratiprasrabdhi); 1545 Adhiśī la; Aṣṭāṅgamārga; Aṭṭhaśīla; Bhāvanā;
(Mahāvibhāṣā); 1509 (Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra); Buddhist Ethics; Bodhicitta; Bodhisattva;
1558–1560, (Abhidharmakośa & bhāṣya); 1564 Brahmavihāra; Cetanā; Citta-viśuddhi; Dasaśī
(Madhyamaka-śāstra); 2042 (Aśokarājāvadāna) la; Dhamma; Karma; Kuśala-akuśala; Pañcaśī
17. Vira L, Chandra L (eds) (1966) Kālacakra tantra and
other texts, vol 69. Śatapiṭaka series. Indo-Asian Lit- la; Pāramitās; Parātmasamatā; Sammādiṭṭhi;
eratures, New Delhi Śī la-samādhi-prajñā; Upāyakauśalya
18. Warren HC (1976) The Buddhist Apocalypse. In his:
Buddhism in Translations. Atheneum, New York
Definition

Ethics is an area of philosophy which deals with

Esoteric the entire human conduct (mental, vocal, and
physical), interpersonal relationship, moral
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) norms and standard, one’s attitude toward others
Ethics (Buddhism) 467

(human or nonhuman); analyzes moral concepts ethical concepts, the very essence of Buddhism,
like good and bad or right and wrong; evaluates justify this fact:
nature of moral theories and actions, autonomy of
moral agent, and so on. Finally, in Buddhism, 1. Five/ten precepts (pañcaśī la, dasaśī la)
ethics is equated with nirvāṇa. 2. Noble Eightfold Path (aṣṭāṅgamārga)
3. Four social emotions (brahmavihāra)
4. Six/ten excellences (pāramitā)
Buddhist Ethics: An Introduction 5. Autonomous karmaphala theory, that is,
autonomy, intentionality, action, and responsi-
Buddhist ethics is unique in the sense that it does bility of moral agent
E
not only analyze and define moral concepts and 6. Ethical hierarchy of humanity and human des-
human conduct but also focuses on understanding tiny (gati)
of human nature, transformation of human per-
sonality, self-effort, self-development, extension Buddhist ethical holism can be said to be in
of anthropocentric ethics to cosmocentric ethics, response to the unjust Brāhmaṇic religious views
development of moral agency free from external and social way of life, which had ignored ethical
factors, ensuring moral agent’s freedom and inten- concern as religious concern and structured
tionality for moral responsibility, identifying reli- humanity into four hierarchical divisions with
gion with ethical holism without God, and above defined social status and duties. These
all absolute and uncompromising focus on the divisions – intellectual and priestly class
practice of virtues like compassion. All these are (Brāhmaṇa), ruling and warrior class (Kṣatrī ya),
made possible against the background of common business and farmer class (Vaiśya), and service
humanity which has no hierarchical divisions cre- class to these three (Śūdra) – were considered to
ated by either divinity or man. In Buddhism, the be the result of physical split of the supreme God
very principle of unifying the entire humanity is Prajāpati, which is still in practice in India. This
that ethical practices internally relate self with the was the way of organizing the humanity, which
other because there is naturally given equality gave rise to various kinds of injustice, especially
between self and the other (parātmasamatā). against the serving class. This system was justified
In Buddhist ethics, methodological knowledge in the name of maintaining the solidarity and
about the human existence and its predicament proper functioning of the different organs of the
and virtuous human conduct are combined society. In this system, the opportunity for intel-
together (vijjācaraṇa). This is elaborated in such lectual and moral development, privileges, rights
a way that knowledge becomes the foundation of and duties, and social status and dignity were not
ethical conviction for virtuous practices. The uniformly available to all members of the society
whole religious and philosophical endeavor of across the sections. It was a system of hierarchical
Buddhism throughout its various schools is to purity and impurity by birth as well which could
achieve excellence in the practice of cognitive be changed only in the next life if one strictly
and moral virtues. This accomplishment is in performs his/her assigned duties. In other words,
one way considered summum bonum itself or the it denied internal mobility in this very life. Thus,
final step toward nirvana. Alternatively, one can a Brāhmaṇa is the purest one, whereas in the
say that its wide range of metaphysical, epistemo- descending order the Śūdra is the most impure
logical, logical, semantic, and axiological discus- and so untouchable. This arrangement in the
sions have ethical orientation, that is, to serve the name of divinity was considered by the Buddha
ethical purpose of embarking on the journey from a crime against humanity.
egoism to altruism. There were (and still are) other unethical prac-
The overwhelming emphasis of Buddhism on tices based on false views in the Brāhmaṇic sys-
ethical development and practice makes it tem like sacrificial rituals to connect oneself to
a religion of ethics. The following Buddhist gods for the fulfilment of wishes, ritual of dip in
468 Ethics (Buddhism)

holy water bodies like rivers for purification and Is it then that all frogs, tortoises, snakes,
liberation, magic show, gossips, palmistry, mysti- crocodiles,
And whatever else passes through water shall go
cal talk, and other such superstitious beliefs and to heaven?
practices like postmortem ritual of feeding the Butchers of sheep, butchers of swine, fishermen,
ancestors, belief in certain days and hours as aus- deer hunters,
picious to carry out certain activities, and divine Thieves, executioners, and whatever others do
bad bad deeds –
revelations, which were not only causes of suffer- Even they are freed from bad kamma by a water-
ing but also detrimental to the interest and moral ablution?
and spiritual development of the believer. It is for If these streams could carry away evil formerly
this reason that the Buddha sternly advises his done by you,
They also could carry away your merit. By this
followers not to blindly follow the conventional means you would become an outsider.
tradition, “faith, inclination, report, consideration That afraid of which, Brahmin, you always
of reason, reflection on and approval of an opin- descend to water –
ion” ([4], Vol. II, p. 400; [10], p. 230). He goes to That do not do. Do not let the cold destroy your
skin. ([9], p. 192; [10], pp. 255–256)
the extent of asking his disciples not to accept his
teaching just out of reverence toward him without
examination of its truth and worth. 2. A seventh-century Buddhist logician attacks
The Buddha’s ethical path begins with the the five central characteristics of Brāhmaṇic
purity of mind and habit in gradual manner as view of life:
explained in the Rathavinī tasutta: The unquestioned authority of the Vedas;
. . . purity of moral habit is of purpose as far as The belief in a world-creator;
purity of mind; purity of mind is of purpose as far The quest for purification through ritual
as purity of view; purity of view is of purpose as far bathings;
as purity through crossing over doubt; purity over The arrogant division into castes;
doubt is of purpose as far as purity of knowledge The practice of mortification to atone for sin;
and insight into the Way and what is not the way is – these five are the marks of the crass stupidity
of purpose as far as purity of knowledge and insight of witless men. ([5], p. 47)
into the course; purity of knowledge and insight
into the course is of purpose as far as purity arising
from knowledge and insight; purity of knowledge
3. The Bhūridatta-Jātaka severely attacks the
and insight is of purpose as far as utter nibbāna immoral character of the Brāhmaṇas and the
without attachment. ([4], Vol. I, pp. 192–193; [10], impotency of God in dealing with the evils of
p. 234) the world:
These greedy liars propagate deceit’
A Critique of Brāhmanic Practices And fools believe the fictions they repeat;
˙ He who has eyes can see the sickening sight;
Buddhist thinkers have made from time to time Why does not Brahma set his creatures right?
If his wide power no limits can restrain,
sarcastic and critical remarks against the unethical Why is his hand so rarely spread to bless?
practices and even impotency of God. Here are Why are his creatures all condemned to pain?
some of the important scathing criticisms of the Why does he not to all give happiness?
Brāhmaṇic way of thinking: Why do fraud, lies, and ignorance prevail?
Why triumphs falsehood, – truth and justice
fail?
1. In the Therīgātha (240–244), a Buddhist lady Who made a world in which to shelter wrong.
sarcastically criticizes a Brāhmaṇa’s belief in ([10], pp. 238–239, n. 1)
spiritual purification by a water-ablution in
shivering water: Ethics of Karma
Who in ignorance told you, who did not know, that
One is certainly freed from bad kamma by The Buddhist doctrine of ethical action techni-
a water-ablution? cally called karma not only replaces the role of
Ethics (Buddhism) 469

God or any other external agency but also empha- based on the Four Noble Truths. For Buddhism, in
sizes self-effort, autonomy, intentionality, and ultimate analysis, both ethics and soteriology are
responsibility of the moral agent. In Buddhism, mental in nature. Further, the Four Noble Truths
even the Supreme God Brahma and second- assert four basic propositions which seem to be
ranking gods are subjected to the law of karma. therapeutic in methodology which has acquired
They are considered, like other human beings, a general method of approaching a problem. That
fallible if they become malevolent, despite the is, first to investigate the nature of the problem,
fact that they are stationed in superior realms to then to find out its cause, then to see whether there
that of human beings. According to the karmic is a remedy, and finally to devise an action plan for
law, even Brahma has to ethically work out his final remedy. Now one can explain the Four Noble
E
final liberation, that is, nirvana. Further, Bud- Truths in the following manner.
dhism emphasizes the inseparability of personal The first truth states that everything empirical
moral purification and altruistic activity which is is dissatisfactory and suffering (duḥkha), such
founded on non-egoistic virtues of non-attachment as birth, endurance, decay, death, association
or compassion (arāga), non-aversion (adveśa), and with favorable or unfavorable, and fulfillment or
non-confusion or knowledge (amoha). nonfulfillment of desire. In other words, every-
thing in the life of an unenlightened person is
suffering because of its transitory nature. In Bud-
The Basic Structure of Buddhism dhism, a thing or a person, who is a functioning
cluster of the five kinds of psychophysical aggre-
The Four Noble Truths, which constitute the con- gates, is inherently of three characteristics:
tents of the Buddha’s first sermon in Sarnath (out- (1) impermanence, that is, processional in nature;
skirt of present day Varanasi), recorded as “The (2) unsubstantial or without permanent essence;
Discourse on the Turning of the Wheel of the and so (3) dissatisfactory and frustrating. These
Dhamma” (Dhammacakkapavattanasutta or three deny the existence of eternal personal, cos-
Tathāgatenavutta), define the basic structure of mic, or divine soul.
Buddhism, which further with the passage of time The second truth is about the origin of suffering,
under different interpretations developed into which is caused not by any original sin but by
diversified complex structures. They express the craving for “sensuous pleasure” and “continuity
Buddha’s awakening insight into the nature, of existence,” for example. This means the root
cause, remedy of, and the path leading to the elim- cause of suffering is psychological in nature with
ination of suffering, besides the Buddhist religious ethical and soteriological implications. In reverse
and philosophical doctrines, a worldview, and order, the elimination of suffering requires elimi-
a way of living. In Buddhism, the realization or nation of craving, which is possible only in Awak-
discovery of these truths is a first step toward ening. Craving is a chain in the 12-link formula
solving the ills of life and the attainment of final (ignorance, formations, consciousness, name and
freedom (Pali: nibbāna; Sanskrit: nirvāṇa) from form, spheres of sense, contact, feelings, craving,
the endless cycle of death and rebirth (saṃsāra). clinging, becoming, rebirth, and old age and death)
It is important to realize that these truths highlight which explains the journey of human existence
an intimate relationship between religious experi- governed by the law-like principle of dependent
ence, doctrines, and human destiny. It is also worth co-arising, covering once all the three temporal
noticing that “. . .the Buddha understood liberation states: past, present, and future. Basically the
in psychological terms, as something to do with chain starts with the ignorance of the Four Noble
transforming the mind through correct understand- Truths. But once ignorance is removed by Awak-
ing” ([12], p. 52). The Buddha does not start his ening, the chain of craving, grasping, becoming,
noble journey with any faith in Divine Will. His etc., are dissolved. But Awakening presupposes
orientation is in general ethical and soteriological perfect morality and mindfulness. In the
470 Ethics (Buddhism)

Vedic/Upaniṣadic religion, an eternal self is an 1. Right understanding (sammādiṭṭhi)

unchanging self which does not allow any kind of 2. Right thought (sammāsaṅkappa)
change in self’s natural dispositions in the worldly 3. Right speech (sammāvācā)
life. But in Buddhism, self is actually processional 4. Right action (sammākammanta)
and so it denies a metaphysical self in the former 5. Right livelihood (sammāājī va)
sense. For this reason, Buddhism maintains that an 6. Right effort (sammā vāyāma)
ethical-spiritual transformation of self is possible. It 7. Right mindfulness (sammā sati)
does not invoke any divine myth to explain the 8. Right concentration (sammāsamādhi)
genesis of the universe and human beings within
it. Its explanation is ethical, although a religion is Achieving excellence in the practices of these
more than that. It is also more than mere faith. But steps, which simultaneously reinforce each other,
it cannot be separated from ethics and faith either. defines the whole parameters and the ultimate aim
Besides, ethics can survive without religion as is of Buddhism. Nibbāna which is often defined
the case in contemporary Western philosophy or it negatively as the dissolution of craving, unwhole-
can be subordinated to religion as is the case in some roots, and speculative mental activities is
Abrahamic religions. In Buddhism, unlike else- now explained in terms of this eightfold structure.
where, ethics has primacy over religion in One can see the reason why Buddhism puts so
a general sense. More appropriately, Buddhist reli- much emphasis on mental culturing. It is not dif-
gion is a religion of ethics and freedom (nibbāna) ficult to see that each of these steps is grounded in
and both of them are psychological functions of the purified state of mind. Buddhism is thus a phi-
mind. According to Buddhism, even ethical action losophy of mind which has been ingeniously
(karma), which involves motive and intention, is converted into moral philosophy and a way of life.
a psychological function of mind. It may be ego- The Buddha does not consider himself as God,
istic or non-egoistic or altruistic. Egoistic karma is or his son, or his messenger, or prophet, or an
grounded in craving and grasping at the false view incarnation of God, or Angel, or even an
of the eternal self. It is of no moral worth as unawakened ordinary human being. He considers
morality involves other’s interest as well. Liberat- himself as belonging to this world and wants to be
ing mind from craving and egoism and engaging it known not by any other identity but just as
in other-regarding activities are the causes of Enlightened/Awakened One (Buddha). This he
“becoming” (bhava) a qualitatively better person, clarifies in a conversation with a Brahmin called
the culmination of which is a state of peace and Doṇa. D.J. Kalupahana ([6], pp. 122–123)
freedom (nibbāna). Here ethical perfection and rephrases it very appropriately:
soteriological goal are identified. Doṇa: Sir, are you a god (deva)?
The third truth asserts that cessation of suffer- Buddha: Brahman, I am not a god.
ing, which results from craving and other Doṇa: Sir, are you a gandhabba [water spirit]?
unwholesome roots (namely, attachment, aver- Buddha: Brahman, I am not a gandhabba.
Doṇa: Sir, are you a yakkha [powerful demon]?
sion, and confusion) is possible but only through Buddha: Brahman, I am not a yakkha.
self-effort and not by any divine grace or obedi- Doṇa: Sir, are you a human (manussa)?
ence to God’s will. It presupposes strict adherence Buddha: Brahman, I am not a human? . . . Brah-
to moral precepts (śī la, which embarks on ethical man, take me to be a Buddha [enlight-
ened one].
training), purified contemplative mind (samādhi,
which cultivates moral rectitude), and insight
(paññā, which aims at developing proper cogni- Asoka: The Great Patron and Missionary
tive faculty). The fourth truth is an assertion about
the detailed action plan on this line, which is After about 150 years of the Buddha’s demise, the
called Noble Eightfold Path, namely, spread of Buddhism got great impetus during
Ethics (Buddhism) 471

Asoka’s reign over India for almost 25 years. His Five Precepts
patronage and missionary act took Buddhism to
every part of India and also across its shores to In early Buddhism, generally for the laity there are
various countries, namely, Sri Lanka, Syria, five inviolable moral rules whose strict adherence
Egypt, and Macedonia. During the early years of is necessary for one’s moral and spiritual devel-
his rule, he was a cruel emperor, but large-scale opment. They have two aspects, negative and
killings in the war with the Kaliṅga State and its positive. Initially they ask people to refrain from
horrible consequences shook and transformed five unethical acts and then make it imperative to
him. The Buddha’s teachings gave him solace practice their antidotes. In other words, they are
and he embraced Buddhism as his personal and ten resolves:
E
state religion. He devoted the rest of his life
in practicing and propagating the Buddha’s 1. I take the precept to abstain from intentional
Dhamma. In social and practical terms, in the killing. Instead, I take the precept to care for all
Buddhist spirit of loving kindness and compas- the sentient beings.
sion, he carried out tremendous work for the wel- 2. I take the precept to abstain from possessing
fare of the general public. The Rock and Pillar what is not given, in other words, abstention
Edicts ([3], VII] speak of his manner of adminis- from theft, forgery, and cheating. Instead,
tration and religious mind, which can be summa- I take the precept to work for the welfare and
rized as follows: happiness of all sentient beings through gener-
osity and self-renunciation.
• According to the Buddha’s Dhamma, every- 3. I take the precept to abstain from sexual mis-
body is equal. conduct like adultery. Instead, I take the pre-
• Imparting the knowledge of the Dhamma cept to have sex only with my legitimate wife.
(Dhammadāna) is the best form of charity 4. I take the precept to abstain from lying.
which results in mutual respect and friendship. Instead, I take precept to speak truth.
• He advised people to maintain restraint in con- 5. I take the precept to abstain from intoxicants
sumption of food and possession of wealth. like drug and alcohol. Instead, I take the precept
• He remained accessible to public 24 h a day to to keep my mind pure, unconfused, and alert.
attend their grievances.
• He worked for the benefit of every sentient
being. He thought he owed to them a lot. Bodhisattva’s Vows
• He described the Dhamma as goodness,
reduced passion, aimed at welfare, sympa- Bodhisattva is an aspirant of Buddhahood, the
thetic, charity, truth, purity of action, etc. culmination of the religious career. He has excelled
• He promulgated moral rules like nonviolence in wisdom and compassion. He is known for his
and emphasized contemplation on the vows, patient suffering, self-sacrifice, and altruistic
Dhamma. activity out of deep compassion. In a Mahāyāna
• He valued life, respected people’s dignity, text, Ŝikṣāsamuccaya, a Bodhisattva expresses his
declared amnesties 25 times, and administered resolve which makes explicit his profound and
justice based on equality. unconditional concern for the suffering of the sen-
• He was not biased to any particular tient beings in various realms. He resolves in his
Buddhist sect. Ŝikṣāsamuccaya (280–281):
• He respected all religions, allowed their fol-
I take upon myself the burden of all suffering, I am
lowers to practice their religions anywhere in
resolved to do so, I will endure it. I do not turn or
his kingdom, gave charity to them, and run away, do not tremble, am not terrified, not
appointed ministers to look after their affairs. afraid, do not turn back or despond. . . . I have
472 Ethics (Buddhism)

made the vow to save all beings. . . . My endeavours I take refuge in the Buddha (Buddhaṃṅ śaraṇaṃṅ
do not merely aim at my own deliverance. . . . gacchāmi).
I myself must grapple with the whole mass of suf- I take refuge in the Dhamma (Dhammaṃṅ ś
fering of all beings. . . . I am resolved to abide in araṇaṃṅ gacchāmi).
each single state of woe for numberless aeons; and I take refuge in the Sangha (saṅghaṃṅ ś
so I will help all beings to freedom, in all the states araṇaṃṅ gacchāmi).
of woe that may be found in any world system
whatsoever. And why? Because it is surely better The recitation of the above formula by
than I alone should be in pain than that all these a layman (upāsaka) exhibits his religious commit-
beings should fall into the states of woe. ([1], ment a Buddhist must have. Each one of the three
p. 182)
has its own sound reasons to be taken religiously.
The Bodhisattva is guided by three religious- One common element in them is that they protect
cum-social principles: “equality of self and the believer from various sorts of evils and are
others” (parātmasamatā), “regard of others in instrumental in attaining the ultimate good, that is,
place of self,” and “transference of self’s merit to nirvāṇa. Faith in the Buddha is required because
others” (ātmaparivarta). For him, the virtuous he is fully enlightened, supreme goodness, has
action itself is the source of happiness. On various excelled in virtues, is a spiritual teacher par excel-
occasions the Buddha speaks of himself as lence, his teachings are beneficial, he is actively
a Bodhisattva. The author of the Bodhicar- compassionate, and so on. Faith in the Dhamma is
yāvatāra (“Ascending on the Path of Awakening”) required because it has been discovered and
mentions Bodhisattva’s reason for altruistic activ- proclaimed by the Enlightened One, it is benefi-
ities as follows: cial in this life and beyond, and it is a source of
Man strives to seek worldly pleasure which may, peace, happiness, and harmony. Lastly, faith in the
even then, elude him. But for a [Bodhisattva-like] Order (Saṅgha) is necessary because it is an oasis
person action itself is bliss [because it is motivated of purity in the corrupt society, it is a community
to do good to others]. [On the contrary,] how can the of the ideal practitioners of the Dhamma, and it is
inactive ever be happy? (Bodhicaryāvatāra,
VII.63) a living source of inspiration and guidance.
A disciple who takes refuge in these three and
Ten Perfections transforms himself accordingly needs no protec-
tion from any external agency, divine or human.
The religious life of an ideal Buddhist like Bodhi- He is his own refuge. This means a disciple’s faith
sattva culminates in achieving perfections of ten in these three is not a blind faith which lacks moral
virtues – six of them are primary and the and spiritual transformation.
remaining four are supplementary: (1) giving or
charity, (2) moral virtues, (3) forbearance,
(4) effort, (5) meditative concentration, Four Sublime States of Being
(6) wisdom, (7) skilful means, (8) resolution, (Brahmavihāra)
(9) strength, and (10) knowledge. These ten vir-
tues combine the two lists suggested by both early The Buddhist ideals of self-transformation for
and later Buddhism. self-transcendence, relating self to the other,
being impartially and universally virtuous, and
altruistic action are possible only when the anti-
The Three Refuges dotes to such vices as anger, violence, jealousy,
and partiality or selfishness are devised. In Bud-
A lay devout Buddhist has religious faith in the dhism, these vices are unwholesome states of
trinity of the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the mind, so their antidotes have naturally to be
Sangha, in other words, the Enlightened Founder, found in the wholesome states of the mind itself,
His Sacred Teachings, and the Sacred Order of which means transformation of mind. In Bud-
Monks. They are expressed in the following forms: dhism these states are cultivated through mental
Ethics (Buddhism) 473

training by meditation techniques which trans- focus on a positive object. When it is, through
form the mind and raise it to its immeasurable a lengthy process, deconditioned from the
sublime state. In the religious terminology, they unwholesome factors, it is then habitualized to
are called divine abodes or stations of the supreme concentrate on a chosen wholesome subject. The
God Brahma, the most morally and spiritually purpose of insight meditation is to develop
developed being. These sublime states are loving a penetrating insight into the true nature of things
kindness (maitrī ), compassion (karuṇā), sympa- including self, which are processional and lack
thetic joy (muditā), and equanimity (upekṣā), their own substantial nature. It defines one’s atti-
which are the four active social virtues. Their tude toward and relationship with an object of
practices are beneficial both for the society and desire, attachment, and aversion. Its transforming
E
personal spiritual upliftment. Their field of action effect on the meditator is such that he radicalizes
covers all sentient beings. his way of thinking and living. The two – samatha
and vipassanā – thus prepare the foundation for
the cultivation of wholesome values which are
Calming Meditation and Insight supposed to be actualized in ethical conducts.
Meditations The possibility of nibbāna depends on this.
The trinity of morality–concentration–insight,
The study of mind is at the center of Buddhist discussed above, is the same procedure to achieve
investigation. To understand its nature and func- the ultimate goals – here and hereafter.
tion and to control, transform, and reorient them
are the main tasks of all schools of Buddhism. In
early Buddhism, especially Theravāda, two ways Mindfulness and Peace of Mind
are suggested to achieve these results which are of
great moral worth. Both are meditation techniques According to early Buddhism, only self-effort can
with different goals but separate from each other. transform, develop, and purify one’s being and
They are calming meditation (samatha) and can overcome the evils of life. This is called
insight meditation (vipassanā). The former is, bhāvanā, that is, cultivation of mental discipline
according to one theory, preparatory to the latter. and attitude. This is made possible by the practice
Another theory maintains that the two are inde- of mindfulness, a form of meditation which is of
pendent in their goal and consequences. The first the nature of concentration, awareness, observa-
one is more acceptable. In Buddhism, a medita- tion, and alertness. Mindfulness is a technique
tion technique in general starts with the negative which is applied to four internal and external
actions. Mind is first disconnected from the sense aspects of one’s being in order to realize their
objects which engage it in pleasure-seeking activ- general objective nature. These aspects or stations
ities and thus distract it from activities of higher are body (kāya), feeling or sensation (vedanā),
values. The vices emerge from these activities. mind (citta), and the phenomena (dhamma)
They become more dangerous when various can- which are mental objects. Mindfulness is not
kers or intoxicants (āsava) responsible for moral about any transcendent realization. In other
corruption – four in number: sensuous desire, words, the four stations are not transcendental
attachment to continuity in becoming, ignorance subjects but very much this-worldly, related to
of the Four Noble Truths, and wrong views – join one’s everyday life and its activities, about what
them. Besides, there are many hindrances is happening in and around one’s empirical exis-
(nivaraṇa) – five in number: (1) lustful desire, tence. Mindfulness of body involves attentive
(2) ill will, hatred, or anger, (3) torpor and languor, observation of breathing in and out in a relax
(4) restlessness and worry, and (5) skeptical posture. Concentrating the mind on one object is
doubts – which are obstacles to clear and rational not easy, but a regular exercise makes it possible
thinking. Samatha meditation calms, silences, sta- when mind is cut off from the external world. It
bilizes, and tranquillizes the mind and reorients its has a tremendous calming effect on mind.
474 Ethics (Buddhism)

Likewise, mindfulness of other stations gives an Equality does not mean that everybody is equal in
opportunity to observe how they appear and disap- every sense like physical fitness and strength,
pear and to analyze their epistemic and ontological intelligence and temperament, and conditions
status and objective nature. The transforming effect and needs. Equality in a simple term means rec-
of mindfulness is such that the practitioner achieves ognition of each individual as a dignified subject
not only the peace of mind but also an insight into in himself/herself, availability of opportunity and
the way of things – mental and nonmental. Conse- resources to each one, and equal in the eyes of law
quently, the false notion of “I” as an eternal know- without any distinction in terms of social status,
ing agent and the source of unwholesome acts get caste, creed, race, faith, religion, gender, etc. Most
dissolved. In an ethical sense, this is a big and of the inequalities are man-made. Hindu caste
crucial achievement as “egoism” is dissolved system is an example of this. The principle of
and now the ground is ready for cultivating, justice, along with the principles of liberty and
through mindfulness, the social emotions like lov- human rights, is derived from the principle of
ing kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equality. This means equality is the foundation
equanimity. Unlike other meditation systems, the or operating field of these principles. Once equal-
Buddha does not embark on the realization of ity is in force, justice, liberty, human rights, social
a transcendent reality, but uses the meditation change, personal development, peace, harmony,
techniques – calming, insight, and mindfulness – and prosperity are on the fast track. On the con-
to cultivate a mental attitude which is the source of trary, man-made inequality is the source of injus-
all embracing values – personal, social, and tice, exploitation, atrocities, violence, social
soteriological. unrest, and disharmony.
The Dhamma, since it is not any religion-cen-
tric, can also be a rallying point in the interfaith
Buddhism on Equality, Justice, Liberty, dialogue, for the reason that it is an eternal, natu-
and Human Rights ral, and ethical principle encompassing all sen-
tient beings of all times and in all places. It is an
Equality, justice, liberty, and human rights are ethical truth as against a hollow sectarian meta-
four key values of today’s free democratic world physical truth. If universal human goal is the need
[2, 7]. Strictly speaking, they fall under social and of today, then Dhamma is the solution as it bridges
political philosophy, but religious responses to the gap between faith and praxis, between ideal
them are not a new thing. In ancient times in and real. Socially engaged Buddhism takes care of
India, they were not discussed as separate issues the contemporary issues like equality, justice, lib-
in detail, but as part of the holistic worldview. This erty, human rights, and other social goods.
means reconstruction and reinterpretation of some The Buddhist principle of interdependence
of the key passages in the ancient literature are (paṭiccasamuppāda) recognizes the mutual neces-
required so that one can have some idea about the sity of self and other. This means each self is the
hidden Indian theories of these concepts. source of other’s good and vice versa. Self-
As to equality, there are different kinds of transcendence is not only self-development but
equality, such as metaphysical, ethical, natural, also self-fulfillment which requires the other as
social, economic, political, and gender. Moreover, a necessary condition. In Buddhism, suffering is
if humanity is one united whole, that is, if each considered a universal problem, so there should
human being is an instantiation of humanity and is be a universal solution and perfect universal eth-
interdependent and kinly related to other human ical practice is that solution, which in the theistic
beings, whether because of God’s creation or nat- religions is the disposition of God. It is not con-
ural creation, all human beings are equal in terms fined to any age or place. It is the only
of biological constitution, feeling, reason, desire, interreligious ground. The five precepts, Noble
disposition of sociability, aspirations, and so on. Eightfold Path, four social emotions (or four
Ethics (Buddhism) 475

sublime states of Brahma), Bodhisattva ideal, and a dignified member of the universal humanity
ten perfections collectively provide the ethical which is the community of sufferers. The princi-
paradigm for interpersonal relationship. It aims ples of the Dhamma cover both natural law and the
at perfecting the moral agent who has to imbibe natural rights, which fight against the narrow and
and practice such values as equality, justice, lib- unjust conventional laws to be broader and univer-
erty, and human rights. For Buddhism, these are sal. The Dhamma principles are independent of
dynamic ethical concepts. The Buddhist ethical any cultural and social contexts. Social values
paradigm first generates the moral and social rec- like justice are judged in the light of these princi-
titude which in action combines these values. It is ples. Inada succinctly explains the Buddhist
a continuous historical process in which religious, approach to the issues of the human rights:
E
social, political, and educational institutions are Human rights is indeed an important issue, but the
actively involved. It is actually a progressive Buddhist position is that it is ancillary to the larger
ethicization and humanization program, which, or more basic issue of human nature. It can be
according to the needs and situations, goes for asserted that the Buddhist sees the concept of
human rights as a legal extension of human nature.
reinterpretation and reorientation of the traditional It is a crystallization, indeed a formalization, of the
concepts. mutual respect and concern of all persons, stem-
The Buddhist concept of universal equality is ming from human nature. Thus, human nature is
based on its treating humanity as a community of the ultimate source, the basis from which all other
attributes or characteristics are to be delineated.
sufferers as against the Vedic concept of humanity They all have their respective raison d’etre in it.
with its divine structure into fourfold hierarchical They are reflections and even byproducts of it. The
division, which is the permanent source of inequal- reason for assigning human nature the basic posi-
ity and injustice and thus the source of various tion is very simple. It is to give human relations
a firm grounding in the truly existential nature of
social evils. The Buddha takes humanity as one things: that is, the concrete and dynamic relational
species and restructures it in terms of ethical devel- nature of persons in contact with each other, that
opment of human beings under full liberty from the which [sic] avoids being caught up in rhetorical or
bondage of the unexamined existing tradition and legalistic tangles. ([7], p. 67; [8])
beliefs. He argues that man is endowed with the
cognitive faculty to experience for himself and
with the faculty of reason which enable him to Cross-References
distinguish between good and evil, and right and
wrong. The function of a teacher, a family, ▶ Craving
a society, and a religious or political institution is ▶ Evil (Buddhism)
to recognize these faculties as natural gifts which ▶ Good (Buddhism)
have great values not only for the individual but ▶ Virtues
also for the society and to create conducive
conditions – such as economic, educational, social,
and political – for their cultivation. References

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6. Kalupahana DJ (1994) A history of Buddhist philoso- adoption of a realistic attitude toward suffering.
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8. Leon Feer M (ed) (1975) Saṃyuttanikāya, III. Pali caused by a terminal illness. Buddhism attempts to
Texts Society, London, reprint
9. McDermott JP (1999) Karma and rebirth in early Bud- instill this kind of realistic understanding of life in
dhism. In: O’Flaherty WD (ed) Karma and rebirth in a follower so that such a person is not driven to
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besides being worthless and unrealistic, euthanasia
leads to the loss of life. Buddhism never advocates
the abandonment of the patient. In fact, it expects
all his near and dear ones to make him feel wanted
Euthanasia by showering kindness and compassion on him by
nursing him.
K. T. S. Sarao Due to ignorance, a terminally ill person may
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of not be able to assess the situation in a wholesome
Delhi, Delhi, India manner and, being prodded by one of the dictates
of biases (agati), may arrive at an un-Buddhistic
decision of opting for euthanasia. This is also true
Synonyms of those who decide on behalf of a terminally ill
person. Thus, Buddhism prohibits even rendering
Mercy killing of assistance when such a request is made to assist
in dying. For instance, once when some monks
after developing contemplation on the impurity of
Definition the body became completely disgusted with life
and approached a person to put an end to their
Euthanasia is to end the life of a terminally ill misery, the Buddha declared this action an offense
patient who, being in intense pain, voluntarily as both the victim monks and the one who admin-
chooses to do so. istered euthanasia were aware of the consequence
([3], Vol. ii.p. 68ff). This precept was further
Irrespective of the motive, Buddhism does not expanded by including incitement to such an
condone any act that results in the deprivation of action as an offense ([3], Vol. iii, pp. 71–72).
life of any living being, let alone a human being, Making death one’s aim, wishing death, or setting
especially when the act is performed with intention out on any course that leads to death, irrespective
or awareness that such an action is going to cause of how benevolent the motive is, is considered
death. Buddhism views the whole saṃsāric exis- immoral in Buddhism. Thus, when some monks,
tence as suffering, illness being only one aspect of out of compassion for a terminally ill monk, spoke
it and death bringing only a temporary relief as to him favorably of death and as a result he
suffering unavoidably occurs again with the next stopped taking food, thus, dying shortly after-
birth. Any attempt to put a complete end to suffer- ward, the Buddha declared it to be an offense
ing is useless, and thus, Buddhism encourages the ([3], Vol. iii, p. 79). According to Buddhaghosa,
Evil (Buddhism) 477

the essence of their wrongdoing was that the immoral to highlight the positive aspects of death
guilty monks had made death their aim ([4], Vol. and the negative aspects of life, immoral to inspire
ii, p. 464). In Buddhism, compassion is a virtue so someone to put another to death, and immoral to
long as the end it seeks is good. Thus, the end provide assistance to others in bringing about
result (vipāka) of an action is equally important, death. The prohibition of euthanasia does not
and for Buddhism, humanitarianism and loss of imply a commitment to prolongation of life at all
life do not go together. For instance, in one case, costs. Thus, withdrawal from food and refusal of
a monk, motivated by compassion, appealed for medical intervention are not considered immoral
the swift execution of a criminal so that he is when the end is near, as it is nothing more than
spared the mental agony of having to wait for acceptance of death as an unavoidable part of
E
the appointed time of execution. The prisoner saṃsāric existence.
was to have been killed anyway, and the monk’s
intervention simply brought forward the inevita-
ble outcome. Still, the monk was found guilty of Cross-References
pārājika offense ([3], Vol. iii, p. 85). In another
case, a monk, who assisted in bringing about the ▶ Ahimsa
death of a physically challenged person because ▶ Buddhaghosa
the latter’s family had expressed the opinion that it ▶ Saṃsāra
would be better if he died, was excommunicated
([3], Vol. iii, p. 85).
The Samantapāsādikā has an interesting dis- References
cussion on a specific condition of terminally ill
patients which at first sight appears to indicate as 1. Florida RE (1993) Buddhist approaches to Euthanasia.
Stud Relig/Sci Relig 22:35–47
if euthanasia is allowed in Buddhism under cer-
2. Keown D (1999) Attitudes to euthanasia in the Vinaya
tain circumstances. It says, “it is legitimate to and commentary. Available at www.buddhistethics.org/
decline food and medical care if the patient sees 6/keown993.html. Also available at www.
that the. . . [care takers]. . . are worn out and his urbandharma.org/udharma/euthanasia.html. Accessed
15 Dec 2011
life cannot be prolonged even with intensive care”
3. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
([3], Vol. ii, p. 467). It is indicated through this 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
example that Buddhism does not consider it mor- 4. Takakusu J, Nagai M (eds) (1947–1975)
ally obligatory to preserve life at all costs. As Samantapāsādikā: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Vinaya Piṭaka, 8 vols (including index by H. Kopp).
death is inevitable, recognizing this reality, Bud-
Pali Text Society, London
dhism encourages its followers to be mindful and
prepared for it. According to Buddhaghosa, it is
legitimate in the case of one, suffering from
a painful and terminal illness, to withdraw from
food in the knowledge that he is on the brink of Evil (Buddhism)
a spiritual breakthrough and exert himself in his
meditation subject ([4], Vol. ii, p. 467). Asha Mukherjee
For a Buddhist, euthanasia can never be an Department of Philosophy and Religion,
escape from suffering as a person’s karmic forces Visva-Bharati Central University, Santiniketan,
continue into the next life. The best way through WB, India
life, suffering, and death is viewed as located in
a truthful realization of a situation and the capa-
bility to live through it with the help and support Synonyms
of others. Buddhism considers it immoral to act
as a “knife bringer” to someone seeking death, Akusala; Duḥkha; Klesa; Pāpa
478 Evil (Buddhism)

Definition (suffering consists in imperfections of all crea-

tures by the cycle of birth-death), physical (apply-
Any state or act or failing to act which leads ing to disadvantage of intelligent substances,
to suffering. ajñanā, lack of prajñā), and moral (killing,
lying, harming, etc.), but ultimately all collapse
in one suffering – the First Noble Truth that “exis-
Introduction tence itself is suffering.” The other three Noble
Truths are “suffering is caused by craving or
The concept of evil in the Western tradition is desire” (duḥkha-samudāya), “desire and suffering
grounded in the reality of evil in the world, and are relieved by an existential awakening or
one faces a contradiction between the realities of enlightenment (nirvāṇa) to “nonself” or
evil on the one hand and the religious beliefs in the egolessness” (anātman) (duḥkha-nirodh) and the
power of God on the other, who represents all “way to cessation of suffering (duḥkha-
goodness and power. The problem is that if God nirodhagāmini patipatā) is to practice eightfold
is all-powerful, he must be able to prevent evil. If path which involves questions of correct seeing,
he is all-good, then he must want to prevent evil. but also entails correct doing” (sī la).
But evil exists. Therefore, God is either not all-
powerful or not all-good. Theodicy is an attempt
to reconcile God who is all-powerful and all-good Suffering as the Biggest Evil
with the reality of evil. In Leibniz’s words “meta-
physical evil consists in mere imperfection, phys- Suffering (duḥkha) is the biggest evil in Bud-
ical evil in suffering, and moral evil in sin” ([10], dhism. To understand the Buddhist concept of
p. 136). One can see that evil, sin, and imperfec- evil, one needs to look at the discourses of the
tion are tied with each other, and often it Buddha, as advices are given to laymen and
is suggested that all these three collapse in one monks on matters pertaining to ethics and moral-
as “suffering is caused by sin.” But the concept of ity and justice and duties. These are not in the
sin is distinctively Judeo-Christian concept and is form of a well-knit treatise but present a very well-
almost absent in Indian thought. The problem of knit system of thought and philosophy which is
good and evil is basically in the field of religion in quite regressed and worked out in utmost details.
the West, but in Buddhist context religion, philos- Most of the Indian systems of philosophy like
ophy and morality all are interlinked, and to Nyaya, Vedanta, Jaina, and Sankhya accept the
understand one, one needs to understand taking law of karma as the law of moral causation, the
all together. belief in survival after death and the state of lib-
In Indian thought the problem of evil was never eration (moksha, nirvāṇa, Jina) from the wheel of
taken seriously as they thought that they can tran- existence, as an ideal and law of dependent orig-
scend evil, the manifested reality was an illusion ination, the ultimate good, the liberation from
(māyā), and all suffering, misery, pain, and calam- suffering. Buddhist Eightfold Path provides
ities are inexplicable mystery and disappear once a special texture. Truly speaking, Buddhism is
the true reality is unfolded. While explaining the not a religion but a philosophical system –
suffering, one finds discussion on evil especially basically a moral system of thought and action
in terms of doctrine of karma, a principle or based on actual life of people and concern for
retributive justice. In Buddhism suffering, the well-being of others. The general emphasis in
biggest evil in the phenomenal world is real and Buddhism is not on finding an answer of the
the problem of reconciliation between God and question what should one do but on what sort of
reality of evil just does not arise as there is no person one should be, not on how one’s own
God. Evil in Buddhism could be understood suffering can be removed but also on how suffer-
from various perspectives such as metaphysical ing of other sentient being can be removed.
Evil (Buddhism) 479

The Buddhist term duḥkha as used in the Dis- they suffer pain, throughout life and when worn
courses may not be parallel to the term evil and down by age; they die only to be born again, and
may not be coextensive, but it played the most so on, in an endless cycle of life and
pivotal role in the Buddhist thought. In general death (sansara). Suffering is not simply viewed
duḥkha has to be tackled through ascetic life for as an evil because the individual becomes
transcendental truth. The alternatives to duḥkha a recipient of suffering which is determined by
are sukha (happiness) and ananda (bliss). It is the law of karma. The individual is seen as part of
common man experience that sukha is preferable a larger scheme of complicated relations between
to duḥkha, but he also knows by experience that past and present which is responsible for suffering
he can hardly succeed in pursuit of one and in the of the individual. One may not be able to locate
E
avoidance of the other. Both sukha and duḥkha the cause as it is futile to look anyway, but an array
experiences are reconciled in Buddhism as they of intentional conditioning factors represented by
are not polarities but admixture, one is a positive craving (trisna) would be the central as mentioned
value and the other as a negative and often being in early Buddhist text Samuyutta-Nikāya, “suffer-
left to the law of karma. For the treatment of evil, ing (duḥkha) is thirst (craving) which produces
one finds a wide range of relevant literature, rang- re-existence and re-becoming, bound up with pas-
ing over suffering, bondage, sin, ignorance, sionate greed” ([23], Vol. II, p. 56). Suffering is
demons, etc. but basically evil consists in rupture that craving that leads downward to rebirth, the
of good. But no doubt sukha and duḥkha both craving for feeling, for rebirth. And the ceasing of
belong to the level of experience. Buddha refuse suffering is the “utter passionless ceasing,” the
to accept anything which is beyond experience, as giving up, and the abandonment of, the release
for him anything which is beyond experience is from, and the freedom from attachment and that
avyakata (unspeakable). The most frequent clas- craving. One can cease the suffering only by fol-
sification of action in the Nikāyas ([1, 9, 13, 19]) is lowing Eightfold Path, Samyutta-Nikāya ([1],
into kusala, akusala (good, bad), and avyakata, p. 104). It is important to note that evil and good
which lead one to sukha, duḥkha (happiness and are not opposed to each other; rather, evil is the
suffering), and “neither-sukha-nor-duḥkha,” lower limiting case of the highest ideal stage of
respectively, but in Majjhima Nikāya [9] the cat- good as nirvāṇa. In this sense, suffering is real and
egorization used is “good” and “bad.” There are nirvāṇa is also real. Suffering results from good
three kinds of suffering: (1) suffering as a direct and bad actions both. The existential agent also
result of a direct contact of the senses with the has a delusion that he is free to act and has choice
sense objects, (2) suffering that occasioned after but the ultimate freedom lies in the highest stage
exhaustion of what is called pleasure, and (3) suf- of transcendence – nirvāṇa.
fering which comes into existence as a result of
lineage (samskāra) generated by a long chain of
deeds in this birth and earlier births. Suffering and Law of Karma
Buddhist texts try to go beyond good and evil
as they think once the reality is manifested, one Karma in Sanskrit and kamma in Pali refers to
can transcend the distinction. The First Noble consequences of an action along with mental fac-
Truth, an existential assertion, of the Buddha is tors (as body speech and mind) causing rebirth
that there is suffering (duḥkha) which is not nec- and shaping the future. Karma reflects the impres-
essarily an evil in the Western sense and duḥkha is sion of one’s deed due to produce some effect at
not “always seen as theoretical or philosophical a future date. Every action leaves behind a residue
problem” [11]. This is not to say that suffering is or trace (samskāra), and accumulation of these
unrelated to evil. Suffering (duḥkha) is the most residues generates a complex pattern of disposi-
pervasive fact of life, human as well as of all tions (vasanas) which gradually determine indi-
sentient existence. All creatures are born in pain; vidual’s actions, perceptions, and responses to the
480 Evil (Buddhism)

world around. Good actions lead to good or pleas- permanent underlying self or atman. The belief
ant results, and bad actions lead to painful in rebirth requires an infinite series of states in
results – effect of “bad karma.” These results infinite time to terminate the series to attain
may accumulate and “ripen” and get manifested nirvāṇa. Individuals have three characteristics
in present life called prarabdha, or they may be according to Buddhism – suffering, absence of
deferred for future time and remain unexhausted an eternal self, and impermanence. There is no
called arabdha. The chain of such unexhausted eternal self, cosmic self, nor there any Creator.
results of the karmas continues the rebirth of an Individual is a series of mental and physical states;
individual seamlessly leading to good life, suffer- this is consistent with the doctrine of imperma-
ing, or good death or bad birth. Thus it may be nence which says all entities can be analyzed as
considered as a causal law of retribution a series of transitory states. For Buddha, evil and
manifested as moral law of nature. Thus karma, suffering are real and belief in a Creator is an
as long as it leads to suffering represents an obstacle, and therefore he finds all metaphysical
account of ontological evil. The imperfections questions as intrinsically unanswerable. Ques-
that come under metaphysical evil, with the addi- tions such as whether the saint exists (arhat)
tion of suffering caused by other kinds of distur- after reaching nirvāṇa and who gets nirvāṇa –
bances, including the intentions, false judgments, the soul or the body – are unanswerable; neither
moral weakness, conscious and unconscious there is any permanent self, nor there is any per-
desires, attachments and foolishness, and so on, manent substance; these are mere conventions.
of sentient beings, are also what one would call But, if this is agreed, then the question of agent,
evil, which may be taken as corresponding to who is acting, has no reality, and then to whom the
duḥkha which is the prime focus in connecting good or evil acts would be subscribed if the indi-
evil with law of karma. vidual is a congregation of impersonal states?
No man should take evil or good lightly as drop Different answers are suggested within different
by drop it accumulates just like poison. If a man Buddhist traditions such as Theravāda and
commits a sin, he should not do it again as the Pudgalavāda. The doctrine of impermanence or
accumulation of evil is painful. “Not to commit momentariness also creates problems about cau-
any sin, to do good, and to purify one’s mind, that sation and other related issues such as if the person
is the teaching of (all) the Awakened” ([15], who acts is under the process of continuous
p. 183). If a man does what is good, he should do change, then how can he get the effects of his
as often as possible because the accumulation of deeds? Nagarjuna tries to answer these questions
good is delightful. An evildoer sees happiness as by arguing that all theories of causation are con-
long as his evil deeds do not ripen, but when his tradictory and that all judgments about reality are
evil deeds ripen, he sees the evil. A good man also contradictory, the only proper way of saying is
sees evil days so long as his good deed does not that everything is empty or void (śῡnya). Void
ripen, but when his good deeds ripen then the good refers to the Absolute and Buddha which is iden-
man see good things. Evildoers go to hell and are tified with nirvāṇa. For leading a meaningful life,
born again, but righteous people become free from Buddha advocated middle path and so evil and
all worldly desires, go to heaven, and attain good cannot be absolute. He accepted relative
nirvāṇa. But from an evil deed, one can never be objectivity of moral values. Values are to be con-
free from the cycle of birth and death; evil deeds sidered as relevant within a contextual and prag-
bind and good deeds liberate ([15], pp. 116–126). matic framework which comes very close to
The fundamental teachings of Buddha consequentialism. “If you sow seeds in a fertile
included doctrine of nonself (anatta) and imper- and well watered field, there will be beautiful
manence (anicca) and middle path which say that yield; giving alms to the virtuous also yields
the individual is constituted of a complex series of great results” ([13], Vol. IV, p. 238). One also
states both physical and conscious; there is no finds altruistic elements especially in the four
Evil (Buddhism) 481

divine states rooted in meditative states of absorp- sorrows, resistance of sorrows, and the way of
tion (The Eightfold Path), which makes it basi- eradication of sorrows); (3) right speech, not to
cally different from other traditions. Buddhism make false statements; (4) right actions, to realize
accepts the importance of intention, motive, the right aims into actions; (5) right means of
desire, consequence, and foresight in evaluation livelihood with justification; (6) right endeavors
of an action. for right causes; (7) right mindfulness for the
renunciation from all indulgences; and (8) right
meditation to contemplate to achieve nirvāṇa. The
How to Get Rid of Evil? first two concern the preliminary frame of mind of
the aspirant; the next three are the ethical require-
E
Now the question is how can one get rid of suf- ments; and the final three concern the meditative
fering which is all pervasive? The Fourth Noble training needed for contemplative or mystical
Truth says that there is way to get rid of suffering. knowledge of the ultimate truth and for the seren-
The Pali word niddna (way to get rid of) is usually ity which goes with it. This attainment of peace
rendered by cause, source, base, and origin. In and insight is called nirvāṇa which implies that
Buddhist perspective, one needs to get rid of the saint (arhat) after death will not be born again.
one’s samskāra, generated by a long chain of The three qualities to be destroyed are known as
deeds in this birth and earlier births – a long, the three evil roots (hetus) and with them the
long line of ancestors. These are not ancestors in asavas (sense desires, craving for the existence,
the sense of heredity. The individual is merged in lack of higher knowledge (avijjā), and attachment
the family, the tribe, and the race and also stands to wrong views) also to be destroyed to attain the
out much more strongly. These are ancestors of goal. Nirvāṇa is the state which is not recorded by
dead selves through whom, again and again the five physical senses; the happiness arising
reborn, the man whose will is set on the best he from the five senses is merely sensuous happiness.
knows may rise as on stepping stones to higher Buddha laid much emphasis on experience and
things. The word nidāna suggests something refuses to accept anything which is beyond expe-
serial, or connected in line. Ni means “along” rience. But he makes a distinction between that
and da is to bind; thus, nidāna means that which which can be objectively experienced and that
binds along. So, the notion of chain or series of which can only be transcendentally experienced.
antecedents emerges and that, in the matter of One is phenomenal and the other is absolute.
living ascent or descent, is lineage. So, the suffer- Phenomenal reality is objectively experienced
ing of all kinds moral/ontological/metaphysical is and communicated but ultimate reality cannot be
evil due to the prior karma (prarabdha) of the communicated. Ultimate truth is a matter of real-
sentient beings, defensibly and seamlessly. ization and beyond of logic, good and evil. In this
“That which is destruction of lust, hatred and sense Buddhists are both positivists and mystic.
delusion is called Nirvāṇa” ([1], Vol. IV, p. 251). To get complete liberation (nirvāṇa) from suf-
Buddha’s teachings are directed toward avoiding fering, one needs to perform good actions and
the doing of any kind of evils; doing all good and avoid bad actions like greed, hatred, and illusion.
purifying one’s mind; not blaming; not injuring; The good actions will develop the kind of charac-
restraint according to patimokkha rules; modera- ter that will be greatly oriented toward liberation
tion in food, walking, sleeping, and sitting; and rather than leading to material benefits in another
exertion in concentration of the mind ([19], life. But one may also opt for befits like good life
Vol. II, p. 49), and it can be achieved through the in next birth by good deeds in this life. The ideal
Noble Eightfold Path. The Eightfold Path consists of nirvāṇa is the ultimate ideal, and one has to
of the following principles: (1) right views, to work toward it gradually and not with any sense of
ponder on the reality of matter; (2) right aims, urgency. There is a psychological law that if one
knowing four truths (sorrows, development of does good act and continues to do so, it would lead
482 Evil (Buddhism)

to good dispositions and character – a tendency to welfare and happiness of as many as possible,
repeat. But if one does bad actions, then also there both human and nonhuman, out of compassion,
is a tendency to repeat – a tendency to see one’s which was also a message for all the monks. The
actions in terms of rewards and punishments. In bodhisattva is the second highest stage toward
this context two sets of words are found which are nirvāṇa and would be free from all suffering
relevant punna as merit and papa as demerit, after his body was gone; he is omnipotent but
referring to good returns and bad returns or not omniscience. Comparing evil with virtue or
rewards and losses. A good man is like a good goodness, Buddha says, “The evil-doer mourns in
carpenter or a craftsman who makes skillful deci- this world, and he mourns in the next; he morns in
sions as his second nature. When a perfect one both. He mourns and suffers when he sees the evil
performs good actions, they flow in most natural (result) of his own work” ([15], Vol. I, p. 15).
way from his nature spontaneously and therefore Again, “The evil-doer suffers in this world, and
do not accumulate as karma, do not generate he suffers in the next; he suffers in both. He suffers
karmic consequences, and are beyond good and when he thinks of the evil he has done; he suffers
evil. The first five precepts (punch-sī la) for the more when going on the evil path” ([15], Vol. I,
path to better rebirths or enlightenment for laity p. 17). Yet again, “The virtuous man delights in
and monks are prohibit killing, stealing, lying, this world, and he delights in the next; he delights
adultery, and the use of intoxicants. In Buddhist in both. He delights and rejoices, when he sees the
literature, besides these five precepts, one also purity of his own work” ([15], Vol. I, p. 16).
finds daśa-sī la (ten precepts) or daśākusla, the Ultimate nature of man is recognized by Bud-
ten not right or evil deeds, and they may seem dhism in participation in goodness and in this
basically self-centered but they are to be seen in sense man has infinite capacity just as all other
the wider context of virtues and values such as beings. All beings are potential Buddhas or they
giving, or dāna-sī la, and the four unlimited vir- can possess the “Buddha nature.” The ultimate
tues of maitrī or benevolence (metta), karuṇa or aim of human life is nirvāṇa, a state that is
compassion, muditā or sympathetic joy, and attained through the process of abandoning the
upeks‚ ā or equanimity. But neither of them can self. And those who enter this state following the
exhaust the description of Buddhist path toward Path naturally devote themselves to help others to
enlightenment. Five evils (papa) are also men- reduce suffering. Due to doctrine of nonself
tioned in Mahāyāna Buddhism, and they are the (anatta) and doctrine of impermanence (anicca),
following: killing of bodhisattva or a nun, sacri- neither the person is ultimately real nor any phe-
lege, slander, and wrong views about teaching, nomenal object is real; everything is in a flux,
including the karmic or natural moral effects of although the everyday statements about persons
good and bad deeds. Basically the wrong viewing and objects can be conventionally true. The
rather than bad will must compete with the fact enlightened person, bodhisattva in Mahāyāna tra-
that of the three roots of evil (hatred, ignorance, dition, will strive to help others to overcome suf-
and covetousness) the last root functions as the fering because pain or suffering is bad – whether
ground of all evils. it is one’s own or of any other person.
The perfect one as it is exemplified by the life The dharmakaya (body) of Buddha after
of Buddha himself was capable of a richness of attaining bodhisattva is considered to be consti-
virtues, with tremendous variety and refinement. tuted by śῡnyata-essence ( prajñā) and
He discerned humanity in an impersonal term, the represented in monistic conception of reality.
law of dependent origination, and yet could Mahāyāna lays equal emphasis on prajñā and
understand the logic of character, the shades of karuṇa, and these are the two legs on which
good and evil in their multiplicity, among those Mahāyāna stands in unity. If one does not care
who came to him with problems to get help. The much for karuṇa and adheres to prajñā alone, then
mission after enlightenment was to work for the he can never have access to the right path nor, if
Evil (Buddhism) 483

one concentrates on karuṇa alone, can attain sal- ▶ Responsibility (Buddhism)

vation even in thousand births; but the one who is ▶ Saṃskāra
able to mingle prajñā with karuṇa remains neither
in bhava (samsara) nor in nirvāṇa (bodhisattva).
In Discourses, a mythological figure Mara is References
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FL). Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 27. Doniger W et al (eds) (1978) The concept of duty in
23. Rhys Davids TW (2007) Digha-Nikāya. In: Dialogues South Asia. Vikas, New Delhi
of the Buddha, vol 1–3. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
24. Sharma A (2006) Women in Indian religions. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
25. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics – essence of
Buddhism. George Braziller, New York
Excellence
26. Stcherbatsky Th (1961) The central conception of
Buddhism and the meaning of the word ‘Dharma’, ▶ Pāramitā
F

Faculty Fate (Buddhism)

▶ Senses (Buddhism) Sophorntavy Vorng

Department of Religious Diversity, Max Planck
Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic
Diversity, Göttingen, Niedersachsen, Germany
Fa-Hien

▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) Synonyms

Destiny; Niyati
Fa-Hsien
Definition
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
In Buddhism, the concept of destiny or fate is
called niyati. Niyati refers to predetermined, inev-
Fangbian itable, and unalterable events. In some religious
traditions of India, such as the Vedanta school of
▶ Upāya Hinduism, an external or divine power or outside
agency is seen to be able to influence one’s fate.
However, in Buddhism, which is doctrinally an
atheistic religion, there is no supreme being or
Fantasy force which is seen to control or influence the
course of an individual’s life, and essentially, the
▶ Dreams (Buddhism) concept of niyati plays only a minor role com-
pared to the concept of karma (Sanskrit; Pali:
kāmma). The Buddha did make a distinction
between karma and niyati, in the sense that some
Fasien events are not karmically determined but are
rather the result of niyati. For the most part, how-
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) ever, individuals are viewed to possess the

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
486 Fate (Buddhism)

capacity to manipulate future events through organized in an unchangeable order. Nirvana

interventions to karma. was reached only after the soul had been
The law of karma is seen to determine the reincarnated 84 by 100,000 times in samsara,
conditions of rebirth as well as the course of and no amount of individual effort could change
events in present and future lives. There are strong this path. Eventually, in the last life before libera-
overlaps and indeed, sometimes, a seemingly syn- tion, a soul is reborn as an Ājīvika ascetic. The
onymous relationship between fate and karma. absence of free will in Ājīvika worldview also
This is especially the case if fate and karma are means that there is no such thing as moral respon-
seen as one and the same concept. However, the sibility or right or wrong actions [1].
word karma literally translates as “deed” or The Ājīvika view on karma, fate, and morality
“action,” while there is a separate word for karmic represents a stark contrast to that of the Buddhist
fruit or outcome, referred to as vipāka in both Pali tradition. For Buddhists, every phenomenon has
and Sanskrit. While it may appear that an individ- causes and conditions which are the consequences
ual’s karma subjects him or her to an inevitable of good or bad moral actions. This karmic law is
course in life, unlike fate, the fruits of karma are inescapable and, therefore, may seem to manifest
modifiable through individual action. In this as fate, yet karma can also be transformed by
sense, karmic law in Buddhistic thought functions producing good conditions. The doctrine of
in a deterministic but not fatalistic fashion, while karma in Buddhism hence places great emphasis
simultaneously emphasizing the capacity for free on individual agency and moral responsibility, as
will and change in every individual. opposed to the passivity encouraged by a fatalistic
In order to illustrate the contrast between worldview. Indeed, the Buddha told his disciples
karma and fate further, it is helpful to briefly to “work out your own salvation with diligence”
examine the doctrinal beliefs of the ancient [2]. In essence, the individual creates his or her
Ājivika ascetic sect, who were strictly fatalistic own destiny, and this is ever changeable.
in their worldview. The Ājīvikas (literally, “fol- In Buddhism, particular emphasis is placed on
lowing an ascetic way of life”) were an order of the intention (Sanskrit: cetanā; Pali: cetana)
wandering ascetics who were contemporaries of behind an action as playing a strong role in the
the early Buddhists and historical Jains around the karmic effect. A deed is not the sole determinant
fifth to sixth century B.C. The founder of the of karmic effects, the latter of which also depend
Ājīvika faith is generally regarded to be Goshala on intention or the moral nature of the individual
Maskariputra (c. 484 B.C.). The group is thought and also the specific circumstances of the action
to have existed up until around the fourteenth [3]. Thus, for instance, in the Nibbedhika Sutta the
century. The original doctrinal texts of the Ājīvika Buddha said: “Intention, monks, is karma, I say.
have not survived, although fragments of the Having willed, one acts through body, speech and
Ājīvika doctrine are preserved in Buddhist and mind” [4]. The emphasis on intention in the crea-
Jain sources and some inscriptions from the tion of karma provides the foundation for Bud-
Mauryan Empire (322–185 B.C.E). It should be dhist ethics. Furthermore, the notion that karma
noted that because they were rival groups, the and hence one’s future destiny can be altered is
extent to which Buddhist and Jain sources reflect a necessary condition for enlightenment and
the actual doctrine of the Ājīvikas is debatable. escape from samsara (the wheel of rebirth) and
The basic principle underlying the doctrines is suffering, meaning that a fatalistic worldview is
that of reincarnation, determined by the cosmic untenable in Buddhist doctrine.
principle of niyati, which was seen to be abso- In fact, the Buddha criticized several beliefs
lutely independent of a person’s actions. Within that were seen to contradict the law of karma and
this view, karma was false and free will was an which were considered to be wrong views. These
illusion. Consequently, the Ājīvikas were strict were: pubbekatahetuvada, or the belief that all
fatalists or determinists. Individual destinies happiness and suffering arise from previous
were predetermined and the universe was karma; issaranimmanahetuvada, or the belief
Faxian (337–422 C.E.) 487

that all happiness and suffering are controlled by We know very little of Faxian’s early life in addi-
a supreme being; and ahetu-apaccayavada, or the tion to what may be gathered from his own travel
belief that all happiness and suffering are random memoirs – A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. As
and without cause [5]. These beliefs were held to a clerical name, Faxian in Chinese literally means
be false because they undermined the role of “Revealing the Dharma.” The “Shi,” which often
agency, effort, and motivation in shaping one’s precedes it, is an abbreviation of the clan name of
future path and subsequent release from samsara the Buddha as Śākya signifying “mighty in love,
which is the ultimate soteriological goal of dwelling in seclusion and silence.” Sometime
Buddhism. after the beginning of the fourth century, “Shi”
became the adopted “surname” for Buddhist
monks and nuns across China.
Cross-References
It is known that Gong was the family surname F
of this eminent monk. Born into a mediocre fam-
▶ Karma
ily in 337 as a native of Wuyang of Pingyang
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
County in Shanxi province China, Faxian had
three elder brothers. All died before shedding
their first teeth. It was for this reason that his
References
parents offered him, when he was at 3, to the
1. Basham AL (2002) History and doctrines of the Buddhist temple, and had him entered as
Ājīvikas. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi a novice, still keeping him at home in the family.
2. Parsons HL (1951) Buddha and Buddhism: a new At the age of 8, the little boy fell dangerously ill,
appraisal. Philos East West 1(3):8–37 so his father sent him to the monastery, where he
3. Kalupahana D (1975) Causality: the central philosophy
of Buddhism. The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu soon got recovered and declined to return to his
4. Anguttara Nikaya 3.415 parents. When he was 10 years of age, his father
5. Payutto PA (2000) Misunderstandings of the law of left him. An uncle, considering the helplessness
Karma. Buddhism Today. http://www.buddhismtoday. and solitude of his widowed mother, urged him to
com/english/buddha/Teachings/037-payutto2.htm.
Accessed 22 June 2011 renounce the monastic life and go back to her, yet
the boy replied, “I did not quit the family in
compliance with my father’s wishes, but because
I wished to be far away from the dust and vulgar
ways of life. This is why I choose monkhood.”
Faxian (337–422 C.E.) The uncle approved of his remarks and gave over
convincing him. It was only after his mother’s
Der-Huey Lee death that he was determined to become fully
Research Center for Buddhist Education, Peking ordained at 20.
University, Beijing, China Faxian lived at the monastery for four decades
Department of Philosophy, Chinese Culture after that. As a result of “The Five Barbarians and
University, Taipei, Taiwan the Sixteen Kingdoms” political turmoil where he
grew up during the East Jin Dynasty, Changan had
become the center of Buddhism in north China, to
Synonyms which he went for the sake of his religious faith.
Having been grieved to observe the imperfect
Fa-hien; Fa-hsien; Fasien rules of discipline of the monks in the city – trans-
lations of Buddhist canons in China being, to
a great extent, erroneous – he joined hands with
Definition Huijing, Daozheng, Huiying, and Huiwei to jour-
ney westward. He went in 399 when he was 62,
Name of a Chinese monk-cum-pilgrim. and returned home in 412 at 75.
488 Faxian (337–422 C.E.)

For 13 years the Master left his footprints in one they make no noise with their rice-bowls, and
place after another among 30 kingdoms on when they require more food there is no chattering
a pilgrimage mostly across the Indian subcontinent. one with the other, but they simply make a sign
He traveled to India via the overland Silk Road and with their fingers.”
went back to China along the maritime Silk Road From Hetian Faxian came to Zihe (modern
after visiting Ceylon, Java, and Sumatra. With his Kashgar) to witness the Pañca Pariṣad (the great
companions, Faxian reached Dunhuang, where its quinquennial assembly) of the king in that king-
prefect Li Hao helped them safely cross the Gobi dom. The pilgrim states, “This country has
desert. In his account Faxian narrates, “There are a spittoon which belonged to the Buddha; it is
many evil demons and hot winds. Travellers who made of stone and is of the same color as his
encounter them perish all to a man. There is not alms-bowl. There is also a relic of the Buddha’s
a bird to be seen in the air above, nor an animal on teeth, for which people have raised a pagoda.”
the ground below. Though you look all around From Zihe, Faxian and the others went west-
most earnestly to find where you can cross, you ward toward North India. It was only in the king-
know not where to make your choice, the only dom of Tuoli (modern Darel) in the end of 401,
mark and indication being the dry bones of the after over 3 years of making a long trek from
dead left upon the sand.” Changan, that the pilgrim Faxian at long last
After crossing the desert for 17 days, Faxian touched Indian soil. In this kingdom, there was
and his company arrived in the country of allegedly an Arhat, who by his supernatural power
Shanshan (modern Lob-Nor region), where, as took a clever artificer up to the Tushita heaven, to
recorded by Faxian, 4,000 Buddhist monks of see the height, complexion, and appearance of
the Lesser Vehicle resided. The company stayed the Bodhisattva Maitreya or the expected
for about a month here, and then 15 days walking Buddha-to-be, and then returned to make an
toward the northwest brought them to the Wuyi image of him in wood.
country (modern Yanqi), also an important center Faxian and his company followed the route
of the Lesser Vehicle with the same number of along the Bolor-Tagh range in eastern Pamir
monks. Mountains, and after traveling for 15 days, they
The team of pilgrims finally reached Hetian located the Indus river. After crossing the river,
(modern Khotan) after being on the road they reached the Wuchang kingdom, which “lay
a month and 5 days. Here, followers of the Greater on the western side of the Indus.” Here, Buddhism
Vehicle are referred to for the first time in A was seen in a flourishing state. Later they also
Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms. Encompassing visited the present-day Gandhara, Taksasila,
10,000 Buddhist monks or so, this kingdom was Suvastu, Purusapura, Hidda, and Nagarahara.
famous for its procession of Buddha images, Before long, their footprints were marked in
a procession in which not only the monks but Punjab’s Bhida where its local Buddhist monks
also the king, queen, and the ladies of the royal bid so cordial a welcome. With his companions
houses took part. Faxian stayed there for 3 months passing away one after another en route from
paying homage to it. In his account, the Qumodi Purusapura to Bannu, Faxian could only proceed
monastery, “one of the biggest institutions of Bud- to Mathura together with only Daozheng. Here, in
dhist learning in Central Asia” where this team addition to 10,000 Buddhist monks and monas-
was accommodated by the king, is spoken of in teries, Faxian witnessed stupas that had been
terms of the discipline of the monks: “At the erected in honor of Sariputra, Maudgalayana,
sound of the gong, three thousand priests assem- Ananda (the three disciples of the Buddha), and
ble together to take their meal. Whilst entering the the Buddha’s son Rahula. There were stupas in
dining hall they observe the greatest decorum and memory of the Sutra (scriptures), the Vinaya
propriety of conduct; one after another they take (monastic disciplines), and the Abhidharma (trea-
their seats. Silence is observed amongst them all; tises) or the Three Baskets of Buddhism, too.
Faxian (337–422 C.E.) 489

Faxian afterward reached Kanauj and then vis- Faxian and his companion returned to
ited Ayodhya. Next, he visited Sravasti, the capital Pataliputra from Benares. The quest of Faxian was
of king Prasenajit of Kosala, who was a close to acquire complete sets of the Vinaya texts. Yet to
friend and a contemporary of the Buddha. Here, his astonishment, there was no single written vol-
Faxian accompanied by Daozheng made a visit to ume to be found, as the texts were handed down
the Jetavana monastery “where the World- verbally from one generation to another throughout
honored One had formerly resided for twenty- Northern India. Then, in a monastery elsewhere, he
five years preaching the Dharma.” They then located a copy of the Mahāsaṅghika (great order of
arrived in Kapilavastu, the kingdom of monks) Vinaya, which is “The copy of the rules that
Suddhodana – the Buddha’s father. It was “then is the most complete with the fullest explanation.”
just like a wilderness, except for priests and some This was accepted by the Buddhist monks in the
tens of families.” Buddha’s lifetime and was used by the monks of the F
Two of them left Kapilavastu and went to the First Great Council. He also came by a manuscript
garden of Lumbini, the birthplace of Gautama, of the Sarvāstivāda rules in 6,000 or 7,000 verses,
and thence to Kusinagara, the place of His ulti- together with the Saṁyuktābhidharmahrdaya
mate nirvana. Then they went to Vaisali where the Śāstra, the Parinirvāṇa Vaipulya Sūtra, and the
Lord Buddha preached his last sermon. They later Mahāsaṅghika Abhidharma. It was in 405 with
reached the country of Magadha and the city of Faxian 68 that the two pilgrims were to spend
Pataliputra, where the greatest Buddhist king 3 years in Pataliputra “learning Sanskrit books and
Ashoka had established the Maurya Empire’s cap- the Sanskrit speech, and writing out the Vinaya
ital. Faxian stayed there for 3 years, and spoke rules.” Later they arrived in Tamalipti, the famous
highly in praise of Magadha: “He hoped if in port in Bengal. Here, they saw 22 monasteries. It
future he should become a buddha he might be was an essential center of Buddhism where they
born in Magadha, rather than on the eastern fron- two wrote out scriptures and drew pictures of
tier, where the wandering monks neglected the images.
precepts and transgressed in their devoirs.” Daozheng, the companion, decided not to
Nalanda, the best Buddhist university known to return to China. Faxian alone went back, and
the world at the time, was also visited by Faxian along the Ganges he reached Gampa in the vicin-
before Rajagrha and Bodh Gaya – “a complete ity of Bhagalpur, and thence to Tamralipti. It was
waste within the walls.” The former is where com- in this city that he embarked on a ship to arrive
pilations of the Buddha’s rules of Vinaya were in Ceylon after 2 weeks during the year 410.
initially made; the latter is where Gautama Bud- Within 2 years in the kingdom, Faxian collected
dha’s attainment of Enlightenment was accom- the Vinayapiṭaka of the Mahīśāsakāh School,
plished. Afterward, they went to Benares and the Dīrghāgama, the Saṃyuktāgama, and the
also the Deer Forest at Sarnath where the Buddha Saṃyukta Sañchaya Piṭaka.
delivered his first sermon to the earliest five- Faxian, however, was not so fortunate on the
member Sangha (the community of ordained next two legs of his journey home, and his narra-
monks and nuns). There, this mundane world tion shows how hazardous sailing could actually
for the very first time incepted to have a solid be. After 2 years in Sri Lanka,
religion of no soul and no self coming into being. . . .he took passage in a large merchantman, on
Within Buddhism, the prerequisites of Buddha, board of which there were more than 200 men,
Dharma, and Sangha are known as “the Three and to which was attached by a rope a smaller
Gems.” For Buddhists, Bodh Gaya is considered vessel, as a provision against damage or injury to
the large one from the perils of the navigation.
the most important of the major four pilgrimage
sites associated with the life of Gautama Buddha, The ship sprang a leak during a heavy storm.
the other three being Kusinagara, Lumbini, and The merchants threw their bulky goods over-
Sarnath. board, but Faxian only cast away his personal
490 Faxian (337–422 C.E.)

possessions, hoping to save Buddhist books and ▶ Mahāyāna

images. Soon after, the ship came to an island ▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism)
where the leak was repaired, and 90 days later ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
the ship arrived in Java-dvipa (perhaps Sumatra, ▶ The Tathagata
although the term indicates the Malay world in ▶ Vinaya
general). Faxian stayed here for 5 months, then ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
boarded another “large merchantman, which also ▶ Yijing
had on board more than 200 men.” They carried
provisions for 50 days, and were bound for
Guangdong, but the ship was blown off course;
it took 82 days before they reached northern References
China against expectations.
1. Bapat PV (ed) (1997) 2500 years of Buddhism.
He landed in Laoshan, which is now in the
Government of India Press, Delhi
Shandong province, 30 km east of Qingdao city, 2. Beal S (Tr) (1996) Travels of Fah-hian and Sung-yun,
during the seventh month of the Chinese Lunar Buddhist pilgrims, from China to India (400 A.D. and
Year 412, and went to Shandong’s then-capital 518 A.D.). Asian Educational Services, Delhi
3. Beal S (Tr) (2004) Si-Yu-Ki, Buddhist records of the
Qingzhou, where he remained for a year translat-
Western World. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
ing and editing the scriptures he had brought 4. Bernstein R (2001) Ultimate journey: retracing the
back. The Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra among them path of an ancient Buddhist Monk who crossed
addresses the Buddha-nature issue, which is the Asia in search of enlightenment. A. A. Knopf, New
York
rock-steady basis of the belief prevalent in
5. Chen KKS (1972) Buddhism in China: a historical
Chinese Buddhism that a person whose roots of survey. Princeton University Press, Princeton
goodness are cut off is still entitled to buddhahood 6. Chih-fu L (2010) Zhong Xi Si Lu Wen Hua Shi. Zong
– Faxian’s most salient contribution. Jiao Wen Hua Chu Ban She, Beijing
7. China Pictorial Publications (ed) (1989) The Silk Road
What followed this was an epoch-making
on land and sea. China Pictorial Publications, Beijing
account of his expedition to India by land and return 8. Forster EM (1942) A passage to India. Everyman’s
to China by sea, condensed from his own narrative, Library, London
with the addition of some marvelous incidents that 9. Grousset R (1976) In the footsteps of the Buddha.
Chinese Materials Center, San Francisco
happened to him along the Silk Routes at the turn of
10. Hazra KL (2002) Buddhism in India as described by
the fifth century C.E. In 414, Faxian’s travelogue the Chinese pilgrims AD 399–689. Munshiram
Foguoji was written out. Manoharlal, Delhi
The Dharma-revealing Master is said to have 11. Hedin SA (2009) The Silk Road: ten thousand miles
through Central Asia. Tauris Parke Paperbacks,
particularly influenced Xuanzang, the best known
London
Chinese pilgrim to India in the history of China. 12. Johnston RF (1976) Buddhist China. Chinese Mate-
Faxian died at the ripe age of 85 in the year 422 rials Center, San Francisco
at Xin Temple. 13. Kieschnick J (1997) The eminent monk: Buddhist
ideals in Medieval Chinese hagiography. University
of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
14. Legge J (Tr & annot.) (1965) A record of Buddhistic
Kingdom. General, Toronto
Cross-References 15. Linduff K (ed) (2004) Silk Road exchange in China.
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
16. Pachow W (1980) Chinese Buddhism: aspects of
▶ Bhikkhunī interaction and reinterpretation. University Press of
▶ Bodhgayā America, Lanham
▶ Bodhisattva 17. Sheel K et al (eds) (2010) India on the Silk Road.
Buddhist World Press, Delhi
▶ Buddha (Concept)
18. Takakusu J (Tr) (1998) Record of the Buddhist
▶ Buddha Sakyamuni religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago
▶ Dharma (A.D. 671–695). Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi
Festivals (Buddhism) 491

19. Thubron C (1989) The silk road China: beyond the days of the lunar calendar, the new moon and the
Celestial Kingdom. Pyramid in association with full moon days. The Buddhist monks during the
Departures, London
20. Watters T (1996) On Yuan Chwang’s travels in India: time of the Buddha began to gather to proclaim and
A.D. 629–645. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi learn the new doctrine, leading to the increase of
21. Wriggins SH (1996) Xuanzang: a Buddhist pilgrim on their own numbers, and to recite the Pātimokkha.
the Silk Road. Westview Press, Boulder With the elapse of a short period of time, the two
intermediate quarter moon days were also added to
make the number of Uposatha days 4 per month.
The Vassā (the rains) came to be observed by
Feeling
the monks as a 3-month stay-in period during the
rainy season, starting on the full moon day of
▶ Senses (Buddhism)
Asālha (June–July) on the recommendation of F
the Buddha himself. The termination of the
Vassā became known as the Pavāraṇā when the
Female Bleeding Kaṭhina ceremony was held at which a ceremonial
kaṭhina robe was presented to the Saṃgha. Of
▶ Menstruation (Buddhism) greater significance, as a festivity and as one that
positively marks the growth of Buddhist ritual, is
the recitation of the Ratana Sutta. This began
when the sprinkling of sanctified water carried in
Festivals (Buddhism) the Buddha’s alms bowl along the street of Vesālī
when the city was stricken by threefold calamities
Siyaram Mishra Haldhar of famine, pestilence, and demoniac influence.
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of The Buddha entrusted this magical task to his
Delhi, Delhi, India disciple Ānanda, and with the speedy appearance
of the anticipated results, the citizen constructed
a beautifully decorated, perfumed, and canopied
Definition assembly hall in which the Buddha, the monks,
royalty, and the people took appropriate seats. The
Events usually staged by the Buddhist communi- Buddha himself preached the Ratana Sutta for
ties which center on and celebrate unique aspects seven consecutive days and recommended the
of those communities. performance of this ritual in the event of a future
The genesis of Buddhist festivals can be seen in occurrence of such calamities, making use of the
the lifetime of the Buddha. Process of the growth of customary folk-ritualistic paraphernalia.
rituals and ceremonies in Buddhism and their for- The sanctuaries in which were deposited relics of
malization as festivals is well reflected in the Pāli the Buddha or of his holy disciples became known
Tipiṭaka, its commentaries, the chronicles such as as cetiyas (shrines) where various kinds of celebra-
the Dīpavaṃsa, the Mahāvaṃsa, contemporary tions began to take place. Cetiyas are of three types:
Sinhala epigraphic records, and Pāli and Sinhala (1) Sārīra-cetiyas containing relics of the body of the
literary works. The rich culture of Buddhism is Buddha or of an Arahant, (2) Paribhoga-cetiyas
reflected through the various festivals which have containing articles such as the alms bowl used by
kept Buddhism alive through the ages. The festi- the Buddha, and (3) Udissa-cetiyas which are
vals as amusements are very creative. The rich and images or some other objects made to resemble the
the poor alike participate in them which are marked figure of the Buddha. The Bodhi tree was also
by merrymaking and processions. considered to belong to this group for the Buddha
Perhaps, the earliest Buddhist festival which attained enlightenment under it. The Buddha him-
began as a rite is the Uposatha held on important self is said to have caused cetiyas to be built,
492 Festivals (Buddhism)

depositing in them relics of several of his disciples lanterns of various sizes and shapes, the enactment
who were arahants, such as Sāriputta and of street corner dramas depicting the Jātaka stories
Moggallāna. and episodes from life of the Buddha, the construc-
After Upatissa, the king of Sri Lanka, caused tion of tableaux depicting scenes of heaven and
the monks to chant parittas (protection suttas) in hells, the singing of devotional songs by troupes
public at a time when the island was vexed by of girls and boys, and temple processions carrying
a famine as well as plague, chanting of parittas has flags and images of Buddha. The custom of send-
become an important Buddhist ritual. The Suttas ing beautifully printed “Vesāk cards” to relations
usually chanted are the Maṅgala, the Ratana, and and friends now well rooted is of comparatively
the Karaṇīyametta of the Khuddakapātha. The recent origin. Large happy crowds may be seen
ceremony is conducted over a long time in traveling to see the night of Vesāk. Now, the UN
which the whole of the Piritpota (the Book of does celebrate Vesāk Day every year.
Parittas) is chanted. In countries like Cambodia, A significant character of all these festivals is
ancestor worship has also become an important that they are guided by the lunar calendar and that
Buddhist festival. they culminate on the night of the full moon of
The events connected with the introduction of a given month. In most of the Buddhist countries,
Buddhism to different societies, especially in Sri even when a ritual is held in honor of a deity, it
Lanka, gave birth to different kinds of festivities tends to take a Buddhist complexion.
and celebrations. For instance, the entry of the In Japan where several Buddhist sects flourish,
mission headed by Mahinda to the capital at the birth of the Buddha is celebrated on the 8th of
Anurādhapura to be welcomed reverently by the April when a festival called Hana Matsui (Flower
king, the gift of alms, the gathering of a vast con- festival) at which among other observances,
course of the city people to see Mahinda and his children dance before images of the Buddha is
companions, the decorated halls, the preaching of held. In Tibet, Vaisākha is celebrated specially to
the discourses (suttas), gifts of Parks to Saṃgha, commemorate Padamasambhava, the eighth-
the admission of lay people to the Saṃgha, the century founder of Lamaism, and the reformer
pinpointing of locations for edifices for the sacred Tsong Khapa (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries),
Bodhi tree, alms halls, refectories, etc., were and the lamas refrain from food and lend assis-
accompanied by an air of unprecedented festivity tance to the laity in acts of piety. In Nepal where
and celebrations. a strong Buddhist Hindu Syncretism is evident,
The annual Buddhist festival with the longest the Bahiravajātrā festival is celebrated during the
history is Vesāk, falling on the full moon day of holy month of May which is marked by dancing
May, celebrated to mark the triple events of the and the sacrifice of buffaloes.
birth, the attainment to enlightenment, and the
demise of the Buddha. Earliest reference to it is in
the Mahāvaṃsa pertaining to the reign of king Cross-References
Duṭṭhagāmami (101–77 B.C.) who is said to have
celebrated it 24 times. By the fourth century C.E., ▶ Arahant
the festival had become an established tradition. ▶ Bodhi Tree
The festivals as held in nowadays display sev- ▶ Buddha (Concept)
eral popular characteristics: rituals observed in ▶ Cetiya
temple with more devotees participating than on ▶ Jātaka
any other holiday with most members in the pure ▶ Padmasambhava
white attire observing the eight precepts (aṭṭha- ▶ Pātimokkha
sī la), the offering of food and drinks at temporary ▶ Saṃgha
alms halls to devotees and sightseers, the lighting at ▶ Tipiṭaka
night of rows of coconut oil lamps and paper ▶ Uposatha
Folklore (Buddhism) 493

References prosperity but are not specifically marked as

Buddhist.
1. Adikaram EW (1953) Early history of Buddhism in
Ceylon. M.D. Gunasena, Colombo
Buddhist folklore is a tradition which mainly con-
2. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1913) The Sutta-Nipāta.
Pali Text Society, London sists of the worship of deities and demigods;
3. Basham AL (1951) The Wonder that was India. appeasement of spirits and ghosts living in trees,
Sidgwick and Jackson, London rivers, and mountains; belief in the power of holy
4. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols. Luzac,
men; healing practices; exorcism; ancestor wor-
London
5. Malalasekera GP (ed) (1961–1972) Encyclopedia of ship; divination; and rituals directed at helping
Buddhism. Government of Ceylon, Colombo people cope with life’s uncertainties and exigen-
6. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the cies. Buddhism has had a folk or popular dimension
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
7. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911) The
since its earliest days and it has persisted in different F
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London forms to the present times. In fact, the earliest
8. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE, Stede W (eds) Buddhist communities continued with many of
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s their pre-Buddhist practices even after they came
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
within the fold of Buddhism. The Buddha is shown
Society, London
in the Vinaya Piṭaka as winning followers through
magic. He as well as monks and nuns were
supported by the lay followers not only for earning
Final Exit material and spiritual benefits but also for magical
protection. Miraculous power of the Buddha also
▶ Death (Buddhism) became visible in the cult of Buddha relics shortly
after his death. Doctrinal elucidation in the sacred
texts of Buddhism can also be seen as frequently
Folk Religion (Buddhism) having been interlaced with animistic and magical
elements. As Buddhism moved out of its original
▶ Folklore (Buddhism) homeland and came into contact with other cul-
tures, not only did such practices and their ingredi-
ents travel with it but also became indigenized and
blended with the established beliefs and practices in
Folklore (Buddhism) the new environment.
Folk Buddhism as an essentially syncretistic
K. T. S. Sarao phenomenon took different forms in different
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of societies. In some cases, characters and plots
Delhi, Delhi, India from texts such as the Jātakas were modified to
fit peacefully into the new milieu. In other cases,
there was a conflict and competition, for instance,
Synonyms Milarepa’s innumerable encounters in Tibet with
the local deity Naro Bönchung and the latter’s
Folk religion (Buddhism); Little tradition (Bud- subjugation by the former. Often, native motifs,
dhism); Popular Buddhism practices, and beliefs were appropriated and
assimilated without much modification in their
Definition character. This is specifically true in the case of
the appropriation and assimilation of a huge
A body of popular myths, customs, and animistic canvass of supernatural forces and beings. Invari-
as well as magical beliefs pervasive in Buddhist ably, in this assimilation Buddhist themes and
societies which seek salvation, well-being, or symbolism remained overall dominant. Playing
494 Folklore (Buddhism)

a protective role by guarding a sacred Buddhist the primary practitioners of the folk traditions.
temple, district, or populace, they function in This is so because the orthodox Vinaya either
a relationship of subordination to the Buddha. discourages or completely forbids most of the
For instance, under the watchful eye of the Bud- magical practices associated with Buddhist folk-
dha, the Hindu god Viṣṇu is often invoked during lore. However, in all likelihood in the present-day
a customary Buddhist ritual and the guardians of Buddhist societies, monastic communities are not
the four quarters are worshipped on the occasion able to follow the strict ideal of monastic disci-
of the New Year celebrations in Thailand. Simi- pline which does not encourage such practices.
larly, in Sri Lanka some sort of divine pantheon of
gods and spirits with Viṣṇu on top but under the
overall sway of the Buddha has come into exis- Cross-References
tence. In China, the shaman (wu), who warded off
adversities and banished unfriendly spirits, played ▶ Buddha (Concept)
an important role in the formation of the notion of ▶ Jātaka
charismatic leadership of folk Buddhist sects. ▶ Mahāyāna
In the Theravāda societies, some monks have ▶ Theravāda
become famous for their expertise in predicting ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
future events, communicating with the world of
the spirits, and as alchemists. Some of them are
held in high esteem for their magical powers and References
people wear their amulets to ward off illness and
1. Ames MM (1964) Magical-Animism and Buddhism:
hazards. At some places, such practices have even a structural analysis of the Sinhalese religious system.
given birth to the cult of monk-saints whose In: Harper EB (ed) Religion in South Asia. University
extraordinary deeds are advertised in newspapers of Washington Press, Seattle, pp 21–52
and their advice is sought on matters ranging from 2. Archaimbault C (1964) Religious structures in Laos.
J Siam Soc 52:57–74
lottery numbers to formation of governments. 3. von Fürer-Haimendorf C (1967) Morals and merit:
Similarly, in the societies where Mahāyāna and a study of values and social controls in South Asian
Vajrayāna forms of Buddhism are practiced, biog- societies. Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London
raphies of Chan patriarchs and historical person- 4. Gombrich R, Obeyesekere G (1988) Buddhism
transformed: religious change in Sri Lanka. Princeton
alities such as Padmasambhava and Milarepa University Press, Princeton
have become imbued with a variety of supernatu- 5. Ichirō H (1968) Folk religion in Japan; continuity and
ral qualities. In these societies, the function of the change (ed & trans: Kitagawa JM, Miller AL).
Buddha as a savior has also become conspicuous University of Chicago, Chicago
6. Kamstra JH (1967) Encounter or syncretism: the initial
through the mushrooming of buddhas and bodhi- growth of Japanese Buddhism. E.J. Brill, Leiden
sattvas such as Maitreya, Amitābha, Kṣitigarbha, 7. Ling TO (1962) Buddhism and the mythology of evil:
Dolma, and Guanyin. a study in Theravada Buddhism. Allen and Unwin,
In Southeast Asia the spirits are variously London
8. Nash M (1965) The golden road to modernity: village
known as nat, kmauit, phi, and neaktaa. Some of life in contemporary Burma. Wiley, New York
these spirits have the power to cause harm if they 9. Obeyesekere G (1963) The great tradition and the little
are not either suitably appeased or humans in the perspective of Sinhalese Buddhism. J Asian
encroach into their terrains. There are other spirits, Stud 22:139–153
10. Rhum MR (2004) Folk religion, Southeast Asia. In:
which as guardian spirits provide protection Buswell RE (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmil-
against adversities, find lost things, and heal the lan, New York, pp 293–295
afflicted. However, in return, humans are 11. Sprio ME (1982) Buddhism and society: a great tradi-
expected to keep them happy by making regular tion and its Burmese Vicissitudes, 2nd edn. University
of California Press, Berkeley
offerings which range from food and liquor to 12. Swearer DK (1989) Folk Buddhism. In: Kitagawa JM,
animal sacrifices presided over by specialist Cummings MD (eds) Buddhism and Asian history.
priests. Mostly it is the lay Buddhists who are Macmillan, New York, pp 351–357
Fundamental Doctrines of Buddhism 495

13. Tambiah SJ (1970) Buddhism and the spirit cults in

North-East Thailand. Cambridge University Press, Freedom
Cambridge
14. Teiser SS (2004) Folk religion: an overview. In:
Buswell RE (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmil- ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
lan, New York, pp 288–290

Formations Freedom (Buddhism)

▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
▶ Saṃkhāra

F
Founder of Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika Friendship
Tradition of Buddhism
▶ Metta
▶ Buddhapālita

Fugen
Four Noble Truths
▶ Samantabhadra
▶ Aryasacca

Fourth Yana Fundamental Doctrines of Buddhism

▶ Engaged Buddhism ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)

G

Gagga Mantānīputta Definition

▶ Aṅgulimāla One of the Nava-Dharmas/Vaipulya-Sūtras.

A Text of Strategic Planning for Human

Gahattha Protection and Progress
˙˙
▶ Upāsaka Gaṇḍa (Gaṇa/Ghana)-vyūha-Sūtra is considered
as one of the Nava-Dharmas (new/nine – aspects/
versions/parts/forms of the teachings of the
Buddha), which are known as Vaipulya-Sūtras of
Ganda/Gana/Ghana-vyūha-Sūtra the Nepalese Buddhism. These Vaipulya-Sūtras are
˙˙ ˙ not claimed to be the parts of any particular school/
▶ Gaṇḍavyūha sect within Mahāyāna Buddhism, and belong to
different times. In Nepal, it is available in Nevārī
script, and worshiped with great religiosity.
Gaṇḍa-vyūha-Sūtra is a part of Buddhist
Gandavyūha Sūtra-literature, which is written to formulate the
˙˙ teachings of the Buddha. There seem to be two
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore kinds of constraints behind composition of all the
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in (Mahāyāna) Vaipulya-Sūtras that seem to have
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and been composed. On the one hand orthodoxy of
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, traditional practitioners insisting on the authentic-
India ity and primacy of earlier practices (based on the
Tripiṭaka-literature), and on the other hand need to
conceptually philosophize, expand, and transcend
Synonyms the limitations/lacunae seen/shown. Under such
circumstances, how to advocate and disseminate
Gaṇḍa/Gaṇa/Ghana-vyūha-Sūtra; World-array thoughts of the Buddha appropriately was a
of Flowers Sūtra prominent question faced by the then followers

# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017

K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
498 Gandavyūha
˙˙

of Buddhism. It was the juncture period, when beautiful piece of art, full of similes and parables.
Buddhist Mahāyāna-Sūtras (teachings of the Scenes of the story or figures described in the text
Buddha in a nutshell and systematic form) were are represented in the relics at Barabuḍur in the
composed. And Gaṇḍa-vyūha-Sūtra is one late eighth or early ninth century [6].
among them. Etymologically “Gaṇḍa” means “cheek,
According to some scholars [1], it is the last glands of neck, ego, or complex, vital/critical
chapter of the Avataṃsaka-Sūtra and the longest organs in the human body.” “Ghana” (alternative
part of it. Sangharakshita claims [2] that to Gaṇḍa) etymologically means dense, solid, and
Laṅkāvatāra-Sūtra is the first part, second is difficult to make into pieces. “Gaṇa” (another
Surāṇgama-Sūtra, and the third is Gaṇḍa (Gaṇa/ alternative to Gaṇḍa) etymologically means peo-
Ghana)-vyūha-Sūtra. And all these three are col- ple belonging to a particular group, having
lectively known as Avataṃsaka-Sūtra, which a leader to guide, who plans strategically
intends to convey Yogācāra Buddhist thought. (Vyūha) for the protection and progress of all.
However, according to some other scholars [3], Further, “Vyūha” means army, military array,
it is not a constitutive part of the Avataṃsaka- arrangement of placing, strategic planning,
Sūtra, but it is completely an independent text. It group of multitude, maze. Thus, Gaṇḍa-vyūha-
was originally written in hybrid-Saṅskrit, and its Sūtra connotatively means “a text which enables
manuscripts are available in fragmentary form and to strategically plan for the vitality of human
preserved. In the present Sanskrit version avail- protection and progress.” It is also popularly
able, there are 52 qualities learnt by Sudhana and known as “World-array of Flowers Sūtra” and is
56 chapters are there. However, in all 110 qualities said to be a rhetoric device of calling “bouquet.” It
were mentioned in the original, according to the means a speech having double meaning for the
reference given in the text; and based on this two different hearers – one for those who have
internal evidence it is claimed that some part the already acquired qualities of Bodhisattvas, and
text is lost. Further, Prof. Sylvain Lèvi claims its another for those who are yet to become Bodhi-
Khotanese origin. sattva, like monks and nuns (Sk. Bhikṣus-
Gaṇḍa-vyūha-Sūtra is written in mixed style, Bhikṣuṇī s) or lay-disciples men and women
consisting of both verse and prose form of San- (Upāsakas-Upāsikās).
skrit. Name of the author is unknown and the Gaṇḍa-vyūha-Sūtra is a highly respected
exact date of its origin is not available, like all Mahāyāna work, because it enables one to learn
the other Mahāyāna-Sūtras. However, from the the modes of perfection to become Bodhisattva. It
style of the work and generally accepted views is a masterpiece on spiritual-travel plan, which
about the origin of the Buddhist Sūtra-literature, it descriptively takes into the realm of religion/spir-
can be conjectured that it must have been written ituality/philosophy progressively, and enables one
in the first or the second century C.E., before to transform. Even a layperson living in the con-
Nāgārjuna. It is also available in Tibetan and ventional world (Sk. Vyavahāra-sat) can develop
Chinese in translated form. It was translated into and uplift oneself to the transcendental world
Chinese several times, of which fourth and eighth (Sk. Paramārtha-sat). It is a work providing ave-
century translations are extant [4]. Gaṇḍavyūha is nue to progressively comprehend inconceivable
fairly quoted by Śāntideva [5] in his Śikṣā- nature of the entire universe. Everyday world of
Samuccaya. transmigration and transcendental nature of the
It was, perhaps, if not fully at least partly, ultimate reality, both are aspects of the same
written at some place from South India (especially truth. There is no contradiction between the con-
Andhra), taking into consideration the names of ventional world (Sk. Vyavahāra-sat) and the tran-
cities mentioned in the text. Southern Indians scendental world (Sk. Paramārtha-sat). It is
were in close contact with navigators and traders, a progressive journey from the ordinary world
hence it is a widely circulated text. The descrip- (Sk. Loka-dhātu) – consisting of people having
tion of the travels of Sudhana is a picturesque and attachments, selfish desires, anger, etc. – toward
Gandavyūha 499
˙˙

enlightenment (Sk. Bodhi) or realization of the in all 110 qualities from 110 friends but in the text
inconceivable nature of the ultimate reality available, only 52 are mentioned. It may be
(Sk. Dharma-dhātu). The difference is just because some part of the text, which is missing,
marginal or aspectival. They are rather may have discussed them further.) Those who are
interdependent/interrelated, and possible to be interested can find details of the tour conducted
realized by all. By learning the foundations of systematically (in a tabular form) where the names
Buddha’s teaching based on compassion (Sk. of Kalyāṇa-mitras, their places of residence, their
Karuṇā) and wisdom (Sk. Prajñā), an attempt is professions, their good qualities, and results/
made to appeal to intuition and imagination to impact-factors of acquiring them, respectively,
establish the reality of absolute mind (Sk. Citta). are given. What is clearly connoted as moral is
Through comprehending the meaning of it, it is that each person is a combination of both good
expected from the prospective readers to learn the and bad qualities. No one is perfect at the begin-
method (Sk. Yāna) of acquiring qualities of ning. Good qualities are worth to be acquired and/
becoming Bodhisattva, which is the ideal/possible or emulated, irrespective of the consideration of G
perfection of human life, by taking the religious various kinds of differences like caste, class, age,
pilgrimage along with Sudhana. profession, gender, etc., and from wherever they
In the Jetavan grove (donated to the Saṁgha reside. If one has strong inner urge to progress
by Anātha-piṇḍaka from Śrāvasti), assembly truly, then it is possible by possessing values and
takes place of Bodhisattvas, monks, and nuns skills at any juncture in life.
(Bhikṣus-Bhikṣuṇī s), lay disciples – men and On the advice of Bodhisattva-Mañjuśrī,
women (Upāsakas-Upāsikās), and Gods- Sudhana travels all over India taking all kinds of
Goddesses (Deva-Devatās), demons and deities pains in order to acquire essential knowledge for
(Asura-Yakṣa-Kinnara), etc. In such a gathering, enlightenment (Sk. Bodhi). He wanders from land
Sudhana (one who has collected good values/ to land, person to person of various kind
valuables), a son of merchant, inquires about the consisting of monks and nuns, lay adherents
possibility of attaining Bodhisattvahood for all. both male and female, merchants, kings, slaves,
Then, the Buddha takes on the seat and enters brahmins, physicians, deities, teachers of arts and
into a meditative snap, like a lion (Sk. crafts, gods and goddesses including Vāsantī
Siṁhavijṛṃbhit-Samādhi). After that, Bodhisattva (night-goddesses), Śākyamunī’s wife (Gopā) and
Mañjuśrī (one who possesses wisdom and is mother (Māyā), and many pious persons. Though
loving/pleasing and has a sweet tongue) apprises the number of qualities is limited, it provides
the assembly about the possibility of unlimited immense knowledge and profound insight.
showering of compassion (Sk. Karuṇā) of the When Sudhana comes to Bodhisattva-
Buddha, and chooses Sudhana to enlighten, as Samantabhadra (blessed one or well-wisher of
he has already attained some good qualities. all), he describes and praises the powers of the
Mañjuśrī possesses wisdom (Sk. Prajñā) and Buddha and tells him to pray for his grace and
compassion (Sk. Karuṇā), and out of his grace compassion. For, knowledge is incomplete with-
he helps aspirants, like Sudhana, to get perfect out compassion (Karuṇā) and wisdom (Prajñā),
enlightenment. and perfection is possible, by modesty, to learn.
Sudhana begins his spiritual journey of Ultimately, at the end, Sudhana attains perfection,
enlightenment (Bodhi) under the guidance of with the help of Bodhisattva Samantabhadra. It is
Mañjuśrī, and he is advised to learn aspects of here worth to note that among 52 Kalyāṇa-mitras
qualitative personality development for attaining 21 are women.
perfection from different benevolent friends (Sk. It is because of Bodhisattva Samantabhadra,
Kalyāṇa-mitras). Thus, Sudhana learns in all Sudhana attains enlightenment ultimately through
52 qualities, which are essential to become Bodhi- the prayer prescribed and performed. Hence, per-
sattva, from the respective benevolent friends haps, at the end of the text, one finds the same
(Kalyāṇa-mitras). (It is said above that he learns prayer is prescribed for the benefit of all, which
500 Gandhara

was performed by Sudhana, namely, Bhadrācārī- 3. Vaidya PL (ed) (1960) Introduction, Gaṇḍa-vyūha-
praṇidhāna-gātha. It is the prayer concerning Sūtra. Mithila Institute, Darbhanga, pp 394
4. Winternitz M (1993) History of Indian literature, vol II.
pious life – in 62 melodious Dodhaka stanzas. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 312–314
They are used for the purpose of worship in all 5. Vaidya PL (ed) (1961) Śāntideva’s Śikṣā-Samuccaya.
countries of Mahāyāna Buddhism, since the Mithila Institute, Darbhanga
fourth century A.D. It is devotional faith and 6. Nakamura H (1987) Indian Buddhism: a survey with
bibliographical notes. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
worship with the help of which one can obtain
the grace of Bodhisattva, who is himself ideal
or perfection of qualities. For enlightenment,
purification of mind (Sk. Citta-viśuddhi) is Gandhara
a precondition. It is not possible to acquire good
qualities, unless one cleanses impurities of mind, Jens-Uwe Hartmann
like enmity, jealousy, envy, etc. Gaṇḍa-vyūha- Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, University
Sūtra contains vows, which can be executed in of Munich, Munich, Germany
the 10 steps that are generally less known to get
powers like those of the Buddha.
Definition

The region around Peshawar.

Cross-References
Gandhara (Sanskrit Gandhāra) is originally the
▶ Bodhi region around former Puruṣapura, present-day
▶ Bodhisattva Peshawar, in Northern Pakistan [1]. Modern
▶ Buddha (Concept) scholars use it in a broader sense to denote the
▶ Citta-viśuddhi area where a specific style of art, the so-called
▶ Karuṇā Gandharan art, was created and spread during
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra the first centuries of the Common Era. This area
▶ Mahāyāna is nowadays often termed Greater Gandhara [5]
▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and reaches beyond Kabul up to Bamiyan in the
▶ Mañjuśrī west, to Gilgit in the northeast, and beyond the old
▶ Nāgārjuna city of Taxila in the southeast. Due to its geo-
▶ Paramārtha graphical settings, the region always formed the
▶ Prajñā gateway to India for foreign ethnic groups and
▶ Saṅgha powers, but the routes followed by the invaders
▶ Śāntideva also served as trade routes and allowed intense
▶ Sūtra Piṭaka exchange of goods, technologies, and ideas in
▶ Tripiṭaka both directions. Time and again Gandhara has
▶ Upāsaka been called a melting pot, but it is questionable
▶ Yānas whether this metaphor is really helpful in describ-
▶ Yogācāra ing and understanding the cultural developments,
since the area is rather characterized by diversity:
several languages, Greek, Indian, and Iranian,
References were used side by side; a number of religions,
Zoroastrism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and other
1. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal cults, coexisted; and various foreign powers,
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 401–407
2. Sangharakshita MS (1987) A survey of Buddhism: its
Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythian, Indo-Parthian, and
doctrines and methods through ages. Tharpa, London, Kuṣāṇas, followed each other and contributed to
pp 367, 384, 387–388 the cultural diversity [2].
Gandhara 501

In historical times, the first to pass Gandhara on As the Kuṣāṇa empire provided secure routes for
his way to India was Alexander the Great, and he the long-distance trade which passed through
incorporated it in his huge empire. Although his Gandhara and connected India with the Silk
Seleucid successors did not succeed in securing Road, the area enjoyed an enormous affluence.
it for their kingdom, his conquest caused Buddhism benefited from both royal support
a tremendous influx of Greek culture, and for and from the excellent economic conditions,
some time Greek even became one of the lan- and experienced a long period of growth and
guages of government and administration in the prosperity. This is reflected by the archaeological
area, as documented, for example, by coins and remains, stupas, monasteries, and, most notably,
inscriptions. Inscriptional evidence starts with the objects of arts, but also by an unprecedented
edicts of King Aśoka in the middle of the third literary activity, as revealed by recent manuscript
century B.C.E.; he uses Greek, Aramaic, and finds.
a Middle Indian dialect. This dialect is named These finds from various places brought to light
Gāndhārī, and it was written in a specific script, an amazing number of texts from many different G
Kharoṣṭhī, modeled on the Aramaic alphabet and genres of Buddhist literature. Most of them are
running from right to left. written on long scrolls of birch bark, a material
The presence of Aśoka’s edicts suggests that available and a format found only in the northwest
during his time Buddhism was spread to the region. of the Indian subcontinent. According to radiocar-
In the following centuries, archaeological remains bon dating carried out for several manuscripts, they
point to a growing presence of Buddhism. were produced between the first century B.C.E.
Although Buddhist texts continued to be transmit- and the third century C.E.; this makes them the
ted in an Indian language and do not seem to have oldest manuscripts in an Indian language found so
been translated into the idioms of the region, there far. Most sensational are fragments of some
are many indications of interaction with the local Mahāyāna-sūtras; they show in the first century
political powers. At least one of them has to be C.E. the existence of such movements which later
mentioned: this is the famous Milinda-pañhā, the came collectively to be termed Mahāyāna, and they
“Questions of King Milinda,” a sophisticated dia- prove the variously assumed Middle Indian origin
logue between the Buddhist monk Nāgasena and of some of those sūtras which so far were known
a King Milinda whose identification as the impor- only from later Sanskrit versions or from transla-
tant Indo-Greek ruler Menander (reigned around tions into Chinese and Tibetan. In general, the
150 B.C.E.) is generally accepted [1]. Two versions manuscripts attest to centers of learning and to
of this work are preserved, a Pali text and erudite readers, and they demonstrate that
a translation into Chinese. Although there is no Gandharan Buddhism was anything but
indication that such a dialogue ever took place or a marginal phenomenon in the Indian Buddhist
that Menander became converted, it demonstrates world. Nowadays, Gandhara is seen more and
how Buddhists aimed to present their relationship more as a hub, an important center from where
with powerful rulers. Around the beginning of the Buddhism was spread during the first centuries of
Common Era, Buddhism appears to be well the Common Era in various directions, most nota-
established in Gandhara. At that time the Kuṣāṇas, bly along the trade routes of the Silk Road into
originally an ethnic group from Central Asia, first Central Asia and further east up to China.
conquered Bactria and from there built an empire No less important is the contribution to Bud-
that included large parts of Northern India and dhist art. It is still a matter of dispute whether the
stretched well into Central Asia. They moved first anthropomorphic representation of the Bud-
their residence to Gandhara and supported Bud- dha was created in Gandhara or in Mathurā in
dhism among other religions in their kingdom. Northern India. Art historians agree, however,
Buddhist sources describe Kaṇiṣka, probably the that the transition from so-called aniconic to
most important king of the dynasty (reigned from iconic representations of the Buddha is likely to
127 C.E.), as a devoted supporter of Buddhism. have happened in the first or, at the latest, in the
502 Gāndhārī Script

second century C.E. In Gandhara, the Greek her- of Bamiyan and destroyed by the Taliban in
itage was still alive, and the artists availed them- March 2004.
selves of the images of Greek or Graeco-Roman
gods, heroes, and other figures of mythology in
order to find suitable representations of the Bud- Cross-References
dha and his followers [4]. For the Buddha himself,
they chose Apollo as a model, and they dressed ▶ Bamiyan
him in a toga-like robe with the typical folds; ▶ Kaniṣka
Tyche/Fortuna served as the inspiration for the ▶ Vajrapani
goddess Hariti; and Heracles armed with his club
was transformed into Vajrapani holding a vajra.
Twines of wine, often with grapes, are used as References
frames or decorative elements, and single scenes
are often separated by columns with Corinthian 1. Dietz S (2007) Buddhism in Gandhāra. In: Heirman A,
Bumbacher S (eds) The spread of Buddhism. Brill,
capitals. Similarly, cupids, tritons, and
Leiden/Boston, pp 49–74
hippocamps are found as decorations [3]. By fus- 2. Fussman G (1994) Upāya-kauśalya. L’implantation du
ing Graeco-Roman models with Indian themes bouddhisme au Gandhāra. In: Fukui F, Fussman G (ed)
and elements, the artists succeeded in creating Bouddhisme et cultures locales. École française
d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, pp 18–51
a singular style, the so-called Gandharan art.
3. Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik
Here again, Gandhara proved itself a center: this Deutschland (2008) Gandhara – Das buddhistische
style influenced Indian art, and it was exported Erbe Pakistans. Legenden, Klöster und Paradiese, Bonn
into the oasis towns along the Silk Road. Thus, it 4. Kurita I (2003) Gandhāran art. The Buddha’s life story,
2 vols. Nigensha Publishing, Tokyo
molded Buddhist art in Central Asia, and it
5. Salomon R (1999) Ancient Buddhist scrolls from
heavily influenced the beginnings of Buddhist Gandhāra. The British library Kharoṣṭhī fragments.
art in China, until it became more and more Sini- University of Washington Press, Seattle
cized and was finally absorbed in the well-known
Far Eastern artistic developments.
It is unknown whether at first artists were
invited from the West or if local workshops Gāndhārī Script
were responsible for creating the Gandharan
style; both seem possible. Examples of this art ▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script
have mostly survived as stone reliefs made from
the gray schist typical for the region. They pre-
serve Buddha images and Bodhisattvas that are
represented as objects of devotion, and countless
Gang Rinpoche
narrative reliefs inspire the devotee with exem-
▶ Kailash
plary scenes from the last life of the Buddha or
from his previous births during the long career on
the way to awakening. This enormous produc-
tion of artifacts would have been impossible Gang Tisé
without extensive patronage by rulers and
wealthy lay people, in many cases most likely ▶ Kailash
merchants. Some reliquary inscriptions inform
about the pious donation of a relic of the
Buddha and the stupa necessary to enshrine it.
The most impressive examples of such donative Gauda
activity, however, have been the two gigantic
Buddha statues cut into the rock in the valley ▶ Gaudapada
Gaudapada 503

IV.41,42), mentioning their author as Gauda

Gaudapada (gaudaih- Suresvara, [1], IV. 4.886) and further
as gaudapadiya vacas ([1], I.4.389, 510) and
K. Sankarnarayan gaudacarya ([1], II.1.386; cf. vide., [4]).
K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, Mandukya Upanisad as Sruti: There are
Mumbai, India scholars who debate whether Mandukyakarika is
written by Gaudapada at all. Further it is questioned
whether Mandukyopanisad is apauruseya (not the
Synonyms work of human origin) or pauruseya (the work of
human origin), that is, whether it is to be considered
Gauda; Sri Gaudapada Acarya as Sruti ([10], p. 2). However, the followers of the
traditional method of teaching (sampradayins)
firmly believe that Mandukyopanisad ([10], p. 2;
Definition i 1.3-8-6, p. 1294) is an Upanisad (Sruti), as G
asserted by Sri Sureswaracarya ([10], p. 3). Further,
Gaudapadacarya ([18], I.8.i.- tatha ca sukhasisyo the question of whether to consider the Karika as
gaudapadacaryah), also known as Gaudapada, a commentary can be answered (it is not
Gaudacarya ([12], VII.2; [20], II.23) or simply as a commentary) based on Sankara’s bhasya ([10],
Gauda as used by Sureswara Acharya, a known p. 3).
direct disciple of Sankara ([11], IV.44). Hypothet-
ically, it can be understood that his real name is
Gauda, the words -paada, -pada, -carana, or acarya Date
being added to it simply as an honorific ([23],
p. 193). The actual name attributed to him is The internal evidence comes from the bhasya of
Gauda, as referred to by Balakrishnanda Sarasvati Sri Sankara on the Karika of Gaudapada for
(mid-seventeenth century A.D.) in his Saririkami- Mandukyopanisad, where Sri Sankara himself
mamsabhasyavartika ([3], no.1, p. 6, II.9–12). most respectfully salutes Gaudapada as his grand
Swami Sachidananda opines that one has to ima- teacher, the teacher of his respected teacher.
gine or infer that Gaudapada was a famous Vedantin Mandukyakarika of Gaudapada with Sri
in the region called Gaudadesa ([10], p. 2). Sankara’s bhasya – the concluding salutation by
Sri Sankara in the last verse (v.2) helps to fix the
date of Gaudapada as earlier than Sri Sankara, that
Identification of the Author is, earlier than the eighth century A.D. (780 A.D.;
[7], Vol. I, p. 418). Following the view of
Generally Gaudadesa refers to the country. In Bhandarkar, Pathak, and Deussen, Dasgupta
Suresvara’s work ([11], IV.44) there are two fixes the date of Gaudapada as 788 A.D., though
terms being referred to as “Gaudas” and some scholars have different opinions ([4],
“Dravidas.” There is evidence that the country p. lxxv; [7], Vol. I, p. 423, fn.3; [21], Ch.VIII).
called Gaudadesa was once regarded as the land Santaraksita (705–762 A.D.) and his disciple
between 82 and 88 longitude and 25 and 28 Kamalasila have quoted Gaudapada.
latitude along with the adjacent districts of North Bhavaviveka reviews the system of the Vedantins,
Bengal ([8], XII.30; [17], P. Pt.I. 65, 34, pp. 273ff; especially in his commentary on Madhyamahr-
[22], Pt.I.20-9). Since Suresvara clearly refers to dayakarika (Tarkajvala) ([21], Ch.VIII), quoting
Sri Sankara by the name related to his native passages from Chandogya Upanisad,
country, Dravida, and not by personal name, so Svetasavara Upanisad, and Mundaka Upanisad.
too must he have alluded in the same way to Gaudapada’s work bears traces of Buddhist
Gauda by his native country ([5], Vol. III, Pt.I., influence, especially of Vijnanavada and
pp. 43ff). Suresvara has quoted two karikas ([11], Madhyamika. Gaudapada was much influenced
504 Gaudapada

by Mahayana philosophers Nagarjuna and explaining an invocatory verse by Sri Gaudapada

Vasubandhu ([13], p. 241). In this context, ([2], p. 223).
C. Sharma opines that Mahayana and Advaita Vidhukshekhtra Bhattacarya discusses why
are not two opposed systems of thought but only this work is called the Agama Sastra ([4],
different stages in the development of the same p. lxii). Agama Sastra is the first systematic trea-
thought, both of which are rooted in the same tise on Advaita Vedanta ([4], p. lxi; [7], p. 422;
source (the Upanisads). [13], p. 239; [16], p. 421). The work is divided
into four chapters ([7], p. 424; [14], p. 421). There
is a question as to whether these are four books or
Works of Gaudapada four independent treatises compiled in one vol-
ume, Agama Sastra quotes the view of Sri
The Agama Sastra can be ascribed to Guadapada Sankara, the commentator, that the four books
with certainty. Mandukya karika or Gaudapada are different parts of the same work ([4],
karika is traditionally known as Agama Sastra. pp. xlviii–lvi, lvii). Later scholars who translated
Mandukya Upanisad has itself served as the orig- and annotated this Mandukya Upanisad have
inal source for Sri Gaudapada to compile his taken it as chapters ([18]; tr. [19]).
famous Karikas ([10], p. 4). The commentary by Chapter I: Agamaprakarana (of Gaudapada’s
Sri Sankara on this is known as Agamasastra- 29 Karikas) deals with the Vedic testimony ([19],
vivarana, Agamagrantha, or Upadesagrantha v.i–vi). v.vii – Explanation of Turiya states that
([4], pp. lxi, 244). It is accepted with certainty that itself is Atman. v.viii–xi – Deals with Ataman,
Gaudapada is the author of Agamasastra, though explained from the standpoint of the mystic sylla-
the authorship of other books ascribed to him, such ble “aum.” v.xii – Aum is verily the Atman as non
as the bhasya on Sankhyakarika of Isvarakrishna duality. Gaudapada explains the text of the
([13], p. 150), is in doubt ([15], Vol. I, p. 233). His Mandukya Upanisad to show that his view of
authorship of the bhasya on Uttaragita is accepted reality is sanctioned by Sruti and supported by
([4], p. lxxxix; [15], Vol. I, p. 420). A commentary reason ([15], p. 421).
on Nrsimhottaratapani Upanisad is also attributed Chapter II: Vaitathya Prakarana (of
to him. In addition, there are three other works Gaudapada’s 38 Karikas) is on Illusion. It
attributed to his authorship; a commentary on the explains by means of arguments the phenomenal
Durgasaptadasi is one of them. There are different nature of the world, characterized as it is by dual-
views regarding the works ascribed to Gaudapada ity and opposition.
([4], p. lxxxix; [5], pp. vii–ix; [9], p. 31; [10], p. 2). Chapter III: Advaita Prakarana (of
Gaudapada’s 48 Karikas) is on Nonduality. This
portion establishes the Advaita theory. Gaudapada
The Philosophy of Gaudapada says that truth is like the void (akasa), which is
conceived as taking part in birth and death, com-
Agama Sastra/Agama Prakarana: Recognition ing and going and existing in all bodies, but,
of the Ultimate Reality of Atman (Self) is the however conceived, it is all the while nondifferent
determination of the essence of Omkara, which from Akasa. He should awaken the mind (citta)
is not a mere word or sound but is, in truth, the into its final dissolution. All the Dharmas (appear-
Absolute, Ultimate Reality (Paramartha Tattva) ances) are without death or decay. Here,
([4], pp. cxxvii–cxlvi; [10], p. 6). The quintes- Gaudapada follows the dialectical form of argu-
sence of the Upanisad elaborates upon this teach- ment that reminds one of Nagarjuna ([19], p. xiii).
ing on the strength of Sastra and Yukti, and All these views noted by Dasgupta are refuted by
elucidating the subtle teaching is the main goal Swami Nikhilananda.
of the next three prakaranas. Sri Sankara has Chapter IV: Alatasanti Prakarana (of
called the treatise “Prakaranacatustaya,” Gaudapada’s 100 Karikas) is on the Quenching
commenting on Sankara’s bhasya while of the Firebrand. There is further development of
Gaudapada 505

the Advaita position regarding the sole reality of himself acknowledges this when he says, “There
the Atman and the relative character of ordinary are some (sunyavadins) who uphold non-dualism
experience. As a stick burning at one end when (advayavada) and reject both the extreme views of
waved around quickly produces an illusion of being and non-being, of production and destruction
a circle of fire (alatacakra), so is it with the and thus emphatically proclaim the doctrine of no-
multiplicity of the world (cf. [16], vi.24). This origination.” “We approve,” says Gaudapada, “of
resembles the philosophy of Yogacara and the the doctrine of no-origination proclaimed by them”
name of the Buddha is mentioned often here ([6], Ch. II, pp. 88–114; [7], pp. 423–428; [13],
([15], p. 421). pp. 245–247; [15], pp. 430–432).
Agama Sastra: Vidhuksetra Bhattacarya dis- It is interesting to note, however, that Swami
cusses at length the sources of the Agamasastra Nikhilananda does not accept the theory of
([4], pp. lxxxx–cxxvi), which roughly fall into Dasgupta ([19], pp. xii–xxii, ch.IV.58) nor that
three classes as Vedas and Upanisads, Schools or of Radhakrishnan ([19], pp. xxii–xxvii) in regard
teachers ([4], pp. lxxxxi–ciii), and Buddhist to the influence of Buddhist philosophical con- G
works ([4], pp. cxxii–cxxvi). cepts on Gaudapada in his karika.
Ajativaada: ([4], p. cxliv-Book III) or the doc-
trine of non-origination, is the fundamental doc-
trine of Gaudapada. From the absolute standpoint, Cross-References
origination is impossible. The various theories of
creation – whether it is the expansion of God, or it ▶ Bhāvaviveka
is the will of God, or it is for God’s enjoyment, or
it is an illusion like a dream, or it proceeds from
time – are all rejected by Gaudapada (see [9]; [13], References
pp. 242–245). Through Ajativada, it is explained
that Causality is impossible as neither the existent 1. Alston AJ (tr) (1997) Swami Sri. Satchidanandendra,
Sri Suresvaracarya’s Brhadaranyaka bhasyavartika,
nor the nonexistent can be produced either by the
The method of the Vedanta: a critical account of the
existent or the nonexistent. Advaita tradition, 1st edn. by Kegan Paul Interna-
Asparsayoga: The non-dual absolute (advaya) tional, London, 1989; 1st Indian edn, Motilal
is to be directly realized by asparshayoga or pure Benarsidass.
2. Anandagirikrtatikasamvalitasankarabhasyasameta
knowledge. The absolute manifests itself in three
(1984) Sagaudapadiyakarikatharvavediyamandu-
forms: as visva in jagrat or the waking state, as kyopanisad Sankaranandabhagavatkrta Mandukyo-
taijasa in svapna or the dream state, and as prajna panisaddipika ca. Ananda Ashram, Pune
in susupti or deep sleep. In reality, it transcends all 3. Anantakrishna S, Asoknath B (ed) (1941)
Saririkamimamsa bhasyavartika. Asutosh Sanskri
the three forms; it is the fourth state – Turiya.
series, no 1. Calcutta
Gaudapada’s non-dualism can be summed up 4. Bhattacarya V (ed) (1943, reprint 1989) The Agama
as follows: “when the individual self (jiva), asleep Sastra of Gaudapada. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
due to beginningless (maya), awakens, it knows 5. Chakladar H (1954) Annals of the Bhandarkar. Orien-
tal Research Institute, Pune
the (turiya) which is unborn, in which there is
6. Comans M (2000) The method of early Advaita
neither ‘sleep’, nor ‘dream’, and which is non- Vedanta. Motilal Benarsidass, Delhi
dual” ([19], I.16). 7. Dasgupta SN (1st edn. Cambridge 1922, Reprint 1932,
1951, 1957, 1963, 1969, 1973; Indian edn 1975;
Reprint 1988, 1992) A history of Indian philosophy,
5 vols. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Influence of Nagarjuna’s Philosophy or 8. Dipavali D (ed) (1990) Matsya. Purana. Bibek Debroy
Vijnanavada Publisher, Delhi
9. Fox DA (1993) Dispelling illusion: Gaudapada’s
Alatasanti with an introduction. SUNY series
The similarity between the views of Gaudapada
10. Gangoli DB (tr) (1997) The essential Gaudapada.
and Nagarjuna cannot be missed ([4], Swami Satchidanandaendra Saraswati, Aditya
pp. cxxxi–cxxxvii; [10], pp. 13–24). Gaudapada Prakasha Karyalaya, Holenasipur, Hassan, Karnataka
506 Gender (Buddhism)

11. Jacob GA (ed) (1906) Naiskarmasiddhi with Candrika. Overview

Government Central Book Depot, Bombay (Bombay
Sanskrit Series No. XXXVlII)
12. Modak BR (ed) (1995) Sayana on Taittiriya Aranyaka, A Buddhist discourse on gender began in the
Sayana, vol 203. Sahitya Akademi, Delhi lifetime of the Buddha and continues to the pre-
13. Sharma C (Reprint 1960, 1964, 1973, 1976, 1979, sent day. More generally, culturally defined ideas
1983, 1987, 1991, 1994, 1997, 2000, 2003) A critical about gender were incorporated into Buddhist
survey of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi ideology. In other words, Buddhism accepted the
14. Radhakrishnan S (1968) The principal Upanisads. culturally assigned gender roles of South Asia.
Allen & Unwin/Harper Collins India Historically, a discourse about gender has been
15. Radhakrishnan S (2008) History of Indian philosophy. framed between those who argue for the possibil-
Oxford University Press, Delhi
16. Radhakrishnan S (ed) Maitrayaniya Upanisad ity of women achieving enlightenment and those
(1968) The principal Upanisads. Allen & Unwin/ who argue against it ([13], p. 15). Significantly,
Harper Collins India attempts to define the nature and the place of
17. Shastri JL (ed) (2001) Linga purana, 6 vols. Motilal women have reflectively defined the nature and
Benarsudaas, Delhi
18. Swami Gambhirananda (tr) (1990) Bhasya on place of men. Monastic Buddhism was and is
Gaudapada’s Karika. Sri Sankara, Advaita Ashram, a religion that exalts celibacy and one that has
Calcutta always been dominated by men. This can be
19. Swami Nikhilanda (1987) (ed, tr) Gaudapada’s Karika seen in biographies and other texts that made
of Mandukyopanisad (Agama Sastra). Advaita Ash-
ram, Calcutta some very negative statements about women,
20. Swami Swahananda (tr and notes) (1967) Pancadasi and which explicitly connected women, not men,
of Sri Vidyaranya Swami. Sri Ramakrishna Mutt, to sexuality, relegating men to some not-female/
Chennai not-sexual hinterland. Yet, sexual women, such as
21. Syfort Ruegg D, Schmithausen L (ed) (1990) On the
authorship of some of the works ascribed to wives and courtesans, made frequent and mean-
Bhavaviveka, commentary Tarkajvala of Bhavya on ingful appearances in the biographies of the Bud-
Madhyamahrdayakarika. Paper published in the dha, while the earliest Buddhist iconography is
Panels of the World VII Sanskrit Conference, General prolific in its depictions of positive images of
Editor, Johannes Bronkhorst, vol 2, Earliest Buddhism
and Madhyamika. E.J. Brill, Leiden women and female divinities that emphasize
22. Tagore GV (ed) (1998) The Kurma Purana (Set in 2 their beauty and their auspicious powers of fertil-
volumes). Manohar Publishers, Delhi ity ([13], p. 9). Weaving in and out of arguments
23. Venkatasubbhaiha A (1933) Indian antiquary about gender is the Buddhist belief that gender, or
more specifically the physical characteristics of
sex, is unstable; sexual characteristics can morph
into their opposite. It will be shown that the devel-
Gender (Buddhism) opment of this discourse began with the biogra-
phies of the Buddha and was continued by several
Serinity Young important Indian Buddhist texts. Further, the
Department of Classical, Middle Eastern, and essay will conclude with a discussion of Buddhist
Asian Languages and Cultures, Queens College, understandings of the mutability of sexual
Flushing, NY, USA characteristics.
Anthropology Department, American Museum of
Natural History, New York, NY, USA
Life of the Buddha

Definition The Buddha’s early life can be divided into two

parts: his complete rejection of women and his
Gender refers to the culturally assigned roles later reconciliation with women. Descriptions of
given to people based on their sexual the Buddha’s departure from home to become an
characteristics. ascetic are filled with negative images of women,
Gender (Buddhism) 507

especially the many women of his harem. The men. Significantly, these women are the first
Buddha rejected the world, and his biographies beings the Buddha instructs and makes ready for
personify the world through the harem women: enlightenment. This is textual evidence that the
like them, it is as beautiful and seductive as it is Buddha, or the anonymous author/compiler of the
illusory and transitory. The biographies ascribe LV, believed women are capable of achieving
familiar and gender-specific qualities to the Bud- enlightenment.
dha: a lone, heroic man struggling against almost Actually, the LV is a rather woman-friendly
insurmountable forces, such as chaos and illusion, text, especially when compared to another full-
which the texts personify by women. In these length biography of the Buddha from the same
early sections of the Buddha’s biographies, a period, the Buddhacarita (hereinafter the BC),
Buddhist gender dynamic is established: men cut which is much more unrelenting in its negative
through to ultimate reality, and women try to representations of women and does not mention
impede their progress; women are the opposition. either the harem women’s wish or their future
Women are not participants on the same human enlightenment. This may in part be due to the G
journey but are obstacles to it. The Buddha’s fact that while both texts were composed some-
biographies identify women with materiality time between the first century B.C.E. and the first
(saṃsāra) and sexuality, in contrast to men who century C.E., the LV is the work of anonymous
are identified with spirituality (dharma). compilers of oral stories about the Buddha, and
Portraying the Buddha’s resistance to these, the the BC is the work of a single author, the monk
most beautiful and seductive of women may orig- Aśvaghoṣa.
inally have been meant to inspire men to imitate Reflecting on the representations of the
the Buddha and turn away from more average harem women as seductresses, a careful exami-
women, but it carried within it the seeds of nation of these descriptions reveals that men are
a wholesale rejection of women. Representations actually behind the women’s efforts to keep the
of this rejection in texts and iconography, when Buddha involved in worldly life. In the BC,
combined with the prevailing social reality, even- which spends much more time on these women
tually led Buddhists to question women’s ability than the LV, it is the Buddha’s father, King
to achieve enlightenment. What began as Śuddhodana, who orders the women of the
a symbolic use of women to represent the worldly harem to use their sexuality to distract the Bud-
life and sexuality actually came to participate in dha. And, the Buddha’s friend Udāyin takes him
the prevailing negative views about women, such to a pleasure grove filled with harem women,
as their occasional polluted status. who he has instructed in the art of seduction. The
Yet, there are other moments, especially in the women act out page after page of sexual
Lalitavistara (hereinafter the LV), a full-length ensnarement, such as stumbling against the
biography of the Buddha composed at the begin- Buddha, whispering in his ear, letting their gar-
ning of the Common Era, when women are ments slip, and so on ([1], Vol. ii, p. 28ff, Vol. iv,
portrayed positively. For example, at one point p. 26ff, and Vol. v, p. 69).
the Buddha is reclining in the women’s quarters On the night the Buddha leaves home the sex-
listening to the women as they play musical ual attractiveness of the women is swept away
instruments, but through these instruments he when the gods cause the women to fall asleep in
hears divine beings make long speeches exhorting awkward positions. Long, dramatic passages now
him to leave home. The Buddha, now set on his describe the ugliness of the women as they lay in
course to abandon worldly life, preaches to the immodest attitudes, snoring, and stretched their
women, who make a strong wish for his enlight- limbs, all distorted and tossing their arms about.
enment ([10], p. 133:12). This wish demonstrates Others looked like corpses and oozed saliva. See-
positive, if traditional, female characteristics such ing them in this way, the Buddha concludes that
as the ability to support and sustain male practi- the real nature of woman is impure and loathsome
tioners and contrasts with their ability to ensnare ([1], Vol. v, p. 59).
508 Gender (Buddhism)

The Buddha is seeing women, and the world, With his strength renewed, he proceeds to the
with different eyes. Significantly, this scene intro- Bodhi Tree, vowing not to leave until he achieves
duces cemeteries into the imagery associated with enlightenment. Of course, his enlightenment is
women, which is the beginning of enduring Bud- blocked by Māra, demonic god of desire, who
dhist associations between women, death, and challenges him by asking through what merit has
desire. The Buddha is seeing their inevitable he earned the right to enlightenment. The Buddha
fate, which is death; for him, they are already in recites all his good and generous deeds from many
a cemetery. past lifetimes, but Māra demands a witness to
The purpose of such passages, and icono- these deeds. The Buddha calls upon the earth
graphic representations of them, is to encourage goddess to be his witness, and she appears to
men to be repelled rather than sexually aroused speak on his behalf. This occurs in the LV ([10],
when they look at women. This creates at least p. 233:3–8). In the BC, Buddha’s witness is the
two problems within the tradition. First, it empha- voice of a sky being (a neuter nominative) ([1],
sizes that Buddhist teachings are directed toward Vol. xiii, pp. 56–58). The BC describes many of
men and not women, thereby excluding women as the same events as the LV but with much of the
recipients of the texts while using them as feminine element removed or played down or, as
a rhetorical device. Secondly, it makes all contact in the case of the harem women, exaggerated their
with women problematic, especially for monks, negativity. Another example occurs when the
the carriers of the tradition, thereby limiting Buddha first accepted food. In the BC, it is from
women’s access to Buddhist teachings and cruelly a single woman, called Nandabalā, and he does
curtailing the role of nuns in the monastic not take a meal at her house the next day as he did
hierarchy. with Sujātā in the LV.
This rejection of women equates them with all The BC also differs from the LV in not regard-
that early Buddhism rejects: sexuality, the body, ing the Buddha’s acceptance of food from
and death. The Buddha’s biographies use a woman as a stimulus toward his enlightenment.
women’s bodies to represent that which opposes The Buddha’s reconciliation with women is the
salvation. In this process, the symbolic use of subject of the LV, not the BC. As a single author
women also lends support to the Buddhist rejec- drawing on various sources for the Buddha’s life,
tion of actual women as full participants on the Aśvaghoṣa is revealed to have made just the sort
Buddhist path. This view is grounded in the tex- of cuts and modifications that various scholars
tual tradition that often markedly contrasts with have suggested were done by the anonymous
the symbolic use of women’s bodies as auspicious monk-compilers of various other canonical Bud-
in Buddhist iconography ([13], passim). dhist texts. A telling example of this is the inclu-
When the Buddha leaves home and goes into sion of the first ordination of Buddhist monks and
the forest to practice extreme asceticism, he the exclusion of the first ordination of Buddhist
attracts five male disciples. After several years, nuns in the BC.
he was on the point of death from such practices, In early Buddhism, the maleness of the Buddha
and the gods sent his mother, who had died 7 days took on an exaggerated importance that culmi-
after he was born, to talk to him. She asks him to nated in debates as to whether women are capable
stop such practices. He says he will and then of achieving enlightenment or if they must first
a group of young woman see him and one of reincarnate as men. Such a view is not limited to
them, Sujātā, offers him rice and milk. His five Buddhists, it was part of a pan-Indian view in
disciples are disgusted by his acceptance of this which male superiority most often looked to
food and they desert him. The Buddha goes fur- female inferiority for validation. In fact, it is all
ther, he accepts an invitation to a meal at Sujātā’s too familiar in the religions of the world as well as
house where he gives her spiritual teachings ([10], in other cultural constructs. Buddha’s maleness,
Chaps. 7 and 8). Note it is men who desert the which belonged to his historical identity, was
Buddha and women who sustain him. misinterpreted as essential to his salvational role.
Gender (Buddhism) 509

In this way, existing male social privileges were before he achieved enlightenment described
confirmed by the Buddha’s maleness, in part the necessary inclusion of woman’s auspicious
because male privileges went beyond what was powers in order to achieve enlightenment.
socially permissible for women and in part
because the greater physical accuracy of men’s
resemblance to the Buddha led to an identification Textual Discussions of Gender and the
with the Buddha that was physically impossible Mutability of Sexual Characteristics
for women.
Yet, the Buddha’s life is also a redefinition of In Buddhist literature, courtesans act as lightning
masculinity, one that introduces new masculine rods for Buddhist teachings about sexuality, the
values and reinterprets some old ones, such as nature of women, and the impermanence of the
the heroic masculine ideals of his early life that body. The central obstacle to the Buddhist path of
were based on his royal status. A slightly later renunciation and the main cause of human suffer-
formulation of the masculine ideal by the Hindu ing is desire, and courtesans are experts in desire, G
lawmaker Manu is suggestive of how far the Bud- the male desire of their customers and their own
dha strayed from this ideal. Manu lists four stages greed. Indian literature represents the courtesan as
in a man’s life: celibate student, married house- ruled by desire, both for sex and wealth, and
holder, forest-dwelling ascetic, and wandering whose primary goal is to arouse desire in others.
ascetic. In this system, one abandons the house- When courtesans are converted, they reinforce the
holder life when he sees his son’s son. The Bud- Buddhist teaching that all people can become
dha rejected these ideal stages of a man’s life and Buddhists, even great sinners, and that not only
their attendant duties when he decided to pursue women but even the worst women can be equal
the ascetic path at the age of 30, when he chose to practitioners. Moreover, some converted courte-
be celibate before seeing his son’s son. He chose sans also maintain their auspicious powers of
instead to build on the Indian myth of the virile fecundity. It is of some interest, therefore, that
ascetic whose abstinence is the source of his there is an early Buddhist epic about a courtesan.
power. Indian myths abound with examples of The Manimekhalaı̈ is a South Indian epic com-
ascetics who, by withholding their semen, gained posed in Tamil sometime before the sixth century
tremendous power and even threatened the power C.E. The young heroine of the title does not yet
of the gods. Though there were stories about work as a courtesan – she is on the brink of this
female ascetics, and even though many of the fate, being pushed into it by virtue of her birth into
early Buddhist nuns are said to have achieved a family of courtesans, by her grandmother, by the
enlightenment, the belief arose that men alone desire of a powerful prince, and by the citizens of
are capable of fully representing and/or achieving her city who consider her an important asset – her
what the Buddha did. The power to facilitate this fame as a dancer and courtesan will attract many
ideology resided within a male, monastic hierar- rich men to their city. Manimekhalaï, however,
chy that questioned women’s access to ordination, has different plans. Through the influence of her
gave official voice and visibility primarily to men, mother, she is attracted to the teachings of the
controlled the texts of the tradition, and finally so Buddha and the ascetic, nonsexual life he
completely marginalized women’s monastic par- recommended. Her desire for the religious life
ticipation that the ordination of nuns completely allows the author, Shattan, to explore a continuum
ceased throughout South and Southeast Asia. of female sexualities, from celibate women to
Some Buddhist practitioners have remained in virtuous married women and sexually available
the Buddha’s harem, focusing on his initial rejec- women, as well as to display women’s auspicious
tion of women that contributed to reduced roles powers of fertility and plentitude, particularly as
for women in Buddhist practice and the more or represented by food offerings.
less strict separation of women from male monas- With the whole city set against her decision
tics. But the Buddha’s reconciliation with women to become a Buddhist nun, it takes divine
510 Gender (Buddhism)

intervention to move the story forward. female orientation, which continues with the first
Manimekhalaï’s namesake, the goddess of the person Manimekhalaï feeds from her magic bowl:
sea, a wonderful model of the productive and a woman who has been cursed with an insatiable
destructive female powers that are the epic’s sub- hunger that Manimekhalaï’s food cures. The text’s
ject, transports her to a deserted island where she emphasis on women echoes Manimekhalaï’s
teaches her many things, including mantras that female lineage: as a courtesan her father is
will enable her to shape-shift, to fly, and to elim- irrelevant – in her case we know he died long
inate hunger pangs. But most importantly, she is ago – it is her mother and grandmother who repre-
given a magic bowl. A begging bowl is one of the sent her family, one that her grandmother claims
main accouterments of Buddhist monastics that goes back to the apśara (celestial courtesan) Urvasī
they use in begging food for their single daily (107). It also reflects the matrilineal practices of
meal and it symbolizes, among other things, South India where the text was composed and
divine acceptance of her decision to become those of the devadāsī s (temple courtesans).
a Buddhist monastic. The magic quality of the The text is clearly directed to women. Empha-
bowl is that it will always be filled with food, sizing women as independent beings and placing
thereby enabling her, even as a nun, to feed every- them at the center of the text demonstrate the
one rather than being fed by everyone ([7], importance of women to the Buddhist community.
pp. 42–43). This is an enthralling inversion, not It is a text that affirms Buddhist women and that
unlike the sexual inversion she is trying to make. encourages non-Buddhist women to convert. At
This bowl enables Manimekhalaï to transform her the same time it is an alluring, romantic tale filled
value: no one will be deprived because of her with adventure and magic that held great interest
asceticism, in fact everyone will profit. At the for women as well as men. Perhaps most impor-
end of the epic, the text says she “appeared as tantly, it subverts all the earlier tales of women as
a dispenser of prosperity” ([7], p. 18). In other seductresses in realistically portraying the torment
words, she remains an auspicious woman, a woman endures, especially a defenseless woman,
a bringer of prosperity and plenty, but one whose from the unwanted sexual attentions of men.
auspicious powers have been diverted from sexu- Having said all this, it is regrettable to add that
ality for the enduring benefit of all. Manimekhalaï does not achieve enlightenment.
The Manimekhalaı̈ is a unique Buddhist text not Instead, she is given a prophecy that in the future
only in having a woman as its main character but she will always be born as a man and will thus
for the rich range of female characterizations that achieve enlightenment ([7], p. 92). Among the
surround her, including two mild villainesses (her powers the goddess bestowed on Manimekhalaï
grandmother and the queen), and the fact that the was the ability to shape-shift, to change sex,
primary actors are almost all female, including which Manimekhalaï did on two occasions.
a goddess. Except for a male guru and the amorous Once, briefly, she changed to protect herself
prince, both of whom remain in the background, all from rape. The second time was for an extended
the action and all the dialogue is between women period while she traveled around studying with
throughout the first half of the text. Of course, various religious teachers. Compounding the gen-
husbands are mentioned continually, but for the der contradictions of this text, she returned to her
most part they do not act until the middle of the female form when she met the Buddhist guru
book. In fact, it is not the king but rather the queen Aravana Adigal, and she became a nun.
who attempts to revenge the death of their son, Manimekhalaï’s gender shifting was shown to be
whose inappropriate desire for Manimekhalaï led a form of expediency in her present life, and her
to his death, and all the main female characters female form was affirmed by her Buddhist
assemble before her, not the king, to resolve the teacher. Yet, the text says that in order to achieve
situation ([7], pp. 106–112). The sympathy that enlightenment she will need to be reborn as a man.
exists between Manimekhalaï and her mother, and Buddhist attitudes toward sexuality gather in
indeed the support of her mother, adds to the text’s some diverse ideas. First, they locate sexuality
Gender (Buddhism) 511

within women, as repositories of the desirable, and A sex-change story takes place around the Bud-
this defines women’s nature – they are filled with dha’s visit to Trāyastriṃśa heaven where he went to
power, which they can use negatively, such as preach to his mother and his descent back to earth
courtesans, to destroy men or positively, as faithful at Sāṃkāśya. The sculptures of his descent from
wives bringing their auspicious fertility to their this heaven often show a single-bowed figure at the
families and to the very country they live in, for base that could be either a monk or a nun, given the
example, by controlling the rain. Secondly, the similar robes and shorn heads of all Buddhist
celibate monastic life remains the ideal. Sexuality monastics and the worn condition of these sculp-
is believed to entangle one with the world, a point tures. The ambiguous gender of this lone figure lent
well made in this text by the prince who is so itself to various stories about who exactly was the
blinded by his desire for Manimekhalaï that he is first person to greet the Buddha upon his descent.
eventually destroyed by it. Enlightenment involves The fifth-century Chinese pilgrim-monk Faxian
abandoning desire and abandoning attachment to preserved a story about a nun called Utpalavarṇā
the world. Yet, Buddhist monastics are dependent that was related to him when he visited Sāṃkāśya. G
on the laity for sustenance, so South Asian ideas He was told that there was such a huge press of
about the powers of the virtuous wife (who made people waiting to see the Buddha come down from
food offerings to the monastics) endured. heaven that Utpalavarṇā could not make her way
Returning to Manimekhalaï’s ability to change forward. The Buddha, out of compassion and
sex introduces a primary Buddhist belief that sex- because of the merit she had acquired, transformed
ual characteristics are fluid; genitals can change in her into a cakravartin, a male king or Buddha with
the next lifetime or even in this one. That the all the accompanying auspicious bodily marks,
belief in sex change was enduring and widespread including a sheathed penis. In this guise, she was
is shown by the surprising number of sex-change able to get to the very front of the crowd, where the
stories that exist and by their incorporation not Buddha then changed her back into a woman and
only into prominent Buddhist texts but their pres- predicted her future enlightenment. Faxian adds
ence within discussions of significant Buddhist that a stūpa was erected on the spot where she
concepts such as karma, emptiness, and illusion. was the first to do reverence to the Buddha ([14],
The Buddhist creation myth that describes sexual p. 14).
characteristics as a decline from a primordial Several elements in this story are of interest. To
nonsexual state lends support to the belief that begin with, it shows that gender was believed to
sexual characteristics, being secondary character- be fluid. It also indicates that nuns were not par-
istics, can drift. ticularly deferred to, for which we have other
Most of these stories are more expressive of evidence. Further, due to the merit she had
male fears about losing masculinity than of female acquired through acts of generosity in her past
hopes of gaining it. In other words, even though lives, Utpalavarṇā was deemed capable of enlight-
the stories feature women, they reveal male con- enment and thus favored by the Buddha. She was
cerns. These stories were told by men and pre- the unique woman, the token woman, and not at
served in texts controlled by men. They represent all representative of her sex. As will be shown,
male views, anxieties, and fantasies. Although uniqueness is at the heart of Buddhist sex-change
a few stories subvert the wholesale negation of stories, the unique potential for enlightenment,
women and challenge the basic notion of gender, because they raise the question of whether or not
overall they privilege maleness. Most tellingly, women can become buddhas, whether or not
the vast majority of stories are about women women can liberate. In Utpalavarṇā’s case the
becoming men. Other story genres also privilege answer seems to be yes because she does not
maleness but indicate that gender is fixed, and remain in a male form.
many of these texts argue that achieving an In Mahāyāna Buddhism, which developed
advanced stage of awareness precludes one from around the first century C.E., sex change is
being reborn as a female. a particularly prolific genre of storytelling.
512 Gender (Buddhism)

Most of these stories involve bodhisattvas, heroic a guardian of the four quarters, a cakravartin and
beings of infinite compassion, who can be divine an irreversible bodhisattva. These five are states of
or human, female or male. Two well-known power defined by maleness. When Sāgara’s
stories focus on the celestial bodhisattva associ- daughter magically transforms herself into
ated with wisdom, Mañjuśrı, and differentiate a male, she silences Śariputra, yet also confirms
themselves from earlier Buddhist tales by having his views. Her vagina vanishes to be replaced by
Śariputra, an important disciple of the Buddha a penis, and she is seen by all as a male bodhi-
who is highly regarded in the Theravāda tradi- sattva preaching in a Buddhist heaven, specifi-
tions, play the dupe. cally as one who possesses the 32 marks of
The first comes from the Vimalakī rti Sūtra, a Buddha, including a sheathed penis ([6],
which was composed in Sanskrit between the pp. 250–154). Unlike the Vimalakırti Sūtra, this
first century B.C.E. and second century C.E. In sūtra suggests one must be male to become
Chap. 7, a dialogue occurs between Mañjuśrı a Buddha.
and Vimalakīrti about the illusory nature of all Both these stories are curious entries into Bud-
beings, human and otherwise, and the attitude dhist gender battles in that neither heroine is actu-
a bodhisattva should take toward these illusory ally a woman. The first is a goddess and the
beings. The discussion is interrupted by an second a nāginī . Further, Sāgara’s daughter is
unnamed goddess, who expresses her delight at only 8 years old, and she has not reached puberty
their discourse by causing a rain of flowers to fall. and the polluting female processes associated
The flowers fall off the robes of the bodhisattvas with it. Understandably, having a child to repre-
but stick to the robes of those who are still mired sent the high accomplishment of enlightenment
in illusion. Śariputra, who has also been listening powerfully suggests that the realization of
to the discourse, cannot get the flowers off his wisdom (prajñapāramitā) is not a matter of age,
robe and he enters into an argument with the a point made by the frequent references to
goddess, culminating with his challenging her to Mañjuśrı, the bodhisattva of wisdom, as
change her female form. The goddess complies a 16-year-old prince. Further, it evokes her past
with his request but with a twist; she simulta- lives during which she followed the bodhisattva
neously changes herself into Śariputra’s male path, achieving prajñapāramitā and its subse-
form and changes Śariputra into her female quent magical powers. She is a bodhisattva who
form. In one stroke, she neatly dramatizes both has chosen this form for rebirth.
the chapter’s theme of the illusory nature of all These stories are not just about sex change,
beings and negates any idea that the female gender they are also about spiritual power, and they are
precludes spiritual achievement. After she meant to demonstrate the doctrine of emptiness
restores their original forms, Vimalakīrti explains that all beings, all objects, are empty of any endur-
to the disgruntled Śariputra that the goddess has ing reality, including sexual characteristics. Still,
attained irreversibility; in other words, she will their cumulative effect makes the point that being
achieve buddhahood ([9], Chap. 7). male is so much better than being female.
A different view of female spiritual potential is Contrasting two Mahāyāna texts from South
upheld in the Lotus Sūtra, one of the best known India that were fairly contemporary, the
and earliest works of Mahāyāna. In Chap. 11, Manimekhalaı̈ and the Śrī mālā Sūtra, sheds
Mañjuśrı is asked if there is anyone capable of some light on the thinking behind these discus-
achieving perfect enlightenment, and he answers sions of women’s potential for enlightenment. The
yes, the 8-year-old daughter of Sāgara, king of the latter text contains no sex-change story and in it
N›gas. Śariputra challenges the spiritual accom- Queen Śrīmālā achieved enlightenment. In the
plishments of Sāgara’s daughter, arguing that no Manimekhalaı̈, the heroine Manimekhalaï did
woman has reached buddhahood because no not achieve enlightenment. Instead, she is given
woman can achieve the five exclusively male a prophecy that she will in a future life, but as
states: that of the gods Brahma and Indra, a man. Additionally, she is given and utilizes the
Gender (Buddhism) 513

power to shape-shift into a man. One can see these infected by femaleness – either through female
two texts as representative of two different sexual aggression or pollution.
schools of thought in Buddhism: one advocating Particular versions of masculinity emerge in
enlightenment for both women and men and the tandem with particular perceptions of equality
other denying women access to the highest expe- and inequality. Basing male power on the subju-
rience of the tradition. The different resolution in gation of women is predicated on the male belief
these two texts from a similar region and period is that women have the power to undermine it and
highly suggestive that Buddhists could be sup- indeed to undermine masculinity. This establishes
portive of women, though not all Buddhists were a highly anxious social system that requires con-
willing to go all the way when it came to the stant surveillance. Depictions of women as sly
ultimate achievement of buddhahood. and underhanded only intensify the need for
The Lion’s Roar of Queen Śrī mālā was com- male vigilance and weaken confidence in their
posed in south India in the third century C.E. masculinity. Such beliefs place a man’s sense of
([11], pp. 1–2) and presents Śrīmālā as a queen his manhood outside of himself, making it public, G
who lived at the time of the Buddha. When the somewhat mobile, and thoroughly unpredictable.
Buddha preached to her, he made the prediction Maleness is inevitably exaggerated when it is so
that she would become a Buddha. In the Śrī mālā, overextended that it is difficult to control and very
the queen gives a very important preaching on vulnerable to attack.
Buddha nature, and it does not contain any explic- Turning our attention to the mutability of sex-
itly anti-female statements. Further, having been ual characteristics through rebirth brings us to the
composed in South India places the Śrī mālā in notion of karma, the belief that all actions have
a social setting that seems to have been friendlier consequences, either in the present life or in the
to women, as we have seen in the discussion of the next, and include the determination of one’s sex.
woman-centered Manimekhalaı̈. This view of sexual characteristics as the inevita-
Shifting the focus to men for a moment, Bud- ble outcome of karmic retribution or reward high-
dhist masculinity also encompasses a complex lights additional dimensions of Buddhist gender
space, much of which clusters around two related ideology, especially when compared to Hindu
but contending poles. Most obviously, Buddhist stories of rebirth in which a change of sex is
masculinity is hegemonic – central Buddhist con- quite rare ([3], p. 298). In a Buddhist context,
cepts privilege men with particular forms of though, being born male is the fruit of good
power. This can be observed in hierarchies of karma, while being born female is the fruit of
religious and secular power. At this end of the evil karma.
pole, masculinity is stable. The other pole is less In general, though, Buddhism tends to empha-
obvious, encapsulating as it does male fears that size the karma of gender as something for women
masculinity is fluid, that it can be diminished, and, to aspire to rather than as a punishment; because
even worse, that a man can be transformed into women are generally not believed able to achieve
a woman. Seen in this light, denying women enlightenment, the best they can do is to aspire
access to sacred places and positions of spiritual toward being reborn as men. But, the tradition also
power goes beyond fears of female pollution or maintains the loss of masculinity as a potential
avoiding sexually distracting and possibly vora- karmic punishment for men.
cious women. If women can weaken men’s power, A seventh-century Chinese text that was based
spiritual or otherwise, by seducing them and/or by on an earlier Indian text, The Meritorious Virtue of
polluting them, then they can also weaken their Making Images, presents a more detailed vision of
masculinity, causing them to drift toward feminin- gender and karma. As the title suggests, merit can
ity. This view is enhanced by stories about vagina be acquired by making or maintaining Buddha
dentatas that bespeak male fears of literal castra- images, and such merit can mitigate karma. This
tion by women. Male restrictions on women are text emphasizes that the actual Buddhist position
about the fear of losing masculinity, of being toward karma is not all that rigid. More
514 Gender (Buddhism)

specifically, in this text, the Buddha explains to undermine Śariputra’s attachment to outer forms.
the future Buddha Maitreya that whatever sins Having accomplished this goal, she returns to
a man has committed, all that evil karma can be and remains in her female form and then
exhausted by building a Buddha image. Maitreya receives the prediction of her future buddhahood
then asks if the same is true for women, to which from Vimalakīrti. Additionally, Queen Śrīmālā
the Buddha replies that they will never be born as achieved buddhahood without any attempt of sex
women again. change and thus as a woman. These contradictory
The Buddha then elaborates on why people are statements made by an evolving religion are indic-
reborn as either women or men. One becomes ative of different positions on the spiritual poten-
a woman by having enjoyed being a woman, tial of women; they are a discourse that began in
though no such injunction is put on men and the earliest days of Buddhism and one that con-
their enjoyment of masculinity. One also becomes tinues into the present day.
a woman by having contempt for one’s husband
and thinking of other men, and so forth. Men
become women for insulting or slandering other Cross-References
men, buddhas, and monks (this text was obviously
written by monks) or for rejecting masculinity and ▶ Aśvaghoṣa
acting like a woman by being deceptive or envi- ▶ Lalitavistara
ous (female traits), which brings us to why men ▶ Women (Buddhism)
are reborn as eunuchs or hermaphrodites or with
female (read homosexual) desires. From the Bud-
dha’s response, we learn more about the fragility References
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slander other men, or harm masculinity more EH). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Cowell EB (ed) (1894) Buddhist Mahāyāna texts.
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linity by masturbation and homosexual desire and 3. Doniger W (2000) Splitting the difference: gender and
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pp. 47–55). Chicago Press, Chicago
4. Fahien (1965) A record of Buddhistic kingdoms:
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lotus of the true law. Dover Publications, New York,
This widely spread belief holds out to women the 1884
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Goenka 515

Buddha: the beauty of compassion. Dharma Press, Vipassana meditation – the true teaching of the
Oakland Buddha in the whole world.
11. Wayman A, Wayman H (1974) The lion’s roar of
Queen Śrımālā. Columbia University Press, New York
12. Wilson L (1996) Charming cadavers: horrific figura-
tions of the feminine in Indian Buddhist hagiographic Like Bhagīratha Goenka Brought the
literature. University of Chicago Press, Chicago Ganges of Vipassana from Myanmār to
13. Young S (2004) Courtesans and tantric consorts: sex-
ualities in Buddhist narrative, iconography, and ritual. India
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14. Young S (2007) Female sexual mutability and male Goenka will also be remembered as the modern
anxiety in an early Buddhist legend. J Hist Sexual Bhagīratha who brought the Ganges of Vipassana
16(1):14–39
from Myanmār to India. Discovered by the Bud-
dha 2,600 years ago, this technique of meditation
which purifies the mind and liberates one from the
General wheel of life and death was completely forgotten G
in India – the land of its birth. The word
▶ Universal
“Vipassana” did not find entry even in the Sanskrit
and Hindi dictionaries. Goenkaji brought it to
India in 1969 and worked hard to spread it here
and in the whole world.
Gift Born in Mandalay (Myanmar) on 30 January
1924 in an orthodox Hindu family which had
▶ Dāna (Buddhism) migrated there from Churu, Rajasthan, India, he
was a very brilliant student. He had topped the list
of successful students in the high school exami-
nation in Myanmar, and although awarded a
God (Buddhism) government scholarship, he did not continue his
higher education. Instead he engaged himself in
▶ Buddha (Concept) his family business, earned name and fame at
a very early age, and attained phenomenal mate-
rial success so much so that he became
a renowned business magnet of Myanmar.
Godhīputta He was married to Ilaichi Devi in 1942. The
Japanese invasion compelled him to leave for
▶ Devadatta India along with his family members. In India he
started business enterprises in Tamil Nadu and
Kerala. But after the world war was over, he
returned to Yangon and set up several firms and
Goenka factories. When Myanmar became independent in
1948, he was appointed a member of the advisory
Angraj Chaudhary committee to the Ministry of Trade and Industries.
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
He Made the Best Use of Leisure in
Acquiring the Knowledge of Indian
Definition Culture

Ācārya Satya Narayan Goenka (S. N. Goenka) Whatever leisure he got from his busy schedule,
was the Asoka of modern times who spread he devoted himself to self studies as he had a
516 Goenka

great passion for learning. He studied the would a drowning man not do? Practicing
Rāmacaritamānasa, the Mahābhārata, the Gī tā, Vipassana as taught by his teacher was a life-
the Upaniṣads, and great poets like Tulasī, Sūra, transforming experience for him. Not only was
Kabīra, Nānaka, and Rahīma. Some of the essays he cured of his migraine forever, but he also
he wrote on these poets and the lectures he deliv- realized what true Dhamma is just in one 10-day
ered on their birth anniversaries reveal his pro- course. As he used to say, he had his second birth.
found understanding of India’s culture. His He really became a dvija (born twice), a Brahman.
literary achievements reveal what a genius can He also realized how different sectarian views had
do, although he does not go in for higher studies. usurped the place of true Dhamma which is
At a very young age, he was made chairman, universal – the same for all. He felt naturally
president, and secretary of several literary and drawn toward Vipassana and devoted himself
social organizations. heart and soul to practice it.
His excessive/many engagements and earning
of name, fame, and material success at a very
young age increased his mental tension. As Goenka Learned the True Nature of
a result, he developed migraine. With the passage Dhamma (Dharma)
of years, its frequency and intensity increased so
much so that he had to take morphine injections to Practicing Vipassana he learned the nature of true
get relief from its excruciating pain. As advised by Dhamma which is universal in nature and which is
his doctors in Myanmar, he consulted the best of shorn of all sectarian characteristics, rites, and
doctors in different countries of the world but rituals. As the Dhamma of fire is to burn and
could not be cured of it. burn others and that of water is to be cool and
make others cool, so our Dhamma should be to
have peace and happiness and not to burn with
Migraine Changed the Course of His Life greed, anger, and jealousy. We should cultivate
mettā (loving kindness), karuṇā (compassion),
Thanks to this migraine – a psychosomatic muditā (sympathetic joy), and upekkhā
disease – the entire course of Goenkaji’s life was (equanimity).
changed. When all doctors failed to cure his When one performs actions like killing, steal-
migraine, his friend U Chan Htoon, then Attorney ing, etc., the roots of which are greed, anger, and
General of Myanmara who later became a judge hatred; one is overpowered by these unwhole-
of the Supreme Court, advised him to join some roots of action. As a result, he does not
a 10-day Vipassana course conducted by Sayagyi have peace in his mind, and consequently there
U Ba Khin. is no peace in the society he lives in. But if he
keeps himself from committing such actions, he
will have peace. This is Dharma because it makes
He Very Reluctantly Sat a 10-Day him peaceful and enables him to have good sleep
Vipassana Course in the night. Their opposites cause tension, fear,
agitation, and restlessness in life. When one is
As he was an orthodox Hindu, in the beginning he angry, he burns first before he causes harm to
was reluctant to join the course at the International others ([1], verse 139).
Buddhist Centre conducted by U Ba Khin – a
Buddhist. But after Sayagyi U Ba Khin explained
to him that in the course he would be asked to Goenkaji Was Convinced of the Efficacy
observe five precepts of morality (sī la), to con- of Vipassana
centrate his mind by practicing samādhi (medita-
tion), and to attain wisdom (paññā), he took his Most of the time one is not aware of the defile-
courage in both hands and joined the course. What ments in his mind and he suffers. The Buddha
Goenka 517

taught one to see it. He said: Vedanā samosaranā came when the Government of Myanmar decided
sabbe Dhammā ([2], p. 159) which means what- to nationalize all industries. Goenkaji says in one
ever arises in the mind is accompanied by sensa- of his letters to his brother Radheshyam how
tion. A sensation arises on the body when any happy and free he felt when his firms were nation-
Dhamma (a defilement also is a Dhamma) arises alized. He says that it was a blessing in disguise.
in the mind: this is the law of nature. Dhamma
means what one’s mind contains now. If what it All three of our companies have been taken and
nationalized by the Burmese Government. . ..
contains is wholesome, one is rewarded by nature; Whatever has happened is for the better. When
if it is otherwise, he is punished. The mind and I think of the future my mind is filled with
body are inextricably interrelated. One under- joy. . .Because of the consuming nature of our busi-
stands that there is a defilement in the mind by ness I was unable to focus fully on Vipassana. The
taste of the sweet nectar of Dhamma and the periph-
observing sensations. He begins to observe them. eral understanding of its profound depths, made
As a result, defilement becomes weak and disap- possible due to our stay here, is just the beginning.
pears just like a thief who enters a house and It has awakened a desire to delve deeper into the G
finding that the master is awake runs away. Take path of Vipassana, and only by staying in Myanmar
for a few more years can this be fulfilled. . .. Who
the example of anger. When anger arises, what- will restore this great literature? Who will take it
ever its cause may be, one experiences unpleasant back to India? I have come to believe that the great
sensations such as palpitations, burning, tension, work has been entrusted to us, and because of it we
etc. Everyone, irrespective of his caste, clan, or have been set free from the banes of business. ([3],
Vol. 24)
country he belongs to and irrespective of whatever
religion he practices, suffers. There is no excep-
tion to this. But if one learns to observe sensations
that arise when he is angry, he comes out of anger. Sayagyi U Ba Khin Told Him About the
Vipassana teaches one to be alert and attentive and Debt Burma Owed to India
enables him to drive out defilement and become
his own master. When one’s mind is free from Sayagyi U Ba Khin told him that the technique of
defilements, he experiences peace and tranquility. Vipassana had come to his country Myanmara
This is the ultimate goal of practicing Vipassana. 2,300 years ago and had been preserved in its
Goenkaji was convinced of the efficacy of pristine purity by the teacher-pupil chain of
Vipassana. monks and laymen. His country, in fact, owed
a debt to India. He also said that as Vipassana is
lost in India, it was the opportune time to pay the
Another Tide Which Changed the Course debt back to it. Sayagyi U Ba Khin himself
of Life Once Again wanted to come to India and pay back the debt.
But that was not to be. As Goenkaji had meditated
There came another tide in his life which unbe- under his guidance for 14 years and had become
lievably changed the course of his life. Had he not ripe, U Ba Khin appointed him as a Vipassana
changed it, he might have become a very success- teacher and sent him with this precious jewel to
ful millionaire or billionaire. But he was cut out India to pay back the debt.
for doing something great which would be Goenkaji took infinite pains to spread
immensely beneficial to mankind groping in the Vipassana in the initial years of his coming to
darkness of ignorance to find out the ways and India. He faced a lot of difficulties in traveling
means to end suffering – the existential problem the length and breadth of the country and arrange
of mankind. for a suitable place to organize and conduct the
The opportunity to devote more time to prac- course. He had to organize courses in schools,
tice Vipassana at the feet of his teacher Sayagyi Dharmaśālās, mosques, churches, and other pub-
U Ba Khin and strengthen it by reading the lic places where the amenities were few. But in
Tipitaka (the words of the Buddha) with him spite of difficulties, he remained undaunted. And
518 Goenka

at last his labor bore fruit. Now there are 82 another. In his famous address to the Millennium
permanent Vipassana centers in India and 96 in World Peace Summit in the United Nations, he
the different countries of the world besides gypsy said that there must be conversion but it must be
camps where courses are conducted from time to “from misery to happiness. It must be from bond-
time. The storm of difficulties could not extin- age to liberation. It must be from cruelty to com-
guish the lamp of Vipassana he had lighted to passion” ([5], p. 1).
give light to the people of the world living in the
darkness of ignorance.
His First Glorious Contribution

Goenka: A Super Psychologist Apart from spreading Vipassana in India and in

the whole world, Goenkaji performed two Hima-
While teaching Vipassana Goenkaji, like a super layan tasks. He established Vipassana Research
psychologist, makes meditators aware of an Institute at Dhammagiri from where he published
unknown and unfathomed world within, of the entire Tipiṭaka (Buddhist Canonical Litera-
which they were never aware; the world where ture) with its Aṭṭhakathās, Ṭīkās, and Aṇuṭīkās
craving and aversion – the causes of in 140 volumes which he freely distributed to
suffering – keep on arising continuously. those interested in the Buddha’s teachings. He
also got a CD-ROM prepared which contains not
only the Tipiṭaka and allied literature but also
other literature having bearing on it. This CD
Vipassana is Scientific, Rational, and can be viewed in several scripts and is given free
Pragmatic and Brings Results Here and to one interested in the Buddha.
Now Now the entire literature has been made avail-
able on www.tipitaka.com free for all in many
Vipassana, in the words of Goenkaji, “is scientific,
more scripts.
rational and pragmatic and brings results here and
VRI has carried out many researches such as
now.” In the words of the Buddha, “Dhamma is to
“Was the Buddha a Pessimist?” Besides, it has
abstain from unwholesome activities, perform
carried out researches on the effect of Vipassana
wholesome activities and purify the mind.”
on drug addicts, on the prisoners, and so on.
Sabbapāpassa akaraṇaṃ, kusalassa upasampadā/
Sacitta pariyodapanaṃ, etaṃ buddhāna
sāsanaṃ// ([4], verse 183)
A Brilliant Discourse Giver
Goenkaji taught Vipassana to all without mak-
ing any distinction of caste, creed, or color. He did Goenkaji gave brilliant discourses on Dhamma
not charge even registration fee. It is not charged and made the technique of Vipassana crystal
even now. No cost is charged even for board and clear to the meditators. This rightly made him
lodging. The cost of the courses is met by the a modern Aṭṭhakathākāra (commentator). He
generous dāna made by meditators. Goenkaji brought out the true characteristic of Universal
did not want to make the teaching of Dhamma Dhamma as distinct from different sectarian
a business. Dhammena na vaniṃ care (do not Dhammas.
make a trade of Dhamma) [6] was his sublime
motto.
He was one of the very few spiritual teachers His Second Glorious Contribution
who never sought publicity to spread Vipassana,
did not like gurudom, and had no interest in Another glorious contribution by him is the con-
converting people from one organized religion to struction of the Global Vipassana Pagoda, near
Gomisanda 519
˙ ˙˙

Mumbai. The 100-m-high structure constructed by the governments and organizations of different
with stone without iron and cement and without countries, some of which are Vijjā Vāridhi, Vidyā
any pillar, which enshrines the relics of the Bud- Vāgpati, Vipassanāgama Cakkavattī, Ādhunika
dha, stands as a symbol of gratitude to the Buddha Siri Dhamma Asoka, Pariyatti Visārada, and
and the chain of teachers of Myanmara including Padma Bhūṣaṇa – the last awarded by the
his teacher Sayagyi U Ba Khin who preserved the Government of India.
technique of Vipassana in pristine purity. It also Goenkaji was a living example of how an
contains the paintings of the important events in adversity can be made use of as an opportunity
the life of the Buddha which will go a long way in and challenge. Had he not suffered from migraine,
removing the misunderstandings about his teach- he might not have joined a Vipassana course
ings. It has also a meditation hall which can which changed the course of his life. Practicing
accommodate 8,000 people at a time. This is Vipassana he learned the nature of true Dhamma
indeed a wonder of the world. which is universal in nature and which is shorn of
all sectarian characteristics, rites, and rituals. He G
taught people the art of living; he also taught them
Goenka: An Extempore Poet how to attain peace in life. He lived a full life and
passed away peacefully at the ripe age of 90 on 29
Goenkaji composed thousands of couplets in September 2013.
Hindi and Rajasthani languages which make
Dhamma and its constituents such as sī la,
samādhi, and paññā very clear. He also wrote Cross-References
many books; the most important of them are
Nirmal Dhārā Dharma kī and Tipiṭaka men ▶ Asoka
Samyak Sambuddha. ▶ Vipassanā

References
His Unique Way of Naming Vipassana
Centers 1. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Ther G 139, Vasabha Thero
Pubbe hanati attānaṃ, pacchā hanati so pare/
Goenkaji named all Vipassana centers in a unique 2. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) A 3
way. A Vipassana center on the top of the hill at 3. VRI, Dhammagiri (1987) Vipassana Newsletter 24(9),
2014
Igatpuri near Mumbai, India, is named as 4. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) D.P verse 183
Dhammagiri, at Bodhgaya it is named as Dhamma 5. Goenka SN (2009) S.N. Goenka at the United Nations.
Bodhi, at Sarnath it is named as Dhamma Cakka, VRI, Dhammagiri, p 1, Reprint
and at Nashik it is named as Dhamma Nasikā. 6. VRI, Dhammagiri (1998) Udāna Pali Sattajaṭila Sutta
Names of all centers begin with “Dhamma”.
This shows how much he was suffused with
Dhamma.
Gomimukhya

Recipient of Several Degrees and Honors ▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga

from the Governments and
Organizations of Different Countries

In appreciation of his historic work in spreading Gomisanda

Vipassana all over the world, several degrees, ˙ ˙˙
titles, and honors have been bestowed upon him ▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga
520 Good (Buddhism)

are not polarities but admixtures: one is a positive

Good (Buddhism) value and the other is a negative value and often
being left to the Law of Karma. For the treatment of
Asha Mukherjee good and virtue, one finds a wide range of relevant
Department of Philosophy and Religion, literature, ranging over suffering, bondage, sin,
Visva-Bharati Central University, Santiniketan, ignorance, demons, etc., but basically evil consists
WB, India in rupture of good. But no doubt, sukha and duḥkha
both belong to the level of experience. Buddha
refuses to accept anything which is beyond expe-
Synonyms rience as for him anything which is beyond expe-
rience is “avyakata.” The most frequent
Dhamma; Kusala; Puñña; Sīla; Sukha classification of action in the Nikayas is into kusala,
akusala, and avyakata, which lead one to sukha,
duḥkha, and “neither-sukha-nor-duḥkha,” respec-
Definition tively, but in Majjhima-Nikāya, both “good” and
“evil” are used.
Any state or act which removes suffering and
leads to nirvāṇa.
Good and Its Relation with the Law of
Karma
Introduction
The expressions such as “good action” or “bad
To understand “good” in Buddhism, one has to action” used in the West do not have the same
understand evil or suffering, the other side of meaning and significance as “good karma” (or
good – pāpa or duḥkha – which is constantly kamma in Pāli) has basically due to the extremely
used in Buddhist literature. Puñña is the good complex nature of the notion of “karma.” The
result or fruit of good action – the merits or the effect of karma has to be understood in terms of
fruits of kammic action; apuñña or pāpa is the cycle of rebirth and breaking the cycle along
demerit. Good is a relative term and the pairs with the religious thought and philosophy. Unlike
sukha/duḥkha puñña/apuñña or puñña/pāpa cor- some other Indian traditions, Buddhism devel-
respond to kusala/akusala – wholesome deed pro- oped the doctrine of karma in conjunction with
duce “wholesomeness” or merit while an akusala the nonself (anattā) doctrine, life and series of life
“unwholesomeness” or demerit, an evil. An being a stream of consciousness and momentari-
arhant is beyond puñña making. Thus good and ness. In Dhammapada, the earliest Buddhist liter-
evil are grounded in the wider scheme of Buddhist ature, one finds “He who speaks or acts from
“seeing”; they are two sides of the same coin. a mind defiled, that one suffering follows as
The terms sukha, sī la, and dhamma may not be a wheel the foot that leads it” and “He who speaks
parallel to the term “good” and may not be coex- or acts from pure mind, that one happiness follows
tensive, but these play the pivotal role in as his shadow that never leaves him” [12]. The
Buddhism. In general the concept of suffering nature of relationship between the action and the
(duḥkha) has to be tackled through ascetic life for results of actions is explained in detail by saying
dhamma for transcendental truth. The alternatives that “A fool does not know when he commits his
to duḥkha are pleasure (sukha) and bliss (ananda). evil deeds: but the wicked man burns by his own
It is a common man experience that sukha is pref- deeds, as if burnt by fire.” ([12], p. 136)
erable to duḥkha, but he also knows by experience No man should take evil or good lightly as drop
that he cannot succeed in pursuit of one and in by drop it accumulates just like poison. If a man
avoidance of the other. Experiences of sukha and commits a sin, he should not do it again as the
duḥkha both are reconciled in Buddhism as they accumulation of evil is painful. “Not to commit
Good (Buddhism) 521

any sin, to do good action, and to purify one’s One of the great strengths of Buddhism lies
mind, that is the teaching of (all) the Awakened” in transcending the human-centric and ego-
([12], p. 183). If a man does what is good, he centric perspective and bringing in the
should do as often as possible because the accu- interdependence and interconnected aspect of nat-
mulation of good is delightful. An evil doer sees ural, human, social, and religious domain. The
happiness as long as his evil deeds do not ripen key concepts which help us in understanding Bud-
but when his evil deeds ripen, he sees the evil. dhist views are interdependent conditioning
A good man also sees evil days so long as his good (Pratī tyasamutpāda); the law of moral causation,
deed does not ripen, but when his good deeds karma; suffering (duḥkha); reciprocity of obliga-
ripen then the good man see good things. Evil tions within the bounds of Dharma; and cultiva-
doers go to hell and are born again but righteous tion of virtues and disciplines and overcoming of
people become free from all worldly desires, go to vices, sī la. The virtues which are highlighted are
heaven and attain nirvāṇa. But “from an evil deed restraint, simplicity, loving kindness, compassion,
one can never be free from the cycle of birth and equanimity, patience, wisdom, noninjury, and G
death, evil deed bind and good deed liberate” [12]. generosity. The details of regulating the laity life
(laymen followers) and monistic life of Bhikṣus
and Bhikṣunis (monks and nuns) are provided in
Happiness and Suffering: Good and Evil Vinaya Piṭaka and Vinaya literature (canonical
and noncanonical) [1, 8, 10, 15]. Bhiksus and
There is no inherent “self,” no “Brahman,” and no Bhikṣunis are supposed to recite the eight catego-
God. Then the questions arise, “is there anyone ries of rules (Pratimokṣa) at each Posādha day so
who gets complete happiness after reaching the that they remain fresh in the mind of the monks
goal, liberation, and can anyone describe the state and nuns.
of liberation as ‘complete happiness’?” The The foundation of Buddha’s teaching is Four
answer of both the questions by Buddha is “no.” Noble Truths, the first being “there is suffering”;
There are no details of the state of happiness other thus anything which has the possibility of leading
than that it is beyond “happiness”; one only needs to suffering cannot be good and any state/action or
to consider what things give rise to unhappiness or nonaction which reduces suffering is good. The
suffering and to avoid them. Suffering is the cor- other three Truths deal with the cause of suffering,
nerstone of Buddha’s teaching in the Four Noble the end of suffering, and the path that frees us
Truths, the biggest evil one needs to get rid of. from suffering. The main problem in Buddhism
Suffering is the biggest evil due to the cycle of is how to get rid of suffering. Suffering is the
birth and death. “Countless are the births wherein biggest evil in Buddhism, and ceasing suffering
I have circled and run seeking, but not finding, the is the only ideal of good life. But the question is,
builder of the house; ill is birth again and again” what is suffering? “It is that craving. . . .that leads
([12], pp. 153–154). Breaking of the cycle of birth downward to rebirth”. . .the craving for feeling,
and to get rid of suffering, one can begin with for rebirth. But “ceasing of suffering” means the
simple practice of ordinary moralities of everyday utter passionless ceasing, the giving up, the aban-
life and continue to unbroken to the transcenden- donment of, the release from, and the freedom
tal state known as “nirvāṇa” which can be attained from attachment and craving. One can cease the
in present life. The Nun responding to Mara suffering only by following Eightfold Path ([4],
(mythological symbol for worldly attraction) Vols. III, XXII, p. 104). There are three kinds of
says “Dying is for the born; he that is born sees suffering: (1) suffering as a direct result of a direct
ills: bonds, miseries and calamities. Therefore, contact of the senses with the sense objects,
I take no pleasure in birth. The Buddha taught (2) suffering that occurs after exhaustion of what
Dhamma for overpassing birth, for getting rid is called pleasure, and (3) suffering which comes
of all suffering- he established me in Truth” ([2], into existence as a result of saṃskāra. Māra (a
Vol. I, pp. 132–133, 81). mythological figure) is body; the source of pain,
522 Good (Buddhism)

death, feeling, perception, the activities, and con- training needed for contemplative or mystical
sciousness through body, all are Mara; and release knowledge of the ultimate truth and for the seren-
from Mara is nirvāṇa. When asked what the aim of ity which goes with it. This attainment of peace
nirvāṇa is, it is answered by saying “This is the and insight is called nirvāṇa which implies that
question that goes too far. One cannot grasp the the saint (arhat) after death will not be born again.
limits of this question; one can live holy life rooted The three qualities to be destroyed are known as
in nirvāṇa which is the goal and end of life” ([4], the three evil roots (hetus) and with them the
Vols. III, XXIII, p. 1). The question that whether āsavas (sense-desires, craving for the existence,
Tathāgata was a Superman is answered by saying lack of higher knowledge (avijjā), and attachment
“Tathāgata being human, became one by the doing to wrong views) also to be destroyed to attain the
and by accumulating all those karma, who spoke to goal. nirvāṇa is the state which is not recorded by
the multitude on their good, on righteousness, the five physical senses; the happiness arising
explain to the multitude, became a bearer of welfare from the five senses is merely sensuous happiness.
and happiness to living creatures, a celebrant of Devotees and monks are supposed to follow the
righteousness” [18]. Eightfold Path along with their own destiny for
attaining Bodhisattva (the second highest stage)
through his or her personal efforts.
Nirvāna the Highest Good The first five precepts (punch-sī la) for the path
˙ to better rebirths or enlightenment for laity and
One can get the whole idea of goodness in Bud- monks prohibit killing, stealing, lying, adultery,
dhism if one concentrates on the Eightfold Path and the use of intoxicants. Besides the five pre-
which leads to the highest good – the ultimate cepts (punch-sī la) for the path to better rebirths or
liberation called nirvāṇa, a state of perfect peace enlightenment, one also finds daśa-sī la (ten pre-
and insight which implies that the saint (arhat) cepts) or daśākusala, the ten not right or evil
after death will not be born again. Buddha’s teach- deeds, and they may seem basically self-centered,
ings are directed towards avoiding any kind of but they are to be seen in the wider context of
evil, doing all good and purifying one’s mind, virtues and values such as giving, or dana-sī la,
not blaming, not injuring, restraining according and the four unlimited virtues of maitrī or benev-
to patimokkha rules, moderation in food, walking, olence (mettā), karuṇā or compassion, muditā or
sleeping, sitting, and concentration of the mind sympathetic joy, and upeks‚ ā or equanimity. But
([18], Vol. II, p. 49). “That which is destruction of neither of them can exhaust the description of
lust, hatred and delusion is said to be Nibbana” Buddhist path towards enlightenment. Five sins
([7], Vol. IV, p. 251). It can be achieved by the (papa) are also mentioned in Mahāyāna Bud-
Noble Eightfold Path. The Eightfold Path consists dhism, and they are killing of Bodhisattva or
of the following principles: (1) right views, to a nun, sacrilege, slander, and wrong views about
ponder on the reality of matter; (2) right aims, teaching, including the karmic or natural moral
knowing Four Truths (sorrows, development of effects of good and bad deeds. There are three
sorrows, resistance of sorrows, and the way of roots of evil – hatred, ignorance, and
eradication of sorrows); (3) right speech, not to covetousness – but it is basically the wrong view-
make false statements; (4) right actions, to realize ing which is the ground of all evils.
the right aims into actions; (5) right means of The volitional character of an action is so
livelihood with justification; (6) right endeavors important for Buddha that he calls the motive of
for right causes; (7) right mindfulness for the an action as deed. The effects of action get accu-
renunciation from all indulgences; and (8) right mulated and affect the future birth, and also an act
meditation to contemplate to achieve nirvāṇa. The enhances one’s possibility of enlightenment. The
first two concern the preliminary frame of mind of practice of giving food, money, and clothes to
the aspirant, the next three are the ethical require- a needy (dāna), the intention, and the motive
ments, and the final three concern the meditative to help before giving and after, all matter a lot.
Good (Buddhism) 523

The act of giving is very important, and its various He discerned humanity in an impersonal terms
aspects, such as who gives what, and to whom and and yet could understand the logic of character,
how much, with what intention, and on what the shades of good and evil in their multiplicity,
ground, all make a difference in judging the merits among those who came to him with problems to
of an act based on wisdom, generosity, and com- get help. The mission after enlightenment was to
passion. The consequences of action on oneself, work for the welfare and happiness of as many as
on others, and on nonhuman world are equally possible human and nonhuman both out of com-
important. Greed, hatred, and delusion are condi- passion, also a massage for all the monks. For
tions for the emergence of kammic activity. Steal- house holders too, an outline for leading a good
ing, killing, illicit sexual relations, uttering life is worked out.
falsehood, slandering, rude speech, and foolish The Bodhisattva is considered as an example
talk have bad consequences. If one indulges in of good life – ideal life that is compassionate and
such activities, in the next birth, he/she would self-sacrificing. Some eminent scholars consider
encounter things such as disease and poverty, but Mahāyāna Buddhism as only a “way of seeing” G
if he/she practices virtues, he/she will be rewarded and an inward realization, lacking normative
with good health and wealth in the journey in implications [22], whereas Theravāda Buddhism
samsara (the wheel of existence) ([11], Vol. III, is explicitly normative and asserts ethical norms
p. 40). To get complete liberation (nirvāṇa) from for laity and monks both. This interpretation does
suffering, one needs to perform good actions and not have much ground as Mahāyāna Buddhist
avoid bad actions like greed, hatred, and illusion. texts provide enough evidence for the normative
The good actions will develop the kind of charac- implications along with “way of seeing life” and
ter that will be greatly oriented towards liberation the texts of these two forms of Buddhism cannot
rather than leading to material benefits in another be compartmentalized. Mahāyāna Buddhism pre-
life. But one may also opt for benefits like good sents a creative dimension of original Buddhism,
life in the next birth by good deeds in this life. The the Bodhisattvas. Like Buddha the bodhisattvas
ideal of nirvāṇa is the ultimate ideal and one has live virtuously the six perfections or pāramitās for
to work towards it gradually and not with any all other beings. Bodhisattvas are “the sufferers of
sense of urgency. There is a psychological law other’s suffering” and this compassionate dimen-
that if one does a good act and continues to do sion is much more emphasized. The six perfec-
so, it would lead to good dispositions and tions are sought not only for “one’s own benefit
character – a tendency to repeat. But if one does but for others” (the Diamond Sūtra). There are
bad actions, then also there is a tendency to examples such as the third Mauryan emperor
repeat – a tendency to see one’s actions in terms Aśoka (304–236 B.C.E.) who exercised compas-
of rewards and punishments. In this context two sion, gentleness, and religious toleration (Rock
sets of Pali words are used which are relevant: Edict XIII and Pillar Edict VII, Pillar Edict III).
puñña as merit and papa as demerit, referring to During this time, there is no mention of Bodhi-
good returns and bad returns or rewards and sattvas, but they are functionally replaced by
losses, respectively. A good man is like a good motivations of karma and the Buddhist way
carpenter or a craftsman who makes skillful deci- of living.
sions as his second nature. When a perfect one Buddha believed in the doctrine of correlated
performs good actions, they flow in the most action, which suggests the existence of law and
natural way from his nature spontaneously and order in the progress of cause and effect. In Bud-
therefore do not accumulate as karma and do not dhism this doctrine is known as momentariness
generate kammic/karmic consequences. But this (paṭicca-samuppāda), which is meant to illustrate
does not mean that the perfect one is beyond good the law of the dependent origination of things. In
and evil. The perfect one as exemplified by the life Majjhima Nikāya, it is said “If this is, that comes
of Buddha himself was capable of a richness of to be, from the arising of this that arises; if this is
virtues, with tremendous variety and refinement. not that does not come to be, from the ceasing of
524 Good (Buddhism)

this that ceases.” To get rid of all evils/ills (12 the person who suffers is not there or the suffering
nidānas are suggested, direct and indirect condi- is impersonal, how is it possible? The whole phe-
tions of suffering – birth, old age and dying, grief, nomenal world is not-self, devoid of permanence,
sorrow, suffering, dejection, despair, etc.), one has and is always influx, a continual denial of same-
to get rid of ignorance, stop the habitual tenden- ness at two consecutive moments. Then how does
cies, and stop the consciousness ([8], Vol. IV, one get continuity? The principle of continuity
pp. 1–2). The root of all suffering is avijjā or says no two things are same but there is similarity.
ignorance from which others follow, and each The individual of a particular moment cannot be
one of these constitutes a cause for the next fol- independent of the one immediately proceeding as
lowing from forming a chain. Thus destruction of long as one is caused and conditioned by the other.
each cause has been said to annual its effect, Buddha in his discourses often gives the example
leading to the cessation of suffering. Further, the of a married woman. The woman who is married
world is in a process of continuous change; noth- is not the same as the one who was unmarried but
ing remains same for two moments. Everything is not different from the one who was unmarried.
changing every moment including the individual. In Mahāyāna, the Dharmakāya of Buddha
An individual is not a unity but an aggregate of the after attainment of Bodhisattva is considered to
five khandhas (rūpa, vedanā, saññā, sankhāra, be constituted by śῡnyata essence and represented
and viññāna), each of which has no substance of as monistic conception of reality. Mahāyāna lays
itself (unselfness (anattā)). But then the problem equal emphasis on śῡnyata (prajñā) and karuṇā;
arises, who is the doer of an act? And who is the they are the two legs on which Mahāyāna stands
experiencer? If there is no individual, no doer, and on the unity of the two. If one does not care much
no self, then one cannot hold anyone responsible for karuṇā and adheres to śῡnyata alone, then he/
for any good action or bad action. Buddhist does she can never have access to the right path; nor if
not find any inconsistency between momentari- one concentrates on karuṇā alone, he/she can
ness (impermanence) and no self. An individual is attain salvation even in thousand births; but the
a pure product of his deeds and it is in his own one who is able to mingle śῡnyata with karuṇā
hands to continue or to stop his miseries. “karma remains neither in bhava (samsara) nor in
is one’s own.” nirvāṇa. Buddha laid much emphasis on experi-
Man’s ultimate nature is recognized by Bud- ence and refuses to accept anything which is
dhism in participation in goodness, and in this beyond experience. But he makes a distinction
sense, man has infinite capacity just as all other between that which can be objectively experi-
beings. All beings are potential Buddhas or they enced and that which can only be transcendentally
can possess the “Buddha nature.” The ultimate experienced. What is objectively experienced is
aim of human life is nirvāṇa, a state that is attained phenomenal and the one which is transcendentally
through the process of “abandoning the belief in experienced is absolute. Phenomenal reality
a self.” And those who enter this state naturally which is objective can be communicated but
devote themselves to help others to reduce suffer- ultimate reality cannot be communicated. Ulti-
ing. The person is not ultimately real, although the mate truth is a matter of realization and is
statements about persons can conventionally be beyond any logic or classification of good and
true. In Mahāyāna tradition, the enlightened per- evil. In this sense, Buddhist is both positivist and
son will strive to help others to overcome suffer- mystic.
ing because pain or suffering is bad wherever it Since in Buddhism there is no real self or indi-
occurs. Concern for others is also found in other vidual, everyone can equally get rid of suffering,
Buddhist traditions, “your pain is as bad for you as and one’s sex, like one’s caste or class (varṇa),
my pain is for me.” But the question is how does it presents no barrier to attaining nirvāṇa or liberation
follow from the fact that there is suffering and from suffering. The Lotus Sūtra is unique among
suffering is bad? And then suffering is there but the teachings of Śākyamuni as it makes the
Good (Buddhism) 525

attainment of enlightenment a possibility open to Because of them one falls into evil ways. There is
all people, without distinction based on gender, no refuge. . . . . .
Relationship with women is extremely base.
race, social standing, or education. In this way, it Evil among evil-What satisfaction is there in lust?
is seen to be a full expression of Śākyamuni’s ([14], 27–50)
compassionate intention of opening the way to
enlightenment to all people. Thus Women can Granting that there were differences of opinion
equally pursue the path and become arhats and on women attaining nirvana and restrictions on
can get liberated from the cycle of life and death. women ascetic groups (saṅghas), this certainly is
nirvāṇa is the absolute good for both men and a very important philosophical, social, and psy-
women. Some Buddhist, though, recognized the chological insight and an ideal example of sophis-
fear of the feminine and misogyny as a form of tication. Virtues or vices are a matter of individual
clinging and bondage, and yet some other believed cultivation or lack thereof but not a matter of
that the problem lay not in the external object of innate qualities acquired by birth in a particular
desire itself, but rather in the subjective craving, social class or sex. No doubt, while practicing G
which lay within oneself. Neither “men” nor women had to accept the authority of the monks
“women” exist as entities and cannot be the object and the order of nuns, they were subsequently
of clinging. The problem lies in the clinging itself, relegated to a secondary status. In any case, this
clinging to one’s aversion just as clinging to one’s position was no doubt radical considering the time
craving. An example of women arhats is the story and age.
of Soma, the daughter of the King Bimbisāra who
became the follower of the Buddha and eventually
became the most famous arhat. Mara representing Cross-References
evil (doubt, temptations, desires, and fear) tests
Soma’s meditative concentration and addresses to ▶ Evil (Buddhism)
her: ▶ Four Noble Truths
▶ Karma
That vantage-ground the sages may attain ▶ Responsibility (Buddhism)
Is hard to win. With her two-finger wit,
That may no women ever hope to achieve. ([4], I) ▶ Saṃskāra

(Two fingers are usually used by women to test

if the rice is cooked.) References
This shows that women were not excluded
from the ultimate goal of liberation from suffer- 1. Bodhi B (2000) The connected discourses of the Bud-
dha, translation of the Saṃyutta-Nikāya, vols 1 and 2.
ing. A different position of Buddha on women Wisdom Publishers
issues is presented in Aṅguttara Nikāya while 2. Conze E (1953) Buddhist texts through the ages.
answering to Ānanda ([11], Vol. II, pp. 82–83). Oxford University Press, Oxford
Here it is mentioned that woman can never 3. Conze E (1960) The Prajñāpāramitā literature. The
Hague
accomplish a deed as demanding as liberation. In 4. Conze E (1964) Saṃyutta-nikāya I, Buddhist
Buddhist literature where ascetic purity is texts through the ages. Harper Ed. Torchbooks,
discussed, it is expressed in masculine celibacy. pp. 132–133, 81
Thus the position is often conflicting between the 5. Crawford SC (1974) Hindu ethical ideas. Calcutta
6. Keown D (1992) The nature of Buddhist ethics. Mac-
early suttas of Pāli Canon and later Mahāyāna millan, London
literature. Women are regarded as the cause of 7. Feer LS (1960) Vol IV, 251f. ed. reprint, PTS
evil and any kind of relation with women would 8. Horner IB (1958) Translation of Mahavagga. In: Book
lead to evil: of the discipline of the Vinaya. Nalanda
9. Jagdish KB (ed) (1958) Majjhima-Nikāya, Nāl.edn.
All desires are suffering, the vilest of evils. . .. [As the middle length sayings], 3 vols (trans: Horner
Confused by women one is burnt by passion. IB). PTS, London
526 Gragyaa

10. Misra GSP (1984) Development of Buddhist ethics.

Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi Great Vehicle
11. Morris H, Hardy H (eds) (1959) Aṅguttara Nikāya,
vols 1–5. Pali Text Society, London, 1885–1900,
reprint ▶ Mahāyāna
12. Max MF (1965) The Dhammapada – a collection of
verses, translation from Pāli. Motilal Banarasidass,
Delhi
13. Pande GC (1973) Mūlya Mīmaṁsā. Jaipur, India
14. Diana P (1979) Mahāratnakūṭa (translated). In: Greeks
Women in Buddhism. Asian Humanities Press,
Berkeley Klaus Karttunen
15. Payutto PA, Bruce E, Puriso B (1996) Good, evil and
beyond: Kamma in the Buddha’s teaching. Department of World Cultures, University of
Buddhadhamma Foundation, Thailand Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
16. Rashdall H (1948) The theory of good and evil,
2nd edn. Oxford
17. Rhys Davids TW (ed) (Mrs) (2005) Saṁyutta-Nikāya
[The book of the kindred sayings], 5 vols (trans: Definition
Woodward FL). Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
18. Rhys Davids TW (Mrs) (2007) Digha-Nikāya. In: Greek and Roman knowledge of Buddhism and
Dialogues of the Buddha, vols 1–3. Motilal Buddhist influences in the West in ancient and
Banarasidass, Delhi
19. Sharma A (2006) Women in Indian religions. Oxford medieval times.
University Press, Oxford
20. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics – essence of
Buddhism. George Braziller, New York Introduction
21. Stecherbatsky Th (1961) The central conception of
Buddhism and the meaning of the word ‘Dharma’,
3rd edn. Calcutta The first real contact of Greeks with Indian reli-
22. Suzuki DT (1963) Outlines of Mahāyāna Buddhism. gions took place during the Indian campaigns of
New York Alexander the Great (327–325 B.C.E.). In the few
23. Thapar R (1961) Asoka and the decline of the
Mauryas, 2nd edn. OUP Delhi accounts written before it – for example by Herod-
24. Doniger W et al (eds) (1978) The concept of Duty in otus and Ctesias – India is a fairyland on the rims
South Asia. Vikas, New Delhi of inhabited world with primitive peoples and
various miracles of nature. A passage of Herodo-
tus (3. 100f.) has been sometimes connected with
Buddhist monks, but a closer look shows it to be
Gragyaa a typical Herodotean description of a primitive
people. They eat wild plants, not because they
▶ Education (Jainism) are vegetarian, but because they do not know
agriculture. That they have nothing to do with
religious life is shown in the next passage
(101) stating that they have sexual intercourse in
Great Ācārya public.
But even Alexander and his historians did not
▶ Padmasambhava know of Buddhism. In Taxila, they met naked
ascetics, whose severe asceticism aroused much
admiration among Alexander’s soldiers ([5],
p. 55ff.). One of them, Calanus, joined Alexan-
Great Qualities of the Mind der’s entourage and later committed a spectacular
suicide on pyre. As naked sophists (gymnoso-
▶ Brahmavihāra phists), they were then often mentioned in later
Greeks 527

literature. But they were not Buddhists, both their Cyrene and Alexander, probably the king of Epi-
hard asceticism and their nakedness exclude this rus. However, Aśoka’s dhamma was not Bud-
(e.g., the Vinaya Mahāvagga 8. 15 and 28 dhism, though related to it, but a political
expressly forbids nudity for monks). philosophy meant for all his subjects. In the
Sometime after Alexander’s death, Seleucus West, no record of these envoys has been pre-
Nicator sent Megasthenes as his envoy to Chan- served and it remains unknown, whether they
dragupta Maurya. Afterward, Megasthenes wrote talked of Buddhism. It is in fact quite possible
an account of India, which was much read in the that these envoys themselves were Buddhist
Antiquity. The book is lost, but more than 30 monks, who at least later were often used in
fragments give an idea of its contents. Buddhists diplomatic missions because of their immunity.
are not mentioned by him, but he gives an account But this too is not mentioned in sources ([5],
of the two “sects” of Brahmans and Śramaṇas p. 264ff.).
(F 33). The latter, probably here called Sarmanes In another passage of the RE XIII, it is told that
(the Garmanes of manuscripts seems to be cor- among the Greeks, the traditional four Indian G
rupt), are the wandering ascetic monks often men- classes did not exist. In RE V, these Yonas are
tioned in Buddhist and Jaina canonical literature. mentioned together with the Kambojas and other
Buddha and Jina came both from among them. In North-West Indian peoples. The same, that there
this early period, the Buddhist Sangha was prob- are no four varṇas, but only masters and slaves
ably rather small and inconspicuous group – one among Greeks and Kambojas, is also stated in the
of the many among Śramaṇas – and did not attract Majjhimanikāya (2. 149). Yavanas and Kambojas
any particular attention from Megasthenes. are also often mentioned together in Sanskrit lit-
The earliest references to Greeks in Indian erature. The Greek and Aramaic versions of
literature are more or less contemporary. In the Aśoka’s edicts found in Afghanistan (Kandahar
Near East, Greeks were known as Ionians (Akka- and Laghman) testify of the emperor’s zeal to
dian yamanu or yawanu, Hebrew yawan, Old make his moral ideas known in this remote part
Persian yauna) and this was borrowed as Middle of his empire. Although made far from the centers
Indo-Aryan yona (also yonaka), then sanskritized of Hellenistic culture, these Greek translations of
as yavana. It is first met in Pāṇini, in the Sanskrit the royal edicts are written in good literary style
epics, in the Buddhist Majjhimanikāya, and in the and show a knowledge of the contemporary ter-
inscriptions of Aśoka. Later on, this name was minology of Greek philosophy.
also used in the more general sense of From Buddhist chronicles, it becomes clear
a “Westerner” and finally, it became the name of that Aśoka’s reign was also a period of strong
Muslims. propagation of Buddhism (Dī pavaṁsa 8,
Mahāvaṁsa 12). A great meeting of monks was
arranged in Pāṭaliputra under the patronage of the
Aśoka king himself and presided by Moggaliputta Tissa.
From this meeting, monks were sent as mission-
It seems that even in India, Buddhism really aries to many countries. One of them, thera
attracted attention only in the times of the Maurya Mahārakkhita, went to the Greek country
Emperor Aśoka (c. 269–232 B.C.E.), himself (yonaloka), which probably means the above-
a great patron of Buddhism. In a famous passage mentioned northwestern province or even the
of his edicts, Aśoka announces that he had sent Hellenistic kingdom of Bactria beyond it. Unfor-
envoys to the Hellenistic rulers of the Near East tunately, no details of these missions are given,
and Europe to proclaim his dhamma to them (RE only which sutta was preached and how many
II and XIII). These monarchs were Antiochus II people were converted. Another missionary, who
Theos of Syria, Ptolemy II Philadelphos of Egypt, went to Aparantaka (Western India), is himself
Antigonus Gonatas of Macedonia, Magas of called Greek, thera Yonakadhammarakkhita. Pāli
528 Greeks

chronicles (e.g., Mahāvamsa 19. 39) know The Kushan period was the time of the first
another thera Yonamahādhammarakkhita, who flourish of the so-called Gandhāra art, sometimes
around 101 B.C.E. came from the Greek town exaggeratingly called the Graeco-Buddhist art. It
Alexandria (yonanagarālasandā, probably the is, in fact, Indian art and its content is Buddhist,
Indo-Greek Alexandria in Afghanistan) to Ceylon but it is also clear that its artists had learned much
to the celebration of Duṭṭhagāmaṇi’s victory over of the artistic expression from Hellenistic art. This
Eḷāra. However, in contemporary Greek literature, includes dress, hairstyle, and a number of individ-
Buddhism is never mentioned. ual characters such as Athene, Heracles, Nice,
In his seminal article, Albrecht Dihle [2] showed Silenus, Tyche, dryads, and titans, all with
how Alexander’s historians and Megasthenes a new, Buddhist identity. Earlier it was a point of
together formed the basis of almost all Greek and controversy, whether this impact came from the
Latin literary descriptions of India in the following Indo-Greeks or, through international trade, from
centuries, a sort of canon. If Buddhism was not Romans. Starting with the excavations of Ai-
mentioned in these sources, it was naturally left Khanum in northern Afghanistan in the 1960s,
unmentioned also in the later literature. However, growing evidence has shown that the Indo-Greeks
much of the Hellenistic literature is lost and it is no really had Hellenistic art and that its tradition
longer possible to say what was there. never died, which seems to settle the question.
From Gandhāra (Pakistan), this art was further
carried to Central Asia.
Indo-Greeks In the donation inscriptions of Buddhist sites in
Western India (Junnar, Karle, Nasik), a number of
One of the most famous Buddhist post-canonical donators are called Greeks (yona), although they
Pāli texts is the Milindapañha (also known as often bear Indian names (e.g., Indrāgnidatta).
Chinese translation). It consists of the discourse Their identity has been often discussed. They are
of monk Nāgasena with the Greek (yona) king explained either as indianized Greeks or West-
Milinda, who is gradually converted to Buddhism erners or as Indian traders engaged in international
by Nāgasena’s skilled dialectics. The model of trade (and thus with Greeks). Other donors in
Milinda seems to be the Indo-Greek ruler Menan- similar inscriptions were usually members of
der (around 150 B.C.E.). He was famous enough local merchant and artisan classes.
to be remembered both in India and the West, but
the actual evidence of his person and rule (coins
and a few mentions in Greek literature) is scanty Buddhism in Greek and Latin literature
and does not connect him with Buddhism. It
seems that the real success of Buddhism in the The earliest accounts of the Buddha and
then North-West India took place only after the Buddhism in the literature of the Western Antiq-
Indo-Greeks, in the Kushan period. Earlier there uity are found in early patristic texts, in Clement
are Greek, local, and a few Hindu gods depicted of Alexandria (150?–212?) and Jerome
on Indo-Greek coins, but the first with the Buddha (340?–420). Long ago Schwanbeck ([9], p.
(named as ΒODDO in Greek letters) is on a coin of 45ff.) suggested that they derived their informa-
Kaniṣka. The Milindapañha is a work of fiction, tion from Megasthenes, but this cannot be
and a famous king may end up as a character in accepted. He just imagined that Buddhism must
such a book without his own involvement. The have been the common and well-known religion
account of his funeral given by Plutarch in Chandragupta’s times, to such an extent that
(Praecepta gerendae reipublicae 821D) resembles the Seleucid envoy could not have left it
that of the Buddha, but does not make him Bud- unmentioned. But the fragments give rather
dhist. According to him, Menander was the king of clear idea of the work of Megasthenes (see
Baktria, whose ashes were divided among the rival above) and there seems to be no room for Bud-
cities. dhism there.
Greeks 529

What was said by Clement of Alexandria and Late Antiquity and Middle Ages
Jerome? Clemens (Stromateis 1. 15. 71. 3–6)
spoke of Baktrian Samanaeans and Indian philos- Clement and Jerome with their knowledge of
ophers (Gymnosophistai) and of Brachmanes and Buddhism seem to be rather exceptional. There
Sarmanes. In the last passage, he stated that is no further fresh information, and after some
“among Indians there are those who believe in centuries the rise of Islam cut the West off from
the instructions of Boutta and, with excess of Buddhist countries. The spread of Nestorian
reverence, honor him as a god.” In another pas- Christianity to Central Asia and China in the
sage (Stromateis 3. 6. 60. 3), he says that the seventh century also meant a dialogue with Bud-
Semnoi “worship a kind of pyramid beneath dhism [10], but this remained unknown in the
which they imagine that the bones of a divinity West. However, some indirect influence of Bud-
of some kind lie buried.” This is often connected dhism in the West can be traced.
with stūpas and the Semnoi, who are also said to Thus, Buddhist influence is clearly seen in
be celibate, with Buddhist monks. But he also Manichaeism, and this way, it may possibly have G
says that they spend all life naked. Jerome also entered Christian monachism ([11],
(Adversus Iovinianum 1. 42) says that “among p. 178ff.). It is supposed that Mani (Manes,
Indian gymnosophists it is claimed that Budda, 216?–276), the founder of Manichaeism, himself
the founder of their doctrine, was born from the in his formative years spent some time in a
side of a virgin.” The Samanaeans are also men- Buddhist monastery, perhaps in North-West
tioned in the fragments of the Syrian gnostic phi- India or Eastern Iran, and then included monasti-
losopher Bardesanes (154–222), quoted by cism in his own syncretist doctrine. The Buddha
Jerome (Adv. Iov. 2. 14). It is possible that both himself had a position in his doctrine as
Clement and Jerome culled their information from a preliminary teacher, beside Adam, Zoroaster,
Bardesanes’ lost book on India. Another explana- and Jesus.
tion is that the flourishing Indo-Roman trade of There is a Christian propaganda story of the
the first and second centuries C.E. also brought origins of Manichaeism, which contains clear ref-
some knowledge of Buddhism to Roman Egypt. erence to Buddhism. The story involves an Egyp-
(Clement himself was from Alexandria.) It is also tian merchant Scythianus, visiting India and
quite possible that they had different sources – learning his ideas there, and his pupil Terebinthus.
their manner of reproducing the Buddha’s name This Terebinthus is presented as the actual foun-
differently, as Boutta and Budda, speaks for this. der of Manichaeism, who claimed to have born of
This is not much. The name of the Buddha is a virgin and called himself Buddas. He is said
clearly mentioned and the Greek Samanaioi/ to have written the canonical books of Manichae-
Semnoi (in plural) corresponds to Pāli samaṇa, ism, later adopted by Mani. The story is told
Sanskrit śramaṇa. However, both Clement and by several Christian authors: for example in the
Jerome seem to confuse Buddhism with other Acta Archelai (fourth century), by Epiphanius
schools. The Buddha was not really born of (315?–403), by Socrates Scholasticos (early fifth
a virgin (this is a Christian idea), but at least his century) and in the Byzantine encyclopedia Suda
birth was exceptional. One Buddhist source, the (tenth century). However, it seems that the allu-
Buddhacarita of Aśvaghoṣa ([1], p. 9f.), offers sion to the Buddha was derived from Jerome or
a neat parallel: The Buddha was born from the his source rather than from any direct knowledge
side (pārśvāt) of his mother. Both also add similar of Buddhism ([11], p. 148). At the same time, this
comparisons: just like Aurva from the thigh of his may also reflect the Manichaean idea of Zoroaster
mother and Mandhātṛ from the head of his father and the Buddha as earlier teachers. Scythianus,
in Aśvaghoṣa, Minerva from the head and Diony- the Scythian, would then be Zoroaster and
sus from the thigh of Jupiter in Jerome. The pas- Terebinthus the Buddha. Occasionally, Buddas
sage is occasionally quoted in the Middle Ages appears in Byzantine texts as a predecessor of
(e.g., by Ratramnus Corbeiensis). Mani ([11], p. 184f.).
530 Greeks

Buddhist elements are occasionally found in resembling the Lalitavistara and wrote
the legends of Christian saints. Thus, St. a Manichaean version of it. His original, perhaps
Eustachius seems to have borrowed some motifs written in Middle Persian, is lost, but there is
from Jātakas. In the legend, Eustachius is a fragment from its Old Turkic translation. The
Placidus, an officer under Trajan and a keen work was also translated into Arabic, and from
hunter, but he is hardly historical person. The this Islamic adaptation, an unknown Georgian
deer converting the hunter offers a parallel to the monk prepared a Christian version, preserved in
Nigrodhamigajātaka (no. 12 of the Pāli Jātaka one single manuscript and in a later popular
collection) and the trials of Eustachius to the abridged version (the Balavariani, see [7]). From
Vessantarajātaka (no. 547; see [8]). One episode Georgian the work was translated into Greek
of the legend is located in India, by the Hydaspes around 1000 C.E. (although later wrongly
river (Jhelam in the Pañjāb), but other parts of ascribed to much earlier John of Damas) and
it are typical Christian hagiography. From from Greek further into Latin and many other
Eustachius, these motives went to the legend of languages.
St. Hubertus (died 727), the patron of hunters. Joasaph (whose name is derived through Ara-
The Physiologus, a collection of allegorical bic Budasaf from Bodhisattva) is the pious son of
Christian narratives, seems to contain some ele- the pagan king of India, who is persecuting Chris-
ments from Buddhist narrative tradition [1]. Some tians in his realm. Like Suddhodana, the father
are given without any reference to their Indian was afraid of auguries and let his son grow up in
origin and all are provided with a Christian isolation from the world and surrounded by lux-
interpretation. ury, but during excursions from his palace, he
Much has been written about some parallels succeeded to see a cripple, a blind, and an old
and similarities between the New Testament man and decided to leave the world. He met the
stories and Buddhist narratives, and influences wise hermit Barlaam and became Christian. As
have been suggested on both directions. However, a curious twist, in the Arabic version, it is also
in a closer analysis, most of these parallels are claimed that the idol worshipped by Joasaph’s
seen to be rather superficial and what remains is pagan father was al-Budd (Buddha). Both
just the possibility of the adoption of some single Barlaam and Joasaph were then honored as saints
narrative motif (such as walking on water). in both Greek and Roman churches, although
Garbe’s old study [3] remains the best analysis never formally canonized.
of them (also [6] and [11]). Grönbold [4] has taken Soon after the story of Barlaam and Joasaph
the trouble to refute some still wilder pieces of had become popular in the West, the travelers of
fantasy. the High Middle Ages gave the first descriptions
It has been also suggested that as early as the of Buddhism and Buddhists they had observed in
second century B.C.E., Buddhist monasticism Central Asia, South Asia, and China. Before this,
influenced the development of some Jewish com- only some veiled and often unrecognized infor-
munities, such as the Essenes, but with the com- mation had been available.
plete lack of evidence connection, this remains
a conjecture.
Cross-References

Barlaam and Joasaph ▶ Buddhist History

The story of the Bodhisattva’s youth and the rea-

sons of his quitting the world is good drama and References
can easily be adapted to the use of other religions.
Perhaps in the mid-first millennium an unknown 1. Charpentier J (1916) Kleine Bemerkungen zum
author in Central Asia took the story in a form Physiologus. In: Aufsätze zur Kultur- und
Gwanseeum-Bosal 531

Sprachgeschichte vornehmlich des Orients Ernst

Kuhn gewidmet. Breslau, pp 280–293 Guanyin
2. Dihle A (1964) The conception of India in Hellenistic
and roman literature. Proc Camb Philol Soc 190:15–23
3. Garbe R (1914) Indien und das Christentum. Eine ▶ Avalokiteśvara
Untersuchung der religionsgeschichtlichen
Zusammenhänge. J. C. B. Mohr, Tübingen (also in
English, India and Christendom. LaSalle, Ill. 1959)
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Legende. Kösel, Munich Guhyakādhipati
5. Karttunen K (1997) India and the Hellenistic world.
Studia Orientalia 83. Finnish Oriental Society, ▶ Vajrapani
Helsinki
6. Klatt N (1982) Literaturkritische Beiträge zum Prob-
lem christlich-buddhistischer Parallelen. Dissertation,
Arbeitsmaterialien zur Religionsgeschichte 8, Bonn
7. Lang DM (1966) Balavariani. A Buddhist tale from Gunasthānas G
the Christian East (Transl. from the Old Georgian). ˙
University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles
8. Schneider U (1964) On the Buddhist origin of the ▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
Christian legend of Placidus–St. Eustachios. J Asiat ▶ Karma (Jainism)
Soc Bombay 36–37, 1961–1962 (published in
1964):12–22
9. Schwanbeck EA (1846) Megasthenis Indica.
Fragmenta collegit, comment. et indic. adjecit, Bonnae
10. Scott D (1985) Christian responses to Buddhism in Gundāvana
pre-medieval times. Numen 32:88–100
11. Winter F (2007) Das frühchristliche Mönchtum und
der Buddhismus. Religionswissenschaft 13. Peter ▶ Mathurā
Lang, Frankfurt

Guru Rinpoche
Green Buddhism
▶ Padmasambhava
▶ Ecology (Buddhism)

“Groba”imgonpo Gwaneum

▶ Tāranātha ▶ Avalokiteśvara

Group Marriage Gwanseeum-Bosal

▶ Polygamy (Buddhism) ▶ Avalokiteśvara

H

Hagiography (Buddhism) perform miraculous deeds. Third, Buddhist hagi-

ographies are essentially didactic in their intent.
Peter Gilks At the most basic level, this may simply mean
International College of I-Shou University, aiming to inspire veneration for the subject and
Kaohsiung, Taiwan his or her tradition, while at a more advanced
level, a hagiography may encourage more dedi-
cated practitioners to emulate the great actions of
Synonyms the subject.

Biography (Buddhism); Sacred biography

(Buddhism) Scope

The term “hagiography” is often used to cover

Definition a wide spectrum of Buddhist biographical writing,
ranging from fabulous Tibetan accounts of the
In Buddhism, a hagiography is an account of the lives of famous masters, such as that of the great
spiritual life of a saintly person. yogi, Padmasambhāva [20], to the Japanese tradi-
tion of rather simple stories about ordinary folk
who managed to gain rebirth in a Pure Land as
General Characteristics a result of their daily religious practices [1]. Since
the range of Buddhist biographical writing is so
Broadly speaking, there are three features that broad, some scholars use the term “hagiography”
characterize Buddhist hagiography as a distinct rather restrictively, preferring instead expressions
genre of biographical writing. First, like hagiog- such as “sacred biography” or the more neutral
raphies in other religious traditions, Buddhist “biography,” while reserving “hagiography” only
hagiographies tend to follow certain established for the most uncritical, formulaic, and idealistic of
paradigms, with the result that Buddhist hagio- Buddhist life stories [4, 18]. The fact that virtually
graphical narratives often appear formulaic in all Buddhist traditions have produced enormous
both structure and content. Second, the subject is quantities of hagiographical writing is indicative
typically presented in a highly idealized manner, of the importance that Buddhists have always
often at the expense of historical accuracy. For placed on not only studying the teachings but of
example, he or she may undergo incredible hard- also putting them into practice. It also shows that
ships, experience mystical visions, or even when the life of a great practitioner is deemed to
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
534 Hagiography (Buddhism)

be a teaching in itself, it becomes a story worth else is known except that their first-person spiri-
recording (and embellishing) for the edification of tual experiences are recorded in verse in two
other practitioners. other canonical texts, the Theragāthā and the
Therīgāthā [13, 16]. Unfortunately, apart from
a relatively small amount of biographical material
Major Hagiographical Traditions about Indian masters in Tibetan and Chinese, little
information about the authors of many great San-
India skrit Buddhist texts has survived other than their
The most important, if not the earliest, hagiogra- names. There is, however, slightly more informa-
phy in Buddhism is the well-known life story of tion about the great adepts of the Tantric Bud-
Śākyamuni Buddha [12], which is sometimes dhism, 84 of whose lives and miraculous
framed around 12 great deeds, usually enumerated achievements are recorded in Tibetan translation
as (1) descending from Tuṣita heaven; (2) entering in the Legends of the Eighty-Four Mahāsiddhas
the womb; (3) birth; (4) education; (5) indulgence (Grub thob brgyad bcu tsa bzhi’i lo rgyus) [5].
in the pleasurable life of a prince; (6) renunciation;
(7) austerities; (8) meditating under the Bodhi China
Tree; (9) overcoming the demon, Mara; Compared to their Indian counterparts, the Bud-
(10) enlightenment; (11) teaching the dharma; dhists of East Asia were great hagiographers. The
and (12) death and parinirvāṇa. These paradig- Chinese Tripiṭaka contains many hagiographical
matic deeds are sometimes found in later Buddhist collections, some of which contain several hun-
hagiographies, such as the life of the famous dred life stories. It is interesting to note that these
Tibetan ascetic Milarepa, which includes all 12 tend to follow a secular Chinese model rather than
deeds [7]. Interestingly, Śākyamuni Buddha’s life an Indian religious one [10]. Among the most
story is not to be found as a coherent account in famous collections are the four compendiums of
the early canonical literature [11], which suggests Lives of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan)
that early Buddhists did not think that connecting (T2059–62), the first of which was completed in
the events of their master’s life into a single story 614 and the last around 1600. Although each
had any great lesson to offer, and that the teach- collection covers a specific time period, beginning
ings were of more importance than the man. The with the initial arrival of Buddhism in China, their
development of grand hagiographies incorporat- internal organization is not chronological. Rather,
ing events from Śākyamuni previous lives found the compilers chose to organize the stories in
in later popular works such as the Buddhacarita, thematic ways, e.g., translators, exegetes, miracle
the Mahāvastu, and the Lalitavistara, may have workers, and meditators. Other important hagio-
been inspired by proto-Mahāyānists who were graphical collections in the Chinese Tripiṭaka are
interested in how Śākyamuni and, by extension, the Lives of Bhikṣuṇīs (Biqiuni zhuan) (T2063)
anyone else attained full awakening over the and the compendiums of the lives of masters
course of many lifetimes. It is also possible that of the major Chinese schools: T’ien-t’ai
the formulation of the Buddha’s life story, espe- (T2067–T2069), Hwa-yen (T2073–T2074), and
cially when recorded in visual form such as sculp- Chan (T2075–T2080).
ture, may have helped sustain veneration for the
Buddhist tradition in the absence of its founder, Japan
thus fulfilling a function not unlike that of holy Japanese Buddhists also compiled many large
relics [15]. hagiographical collections, the most notable of
Although the Pali canon does not include which is the fourteenth-century historical work
a connected life story of the Buddha or his chief by the Rinzai Zen patriarch, Kokan Shiren, called
disciples [14], it does contain a text known as the the History of the Śākyamuni (Tradition written
Apadāna, which is a collection of biographies of in) the Genkō Era (Genkō Shakusho) which fol-
a number of monks and nuns about whom little lows the Chinese Eminent Monks model. Also of
Hagiography (Buddhism) 535

note are collections known as ōjōden, which con- traditions have produced such collections. The
tain stories of people, who, as a result of their Lamp that Illuminates the Religious History of
pious deeds, are believed to have reached the the Kadampas (Bka’ gdams chos ’byung gsal
Pure Land of the Buddha Amitābha [2]. In con- ba’i sgron me) is a work that traces the origins
trast to the Eminent Monks genre, which, as the of the Gelug tradition back through the various
name implies, is restricted to monks who have lineages of the Kadampa to the Indian master
distinguished themselves in a key area of monas- Atiśa. A Marvelous Garland of Rare Gems (Ngo
tic endeavor, the ōjōden stories show how anyone, mtshar nor bu bai du rya’i phreng ba) is
monk or layman, educated or illiterate, old or a collection of hagiographies of masters in the
young, can achieve rebirth in a heavenly pure Dzogchen lineage, starting from the primordial
land [8]. Another important collection is the Buddha Samantabhadra [9]. The Kagyu sect has
Miraculous Tales of the Lotus Sutra from Ancient produced a number of collections known as
Japan (Honchô hokkegenki), compiled in the “golden rosaries” (gser phreng), which trace the
eleventh century, which, although having a basic lineages of its various subsects back through var-
didactic purpose, tends to focus on isolated mirac- ious Tibetan and Indian masters to the primordial
ulous events rather than complete life stories and Buddha Vajradhāra, who is equated with H
therefore may not actually be a collection of hagi- Śākyamuni [17, 18]. In the Sakya tradition, the
ographies in the strict sense of the word [1]. collections of hagiographies of the masters of the
Path and its Fruit (lam ‘bras) form one of the six
Tibet divisions of the famous literature of that tradition.
Since the “later spread” (phyi dar) of Buddhism in There is significant variety to be found within
Tibet, hagiography has enjoyed a popularity that the Tibetan hagiographical tradition, with one clas-
continues to the present day. Usually known as sification system distinguishing between outer,
rnam thar, literally meaning “complete libera- inner, and secret biographies. An outer biography
tion,” Tibetan hagiographies differ in several typically recounts the observable facts of the sub-
respects from those found in other Buddhist tra- ject’s life such as place of birth and age at ordina-
ditions. The most distinctive point is that the sub- tion, while an inner biography focuses more on the
ject’s life story is generally not framed simply by spiritual details of his or her life – devotional prac-
his or her birth and death, but is instead seen as tices, teachings received, and meditation retreats
part of a much greater narrative. If the subject is undertaken. A secret biography may record the
a “tulku” (sprul sku), then he (or, occasionally, visions, experiences, and mystical realizations
she) is considered to be an “emanation” who has gained through intensive meditation [7]. In prac-
emerged in human form from an immovable tice, however, all three types of biography may be
underlying Buddhist reality known as the combined into a single hagiography. There is also
dharmakāya. Typically, such emanations manifest variation in the degree to which Tibetan hagiogra-
repeatedly in a series of incarnations, thereby phies are actually biographical. While some may
giving rise to a series of hagiographies, which be composed many years after the subject’s death,
may take on a quasi-autobiographical flavor others may be the result of a first-person account
when each incarnation writes about the life of virtually dictated to a close disciple, who is identi-
his predecessor [19]. If the subject is not a tulku, fied as the author. Still others may incorporate
then broader narrative framework may be pro- material composed in the first person by the subject
vided by his or her membership of a lineage of himself or herself. Although the distinction
teachings. This highlights another important func- between an autobiography and a Buddhist hagiog-
tion of Tibetan hagiographies, namely, to establish raphy may become blurred at times, there is, in
the authenticity of a certain lineage teachings general, a subtle but important distinction between
through recounting an unbroken chain of guru- the two, with the former typically being more
disciple relationships going all the way back to an restrained and self-effacing while the latter tends
Indian source [19]. All the major Tibetan to be much more reverential in tone [6].
536 Hagiography (Buddhism)

Historicity ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā

▶ Tibet
Despite the subordination of historical accuracy to ▶ Tripiṭaka
the exemplary and didactic exigencies of hagiog-
raphy, historians often find that they provide
a great deal of historical information that is other- References
wise unavailable from other sources. While, in
some cases, there is much to be gained from 1. Augustine JM (2005) Buddhist hagiography in early
stripping hagiographies of their more fabulous Japan. Routledge Curzon, London/New York
2. Blum ML (2007) Biography as scripture: Ōjōden in
elements and focusing on what appears to be the India, China, and Japan. Jpn J Relig Stud
historical facts, in other cases, such as the hagiog- 34(2):329–350
raphy of the Buddha, it is often preferable to focus 3. Chen J (2007) Philosopher, practitioner, politician: the
on the subject as he or she is presented. Historians many lives of Fazang (643–712). Brill, Leiden/Boston
4. Covill L, Roesler U, Shaw S (2010) Lives lived, lives
who take such an approach may find that the ideal imagined: biography in the Buddhist traditions.
that the subject represents can reveal much about Wisdom Publications, Boston, in collaboration with
the attitudes, values, and ideas that were prevalent the Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies
at a particular time and place [3, 10]. 5. Dowman K (1985) Masters of the Mahāmudrā: songs
and histories of the eighty-four Buddhist Siddhas.
State University of New York Press, Albany
The Present 6. Gyatso J (1999) Apparitions of the self: the secret
Biographies of important Buddhist figures of all autobiographies of a Tibetan visionary. Princeton Uni-
traditions continue to be produced in present times versity Press, Princeton
7. Heruka T (2010) The life of Milarepa (trans: Quintman
using a variety of formats, notably including that A). Penguin, London
of the documentary film. As audiences become 8. Kawamura LS (1981) The Myōkōnin: Japan’s repre-
more diverse and sophisticated, so do the stories sentation of the bodhisattva. In: Kawamura LS (ed)
themselves, and although they may still incorpo- The bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhism. Wilfred Lau-
rier University Press, Waterloo, pp 223–237, for the
rate many traditional Buddhist ideals, such as Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion
faith, renunciation, and dedication to the welfare 9. Khenpo N (2005) A marvellous garland of rare gems
of others, contemporary Buddhist biographies (trans: Barron R). Padma Publishing, Junction City
show a tendency to be more balanced in terms of 10. Kieschnick J (1997) The eminent monk: Buddhist
ideals in medieval Chinese hagiography. University
prescription and description, to the extent that it of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu
sometimes may seem anachronistic to refer to 11. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism (trans:
them as “hagiographies.” Regardless of the label Webb-Boin S). Université Catholique de Louvain,
that may be applied, however, it seems that Bud- Institute Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve
12. Ñāṇamoli B (2001) The life of the Buddha: according
dhist biographical writing will continue to play an to the Pali canon. BPS Pariyatti, Onalaska
important didactic role in a religion where it is 13. Norman KR (1969–1971) The elders’ verses:
generally believed that the teachings must be actu- Theragāthā. Luzac, London, for the Pali Text Society
ally lived if they are to be of any value at all. 14. Nyanaponika T, Bodhi B, Hellmuth H (1997) Great
disciples of the Buddha: their lives, their works, their
legacy. Wisdom, Boston
15. Ray RA (1994) Buddhist saints in India: a study in
Cross-References Buddhist values and orientations. Oxford University
Press, Oxford
16. Rhys Davids CAF (1964) Psalms of the sisters. Luzac,
▶ Apadāna London
▶ Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054) 17. Roberts PA (2007) The biographies of Rechungpa: the
▶ Lalitavistara evolution of a Tibetan hagiography. Routledge,
▶ Padmasambhava London/New York
18. Smith EG (2001) Among Tibetan texts: history and
▶ Pāli literature of the Himalayan Plateau. Wisdom, Boston
▶ Parinirvāṇa 19. Templeman D (2002) The mirror of life: the
▶ Samantabhadra structure of a 16th century Tibetan hagiography.
Heart Sūtra 537

In: Penny B (ed) Religion and biography in China and well as the reworked version of Vasubandhu’s
Tibet. Curzon, Richmond, Surrey, pp 132–147 Abhidharmakośa ([3], p. 124).
20. Tsogyal Y (1978) The life and liberation of
Padmasambhava (trans: Douglas K). Dharma Publish- Based on textual patterns in the Sanskrit and
ing, Berkeley Chinese versions of the Heart Sūtra and the
Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sūtra, Jan Nattier has
suggested that the earliest (shortest) version of
the Heart Sūtra was probably first composed in
Heart Sūtra China in the Chinese language from a mixture of
Indian-derived material and new composition,
Vakul Mittal and that this assemblage was later translated into
Indian Buddhism, Lucknow, UP, India Sanskrit (or back-translated, in the case of most of
the sūtra) ([9], p. 159). She argues that the major-
ity of the text was redacted from the Larger Sūtra
Synonyms on the Perfection of Wisdom, which had origi-
nated with a Sanskrit Indian original, but that the
Essence of wisdom sūtra; Hṛdaya sūtra; “framing” passages (the introduction and con- H
Prajñāpāramitā-Hṛdaya sūtra cluding passages) were new compositions in Chi-
nese by a Chinese author and that the text was
intended as a dhāraṇī rather than a sūtra ([9]; See
Definition also [8], p. 314; [10], p. 23).
The Heart Sūtra is generally thought to have
A Mahāyāna Buddhist Sūtra which is perhaps the been composed by a Sarvāstivādin in the first cen-
best known of all the sūtras. tury C.E. in Kuṣāṇese territory ([10], p. 21). It was
supposedly translated around 400 C.E. based on
The Heart Sūtra is a member of the Prajñāpāramitā Kumārajīva’s large sūtra ([9], p. 181). Xuanzang’s
(Perfection of Wisdom) group of Mahāyāna version is the first record of the title “Heart Sūtra”
Buddhist literature. Along with the Vajracchedikā ([10], p. 8), and according to Huili’s biography,
Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra (Diamond Sūtra), this sūtra Xuanzang learned this sūtra from a person who
is possibly the most conspicuous representative of lived in the Chinese province of Sichuan and later
the Prajñāpāramitā texts. The Heart Sūtra is also recited it whenever he was faced with danger dur-
one of the shortest of the Prajñāpāramitā texts ing his travels to India and back ([9], pp. 179–180).
which exist in various lengths of up to 1,000,000 Because of his successful use of this sūtra as well as
verses. It contains just 14 ślokas in Sanskrit, due to its precise persuasiveness, this sūtra came to
a śloka being of 32 syllables. In Chinese, it con- enjoy the honor of being the single most commonly
sists of 260 single characters, whereas its English chanted and studied scripture in Mahāyāna Bud-
version is composed of just 16 sentences. This dhism. The Heart Sūtra is considered to contain the
sūtra offers a succinct summary of the fundamen- most profound teaching of prajñāpāramitā, the
tal Mahāyāna concepts. The Heart Sūtra in several perfection of prajñā (wisdom), and it is chanted
variations is present in the Chinese Tripiṭaka in rituals by those who participate in the rituals of
connected to several different Prajñāpāramitā the different schools including the Chan, Pure
texts ([9], pp. 175–176). According to Kelsang Land, Nichiren, and the Tian Tai schools ([8],
Gyatso, the Heart Sūtra is much shorter than the p. 314). The longer version of the Heart Sūtra has
other Prajñāpāramitā sūtras and contains either an opening with a conventional sūtra where
overtly or covertly the all-inclusive meaning of Ānanda recites the Buddhavacana (teaching of
the longer sūtras ([4], p. 2). Frauwallner has the Buddha) as offered by Gautama Buddha per-
suggested that the Heart Sūtra is the old system- sonally on the Gijjhakūṭa at Rājagaha. This is
atic doctrinal exposition of the Sarvāstivāda as followed by a formal conclusion. These framing
elements are not available in the shorter version of
538 Heaven (Buddhism)

the sūtra which solely consists of Avalokiteśvara’s References

explanation of the identity of form and Śūnyatā as
well as a Mantra ([8], p. 315). On the basis of 1. Conze E (2000) Prajñāpāramitā literature. Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, Indian reprint
literary evidence, Jan Nattier has argued that
2. Conze E (2001) Buddhist wisdom books: containing
the short version was constructed initially in the “Diamond Sutra” and the “Heart Sutra”. Vintage
Chinese and then translated into Sanskrit ([9], Books, New York, reprint
p. 169). If true then this would be an otherwise 3. Frauwallner E (1993) History of Indian philosophy.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
unknown sequence in Buddhist literary history
4. Gyatso K (2001) Heart of wisdom: an explanation of
([8], p. 315). the heart sutra, 4th edn. Tharpa, Glen Spey
The opening lines of the Heart Sūtra are that 5. Lopez DS Jr (1988) The heart sutra explained: Indian
Avalokiteśvara realized the śūnyatā (emptiness) of and Tibetan commentaries. State University of New
York Press, Albany
all things and thus became liberated from all
6. Luk C (1991) The secrets of Chinese meditation.
dukkha. Discoursing Sāriputta, Avalokiteśvara Samuel Weiser, York Beach, Maine
thereafter explains the perfect equivalence of śū 7. McRae JR (1988) Ch’an commentaries on the Heart
nyatā and rūpa; that is, emptiness is not Sūtra. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 11(2):87–115
8. McRae JR (2003) Heart sūtra. In: Buswell RE (ed)
a separate realm underlying or transcending the
Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmillan, New York,
mundane world but a different aspect of that same pp 314–315
world or a transcendent realm completely identical 9. Nattier J (1992) The heart sūtra: a Chinese apocryphal
with mundane reality ([8], p. 315). Succinctly and text? J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 15(2):153–223
10. Pine R (2004) The heart sutra: the womb of the
with meticulous diligence, the sūtra rejects the
Buddhas. Counterpoint, Berkeley
ultimate reality of virtually all aspects of that mun- 11. Wayman A (1990) Secret of the heart Sutra. In:
dane world, including such archetypal Buddhist Buddhist insight: essays. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi,
teachings as the Four Noble Truths of Dukkha, its pp 307–326
12. Willemen C (trans) (2006) Abhidharma-Hṛdaya by
origin, its eradication, and the Way to its eradica-
Dharmaśrī: the essence of scholasticism. Bruxelles
tion ([8], p. 315). Toward the end, with a sort of
double entendre on attainment, taken first as sen-
sory apprehension and then as the achievement of
spiritual goals, the Heart Sūtra explains the perfec- Heaven (Buddhism)
tion of wisdom as the source of the enlightenment
of all the Buddhas ([8], p. 315). K. Sankarnarayan
K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies,
Mumbai, India
Cross-References

▶ Avalokiteśvara Synonyms
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Dhāraṇī Abassara Brahma Loka ([17], Pt.2.13.3.404; [18],
▶ Dukkha p. 487); Akanittha ([10], p. 1), (rupavacara
▶ Four Noble Truths bhumi = akanittha bhavana); Rupadihi visayehi
▶ Kumārajīva suttu aggo ti saggo ([17], Pt.2.13.4.411; [18],
▶ Mahāyāna p. 495); Sagga – Pali for svarga ([12], p. 662);
▶ Mantra Sutthu – aggatta sagga ([11], 1.1.3)
▶ Sāriputta
▶ Sarvāstivāda
▶ Śūnyatā Definition
▶ Vajrachhedika
▶ Vasubandhu Heaven, which means the next world, is popularly
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) conceived as a place of happiness and long life.
Heaven (Buddhism) 539

“Sagga” (Heaven) is a place, a happy destination, dandadipikaya acci viya etesam sarirato abha
and the two higher levels of existence into which chijjitva patanti viya sarati visarati ti Abhassara
one might be reborn, as a result (kammavipaka) of – (a + bha + sat/svar = from whose bodies are
past skillful actions and accumulated merits by emitted rays like lightening; [12], p. 103). Devas
their good deed (kusala kamma), and enjoyed living there subsist on joy (pitibhakkha –
after death. The importance of such kamma bhavissama, devaabhassara – [6], XV.v.200; [8],
vipaka had been visualized by the Buddha in his Vol. II.539.v.252; [13], Vol. I.Pt.1.4.2.8.154). This
second jhana at the Bodhi tree at Bodhgaya ([9], is the place wherein there are a thousand moons
Vol. I.5.5. kayassa bheda marana sugatim and a thousand suns; wherein the devas from time
saggam upapajjati). Sagga is also a place where to time utter shouts of joy (aho sukham aho
beautiful apsaras (nymphs) will entertain them to sukham); wherein the devas are completely
make them happy. It is a place of infinite joy for enveloped in ease (sukhena abhisanna parisanna);
the meritorious and is meant for non-returners and wherein there are 4,000 mighty rulers
(anagami). (catumaharajika), a thousand heavens of the 33,
a thousand Yama worlds, a thousand Heavens of
devas of delight ([1], Vol. III.Pt.2.3.9.29). H
Different Names for Heaven Caturmaharajikas: The place of gods who are
subjects of four guardian angels of four quarters.
Sagga/Abhassaraloka/Akhanittha/Brahmaloka: This is the lowest of the heavenly realms where the
Abhassara, empty Brahmavimana, is the pure four Guardian Deities (dikpala) reside with their
abode (punnakkhettam). The idea of no return of followers. These Four Great Kings (cattaro
birth, a fully enlightened state (nibbana) is far maharajno), who protect the four quarters of the
better than the deva world where re-birth takes world, are (1) Dhatarattha, king of the East, sover-
place with deva life, deva – beauty, the idea of eign lord of Ghandhabbas (heavenly musicians);
deva – bliss, fame, and sovereignty ([1], Vol. I. (2) Virulha, king of the South where the Petas
Pt.1.3.2.8.18.devaloka). Abhassara loka ([4], reside, sovereign lord of Kumbhanas (deformed
Vol. I.1.7.39–41), palace of Vaijayanta – the asuras); (3) Virupakkha, king of the West, sover-
world of radiance is one of the higher Brahmaloka eign lord of the nagas (serpents); and (4) Kuvera,
([2], III.67a; [9], II.5.7.451). Brahmavimana – the also called Vessavana, king of the North, sovereign
palace of Brahma that has biranivimana, a garden lord of the Yakkhas (ogres or genies) ([4], Vol.
full of trees, flowers, kapparukkha, ponds, etc., II.7.336; [5], tr., Vol. II, pp. 287–288).
Sonadinna devaputta’s seven gold Vimanas, Akanittha: A place where a class of devas live
Phalikavimana, Manivimana, Veluriyavimana in the highest of five Suddhavasa (pure mansions).
([8], Pt.2.22.541 – Nimi Jataka). The four regions Sakka speaks of them as the highest devas and
of the gods – the Catummaharajika heaven ([2], expresses his satisfaction that he, too, would be
III.62), the Tavatimsa heaven, the regions of Yama born over there in his last life ([4], Vol. II.8.369;
gods, the Tusita heaven, the Nimmanarati gods, [5], tr., Vol. II, p. 319). This world is spoken of
and Paranimmitavasavatti gods are adjacent to as Brahmaloka, wherein Anagamis are born
each other. The gods of these six heavens belong and enter complete Nibbana (uddhamsoto
to Kamavacaraloka (i.e., the world as sensed, and akanitthagami – [13], Vol. III.Pt.2.11.5.1022;
subjectively the mental plane of experience of [17], Vol. II.23,888; [18], tr., p. 874).
sensuousness). Next comes the Brahma world
([9], I.5.9.). It is su-agra – sagga because among
material objects it is “sure,” “the acme,” hence, it Who is Eligible to Enjoy the World of
is sagga – heaven ([18], p. 495). Heaven?
Abhassara: A Brahma world where radiant
devas live, from whose bodies rays of light are Parents, who are worshipped as teachers of old,
emitted like lightning ([1], Vol. III.Pt.2.3.9.29) – are the Brahmas. Devas of old and the parents who
540 Heaven (Buddhism)

are compassionate towards their children, for such reason for the same. Those six classes who keep
services they will be praised in this world and three good things, namely right conduct of body,
enjoy the reward of joy in heaven ([1], Vol. I. of speech, and of thought, realize that there is
Pt.2.7.2.3.63). Those possessed of the four quali- cause ([9], Vol. II.1.10.102), there is reason for
ties – praising only those are worthy of praise, not the purification of creatures, creatures are purified
blaming those who deserve real praise, showing with cause, with reason. There is strength, there is
appreciation where it should be offered, and energy, there is human vigor, there is human
showing appreciation at the right time – they effort. All creatures, all breathing things, all
derive heaven ([1], Vol. I.Pt.2.9.4.3.83). The beings with such effort to do the right deeds,
monks who possess the five qualities – faithful- following the dhamma reap the fruit of being
ness (saddha hoti), conscientiousness (hirima praised here and now by intelligent persons, in
hoti), not being reckless with blame (ottappi as much as, on the breaking of the body after
hoti), not being indolent (araddhaviriyo hoti), dying will arise in a heaven world (saggam
and insightfulness (panna hoti) – will attain lokam). Thus, it is of one’s own good deeds that
heaven (sagga) ([1], Vol. II.Pt.1.1.3.3). Those one is born in heaven on breaking of the body after
who hold right views and reap their reward dying. Thus, a householder or his son who having
accordingly, here, on the breaking up of the behaved well in body (kayena sucaritam caritva),
body after death, were reborn in heaven, the having behaved well in speech (vacaya
happy place of bliss (sugatim sagga lokam- [1], sucaritam), having behaved well in thought
Vol. II.Pt.1.3.3.23). (manasa sucaritam), he would arise in heaven
In the conversation between Vacchagotta and world (sugatim sagga lokam), where he would
lord Buddha ([9], Vol. II.3.1.186, Vol. II.5.1.394), enjoy the companionship with the Devas of Thirty
and later with Brahmin Brahmayu, it is explained Three (devanam tavatimsanam), surrounded there
that more than hundreds and hundreds of house- in Nandana grove by a throng of nymphs, pro-
holders, though not rid of householder’s fetters, vided and endowed with the five deva-like strands
attain heaven at the breaking of the body only by (panncahi dibbehi, [9], Vol. II.3.5.212).
his good deeds (kusala kamma). The Buddha Again, during the conversation with Udayin
spoke on “heaven” where he explained that only ([9], Vol. II.3.7.258), the Buddha pointed out
he who knows his former habitations and sees that those who following the dhamma taught by
heaven (saggapayanca passati) and the sorrowful the Buddha, practicing four applications of mind-
ways attains the destruction of births. Those fulness (cattaro satipatthana), four right strivings
worthy beings who were possessed of good (cattaro sammappadhana), and four bases of psy-
conduct, in body (kayasucaritena), speech chic power (cattaro iddhipada), and developing
(vacisucaritena), and thought (manosucaritena), five controlling faculties (pancendriya), five pow-
who did not scoff at the Aryans, and who held the ers (panca balani), seven limbs of awakening
right view – these at the breaking of body after (sattbojanjhanga), the ariyan eightfold path
dying have arisen in a good birth, a heaven world (atthangikamaggam), and ten spheres of the
(sugatim, saggam lokam upapanna’ti). The devices (dasa kasinayatana), they enter and
householder, an intelligent person, realizes that if abide and are born of aloofness, and are rapturous
there is a world beyond, the worthy person with and joyful; they, by knowing their past inhabita-
good morality, who having adopted the right view, tions, whether one or a thousand births, are pos-
the right conception, right speech, this non- sessed of good conduct in body, speech, and
mocking of the ariyans following the true thought, holding a right view (sammaditthika),
dhamma, and with effective action (sammaditthi they have arisen in a heaven world ([9],
kiriyavadi) ([9], Vol. II.1.10.96, 99) will be born Vol. II.7.247–258). In the dialogue between
in heaven at the breaking up of the body after Kaccana and the Buddha, it is pointed out that
dying. In this context, it is explained that to attain those who refrain from enjoyment of sense plea-
heaven or the opposite (i.e., hell), there is cause or sures (kamesumicchacara pativirata), from telling
Heaven (Jainism) 541

lies (musavada pativirata), refrain from slanderous 5. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (1995) The dialogue of the
(pisunaya vacaya pativirata) or harsh speech Buddha, vol II. Sacred Books of the Buddhists,
vol III. PTS, London
(parusa vacaya pativirata), who are not covetous 6. Kalupahana DJ (2008) Dhammapada. Buddhist
(samphappalapa pativirata) but benevolent in mind Cultural Centre, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka
(abyapannacitto) and of right view (sammadhitthi) 7. (1995) Khuddhaka Nikaya. VRI
will arise in heaven ([9], Vol. II.4.4.319–320; 8. (1998) Jataka. VRI
9. (1995) Majjhimanikaya. VRI
5.4.420). 10. Malalasekhara GP (2002) Dictionary of Pali proper
names, 2 vols. Munshi Manohar
11. (1998) Petavatthu Atthakatha with Commentary
Lifespan: Lease of Life According to (Paramatthadipini) by Dhammapala. VRI
12. Rhys Davids TW, William Stede (2007) Pali English
Different Stages of Meditation dictionary, Re. Prt. Motilal Benarsidass, Mumbai
13. (1998) Samyutta Nikaya. VRI
One hundred years of men are equivalent to 1 day 14. Bendall C (ed) (1992) Siksa Samuccaya of Santideva.
and night of Tavatimsa gods and accordingly by Motilal Benarsidass, New Delhi
15. Bapat PV (ed) (1990) Suttanipata. Sri Satguru Publi-
measurement of their own year they live for
a thousand years (yamkho pava . . . manusssatam
cations, A Division of Indian Books Centre, Delhi,
India
H
vassasatam devanam. . . .Dibbam vassasahasram 16. Norman KR (2001) The Group of Discourse, 2nd edn.
devanam ayuppamana ([4], II.10.417; [5], PTS
17. (1998) Visuddhi Magga of Buddhaghosa. VRI
p. 356). Those who slightly meditate in the first 18. Pe Maung Tin (tr) (2003) The Path of Purity. PTS
stage of meditation (pathamjnana) will be born
among the Brahmaparisajja gods. The lease of
life of these are one third part of a kappa. Those
who reach the midway of the first stage of
meditation will be born among the Heaven (Jainism)
Brahmapurohita gods. Their lease of life is one
half of a kappa. Those who meditate fully in the Sean Butler
first stage of meditation will be born among the Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA,
Mahabrahma gods, wherein the lifespan is one USA
kappa. The four incalculable periods of the aeon
(kappa) are when it rolls up, stands still, rolls out,
and remains in that condition ([1], Vol. I. Synonyms
Pt.2.16.6).
Mokṣa; Nirvana; Siddha-loka; Ūrdhva-loka

Cross-References
Definition
▶ Brahmavihāra
▶ Metta (1) The celestial world or the abodes of heavenly
beings. (2) The blissful state of liberated existence.

References
“Heaven”
1. (1995) Anguttanikaya. Vipassana Research Institute
(VRI), Igatpuri The use of Western concepts, such as heaven, for
2. (1998) Abhidharmakosa Bhasya, 2 Pts. Bauddha the purpose of understanding non-Western reli-
Bharati, Swami Dwarika Das, Varanasi
gions and cultures has been criticized as a new
3. Pruden LM (tr) (1988) Abhidharmakosa Bhasyam,
4 vols. Asian Humanities, Berkeley, CA form of colonialism in recent years. Some critics
4. (1995) Dighanikaya. VRI claim that inherent in such a practice is the
542 Heaven (Jainism)

presupposition that non-Western cultures are the sacred scriptures of Jainism or by the contem-
comprehensible only in their comparison to West- porary Jain adepts [2, 5, 6].
ern cultures. Though these criticisms vary in their Siddha-loka is said to have a distinct shape and
potency, there is a relevant point as regards the size; its shape is crescent and its size is said to be
topic of heaven. Heaven supposes a cosmology a 4.5 million yojana (an Ancient Indian measure
and eschatology that is rooted in the Abrahamic of distance; 1 yojana is thought to equal some-
religions. Other religions, such as Jainism, would where between 6 and 20 km) plane. It resides
be misunderstood if contorted to fit an Abrahamic above the heavenly abodes (see below) and rests
paradigm. For this reason Jain heaven is not against the upper boundary of the Jain cosmos.
explored here, but Jain “heaven” and even Jain Liberated souls arrive in siddha-loka due to their
“heavens.” The use of quotation marks here indi- innate tendency to move upwards. It is said that
cates an awareness that an Abrahamic heaven they do not progress beyond the boundaries of
does not exist in Jainism, but it will nonetheless the universe because beyond the boundary the
be explicated what one might mean when heaven medium of movement is not possible [1, 7, 8].
is spoken of in Jainism. Below two possible mean-
ings of heaven in Jainism will be offered: the
achievement of the penultimate goal in Jainism, Heaven in Samsāra
mokṣa or liberation, and the celestial abodes of ˙
heavenly beings. This distinction is made because More often than liberated existence, heaven is
heaven is understood by Western audiences as the used in Jainism to refer to the celestial abodes of
end of salvation, the ultimate spiritual achieve- divine entities (excluding siddhas which are fre-
ment, and the celestial abode of divine entities. quently not taken to be divine per se). Heaven,
under this understanding, exists in saṃsāra (the
beings that exist there are born, live, and die) and
Heaven as Liberation is not a single place but refers to many places that
are all located in the upper universe, Ū rdhva-loka
Heaven understood as liberation might be taken to [7, 9]. There are 16 heavens in the upper universe,
mean the existential state of the liberated individ- each named after the Indra (creator deity) that
ual or the place that is inhabited by these individ- resides there: Saudharma, I~sāna,
_ Sanatkumāra,
uals. As regards the existential state of liberated Māhendra, Brahma, Brahmottara, Lāntava,
individuals, one that finds oneself fully liberated Kāpiṣtha, _
Sukra, _
Mahāsukra, _
Satāra,
or a siddha experiences omniscience, ultimate Sahasātara, Ānāta, Prāṇata, Āraṇa, and Acyuta.
faith, infinite energy, and total bliss. A siddha is Each of these heavens is coupled (the first with the
free from all karmas (the particles that attach second, etc.), making eight pairs. Each pair has
themselves to the soul of individuals in saṃsāra, one or two corresponding Indras that reside in
the cycle of rebirth and re-death, in accordance Kalpas (residence of Indras of heavens). The
with the moral law of cause and effect) and caus- first and last two pairs of heavens have two Indras
ally isolated from the rest of the universe [1–4]. each, the rest each have one. There are 12 kalpas,
The place that is inhabited by siddhas is 1 for each Indra. Beyond the 12 kalpas are 9
siddha-loka or siddha-sila, the crescent-shaped Graiveyakas (3 lower, 3 middle, and 3 upper), 9
abode of the enlightened beings located at the Anudisas_ (1 in each of the 4 cardinal directions, 1
top of the Jain universe. Siddha-loka is populated in each of the 4 subdirections, and 1 in the center),
by an innumerable number of enlightened beings and 5 Anuttara abodes (1 in each of the 4 cardinal
though some contemporary scholars of Jainism directions and 1 in the center) that are inhabited by
have argued that differentiable identity is mean- deities called Ahamindra, or “I am Indra” [7].
ingless upon liberation and that liberated beings Each of the above classifications of heavens
actually lose their individual identity upon libera- contains many abodes of deities except for the last
tion; this contention, however, is not supported in two which have as many abodes as they do
Hell (Buddhism) 543

heavens. In all of the heavens, there is a total of 4. Muniji S (2007) The Jaina pathway to liberation.
8,497,023 abodes, each containing a Jain temple. Sanskar Jain Patrika, Chennai
5. Cort JE (1995) Genres of Jain history. J Indian Philos
The abodes in the heavens are colored from one to 23(4):469–506
five colors and rest on air, water, air and water, or 6. Umaswami A (2010) Key to reality in Jainism.
space. Each deity that inhabits the heavens has Digambar Jain Trilok Shodh Sansthan, Hastinapur
a palace that is large, lavish, eternal, and decorated 7. Jnanamati G (2007) Jaina bharati. Digambar Jain Insti-
tute of Cosmographic Research, Hastinapura
with gold and gems. The deities in the heavens 8. Muniji S (2007) The doctrine of karma and transmi-
have families and sexual interactions. In all, gration in Jainism. Sanskar Jain Patrika, Chennai
Indras, gods, goddesses, and saints reside in the 9. Sikdar JC (1991) Jaina theory of reality. P. V. Research
heavens, each destined to be reborn as a human in Institute, Varanassi
10. Cort JE (2001) Jains in the world: religious values and
order to achieve liberation after a preestablished ideology in India. Oxford University Press, Oxford/
duration, e.g., saints will only live one more life as New York
a human and in that life they will achieve libera-
tion [7].
One achieves a rebirth in the heavens through
the compilation of good karmas and the elimina- H
tion of bad karmas [4]. It is interesting to note here Hell (Buddhism)
that many Jains seek higher rebirth over liberation
because liberation is seen as an impractical goal, K. Sankarnarayan
while the manipulation of one’s karmas can K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies,
Mumbai, India
always be achieved [10]. This way of thinking
sometimes leads individuals to lose sight of the
primary goal of liberation and the elimination of
all karmas. Here it is also seen how “heaven”
Synonyms
might be an appropriate term for both the state of
liberation and the celestial abodes in that both may Naraka ([10], pp. 68–69); Niraya ([11], p. 369);
Purgatory
be the teleological aim of a Jain practitioner and
both provide high levels of gratification, though
according to the ascetic ideology promoted in
most Jain textual sources, celestial gratification Definition
in saṃsāra pales in comparison to the infinite
bliss experienced by a fully liberated being. Hell is a place regarded in various religions as
a spiritual realm of evil, suffering, and punishment
as the result of committing sin, wrongdoings, or
Cross-References non-meritorious deeds by an individual. It is
a place for torture, misery, torment, agony,
▶ Jainism (Yakṣa) anguish, and nightmares; the abode of condemned
▶ Karma (Jainism) souls, devils, and the wicked after death. The
▶ Saṃsāra concept of hell as a place of suffering is
Niraya,’nir (s) + aya of i = to go asunder, to go
to destruction, to die; “nirayanti n’atthi ettha ayo
References sukhan ti katva ‘nirayanti’ laddhanamam
narakam” ([10], pp. 68–69; tr., p. 55; [11],
1. Jain JP (2006) Religion and culture of the Jains. p. 369). It is called niraya, where there is no good.
Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi Place of Hells: At the bottom (beneath
2. Jain SC (2006) Structure and functions of soul in
Jainism. Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
Jambudvipa), at 20,000 leagues, is Avici; at this
3. Jaini PS (2001) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal same dimension, above are the seven hells ([2],
Banarsidass, Delhi III-58; [3], pp. 456–457).
544 Hell (Buddhism)

Description of Hell: ([10], 70; tr., p. 55) Hell is individual (speaker of falsehood, lacking in vir-
four cornered (catukkannam), with four gates tue, unrestrained, a heedless man, and with wrong
(catudvaram), one at each of the four directions. views) he or she reaches purgatory ([6], XXII.
It is divided (vibhattam) regularly into v.306–319). It is described here that even as
portions (bhagaso = bhagato), equal (mitam) or a wrongly held blade of grass cuts the hand itself,
matching, and is encircled by an iron wall so does the mishandled action drag one toward
(ayopakarapariyantam) with a roof of iron purgatory ([6], XXII.v.311). They who harms
above (ayasa patikujjitam) (cf. [2], ch.III.58; [7], their own parents, they certainly fall into hell
v.86–87). ([7], Vol. I.446.v.87). Thus, one reaps the fruit/
The world of petas (manes): Dhammapala result of one’s own actions ([10], 4.11.v.793;
([10], I.10) points out why and who reaches sayamaddasa kammavipakamattano tr., p. 283).
the world of “petas,” including those who The Buddha further explains that those who are
neglected to show charity to the alms-worthy endowed with wrong or bad conduct by body,
(Savakasangha). Failure to give such alms – or speech, and thought, as well false views, will fall
giving alms to those unworthy of them and thus, into the realm of the departed (the world of the
unlike the Savakasangha and Agni, not in com- peta/preta – manes), and those who are endowed
munication with the divine plane – results in one with wrong conduct, incurring action (kamma)
arising on the divine plane after death but with no consequent of wrong views, will fall into the
store laid up for one’s sustenance. ([10], Introduc- realm of animals (tiraccha). Those who are
tion). Here it is explained that “niraya” (hell) is endowed with wrong conduct arising in the sor-
called “nir-ayam,” as there is nothing (nir – neg- rowful ways will fall into hell (niraya) ([4],
ative prefix) that makes for ease, for comfort (i.e., III.10.7.315; [8], III.3.10).
where there is no comfort). Those who are bad in List of niraya: The Samyutta ([12], Vol. I.
their conduct, devoid of good character, and com- Pt.1.6.10.181) and Anguttara Nikaya ([1], III.
mit sin fall into “niraya” ([4], II.3.5.148; [12], Pt.2.9.4.89) contain a different lists: Abbuda,
Vol. II.Pt.2.8.13). Nirabbuda, Ababa, Atata, Ahaha, Kumuda,
It is pointed out in the teachings of the Buddha Sogandhika, Uppala, Pundarika, and Paduma;
that one sows his own seed for his future either by and Abbuda, Nirabbuda ([14], 660), and Paduma
good or bad deeds ([7], Vol. I.222.v.144 – ([12], Vol. I.Pt.1.6.7.181; [14], 677). These are the
Culanandiyajataka- yani karoti tani attain cold hells ([2], ch.III.59c; [3], p. 459).
passati, kalyankari kalyanam, papakari ca Various lists of eight hells (nirayas): -Sanjiva,
papakam, yadisam vapate bijam, tadisam harate Kalasutta, Sanghata, Jalaroruva, Dhumaroruva,
phalanti). Mahavici, Tapana, and Patapana. The same eight
This explains the fact that a person is born nirayas are mentioned at length in the commen-
either as a farmer or a craftsman or a merchant tary of Suttanipata- Paramatthajotika ([16],
or a servant or a king or a thief – all are due to Vol. I.3.10, p. 179).
one’s deeds (kamma). In the same way, the pun- Other lists of hell in addition to Mahaniraya
ishment of experiencing the sufferings of hell or ([8], III.3.10.269): Other hells include Filth Hell
avoiding the experience of the sufferings of hell as (Gutha), Ember Hell (Kukkula), the Forest of
reward is the result of one’s own actions ([14], Silk-cotton Tree (Simbalivana), the Great
3.35,650–652). Sword-leafed Forest (Asipattavana), and the
Kamma as the cause of falling into niraya: Great River of Caustic Water (Kharodakanadī ),
The principle of the law of kamma (karma) is that which are met one after the other until one makes
beings are reborn according to the nature and an end to the evil deed. Thus it is emphasized that
quality of their actions. Past actions are said to evil deeds are subjected to a variety of punish-
“welcome” one in future life like a person being ments ([8], III.3.10.270).
welcomed by kinsmen ([6], XVI.v. 220). For each Jatakas and Jataka atthakathas refer to differ-
non-meritorious action (bad deed) of an ent Nirayas ([7], Vol. I.1.40; 180; 378; 446;
Hell (Buddhism) 545

450; 457; 459; 470; 488; 491; 500; 503; 510; is that of heat. It is explained that there is no space
512; 516). between the beings and the flames and there is no
In addition to the name “niraya,” another list of gap of suffering experienced in this hell, and
hell is found in Jataka- Khurudhara ([7], Vol. hence it is called Avī ci – “gapless.” It seems to
I 104, Attha. I., p. 396. – khuradhara ayacakkam); have been specially designed for those who have
Vetarani ([14], 3.36.674), whose waters are like committed a very grievous crimes, such as the one
razors; Kakola ([7], Vol. I.6.379), where one feeds of the five great sins.
on carrion (kaka); and Sattisula ([7], Vol. II.v.72), Niraya and Nirayapala (narakapala): The
a hell with swords and stakes. Buddha teaches about hell in vivid detail ([8],
Still the other names of niraya with the details III.3.10 Discourse on the Deva – Messengers).
of who would be punished in such hells are found Here it is pointed out that when the being reaches
in the Jatakas – Kalasutta Niraya ([7], Vol. II. the hell, the guardians of hell (nirayapala [8],
v.83); Samghata ([7], Vol. II.v.83); Raurava ([7], III.3.10.267), having seized that person by both
Vol. II.v.1268), this is also known as arms, present him to King Yama, explaining the
Dhumaraurava, where the flames does not injure reason for his own bad deed and neither because
the sinners but is filled with smoke in which they of his father nor mother nor brother nor sister nor H
are cooked, which makes them undergo terrible friends and not even by any acquaintances or
pain and scream out of pain; and Tapana and kith and kin, to decree punishment, explaining
Patapana Niraya ([7], Vol. II.v.83), in which the reason for the punishment ([8],
there is a flaming mountain of iron that guards III.3.10.263–266). Thus, it is explained here that
force the sinners to climb. On the mountain the one’s own bad action ripens into punishment. In
kamma has its way: the storm blows them off and this context it is described how the guardians of
they fall down onto the stakes below, which pierce Niraya (Hell) subject the person who neither
them with their pointed tips. In Avici Niraya respected his own parents or the elders or those
(Mahaniraya– [10], 4.16) there is no relief or afflicted with illness to the punishment ([8],
escape from suffering; thus, there is no division III.3.10.267–268).
among the three – the fire, the sinners, and the The hell guards (nirayapala) inflict five kinds
suffering. of punishment: (1) They strike hot iron nails into
Avici: The Commentaries explain that these are the hands and feet and the center of the chest of the
not separate Nirayas but specified periods of suf- sinners who are to suffer in hell as long as the sins
fering in Avici. However, Avici is considered as are not exhausted; (2) they cut the sinners with an
one of the great hells (Mahaniraya). Avici means axe; (3) they cut and polish the skin of the sinners
a = non + vici = gap, break ([11], p. 85). Why is it with an axe; (4) they thrust the sinners into a red-
called avici? Because in this hell there is not any hot iron jar with their feet upwards and heads
interruption (avici) of suffering; suffering is hanging downwards, then they put the red hot
interrupted in other hells. In Sanjiva, for instance, iron jar on a mountain of burning charcoal and
the bodies are first crushed and reduced to dust, the sinners are boiled in the jar as it is rolled
then a cold wind revives them and gives them upwards and downwards; (5) they yoke the sin-
feeling, from whence the name of Samjiva. ners to a chariot and repeatedly drive backward
There are eight hot hells – Avici, Pratapana, and forward along a path that is as hot as fire and
Tapana, Maharaurava, Raurava, Samghata, gives out flames ([8], III.3.10.270).
Kalasutra, and Samjiva ([2], ch.III.58; tr., Duration of time in “niraya”: The Buddha
pp. 456–457) – and eight cold hells – Arvuda/ explains the duration of time that one must
Arbuda, Niraarbuda/Nirarvuda, Athatha, Hahava, spend in each hell depends on the sin committed
Huhuva, Utpala, Padma, and Mahapadma ([2], by an individual ([14], 3.36.10). He gives the
ch.III.59c, tr., p. 459). example of Kokaliya, who hardened his heart
This great hell is the lowest and the most terri- against the great men Sariputta and Mogglana.
ble of all. The chief suffering endured in this hell His body broke out in boils the size of a mustard
546 Hell (Buddhism)

seeds ([15], tr., pp. 85–86). These mustard seeds committed theft or slander as for lying, and the
became the size of kidney beans, then chick monk who becomes attracted to music or dancing,
peas, then jujube stones, then jujube fruits, then or one who pretends to be a monk, such sinners
myrobalans, and then into unripe vilva fruits; will fall into the hell called firepit (agnikunda). In
when vilva fruits ripens, they burst and dis- the hells Paduma and Mahapaduma runs the river
charge pus and blood. Then the monk Kokaliya Ksaranadi-tarangini, where all the stones are
died of that disease and was born in Paduma bones, its weeds are hair, its mud is flesh, its
hell. In this context it is explained the extent of water is molten copper, and its fishes are the
life in each hell. The extent of life in Paduma sinners in that hell.
hell is indeed very long, like so many hundreds Thus, the teachings of the Buddha instill the
of years. A simile is used here that if a cart ethical conduct and good deed (kusalakamma) to
carries a load of 20 measures of sesame seed, avoid committing sin either by word or by mind or
and from that a a single seed is taken at the end of by physical action, which results in/ripens into
every century, the cartload of 20 measures of such hells described to frighten mankind, lest it
sesame seed would be exhausted and used up would end in unbearable suffering and pain ([10],
in that way in a single Abbuda hell, and just as I.2.3.169).
are 20 Abbuda hells, such is 1 Nirabbuda hell;
and just as are 20 Nirabbuda hells, such is 1
Ababa hell; and just as are 20 Ababa hells,
Cross-References
such is 1 Ahaha hell; and just as are 20 Ahaha
hells, such is 1 Atata hell; and just as are 20
▶ Anicca
Atata hells, such is 1 Kumuda hell; and just as
▶ Kamma
are 20 Kumuda hells, such is 1 Sogandika hell;
and just as 20 Sogandika hells, such is 1
Uppalaka hell; and just as 20 Uppalaka hells,
such is 1 Pundarika hell; and just as 20 References
Pundarika hells, such is 1 Paduma hell. This
gives the concept that the experience in hell, 1. (1995) Anguttanikaya. Vipassana Research Institute
(VRI), Igatpuri
depending on the kind of sin, is not eternal but 2. Swami Dwarikadas (ed) (1998) Abhidharmakosa
can be reduced with better good action. One Bhasya, 2 Pts. Bauddha Bharati Varanasi
keeps moving from one to another hell, and at 3. Pruden LM (tr) (1988) Abhidharmakosa Bhasyam,
the end of the experience as fruit of one’s action 4 vols. Asian Humanities, Berkeley, CA
4. (1995) Dighanikaya. VRI
(ripens = paccati), an individual is reborn. 5. Rhys Davids TW (tr) (1995) The dialogue of the
Smrtyupasthana Sutra ([19], IV.) specifies ten Buddha, vol II. Sacred Books of the Buddhists,
bad actions (akusala kamma) considered to be vol III. PTS, London
evil. There is mention of the retribution for mur- 6. Kalupahana DJ (ed & tr) (2008) Dhammapada.
Buddhist Cultural Centre, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka
der. This sinner is in that hell where the birds fly 7. (1998) JatakaPali. VRI
into a flame without being burned but come out 8. (1995) Majjhimanikaya. VRI
with the more alacrity and break the sculls of those 9. Malalasekhara GP (2002) Dictionary of Pali proper
victims in that hell; other birds with beaks like names, 2 vols. Munshi Manohar
10. Petavatthu Atthakatha, with Commentary
needles drink their blood and pierce their skins (Paramatthadipini) of Dhammapala, text (1998). VRI;
and tear them with their sharp nails. Here is the Ba Kyaw U (tr) (1980) Sacred Books of the Buddhists,
hell Avici. Next to this is Svabhraprpata (Preci- PTS
pice of the chasm), where the sinner is surrounded 11. Rhys Davids TW, William Stede (2007) Pali-English
dictionary. Motilal Benarsidass, Mumbai
by 11 masses of flame and experiences more ter- 12. (1998) Samyutta Nikaya. VRI
rible pain than any in the whole accumulation of 13. Bendall C (ed) (1992) Siksa Samuccaya, of Santideva.
hell. Thus, the punishment for sinner who has Motilal Benarsidass, New Delhi
History, Indian Buddhism 547

14. Bapat PV (ed) (1990) Suttanipata. Sri Satguru Publi-

cations, A Division of Indian Books Centre, Delhi, History, Indian Buddhism
India
15. (1998) Visuddhi Magga, of Buddhaghosa. VRI
16. Pe Maung Tin (tr) (2003) The path of purity. PTS K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Hemameru
Synonyms
▶ Meru (Buddhism)
Buddhist History

Hesitancy Definition

▶ Skepticism Origin, growth, spread, decline, and H

reestablishment of Buddhism in India.

Hetuvidyā Introduction

▶ Logic (Buddhism) The founder of Buddhism, Siddhattha Gotama

(Sk: Siddhārtha Gautama), the Buddha, was born
in Lumbinī garden near Kapilavastu (Pāli:
Kapilavatthu). He belonged to the Gotama (Sk:
Hieun-Tsang Gautama) gotra of the Sakiyan (Sk: Śākyan)
clan. The Pāli texts use various epithets for him
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) such as Tathāgata, Ādiccabandhu, Anatajina,
Angirasa/Angī rasa, Aggapuggalathe, Atideva,
Atidevadeva, Devātideva, and Anomasatta. Most
probably, his clan, the Sākiyans, was a subject of
the state of Kosala (Sk: Kośala) as the Buddha
Himsa
occasionally called himself a Kosalan. His father,
Suddhodana (Sk: Śuddhodana), was the chief
▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
of a very small kingdom of the Sākyans at
Kapilavatthu. Different commentaries of the Pāli
Tipiṭaka and the Sanskrit texts refer to the Buddha
as the son of a king who descended from a long
Himsaka line of famous ancestors. His mother Māyā (also
˙
Mahāmāyā) was Suddhodana’s chief consort. She
▶ Aṅgulimāla was the daughter of either Sākiyan Añjana or
Mahāsuppabuddha of Devadaha. She had two
brothers called Daṇḍapāni and Suppabuddha
as well as a sister called Pajāpatī/Mahāpajāpatī
Hīnayāna (Sk: Prajāpatī/Mahāprajāpatī). Both Māyā and
Pajāpatī were married to Śuddhodana in their
▶ Theravāda youth, but it was not until Māyā was between
548 History, Indian Buddhism

40 and 50 that she gave birth to the Buddha. The had a dream in which the bodhisatta (Sk: bodhi-
town of Kapilavastu is identified either with sattva), the Buddha-to-be, in the form of a white
Piprahwā-Ganwārīā located in the Basti district elephant, holding a white lotus in his gleaming
of Uttar Pradesh (India) or with Tilaurākoṭ located trunk, entered into her right side. This conception
a few kilometers away to the west of Lumbinī in took place on the full-moon day of Āsāḷha (Sk:
Nepal. Though the Buddha is said to have lived Āṣāḍha). In some of the Buddhist traditions, this
for 80 years (in all probability it is a rounded off incident is known as Māyā’s dream.
figure), there is not much consensus among histo- Different legends in the Pāli texts mention
rians about the year of his death, known as the extraordinary events relating to his conception
Mahāparinirvāṇa (the Great Decease). Whereas and birth where it has been pointed out that before
some scholars place his death in the year circa his conception, the would-be Buddha lived in the
483 B.C.E., others have suggested that it took Tusita (Sk: Tuśita) heaven where he was waiting
place within a few years of 400 B.C.E. for the opportune time to be born for the last
time. After having made the five inquiries
(pañcamahāvilokanāni) regarding the kāla (right
India on the Eve of the Birth of Buddhism or wrong time), deśa/desa (country), dvī pa/dī pa
(continent), kula (family or clan), and mātā
In the history of ancient India, sixth–fifth century (mother), he bid farewell to his companions and
B.C.E is known not only for the emergence of descended to earth. From the day of the concep-
numerous new religious orders such as Buddhism tion, Māyā was guarded by the four regent deities
and Jainism, it also marked the end of the age of the (cattāro mahārājāno); she did not feel any desire
Vedas. By the time of the Buddha, caste system for male company, and the child in her womb was
with its gross inequalities had become both func- visible from the outside. At the end of the ten
tional and hereditary. This period was also marked months, on the day of the full moon of Visākha
by the emergence of urbanization and the appear- (Sk: Vaiśākha), she was travelling to her parental
ance of a new material milieu. The new mercantile home in Devadaha. On the way in the Lumbinī
and artisan classes that came into origin in the new Grove, she gave birth to the bodhisatta as she
material milieu undermined the traditional social stood holding on to the branch of asāla tree.
order prescribed by the varṇa system of four castes Instead of being born through the vagina, the
dictated by the Brāhmaṇical rituals. This new bodhisatta appeared from her rib. As suggested
social transformation also opened new roles for by John Strong, the “lack of passage through the
women and low-caste people who could now birth canal is often said to reflect a concern for
choose, explore, and express their religious purity, but it may also be connected to a pan-
preferences. Indian tradition that asserts that the trauma of
vaginal birth is what wipes out the memory of
previous lives.” On emerging from his mother’s
Biography of the Buddha and Early side, the bodhisatta took seven steps to the north
Buddhism and, contemplating the four cardinal directions,
declared that this would be his last birth and
Early canonical texts suggest that in order to give uttered a lion’s roar (sīhanāda): “I am the chief
birth to a Buddha, a woman must have certain in the world.” According to the legend, on the
qualities such as she must not be too compassion- same day, seven other beings were also born: the
ate, had never consumed intoxicants, had prac- Bodhi tree, Rāhulamātā (his future wife), the four
ticed the pañcaśīlas (five ethical virtues) since treasure troves, his elephant, his horse Kanthaka,
her birth, and above all, had practiced the his charioteer Channa, and his childhood play-
pāramitās (Pāli: pāramī , i.e., perfect virtues) for mate Kāludāyī. Instead of travelling on to
100,000 kappas (Sk: kalpas). Māyā possessed all Devadaha, Māya returned the same day to
these qualities. On the night of the conception she Kapilavatthu along with her newly born child.
History, Indian Buddhism 549

His father had him inspected by different plouw with other farmers, the bodhisatta’s nurses,
diviners who, on examining his body, found on drawn by the celebrations, left the child
it 32 physiognomic signs of a mahāpurisa (great unattended under a jambu tree. Later, when the
man) and prophesied for the boy either of the two nurses and the others returned, they found him
possible careers: (a) staying at home, inheriting seated, cross-legged, in a trance. It was this very
the throne, and becoming a cakkavatti (Sk: experience that later turned out to be a turning
cakravartin, i.e., universal) king and (b) leaving point when the bodhisatta found severe austerities
home, adopting the life of a wandering mendicant, unhelpful. At that time, according to the
and becoming a sammāsambuddha (fully awak- Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya, the bodhisattva
ened one). Some of these physiognomic signs that thought “That must be the way, that must be the
have drawn particular attention of scholars path that will lead to knowledge, seeing, and
included uṣṇī ṣa (protrusion on the top of the unsurpassed total Enlightenment.”
head), ūrṇā (tuft of hair between the eyebrows), It has been mentioned in the Pāli texts that the
sexual organ enclosed in a sheath, and webbed bodhisattva lived a life of excessive luxury and
hands and feet. Of all the diviners who predicted ease as a young prince. For instance, his father is
two possibilities for the child, Koṇḍañña, the said to have provided him for three different sea- H
youngest, declared, quite decisively, that he will sons three different palaces: Ramma, Suramma
become a Buddha. On the same day, the ascetic and Subha. In fact, all the sources are in agreement
Asita (also known as Kāḷadevala), meditating in in underlining the luxuries that were available to
the Himālaya, learnt from the Tāvatiṃsa devas of the bodhisatta which, in turn, as suggested by
the birth of the future Buddha and paid a visit to John Strong, clearly “serve the purpose of empha-
Suddhodana to see the child. He also declared that sizing how great was the turning away that
the child will become a Buddha. According to the impelled him ultimately to give it all up.” At the
legend, Asita wept for sorrow that he would not age of 16, he performed various feats and won
live to see the child’s Buddhahood. Queen Māyā a martial arts competition. According to the
died 7 days after his birth and his stepmother Nidānakathā, one of the feats that he performed
Gautamī Prajāpatī took on the responsibility to with a bow needed the strength of 1,000 men. The
take care of him. The mothers of all Buddhas Sākyans were so impressed by this that each of the
must die soon after giving birth to a would-be 40,000 of them offered a daughter in marriage to
Buddha, because no other child is to be conceived the young prince. The Bodhisatta married all
in the same womb as a buddha. Māyā was reborn the 40,000 girls and appointed as his chief wife
as a male deity in the Tusita heaven. the daughter of Suppabuddha, who, later, became
Even though Suddhodana was painfully con- known as Rāhulamātā. In the Pāli tradition, she is
scious of the declaration of Koṇḍañña and Asita variously known as Yaśodharā, Bhaddakaccānā/
that the bodhisatta would eventually leave home Bhaddakaccā, Bimbāsundarī, or Bimbādevī.
and become the Buddha, Suddhodana still hoped Other sources point out that the bodhisatta
that his son would succeed him to the throne and acquired three wives one after the other in some-
become a cakkavatti king. Keeping this in mind, what different situations: Yaśodharā, Gopikā, and
he is said to have kept him away from all those Mṛgajā.
distractions that might act as catalysts to make Though some texts mention that the bodhisatta
him leave worldly life. Thus, he was provided left home at the age of 19, according to the com-
with the surroundings of a quintessential prince. monly accepted version, Gotama was 29 when the
However, an important incident reported in vari- incidents took place which culminated in his
ous accounts of the bodhisatta’s childhood is that renunciation of the life of a householder. Legends
of his accomplishment of the first jhāna (Sk: mention that following the prophecy of the
dhyāna) under a jambu tree. Once on the occasion diviners, Suddhodana had taken every possible
of the state plowing festival when king precaution to ensure that his son did not come
Suddhodana himself was plowing with a golden across any sign of old age, sickness, or death.
550 History, Indian Buddhism

However, when he was 29, the gods instilled and the Mahāsaccaka Sutta provide details of
a longing in his heart to go to the park, and on the bodhisatta’s life till he attained Enlightenment
the way, they put before him an old man showing at the age of 35. After leaving home, he cut his
signs of extreme age, and the bodhisatta returned, hair, shaved his beard, put on a mendicant’s robe,
expressing his wish to leave home. When and went in search of different teachers. Initially,
Suddhodana learnt of this, he surrounded the he spent some time with Bhaggava and then began
prince with even bigger attractions, but on the to study under Āḷāra Kālāma (Sk: Ārāḍa Kālāma).
next 3 days, the prince came across a sick man, Under Āḷāra Kālāma he mastered the realization
a dead body, and a mendicant. However, of the meditative stage of nothingness
according to some versions, the four omens took (akiñcaññayatana). However, he was not satisfied
place on a single day. Different passages in the and concluded that this was not conducive to
Tipiṭaka seem to indicate that the process was Enlightenment. So he sought out another teacher,
much more gradual and that the incidents Uddaka Rāmaputta (Sk: Udraka Rāmaputra), and
culminating in the Great Renunciation (Pāli: under him he was able to reach a higher stage of
Mahābhinikkhamana. Sk: Mahābhiniṣkramaṇa) meditative awareness, the plane of neither percep-
were not as dramatic as given in the Nidānakathā. tion nor nonperception (nevasaññi-nāsaññin). He
On seeing the mendicant, his charioteer Channa was not satisfied with this either as it did not lead
praised ascetical life, and the bodhisatta felt very to the desired goal. So he left Uddaka. Thereafter,
happy. On way to the palace, Gotama received the he travelled to Senānīgāma in Uruvelā. Over there
news that he had been blessed with a son. in the company of five companions (who became
According to the Nidānakathā, on hearing the known as pañcavaggiya bhikkhus) of the Sākya
news, he commented, “Rāhula has been tribe whom his father had chosen to follow him
born; a bond has been born” (“rāhulajāto, and take care of his needs, he undertook extreme
bandhanaṃjātaṃ”). It was the full-moon day of austerities of two types: extreme breath control,
Āsāḷha. He woke up in the middle of the night to and extreme fasting. He fasted until he was noth-
find his female musicians sleeping in attitudes ing but skin and bones. The Nidānakathā
which filled him with loathing for the worldly describes that he “spent six years undergoing aus-
life, and he decided to leave it. In some versions terities; it was time spent [meaninglessly], as if
the Great Renunciation took place 7 days after the trying to tie a knot in the air. However, he realized
birth of Rāhula. He ordered Channa to saddle his that such extreme asceticism only caused extreme
favorite horse, Kanthaka (also Kaṇṭhaka) and pain. Having realised the folly of extreme asceti-
entered his wife’s chamber for a last look at her cism, he decided to abandon it, and started again
and Rāhula. Then he went away. It has been to take normal food. Thereupon the Pañcavaggiya
suggested that in all probability the dangers bhikkhus, disappointed, left him and returned to
faced by his clan at the hands of Kosala and the Isipatana.”
sensitivity of the young Gotama to the probable Popular legends relate that after this event
fate of his clan may have further added to his Gotama received an offering of milk porridge
decision to leave home. The decision that lay from a young woman named Sujāta who lived in
before him was whether to become a great a nearby village. Gotama’s desire for normal food
emperor, having repelled the military threats of is satisfied by an offering brought by Sujātā to the
other states, or a spiritual master, having aban- Ajapāla banyan tree under which he was seated.
doned all worldly concerns. As suggested by She had made a vow to the tree, and her wish
Nakamura, “If it was impossible for him to deal having been granted, she took her maid, Punnā,
with the political situation. . . . His state of mind in and went to the tree prepared to fulfill her promise.
abandoning his home and position and becoming They took the bodhisatta to be the tree god who
a wandering ascetic may be understandable.” had come in person to accept the offering of milk
Apart from the Nidānakathā, the rice. However, according to the Divyāvadāna and
Ariyapariyasenā Sutta, the Mahāsaccaka Sutta, the Mūlasarvāstivādin Vinaya, two women
History, Indian Buddhism 551

(Nandā and Nandabalā) made an offering of milk conversion of Tapussa and Bhallika took place,
rice to the bodhisatta and this figure goes up to though the Buddha did not give them any
nine in the case of the Lalitavistara. As suggested instructions.
by Strong, this offering of milk rice was important After taking a decision to preach the Dhamma,
as it marked the beginning of the actual Enlight- the Buddha decided to preach first to the
enment process. It was a special meal that is said Pañcavaggiyas at Isipatana (Sārnāth) near
to have sustained the bodhisattva for the next 49 Vārāṇasī. On the way to Bārāṇasī, he met the
days. Thus nourished, the bodhisattva approached Ājīvaka Upaka, and on inquiry, the latter told
the Bodhi tree, the site of his Enlightenment. It him that he was Jina. At Isipatana the
was the full-moon day of the month of Visākha. Pañcavaggiyas were, initially, reluctant to
There a grass cutter called Sotthiya gave him eight acknowledge his claim to be the Tathāgata, but
handfuls of grass which the latter spread on the ultimately he was able to win them over to his
eastern side of the tree and sat on it cross-legged side. This happened on the full-moon day of
with a resolve not to get up till he had attained Āsāḷha when the Buddha preached to them the
Enlightenment. It is at this point that his final trial sermon that became known as the Dhammacak-
and temptation took place. Māra, the god of evil, kappavattana Sutta (Discourse on Setting the H
who had been watching the bodhisattva ever since Wheel of Dharma in Motion). This discourse
he had left home, tried for the last time to thwart was followed 5 days later by the Anattalakkhaṇa
his Enlightenment. However, Māra was utterly Sutta, in which he delivered his teaching of anattā
defeated and the bodhisattva’s Enlightenment (no-self) and aniccā (impermanence). On hearing
took place during the night itself. The Enlighten- this discourse, all the Pañcavaggiyas became
ment, called full and perfect (abhisaṃbodhi), is arahants. The next day the Buddha ordained
generally described as consisting of the acquisi- Yasa who also became an arahant. Later during
tion of three successive knowledges (vidyā), one the day, Yasa’s father became a disciple of the
in each of the three watches of the night: during Buddha and invited him to a meal at his house.
the first watch, he attained the knowledge of his After the lunch, Yasa’s mother and one of his
former existences; during the middle watch, he former wives became the first two upāsikās
attained the divine eye (dibbacakkhu); and during (female devotees) of the Buddha. Then four
the last watch, he unraveled the dependent arising friends of Yasa and, afterwards, 50 more took
(paṭiccasamuppāda). The realization of Buddha- ordination and became arahants. Now apart from
hood was thus not exactly a single experience but the Buddha, there were 60 arahants, and they were
a set of interconnected experiences, a result of all sent in different directions to preach the
many years of endeavor. Dhamma. They brought with them many persons
The Buddha remained under and in the vicinity seeking ordination, and the Buddha, who up till
of the Bodhi tree for 7 weeks after attaining now had ordained men with the “ehi bhikkhu”
Enlightenment. During those 7 weeks and before formula, authorized monks with the power of
moving away, he sorted out various issues relating ordination.
to Enlightenment and his future plans. It was also After spending the vassāvāsa at Vārāṇasī, the
during this period that Māra and his daughters Buddha headed back to Uruvelā and on the way
made their last ditch attempt to shake his resolu- ordained a group of 30 men known as the
tion. The biggest issue that he had to deal with was Bhaddavaggiyās. At Uruvelā, with the use of
as to whether he should preach to the world or not magical powers, the Buddha ordained the three
his doctrine that was complex and hard to under- Kassapa brothers (known as the Tebhātika Jaṭilā)
stand. After due consideration and on assurance along with their 1,000 followers. With these fol-
from Brahmā Sahampati himself that there are lowers the Buddha travelled to Rājagaha where he
many beings who would be able to derive benefit stayed for 2 months. During this stay two impor-
from his teaching, he decided to teach the tant events that took place were Bimbisāra’s gift
Dhamma. It was also during this period that the of the Veḷuvana to the Buddha and the Saṃgha
552 History, Indian Buddhism

and the entry of Sāriputta and Moggallāna into the preach to his father on his death bed. It was at this
Saṃgha. Most probably, it was also during this time that the Buddha persuaded the Sākyans and
year that at the beginning of the vassāvāsa, the the Koḷiyans to make peace, who had had declared
Buddha paid a visit to Vesālī which was suffering war on each other over sharing the waters of the
from starvation and pestilence. The Buddha river Rohinī. It was also during this visit of the
preached the Ratana Sutta and dispelled all dan- Buddha to Kapilavatthu that Pajāpatī Gotamī
gers. The pace at which people were now taking requested to be allowed to join the Saṃgha.
shelter in the Triple Gem (Tisaraṇa) as well as After refusing to accede to Pajāpatī’s demand,
joining the Saṃgha rapidly increased. The people the Buddha returned to Vesāli. However, Pajāpatī
of the state of Magadha accused the Buddha of and the other women followed the Buddha to
causing childlessness and widowhood. However, Vesālī where the latter was successfully persuaded
the Buddha dispelled their concerns. by Ānanda to allow women to enter the Saṃgha.
The next important event that took place in the The Buddha spent the seventh vassāvāsa in
life of the Buddha was his visit to Kapilavatthu at Tāvatimsa where he had ascended to preach the
the request of his father. Here, he stayed at the Abhidhamma to his mother who was born there as
Nigrodhārāma. As the Buddha’s kinsmen doubted a deva. The Buddha spent his eighth year near
his powers, he performed the Yamakapātihāriya Suṃsumāragiri in the country of the Bhaggas. In
(Miracle of the Double Appearances) to convince the ninth year, the Buddha visited Kosambī and
them. The next day, he went on a begging round in Kururaṭṭha. It was during this visit to Kururaṭṭha
the city as no one had invited him to a meal. At that the Buddha turned down the offer of
this Suddhodana was deeply embarrassed and Brāhmaṇa Māgandiyā to marry his daughter as
grieved. However, later on learning that it was a result of which Māgandiyā developed intense
the practice of all Buddhas, he became hatred for the Buddha.
a sotāpanna (stream-winner) and invited the In the tenth year, a schism among the monks
Buddha and his monks to a meal to the palace. at Kosambī took place, and as despite many
Pajāpatī became a sotāpanna and Suddhodana attempts by the Buddha, the monks did not recon-
a sakadāgāmi (once-returner). The Buddha went cile their differences: the Buddha retired into the
to see Rāhulamātā in her own quarters as she had Pārileyyaka forest and after spending his
not come to see him. Later, she sent Rāhula to the vassāvāsa there returned to Sāvathī. However,
Buddha telling him to ask his father for his inher- by this time the Kosambī monks realized their
itance. He followed the Buddha everywhere and mistake, apologized to the Buddha, and the dis-
finally Sāriputta ordained him at the Buddha’s pute was settled. In the eleventh year, the Buddha
request. Suddhodana protested severely. Conse- resides at the Brāhmaṇa village of Ekanālā and
quently, the Buddha declared that no person converts Kasi-Bhāradvāja. He spent his twelfth
shall be admitted to the Saṃgha without the con- vassāvāsa at Verañjā where 500 horse merchants
sent of his parents. During this visit to supplied the monks with food as Verañjā had been
Kapilavatthu, the Buddha ordained a large num- suffering from famine. The thirteenth vassāvāsa
ber of Sākyans and with them he returned to was spent at Cālikapabbata. The Buddha spent the
Rājagaha. On the way, the Buddha ordained 14th year of his ministry at Sāvatthi where Rāhula
Anuruddha, Bhaddiya, Ānanda, Bhagu, Kimbila, received the upasampadā ordination. In the fif-
Devadatta, and the barber Upāli. While the Bud- teenth year, the Buddha revisited Kapilavatthu
dha was at Rājagaha, Anāthapiṇḍika paid him when his father-in-law, Suppabuddha, refused to
a visit and became his disciple. From here, the let the Buddha pass through Devadaha. The chief
Buddha travelled to Sāvatthi on an invitation from event of the sixteenth year was the conversion of
Anāthapiṇḍika and received the Jetavana from the yakkha Āḷavaka at Āḷavī. The Buddha spent
him as a gift. the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth years
During the fifth year of his ministry, the of his ministry at Sāvatthi, Āḷavī, and Rājagaha. In
Buddha travelled from Vesāli to Kapilavatthu to the twentieth year, he converted the robber
History, Indian Buddhism 553

Aṅgulimāla. During this year he also appointed spend the vassāvāsa whereas the accompanying
Ānanda as his permanent attendant. After about monks stayed behind in Vesālī. He fell grievously
20 years of the Buddha’s ministry, the Saṃgha ill at Beluva and told Ānanda that his mission was
appears to have turned from a wandering to over and that after his death the Saṃgha must
a sedentary community. From now onwards, the maintain itself by taking the Dhamma (Sk:
Buddha largely stayed at Sāvatthi which had by Dharma) as the only refuge. Though with great
now become the headquarters of Buddhism, determination he fought his illness and recovered
though during the dry season, he went on tours somewhat, he nevertheless made an announce-
of different places within the Majjhimadesa (Sk: ment of his impending death in the assembly
Madhyadeśa). Sedentary nature of the Saṃgha of monks at Vesālī. Thereafter he travelled to
must have also meant that as majority of the Pāvā via Bhaṇḍagāma, Hatthigāma, Ambagāma,
members of the Saṃgha were staying together in Jambugama, and Bhoganagara. At Pāvā he stayed
fixed monastic residences, rules of discipline in in the mango grove of Cunda, the smith. The
the Saṃgha must have become necessary. Buddha had his last meal at Cunda’s house. This
Towards the end of the Buddha’s ministry, meal is mentioned as sūkaramaddava in the Pāli
Devadatta made an effort to take over the leader- texts. Scholars disagree on the meaning of the H
ship of the Saṃgha but was unsuccessful and word sūkaramaddava though majority of them
parted ways with the Buddha. Pāli texts relate now believe that this meal consisted of some sort
different incidents whereby Devadatta apparently of stale mushrooms and not pork. After eating this
tried to murder the Buddha but fails. It has been meal, the Buddha fell seriously sick but still con-
suggested that Devadatta was not as bad as tinued with his onward journey towards Kusinārā.
portrayed in the texts. But his strength ebbed away and he had to stop at
The Mahāparinibbāna Sutta, the 25 places while covering a distance of three
Mahāsudassana Sutta, and the Janavasabha gāvutas from Pāvā to Kusināra.
Sutta provide a more or less continuous account Finally, he and Ānanda reached Kusinārā
of the last year of the Buddha’s life. He began his where the latter prepared a bed for him in the
last journey from Gijjhakūṭa, near Rājagaha. Just Upavattanasāla grove. Then Ānanda asked him
before his departure he was visited by Vassākāra for instructions as to how the funeral rites be
who inquired from him, indirectly, if in his view, performed and began to cry bitterly. The Buddha
there was any chance of Ajātasattu defeating the consoled him and thanked him for what he had
Vajjians in a battle. The Buddha told Vassākāra done and spoke his last words: “Decay is inherent
that as long as the Vajjians followed seven things in all component things; work out your salvation
(frequent assemblies, concord, honoring of tradi- with diligence.” Passing back and forth through
tion and convention, respect for elders, courtesy various phases of trance, he died. He was in his
towards women, homage paid to places of wor- eightieth year. This event which took place on the
ship, and protection of holy men in their midst), full-moon day of the month of Visākha is known
no one could defeat them. From Rājagaha, the as the Mahāparinibbāna (The Great Decease).
Buddha preceded Nālandā, where Sāriputta The next day Ānanda informed the Mallas of
uttered his lion’s roar (sī hanāda) declaring his Kusinārā of the Buddha’s death and they declared
complete faith in the Buddha and took his leave that they shall be the sole heir of the Buddha’s
to die. From Nālandā, the Buddha travelled to relics. However, there appeared several other
Pāṭaligāma, where he predicted the future great- claimants for the Buddha’s relics. But the Mallas
ness of Pāṭaliputta and then to Vesālī via Ñātika of Kusinārā refused to share the relics with the
and Koṭigāma. At Vesālī, he stayed in Ambapālī’s others and were prepared to wage a war over
park and accepted an invitation to a meal from her, them. But Dona, the Brāhmaṇa, counselled all
turning down a similar offer from the Licchavis. the parties and finally the relics were divided
After accepting Ambapālī’s park as a gift for the into eight equal parts among the eight claimants:
Saṃgha, the Buddha travelled to Beluvā to Ajātasattu, the Licchavis of Vesāli, the Sākiyans
554 History, Indian Buddhism

of Kapilavatthu, the Bulis of Allakappa, the seeking to conserve what they considered the core
Koḷiyas of Rāmagāma, a Brāhmaṇa of Veṭhadīpa, of the Buddhavacana and, on the other hand, the
the Mallas of Pāvā, and the Mallas of Kusinārā. continuing need to conform to changing social,
Dona took for himself the measuring vessel and economic, and political institutions. The first
the Moriyas of Pipphalivana, who arrived late, example of such a struggle comes from the stories
carried off the ashes. All the claimants built stūpas of the Buddha’s own life, when his cousin,
over their shares of remains. Devadatta, tried to replace him as the leader of
A typical follower of the Buddha referred to the Saṃgha. The sources suggest that this rebellion
himself/herself as Saugata, Sākyan/Śākyan, was quickly put down by Śāriputra (Pāli: Sāriputta)
Sākyabhikkhu/Śākyabhikṣu, Sākyabhikkhunī / and Mahāmaudgalāyana (Pāli: Mahāmoggallāna),
Śākyabhikṣuṇī, Sakyaputtiya/Śākyaputra, chief disciples of the Buddha. After the Buddha’s
Sakyadhī tā/Śākyadhī tā, Ariyasāvaka/Āryaś death, however, a more comprehensive strategy
rāvaka, and Jinaputta/Jinaputra. The followers was needed to keep the Saṃgha together and to
of the Buddha were called Bauddha by those codify the Buddhavacana. That strategy is
who were critics of the Buddha. The elders ini- contained in the legend of the First Council which
tially considered the Buddhavacana (the Bud- took place at Rājagṛha (Pāli: Rājagaha) 3 months
dha’s words) the primary source of the Dharma after the Buddha’s death. It has been suggested that
and the Vinaya (discipline) and took great pains to it would have been impossible to think that two
formulate and transmit his teachings accurately. huge parts of the Tripiṭaka (Pāli: Tipiṭaka; Three
However, historians generally agree that his true Baskets/Collections), i.e., the Sūtra (Pāli: Sutta)
teaching has not survived. The various versions of and the Vinaya, were finally composed and settled
the canon (accepted scripture) extant in Pāli, San- within a short period of 2 or 3 months. The nature
skrit, Chinese, and Tibetan are sectarian variants of the work done at the First Council remains
of a corpus that grew and took shape during the uncertain, and if, at all, the Sūtra and the Vinaya
over three centuries of oral transmission. were recited at the First Council, they were cer-
Early Buddhism remained centered around the tainly not identical to the ones that exist now.
Gaṅgā valley, spreading gradually from there to As time went by, the Saṃgha got split into
different parts of the Indian subcontinent. The numerous disparate sects (nikāyas), each claiming
canonical sources record different councils to faithfully preserve the Buddha’s Dharma and
where the monastic Saṃgha established the tex- Vinaya. It is difficult to give a precise account of
tual collections based on the Buddha’s teachings the Second Council as different sects relate its his-
and sorted out certain issues relating to discipline tory from their own points of view. This council is
within the Saṃgha. The Buddha threw the doors said to have taken place at Vaiśālī (Pāli: Vesālī),
of his Saṃgha open to both men and women of all 100 years after the Buddha’s death. It led to a
castes making no distinction in the imparting of schism in the Buddhist Saṃgha and the secession
knowledge. However, as the Saṃgha had to of the Mahāsāṃghikas (the Majorityists). This part-
depend upon the society for material support, it ing of ways between the Mahāsāṃghika and the
was continuously tuned to the wider sentiments of Theravāda (Sk: Sthaviravāda) is generally accepted
its supporters. For instance, even though the Bud- within the tradition as the first real schism in the
dha accepted women into the Saṃgha, eight spe- Saṃgha. All the sects that later appeared within
cial rules were imposed upon them resulting in Indian Buddhism arose out of either of these two
their complete subordination to the monks. main groups. Whereas some of these sects were
different from others because they were simply
located in a different part of the Indian subcontinent,
The Councils and Schisms there were others which were different due to their
unique doctrines, and still others were different in
The history of the Saṃgha presents a tug-of-war terms of their ritual practices. Each of these sects
between, on the one hand, individuals or groups possessed its own canon. However, except the Pāli
History, Indian Buddhism 555

canon of the Theravāda, and scattered fragments seventh century, the Vinaya of the Saṃmitīyas
from other sects, not much of this vast literary had special rules pertaining to the use of the
corpus has survived. undergarments, girdles, medicines, and beds.
As the Buddha had allowed the members of the With the passage of time, the different sects also
Saṃgha to use their own speech for the purposes began to differ regarding the manner of the Bud-
of preaching, with the spread of Buddhism into dha’s birth, his relationship with the Saṃgha, and
different regions of the Indian subcontinent, dif- above all, interpretation of various aspects of the
ferent sects embraced different languages for their Buddhavacana. The Sarvāstivādins (Vaibhāśikas)
canons. Whereas Theravāda (also known as held that a being is made up of five dharmas, in
Ācariyavāda) adopted Pāli as its sacred language, turn subdivided into 75 elements which are per-
its most important branch Sarvāstivāda and manent in nature. According to them, when the
some of its sub sects embraced Sanskrit. Buddha spoke of impermanence, he meant the
The Saṃmitīyas often associated with the composite of elements and not the elements them-
Vātsīputrīyas adopted Apabhraṃśa as their lan- selves. The Sautrāntikas considered the phenom-
guage. Prakrit became the language of the enal objects as only appearances (prajñapti)
Mahāsāṃghikas. As this happened, these sects whose existence could be known only by infer- H
carved out their own geographical spheres of ence (bāhyārthānumeya). They acknowledged
influence. Ujjayinī and Kauśāmbī became the transmission of the skandhamātras from one
the main centers of activity of Theravāda. existence to another ceasing only in nirvāṇa. The
Sarvāstivāda acquired predominance in Mathurā, Mahāsāṃghika sect declared that the Buddha was
Gandhāra, and Kaśmīra. The earliest centre of the supramundane (lokottara) so that Siddhārtha
Mahāsāṃghika sect was at Vaiśālī. Later, this sect Gautama was only an apparition of the lokottara
gained more popularity in the Andhra region and Buddha. They also declared that as Arahanthood
consequently came to be known as Andhaka. The was not the fully emancipated state, one should
Sautrāntika school of Hīnayāna Buddhism origi- seek Buddhahood instead of Arahanthood. The
nated in Kaśmīra and Gandhāra. The different Śailas, the Caityakas, and the Vaitulyakas even
sects also adopted different texts as more author- held the view that the Bodhisattvas possess
itative than others. For instance, the Vaibhāṣikas supramundane qualities and are not average
declared that the Vaibhāṣas or aṭṭhakathās (com- beings. They also declared that mind (vijñāna) is
mentaries) on Jñānaprasthānasūtra were more pure in origin and becomes impure only on con-
authoritative than the original sūtras. In sharp tact with impurities. Whereas, according to the
contrast to this, the Sautrāntikas considered the Sarvāstivādins, antarabhāva provided a link
sūtras more important than their commentaries. between one existence and another, the
Furthermore, these sects began to differ from Theravādins, Mahīśāsakas, and the Śailas denied
each in matters such as discipline. Regarding the the existence of antarābhava. The Saṃmitīyas
First Council, Mahākassapa and Pūraṇa of (Vātsīputrīyas) believed that there is a pudgala
Dhakkhinagiri had disagreement on seven rules (Pāli: puggala. person) apart from the five ele-
which were later incorporated in the Vinayas of ments (skandhas) constituting a being. According
the Mahīśāsakas and the Dharmaguptakas. The to them, this pudgala is neither identical to nor
dispute pertaining to the Ten Extravagances different from the skandhas and passes from one
(dasavatthūni) at the Second Council is well existence to another till the attainment of nirvāṇa.
known. One of the main causes for the convening
of the Third Council was that the monks of differ-
ent sects were not holding jointly the Pātimokkha Institutionalization, Worship of Stūpas,
assembly, as one group of these monks regarded and Beginning of Buddhist Pilgrimage
the other as apariśuddha (unclean) according to
its disciplinary code of conduct. According to the It has been mentioned in the traditional legends of
Chinese pilgrim Yijing who visited India in the the Buddha’s biography that the mortal remains of
556 History, Indian Buddhism

the Buddha were divided into equal eight shares. received an offering of honey from a monkey at
Thereafter memorial stūpas were built over each the Monkey’s Pond.
of these portions. These stūpas along with many
caityas (Buddhist shrines) developed into centers
of pilgrimage where devotees came and made Aśoka
offerings to earn merit. In the Mahāparinibbāna
Suttanta of the Dī gha Nikāya, the Buddha is Aśoka (third-century B.C.E.) was an important
mentioned as telling his chief disciple, Ānanda, early patron of the Saṃgha, and he is considered
that there are four places which “a devout person in the traditional Buddhist writings as having
should visit and look upon with reverence.” greatly contributed to the growth and development
These four places, which became known as the of Buddhism. It has been mentioned in the legends
Caturamahāprātihāryas (the Four Great that Aśoka opened the original group of stūpas for
Wonders), are Lumbinī, Bodhagayā, Sārnāth, the purposes of redistributing the Buddha’s relics
and Kusinārā. In the later commentarial tradition, into 84,000 stūpas that he is said to have built all
four other sites are also raised to a special status over his kingdom. Perhaps the finest example of
because the Buddha had performed a certain mir- these is the Great Stūpa at Sāñcī. Aśoka is also
acle at each of these places. All the eight sites are credited with having held the Third Buddhist
collectively known as the Aṣṭamahāprātihāryas Council in c. 250 B.C.E. at Pāṭaliputra in order to
(the Eight Great Wonders). The last four of these “cleanse” the Saṃgha. Over 10,000 “false” monks
eight places where certain miraculous events are are said to have been disrobed as a result of this
reported to have occurred are Sāvatthī, Rājagaha, council. Another momentous result of this council
Saṃkissā, and Vesālī. Sāvatthī (Sk: Śrāvastī) was the dispatch of missionaries to different coun-
was the place of the “Wonder of the Twins” tries of the world for the propagation of Buddhism.
(yamakaprātihārya) or the “Great Wonder” He also made pilgrimages to the various places
(mahāprātihārya) where at the Jetavana monas- important to the Buddha’s life. Among the many
tery, the Buddha had shown his supernatural abil- edicts Aśoka incised on pillars and boulders, many
ities in the performance of miracles. The Buddha refer to his interest in Buddhism. For instance, the
had also spent most of his monastic life in Śrāvastī Bhābrā edict recommends to Buddhist monks and
and it was the place where he spent most of his laity a set of seven texts to read. The Kauśāmbī
rainy retreats (vassāvāsas), delivered majority of edict decries dissent in the Saṃgha, telling schis-
his sermons, and engaged in debates. Rājagaha matic monks to return to lay life. The Niglivā
(Sk: Rājagṛha, present-day Rājgīr) is the place inscription mentions that Aśoka doubled the size
where the Buddha had subdued the wild elephant, of a stūpa dedicated to Konāgamana, a past Bud-
Nāḷāgiri, through friendliness when Devadatta dha. The Rummindei inscription talks of Aśoka
had plotted to get him killed. The Buddha spent reducing the revenue by one-eighth of Lumbinī
several months meditating and preaching at village because the Buddha was born here. Bud-
Rājgīr, converting Bimbisāra, the king of Maga- dhism became a pan-Indian religion during the
dha, and many others to Buddhism including time of Aśoka.
Jīvaka (the king’s physician), Śāriputra, and
Maudgalyāyana who were to become important
and influential disciples. Saṃkissā (Sk: Śuṅgas, Greco-Bactrians, and the
Sāṃkāśya) is the place where the Buddha Kusānas
descended to earth from the Tāvatiṃsa (Sk: ˙ ˙
Trāyastriṃśa) heaven (devārohaṇa) where he The Mauryan Empire did not last long after King
stayed for 3 months teaching his mother the Aśoka. The succeeding five centuries of political
Abhidhamma (Sk: Abhidharma). Vesālī (Sk: competition and social diversification fostered
Vaiśālī) is the place where the Buddha had new doctrinal and institutional expressions.
History, Indian Buddhism 557

During this period, monastic disputes increased of the Sarvāstivāda School were most predomi-
the number of sects to 18 or more. The Mauryas nant at this council and there is no evidence
were succeeded in north India by the Śuṅga to indicate that Mahāyāna Buddhism was
dynasty (185–73 B.C.E.) about 50 years after represented here. The Theravādins do not recog-
Aśoka’s death. Buddhist religious scriptures nize this council and there is no reference to this
such as the Aśokāvadāna allege that Puṣyamitra council in the Sri Lankan chronicles. It has been
(187–151 B.C.E.), who was an orthodox suggested that it was also around this time that an
Brāhmaṇa, indulged in unfriendly activities important change took place in the language of the
against the Buddhists and persecuted the Buddhist Sarvāstivādin canon which appears to have been
faith. Though royal patronage may have been converted into Sanskrit from an earlier Prakrit
withdrawn to Buddhist institutions during the version. Such a change had long-term conse-
reign of some of the Śuṅga kings, there is not quences for Buddhism as Sanskrit was the sacred
any credible evidence of active persecution of language of not only Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism and
the Buddhists. The activities of the first Śuṅga but was also being used by various thinkers who
ruler, Puṣyamitra, who is said to have taken keen did not have any specific religious or philosophi-
interest in the Vedic rituals and ran the affairs of cal loyalties. Such a development, which enabled H
the state with the help of Vedic Brāhmaṇas, do not a much bigger audience to have access to Bud-
appear to have caused the decline of Buddhism. dhist ideas and practices, may have contributed
King Menander (reigned c. 160–135 B.C.E.), towards the ultimate assimilation and accultura-
the most famous Greco-Bactrian king, is tion of Buddhism into Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism.
presented in the Mahāyāna tradition as a great
Buddhist and a benefactor of the faith. Interaction
between the Greek and Buddhist cultures appears Rise of Mahāyāna
to have provided some impetus to the growth and
development of Mahāyāna. It is also around this The rise of Mahāyāna Buddhism around the first
time that the images of the Buddha began to century B.C.E. was accompanied by intricate polit-
appear, in the Gandhāra region (NW Indian sub- ical developments in northwestern India. The Indo-
continent) in realistic Greco-Buddhist style and in Greek kingdoms were gradually overcome, and
Mathurā with indigenous features. their culture assimilated by the Indo-Scythians,
The Kuṣāṇa king Kaniṣka I (first or second and then the Kuṣāṇas towards the beginning of
century C.E.) emulated Aśoka and promoted Bud- the Common Era. The chief characteristic of this
dhism like him. The Fourth Council took place in new form of Buddhism was the notion that all
c.100 C.E. during his reign. The venue of the beings have a Buddha nature and should aspire to
council was either Jālaṃdhara (Punjab) or near Buddhahood. Mahāyāna popularized the concept
Srīnagara in Gandhāra-Kaśmīra. It was at this of a Bodhisattva (literally “an enlightened being”
council that commentaries on each of the piṭakas or “a would-be Buddha”) whose key attributes are
were written, each of the commentaries consisting compassion and kindness and also promoted
of 100,000 verses. The newly composed Vibhāṣā the pūjā of different bodhisattvas, particularly
treatises are said to have been inscribed on copper Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara, and Maitreya. These
plates, incased in stone boxes, and buried in bodhisattvas became the focus of popular devo-
a stūpa. The council is said to have taken tional worship. Mahāyāna Buddhism includes the
12 years to accomplish the task it had undertaken. Mādhyamaka/Mādhyamika (Middle Way) School
One of the most significant decisions taken at this promoted by Nāgārjuna and Aśvaghoṣa and
council was the settlement of dissidence within Yogācāra (Consciousness Only) School founded
the Buddhist Saṃgha. The council accorded rec- by Asaṅga and Vasubandhu.
ognition to all the 18 sects as the repositories of The institutionalization of Indian Mahāyāna
genuine Buddhavacana. It appears that the monks Buddhism reached its pinnacle at the Nālandā
558 History, Indian Buddhism

Mahāvihāra, where students from all over Asia Buddhism flourishing at one place, at the same
came for higher studies. As described by the Chi- time one can see it in decline at another place. For
nese pilgrim Xuanzang (ca. 614–629), the endow- instance, when some well-endowed Buddhist
ments of Nālandā Mahāvihāra consisted of over monasteries existed under the Pālas in eastern
200 villages and its dormitories housed several India, Buddhism had already met its worst fate
thousand students who, apart from Mahāyāna in Sind. However, wherever it survived, it seems
literature, studied secular and non-Buddhist to have fallen into a state of complete disarray and
subjects such as the Vedas, art, and medicine. collapsed rather quickly and comprehensively
During the following centuries, two other promi- towards the end of the twelfth century.
nent Mahāyāna universities, Odantapurī and Yet, even after the twelfth century, traces of the
Vikramaśilā, were established by the Pāla kings survival of Buddhism could be found in most
(ca. 750–1150 C.E.) who ruled India’s northeast. parts of India. For instance, it continued to exist
in a variety of forms of popular worship, rites, and
rituals such as Dharma Thakur pūjā or the pūjā of
Emergence of the Vajrayāna Jagannātha in Bengal and Orissa. Arthur Waley
has comprehensively shown that Buddhism sur-
Vajrayāna, also called Tantric Buddhism – an eso- vived till the fourteenth century not only in
teric tradition – originated in eastern India Bengal, Orissa, and Bihar but also in other parts
between the fifth and seventh centuries C.E. of India including Kāṅcipura (Tamilnadu), Coḷa
A distinctive feature of Vajrayāna Buddhism is kingdom (Coromandal Coast), Dvāravatī (Guja-
the rituals which are skillful means (upāya) used rat), and Jālaṃdhara (the Punjab). At least till the
as substitutes for the earlier abstract meditations. fourteenth century, Buddhist monks from India
Initiation rites of Vajrayāna consist of entry into are known to have travelled to Tibet and China.
a maṇḍala, a mystic map of the spiritual universe. A Javanese poet mentions Buddhist monks as
The use of mudrās and mantras is also central to residing in six vihāras in Kāṅcīpura in the year
Vajrayāna. Though the initial practitioners of 1362 C.E. There is at the University of Cambridge
Vajrayāna were forest-dwelling mahāsiddhas, by a manuscript of the Kālacakra, copied by
about the ninth century, Vajrayāna took over the a Kāyastha of Magadha for two monks in the
curriculum of monastic universities at Nālandā year 1446 C.E. When Abul Fazal visited Kashmir
and Vikramaśilā. in the company of Akbar at the end of the six-
teenth century, he mentions having met some old
men who professed their faith in Buddhism,
Decline of Buddhism in India though he could not find any Buddhist scholars.
In 1777, the Panchen Lama is known to have sent
The first symptoms of crisis in monastic Bud- an embassy to Bodhagayā and on its way this
dhism made their appearance during the post- embassy is said to have established a Tibetan
Kuṣāṇa period when derelict monasteries in or Buddhist monastery on the banks of the Gaṅgā
near decaying urban centers begin to appear in at Howrah, Kolkata. As per the census of 1911, as
the archaeological remains. The signs of this many as 1833 persons in Orissa declared Bud-
decline became quite pronounced when Faxian dhism to be their faith. Apart from the districts
(399–414 C.E.) paid a visit to India. When of Chittagong and the Chittagong hill tracts in
Xuanzang (629–645 C.E.) arrived, Buddhism southeastern Bangladesh, Buddhism has also con-
had become somewhat of a spent force in most tinued uninterrupted in the Himalayas. Thus, it is
parts of India. While appearing global the decline not at all correct to use expressions such as “dis-
of Buddhism in India had distinctive regional appearance” or “extinction” for Indian Buddhism.
features and no period can be delimited as mark- It has been suggested that Indian Buddhism
ing the commencement of a general decline of was the creation of an urban milieu and found
Buddhism all over India. While one comes across favor primarily with an urban society, and its lay
History, Indian Buddhism 559

supporters were almost entirely urbanites they turned out to be poor competitors to their
consisting of merchants, traders, bankers, finan- Brāhmaṇical-Hindu counterparts as the latter had
ciers, artisans, and members of the ruling author- many advantages over Buddhist mahāvihāras in
ity. Thus, the inclination of the Buddhist the management of landed estates. However, sys-
monasteries to be elitist rather than mass-based tematically and steadily, the Brāhmaṇical-Hindu
and aversion to serve the rural communities and temples, through their better knowledge of agricul-
lack of interest in winning supporters among them ture (especially rice cultivation) and seasons, and
turned these monasteries into some sort of islands. their ingenuity in constructing origin myths and
Moreover, considering that only a tiny portion of enormous capacity for legitimation, and thus
the Indian society was urban, in numerical terms, wider sociopolitical functions, obtained an advan-
Buddhist support-base was indeed very small. tage over Buddhist mahāvihāras. Consequently,
However, when urbanization began to decline in Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism with its institutional base
India, Buddhism found its narrow support-base in the temple-centered agrarian settlements grew
further shrunk. After urban centers began to into a dynamic and progressive force. In other
decline, dispersal of urban occupational groups, words, the ascendance of the agrarian class and
leading to loss of material support, made the exis- its alliance with the Brāhmaṇas during the heydays H
tence of the Saṃgha very precarious. The emer- of the Bhakti movement appears to have tilted the
gent situation resulted in majority of the small scales against Buddhism. From the eighth century
monasteries, which formally existed inside or onwards, this advantage of the Bhakti-inspired
within the vicinity of urban settlements, becoming Brāhmaṇa-peasant alliance can be viewed as
derelict. The few monasteries which managed to manifested in the shift of the royal patronage
survive did so either by receiving land endow- from Buddhism to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu sects.
ments or eked out an existence within or on the Archaeological, epigraphic, and literary evi-
periphery of the surviving urban settlements espe- dence clearly indicates towards a link between
cially in the coastal regions of peninsular India. In Buddhist vihāras and long-distance trade net-
order to survive in a situation of dwindling tradi- works of the Northern Highway (Uttarāpatha)
tional support, the monasteries began to accept and the Southern Highway (Dakkhiṇapatha)
grants of land for religious purposes from the which incorporated regional and local micro-
ruling authorities. To sustain support and compete networks of individual regions and was connected
with Brāhmaṇical-Hindu temples, learning was to overland and maritime routes. The spirit of
liberalized and the doors of the monasteries were commerce, which cut across social boundaries,
opened to secular education. Consequently, from dissolved social distinctions, and created new
the fifth century onwards, these monasteries social realities, found its supreme ideological
began to grow out of their conventional character expression in Buddhism and hence facilitating
into centers of laicized academic learning as well both its spread and sustenance. Thus, it is no
as scholarship. Some of these monasteries became surprise that Buddhism retained an enduring
metamorphosed into mahāvihāras and managed appeal to mercantile communities. Symbiotic
not only to attain self-sufficiency but were also relationship that existed between Buddhist
able to successfully exploit their niche for monastic institutions and trade networks is proved
extending their power and influence in their by the fact that these monasteries worked not only
respective localities through the ownership of vil- as rest houses for the merchants and traders but
lages, land, and cattle. As these newly sprung also participated in commercial activities includ-
mahāvihāras had to manage large pieces of land ing banking, manufacture of goods, and their stor-
and a whole lot of the associated paraphernalia, age. In other words, monastic establishments
the character of Buddhist monastic institutions which were central to the survival of Indian Bud-
underwent a revolutionary change. This phenom- dhism remained inalienably dependent on the
enon helped these few mahāvihāras to survive and highly organized mercantile communities which
even prosper for a while. However, ultimately not only constructed most of the stūpas and
560 History, Indian Buddhism

provided material support to Buddhist monaster- belief entertained by Buddhists that their faith was
ies but also contributed towards accumulation of neither aeternum nor aeonic and that the
wealth in the monasteries. With the decline in impending end to their faith was unavoidable. In
trade and the onset of feudalism, agrarian commu- fact, the prophecy of “decline” forms a recurrent
nities gained sociopolitical importance. From theme in Indian Buddhism and there appeared to
about the eighth century C.E. onwards, Hindu- have been a sort of death wish in Buddhism, so to
Brāhmaṇical temple building activity resulting say. The Vinaya Piṭaka refers, for instance, to the
from the alliance of Bhakti movement and agrar- decline of moral life resulting in the anticipated
ian classes led to the Buddha being elbowed out collapse of the religion. The Buddha himself is
by Viṣṇu and Śiva as the favorite deities of the said to have expressed the view that his religion
royalty. would last only 1,000 years and that the entry of
Indian Buddhism was highly intellectual, elit- women would further cut its life span to half. Both
ist, and urban. Consequently, it was wary of those the Cakkavatti-Sī hanāda Suttanta and the
who lacked education and sophistication. More- Aggañña Suttanta of the Dī gha Nikāya refer to
over, it was merely a monastic religion and in the idea of imminent decline as part of the cosmic
reality signified only those who had become cycle of evolution and devolution spanning vast
monks and nuns by renouncing the lives of house- expanses of time. The Indian Buddhists them-
holders. There was no complementarity between selves believed that they were living in the valley
the Buddhist Saṃgha and its lay supporters. In of decline and were in fear of an approaching
fact, the conversion of the lay supporters of Bud- cataclysm. Such a mind-set must have contributed
dhism was never either complete or effective. towards the Saṃgha not thinking or acting in
There was absolutely nothing in Buddhism that terms of working towards a perennial survival of
ever barred its supporters from extending financial the dharma.
or other support to other religious orders or for Though Buddhism had opened its doors to all
that matter from paying respect to the holy per- irrespective of caste, creed, or gender, highly edu-
sons of those religious orders which from time to cated Brāhmaṇas and rich merchants remained the
time competed with Buddhism for space. It has most favored candidates, the former for member-
been correctly suggested that to a typical lay sup- ship of the Saṃgha and the latter as providers of
porter, the Saṃgha was nothing more than a mere material support. Over a quarter of all the Bud-
adult education class with voluntary attendance. dhist monks and nuns came from Brāhmaṇa fam-
The Buddha was not interested in cultivating ilies and carried with them their Brāhmaṇical
a community of lay followers for whom his notions into the very core of Buddhism. The infil-
monks and nuns would have to act as priests and tration of such elements in huge numbers, most of
preside over their life-cycle rituals. Thus, Bud- whom were never fully converted to the ideals set
dhism had neither any aficionado nor was it forth by the Buddha, contributed greatly towards
meant to have any bigoted following. What Bud- sabotaging the Saṃgha from within.
dhism had created, at best, were fickle-minded lay The Buddha had advised the monks and nuns
supporters, a floating element in the vast popula- to stay away from performing the life-cycle rituals
tion which conformed to the Brāhmaṇical caste of householders which were left entirely to the
system. The lay supporters of Buddhism did not Brāhmaṇas. Thus, even the most regular sup-
have particularly much at stake in its survival and porters of Buddhism followed not only
thus, such followers did not have any guilty con- Brāhmaṇical rites but also frequently conformed
science while switching loyalties in favor of one to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu caste regulations. More-
of the Brāhmaṇical-Hindu sects. over, Brāhmaṇical-Hindu declaration of the Bud-
The theme of an inevitable end of the dharma dha as an incarnation of Viṣṇu was allowed to go
appears to have played an avant-garde role in the uncontested unlike the Jainas who countered
formation of the Buddhist psyche. References are every move of Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism. Buddhism
not wanting in Buddhist literature indicating the had no mechanism in place to thwart Brāhmaṇical
History, Indian Buddhism 561

assimilative onslaught. On the contrary, Bud- publication of Buddhist literature in English and
dhism continued to play second fiddle to Indian languages. He also expected the renovated
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism and continued to make Mahābodhi Temple to serve as a center for the
appeasing accommodations with it at every spread of Buddhism. In May 1892, Dhammapāla
stage. Adoption of Sanskrit must also be seen as launched two journals entitled the Mahābodhi
a step taken in this direction. It brought Buddhism and the United Buddhist World. Now the
not only nearer to the Brāhmaṇical embrace but Mahābodhi Society has branches at Gayā, Chennai,
also turned Buddhism into a religion for academic Kushinagar, Sarnath, New Delhi, Lucknow, Mum-
study and took it further away from the common bai, Chennai, Ajmer, and Kolkata. It goes to the
man who did not understand Sanskrit. Mutual credit of the Mahābodhi Society that now pilgrim-
exchange and adoption of different deities with age centers such as Bodhagayā, Kushinagar,
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism should also be seen as Sarnath, and Vaishali are teaming with guest
part of the wider scheme of things whereby Bud- houses and monastic institutions catering to the
dhism succumbed to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu strategy needs of pilgrims from all over the world.
of ultimately bringing the Buddha home as In 1949, the Government of Bihar passed the
a minor player. The rise of Mahāyāna-Vajrayāna Buddha Gayā Temple Act for the management of H
in Buddhism and the growing strength of Bhakti the Mahābodhi Temple. Under this act,
movement in Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism did away a committee called the Buddha Gayā Temple
with any of the remaining walls that had kept Management Committee, consisting of four Bud-
Buddhism apart from Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism. In dhists and four Hindus, was constituted. In 1949,
the end, with the assumption of a queer form the relics of Śāriputra (Pāli: Sāriputta) and
whereby it had turned into an arcane and Maudgalyāyana (Pāli: Moggallāna), chief disci-
cabbalistic cult controlled by nāthas and yogis, it ples of the Buddha, were brought to India from
was left with no internal justification to survive as the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, and
a distinct creed. re-enshrined in a newly built vihāra at Sāñchī. In
1956, the 2500th anniversary of the Buddha’s
Mahāparinibbāna was celebrated. On this occa-
The Revival of Buddhism in Modern sion, a chair of Buddhist Studies was established
India at Delhi University and a complete set of the Pāli
Tipiṭaka was published in Devanāgarī script by
The revival of Buddhism in modern India owes its the Nava Nālandā Mahāvihāra.
origins to the Indological research during the past B.R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) provided a new
200 years or so. The archaeological discoveries strength and direction to Buddhism in India. As
and the recovery and translation of ancient texts a leader of the untouchables, he renounced
by the nineteenth century European scholars gave Hinduism in favor of Buddhism and laid the foun-
an impetus to the study of India’s Buddhist heri- dations of India’s neo-Buddhist movement.
tage. However, most of the credit must be given to Ambedkar and a large number of people of the
Anāgārika Dhammapāla (1864–1933) of Sri mahar community of Maharashtra adopted Bud-
Lanka and a group of Buddhist monks of Chitta- dhism with the aim of getting “equal status, equal
gong (Bangladesh) for providing practical shape rights, and fair treatment” to untouchables. He
to the revival of Buddhism in India. When wrote The Buddha and His Dhamma to fulfill
Anāgārika Dhammapāla visited Bodhagayā in this need. Some scholars have termed the Nagpur
1891, he found the Mahābodhi Temple in a state conversions of mahars that took place on 14 Octo-
of utter neglect and founded the Mahābodhi Soci- ber 1956 as the new Dhammacakkapavattana
ety with the purpose of not only restoring the (Turning of the Wheel of Dharma).
temple but also to make provisions for the food The arrival of Tenzin Gyatso, the fourteenth
and shelter at Bodhagayā of the Buddhist monks Dalai Lama, to India from Tibet along with thou-
from different Buddhist countries as well as the sands of Tibetan people in 1959 also gave another
562 History, Indian Buddhism

boost to Buddhism in India. Majority of the discerning the sensations with equanimity,
Tibetans in exile have remained energetic fol- becoming gradually more and more mindful of
lowers and patrons of Tibetan form of Buddhism their ever-changing nature.
in India. Central University of Tibetan Studies, According to Goenka, the practice of vipassanā
Sarnath, has been established by the Government is the essence of the path of Dhamma. Goenka
of India with the aim of promoting and preserving claims that an authentic tradition survived in
Tibetan culture and Buddhism. The Dalai Lama Myanmar, passing from teacher to student in
says that he is active in spreading India’s message a long lineage from the time of the Buddha to his
of nonviolence and religious harmony throughout teacher, U Ba Khin, and now through himself to the
the world. students. In his courses and lectures, Goenka
describes vipassanā meditation as a scientific
investigation of the mind-matter phenomenon.
Vipassanā Movement The vipassanā meditation centers that he has
helped to establish and offer 10-day courses that
Satya Narayan Goenka, of Indian origin but born provide a thorough and guided introduction to the
and brought up in Myanmar, is a leading lay practice of vipassanā meditation. These courses are
teacher of vipassanā meditation. A leading indus- supported by voluntary donations and there are no
trialist in Myanmar after the Second World War, charges for either the course or the lodging and
he began teaching vipassanā in India in 1969. boarding during the course. All the centers are
Since then the vipassanā movement has been self-sufficient and their management is
growing in popularity and now vipassanā medita- decentralized. For the sake of uniformity, all public
tion centers exist in almost all the major cities of instruction during the retreat in all the centers is
India. About 1,000 assistant teachers have been provided by video and audio tapes of Goenka. In
trained by him and they supervise over 100,000 November 2008, the Global Vipassanā Pagoda,
people every year in the Goenka-led vipassanā world’s largest pillarless stone dome structure,
courses. Many governmental as well as private was inaugurated on the outskirts of Mumbai. This
institutions also make courses on vipassanā avail- pagoda is expected to attract hundreds of thousands
able to their personnel. of visitors from all over the world wanting to learn
Goenka’s emphasis on the nonsectarian, self- more about vipassanā.
dependent, and result-oriented nature of vipassanā Believing that theory and practice should go
has becomes quite popular among people looking side-by-side in vipassanā, Goenka established the
for a practical solution to stress and suffering. He Vipassanā Research Institute at Igatpuri to inves-
calls vipassanā meditation an experiential scien- tigate and publish literature on vipassanā and its
tific practice which consists of adherence to effects. Goenka also brought successfully the
a moral code and the observation of sensations. vipassanā meditation into prisons. One notable
To pacify the mind during vipassanā courses, stu- example was in 1993 when Kiran Bedi, a
dents are not allowed to have any contact either reformist Inspector General of Prisons, heard of
with the outside world or the other students. How- the success of vipassanā in a jail in Jaipur. A 10-
ever, they may contact an assistant teacher regard- day retreat involving both prison officials and
ing queries concerning the procedure or a student prisoners was then organized in India’s largest
manager for any material problems. Mere obser- prison Tihar Jail near New Delhi. This program
vation of breath allows the mind to become natu- was said to have led to dramatic changes in the
rally concentrated leading to preparation for the attitude of prisoners and jailers alike. Prisoners
central part of the vipassanā practice: nonattached who completed the 10-day course were less vio-
observation of the manifestation of reality in one’s lent and there was a lower rate of recidivism
own mind and body in the present moment. This is among them than the other prisoners. The docu-
the vipassanā practice itself which involves care- mentary film Doing Time, Doing Vipassanā is
fully observing the surface of the body and based on this experiment.
History, Indian Buddhism 563

Cross-References 11. Hirakawa A (1990) A history of Indian Buddhism:

from Śākyamuni to early Mahāyāna (trans: Groner
P). University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
▶ Ambedkar 12. Joshi LM (1967) Studies in the Buddhistic culture of
▶ Aśoka India, during the seventh and eighth centuries A.D.
▶ Bodhagayā Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
▶ Buddhist Councils 13. Lamotte E (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from
the origins to the āāka Era (trans: Webb-Boin S).
▶ Date of the Buddha Peeters Press, Louvain
▶ Decline of Indian Buddhism 14. Legge J (trans) (1965) A record of Buddhistic king-
▶ Dhamma doms: being an account by the Chinese monk Fa-Hien
▶ Enlightenment of his travels in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399–414) in
search of the Buddhist books of discipline. Dover,
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) New York
▶ Kapilavatthu 15. Masefield P (1986) Divine revelation in Pali Buddhism.
▶ Kusinārā Sri Lanka Institute of Traditional Studies, Colombo
▶ Lumbinī 16. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya
Samsad, Calcutta
▶ Mahāyāna
▶ Persecution (Buddhism)
17. Mitra RC (1954) The decline of Buddhism in India.
Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, Birbhum
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▶ Rāhula 18. Nakamura H (1980) Indian Buddhism: a survey with
▶ Sārnāth bibliographical notes. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
19. Omvedt G (1994) Dalits and the democratic revolu-
▶ Tantra tion: Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in colo-
▶ Theravāda nial India. Sage, Delhi
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism) 20. Ray RA (1994) Buddhist saints in India: a study in
▶ Vipassanā Buddhist values and orientations. Oxford University
Press, Oxford/New York
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) 21. Sarao KTS (2009) Origin and nature of ancient Indian
▶ Yijing Buddhism, 3rd edn. Munishiram Manoharlal, New
Delhi
22. Sarao KTS (2011) The decline of Indian Buddhism:
a new perspective. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
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monks: collected papers on the archaeology, epigra-
1. Ahir DC (1989) The pioneers of Buddhist revival in phy, and texts of monastic Buddhism in India. Univer-
India. Sri Satguru, Delhi sity of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
2. Allchin FR (1995) The archaeology of early historic 24. Snellgrove DL (1987) Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Indian
South Asia: the emergence of cities and states. Buddhists and their Tibetan successors. Shambala,
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK Boston
3. Almond PC (1988) The British discovery of Bud- 25. Stein B (1998) A history of India. Blackwell, Oxford
dhism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK 26. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka: a study
4. Bapat PV (1956) 2500 years of Buddhism. Govern- and translation of the Aśokāvadāna. Princeton Univer-
ment of India Publications Division, New Delhi sity Press, Princeton
5. Bareau A (1955) Les sectesbouddhiques du petit 27. Strong SJ (1995) The experience of Buddhism:
véhicule. Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Saigon sources and interpretations. Wadsworth Publishing,
6. Bechert H, Gombrich R (eds) (1984) The World of Belmont
Buddhism: Buddhist monks and nuns in society and 28. Strong JS (2001) The Buddha: a short biography.
culture. Thames and Hudson, London Oneworld, Oxford
7. Chakravarti U (1987) The social dimensions of early 29. Thapar R (1983) Aśoka and the decline of the
Buddhism. Oxford University Press, Delhi Mauryas. Oxford University Press, Delhi
8. Dutt S (1962) Buddhist monks and monasteries of 30. Warder AK (1970) Indian Buddhism. Motilal
India: their history and their contribution to Indian Banarsidass, Delhi
culture. Allen and Unwin, London 31. Wilkinson TS, Thomas MM (eds) (1972) Ambedkar
9. Gokhale J (1990) From concessions to confrontation: and the Neo-Buddhist Movement. Christian Literature
the politics of an Indian untouchable community. Society, Madras
Popular Prakashan, Bombay 32. Xuanzang (1996) The great Tang Dynasty record of
10. Hart W (1987) The art of living: Vipassana meditation: the western regions (trans: Li Rongxi). Numata Center
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33. Yijing (2000) Buddhist monastic traditions of southern Buddhist Attitudes to Same-Sex Desire
Asia: a record of the inner law sent home from the
south seas (trans: Li Rongxi). Numata Center for
Buddhist Translation and Research, Berkeley Same-sex desire and intra-gender love as variants
34. Zelliot E (1992) From untouchable to Dalit: essays on of human sexuality feature, albeit somewhat mar-
the Ambedkar Movement. Manohar, New Delhi ginally, in the historical sources of Indian
Buddhism.
From a social-constructionist point of view,
Hita “homosexuality” as an identitarian (essentialist)
concept is the meme of a nineteenth-century Euro-
▶ Education (Jainism) pean discourse and, as such, not easily applicable
outside its historical and geographical nexus.
Furthermore, neither the distinction between
sex (as biological) and gender (as culturally
Hōben constructed) nor the male-female gender binary
is easily compatible with classical Indian thought;
▶ Upāya here, sex/gender is approached as being threefold
(in some Buddhist approaches as fourfold). The
classical Indian system includes performances of
“sexual orientation” and “gender categories” in its
Holy Teaching of Vimalakirti “third sex/gender” [1, 2].
One term connected to the third sex/gender in
▶ Vimalakīrti Buddhist and Indian medical literature is
paṇḍaka, which seems to denote persons who
engage in passive homosexual acts and/or per-
form gender defiance (trans/genderqueer perfor-
Holy War mances) ([3], pp. 413–415).
Most early Buddhist sources focus on sexual
▶ Warfare (Buddhism) desires and acts in the context of monastic disci-
pline. While restricting access to the order for inter-
sex and paṇḍakas, intra-gender desire and sexual
activities are not particularly stigmatized in the
Homosexuality (Buddhism) early Buddhist monastic codes: same-sex (specifi-
cally: male) mutual masturbation and penetrative
Burkhard Scherer sex are condemned as breach of celibacy, while
Department of Theology and Religious Studies, there is no clear awareness of female–female
Canterbury Christ Church University, Canterbury, desire/sexual activity. Still, Buddhist monastic
Kent, UK codes are chiefly occupied with legislating against
cross-gender, procreative sex [4–6].
For lay ethics, there are no early Buddhist
Synonyms sources condemning intra-gender desire. The
third precept – avoidance of sexual wrong-doing
Intra-gender love; Same-sex desire – is not particularly specified in any other way
than as to avoid incest, coercion, and harm to
existing status such as celibacy or marriage.
Definition Singular sources from the fifth century C.E.
onward (such as Buddhagosa in his Dīghanikāya
Attitudes to same-sex desire and intra-gender love commentary DA 853 and the Saddharmasmṛtyu-
in Buddhism. pasthana Sūtra quoted in Śāntideva’s
Homosexuality (Jainism) 565

Śikṣāsamuccaya) occasionally condemn male-male 2. Sweet M, Zwilling L (2000) The evolution of third-sex
sexual contacts as sexual wrong-doing (Pāli kāmesu constructs in ancient India: a study of ambiguity. In:
Leslie J, McGee M (eds) Invented identities: the inter-
micchācāra; [3], p. 421). The Abhidharmakośa by play of gender, religion and politics in India. Oxford
Vasubandhu (fourth century C.E.) prohibits oppo- University Press, Oxford, pp 99–132
site-sex anal and oral sex and, although Vasubandhu 3. Harvey P (2000) An introduction to Buddhist ethics.
does not explicitly refer to same-sex intercourse, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp 411–434
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by analogy. The prohibition of same-sex intercourse ity, and gender. SUNY Press, Albany, pp 203–213
in the Abhidharmakośa tradition is made explicit by 5. Cabezon J (1993) Homosexuality and Buddhism.
Tibetan Buddhist master sGam po pa (twelfth cen- In: Swidler A (ed) Homosexuality and world religions.
Trinity Press, Valley Forge
tury C.E.) in his Jewel Ornament of Liberation 6. Gyatso J (2003) One plus one makes three: Buddhist
(Thar rgyan). gender, monasticism, and the law of the non-excluded
In terms of gender identity, Buddhism(s) as middle. HR 43:89–115
a nonessentialist, experiential system(s) occasion- 7. Scherer B (2006) Gender transformed and meta-
gendered enlightenment: reading Buddhist narratives
ally provide(s) remarkable space for gender fluid-
ity and inclusiveness; early sources show
as paradigms of inclusiveness. REVER 6(3):65–76
8. Schalow P (1992) Kūkai and the tradition of male love
H
transgender monastics being reaffirmed in their in Japanese Buddhism. In: Cabezón J (ed) Buddhism,
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9. Faure B (1998) The red thread: Buddhist approaches
Buddhism utilizes techniques and symbolism to sexuality. Princeton University Press, Princeton
deconstructing and transcending gender binaries 10. Leyland W (ed) (1998) Queer Dharma: voices of gay
([7], p. 74). Buddhists. Gay Sunshine Press, San Francisco
Buddhist attitudes toward intra-gender love 11. Corless R (1998) Coming out in the Sangha: Queer
community in American Buddhism. In: Prebish CS,
continue to adapt culturally and geographically Tanaka KT (eds) The faces of Buddhism in America.
through the centuries. For example, the condem- UCL Press, Berkeley, pp 253–265
nation of same-sex desire in Tibetan Buddhism 12. Corless R (2000) Gay Buddhist fellowship. In: Queen
(for instance, in the aforementioned influential CS (ed) Engaged Buddhism in the West. Wisdom,
Boston, pp 269–279
work of sGam po pa, twelfth century C.E.) can 13. Leyland W (ed) (2000) Queer Dharma: voices of gay
be contrasted with the praise of erotic desire Buddhists, vol 2. Gay Sunshine Press, San Francisco
between Shingon monks and novices in Medieval 14. Cage W (2005) Lesbian, gay, and bisexual Buddhist
Japan ([8]; [9], pp. 233–240). practitioners. In: Thumma S, Gray ER (eds) Gay reli-
gion. Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, pp 139–151
In global and postcolonial Buddhism(s), les- 15. Corless R (2010) Analogue consciousness isn’t just
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[10–15].

Homosexuality (Jainism)
Cross-References
Michael Anderson
▶ Gender (Buddhism) Claremont School of Theology, Claremont
Lincoln University, Claremont, CA, USA

References Synonyms
1. Sweet M, Zwilling L (1993) The first medicalization:
the taxonomy and etiology of queerness in classical Kliba; Napumsaka; Napumsakaveda; Same-sex
Indian medicine. J Hist Sex 3:590–607 desire; Sandha(ka)
566 Homosexuality (Jainism)

Definition person might be, as compared to that of a man or

woman” ([3], p. 361). Zwilling and Sweet argue
Same-sex desire in Jainism. that the concept took shape in a more concrete
sense “during the late Vedic period (eighth to sixth
centuries B.C.E.) on the basis of observed male
Homosexuality and Jainism gender-role noncomformity” ([3], p. 362). Even-
tually, the term napumsaka was formally adopted
It is not surprising that the topic of homosexuality as the technical term for a distinct, third grammat-
within Jainism is not a new phenomenon or con- ical gender. This term, napumsaka, would literally
versation. Although there may be considerably less translate to “‘not-a-male,’ that is unmale,” and
“discussion of the construction of homosexual and its definition in terms of grammatical gender
other sexually variant or atypical (that is queer) would be interpreted as “neither male nor female”
gender-role identities” in India in comparison to ([3], p. 362). Zwilling and Sweet also point out
the West, it is not as if these conversations had the heavy role in which Indian medical texts
never happened ([1], p. 590). In fact, prior to con- and medicalization played in the construction of
temporary debates about homosexuality and queer sexual identities that populated the intellectual
identities, Jainism had developed a coherent and climate at the time. Most of these designations –
nuanced understanding of the relationship (or in kliba, sandha(ka), and the napumsaka of
this case, the lack thereof) between gender, anatom- note – appeared to “share a commonality of devi-
ical sex, and sexuality. As Padmanabh Jaini notes, ation from normative expectations of sexual anat-
omy or physiology, gender-role behavior, or
[T]he concept of veda, sexual orientation that is not sexual behavior. . . as well as some deficiency of
necessarily related to biological gender, appears to
be unique to the Jaina texts in traditional India and procreative interest or ability” ([1], p. 594).
to constitute the only consistent theoretical attempt The importance of the third sex and the con-
in this culture, and perhaps any premodern culture, versation about homosexuality was of primary
to explain the phenomena of heterosexuality and interest for early Jains, precisely because it dealt
homosexuality. ([2], p. xviii)
with the “capacity to be monks or lay disciples”
The question about homosexuality is directly ([4], p. 467). In fact, Zwilling and Sweet highlight
and intimately tied to how early Jain thinkers that controlling the sexualities of both monks and
conceived of a “third sex,” known as the nuns was practical: “Jain ascetics were norma-
napumsaka, which was couched in an even larger tively celibate, and the prestige and power of the
discussion about the possibility of the spiritual Jain community partially depended on public con-
liberation of women ([2], p. xviii). Indeed, as fidence in the ‘purity’ of the Jain monks and nuns”
Leonard Zwilling and Michael J. Sweet explain, ([3], p. 364). Third-sex persons were a party of
the controversy of female ordination hinged “on everyday life, and as such, they “could not be
the identification of the quality or sign necessary ignored either as ‘insiders,’ which led to discus-
to designate a person as a woman. . . [which] sions of their status as monks or lay followers, or
involved an examination of what it meant to be as ‘outsiders,’ members of the society at large
male, and neither male nor female as well” ([3], with which Jain ascetics had to interact” ([3],
pp. 364–365). p. 364). Rather than accept the prevailing views
Zwilling and Sweet note that an understanding on sexuality that were espoused at the time, Jain
of a “third sex” in India has always been accepted thinkers “went beyond the mere citation of sexual
or at least acknowledged. They explain that it is behavior as a marker of sex. . . looking instead at
precisely because Jains “shared the pan-Indian an underlying sexuality motivating the sexual
acceptance of a third sex, the Jains like many behavior of all the sexes” ([3], p. 366). In later
other Indian schools of thought, were led to spec- canonical literature, Jains conceptualized veda –
ulate on the nature (svabhaya) of such a third-sex a term which refers to physical sex, a
Homosexuality (Jainism) 567

psychological feeling or sexuality, and a particular them incapable of maintaining their vows” ([3],
type of karma – which ultimately recognized p. 377). This was also the same “rationale for the
a third-sex sexuality. Although this third-sex sex- exclusion of third-sex persons from living in
uality was highly ambiguous, persons with a third a same-sex community,” because the third-sex
sex were viewed “in the same light as women, that person would be a danger to themselves, but also
is, as potential dangers to the chastity of monks,” a tempter for normative males and females ([3],
which lead to “injunctions against associating p. 378). This issue also affected the ways in which
with them” ([3], p. 368). These figures were con- third-sex persons were considered to be lay disci-
sidered as “possessing both male and female libi- ples or donors. Zwilling and Sweet mention that
dos, and thus, as hypersexual” ([4], p. 467). In over time, the ban against the ordination of third-
fact, this desire was metaphorically compared as sex persons slowly changed. These changes were
the intensity of a burning city ([3], p. 368). made partly on practical grounds; however, there
Homosexual activity between Jain monks was was also a relaxation “based on a distinction hav-
actually considered to be a challenge to monastic ing been drawn between those third-sex persons
practice. Indeed, Zwilling and Sweet mention that who were capable of controlling their sexuality
“[o]ne of the three grounds on which a monk may and those who were not, which was the same H
be expelled from the community is homosexual distinction that was made in the case of suitable
behavior” ([3], pp. 373–374). However, the ques- donors to monks” ([3], pp. 378–379).
tion arose – how does one distinguish between Zwilling and Sweet note that originally there
napumsakas who have a third-sex sexuality and was a rejection of third-sex persons and homosex-
non-napumsakas who have a third-sex sexuality uals; however, the laxation of the rules leads “to
by the fact that they participated in same-sex a nearly total acceptance of third-sex persons as
behavior? Zwilling and Sweet offer that the participants in the Jain community” ([3], p. 379).
Jains developed a clever distinction between In many ways, this seems similar to some things
“the masculine napumsaka (purusanapumsaka) that Duli Chandra Jain explains when he answers
and the effeminate napumsaka (pandaga or the question of whether or not homosexuality is
kliba)” ([3], p. 373). The former of these, the immoral. Indeed, Chandra Jain’s answer is that
masculine napumsaka, were actually allowed to while homosexuality “involve[s] passions and
be ordained as monks ([3], p. 373). This distinc- stain[s] one’s thoughts and feelings,” it is possible
tion enabled Jain thinkers to view homosexual to set limits on such activities [5]. Chandra Jain
acts that are reciprocal – in the sense that both cites the principle of brahmacharya as the virtue
participants are active and receptive – would be of purity of body and mind; however, this same
done by males, while “purely receptive behavior principle is not uniquely applied to third-sex per-
is characteristic of the effeminate napumsaka” sons or homosexuals or whomever. Rather, this
([3], p. 374). The third sex was “tacitly admitted principle is applied across the board. Thus, the
to the homosexual sex;” although it was believed urges and passions of homosexuality need to be
to superficially be bisexual (in that third-sex sex- controlled just as the same urges and passions of
uality had both male and female libidos), heterosexuality need to be controlled.
it “conceals an essential homosexual core”
([3], p. 374). However, this nonetheless led Jain
scholars to also consider a “universal potential for References
a bisexual orientation” ([3], p. 374).
Homosexuality had implications of ordination 1. Sweet MJ, Zwilling L (1993) The first medicalization:
as well. Zwilling and Sweet mention that because the taxonomy and etiology of queerness in classical
Indian medicine. J Hist Sex 3(4):590–607
of the excessive libidinousness of third-sex per-
2. Jaini PS (1991) Gender and salvation: Jaina debates on
sons, these people were “denied ordination. . . the spiritual liberation of women. University of Califor-
[because that excessiveness] is believed to render nia Press, Berkeley
568 Hphags-pa-lha (Tibetan)

3. Zwilling L, Sweet MJ (1996) “Like a city ablaze:” the these rights is mandatory and an individual can
third sex and the creation of sexuality in Jain religious invoke them whenever and wherever they are
literature. J Hist Sex 6(3):359–384
4. Sweet MJ (2000) India. In: Haggerty GE (ed) Gay violated. All the human beings have and should
histories and cultures. Garland, New York, pp 466–468 enjoy them. They exist as standards of justifica-
5. Jain DC (2004) Answers to some frequently asked tion and disapproval irrespective of whether they
questions. In: Dobrin AB (ed) Religious ethics: are acknowledged and put into effect by the legal
a sourcebook. Hindi Granth Karyalay, Mumbai
authority of a state or not. The aim of the human
rights is to identify the necessary negative as well
as positive prerequisites to lead a minimally
decent life, such as right against torture, right to
Hphags-pa-lha (Tibetan) own property, right to have clean environment,
right to free speech and movement, and right to
▶ Āryadeva
adequate standard of living. Such aspirations have
been enshrined in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (UDHR) that was adopted by the
Hrdaya Sūtra UN General Assembly on 10 December 1948.
˙ Articles 1 and 2 of the UDHR, along with its
▶ Heart Sūtra preamble, form the guiding principles with their
ideals of dignity, freedom, justice, peace, equality,
and brotherhood. Its main body forms four cate-
gories. The first category (Articles 3–11) consists
Hsuan Chwang of rights of the individual, such as the right to life,
liberty, and security, right to equality before the
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) law and to be presumed innocent till found guilty,
right to an effective remedy by the competent
authority in case of violation of any of the rights,
prohibition of slavery or servitude, prohibition of
Hsüan-Tsang torture, and prohibition of arbitrary arrest, deten-
tion, or exile. The second category (Articles
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) 12–17) consists of the rights of the individual in
civil and political society including right to pri-
vacy, freedom of movement and asylum, and the
right to own property. The third category (Articles
Human Rights in Buddhism 18–21) consists of spiritual, public, and political
rights including the right to freedom of opinion,
K. T. S. Sarao thought, expression, conscience, and religion; the
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of right to freedom of peaceful assembly and associ-
Delhi, Delhi, India ation; and the right to participate in the gover-
nance as well as equal access to public service of
the country. The fourth category (Articles 22–27)
Definition consists of social, economic, and cultural rights
indispensable for an individual’s dignity and the
Basic moral guarantees that people universally free development of his/her personality. These
enjoy for being human beings. include the right to social security, the right to
work and protection against unemployment, the
Human rights may be defined as basic moral guar- right to equal pay for equal work, the right to rest
antees that people universally enjoy for being and leisure, the right to education, and the right to
human beings. In a civil society compliance with adequate standard of living. Articles 28–30 refer
Human Rights in Buddhism 569

to the existence of congenial social and interna- beings because fundamentally all life has
tional order for the full realization of the rights set a desire to safeguard itself and make itself com-
in the UDHR and everyone’s duties towards the fortable and happy.
community. Though the onus for securing human The admirable virtues of Buddhism such as the
rights lies on the legal authority of a state as well four characteristics of kindliness, i.e., dāna (liber-
as intergovernmental and international bodies, ality), peyyavajja (kindly speech), atthacariyā
each human being is expected to protect and pro- (sagacious conduct), and samānattatā (feeling of
mote the human rights of everybody else. Though common good or impartiality) ([21]: iii.145, 223);
some countries have refused to endorse the four qualities of character significant of a human
UDHR, Dalai Lama, who is considered as the being who has attained enfranchisement of the
reincarnation of Avalokiteśvara by his followers, heart, i.e., mettā (friendliness), karuṇā (compas-
declared most categorically and unreservedly in sion), upekhā (equanimity), and muditā (sympa-
his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech and thy) ([21]: iii.223; [2], p. 73); and ten perfections
again in the UN Conference on Human Rights (dasapāramiyo) of a bodhisatta consisting of
that as far as he was concerned, the UDHR is dāna (liberality), sī la (morality), nekkhamma
fully acceptable and worthy of being emulated (renunciation), paññā (wisdom), viriya (vigor), H
([6], p. xviii). khanti (tolerance), sacca (truthfulness),
Though not expressed as in its present phrase- adhiṭṭhāna (self-determination), mettā (friendli-
ology, the basic principles of the UDHR are fully ness), and upekhā (equanimity) ([8]: i.73; [18]:
supported and reinforced in the buddhavacana i.84), along with cāga (benevolence) ([22],
(teachings of the Buddha). As a religion and phi- p. 290; [17]: v.40, 209), kataññutā/kataveditā
losophy dealing with the welfare and happiness of (gratefulness) ([9]: ii.272), gāravatā (respect)
the masses (bahujanahitāya, bahujanasukhāya) ([17]:iii.330), peyyavajja (courtesy) ([21]:
([19]: i.23; [9]: iv.5), Buddhism upholds such iii.145), samānattatā (equanimity) ([17]: ii.32,
principles in greater depth and with much more 248; iv.219, 364; [21]: iii.152, 190), nikāra
concern than the UDHR itself. In fact, the Buddha (humility) ([8]: iii.120), khanti (tolerance) ([9]:
eloquently and explicitly upheld values that are v.169), saṃtuṭṭhi (satisfaction) with minimum
“akin to the modern concepts of human rights” ([21]: i.71; [2]: 265; [22], p. 204; [17]: ii.27, 31;
([20], p. viii). The Buddhist Pañcasī la (five vir- iii.219), khantisoracca (gentleness and forbear-
tues) embodies recognition of both the right to life ance) ([9]: i.100), alī natā (sincerity) ([8]: i.366),
and the right to property. Buddhism upholds that anupāyāsa (peacefulness) ([21]: iii.159; [17]:
all human beings are born with complete freedom iii.429), and paranuddayatā (sympathy with
and responsibility and from Buddhist perspective others) ([9]: ii.218), saccavajja (truthfulness)
“one is indeed one’s own lord” (attā hi ([21]: i.53; [9]: iv.349; [8]: iv.320); and above all
attanonātho) ([22], p. 160). In Buddhism, ahiṃsā ahiṃsā (noninjury) towards all forms of life
is taught from the standpoint that all people love (bī jagāmabhūtagāma) ([21]: i.5) are the founda-
their own lives and do not wish to be hurt or killed tion blocks of the moral basis of an individual’s
by others. This feeling of self-preservation and relationship with other fellow beings which would
self-love is transferred in thought to other people, soundly serve to fully realize the goals set out in
and in this way the love for and protection of the UDHR.
life come to be promoted. For instance, the Buddhism believes that all the living beings are
Dhammapada echoes this very idea by stating born again and again across the species indicating
that as all fear death, comparing others with one- that everybody is related to everybody else. Thus,
self, one should neither kill nor cause to kill ([22], in the cycle of births, every being one comes
p. 129). The Buddha felt that the humane senti- across, down to an insect, will at some time have
ment of appamānamettā (boundless friendliness) been a close friend or relative and had been very
([8]: ii.61) and mettacittaṃ (heart full of love) good to one ([9]: ii.189–190). Keeping this in
([21]: i.167) must be extended to all sentient mind, one is expected to reciprocate the kindness
570 Human Rights in Buddhism

in the present. Moreover, according to the Doctrine Buddhist perception of human rights may best
of Dependent Arising (Pāli: Paṭiccasamuppāda. be described in the words of the Dalai Lama, who
Sk: Pratī tyasamutpāda), nothing can exist inde- while addressing a conference on human rights
pendently and the world is interrelated to the extent organized by the United Nations in Vienna on 15
that whatever kind of wholesome or unwholesome June 1993 said: “No matter what country or con-
energy is generated by one individual, it affects tinent we come from we are all basically the same
everybody else. Moreover, as pointed out by the human beings. We have the common human
Dalai Lama, “the human heart and the environment needs and concerns. We all seek happiness and
are inseparably linked together. In this sense, envi- try to avoid suffering regardless of our race, reli-
ronmental education helps to generate both the gion, sex or political status. Human beings, indeed
understanding and the love we need to create the all sentient beings, have the right to pursue hap-
best opportunity there has ever been for peace and piness and live in peace and in freedom. As free
lasting coexistence” ([5], p. 32). He reiterates that human beings we can use our unique intelligence
Universal Responsibility is the real key to human to try to understand ourselves and our world. But
survival. According to him, “Respect for funda- if we are prevented from using our creative poten-
mental human rights should not remain an ideal tial, we are deprived of one of the basic character-
to be achieved but a requisite foundation for every istics of a human being. It is very often the most
human society” ([15], p. xviii). Dalai Lama gifted, dedicated and creative members of our
strongly feels that “a clean environment is a society who become victims of human rights
human right like any other. It is therefore part of abuses. Thus the political, social, cultural and
our responsibility toward others to ensure that the economic developments of a society are
world we pass on is as healthy, if not healthier, than obstructed by the violations of human rights.
we found it” ([3], p. 211). Therefore, the protection of these rights and free-
Buddhism sees all human beings as equal in doms are of immense importance both for the
dignity and rights irrespective of considerations individuals affected and for the development of
such as caste, race, color, creed, and gender. The the society as a whole” ([15], p. xvii).
Buddha pointed out that, whereas in the case of
the plants and animal kingdoms, there are many
species and marks by which they could be distin- Cross-References
guished, in the case of man there are no such
species and no such marks ([2]: 600ff). Placing ▶ Ahimsa
man and woman on the same pedestal, Buddhism ▶ Dhammapada
does not recognize rights and freedoms for the ▶ Karuṇā
male which cannot be extended to the female. ▶ Metta
Indeed, as borne out by the Therīgāthā, women ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
actually enjoyed a high degree of intellectual free- ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
dom under Buddhism, being able thereby to gain
spiritual advancement on an equal basis. The Bud-
dha clearly held the view that one’s sex, like one’s
caste, presented no barrier to attaining the Bud- References
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2. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta.
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I

I-Ching general. Thus, for example, a wheel-turning king

is described as being endowed with the four iddhis
▶ Yijing of beauty, longevity, health, and popularity ([1],
Vol. II, p. 177), or the bodhisattva Gautama as
a prince is qualified as being in possession of the
iddhis of having a beautiful pleasure garden,
Iddhi exquisite clothing, being all the time protected
against heat and cold by a canopy, and having
Bhikkhu Anālayo different dwellings for each season, where even
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of the servants receive delicious food ([2], Vol. I,
Hamburg, Balve, Germany p. 145). Another example of such usage is when
a king proclaims that he will defeat his enemies,
even though they are of great power, mahiddhika
Synonyms ([1], Vol. II, p. 72), a term also used to describe the
power of the sun and the moon ([1], Vol. I, p. 78).
Ṛddhi (Sanskrit); supernatural power The meditative exercise of iddhi as a supernat-
ural power requires a strong basis in concentra-
tion, which according to early Buddhist
Definition meditation theory can be brought about through
the four roads to power, iddhipāda ([3], Vol. V,
Iddhi stands for power in a general sense and for p. 276). These are four modes of developing con-
the exercise of supernatural power in particular. centration by combining purposely directed effort
Early Buddhism holds that through systematic with one of the following four qualities:
cultivation of the mind it becomes possible to
develop various types of supernatural powers, • Zeal, chanda
ranging from reading the minds of others to • Energy, viriya
performing feats like levitation, etc. • (making up one’s) Mind, citta
• Investigation, vī maṃsā

Supernatural Powers The exercise of iddhi as a supernatural power

features as the first of six higher knowledges,
In a few instances in early Buddhist texts, the abhiññā, that according to early Buddhist medita-
expression iddhi has the sense of power in tion theory can be attained once the mind has
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
574 Iddhi

gained the concentrative strength of the fourth and [3], Vol. V, p. 259). Had he wished to do so, he
absorption, jhāna. The other five higher knowl- could even have turned a mountain into gold ([3],
edges are the divine ear (with the help of which Vol. I, p. 116). According to a historically later
one is able to hear sounds at a great distance), Jātaka text ([5], Vol. I, p. 77), on several
telepathic knowledge of the minds of others, rec- occasions the Buddha rose up into space and
ollection of one’s own former lives, the divine eye simultaneously emitted fire and water, thereby
(with the help of which one directly witnesses the performing the famous twin miracle,
passing away and being reborn of other living yamakapāṭihāriya, a frequent topic of sculptural
beings in accordance with their deeds), and the representations.
attainment of full liberation by way of destruction A monk disciple of the Buddha shakes
of the unwholesome influxes, āsava, in one’s a monastic building with his toe ([3], Vol. V,
own mind. p. 270), and another monk conjures up a cool
The standard description of the first of these six breeze to enable his fellow monks to return com-
higher knowledges, the ability to exercise differ- fortably to the monastery after a heavy dinner on
ent kinds of supernatural powers, iddhi-vidha, a hot day ([3], Vol. IV, p. 289). When the donor of
describes the following feats: the meal asks for further miracles, the same monk
mentally produces fire that burns up grass piled on
• Multiplying oneself top of the donor’s cloth, without harming the
• Disappearing and reappearing at will cloth. Another monk, disciple of a former Bud-
• Passing through mountains and walls as if dha, becomes partly or fully invisible while deliv-
these were space ering a talk in the Brahmā world and makes his
• Diving into the earth and emerging again as if it voice heard throughout the thousandfold world
were water system ([3], Vol. I, p. 156).
• Walking on the surface of water as if it were More miraculous feats are recorded in the Pāli
earth Vinaya. One of these involves a monk who
• Moving cross-legged through space like a bird changes his appearance into a young boy in
• Touching with one’s hands the sun and the order to impress a king ([6], Vol. II, p. 185).
moon Another monk exhibits his psychic powers
• Wielding mastery with the body up to the through an act of levitation in order to obtain
Brahmā world a costly sandalwood bowl hanging at the top of
a high pole ([6], Vol. II, p. 111). The bowl had
A simile given to exemplify such ability been set as a prize by a merchant for anyone able
describes a skilled potter, ivory worker, or gold- to reach it through the exercise of supernormal
smith who is able to fashion any shape he wishes ability.
out of the raw material of clay, ivory, or gold he Yet another monk transforms a roll of grass
has at his disposition ([4], Vol. II, p. 18). into a golden garland in order to assuage the
The early Buddhist discourses report several grief of a little girl in the house of his supporters,
actual occurrences of supernormal feats. Thus, the who due to poverty is not able to adorn herself like
Buddha keeps at bay the robber Aṅgulimāla, who the other girls in the village ([6], Vol. I, p. 208).
is in hot pursuit intending to kill the Buddha, When the king finds out that the poor family is in
through an act of supernormal power that makes possession of a golden garland he has the whole
it impossible for the running robber to catch up family arrested, suspecting them to be thieves.
with the Buddha who is walking slowly ([4], The monk thereon visits the king and changes
Vol. II, p. 99). On another occasion, the Buddha the whole palace into gold, thereby proving that
rises up into the air and emits flames ([1], Vol. III, the poor family could have come to possess
p. 27). His mastery of the roads to power, a golden garland without thievery.
iddhipāda, was such that he would have been These instances leave little doubt that the abil-
able to prolong his lifespan ([1], Vol. II, p. 102 ity to exercise supernatural powers is an integral
Idealism (Buddhism) 575

part of early Buddhism. Nevertheless, such abili- three extraordinary feats, however, leads to
ties are not seen as central to Buddhist practice. In a different type of faith or inner confidence, as it is
fact, the supreme type of achievement among the not based on the abilities of others, but on having
six higher knowledges, aññā, is the gaining of full realized within oneself the truth and efficacy of the
awakening, which is reckoned far superior to any instructions one has received.
supernatural feat. Another discourse indicates
that, when contrasted to mastery over the mind’s
tendency to react with likes and dislikes, the type Cross-References
of supernormal powers described under the first of
the six higher knowledges is certainly inferior ▶ Abhiññā
([1], Vol. III, p. 112). ▶ Magic (Buddhism)
Moreover, the display of supernormal abilities ▶ Samatha
for ulterior purposes is considered improper. In
the above-described case of the monk who
displayed levitation in order to obtain a costly References
sandalwood bowl, the Vinaya reports that he met
with the Buddha’s censure, who compared his act 1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London I
to a woman exhibiting her private parts for
2. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
payment. The story concludes with the Buddha Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
declaring it a minor offense, dukkaṭa, if 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
a monastic exhibits supernormal abilities to laity. Pali Text Society, Oxford
4. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
The use of marvelous feats for conversion pur-
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
poses similarly meets with criticism. In reply to 5. Fausbøll V (ed) (1877–1896) The Jātaka together with
a request for the performance of wonders ([1], Vol. its commentary, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London
I, p. 212), the Buddha is on record as having stated 6. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1882) Vinayapiṭakaṃ, 5 vols.
Pali Text Society, Oxford
that he will not let his monks make any public
7. French HW (1977) The concept of iddhi in early Bud-
display of supernormal abilities. This is followed dhist thought. Pali Buddh Rev 2:42–77
by differentiating between three types of extraor- 8. Gethin R (1992) The notion of iddhi in the
dinary feats: Nikāyas. In: id. The Buddhist path to awakening:
a study of the Bodhi-Pakkhiyā Dhammā. Brill, Leiden,
pp 97–101
• Supernormal powers such as multiplying 9. Granoff P (1996) The ambiguity of miracles, Buddhist
oneself understandings of supernatural power. East West
• The telepathic ability to read the mind of others 46:79–96
• Instructions on how to train one’s own mind

The third of these three is reckoned the supe-

rior one, since instructions on how to develop and Idealism (Buddhism)
liberate the mind will enable others to come to
realization by themselves. According to this pas- Sarah Whylly
sage, the way the Buddha wanted his teachings to Religion Department, Florida State University,
impress themselves on the public was through the Tallahassee, FL, USA
power of instructions that lead to self-realization,
instead of trying to amaze the multitude with
exhibitions of miraculous powers. Synonyms
The rationale behind this disapproval of the exhi-
bition of psychic feats appears to be that faith based Absolute idealism; Metaphysical idealism (Bud-
on any external display will always remain a type of dhism); Objective idealism; Philosophical ideal-
faith that can be shaken by others. The third of the ism (Buddhism); Subjective idealism
576 Idealism (Buddhism)

Definition are the ones frequently used to describe Buddhist

Idealism. Subjective idealists hold the view that
A philosophical position, noted to be present in the existence of objects depends upon my mind.
Buddhist thought, that emphasizes the role of Absolute idealism holds that there is an identity
a subject in which it is postulated that any experi- relation between thought and being. Basically, all
ence or knowledge of the external world and the objects and the minds that cognize them are a part
objects contained therein is always mediated by of a whole, a complete mental thing.
a mind or minds of some kind. Epistemic idealism, set apart from metaphysi-
cal idealism, is the view that persons know things
as they are presented by persons’ notions of them:
Philosophical Idealism the descriptions, concepts or names that apply to
them, and the categories people place them in. In
The term idealism, as a way of referring to other words, human minds present objects to per-
a particular philosophical view, has many varia- sons in particular ways. People never encounter
tions which are directed to problems in episte- objects away from the mind’s framing of them.
mology, metaphysics, and ethics among other Scholars have not concluded the debate over
subjects. A simplified explanation of idealism is what kind of idealism most appropriately
that it is the view that experience of the external describes the idealism of Buddhism [18]. For
world is always mediated by minds. Therefore, this reason, some scholars have suggested that
experience of the external world is dependent Buddhist idealism be given its own separate
upon mental activity. Some idealists claim that subcategory under the category of idealism. The
since persons can never be certain of the nature Yogācāra school is the focus of the study of ide-
or existence of the external world, outside of their alism in Indian Buddhist thought.
own minds, the external world lacks reality. This
claim, of course, rests on an association between
what is real and what is accessible by a perceiver. Philosophical Idealism in Indian
For example, one might think that objects in the Buddhist Thought
external world are real, but that persons cannot
ever experience them directly, as they exist inde- It is claimed that the Yogācāra or the Vijñānavāda
pendently outside of the perceiver. Such a person school of Buddhist thought is idealist in some
might therefore claim that the nature of the exis- sense. It is frequently referred to as the mind-
tence of such objects is not real, in any meaningful only or consciousness-only school. This implies
sense, to the perceiver. Other idealists also claim that Yogācāra takes up the position that existence
that reality is only achieved through the mediating is consciousness and nothing else. Several figures
faculties of a perceiver. This allows for the claim of prominence have been identified as holding
that reality is dependent upon a perceiving mind. views correspondent with idealism in the
classical literature. Among them were Asaṅga,
Vasubandhu, Dignāga, and Dharmakīrti.
Relevant Types of Idealism Asaṅga’s dates are within the fourth or fifth cen-
tury C.E. Frequently regarded as cofounder of the
There are a few main types of idealism which are Yogācāra school along with Vasubandhu, his half
integral to understanding the ways in which one brother, Asaṅga converted to Mahayana. He was
might think of certain schools of Buddhist thought also responsible, by most accounts, for the conver-
as idealist. Metaphysical idealism is the view that sion of Vasubandhu. His writings include the
the universe and the objects which make it up are Abhidharma-samuccaya, Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra,
dependent upon a mind for their existence. There and the Mahāyāna-samgraha. Vasubandhu, whose
are several kinds of metaphysical idealists; how- dates are within the same time as his brother Asaṅga,
ever, subjective idealism and absolute idealism is considered the more prolific writer of the two and
Idealism (Buddhism) 577

also the more influential. His writings include the P.T. Raju, and Ashok Kumar Chatterjee helped to
Abhidharma-kośa, the Abhidharmakośa-bhāsya, shape the view of Yogācāra as an idealistic posi-
the Vimśatikāvijñaptimātratāsiddhi, the Triṃśikā- tion. Later scholarship by thinkers like Jay Garfield
vijñaptimātratā, Mahāyāna-samgrahabhāṣya, and Jeffrey Hopkins has offered analyses of
Dasabhūmikabhāsya, Catuhśataka-śāstra, Yogācāra views which contribute to a more
Mahāyāna śatadharmā-prakāśamukha-śāstra, nuanced view of the ways in which Yogācāra
Amitayus sutropadeśa, Vijnaptimatrata-śastra, may be considered idealist. Saam Trivedi and
Karmasiddhiprakarana, and Discourse on the others have also offered up scholarship that allows
Pure Land. He contributed to the development for specificity as to the kind of idealism that
of Buddhist logic and is viewed by some scholars Yogācāra offers as well as pointing out the differ-
as having been the originator of formal logic. ences between it and its Western counterparts. The
Dignāga (c. 450–540 C.E.) was a Buddhist study of idealism in Buddhism, particularly the
logician primarily interested in the relationship Yogācāra school, has been further expanded by
between logic and epistemology. He is credited those who critique the attribution of this philosoph-
with introducing a new form of deductive reason ical label, for many different reasons, to the school.
as well as formalizing rules of inference. With
regard to epistemology, his interests were directed
I
to questions of how persons know anything and Cross-References
their justification for claiming that they know it.
Most important among Dignāga’s writings ▶ Asaṅga
are Hetucakra, Ālambana-parī kṣā, Pramāṇa- ▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660)
samuccaya, and Nyāya-mukha. Dharmakīrti ▶ Dignāga
(c. 600) is considered to be the greatest of the ▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
early Buddhist logicians. His thought is differen- ▶ Logic (Buddhism)
tiated in the new approaches he takes to episte- ▶ Mind (Buddhism)
mology and logic from the earlier Buddhist ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
idealists. He was also interested in metaphysics, ▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
particularly with regard to describing the exis- ▶ Reality (Buddhism)
tence of objects and causal relations. Dharmakīrti ▶ Transcendental Virtues
authored Seven Treatises on Valid Cognition as ▶ Truth (Buddhism)
commentaries on the work of Dignāga. These ▶ Vasubandhu
treatises were Pramāṇavārttika (Commentary on
Valid Cognition), Pramāṇaviniścaya (Ascertain-
ment of Valid Cognition), Nyāyabindu (Drops of References
Reasoning), Hetubindu (Drops of Logic),
Saṃbandhaparī kṣā (Inquiry into Relations), 1. Anacker S (1984) Seven works of Vasubandhu.
Vādanyāya (Reasoning of Debate), and Motilal Barasidass, Delhi
2. Chatterjee AK (1962) The Yogācāra idealism. Banaras
Saṃtānāntarasiddhi (Proof of Other Minds). Hindu University, Varanasi
3. Dasgupta S (1933) Indian idealism. Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, London
Contemporary Attributions of Idealism 4. Garfield J (2003) Empty words. Oxford University
Press, New York
in Indian Buddhist Thought 5. Hopkins J (2002) Reflections on reality: the three
natures and non-natures in the mind-only school. Uni-
Attributing idealism as a philosophical position to versity of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles
the Yogācāra school begins in the United States 6. Hopkins J (2003) Emptiness in the mind-only school
of Buddhism. University of California Press, Los
and Britain during the period of the 1930s and Angeles
is written on most extensively through the 7. King R (1994) Early Yogacara and its relation with the
1960s. Thinkers such as Surendranath Dasgupta, Madhyamaka School. Philos East West 44:659–686
578 Ignorance

8. Kochumuttom TA (1989) A Buddhist doctrine of

experience. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi Ineffable
9. Lusthaus D (2002) Buddhist phenomenology.
Routledge Curzon, London
10. Perrett R (ed) (2000) Indian philosophy: epistemol- ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
ogy, vol 1. Garland, New York
11. Perrett R (ed) (2000) Indian philosophy: logic and
philosophy of language, vol 2. Garland, New York
12. Perrett R (ed) (2000) Indian philosophy: metaphysics,
vol 3. Garland, New York Information
13. Phillips SH (1995) Classical Indian metaphysics.
Open Court, Chicago ▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
14. Potter K (1995) Bibliography of Indian philosophies.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi. Online updates available
at http://faculty.washington.edu/kpotter/
15. Raju PT (1953) Idealistic thought of India. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge Insight
16. Rotem O (1993) Vasubandhu’s idealism: an encounter
between philosophy and religion. Asian Philos
3(1):15–28 Bhikkhu Anālayo
17. Rotem O (1998) Vijnaptimatrata and the Abhidharma Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
contest of early Yogacara. Asian Philos 8(1):5–18 Hamburg, Balve, Germany
18. Trivedi S (2005) Idealism and Yogacara Buddhism.
Asian Philos 15(3):231–246

Synonyms

Ignorance Vipassanā (Pāli); Vipaśyanā (Sanskrit)

▶ Avijjā
Definition

Impermanence Developed in conjunction with mental tranquility,

samatha, insight is the most vital aspect in the
▶ Anicca systematic cultivation of the mind in Buddhism,
being responsible for the growth of wisdom that
issues in liberation.

Incredibility

▶ Skepticism The Significance of Insight

Insight stands for a mental vision that “sees,”

passati, in an “intensified” and also “analytical”
Individual
manner, vi-. According to early Buddhist medita-
tion theory, such insight is the key requirement for
▶ Puḍgala (Puggala)
liberation. In fact, progress toward liberation sets
the context for the early Buddhist conception of
vipassanā, which stands for “liberating insight,”
Individuality that is, for the type of insight whose growth cul-
minates in the total release of the mind from the
▶ Puḍgala (Puggala) grip of defilements and delusion.
Insight 579

True insight is diametrically opposed to the by way of theft, or consciously speaking false-
four perversions, vipallāsa. These four perver- hood ([2], Vol. I, p. 523). The profound insight
sions refer to mistaking what is impermanent, and concomitant inner purification reached with
unsatisfactory, not-self, and unattractive for full liberation also makes it impossible for an
being the opposite ([1], Vol. II, p. 52). arahant to engage in sexual activity or else to
Undermining the force of these perversions hoard up things for the sake of sensual enjoyment.
through insight is what gradually eradicates the That is, from an early Buddhist perspective, gen-
defilements in the mind and thereby leads to uine growth of insight can be measured in terms of
increasing degrees of dispassion and inner free- the degree to which true inner detachment mani-
dom. Cultivated in this way, insight reveals fests in ethical purity.
a vision of the world that is held to be increasingly The potential benefits of the path of insight
in accordance with reality. are available to all those who engage in its practice
and caste or gender are of no relevance. As a fully
awakened nun reportedly proclaimed in reply to
The Development of Insight a challenge, womanhood is of no relevance once
the mind is well concentrated and the teaching is
Key requirements for the development of insight properly seen with insight ([3], Vol. I, p. 129).
I
are that the hindrances are abandoned and the What should be properly seen with insight is
factors of awakening are developed. The hin- whatever occurs in the present moment. This
drances, nīvaraṇa, are five factors that early Bud- requirement is the theme of a set of stanzas on
dhist meditation theory singles out as particularly how to best spend an “auspicious night.”
obstructive to clarity of mind and therewith to all According to these stanzas, one should not go
attempts at meditation. The standard listing enu- after the past, nor yearn for the future. Instead,
merates sensual desire, ill will, sloth-and-torpor, spending one’s time in a truly auspicious manner
restlessness-and-worry, and doubt. takes place when one sees with insight, vipassati,
Having overcome these five hindrances, the phenomena as and when they manifest in the
awakening factors, bojjhaṅga, can be cultivated, present moment ([2], Vol. III, p. 193).
the seven mental qualities that have to be brought Such insightful vision in the here and now is
into being in order to be able to gain awakening. also a key requirement of satipaṭṭhāna practice. In
Mindfulness constitutes the first and foundational fact, the four establishments of mindfulness,
factor in this set, followed by investigation of satipaṭṭhāna, provide a crucial basis for the
phenomena, energy, joy, tranquility, concentra- growth of insight. The teachings, however, also
tion, and equanimity. have an important role to play in the development
The development of insight stands within a of insight, in particular when insightful vision is
clear-cut ethical context and inevitably has ethical triggered through a particular instruction given by
repercussions. Genuine insight, from an early Bud- the Buddha.
dhist perspective, needs to be based on a sound In the early Buddhist discourses, the term
moral foundation. In turn, growth of insight will vipassanā stands predominantly for insight as
further strengthen this moral foundation, making a quality to be developed. This differs to some
certain unwholesome deeds a sheer impossibility extent from the modern usage, where vipassanā
for one endowed with higher insight. often refers to a particular form of meditation,
Such gradual ennobling through insight usually a specific technique whose practice marks
reaches its culmination point with the arahant. off one insight meditation tradition from another.
By dint of profound insight and inner purity an The somewhat nontechnical approach for the
arahant is said to be incapable of undertaking such development of the quality of insight depicted in
deeds as deliberately depriving another living the early Buddhist discourses often involves
being of life, appropriating what belongs to others the use of maxims, sayings, or brief instructions.
580 Insight

The standard pattern here is that a monastic disci- • Equanimity toward formations,
ple approaches the Buddha and requests instruc- saṅkhārupekkhā-ñāṇa
tions for solitary intensive practice. The teachings • Conformity, anuloma-ñāṇa
given in reply could be, for example: “by clinging
one is in bondage” ([3], Vol. III, p. 73). Often Knowledge of comprehension comes about
enough such an instruction, on being put into through contemplating the three characteristics
practice, leads to the attainment of full liberation. of impermanence, unsatisfactoriness, and not-
This certainly does not mean that insight is self. This then leads on to contemplating in par-
a matter of intellectual reflection. Rather, the ticular the characteristic of impermanence in
teachings play an all-important role as a catalyst terms of the arising and disappearing of phenom-
for the development of insight through ena. At this junction of progress, experiences can
meditation. arise that are “imperfections of insight” ([4],
p. 633). Such imperfections, upakkilesa, can
involve the experience of, for example, deep tran-
The Insight Knowledges quility, or penetrative insight, or firm equanimity.
Though being signs of progress, these experiences
A systematic survey of the key experience to be can be attached to and mistakenly grasped as
encountered during the progress of insight medi- attainments in themselves.
tation is not provided in the early Buddhist dis- Detached progress instead leads to a maturing
courses, but is only found in later literature. of the experience of the continuous arising and
Nevertheless, the scheme of insight knowledges passing away of all aspects of subjective experi-
has been and still is of considerable practical ence. This eventually culminates in an experience
importance in Theravāda meditation traditions of total dissolution, wherein the disappearance
and therefore deserves a closer scrutiny. aspect of all phenomena becomes particularly
The scheme of the “insight knowledges” prominent.
begins with two preliminary knowledges ([4], At this stage, when the entire meditative expe-
p. 587): “knowledge of delimitating name- rience is marked with constant dissolution and
and-form,” nāma-rūpa-pariccheda-ñāṇa, and disintegration, fear arises. Such fear manifests
“knowledge of discerning conditions,” paccaya- because the very foundation of what is taken
pariggaha-ñāṇa. These knowledges reveal the to be “I” and “mine” – whether explicitly as
insubstantiality of all aspects of personal exis- a rationalized self-notion or implicitly as
tence by analyzing body and mind into their com- a subconscious feeling of identity that lurks at
ponent parts as well as by revealing the the background of all experience – is experienced
conditioned interrelation of these component as unstable, as breaking down and disintegrating
parts. Once mind and matter have been discerned at every moment.
as distinct but interrelated phenomena, a series of The inherent disadvantage of all phenomena
ten insight knowledges can take off. These ten becomes evident, the whole world of experience
knowledges comprise: looses all its attraction, and an all-pervasive sense
of disenchantment sets in. Such disenchantment
• Comprehension, sammasana-ñāṇa then expresses itself in desire for deliverance.
• Arising and disappearing, udayabbaya-ñāṇa At this stage of practice, insight into the three
• Dissolution, bhaṅga-ñāṇa characteristics of impermanence, unsatisfactori-
• Fearfulness, bhaya-ñāṇa ness, and not-self becomes markedly clear with
• Disadvantageousness, ādī nava-ñāṇa knowledge due to reflection. This knowledge is
• Disenchantment, nibbidā-ñāṇa similar in type to the earlier knowledge of com-
• Desire for deliverance, muñcitukamyatā-ñāṇa prehension, but differs from the latter in intensity
• Reflection, paṭisaṅkhā-ñāṇa and clarity. Knowledge due to reflection gains its
Īśvarakartŗtvanirākŗti 581

momentum from having passed through the pre- 4. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1920) The Visuddhimagga of
vious insight experiences, in particular through Buddhaghosa. Pali Text Society, London
5. Cousins LS (1996) The origins of insight meditation.
the experiences of dissolution, fear, and Buddh Forum 4:35–57
disenchantment. 6. King WL (1992) Theravāda meditation, the Buddhist
Eventually, a profound sense of equanimity transformation of yoga. Motilal, Delhi
sets in, with which the not-self nature of reality 7. Kornfield J (1988) Living Buddhist masters. BPS,
Kandy
becomes evident with outstanding clarity. Medi- 8. Sayādaw M (1994) The progress of insight: a treatise
tation practice continues effortlessly at this point; on Satipaṭṭhāna meditation. BPS, Kandy
the mind is concentrated and well balanced. Full 9. Ñāṇārāma (1993) The seven stages of purification and
maturity of the development of insight comes with the insight knowledges. BPS, Kandy
10. Schmithausen L (1981) On some aspects of descrip-
the knowledge of conformity, which heralds the tions or theories of “Liberating Insight” and “Enlight-
breakthrough to the experience of Nirvāṇa. enment” in early Buddhism. In: Bruhn K (ed) Studien
At this point the series of ten insight knowl- zum Jainismus und Buddhismus, Gedenkschrift für
edges reaches its completion. The mind momen- Ludwig Alsdorf. Steiner, Wiesbaden, pp 199–250
11. Solé-Leris A (1992) Tranquillity & insight, an intro-
tarily withdraws from externals, and the duction to the oldest form of Buddhist meditation.
practitioner leaves the stage of being a worldling, BPS, Kandy
gotrabhū-ñāṇa. Immediately thereon follow the
I
experience of the path and fruition moment,
magga-ñāṇa and phala-ñāṇa, equivalent to reali-
zation of Nirvāṇa. On emerging from the experi- Inspired Utterances
ence of the supramundane, the mind naturally
looks back on the extraordinary experience that ▶ Udāna
has just happened and reviews what has taken
place, paccavekkhaṇa-ñāṇa.

Interfaith Dialogue
Cross-References
▶ Pluralism (Buddhism)
▶ Bhāvanā
▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
▶ Meditation
▶ Paññā Intra-gender Love
▶ Samatha
▶ Satipaṭṭhāna ▶ Homosexuality (Buddhism)
▶ Vipassanā
▶ Wisdom
▶ Wisdom (Buddhism)
Isipatana

References ▶ Sārnāth

1. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara

Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
2. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Īśvarakartŗtvanirākŗti
3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Pali Text Society, Oxford ▶ Atheism (Buddhism)
582 Itivuttaka

Itivuttaka mentioned in that list, the Chinese

Itivuttaka canon contains a translation of an Itivuttaka,
attributed to Xuanzang, which has close resem-
K. T. S. Sarao blance to the text of the Pāli Itivuttaka, the major
Department of Buddhist Studies, difference being that parts of the third nipāta and
University of Delhi, Delhi, India the whole of fourth nipāta are missing in
Xuanzang’s translation ([7]: 1906–1907).
Though the Itivuttaka is similar to the Udāna,
Definition but compared to the latter, its prose and verses
form a conceptual unit bringing the suttas closer to
The Itivuttaka is the fourth book of the Khuddaka the Sagāthavagga of the Sutta Nipāta ([2], p. 47).
Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka of Pāli Tipiṭaka. No place-name has been mentioned for its deliv-
ery, and its commentary, the Paramattha-Dī panī
Itivuttaka which literally means “so has been said ([1]: I.29.7-33.8), points out that all the suttas
(by the Lord)” or “the thus spoken (by the Lord)” were uttered in Kosambī and heard by the lay-
is the fourth book of the Khuddaka Nikāya and is woman Khujjuttarā (Uttarā, the Humpbacked),
an anthology of ethical teachings of the Buddha named foremost among laywomen due to her
dealing with a wide variety of moral subjects. It extensive knowledge by the Buddha himself
contains 112 very short discourses (Pāli, suttas; ([6]: I.26). She used to go regularly to listen to
Sk, sūtras), each of the which begins with the the Buddha when he was instructing the monks.
words “vuttaṃ h’etaṃ bhagavatā, vuttaṃ arahatā Consequently, Khujjuttarā became bahussutā (one
ti me suttaṃ” (this was said by the Lord, said by who had heard much) versed in dhamma and of
the Arahant, so have I heard) and ends in a verse. great wisdom. She was asked by 500 ladies in King
The text is numerically arranged in nipātas (sec- Udena’s harem, chief of whom was Sāmāvatī, to
tions) from one to four, and each of these nipātas tell them what she had heard and to instruct them.
is further divided into vaggas (chapters). The first She did so and all of the ladies learned by heart
nipāta is divided into three vaggas consisting of what she told them. The tradition arose that it was
ten, ten, and seven suttas, respectively. The sec- Itivuttaka that she had repeated thus. However,
ond nipāta consists of two vaggas containing ten there is no evidence of this but as Hinüber has
and 12 suttas, respectively. The third nipāta has pointed out that “If there is any truth in this tradi-
five vaggas in it, and each of these vaggas con- tion, which cannot be traced back beyond
tains ten suttas. The fourth nipāta has only one Dhammapāla’s commentary, then Itivuttaka could
vagga consisting of 13 suttas. From the fourth have been collected and formalized in Kosambī in
vagga of the third nipāta onwards, the systematic a way typical for this place, in contrast perhaps
formalization of the suttas discontinues. It has to, say, Sāvatthī, where evaṃ me suttaṃ was pre-
been suggested that the fourth nipāta, which ferred. This, however, remains highly speculative”
draws material from the Aṅguttara Nikāya, is ([2], p. 47). Winternitz in his study of the Itivuttaka
younger than the rest of the text which is very suggests that “earlier and later pieces are
old, most of it being traceable to the Buddha combined. . . . there are also some pieces, where
himself ([8], p. 71; [2], p. 47; Woodward: ix). the prose appears to be a sort of commentary on
The name of the Itivuttaka is included in the the verses. In the old and genuine pieces however
standard early list of the nine divisions (aṅgas) the prose is not inferior to the verses in value as
of the Buddha’s teachings – a list that predates the well as in age. And in the later additions also it can
formulation of the Pāli Tipiṭaka as it is known. happen that an old prose piece has been combined
Though it is difficult to determine the extent to with later verses” ([8], p. 89). Most probably, the
which the extant Pāli Itivuttaka corresponds to the Itivuttaka was put together consequent upon
Itivuttaka 583

a critical study of the authentic buddhavacana (the ▶ Sutta Piṭaka

Buddha’s teaching), considered in a specific ▶ Sutta-Nipāta
situation and prepared for a particular goal. ▶ Udāna
Commenting on the literary merit of the ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
Itivuttaka, B.C. Law has pointed out that it “is
somewhat marred by the frequent use of the indef-
inite relative clause. The prose style is generally References
abrupt and inelegant. Occasional metaphors and
similes give a pleasing touch to the style” ([4], 1. Bose MM (ed) (1977) Paramattha-Dīpanī: Iti-
p. 229). However, in the opinion of Vuttakaṭṭhakathā (Iti-Vuttaka Commentary) of
Dhammapālācariya [Combined reprint]. Pali Text
M. Winternitz, the language of the Itivuttaka is
Society, London
“simple, natural and not all too metaphorical. 2. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
There are no developed similes. Yet beautiful indi- Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
vidual metaphors occur” ([8], p. 87). He has cited 3. Ireland JD (trans) (1991) Itivuttaka: The Buddha’s
sayings. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
some examples of such metaphors, and two of
4. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali Literature, reprint,
these may be mentioned here. Sutta no. 75 points vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
out that a generous man who gives liberally to 5. Masefield P (trans) (2000) The Itivuttaka. Pali Text
Society, Bristol
I
pious beggars is compared to the rain-yielding
6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
cloud that pours out its waters on hill and valley.
Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
Similarly, in sutta no. 76, it has been pointed out London
that the wise man avoids companionship of the 7. Watanabe K (1906–1907) A Chinese collection of
evil, for through a poisoned arrow, the pure quiver Itivuttakas. J Pali Text Soc 44–49
8. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
is also rendered impure (see [8], p. 87).
(trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
9. Windish E (ed) (1889) The Itivuttaka. Pali Text
Cross-References Society, London
10. Woodward FL (trans) (1935) The Minor anthologies
of the Pāli Canon, Part II, Udāna: Verses of Uplift and
▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya Itivuttaka: as it was said. Oxford University Press,
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya London
J

Jaananaa maraṇa is recognized in early Buddhism as

a self-evident manifestation of dukkha.
▶ Education (Jainism)

Old Age and Death

Jainism – Posadha Jarā-maraṇa as “old age and death” is part of the
last link in the standard 12-link formulation of the
▶ Uposatha dependent arising, paṭicca samuppāda, of dukkha
– a term whose meaning ranges from barely
noticeable dissatisfaction to outright suffering as
Jainism (Yaksa) inherent features of human existence. That being
˙ afflicted by old age and having to face death thus
▶ Yakṣa stand on a par with other manifestations of dukkha
recognized in early Buddhism is also evident from
the inclusion of old age and death in the definition
of dukkha in the first of the four noble truths.
Jarā-marana These four noble truths form a central teaching
˙ of early Buddhism, which identifies the scope of
Bhikkhu Anālayo dukkha (first truth), its arising (second truth), its
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of cessation (third truth), and the path that leads to its
Hamburg, Balve, Germany cessation (fourth truth). These four noble truths
are the crux of the teachings delivered by the
Buddha, who in fact arises in the world in order
Synonyms to show a way out of the predicament of jarā-
maraṇa ([1], Vol. V, p. 144). In contrast to this
Old Age (Buddhism); Old age and death predicament stands the realization of Nirvāṇa as
the deathless, amata, which corresponds to the
complete destruction of old age and death ([2],
Definition 1094).
Old age and death are also reckoned as two
Becoming old and having to pass away are symp- divine messengers, devadūta. A discourse reports
tomatic of the human predicament; hence jarā- that, on passing away, an immoral person will
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
586 Jarā-marana
˙

have to face King Yama, who questions the evil- motivating him to leave behind the household
doer if he never saw the divine messengers ([3], life and proceed in his quest for awakening can
Vol. III, p. 179). When the culprit denies having also be seen in another discourse, which reports
seen them, King Yama draws his attention to the that the Buddha went forth in search of freedom
fact that, although he had actually seen the divine from old age and death ([3], Vol. I, p. 163).
messengers, he did not realize their significance. In fact, not only in his present life, but
Two of the divine messengers to which King according to yet another discourse even in a
Yama draws the wrongdoer’s attention are an old former life in the far-gone past the bodhisattva
person and a dead person. These are “divine mes- had been stirred to leave behind the household
sengers” in the sense that they exemplify the inev- life on seeing a divine messenger appear ([3],
itability of old age and death. The main point Vol. II, p. 75). According to this tale, in a former
conveyed by the notion of divine messengers is life as a king he had renounced his throne and
thus the importance of reflecting on the ethical retired to live in seclusion and meditation due to
quality of one’s deeds against the perspective of the impact of seeing only the divine messenger of
the inevitability of old age and death. old age. This divine messenger did not manifest
The impact caused by the sight of others through the sight of another human being afflicted
afflicted by old age and death recurs also in the by old age. Rather, it was the sight of the first gray
traditional account of the experiences that were hair on his own head that became a divine mes-
instrumental in stirring the bodhisattva Gotama to senger for this king. The king had in fact
go forth and eventually become a Buddha. The instructed his barber to keep a lookout for the
Pāli version of this account is found in the Jātaka- first gray hair on his head, as he had already
nidānakathā ([4], Vol. I, p. 58), belonging to anticipated the appearance of this “divine messen-
a textual strata that is historically later than the ger” and was ready to act on it.
early discourses. According to this account, the In this way, the function of old age and death as
bodhisattva Gotama had been unaware of these divine messengers highlights the importance of
predicaments of human existence until during not turning a blind eye to these basic predicaments
pleasure outings he saw an old person and of human life. While for an outright immoral
a dead person for the first time in his life, besides person the appearance of these divine messengers
seeing a sick person and someone who had may not suffice to bring home the importance of
gone forth. living a heedful and moral life, in the case of
A less legendary account of Gotama’s a person of noble character even the divine mes-
pre-awakening insight into the basic predicaments senger of old age alone will not pass unheeded and
of human existence can be found in a discourse may lead to quite drastic decisions, such as abdi-
which records the bodhisattva’s reflection that cating the throne to live a life of meditation and
worldlings react with disgust and aversion when renunciation at the sight of a single gray hair on
they see someone else subject to old age and one’s head.
death, even though they are themselves subject Not only old age can have such a stirring effect,
to the same predicaments ([1], Vol. I, p. 145). but death as well. In fact, recollection of death,
Realizing that he was himself subject to old age maraṇānussati, is one of the meditation practices
and death, the bodhisattva lost all pride in being recommended repeatedly in the early Buddhist
endowed with youth and life. discourses. Such recollection should be under-
Thus, the account in the Jātaka-nidānakathā, taken by contemplating the fact that death may
in spite of its apparent narrative embellishments, happen at any time, so much so that even the next
rests on ideas already found in the early Buddhist morsel to be eaten or the next breath to be taken
tradition, in the sense that the theme of old age and are uncertain ([1], Vol. III, p. 306).
death apparently played an important role in stir- One who, stirred by the inevitability of old age
ring the bodhisattva Gotama to go forth. That and death, has successfully lived a life of renun-
old age and death were indeed instrumental in ciation and become a sage can then apparently go
Jātaka 587

beyond old age and death even in his or her 7. Bond G (1980) Theravāda Buddhism’s meditations on
present life ([3], Vol. III, p. 246). Although the death and the symbolism of initiatory death. Hist Relig
19:237–258
body will inevitably age and eventually expire, 8. Harvey P (1991) A Buddhist perspective on death. In:
lack of identification with the body leaves the Neuberger J et al (eds) A necessary end, attitudes to
liberated one free from any mental affliction death. Papermac, London, pp 105–112
when old age and death manifest. 9. Reynolds FE (1992) Death as threat, death as achieve-
ment: Buddhist perspectives with particular reference
The unshakeable attitude of a liberated sage to the Theravada tradition. In: Obayashi H (ed) Death
when faced with death is exemplified in the and afterlife: perspectives of world religions. Green-
stanzas of a young monk, who reportedly had wood Press, New York, pp 157–167
been caught by robbers set on killing him. With- 10. von Hinüber O (1997) Old age and old monks in Pāli
Buddhism. In: Formanek S (ed) Aging, Asian concepts
out any sign of fear, the young monk declares that and experiences past and present. Österreichische
he has nothing to bewail on being killed, as he is Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, pp 65–78
free from thinking of himself in terms of “I was” 11. Walshe MOC (1978) Buddhism and death. BPS,
or “I will be” ([5], 715). Having realized the Kandy
deathless, amata, and thereby gone beyond
death while still alive, he was able to remain
completely unshaken when actual death threat-
ened to manifest. The tale concludes with the Jātaka
robbers being so impressed by his fearless attitude J
toward impending death that they decided to K. T. S. Sarao
release him, an external release that exemplified Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
and was motivated by his total inner release from Delhi, Delhi, India
death as well as from any of the other dependently
arisen manifestations of dukkha.
Definition

Cross-References The tenth book of Khuddaka Nikāya of the

Sutta Piṭaka.
▶ Death (Buddhism)
▶ Old Age (Buddhism) The Jātaka which is the tenth book of Khuddaka
Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka contains stories of the
former births of Śākyamuni Buddha. It also forms
References one of the nine aṅgas (divisions) of the
Buddhavacana (the teachings of the Buddha),
1. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara put together on the basis of the subject matter
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London ([10], Vol. i, pp. 15, 24). The canonical text of
2. Andersen D, Smith H (ed) (1913) The Sutta-nipāta. the Jātakas, not published so far, consists of the
Pali Text Society, London (references are by stanza)
3. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) gāthās (verses) only. However, it has been
The Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, suggested that almost certainly an oral commen-
London tary giving the tales in prose must have existed
4. Fausboll V (ed) (1877–1896) The Jātaka together with from the very beginning and later it developed
its commentary, 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London
5. Alsdorf L, Norman KR (ed) (1966) Thera- and into the Jātaka Aṭṭhakathā, the most systematic
Therīgāthā. Pali Text Society, London (references are anthology of the Jātaka stories. The Jātaka
by stanza) Aṭṭhakathā is ascribed to Buddhaghosa who trans-
6. Amore RC (1974) The heterodox philosophical sys- lated it from Singhalese in Sri Lanka as he could
tems – death and Buddhist thought. In: Holck F (ed)
Death and eastern thought: understanding death in not find any reliable version extant in India ([9],
eastern religions and philosophies. Abingdon Press, pp. 200–201). The 547 tales of the Pāli Jātaka
Nashville, pp 115–144 have been put together into 22 nipātas (sections),
588 Jātaka

where they are arranged according to the number from pre-Buddhist as well as non-Buddhist vernac-
of stanzas forming a Jātaka. It has been suggested ular oral traditions (see [3]). In whatever form the
that only the last 50 were meant to be understood bodhisatta (future Buddha) appears in each of these
by themselves, i.e., without any commentary tales, he is always of the male gender who divulges
([16], p. 55). According to the Dī ghabhāṇakas one or more virtues that each of the stories thereby
(reciters of the Dī gha Nikāya), the Jātaka formed imparts. Due to their popularity, the Jātaka scenes
part of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka ([10], Vol. i, were the favorite theme in the sculptured carvings
p. 15). There is also a reference to a Jātaka-Nikāya on the railings in the relic shrines of Sāñcī,
in the Samantapāsādikā, the commentary of the Amarāvatī, Bharhut, and Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. Some
Vinaya Piṭaka ([14], Vol. i, p. 251). Thirty-five of the Jātaka stories, illustrated in these bas-reliefs
Jātakas in verse-form have also been incorporated dateable to the third century C.E., assume the exis-
in the Cariyāpiṭaka, another text of the Khuddaka tence of a prose collection ([5], p. 275).
Nikāya. It is generally agreed that the earliest Jātakas
A lengthy introduction to the Jātaka is called were an admixture of prose and verse, although
the Nidānakathā. It does not form part of the ancient prose texts are available just for a few
Jātaka as such. In the Nidānakathā, the biography Jātakas. However, it has been suggested that this
of the Śākyamuni Buddha is given in prose prose was not necessarily transmitted in a fixed
intermingled here and there with gāthās. These wording ([16], pp. 56–57). In other words, it is
gāthās have largely been borrowed from the generally assumed that the story attached to
Buddhavaṃsa. All Jātakas have a formally fixed a gāthā was narrated by each of the narrators in
structure. Each of the Jātakas begins with what is his own words. This particular kind of literature,
called the paccuppannavatthu (story of the pre- called ākhyāna (narrative), had a specifically
sent). The paccuppannavatthu refers to some hap- given gāthā loosely surrounded by prose. Though
pening that takes place at the time of the Buddha. the precise connection of the two constituents
In the second portion, called the atī tavatthu (story with each other is somewhat unclear, one cannot
of the past), the Buddha reveals the original hap- overlook the relative priority of the gāthā as well
pening as it happened in the past. The atī tavatthu as its importance in providing the base and essen-
may in fact be viewed as the Jātaka proper that tial ingredient of the narrative ([19], p. 10). The
also includes in it the gāthās having a word-for- origins of ākhyāna have been suggested to go as
word commentary called the veyyākaraṇa. In the far back as the Ṛg Veda ([16], p. 57). The prose,
final portion of each Jātaka, called the samodhāna however, is indispensable only for the first 500
(connection), a link is established between the Jātakas. Thereafter the character of the Jātakas
atī tavatthu and the paccuppannavatthu. Though changes immensely. They get metamorphosed
the gāthās refer to previous lives of Śākyamuni into some sort of small epics and their size
Buddha as a bodhisatta (Sk: bodhisattva), nor- becomes so long that they can be understood on
mally no connection to Buddhism can be found the basis of the gāthās by themselves. The con-
in the gāthās. They are developed into a Jātaka tents of some of these Jātakas can also be found in
only by means of an accompanying prose story. the Sanskrit epics, the Mahābhārata or the
The story, however, considered a commentary and Rāmāyaṇa, and are thus of great importance for
does not enjoy canonical status like the gāthās the literary history especially of the epics in
([16], p. 55). ancient India ([16], p. 57). The longest of the
The Jātaka tales refer to a voluminous corpus of epics and the most famous Jātaka, which enjoys
literature native to India related to the former births immense popularity, is the Vessantara Jātaka. It
( jāti) of the Buddha in the form of a deva, man, has 786 gāthās. It narrates the last rebirth of
animal, fairy, sprite, or a mythical character. the bodhisatta in which he accomplishes the
Whereas many of the stories and motifs are trans- dānapāramitā by giving away all his belongings
lations from Pāli, there are others that are derived ([16], p. 58).
Jātaka 589

Though it is difficult to say as to when the refers to 500 Jātakas ([12], p. 80). Faxian, who
Jātakas came into existence in their present form visited the Abhayagiri Vihāra in Sri Lanka, also
or the number of those that formed part of the mentions a tradition which recognized 500 repre-
original number, it can be stated with certainty sentations of Bodhisatta in successive births ([6],
that before taking their final form they must have p. 106). The Sāketa Jātaka (no.68) states that
grown over a considerably long period of time Śākyamuni Buddha had 1,500 births. The total
([7], p. 951). This means that the Jātaka book is number of Jātakas in the Jātaka book was origi-
the product of many hands, a fact which can be nally 550, but only 547 survive; 550 Jātakas are
seen in the wide-ranging diversity, not only with only known to have existed in Myanmar as well as
regard to the form and content of the narratives but Sri Lankan (see [16], p. 55). However, the total
also in respect of size, structure, and literary qual- number of bodhisattas in the Jātaka book is at
ity of the episodes narrated, language and style, least 589 where he is born 396 times as a man,
method of presentation, and outlook of the indi- 112 times as an animal, 50 times as a deity,
vidual authors ([19], p. 8). The Jātaka book does 27 times as a sprite, and 4 times as a mythical
not contain all the Jātaka tales which formed part character (see [11], Appendix-IV). Numerous
of the north Indian folklore in the early days of Jātakas, not included in the Jātaka book, also
Buddhism ([8], p. 84). There are tales in the Pāli occur in the canonical Pāli literature as well as
Tipiṭaka that are technically Jātakas because they Sanskrit Buddhist literature. A large number of
mean to talk of one of the former births of the tales from the Jātaka Book also exist outside J
Buddha, and conclude with identification of the the Buddhist literature in storybooks such as
characters, and even then cannot be found in the Pañcatantra and Kathāsaritasāgara ([9],
the Jātaka Aṭṭhakathā. The Ghaṭikāra Sutta of p. 189ff). Apart from the Mahābhārata and the
the Majjhima Nikāya is one such instance. In Rāmāyaṇa some of the Jātaka tales have also their
it the Buddha himself declares: “I was myself the equivalents in the Jaina literature. Many Jātaka
young Jotipāla at that time” ([15], Vol. II, p. 54). It tales also occur in the noncanonical Pāli
has been suggested by A.K. Warder that the literature, particularly in the Milindapañha ([19],
Jātakas originally belonged to the earliest Bud- pp. 11–12). The Jātaka tales in Sanskrit (for
dhist literature and on the basis of the meter and example, the Jātakamālā) and Tibetan languages
average contents, the Pāli Jātakas may be dated tend to retain the Buddhist moral values of their
to around the fourth century B.C.E. ([17], Pāli counterparts, but retellings of the tales in
pp. 286–287; see also [16], pp. 121–122). Persian and Arabic have embraced considerable
According to him, the Jātakas are the predecessors modifications to suite their respective cultures.
to the various legendary biographies of the Bud- The Jātakas played an important role in the
dha, which were composed at later dates ([17], proselytization work of Buddhist missionaries.
pp. 332–333). However, although many Jātakas They are also of great value in the history of
were composed at an early period not much by Buddhism, particularly for providing a glimpse
way of the Buddha’s own life has been documented into popular Buddhism. The philosophy of the
in them ([17], pp. 332–333). The Mahāsāṃghika Jātakas is based upon the Buddhist doctrines of
Caitika sects from the Āndhra region adopted the Karma and Rebirth in which the quintessential and
Jātakas as part of their own canon and are known exemplary character is the bodhisatta who in all his
to have rejected some of the Theravāda Jātakas of life as a bodhisatta exhibits one or more of the
the post-Aśokan period ([13], p. 51). They claimed great merits with which he earns merit and pre-
their own Jātakas as representing the original col- pares himself to become a Buddha in the future.
lection before the various lineages came into origin On this basis, it has been suggested that though the
([17], pp. 286–287). concept of pāramitās (perfections) does not find
To determine the actual number of the Jātakas a mention in the Jātaka book, its roots can cer-
is a matter of controversy. The Cullaniddesa tainly be traced there. Thus, it is no surprise that
590 Jayapura

the Jātakas belong as much to Mahāyāna as to 8. Norman KR (1983) Pāli literature. Otto Harassowitz,
Theravāda (see [5], p. 272). Cambodia, Thailand, Wiesbaden
9. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. Putnam,
Myanmar, and Sri Lanka still have a living tradi- London
tion of narrating the Jātaka tales by way of mural 10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
and other paintings in the Buddhist monasteries (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
and temples. The Jātaka tales at one stage were commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
Society, London
also very popular in Indonesia. This is clearly 11. Sarao KTS (1989) Origin and nature of ancient Indian
visible in the first 135 sculptures of Balustrade in Buddhism. Eastern Book Linkers, Delhi, Appendix-
the first gallery of Java’s Borobudur temple based IV
on the Jātaka tales (see [4]). 12. Stede W (ed) (1918) Cullaniddesa. Pali Text Society,
London
13. Sujato B (2006) Sects and sectarianism: The origins of
Buddhist schools. Santapada, Australia
14. Takakusu J, Nagai M (eds) (1947–1975)
Cross-References Samantapāsādikā: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
the Vinaya Piṭaka, 8 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Amaravati 15. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (1888–1896) Majjhima
▶ Aśoka Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
16. von Hinüber O (1996) Handbook of Pāli literature.
▶ Bodhisatta
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
▶ Buddha (Concept) 17. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni Banarsidass, Delhi
▶ Buddhavaṃsa 18. Weeraratne WG (ed) (1996) Encyclopaedia of
Buddhism, vol VI. Government of Ceylon, Colombo,
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
pp 2–23
▶ Karma 19. Winternitz M (1933) A history of Indian literature,
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya vol II. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta
▶ Mahāyāna
▶ Nāgārjunakoṇḍa
▶ Pāramitās
▶ Sāñcī Jayapura
▶ Theravāda
▶ Bodhagayā

References

1. Cowell EW, Chalmers R, Francis HT, Neil RA, Rouse Jetsun Tārā
WHD (trans) (1895–1907) The Jātaka or the stories of
the Buddha’s former births. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge
▶ Tārā (Buddhism)
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
Luzac, London
3. Grant L Voth (2007) “Indian Stories,” the history of
world literature. The Teaching Company, Chantilly,
VA Jetsun Tārānātha
4. Krom NJ (1927) Borobudur: An archaeological
description, vol 1. Nijhoff, The Hague ▶ Tāranātha
5. Law BC (1983) A history of Pāli literature, reprint,
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
6. Legge J (1886) A record of Buddhist kingdoms being
an account of the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of his travels
in India and Ceylon (A.D. 399–414). Clarendon Press,
Oxford
Jhāna
7. Malalasekera GP (1938) Dictionary of Pāli proper
names, vol I. Pali Text Society, London ▶ Dhyāna/Jhāna
Jinasena (Jainism) 591

Śhravaṇa Belgola in present-day Karnataka. The

Jina lineage continues to the present day, though it is
now more commonly referred to as the Senānvaya
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) or Senagaṇa lineage. Jinasena was the pupil
of Vīrasena and served in the court of the
famous Rāṣṭrakūṭa Emperor Amoghavarṣa. The
Rāṣṭrakūṭa Empire spanned from the sixth to the
Jinasena (Jainism) tenth century CE, with Amoghavarṣa, who ruled
from 815 C.E. to 877 C.E., being the most famous
Gregory M. Clines of its rulers. Amoghavarṣa, himself a devout Jain,
Committee on the Study of Religion, Harvard ruled over a flourishing empire, especially with
University, Cambridge, MA, USA respect to cultural and literary developments. He
was an avid writer; the Kavirājamārga, a famous
Kannaḍa-language work on poetics, is attributed
Synonyms to him as well as various Sanskrit works. He was
also a patron of art and literature, and his capital
Jinasenācārya city of Mānyakheṭa became a cultural center in
which Jinasena was a preeminent figure ([1],
pp. 727–728). J
Definition

Jinasena was a ninth-century C.E. Digambara Jain The Pārśvābhyudaya

monk and littérateur best known as the author of
the Ādipurāṇa. He should not be confused with Jinasena emerged onto the scene of Sanskrit
the eighth-century C.E. Digambara monk of the poetic literature (kāvya) with his Pārśvābhyudaya
same name who composed the Jain Harivaṃś (The Arising of Pārśva). Written some time before
apurāṇa in 783 C.E. In fact, over the centuries 783 C.E., the Pārśvābhyudaya tells the life story
there have been multiple authors who have written of the 23rd Jina Pārśvanātha. What sets this work
under the name “Jinasena” whose specific identi- apart from other biographies, though, is that
ties are unclear. This entry seeks to shed light on Jinasena ingeniously incorporated lines from
the most historically and literarily enduring Kālidāsa’s famous epic poem, Meghadūta (The
Jinasena, who authored the Ādipurāṇa and is Cloud Messenger), into his own narrative. In San-
widely considered to be one of the greatest Jain skrit, such a technique is referred to as samasyā-
Purāṇic authors in terms of literary style. purāṇa (literally, “a tale completed by another”).
Kālidāsa’s poem, in 111 stanzas, tells the story of
an exiled yakṣa (a semidivine, supernatural being)
History of Jinasena who beseeches a cloud to deliver to his waiting
wife a message. Jinasena incorporated one or two
Scholars know little about Jinasena’s personal lines from the Meghadūta into each of his stanzas
life; he seems to have taken ascetic renunciation in the Pārśvābhyudaya. Jinasena did not change
early, leading a celibate life dedicated to religious the lines of his predecessor’s poems at all and used
and scholarly pursuits. He took initiation into them as a foundation off of which he built his
the Pañcastūpānvaya lineage of Digambara narrative by composing the rest of each stanza
renunciants, a lineage famous for their expertise himself. Indeed, the seamlessness with which
in Jain karma doctrine. The Pañcastūpānvaya Jinasena was able to incorporate lines from
traces its historical beginnings to northeast India Kālidāsa’s poem in service of a completely new
and later migrated through the modern-day states and different narrative speaks to Jinasena’s
of Rajasthan and Gujarat and as far south as mastery of Sanskrit and the poetic literary genre.
592 Jinasena (Jainism)

The work can also be seen as a self-aware asser- a class of canonical scriptural literature called
tion of Jinasena’s poetic skill vis-à-vis Kālidāsa, Anuyoga, or “Expositions.” The Ādipurāṇa
arguably the greatest Sanskrit poet of all time ([1], belongs to the first of four subsections of the
pp. 728–729). By incorporating Kālidāsa’s work Anuyoga, the Prathamānuyoga, which contains
into his own, and doing it well, Jinasena is placing biographies of the Jinas and other famous Jain
himself at least on par with Kālidāsa, if not indeed individuals ([3], p. 78). The epic poem tells the
ahead of him. Interestingly enough, Jinasena’s story of the first Jina of this world age, Ādinātha
text has been used by at least one scholar to ensure (also called Ṛṣabha), as well as his son Bharata,
the authenticity of Kālidāsa’s text. Because the the first Cakravartin, or world conqueror. The
convention of samasyā-purāṇa requires that the Ādipurāṇa constitutes the first section of the
adopted text not be changed, scholars can be Mahāpurāṇa, or Universal History, which was
assured that the text of Kālidāsa’s work accurately completed by Jinasena’s pupil Guṇabhadra,
reflects the text from which Jinasena worked ([2], whose subsequent contribution is individually
pp. xxiii–xxiv). referred to as the Uttarapurāṇa (The Later Tale).
The Mahāpurāṇa, situated as a sermon of Lord
Mahāvīra’s disciple Gautama to the famous King
The Jayadhavalā Ṥrenik, gives biographies of the 63 illustrious men
of this world age. In addition to the 24 Jinas, these
Jinasena also took upon himself the task of 63 men include 12 Cakravartins, and 9 each
completing his teacher Vīrasena’s Jayadhavalā of Vāsudevas, Prativāsudevas, and Baladevas.
(The Brilliance of Victory), a commentary on the Vāsudevas are marshal heroes who fight to pre-
Kasāyapāhuḍa (The Gift for the Passions, in serve world order, which is under siege by their
Sanskrit, the Kaṣāyaprābhṛta), a canonical nemeses, the Prativāsudevas. While the Vāsudevas
Digambara text in Prakrit by the second-century are heroes, because they accrue negative karma
B.C.E. monk Guṇadhara. In keeping with the from committing acts of violence on the battlefield,
Pañcastūpānvaya lineage’s association with they are reborn in hell. The Baladevas are the elder
karma theory, the Kasāyapāhuḍa focuses on one brothers of the Vāsudevas who reject marshal vio-
of the eight types of karma within the Jain tradi- lence. The Mahāpurāṇa has a total of 76 chapters,
tion: mohanī ya, or deluding, karma. According to of which just over 42 were written by Jinasena. Out
Jain karma theory, this is the most difficult type of of the approximately 20,000 total śloka verses of
karma of which to rid one’s self; it is from the Mahāpurāṇa, Jinasena authored about 12,000.
mohanī ya karma that the four types of kaṣāyas, So while Guṇabhadra was responsible for descrip-
or passions, arise. The Jayadhavalā is the only tions of many more individuals, still Jinasena
extant commentary on the Kasāyapāhuḍa, and authored the majority of the complete text.
Jinasena wrote approximately two-thirds of the
complete text.
The Ādipurāna in Social Context
˙
The Ādipurāna The Ādipurāṇa does not simply tell stories about
˙ great men but also gives Jain explanations for
While both the Pārśvābhyudaya and the larger, pan-Indian social institutions. For example,
Kasāyapāhuḍa are major works in their own Jinasena explains how Ādinātha and Bharata insti-
right, Jinasena’s best-known text is the Ādipurāṇa, tuted caste distinctions and in doing so founded
or Lorebook of the Beginning. The text is written in social order. While disagreeing with the traditional
formal Sanskrit, which is a bit peculiar as most Brahmanical conception of caste as part of a larger
Digambara monks of the time period favored ver- cosmic order, Jinasena still had to account for its
nacular languages for storytelling. Within the existence in Indian society. He instead framed caste
Digambara tradition, the Ādipurāṇa belongs to as a necessary way of establishing public order
Jingang 593

during a degenerating world age. Jinasena also References

incorporates into the Ādipurāṇa narrative most of
the traditional 16 Brahmanical saṃskāras or life- 1. Upadhye AN (1968) Jinasena and his works. In:
Mélanges D’Indianism a la Mémoire de Louis
cycle rituals ([3], pp. 288–304). In the fortieth
Renou. L’Institut de Civilisation Indienne, Paris
chapter of the Ādipurāṇa, Jinasena lists a number 2. Pathak KB (1916) Kālidāsa’s Meghadūta or The
of mantras that are meant to accompany these cloud-messenger (As embodied in the
rituals ([4], p. 35). In both of these cases, Jinasena Pārśvābhyudaya), 2nd edn. Aryabhushan Press, Pune
3. Jaini PS (1979) The Jaina path of purification. Univer-
was attempting to negotiate Jain identity vis-à-vis
sity of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles
a dominant Brahmanical majority. Indeed, scholars 4. Dundas P (1998) Becoming Gautama: Mantra and
have argued that Jinasena was concerned with history in Śvetāmbara Jainism. In: Cort JE (ed) Open
a Brahmanical majority attempt to absorb the Jain boundaries: Jain communities and cultures in Indian
history. State University of New York Press, Albany
laity into the folds of Brahmanism ([5], p. 240). His
5. Jaini PS (1993) Jaina Purāṇas: a Purāṇic countercul-
solution was to recast traditional Brahmanical ture. In: Doniger W (ed) Purāṇa Perennis: reciprocity
social institutions in a specifically Jain ethos and and transformation in Hindu and Jains texts. State
in doing so was able to preserve Jain doctrinal University of New York Press, Albany
6. Strohl GR (1984) The image of the Hero in Jainism:
autonomy while simultaneously allowing Jains
Ṛṣabha, Bharata and Bahubāli in the Ādipurāṇa of
to interact with members of other religious tradi- Jinasena. Chicago Divinity School dissertation
tions. Other scholars have argued that Jinasena’s 7. Cort JE (1993) An overview of the Jaina Purāṇas. In:
Doniger W (ed) Purāṇa perennis: reciprocity and
work is an intentional response to the Hindu
transformation in Hindu and Jains texts. State Univer- J
Mahābhārata epic, in which Jinasena questioned
sity of New York Press, Albany
Brahmanical authority about the conditions for just 8. (1963–1965) Ādipurāṇa of Jinasena, pts. 1–2. Sanskrit
battle and recast the nonviolent Tīrthaṅkara as text with Hindi tr. Pannalal Jain. BJP, Varanasi
a true hero [6]. 9. (1944) Kasāyapahuḍa with Jayadhavalā Commentary,
vols 1–13. Prakrit text with Hindi tr, Mathura. Sri
Partly because it has yet to be fully translated
Digambara Jain Sangha Granthamala
into any non-Indian language and partly because 10. (1954) Uttarapurāṇa of Guṇabhadra. Sanskrit text ed.
most Western scholarship has focused on with Hindi tr. by Pannalal Jain. BJP, Varanasi
Śvetāmbara Jainism at the expense of the 11. (1965) Pārśvābhyudayam. Sanskrit text with English
introduction and commentary by the editor M.G.
Digambara tradition, the Ādipurāṇa has not
Kothari in Sanskrit
received as much scholarly attention as other 12. Dundas P (2002) The Jains, 2nd edn. Routledge,
Jain Mahāpurāṇas, particularly Hemacandra’s London/New York
twelfth-century Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacaritra (The 13. von Glasenapp H (1999) Jainism: an Indian religion of
salvation (trans: Shrotri SB). Motilal Banarsidass,
Lives of the Sixty-Three Illustrious Persons).
Delhi
Hemacandra’s text is the only Jain purāṇa to be 14. Strohl R (1990) Of kings and sages from the
translated in its entirety into English; the massive Ādipurāṇa. In: Granoff P (ed) The clever adultress
project was undertaken by Sanskritist Helen M. and other stories: a treasury of Jain literature. Mosaic
Press, Oakville/New York/London
Johnson and published by Gaekwald’s Oriental
Series in six volumes between 1931 and 1962
([7], pp. 192–193). Scholarly consensus, though,
agrees that in terms of literary mastery and nor-
mative influence, Jinasena’s Universal History far Jinasenācārya
exceeds that of Hemacandra.
▶ Jinasena (Jainism)

Cross-References

▶ Karma (Jainism) Jingang

▶ Pārśvanātha (Jainism)
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) ▶ Vajra
594 Jingtu

Nature of Jīvas
Jingtu
According to Jainism, there are an infinite number
▶ Sukhāvatī of individual living substances or jīvas ([2],
p. 102). Their number remains constant and no
new jīvas are born, just as no jīvas ever perish. In
that sense they are considered to be eternal sub-
Jiva stances. All jīvas share the same basic structure;
they all possess the essential qualities or guṇas of
▶ Karma (Jainism) consciousness (Skt. caitanya), energy (Skt. vīrya),
and bliss (Skt. sukha). The application (Skt.
upayoga) of the quality of consciousness is two-
fold, namely, perception (Skt. darśana) and
Jīva knowledge (Skt. jñāna). Since these two usually
operate sequentially, they are often listed as two
▶ Self (Jainism) different qualities of jīvas ([2], p. 104). Perception
provides indefinite information about objects, the
features of which are afterward determined
through the functioning of knowledge. The
Jīva (Jainism) objects of jīvas as conscious conceivers (Skt.
pramātṛ) can be either jīvas themselves or external
Ana Bajželj entities.
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, Even though there is never a time when jīvas
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia are without perception, knowledge, bliss, and
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem energy, the operation of these is never static. In
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel fact, Jain authors have emphasized that all the
qualities of jīvas are in continuous transformation
(Skt. pariṇāma). Particular manifestations of each
Synonyms quality are called modes or paryāyas, which func-
tion as differentia for distinguishing one jīva from
Ātman; Life-monad; Living substance; Self; another. Throughout the transforming process,
Sentient substance; Soul new modes are constantly arising (Skt. utpāda)
and old modes passing away (Skt. vyaya). How-
ever, the foundation, upon which the modal aris-
Definition ing and passing away, which is momentary,
occurs, persists through the modal changes,
In Jainism, jīva is an immaterial living and sen- since jīvas as such never perish. This dynamics
tient type of substance that possesses innumerable between the changing modes and the permanent
qualities, the main ones of which are conscious- foundation agrees with the general ontological
ness, energy, and bliss. Jīvas are infinite in number model of Jainism, in accordance with which real-
and have always been bound to the cycle of trans- ity is not characterized with permanence or
migration, within which they continually adapt to change only, but instead with the coordinated
the dimensions of various physical bodies they interplay between the two. Since this is consid-
come to acquire. Jīvas that attain liberation from ered to be a universal ontological model,
bodily existence rise to the top of cosmos, where permanence and change are coordinated not
they eternally remain in an immobile and only in the case of jīvas but all the other sub-
perfected state. stances as well.
Jīva (Jainism) 595

Jīvas and Karmic Matter and as such form the setting in which the interac-
tion between jīvas and matter takes place. The rest
Jainism agrees with most non-Jain Indian schools of the tattvas refer to the working of the complex
of thought in the idea that since beginningless mechanism that brings about jīvas’ bondage by and
times living beings have been trapped in the liberation from matter.
cycle of rebirths (Skt. saṃsāra), which is perpetu- Jain authors explicate that matter (Skt. pudgala)
ated by karma. Karma causes the arising and exists in the form of basic particles (Skt. parama-
determines the nature of each recurring embodi- aṇu) and aggregates (Skt. skandha) thereof, the
ment. Jain doctrine also shares the soteriological former being eternal and indivisible, and the latter
goal with the greater part of Indian traditions, impermanent and divisible. Material particles and
namely, to break out of the potentially endless their aggregations completely pervade all of cos-
series of embodied lives. Since karma is the mic space (Skt. loka-ākāśa). All particles possess
force behind the ongoing succession of rebirths, four basic qualities, namely, color (Skt. varṇa),
new karmic accumulation must be prevented and taste (Skt. rasa), smell (Skt. gandha), and palpabil-
the old destroyed in order to attain liberation. ity (Skt. sparśa), and as it is the case with the
However, despite these similarities, Jain karmic qualities of jīvas, these are dynamic in nature.
theory is at the same time unique in the Indian Owing to the changing of the quality of palpability,
context. While most of its contemporaneous tra- individual particles acquire different levels of
ditions explain karma to be immaterial, Jainism moisture (Skt. snighatva) and dryness (Skt. J
maintains it to be material. It therefore dedicates rukṣatva). Thereupon, they are able to combine
much attention to the explanation of how jīvas and temporarily form aggregates, some of which
come to attract, bind, discharge, and completely may be karmically bound, while others not. Under
let go of karmic matter. certain conditions, the karmically bondable mate-
Jain sources describe the dynamics of the rela- rial aggregates attain karmic nature, and these
tionship between jīvas and matter, which either aggregates are called karmic matter. They are
supports or resists bondage, in the scheme of drawn to jīvas and stick to them like dust to moist
seven main principles of reality or reals (Skt. ground. Karmic matter is bound to living sub-
tattva), namely, (1) living substance (Skt. jīva), stances for a limited period of time (Skt. sthiti).
(2) nonliving substance (Skt. ajīva), (3) karmic Following a dormant phase, it bears fruit (Skt.
influx (Skt. āsrava), (4) binding of karma (Skt. anubhava), after which it falls off. It is then nor-
bandha), (5) stopping the karmic influx mally replaced by newly drawn karma.
(Skt. saṃvara), (6) disjoining of bound karma Karmic matter provides the body, speech,
(Skt. nirjarā), and (7) liberation (Skt. mokṣa). mind, and breath for the particular jīva it binds.
Sometimes, two more tattvas are listed, that is, Embodied jīvas are not all-pervasive; instead,
auspicious (Skt. puṇya) and inauspicious (Skt. their size adapts to each successive corporeal
pāpa) karma. The first two tattvas lay out the two dimension they come to obtain and inhabit, like
basic categories, which all substances may be clas- a lamp that lights up only the room, which it is
sified into. The first tattva is the class of jīvas or positioned in. Since all embodied jīvas possess
living substances. These are distinguished from the a certain (although varying) dimension, they are
rest of the substances, categorized under the second described as occupying a multitude of space
tattva, all of which are nonliving. Here included are points (Skt. pradeśa) and are recognized as exten-
matter (Skt. pudgala), medium of motion (Skt. sive substances (Skt. asti-kāya). The number of
dharma), medium of rest (Skt. adharma), space space points each jīva possesses is always innu-
(Skt. ākāśa), and, according to some, time (Skt. merable (Skt. asaṃkhyeya), unaffected by the
kāla). The last four of these, that is, nonliving various corporeal sizes it adjusts to. This is com-
immaterial substances, provide the spatiotemporal pared to a piece of cloth, which, despite being
environment and conditions of movement and rest folded in various ways, retains its original mass
596 Jīva (Jainism)

throughout ([2], p. 102). The greatest size jīvas the lowest life forms are described as only using
can attain is the size of the cosmos. The borders of the one sense of touch. Humans are listed as
cosmic space are delineated by the sizes of belonging to the former category, whereas the
medium of motion and medium of rest, and latter contains plant lives as well as earth-,
since they do not continue into acosmic space, water-, air-, and fire-bodied beings. While the
jīvas may neither exist nor extend beyond the existence of most living beings is restricted to
limits of cosmos. particular parts of the cosmos, some one-sensed
As long as jīvas are bound by karmic matter, beings, whose bodies are made of very fine (Skt.
they cannot get liberated from saṃsāra. Even sūkṣma) matter, can exist anywhere within it.
though it seems that karmic matter is the primary The nature and conditions of particular
cause of this disability, Jain authors emphasize embodiments are brought about by the so-called
that the main reason behind their entrapment are nondestructive kinds of karmic matter (Skt.
jīvas themselves. It is the particular modal modi- aghātiyā-karma) ([1], p. 100; [2], pp. 124–127).
fications of their own qualities that instrumentally These are called nondestructive since it is possible
bring about the modification of karmically bond- for jīvas to attain full manifestation of all of their
able material aggregates into karmic matter. This qualities while they are still operational. Nonde-
occurs when jīvas’ activities of body, speech, and structive karmic matter is divided into four basic
mind are motivated by passions (Skt. kaṣāya). The varieties, namely, pain and pleasure producing
kind of activity that attracts karmic matter deter- (Skt. vedanīya-karma), longevity determining
mines the nature (Skt. prakṛti) of the attached (Skt. āyu-karma), birth-state and body-type gen-
karma, and the volitional level with which the erating (Skt. nāma-karma), and status determining
activity is performed affects its quantity (Skt. (Skt. gotra-karma). The pain and pleasure produc-
pradeśa). The degree to which passions regulate ing karma decides whether life experience of jīvas
the karma-attracting activity decides how long is marked by feelings of happiness (Skt. sāta) or
karmic aggregates are bound and what sort of unhappiness (Skt. asāta) ([1], p. 100; [2], p. 125).
effects they generate. By and large, harming living The longevity determining karmic matter affects
beings results in drawing inauspicious (Skt. pāpa) the bodily life-span of jīvas, which is closely
karma, which is the source of an unhappy and related to the jīvas’ birth-state. This type differs
onerous life, whereas performing activities, from the other kinds of nondestructive karmic
which cause minimal harm to others, draws aus- matter, insofar as it is attached only once in the
picious (Skt. puṇya) karma and leads to a happy course of an individual life and activated in
and affluent life. the subsequent existence. The birth-state and
The heaviness of karmic matter that binds jīvas body-type generating karmic matter brings about
also disables them from moving in their natural the particular birth-state (i.e., human, hell being,
upward direction. The heavier the accumulation, heavenly being, or plant or animal), the class (Skt.
the lower in cosmos they are generally said to be jāti) within that birth-state (e.g., a special kind of
positioned. Jain authors distinguish many differ- heavenly being), and the body (Skt. śarīra).
ent birth-states which living beings may be born Besides the gross corporeal body, two more bod-
into throughout their bondage, and these are com- ies are formed, namely, the luminous body (Skt.
monly classified into four broad categories (Skt. taijasa-śarīra) and the karmic body (Skt. kārmaṇa-
gati), namely, human beings (Skt. manuṣya), śarīra). The luminous body maintains the jīvas’
heavenly beings (Skt. deva), hell beings (Skt. temperature and the karmic body is the accumu-
naraki), and animals and plants (Skt. tiryañc) lation of all the karma that is attached to jīvas.
([2], p. 108). They classify living beings also Upon death, both of these bodies accompany jīvas
according to other criteria, a common one being to their next life; operating as vehicles, they
the number of senses (Skt. indriya) with which enable the instantaneous passage of jīvas from
they experience the world. The highest forms of one state of existence to the next ([1], p. 103;
embodied life are said to use five senses, whereas [2], pp. 126–127). The fourth, status-determining
Jīva (Jainism) 597

kind of nondestructive karma, generates the spe- defilement. Upon defilement, it may no longer be
cific environment that jīvas are born into; it brings described as bliss, since it transforms according to
about conditions which either support or hinder various subtypes of destructive karmic matter.
jīvas’ progress on the spiritual path ([1], p. 100; Because bliss-defiling karma produces delusion
[2], p. 125). (Skt. moha) and passion (Skt. kaṣāya), it is
Apart from these four types of nondestructive subdivided into insight-deluding (Skt. darśana-
karmic matter, Jain texts also speak of destructive mohanīya) and conduct-deluding (Skt. cāritra-
kinds of karmic matter (Skt. ghātiyā-karma). Unlike mohanīya) types. The operation of the insight-
nondestructive karma, these affect the operation of deluding karmic matter causes jīvas to possess
jīvas’ qualities ([1], pp. 99–100; [2], pp. 117–123). a false view (Skt. mithyātva) and results in delusion
Just as modal modifications of jīvas are said to regarding the true nature of reality. Without the
instrumentally influence the modal modifications attainment of proper insight (Skt. samyag-darśana)
of matter, modal modifications of destructive into the true nature of reality, which includes the
kinds of karmic matter in turn instrumentally affect acceptance of the doctrine taught by the tīrthaṅkaras
the modal manifestations of the qualities of jīvas. In as well the acknowledgment of the tattvas, jīvas
other words, modes of destructive karma function keep on living their lives in a way that sustains
as external factors of the arising of the modes of their entrapment in the cycle of rebirths.
jīvas, and as long as destructive karmic matter The continuity of karmic bondage is further
affects them, the qualities of jīvas are never supported by the operation of the conduct- J
manifested to their fullest; under its influence, they deluding karmic matter, which produces passions
are then considered to be impure and imperfect. and emotions (Skt. no-kaṣāya) and through them
Destructive kinds of karmic matter are arranged hinders the observance of proper conduct (Skt.
into four different categories, according to which samyak-cāritra). Passions are divided into two
quality they affect and the arising of modes of basic types, namely, aversion (Skt. dveṣa) and
which they support. These are perception-obscuring attachment (Skt. rāga). Aversion is subdivided
(Skt. darśana-āvaraṇīya), knowledge-obscuring into anger (Skt. krodha) and pride (Skt. māna),
(Skt. jñāna-āvaraṇīya), energy-obstructing (Skt. and attachment into deceit (Skt. māyā) and greed
vīrya-antarāya), and bliss-defiling (Skt. mohanīya) (Skt. lobha). Emotions are regarded to be subsid-
karmic matter ([2], p. 115). iary passions and are arranged into nine different
Perception- and knowledge-obscuring types of kinds, that is, (1) laughter (Skt. hāsya), (2) experi-
karmic matter bring about imperfect modes of ence of pleasure in sense activities (Skt. rati),
perception and knowledge and, by doing so, hin- (3) experience of displeasure in sense activities
der the arising of omniscience (Skt. kevala-jñāna). (Skt. arati), (4) sorrow (Skt. śoka), (5) fear (Skt.
They, however, do not defile but merely obscure bhaya), (6) disgust (Skt. jugupsā), (7) sexual crav-
the qualities of perception and knowledge, ing for women (Skt. strī-veda), (8) sexual craving
which – although blocked (Skt. āvṛtta) – retain for men (Skt. puṃ-veda), and (9) sexual craving
their nature throughout the obscuration. The same for hermaphrodites (Skt. napuṃsaka-veda) ([1],
holds true for the quality of energy, which may p. 99; [2], pp. 117–121).
likewise never be truly defiled but only Since it brings about delusion and passion,
obstructed. As this quality energizes the operation bliss-defiling karmic matter is identified as that
of perception and knowledge, its obstruction crucial factor that dampens jīvas and thereby
affects the working of the latter two as well. It, transforms them into welcoming recipients of the
moreover, blocks donating (Skt. dāna-antarāya), inflowing matter. It is, in fact, considered to be
receiving (Skt. lābha-antarāya), enjoyment (Skt. a necessary condition for all the other kinds of
bhoga-antarāya), and continual enjoyment (Skt. destructive karma to generate any effect on jīvas.
upabhoga-antarāya) ([1], p. 100; [2], p. 123). Once insight- and conduct-deluding kinds of kar-
When affected by karmic matter, the quality of mic matter are completely removed, the energy
bliss is the only quality of jīvas that suffers real quality powers the automatic elimination of the
598 Jīva (Jainism)

other three types of destructive karmas. The com- it out, kevalins reassume the human form and then
pletion of this process results in a perfect mani- proceed to terminate the bodily, verbal, and men-
festation of all the jīvas’ qualities, namely, infinite tal activities by entering specific meditational
knowledge, perception, bliss, and energy. A living states (Skt. śukla-dhyāna), which first stop all the
being who has attained this state is called bodily, mental, and verbal activities, and after
a kevalin, after the achievement of omniscience that also the autonomic bodily functions, such as
or perfect knowledge (Sanskrit kevala-jñāna), and breathing, leading to complete bodily death.
it is claimed that a kevalin achieves liberation These two steps embody the progression from
from saṃsāra at the end of the current life. This subtle movement to absolute non-movement. In
goal is not considered to be attainable for all jīvas the final stage of complete non-movement, which
but only those that possess the special quality of is only momentary, kevalins are referred to as
bhavyatva. Other jīvas, referred to as abhavyas, kevalins without activity (Skt. ayoga-kevalin).
are not able to achieve proper insight and thus Immediately after, following their natural course
forever remain in the cycle of rebirths (cf. [3], upward, disembodied jīvas rise to the top edge
pp. 95–109). of cosmic space, that is, space of liberated jīvas
(Skt. siddha-loka) or, as it is called because of its
crescent shape, slightly bent space (Skt. iśat-
Jīvas and Liberation prāgbhārā-bhūmi). They stay there forever,
motionless, individual, and characterized by infi-
In Jainism, liberation is understood as complete nite knowledge, perception, bliss, and energy.
and final release of jīvas from all kinds of karmic Once jīvas attain liberation, they are never again
matter. As noted, the key step to its attainment is reborn in an embodied form.
the destruction of deluding karmic matter, which
automatically leads to the removal of the other
destructive kinds of karma and thereby to omni-
science. However, since nondestructive kinds of Cross-References
karmic matter do not influence the functioning of
the jīvas’ qualities, it is possible for jīvas to attain ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
full manifestation of their qualities while still ▶ Dravya (Jainism)
embodied. It is thus important to distinguish ▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
omniscience from complete liberation. Upon the ▶ Karma (Jainism)
attainment of omniscience, jīvas are still bound by ▶ Omniscience
nondestructive karmic matter and are therefore ▶ Philosophy
referred to as kevalins with activity (Skt. sayoga- ▶ Reality (Jainism)
kevalin), whereas liberated jīvas are free of all ▶ Rebirth
kinds of karma. In order to attain total liberation ▶ Saṃsāra
from karmic matter, jīvas do then not only need to ▶ Self (Jainism)
remove the destructive karmic matter but also wait ▶ Time (Jainism)
for all the nondestructive karmic matter to run its ▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism)
course.
Vedanīya-karma is said to sometimes be bound
more firmly than the other three kinds of nonde- References
structive karma. In order to balance it with āyu-
karma, kevalins may need to briefly expand to the 1. Dundas P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, London/New
size of the cosmos, performing a process called York
2. Jaini PS (1998) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
samudghāta or destruction by expulsion. Such
Banarsidass, Delhi
cosmic expansion results in the discharge of 3. Jaini PS (2010) Collected Papers on Jaina Studies.
excess particles of karmic matter. After carrying Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Junnar 599

and cells were excavated in one or different levels

Jñāna-prasthāna on the cliff of the hills; beside the number give to
them by the Archaeological Survey of India, they
▶ Paṭṭhāna bear local names which allow identifying them.
The caitya or stūpa symbolizes the presence of the
Buddha, eight such monuments having been orig-
inally erected in order to contain his relics. Like at
Jo-bo-rje Bhājā or Kondane, for instance, no intrusive
image of the Buddha was introduced in the caves
▶ Atiśa (c. A.D. 982–1054) in the sixth century and no caitya with a niche
containing an image of the Buddha, like in Ajaṇṭā,
was sculpted (Fig. 1).
No caityagṛha at Junnar shows the grandeur of
Jōdo the monuments excavated in Ajaṇṭā, Bhājā,
Bedsa, Kanheri, Kārlī, or Pitalkhora. Nonetheless,
▶ Sukhāvatī they share specific features and reflect aesthetic
choices peculiar to Junnar. Scattered among the
hills, the monuments preserve, however, the basic
structure of the sanctuaries in these sites, their J
Jo-naṅrje-btsun Tārānātha ground plan being usually apsidal whereas
smaller sanctuaries have the rectangular ground
▶ Tāranātha plan also observed in small shrines at Kanheri or
Ajaṇṭā for instance (Fig. 2).

Junnar “Tuljā lena,” Tuljabai Hill

˙
Claudine Bautze-Picron One of the earliest caityas sculpted in Junnar is
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique located on the Tuljabai hill located northwest of
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, Junnar and belongs to the Tuljā leṇa group; it
Paris, France stands in a circular sanctuary (cave 3) and is
surrounded by 12 octagonal pillars which create
thus a passage for the circumambulation and sep-
Definition arate the sacred monument from the outer world.
These pillars support the vault above the caitya
Buddhist excavated site in Maharashtra which presents a very simple structure, a high
plinth or medhi supporting the hemispheric and
Nearly 140 monuments were excavated in four the most characteristic part of the monument
hills which surround the town of Junnar (lat. (Fig. 3).
19
100 N., long. 73
530 E.) between the first cen- A series of small excavations, some still with
tury B.C. and the third century A.D. Most are stone beds, accompany this shrine; they are
monastic dwellings of small size with irregular extremely eroded and their walls have practically
ground plans, and have cisterns dug in their all collapsed. Although the architecture is very
vicinity. They are attached to sanctuaries or basic, attempt at embellishing the façade is noted
caityagṛhas, “house of the caitya,” which show above some of them. A sober but elegant orna-
a more elaborate structure with an ornamental mentation has been carved, showing horseshoe-
façade whereas ornamentation is only rarely seen shaped blind windows of various sizes; these are
on the front of the monks’ abode. The sanctuaries attached to or stand above a railing (vedikā)
600 Junnar

Junnar, Fig. 1 Manmodi hill, “Bhūta leṇa” group of caves (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

carried by small pillars, and are deeply carved and

are adorned with the motif of the portico (toraṇa)
carved in low-relief. This forms a harmonious
composition creating an architectural landscape
reminding most probably of contemporary
wooden architecture. Further elements can be
introduced, such as the depiction of a stūpa, of
semi-divine figures flying within the niches, or of
devotees. This type of ornamentation is encoun-
tered in most early sites of the region ([3],
pp. 133–140) (Fig. 4).

“Bhīmaśaṅkara,” Manmodi Hill

Manmodi hill, located south-southwest of Junnar,

has three groups of caves, i.e., the Bhīmaśaṅkara,
the Ambā-Ambikā, and the Bhūta leṇa groups
([3], pp. 140–159). Each group has its sanctuary
and a series of dwelling caves. Some caves were
left unfinished, such as the caityagṛha of the first
group Bhīmaśaṅkara (cave 2): the interior is
a deep rectangular hall, without pillars and with
a flat ceiling, and where the caitya has not been
Junnar, Fig. 2 Suleiman hill, “Gaṇeśa leṇa” group, cave carved out of the rock. The façade, on the con-
14 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) trary, shows its final structure even though one can
Junnar 601

J
Junnar, Fig. 3 Tuljabai hill, “Tuljā leṇa” group, cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Junnar, Fig. 4 Tuljabai hill, “Tuljā leṇa” group, View from cave 3, extreme left, to cave 16; ornamentation is seen above
caves 12 and 15–16, cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

surmise that its full ornamentation was not done: “Gaṇeśa leṇa” on the Suleiman hill (see below);
the large window has indeed not been carved the back wall of the veranda is similarly devoid
through and the surface of the rock around it is from any ornamentation. The two octagonal pil-
plain – which is also seen at the sanctuary of the lars and two pilasters of the veranda rest on
602 Junnar

Junnar, Fig. 5 Manmodi hill, “Bhīmaśaṅkara” group, caves 1 and 2 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

a railing and present the “classical” structure of “Bhūta lena,” Manmodi Hill
the pillar at this early period which is also ˙
observed in the veranda of the nearby cave 1. One of the most interesting façade ornamentation
The pillar emerges out of a large globular vase of the Junnar caves is the one of the caityagṛha of
“of abundance” (pūrṇaghaṭa) itself standing on the Bhūta leṇa group (cave 40) ornamentation
a stepped pedestal and has as capital a reversed financed by a yavana or “foreigner” in the second
similar vase under an abacus in the form of century A.D. ([2], p. 160). Here also the monu-
a reversed stepped pyramid (Fig. 5). ment was left unfinished since the row of octago-
nal pillars inside was not fully cut out of the rock
around the caitya. The façade is carved in a deep
“Ambā-Ambikā,” Manmodi Hill recess, the front face of which is covered with
architectural motifs already encountered on the
Although unfinished, the sanctuary of this group Tuljabai hill as mentioned above: horseshoe-
is worth mentioning (cave 26). Its veranda is very shaped blind windows adorned with the low-
high and supported by two octagonal pillars and carved motif of the portico and resting on
two pilasters with a structure similar to the one a railing form a frame around the upper part of
of the caityagṛha of the Bhīmaśaṅkara group. the façade. The large horseshoe-shaped arch
A small square shrine with stūpa was also exca- which surmounts the entrance to the shrine has
vated at the side of this monument, the monument an ornamentation not found anywhere else: a huge
showing an outline encountered in other caves at half-lotus flower of seven petals is carved with the
Junnar: the hemispheric part, slightly bulbous, central upper petal adorned with Lakṣmī standing
rests on a rather high plinth whereas the here between two elephants who water her and are
damaged harmikā was probably attached to the depicted in the next petals; the remaining four
umbrella carved on the ceiling (Fig. 6). petals are filled with the depiction of two couples
Junnar 603

Junnar, Fig. 6 Manmodi hill, “Ambā-Ambikā” group, caves 22–29 at ground level (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) J

venerating the goddess or the monument. Another

feature specific to this façade is the representation
of a nāgarāja standing above the horseshoe-
shaped arch together with his archenemy Garuḍa.
A nearby monastic dwelling or vihāra (cave 45)
has a façade ornamentation similar to the one
encountered on the Manmodi hill, i.e., horse-
shoe-shaped arches resting on a railing adorn the
upper part of the façade above the entrances to the
monastery (Fig. 7).

“Ganeśa lena,” Sulaiman Hill

˙ ˙
This hill is situated north of Junnar; the monu-
ments form two groups excavated on the southern
(“Gaṇeśa leṇa”) and eastern side of the hill ([3],
pp. 159–174). The largest monument at Junnar
(cave 7) has been here excavated at a slightly
higher level than the caityagṛha. It has
a practically square hall, measuring c. 17 m
width and 15 m deep, and has a series of monastic
cells on the rear and sidewalls. The walls inside
and in the veranda are plain whereas octagonal
pillars and pilasters support the upper part of the Junnar, Fig. 7 Manmodi hill, “Bhūta leṇa” group, cave
façade. The pillars standing behind the railing are 40 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
604 Junnar

Junnar, Fig. 8 Sulaiman hill, “Gaṇeśa leṇa” group, caves 1–7, numbered from right to left (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

identical to those standing inside the sanctuary

façade with pairs of animal lying above the
inverted stepped pyramid of the abacus (Fig. 8).
Among the sanctuaries excavated in the hills of
Junnar, the monument of this group (cave 6) is the
most accomplished although its façade is dam-
aged and was perhaps left unfinished. The horse-
shoe-shaped niche rests on a railing; it is blind,
which gives an impression of having been left
unfinished but is a feature also seen at the shrine
of the “Bhīmaśaṅkara” group; similarly, the archi-
tectural ornamentation present in the upper part of
the façade of the caityagṛha of the Bhūta leṇa
group or above a number of vihāras remained
here altogether absent. The niche rests on a
veranda having two octagonal pillars and two
pilasters. These have the outline already noted in
other shrines of the site, i.e., the lower and upper
parts of these pillars are highly elaborated with
a large globular vase standing on a stepped ped-
estal below and a capital which is practically
symmetric to the base. Moreover, reclining ani-
mals, now much erased, were here carved above
the abacus, a motif encountered in other sites of
Maharashtra, for instance, in Bedsa or Kārlī Junnar, Fig. 9 Sulaiman hill, “Gaṇeśa leṇa” group, cave
(Fig. 9). 6, façade (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
Justice 605

or harmikā tops it showing the square vedikā with

the inverted stepped pyramid (Fig. 10).

Shivneri Hill

The monuments excavated on the fourth hill, the

Shivneri hill, west of Junnar, form six groups and
amount to nearly 70, most of them being small
dwelling places ([3], pp. 174–190). Here also was
found an inscription mentioning a donation by a
yavana ([2], p. 157). Partly well-preserved murals
are found on the flat ceiling of a sanctuary ([2],
p. 158; [1], p. 182).

Cross-References

▶ Ajaṇṭā J
▶ Bedsa
▶ Bhājā
▶ Caitya
▶ Kanheri
▶ Kārlī
Junnar, Fig. 10 Sulaiman hill, “Gaṇeśa leṇa” group, ▶ Mahāyāna
cave 6, interior (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) ▶ Stūpa

The pillars forming a row inside the apsidal

nave share this composition, the animals above References
the pillars of the nave being pairs of elephants and
lions which alternate, and those behind the caitya 1. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples,
standing without base and capital as always. False a chronological study. Thames and Hudson, London
2. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
stone beams have been carved under the vault, Calcutta
which differs thus from the added false wooden 3. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western
beams seen in other sites of the region but India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala
announces the later tradition, as seen in later Prakashan, Delhi
caves at Ajaṇṭā, for instance. The carved caitya
shows the outline typical of the site, i.e., it has
a very high plinth or medhi supporting a railing
out of which the bulbous hemispheric and most Justice
characteristic part of the monument emerges.
A much elaborated and well-preserved pavilion ▶ Warfare (Buddhism)
K

Kailās Kelāsa, Meru, and Sumeru, is located in

Uttarakuru, a semi-mythical and semi-historical
▶ Kailash region situated to the north of Jambudīpa (Indian
subcontinent). Alakanandāis said to be the chief
city of this region and Kubera (also called
Vessavana) is its king. It abounds with yakṣas
Kailash and devas, is 80,000 leagues in extent, and is at
the center of the flat world system. Lord Indra
K. T. S. Sarao (Sakka/Sakra), chief of the devas, lives in
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Tāvatiṃsa (Sk, Trāyastriṃśa) heaven which is
Delhi, Delhi, India located on top of Kailash. Gautama Buddha is
also said to have visited Tāvatiṃsa in order to
preach to his mother where she was born as
Synonyms a devaputra.

Gang Rinpoche; Gang Tisé; Kailās; Kelāsa; Meru;

Sumeru Geography
The importance of Kailash (Figs. 1 and 2) in the
Indian religious geography can be imagined from
Definition the fact that there are literally hundreds of moun-
tains and historical temples within India and
Mt Kailash is one of the holiest shrines of the abroad that are either called Kailash themselves
Buddhists, Hindus, Jainas, and Bön. According or have been inspired by Kailash. Adi-Kailash
to the Buddhist tradition, it is located in (Uttarakhand) (Fig. 3), Kinner-Kailash (Himachal
Uttarakuru and has Trāyastriṃśa heaven on top Pradesh) (Fig. 4), Kailash Temple Ellorā (Maha-
of it where Lord Indra (Sakka/Sakra), chief of the rashtra) (Fig. 5), Baphuon (Cambodia) (Fig. 6),
devas, lives. and Prambanan (Indonesia) (Fig. 7) are just a few
such examples. Uttarkuru is generally identified
with Western Tibet and the adjacent Himalayan
Introduction region. Mt Kailash is located in Western Tibet,
which falls within Indian religious geography.
In the Buddhist tradition, Mt Kailash, which is Western Tibet, known to the Tibetans as Ngari
also known as Gang Rinpoche, Gang Tisé, (called Ali by the Chinese), is possibly one of the
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
608 Kailash

Kailash, Fig. 1 Southern face of Mt Kailash and the Nandi Parvat

peak of Kelāsa range and is of silver color, 200

leagues high, and bent inwards “like a crow’s
beak” ([4]: II.437f). Kelāsa is often used in similes
in Pāli literature to describe an object that is diffi-
cult to destroy (e.g., [2]: V.39), perfectly white
(e.g., the horse Kanthaka, [2]: VI.490, 515), or
very stately (e.g., an elephant’s head or a big
building, [2]: I.321; V.52, 53). The Buddhist text
Mahāvastu mentions Kailash as the abode of the
kinnaras ([3]: II.97, 109; III.309, 438). According
to Pāli Buddhist mythology, a kinnara is a little
bird with a head like a man’s ([2]: IV.106, 254;
V.456).
Kailash, Fig. 2 Northern face of Mt Kailash

Buddhist Deities and Importance of Kailash

most inaccessible and remote regions in the world. Mt Kailash has the unique distinction of being the
Mt Kailash, closely associated with Mānasarovara world’s most venerated place which is the least
and RākasTāl and located about 35 km to their visited. Each year only a few thousand pilgrims
north, is a 22,028 ft high peak of distinctive visit this supremely sacred site of billions of peo-
appearance. Four of Asia’s great rivers, viz., Brah- ple spanning across four religions – Buddhism,
maputra (Tsangpo), the Indus, the Sutlej, and the Hinduism, Jainism, and Bön. The reason for this
Karnali (Ghagra), have their source within a short unusual fact is that Mt Kailash and the two lakes
distance of Mt Kailash. These rivers have contrib- are located in a bleak and remote corner of West-
uted to the identification of Mt Kailash with the ern Tibet.
mythical axis mundi (“Navel of the Earth”), People of Tibetan, Indian, Bhutanese, Mongo-
Mt Meru, the center of the universe in traditional lian, and Nepalese backgrounds devoutly make
South Asian cosmology. Pāli literature mentions their journey to Kailash. Though many people
Kelāsa as one of the five mountain ranges in come to see and walk around Mt Kailash, no one
Himavā standing around Lake Anotatta. Mt has ever climbed the mountain, the only exceptions
Kailash (kelāsakūṭa) is mentioned as the highest being important mythical and semi-mythical
Kailash 609

Kailash, Fig. 3 Adi-Kailash

Kailash, Fig. 4 Kinner-Kailash

figures belonging to legends of the religions asso- (Cakrasaṃvara) and his consort Dorje Phagmo
ciated with this mountain. To the Tibetan Bud- (Vajra-Varāhī ). These two deities are not necessar-
dhists, Kailash is associated with a Tantric ily gods as such, but are rather seen as personifica-
meditational deity called Demchog tions of certain wrathful or passionate aspects of
610 Kailash

human nature. Demchog is an awesome, colorful skin, twelve arms, and twelve hands holding
figure with unlimited amounts of energy. In the important objects. He wears a crown of human
images he is shown as having four faces of differ- skulls and a tiger skin around his waist. His consort
ent colors, each having three eyes. He has blue Dorje Phagmo has red skin and carries a curved
knife and a skull cup. She is associated with a small
peak next to Kailash called Tijung. Tibetan paint-
ings depict her as clinging tenaciously to Demchog
and inextricably interlocked with him in sexual
union. Hanumana, the monkey-god of Hindus, is
said to be seated at the foot of Kailash. It is also said
that the Buddha once inhabited the mountain with
500 other bodhisattvas (enlightened beings who
have chosen to stay back to help others attain
Nirvāṇa). Though this is not believed by all Bud-
dhists, what is generally accepted in modern times
is the association of the mountain with the Bud-
dhist guru, yogi, and the poet Milarepa (Rje-
btsunMi-la-ras-pa). Milarepa lived in the late elev-
enth and early twelfth centuries of the Common
Era, and he belonged to the Karma Kagyu school
of Tibetan Buddhism. Legends hold that he was
involved in a powerful competition for possession
of Mt Kailash with a priest of the Bön faith named
Naro Bönchung.
According to the Pāli text Paramatthajotikā [4],
Kailash, Fig. 5 Kailash Temple of Ellora-Rāvaṇa an important battle took place here between
attempting to lift Kailash to carry it to Lanka ĀḷavakaYakṣa and the Buddha, resulting in the

Kailash, Fig. 6 Baphuon, the Cambodian Kailash

Kailash 611

Personality consists in the ability to influence

others, and this power is due to consistency, har-
mony, and one-pointedness of character. If these
qualities are present in an individual in their highest
perfection, then this individual is a fit leader of
humanity either as a ruler, thinker or a saint, and
we recognise him as a vessel of divine power. If
these qualities are present in a mountain we recog-
nise it as a vehicle of cosmic power and we call it
a sacred mountain. . . To see the greatness of
a mountain one must keep one’s distance; to under-
stand its form one must move around it; to experi-
ence its moods one must see it at sunrise and at
sunset, at noon and at midnight, in sun and in rain,
in snow and in storm, in summer and in winter and
in all the other seasons. . . Mt Kailas has become
a symbol of the ultimate quest for perfection and
ultimate realisation, signposts that point beyond
worldly existence. ([1], 197–198)

Tibetan scriptures speak of four rivers issuing

from the world mountain: they are the Senge
Khabab, the north-flowing “River from the
Mouth of a Lion” (Indus); the Damchok Khabab,
the “Horse-Mouth River” to the east (Tsangpo/ K
Brahmaputra); the Mapcha Khabab, the south-
flowing “River from the Mouth of a Peacock”
Kailash, Fig. 7 Prambanan, the Indonesian Kailash (Karnali); and the Langchen Khabab, the “Ele-
phant-Mouth River” to the west (Sutlej). These
conversion of the former to Buddhism. Though are the names of the four actual rivers of the
historically speaking Buddhism entered Tibet Kailash region. It is one of nature’s classic
only in the seventh century C.E., the Buddha is improbabilities that four rivers ending 2,500 km
believed to have magically visited Kailash in the apart in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea
fifth century B.C.E. There are many impressions of should begin their differing courses in the same
the Buddha’s feet in Western Tibet, four of them unlikely region of Kailash.
being on the kora (circumambulation) route of Tibetan Buddhists call the mountain Gang
Kailash. The peak of Kailash, appearing like the Rinpoche (the “Precious One of Glacial Snow”)
Sphinx at Giza, dominates the rest of the ridge and regard it as the dwelling place of Demchog
standing out majestically like a cone and visible (also known as Cakrasaṃvara) and his consort
from a very considerable distance. Mānasarovara is Dorje Phagmo. Together the pair symbolizes the
Kailash’s inseparable complement in every respect. mystic duality of compassion and wisdom which
The lake is female to the mountain’s male, recep- results in spiritual Enlightenment. Three hills
tivity to its activity, and depth to its height; and rising near Gang Rinpoche are believed to be
Mānasarovara’s depths and colors contain a mys- the abodes of the Bodhisattvas Mañjuśrī,
tery equally sublime. If Kailash is an immutable Vajrapāṇi, and Avalokiteśvara. To the Bön, fol-
temple and focus for adoration, Manasarovar is lowers of the pre-Buddhist shamanistic faith of
a shifting fluid mirror meant for contemplation. Tibet, Kailash is the “Nine-Storeyed Swastika
Lama Anagarika Govinda writes: Mountain” and the mystic “soul” of the entire
region. They call it Tisé and believe it to be the
There are mountains which are just mountains and
there are mountains with personality. The personal- seat of the Sky Goddess Sipaimen. The Bönpo
ity of a mountain is more than merely a strange perform its kora in the anti-clockwise direction.
shape that makes it different from others. . . The union of sacred mountain and the lake marks
612 Kailash

a holy site for the Bönpo, the two being “mother bear the names of Buddhist divinities or divinities
and father of the earth.” subjugated to Buddhism, and there are numerous
At least most, if not all, religious traditions supernatural imprints. Three parikramā paths are
associated with Kailash-Mānasarovara consider well known, each of which is intended to be used
climbing Mt Kailash or sailing on Lake by the particular kind of living beings depending
Mānasarovara as sinful. In May 2001 the Chinese upon their spiritual elevation: the outer and the
government had granted permission to Spanish longest one for ordinary human beings, the inter-
climbers to climb Mt Kailash. But as a result of mediate one for the ḍākas and the ḍākinī s, and the
international protests, the idea was given up by third and the inner one for the 500 arahants. There
the Spaniards. Earlier Reinhold Messner had are three gompas on the kora-circuit of Kailash:
also gained permission to climb, but he gave up Chukku/Nyenri on the west, Driraphuk on the
the idea when on approaching the mountain north, and Zuthulphuk on the eastern side.
he felt that he would not like to hurt the sentiments About 4 km from Darchen, the trail climbs up
of those who considered it sacrilege to set over the southwest end of the ridge to reach a stone
foot on it. cairn. It is bedecked with prayer flags and marks
the first view of the mountain’s southern or sap-
The Parikramā and the Shrines as well as phire face and a chaktsal gang, the first of the
Associated Deities on the Route kora’s four prostration points. From this point
Of the pilgrimage season from mid-May till the trail bends round to the north and enters the
mid-October, July and August are a bit wet when Lha Chu valley, where the tall Darboche flagpole
generally Kailash stays surrounded by clouds. and the Yamadvāra soon come into view (Fig. 9).
Moreover, “It is common practice to go by one Yamadvāra is known as Chörten Gangnyi to the
of the routes and return by another, and very Tibetans. The real journey begins from here, as the
frequently the pilgrims observe the rule, of going pilgrims pass through this chörten to receive its
from left to right, as this is considered lucky and blessings and enter the Lha Chu valley (lit., Valley
correct (sulta), whereas the reverse is objection- of the River of the Gods). Driraphuk is about
able (ulta)” ([6], p. 51). Every step of the sacred 11 km from Yamadvāra. Darboche is located
route encircling Kailash and Manasarovar has its about 100 m to the east of Yamadvāra. It is marked
own legend, and every rock, hill, and spring its by a tall flagpole adorned with thousands of
own god: an outpouring of myth and belief which fluttering, multicolored prayer flags and kata
confirms by its very abundance the presence of scarves strung out in radiating lines from the
the sacred. pole. Pilgrims from all over Tibet gather at this
The parikramā of Kailash (Fig. 8), which is of sacred place on the occasion of the major
52 km, begins from Darchen (“Great Flag”). In the festival of Saga Dawa. This festival marks the
pre-1959 period, Darchen used to be an important birth, Enlightenment, and death (Nirvana) of
center of wool trade. Now it has grown into Śākyamuni Buddha (Sakya Thukpa) and falls on
a small shabby and stinky town. At a height of the full-moon day (Buddha Pūrṇimā) of the fourth
15,150 ft, it faces the vast amphitheater-like Tibetan month (either May or June). The
Barkha plain. The parikramā route is lined with Darboche flagpole stands some 80 ft high. On
reminders of a spiritual reality, signs left by gods, the occasion of the Buddha Pūrṇimā, the pilgrims
Buddhas, and holy men of such power that the ritually take down the flagpole and replace the old
rocks they stood upon still bear the imprints of prayer flags with new ones.
their feet (called shapje by the Tibetans) and The importance of the Darboche location is
hands (called chakje by the Tibetans). In the linked to the sanctity of a sky-burial site (dütrto)
Tibetan system, Kailash rises in the center, four called Drachom Ngagye Dütrto, located on a ridge
temples were built in the four cardinal points, and to the east of the flagpole site. The whole of this
four prostration sites indicate the four directions. rocky plateau including the sky-burial site is
All the mountains and larger rocks around Kailash called the Kyilkhor Teng (Maṇḍala Terrace) of
Kailash 613

Kailash, Fig. 8 Parikramā routes around Mt Kailash

the 84 mahāsiddhas. Guru Rinpoche and the first the company of 500 arahants. One can continue
explorer of Kailash, Götsangpa, are known to across this small plateau and descend back down
have blessed the site. The sky-burial site was to the kora trail and the river, in the area known as
once reserved for monks and lamas. Here the Sershong. The valley narrows dramatically at
sky-burial ceremony is performed when a death Sershong, with majestic hills falling down to the
occurs among the local people. swift-flowing Lha Chu and Mt Kailash appearing
Near the sky-burial site is a rock enclosure impressively above the eastern ridge.
protecting the first of the Buddha footprints on Chukku (Chöku) Gompa, also called Nyenri
the Kailash kora, created when the Buddha Gompa, is a small ocher building clinging to the
Chomdende (“The Victorious One”) flew here in side of the massive mountain across the river. It was
614 Kailash

Kailash,
Fig. 9 Yamadvāra

founded in the thirteenth century by Götsangpa- records of the Kagyupa, Götsangpa lived in a cave
GomboPel, a Kagyupa master. Perched high at Kailash from 1213 to 1217 C.E. Legend por-
above the valley floor at 16,000 ft, it blends secre- trays him as a pilgrim-monk who journeyed to
tively into its rocky background. The zigzag path to Mānasarovara. On his return he paused at the
the gompa goes up through a maze of multicolored entrance to the great Lha Chu canyon to begin
boulders carved with mani mantra. It takes about the traveller’s ritual of making tea, but the place
half an hour to climb from the river bank up to the was so holy not a single rock could be used to
gompa. All the Kailash monasteries were wrecked support his kettle, and every stone he picked up
during the Cultural Revolution and the Chukku was marked with a sacred mantra. Abandoning his
Gompa was the first to be rebuilt in the 1980s. cook fire, Götsangpa set off on the journey around
On the kora route, stone cairns (called lapse by the mountain, guided by a series of deities dis-
the Tibetans) can be seen almost everywhere. The guised in animal form. The entire length of the
Tibetans nurture a belief that difficult passes and Lha Chu Valley he chased a female yak (dri):
steep heights are the favorite haunts of gods and cornered in the cave of Drira, she revealed her
goddesses, and at all such places, mounds of stones true nature as a ḍākinī (“kodarma” in Tibetan).
are raised, having a pole fixed in the center and A ḍākinī is one of the magical legions of female
attached to it flutter colored rags. It takes about spirits who are the keepers of mystic intuition,
three hours from Chukku to Driraphuk Gompa. hence the name Driraphuk (Cave of the Female
The south-facing Driraphuk Gompa, also Yak’s Horn). The small temple of this gompa is
spelled as Deraphuk (16,400 ft), rebuilt in 1985, built around a rock cave whose walls are marked
looks across to the north or gold face of Kailash with indentations made by the female yak’s horns.
from the hillside north of the Lha Chu. On the From the roof of the Driraphuk Gompa can be
altar, inside the Driraphuk Gompa is the doll-like had perhaps the most superb view of the impres-
image of a famous monk named Götsangpa, the sive north face of Mt Kailash. As viewed from
discoverer of the Kailash route. According to the here, Kailash has three bodhisattvas in the shape
Kailash 615

of mountains arrayed by its side. The first of these Shiva-tsal earn the spiritual merit gained by
located to the west is Chakna Dorje or Vajrapāṇi, dying on pilgrimage, others believe they ensure
the wrathful Bodhisattva of Energy whose name a rebirth in the land of the Buddha. Sometimes
means “thunderbolt in hand.” The second one monks perform death ceremonies at the Shiva-
located to the east is Jampelyang or Mañjuśrī. tsal. The monk chants the holy mantras while the
He is the Bodhisattva of Insight, usually depicted pilgrims pretend to be dead. Right by the trail at
holding a sword, which symbolizes discriminative the end of the Shiva-tsal is a red footprint of
awareness, in one hand, and a book, which sym- Milarepa. A short distance from Shiva-tsal the
bolizes his mastery of all knowledge, in the other. trail reaches the sin-testing stone of Bardo
The third located between the other two is Trang. A narrow passage squeezes beneath the
Chenrezig or Avalokiteśvara, an embodiment of flat stone and pilgrims are supposed to measure
compassionate bodhisattvahood and the patron their sinfulness by wriggling under the stone. High
saint of Tibet. The Dalai Lama, called Gyalwa above the trail is a large mirror rock; it looks red to
Rinpoche by the Tibetans, is considered to be ordinary people, white to bodhisattvas, and black
manifestation of Avalokiteśvara. The title Dalai to sinners. A little further along, the much more
Lama means “broad ocean high priest.” Many convoluted passage under the Dikpa Karnak
religious-minded Tibetans generally wear an awaits those in need of a second opinion. Finally,
amulet or “portable shrine” around their necks, the trail turns to the east for the final ascent to the
containing the image of the Dalai Lama. They Drölma-la, and from here can be had the last
call it “gau.” The Kangkyam Glacier descends glimpse of the north face of Mt Kailash. One of
from the north face of Mt Kailash between the streams that cross the trail not long before the K
Chakna Dorje and Chenrezig, and it takes pass is said to have the ability to purify the nega-
a round trip of about 3 h from Driraphuk Gompa tive karma that comes from slaughtering animals.
to walk up to the glacier and back. Pilgrims search the bottom of the stream bed for
From Driraphuk, the Drölma (also spelt as small black “pills” that are held to be powerful
Dolma) pass is about 7 km. The path twists across medicine.
a rock-strewn slope awash in fog. Rock cairns When Götsangpa, who was the first man to
sprout by the hundreds along the trail, raised climb Drölma-la, came, he was guided up here
in offering to Drölma and in mimicry of Kailash. by Drölma (also spelt as Dolma) herself. At the
An hour’s walk takes the pilgrims to Jarok great boulder which marks the path, she
Donkhang (17,360 ft). A short distance from disappeared in the form of 21 wolves; the rock is
Jarok Donkhang is Shiva-tsal, also known as known as the “Drölma Stone.” Pilgrims reverence
Vajrayoginī Burial Ground (17,760 ft), a rocky it by circumambulating around it, bowing before
expanse dotted with stone cairns draped with it, stringing prayer flags (called lungta by the
items of clothing. Pilgrims are supposed to Tibetans) from the top. Lumps of butter, pinches
undergo a symbolic death at this point, leaving of tsampa, Chinese paper money, coins, portraits
their old life behind. To be reborn one must first of pilgrims, strands of hair, old clothing, human
die, and here the pilgrim faces Yama, the King of teeth, horned sheep skulls, etc. can also be seen as
Death, whose judgement purifies him for the new part of the offerings made by pilgrims. Tradition
life awarded atop the Drölma-la. Pilgrims pay demands one both leave and take an object here;
obeisance by cutting off strips of clothing and the strip of prayer flag thus obtained becomes
locks of hair and adding them to the heap on the a lucky amulet. Drölma-la, the geographic high
ground. Some even draw a few drops of their point, is the emotional peak of the entire kora.
blood and drop them on to the earth. These offer- Indian pilgrims perform a havan here. Drölma-la
ings are meant to create a physical link between is a stunning spectacle, stretching 150 ft across the
the spirit and this holy site and to prepare the soul summit with thick garlands of colorful prayer
for its long journey between this life and the next. flags dancing in the wind. At 18,500 ft, Drölma-
While some believe that the offerings made at la is the highest pass on the Kailash kora that
616 Kailash

Kailash, Fig. 10 Gaurī Kuṇḍa

represents the most challenging and rewarding Tārā (who carries her devotees to the other side of
point of the circuit. The crossing over this pass spiritual realization). Thus, spiritually passing
represents a transition from the former life to through Drölma-la marks the transition from this
a new one with all of the previous sins forgiven life to a new one, for atop the pass the pilgrim is
by the compassionate Goddess of Mercy, Drölma. reborn, all sins forgiven through the mercy of
Every stone around the pass is considered to be Drölma. Drölma is sometimes referred to as the
permeated with the three qualities of the Buddha: mother of all the Buddhas and has many aspects
mind, speech, and body. They also represent the but is most often seen as Green Tara or as Drölkar
Three Jewels: Buddha, Dharma, and Saṃgha. In (White Tārā). In spite of Drölma’s infinite mercy,
the middle of the pass is a large, cubic rock called the ascent to her pass remains a test of faith and
Phawang Mebar, upon which is a pyramid of determination. More than a few pilgrims have died
stones to support a flagpole. The flagpole has on the approach, where blizzards can strike almost
many strands of prayer flags going to other sur- without warning and continuously rage for days.
rounding flagpoles, and around the rock are A few hundred meters down from the Drölma-
placed all kinds of things by the passing pilgrims, la is Gaurī Kuṇḍa (Tukje Chenpo Tso, i.e., “Com-
like clothing, horns, animal skulls, hair and butter passion Lake” of the Tibetans) (Fig. 10). Located
stuck to the rock, and other such mementos. The at a height of 18,900 ft, it is the highest freshwater
pass is a place for fervent prayer, mantra recita- lake in the world. Hindu pilgrims are expected to
tions, and readings from sacred texts by the pil- immerse themselves in the lake’s green waters,
grims passing over and is also a place to look for breaking the ice if necessary. Set in a 300 ft deep
omens. Often, animal owners will bring their ani- bowl, the green-colored lake mostly remains fro-
mals over the pass to protect them from slaughter zen throughout the year. Usually the pilgrims
and to give them long lives. ignore the ablutions mandated by scriptures and
Drölma is a female meditation deity who is a hurry past.
manifestation of the enlightened mind of all the The trail down is barren, steep, and rocky,
Buddhas. This benevolent deity is also known as through an endless boulder field. It takes about
Kailash 617

an hour from Gaurī Kuṇḍa to make the long gompa’s main shrine. The miracle that gives its
1,500 ft descent before reaching the grassy name to the gompa is at the back of the main hall.
banks of the Lham Chu Khir. There are the Needing shelter from the rain, Milarepa and Naro
remains of a stone hut where the trail meets the Bönchung agreed to jointly construct a cave.
river. This place is marked by a huge rock topped Milarepa would build the roof, and Naro
by the kora’s third Buddha footprint. Thereafter, Bönchung would be responsible for the walls.
begins the flat trail. The soft grass carpeting the Milarepa amazed Bönchung by building his roof
ground is a relief to the weary feet, the liquid and making it float in the air without any walls.
whisper of rivulets and streams welcome after Bönchung quit the competition, so Milarepa went
the dry gray dust of the pass. Nomads’ black ahead and finished the project by adding walls to
tents (known as baghur) dot the green slopes of his roof and making the cave. Thus, it was an easy
this gentler side of the kora, and their yaks graze victory for Buddhism. Milarepa then decided the
placidly by the trail. Nomads can live anywhere, it roof was too high and went outside and pressed it
seems; freshwater and grass are all their herds down with his foot, leaving a footprint. Back
need, and this gives them an enviable indepen- inside he realized he had pushed it down a bit
dence. Although the eastern valley is not as spec- too much. So he shoved it up a little. All this
tacular as the other side of the kora, it possesses its activity resulted in his hand and head prints on
own subtle beauty. Everywhere is the sound of the ceiling and the footprint on the roof. Inside the
water, gurgling in rivulets and dripping off rocks. cave, pilgrims kneel to venerate an image of
There are routes on both sides of the river. The Milarepa seated in characteristic pose, right hand
east bank trail presents a better view and less cupped behind his ear as if listening to an inner K
marshy ground, but it requires a lot of boulder voice.
hopping and wading back across the river at After the shelter building contest, the two had
some point. A short distance ahead a valley another final contest to decide who could be the
comes down from the Khando Sanglam-la to join possessor of Mt Kailash. The contest was a race to
the main trail. This valley provides the only see who could reach the summit first. Naro
glimpse of Mt Kailash’s eastern or crystal face. Bönchung set off first early in the morning, flying
The third prostration point of the kora is at the towards the mountain upon his magical drum
mouth of this valley. From here Zhongzerbu (damru). Milarepa remained in bed until the
where the Zuthulphuk (or Tsumtul-pu, i.e., “Mira- Bönpo priest was nearly at the summit and then
cle Cave”) Gompa (16,000 ft) is located about 2 h’ on a ray of the rising sun arrived on top before his
walk along the river. By this point the river changes rival. Naro Bönchung fell down in defeat and as he
its name to Zhong Chu (“Fortress River”). was tumbling down his drum sliced a deep groove
The cave at Zuthulphuk is a special site, known on the southern face. This cleft is known to the
for being the place where Milarepa and Naro Hindus as the “Stairway to Heaven.” The defeated
Bönchung had one of their legendary contests. Naro Bönchung begged permission to continue
An interesting legend about Zuthulphuk Gompa circumambulating around the mountain counter-
relates to Milarepa and the Bönpo shaman Naro clockwise in the Bön manner. He also requested
Bönchung meeting at the spot where the gompa for a place to stay from where he could see the
was later built, the former journeying around mountain. The victorious Milarepa agreed. Tossing
Kailash clockwise and the latter anti-clockwise. a handful of Kailash’s snow onto a nearby peak to
Finding the argument futile about whose direction the east, he offered it as a dwelling place to the
was the right one to follow; Naro Bönchung lost priest. This summit is now called Bönri (the “Bön
his equanimity and hurled an enormous boulder at Mountain”) and on the lower flanks is the
Milarepa who nimbly caught it. To dispel doubts reconstructed Bönri Gompa.
in disbelievers, Milarepa left his fingerprints on Some of the most venerated objects within the
the rock, by the side of which a gompa came up gompa are some stone relics with rangjung foot-
later on. Milarepa’s meditation cave is the prints on them that are said to belong to
618 Kailash

Götsangpa, Karmapa, and Milarepa. There is also from the Drigung Kagyupa sect began the recon-
a trident carved out of stone called Mile Changkha struction and restoration work in 1983. Now the
from perhaps the eleventh century that is said to three buildings that make up the complex have
have belonged to Milarepa. Though part of it was been fully restored. The primary structure on top
damaged during the Cultural Revolution, the of the hillock has the dukhang (assembly hall)
stone trident is considered to be a rediscovered within. The other two structures are the kitchen
treasure that contributes to the strength of Bud- and living quarters of the monks. In the dukhang,
dhism in the Kailash region. In the Zuthulphuk the main images are statues of Guru Rinpoche,
cave, the most important object is an image of Palden Lhamo, DrigungKyopön, and Apchi (pro-
Milarepa made of a precious metal which was tectress of Drigung Gompa). On chörtens near the
supposedly created by the sage himself before he gompa entrance, pilgrims deposit tsa-tsas. The
died. Next to the gompa is the Changchubchörten, founder of the Bön tradition, Shenrab Miwoche,
which also belonged to Milarepa. There is a round reportedly stayed at this site.
protuberance near the altar which Milarepa had Other than Gyangdrak Gompa, Selung (Gray
declared as having the power to bless and protect. Valley), also known as Serlung, is the other
Around the Zuthulphuk Gompa are vast conglom- gompa at Mt Kailash that does not fall on the
erations of mani stones and huge piles of rock main pilgrimage kora. It is about two miles west
with mantras and scriptures carved on them. of Gyangdrak. This gompa, the smallest of the
There are also remains of several large stupas five Kailash gompas, is located on the western
here. Above the gompa are a few small caves side of Selung Chu. A small temple is upstairs,
where hermits used to live. Now they are only and residence rooms for monks and nuns are on
rarely used by nomads and pilgrims but can cer- both levels. There is a trail (partly motorable)
tainly be used as shelter during an emergency. The heading back directly to Darchen from Selung.
guest house at Zuthulphuk Gompa is quite prim- Though the summit of Kailash is visible from
itive and has only about half a dozen rooms. Darchen, the best views of the mountain can be
At a distance of about 5 km to the north of had from near the Selung Gompa. The trail to
Darchen, the Gyangdrak or Gyandruk Gompa is Selung from Gyangdrak starts near the chörtens
located. This gompa is a branch of the Drigung behind the monks’ residences. It climbs the far
Gompa (Drebung, east of Lhasa). Following west ride (16,950 ft) and then descends to the
a vision, this gompa was founded by the Jigten Selung Chu. Up the valley from Selung is the
Sumgon of Drigung Kagyupa sect of Buddhism as route to Sheldra, site of the inner pilgrimage
an administrative center for overseeing the multi- circuit of Mt Kailash. From here there is a trail
tudes of meditators sent to the Kailash region. going directly to Darboche. Near the base of
Gyangdrak was the personal residence of Kailash are the Serdung Chuksum (19 Reliquary
GuyaGangpa, the first Drigungpa administrator, Chörtens), where relics of the former Gyangdrak
who was responsible for governing the estates administrators were enshrined. Many meditation
donated to the Drigungpa by the King of Guge caves are also found here. The inner kora follows
to support the Kailash monks. Later, when in the the base of the mountain east to twin lakes of Tso
fifteenth-century Drigung Kagyupa sect fell on Kapala, neighboring glacial lakes said to have
bad days, most of the gompas in Western Tibet, black water in one and white in the other.
including this gompa, were “leased” to the According to tradition, only those who have
Drukpa Kagyupa sect of Bhutan. These gompas done the kora of Kailash at least 12 times can
were under the control of the Bhutanese till the perform the inner kora and visit these sacred
Chinese takeover. Like all religious structures lakes.
around Kailash, Gyangdrak was also destroyed
during the Cultural Revolution. It is the largest Kailash Pilgrimage Since 1981
of the Mt Kailash gompas and was also the first Chinese government opened Tibet to pilgrims in
gompa to be built in the Kailash region. Monks 1981. Since then both pilgrims and tourists are
Kamma 619

allowed in groups to travel to Kailash either via

Nepal or from Lhasa. Majority of the travellers Kākanāva
begin their 2-week trip from Kathmandu in 4WD ˙
vehicles. Under an Indo-Chinese agreement, ▶ Sāñcī
a few groups of Indian citizens are selected for
a 26-day pilgrimage by the Government of India
each year and are allowed to cross over into Tibet
via the Lipu Crossing of Uttarakhand between the Kākanāya
months of June and August. On the Indian side of ˙
the border, these pilgrims, under the tight control ▶ Sāñcī
of a government-appointed liaison officer, are
escorted by Indian security forces, and on the
Tibetan side, they travel under the strict vigilance
of Chinese tourist guides and immigration Kāla
officials.
▶ Time (Buddhism)
▶ Time (Jainism)

Cross-References

▶ Avalokiteśvara Kamma K
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Mānasārovara Angraj Chaudhary
▶ Mañjuśrī Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism) Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
▶ Tārā (Buddhism)
▶ Vajrapani
Synonyms

References Karma (buddhism); Karma (Jainism); Law of

Kamma; Rebirth
1. Govinda A (1966) The way of the white clouds:
a Buddhist Pilgrim in Tibet. Rider & Co, London
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols.
Trübner, London Definition
3. Jones JJ (trans) (1949–1956) The Mahāvastu, 3 vols.
Luzac & Co, London
4. Smith H (ed) (1916–1918) Sutta-Nipāta Commentary
Kamma means actions done with volition, which
being Paramatthajotikā II, 3 vols. PTS, London produce vipākas and causes one to be born in a
5. Sarao KTS (2009) Pilgrimage to Kailash: the Indian happy state or in an unhappy one.
route. Aryan Books International, Delhi
6. Sherring CA (1974) Western Tibet and the Indian
Borderland, First Indian edn. Cosmo Publications,
Delhi (originally published, 1906) Different Meanings of Kamma, its Kinds
and its Role in Rebirth

The Pali word kamma has several meanings. Rhys

Davids in his Pali-English Dictionary [1] has
Kākanādabota given them. When it is qualified by hī na and
˙ ukkaṭṭha, it means low and high professions.
▶ Sāñcī Under high professions come trade and animal
620 Kamma

husbandry and under low one comes that of vocal, and mental actions through volition,
a sweeper. then only those kammas are dynamic in nature
There are different professions as is clear from and produce results for him. Kammas done
kassa kamma, (plowing), kumbhakārakamma unintentionally or unknowingly are not regarded
(profession of a potter), purohita kamma (office as kammas producing their vipākas (results).
of a priest), anavajjāni kammāni (unsinful pro- Kammas done with volition either wholesome
fessions), and so on. or unwholesome produce their results. The results
When kamma means a profession, it is of wholesome kammas follow one like a shadow
regarded as a hindrance to the religious life. It is that never leaves, and the results of unwholesome
one of the ten palibodhas (obstacles) as described kammas are like the wheels of a cart that
in the Visuddhimaggo ([2], Vol. I, p.95). always follow the hoofs of the yoked oxen ([5],
It also means special actions like uposatha verses 1, 2).
kamma (observing uposatha) and nava kamma In the Aṅguttara Nikāya Aṭṭhakathā ([6], Vol.
(either constructing a new house or repairing the II, p. 104), it is said that there are different kinds of
old one). kammas: some ripen in hell, some in the animal
It also means asking questions as is clear from world, some in the world of men, and some in the
pañha kamma and making things clear as is clear heavenly world. Fruits of kammas ripening during
from āvikamma and pātu kamma. the lifetime are called diṭṭhadhammavedanī ya
Kamma used in the ecclesiastical sense means kamma, those ripening in next life are called
rules of Vinaya prescribed by the Buddha such as upapajjavedanī ya kamma, and those which
uposatha kamma, which when done brings merits, ripen in later births are called aparāpariya
and ukkhepanīya kamma (resolution of suspen- vedanī ya kamma.
sion), tajjanī ya kamma (censuring a bhikkhu), Greed, hatred, and delusion are the three roots
and other kammas mean different punishments of unwholesome kammas and their opposites such
given to a monk when he breaks some Vinaya as nongreed, nonhatred, and ignorance are the
rules [3]. roots of wholesome actions. All three kinds of
There is a very special use of the word kamma physical, vocal, and mental actions can be whole-
in Pali literature where it means actions done with some or unwholesome depending upon their
volition. Such actions have their results (vipākas), roots. Killing, stealing, and unchastity are physi-
which are responsible for one’s weal or woe. It cal actions; lying, slandering, speaking harshly,
also means the Law of Kamma and Rebirth. It and talking uselessly are vocal actions, and
means that one reaps what one sows. If one plants abhijjhā (greed), byāpāda (malevolence), and
a neem tree, one cannot expect to get mango fruits. micchādiṭṭhi (wrong view) are three mental
Kammas done by a man are responsible for his actions.
happiness or suffering. He may enjoy their fruits What actions will give what results have been
here and now in this life or he may suffer. Even if described in the Majjhima Nikāya. If some man or
he does not get their results in this life, he is sure to woman kills living beings, injures them, is of
get them in the next life. Wholesome kammas angry and irritable character, is envious, does not
make him happy, whereas unwholesome kammas give dāna, is obstinate and arrogant, and does not
make him suffer. It is his kammas which deter- ask a recluse what is wholesome and what is
mine whether he will be born in a happy state unwholesome, what is blameable and what is
(sugati) or in an unhappy one (duggati). not, what is to be cultivated and what is not to be
In this context, kammas, which are responsible cultivated, and so on, he/she is born in an unhappy
for one’s happiness or suffering, are kammas destination or if he/she is born as a human being
which are intentionally done. The Buddha has he/she is short-lived, sickly, ugly, uninfluential,
explicitly said, “cetanāhaṃ, bhikkhave, kammaṃ poor, low-born, and stupid. But if he/she does
vadami” ([4], Vol. II, p. 117). “Volition, O monks, just the opposite, he/she is long-lived, healthy,
is what I call action.” If one performs physical, beautiful, influential and wealthy, high-born, and
Kamma 621

wise. Thus, it has been said by the Buddha Because of their past kammas, people are not
that “kammassakā, māṇavā sattā kammadāyādā born poor or rich (if the law of equity is enforced
kammayoni, kammabandhū, kammapaṭisaraṇā, by a government there will not be a yawning
kamma satte vibhajati, yadidaṃ hīṇappaṇītatāyā gap between the rich and the poor), nor are
ti” ([7], Vol. III, p. 249). (Student, beings are they born as a brahman and a śūdra (this division
owners of their actions, heirs of their actions; is also artificial as the caste system is not
they originate from their actions, are bound to a universal paradigm). But as the Buddha says in
their actions, have their actions as their refuge. the Saṃyutta Nikāya ([10], Vol. I, p. 112),
It is action that distinguishes beings as inferior there are four kinds of people: one heading
and superior ([8], p. 1053).) from darkness to darkness (tamotamaparāyaṇo
Thus, it is kammas which are responsible for puggalo), one heading from darkness to light
his/her birth in hell or heaven, and if he/she is born (tamojotiparāyaṇo puggalo), one heading from
in this world they are responsible for what phys- light to darkness ( jotitamoparāyaṇo puggalo),
ical and mental qualities he/she is endowed with. and one heading from light to light ( joti
The Buddha believes in the Law of Kamma. jotiparāyaṇo puggalo). The paradigms of light
Whereas other philosophers and thinkers hold that and darkness, respectively, stand for people who
a man must reap what he sows, the Buddha holds are of ethically good and bad dispositions. One’s
that what a man reaps accords with his deeds. kamma is not responsible for his poverty or
Thus, he does not see the Law of Kamma as wealth, but it is definitely responsible for one
a fatalist or a determinist sees it. According to being morally and ethically good or bad.
the Buddha, it does not necessarily make one Kamma is the instrument of moral order. It is K
a fatalist. Fatalism leaves no choice open to man. a niyāma (order, way) just as the seaon (ṛtu), the
What happens seems to be predetermined, but the seed (bī ja), the consciousness (citta) and the laws
Buddha believes in free will. If a man is leading of Dhamma (dhammaniyāma) are.
a miserable life now, he is free to choose his next In the Aṅguttara Nikāya ([6], Vol. I, p. 201),
life and make it better. the Buddha refutes the wrong view that “whatever
Some clever people having vested interests weal or woe or neutral feeling is experienced is all
interpret the Law of Kamma in such a way that if due to some previous action (pubbekatahetu)” and
this law is literally believed in the way they inter- says “so then owing to a previous action man will
pret it, the so-called low caste people will always become murderers, thieves, unchaste, liars, slan-
remain low and the so-called high caste people derers, abusive, babblers, covetous, malicious and
will always remain high. If the Law of Kamma is perverse in view. Thus for those who fall back on
held responsible for the poverty of the people, then the former deeds as the essential reason, there is
what will be the use of any welfare government neither desire to do, nor effort to do, nor necessity
trying to ameliorate the conditions of the poor to do this deed or abstain from that deed” ([11],
people? Why should people make revolution? Vol. I, p. 157).
Why should they raise voice against the bad poli- The Buddha says further ([6], Vol. I, p. 201)
cies of the government? Why should they fight for that “if any one says that a man must reap
their right? But it is common experience that the according to his deeds, in that case there is no
welfare government does bring about changes for religious life nor is an opportunity afforded for the
the better in the life of the poor people, and certain entire extinction of sorrow. But if any one says
measures taken by the government do bridge the that what a man reaps accords with his deeds, in
gap between the rich and the poor. that case there is a religious life and an opportu-
The Law of Kamma works in the moral world. nity is afforded for the entire extinction of sorrow”
Dr. Ambedkar rightly says that “the law of kamma ([11], Vol. I, p. 157).
has to do only with the question of general moral The Law of Kamma as envisaged by the Bud-
order. It has got nothing to do with the fortunes or dha is not inexorable in the sense that any kamma
misfortunes of an individual” [9]. that a man does must produce its result. If this is
622 Kamma

accepted, then there will remain no possibility of rūpa) is maintained through change. To make it
counteracting an akusala kamma by a kusala more clear, just as continuity is maintained
kamma. through changes when milk turns into curd, curd
A beautiful simile is given in the Aṅguttara into butter, and butter into ghee, similarly the
Nikāya ([6], Vol. I, p. 282) to show how a kusala continuity of a person or a thing is maintained.
kamma can counteract an akusala kamma. Just as Just as there is no curd without milk, no butter
a pinch of salt when added to a cup of water can without curd, and no ghee without butter, one
make it salty but when thrown into the Ganges cannot call curd milk because it has turned into
cannot make it salty, so a great wholesome action curd, so one phase or state comes into being and
can counteract small unwholesome actions. Just another passes away. When rebirth takes place, it
as small iron balls sink in the sea but a large ship is, as it were, simultaneous. A man might have
made of several tons of iron floats on it and the done good or bad actions in life and their results
ship can hold several iron balls, similarly are bound to pursue him. But if he is alert and
a powerful kusala kamma can counteract several mindful and bent upon making his life better, he is
akusala kammas. However, there is an exception. free to do wholesome actions. His past kammas
One committing heinous crimes cannot escape will influence his life no doubt but cannot compel
their results. There are six heinous crimes, and dictate him to act as they want him to do. He is
namely, matricide, patricide, killing an arahant, free to change his course of action. So even if he
shedding the blood of the Buddha, causing has done some unwholesome action, he is not to
a schism in the Saṅgha, and upholding wrong reap its consequences. He can remember some
views. good kamma done in his life at the time of death,
There is a relation between the kamma and and his course of life will change for the better.
rebirth. One’s rebirth is determined by one’s How different kammas work in life can be seen
kamma. By virtue of his wholesome actions, he from what is said below.
will be born in a happy state, and by virtue of his From the viewpoint of function, there are four
unwholesome actions, he will be born in an types of kammas. The first is Janaka kamma
unhappy state. (reproductive kamma). Birth in a happy or
A very relevant and important question unhappy state is determined by wholesome or
connected with the theory of kamma and rebirth unwholesome actions done in the past. The
is “Does he, who is reborn remain the same or predominating kammas done or remembered by
become different?” When this question was asked one at the time of his death condition his birth in
by King Milinda, Nagasena replied that he is a happy or unhappy state. The last thought (cuti
neither the same nor different. Just as the grown citta) that arises at the time of one’s death
up man is not the same as the child from whom he produces vibrations, which propel life flux. This
has developed and derived, so he is not the same last thought is called reproductive or janaka
man. But he is not different either. Similarly, one kamma. It produces mental and material aggre-
who is born is neither the same nor different. The gates, which are characterized by the last life flux.
different states and phases from childhood to Supportive or upatthambhaka kammas support
manhood are included in one by means of the the reproductive kammas. They support them
process of continuity through change. Just as from birth to death. Of the two types of kammas,
a man who commits a crime is the same who moral supportive kammas help in giving one
gets the punishment, one who grows up is not health, wealth, and happiness, whereas the
completely different from one who is born. As immoral ones do just the opposite ([2], Vol. II,
different states are included in one growing pro- p. 234).
cess, all stages from childhood to manhood are There are kammas which are called obstructive
included in one dynamic process. Just as in or counteractive (upapī ḍaka) kammas. These
a burning lamp continuity is maintained through kammas produce obstructions. They do not
change, continuity in the name and form (nāma- allow the past wholesome or unwholesome
Kanakheda 623

actions to produce their results. That is why what is wholesome and what is unwholesome and
a person born with good reproductive kammas live a moral life to either annihilate all desires –
may be subject to various ailments and an animal the cause of his suffering in the cycle of birth and
may enjoy a comfortable life. death again and again – or reduce his desires to
There is yet another type of kamma called experience maximum peace and harmony.
upaghātaka (destructive) kammas. Reproductive
wholesome kammas may not be allowed to pro-
duce their fruits according to the Law of Kamma. Cross-References
A more powerful opposing kamma of the past can
stop them from producing their results. Destruc- ▶ Rebirth
tive kammas may be both good and bad. They do ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
not only obstruct but they destroy the two ▶ Warfare (Buddhism)
upatthambhaka and upapī ḍaka kammas, either
wholesome or unwholesome.
Kammas are also classified according to the References
order they ripen. They are garuka, (weighty),
āsanna (potent kamma remembered or done 1. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (eds) (1975) Pali English
Dictionary. First Indian Edition, New Delhi
shortly before death), ācinna (habitual), and
2. Visuddhimaggo II (Unless otherwise mentioned all
kaṭattā (reserved). books referred to here are published by Vipassana
Garuka kammas are rendered into English as Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
weighty or serious kammas. They may be good or 3. Vinaya Piṭaka (Unless otherwise mentioned all books K
referred to here are published by Vipassana Research
bad and may produce their results in this life or in
Institute, Dhammagiri)
the next life without fail. That is why they are 4. Aṅguttara Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all
called ānantariya kammas, which include matri- books referred to here are published by Vipassana
cide, patricide, killing an arahant, wounding the Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
5. Dhammapada (Unless otherwise mentioned all books
Buddha, creating schism in the order, and lastly
referred to here are published by Vipassana Research
holding wrong views. The results of these Institute, Dhammagiri)
kammas cannot be obstructed or destroyed even 6. Aṅguttara Nikāya Aṭṭhakatha (Unless otherwise men-
by upaghātaka kammas ([2], Vol. II, p. 234). tioned all books referred to here are published by
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
There are some kammas which are classified
7. Majjhima Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all
from the viewpoint of the time of their operation. books referred to here are published by Vipassana
Āsanna kammas are those which are remembered Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
immediately before death, ācinna kammas are 8. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (Trs) (1995) The Middle Length
Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom, Boston
those which are habitually done, and kaṭatta
9. Ambedkar BR, The Buddha and his Dhamma,
kammas are reserved or cumulative kammas. Taiwan edn. Buddha Bhumi Publication, Nagpura
All these types of wholesome and unwholesome 10. Saṃyutta Nikāya (Unless otherwise mentioned all
actions are done in the previous and present books referred to here are published by Vipassana
Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
lifetime. In the absence of the three kammas,
11. Woodward FL (Tr) (1982) Gradual Sayings.
they become operative and can even cause Routledge and Kegan Paul, London
rebirth [12]. 12. Abhidhammavibhāvanī Ṭīkā (Unless otherwise men-
There is one more type of kamma called tioned all books referred to here are published by
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri)
diṭṭhadhammavedanīya kammas. These kammas
become effective immediately and their results are
experienced in this life ([2], Vol. II, p. 234).
The theory of kamma and rebirth as elucidated
by the Buddha makes it amply clear that for living Kanakheda
a good moral life and for experiencing peace and
harmony, it is incumbent upon man to understand ▶ Sāñcī
624 Kanheri

Most dwelling caves are of small size, without

Kanheri any ornamentation, and with rather irregular ground
plans, very unlike those excavated in other sites of
Claudine Bautze-Picron Maharashtra ([3], p. 165). The number of monastic
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique cells attached to them is limited and can vary, some
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’, caves having even only one cell. They can be
Paris, France directly accessible from the outside or present
a veranda resting on pillars; most have a courtyard
and a cistern. Small shrines were excavated close to
Synonyms the large sanctuary (for instance, the niches of
group 2), having a caitya carved within
Kanherī a rectangular hall ([4], pp. 190–221).
The caityagṛha or “house of the caitya” (cave
3) was excavated in the second century A.D. It is
Definition preceded by a courtyard accessible through
a flight of steps and closed by a wall which has
Buddhist excavated site in Maharasthra. suffered only some damages. Whereas the steps
mark the sacred nature of the monument by hav-
Kanheri (lat. 19
10 N., long. 72
540 E.) situated ing it at a higher level than the mundane outer
North of Mumbai was doubtlessly one of the most world, this wall carved out of the rock was also
important Buddhist site in the region, inhabited intended to draw a strict limit between the outer
from around the first up to the eleventh century A. profane world and the sacred space; hence, it is
D. The site is located in a region where continental adorned with the motif of the railing or vedikā
trade routes were reaching ports of the Arabian carved in low relief and two doorkeepers. Various
Sea, such as Sopara or Kalyan, another major other motifs adorn this wall, such as friezes with
early Buddhist site in the region being Kondivite. animals, lotus roundels, or a nāgarāja standing at
This partly explains the importance of the site the viewer’s right (Fig. 1).
which can be appreciated from the large number Two stambhas (pillars) stand on either side of the
of monuments, no less than around 120, which courtyard, reminding of the pillar erected at Kārlī,
were excavated; another conclusive feature might left to the entrance of the veranda. Two plain square
have been the beauty of the scenery and its con- pillars and two pilasters mark the limit of the
templative impact. These excavations were veranda here; they support a screen made of four
indeed not all made along a single cliff like in pillars and two pilasters, a structure also observed at
Ajaṇṭā, Bedsa, or Bhājā but are distributed in huge Kārlī which partly hides the large semicircular-
boulders of black basalt which gave perhaps its shaped and roughly carved window ([3], p. 167)
name to the site, Kṛṣṇagiri, and emerge out of which allows light falling on the stūpa standing
a forest covering the slopes of the hills from deep in the nave of the monument (around 26 
where one gets a view of the Arabian Sea. 14 m) to which access is given through three doors.
The apsidal ground plan results from the pres-
ence of the caitya, and a row of octagonal pillars
Architecture, the Early Period runs parallel to the walls, creating a passage along
these and stressing the apsidal form. The caitya is
Caves at Kanheri were excavated in the first and an imposing monument, nearly 7 m high: it has
second centuries and knew a resumption of work in a high plinth or medhi on which lies the hemi-
the sixth century A.D. Intrusive panels reflecting spheric main part also known as aṇḍa or “egg” –
Mahāyāna iconography were then introduced in referring to the cosmic egg. The damaged square
earlier monuments, a situation which is also shared pavilion or harmikā carved above the caitya and
by sites like Kārlī or Nasik, for instance. out of which the pole carrying umbrellas usually
Kanheri 625

Kanheri, Fig. 1 Sanctuary, cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

K

emerges is here extremely small and rudimentar-

ily carved when compared to those seen in Bedsa,
Bhājā, or Kārlī.
A certain lack of aesthetic unity has prevailed in
the ornamentation of the sanctuary ([3], p. 167) as
can be seen in the structure of the octagonal pillars.
Whereas the pillars standing around and behind the
caitya always remain plain, those of the nave can
be likewise plain at an early period (see ▶ Bedsa or
▶ Bhājā, for instance) or present a more intricate
structure at a later period (see ▶ Kārlī, for
instance). The pillars present here variations
which go beyond this model: plain octagonal
pillars stand not only around the caitya but also Kanheri, Fig. 2 Interior of cave 3 (Photo # Joachim
K. Bautze)
partly in the right row of pillars in the nave; the
same octagonal pillars but with capital stand in
the left row facing the plain ones. And the same the external wall here or in contemporary sculp-
octagonal pillars but with elaborated base and cap- ture in cave 3, Nasik, another excavated site of
ital stand in both rows toward the front part of the Maharasthra. And stylistically, they are close to
monument, the inspiration for these pillars being the art of Mathura in the second century A.D. ([1],
those standing in the caityagṛha at Kārlī (Fig. 2). p. 132) (Fig. 3).
Four couples are depicted on the façade, An important feature is observed on the right
reminding of a similar ornamentation in Kārlī stambha in the courtyard where small images of
but lacking the vitality displayed in this site and the Buddha flanked by Bodhisattvas have been
reminding more of the stiffness observed in the carved right above the pedestal of the pillar and
carving of the door protectors and the nāgarāja on at mid-height above an ornamental band which
626 Kanheri

Kanheri, Fig. 3 Façade of cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Kanheri, Fig. 4 Buddha, stambha in the courtyard of Kanheri, Fig. 5 Buddha, stambha in the courtyard of
cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) cave 3 (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

appears to copy the structure of a capital. The Sculpture, the Late Period
upper image reproduces the Buddha seated, and
the lower one, the Buddha standing. In both cases, Whereas the first period is characterized by inten-
he shows the gesture of protection while holding sive architectural work which culminated in the
the extremity of his dress with the left hand at excavation of cave 3, the second later phase of the
shoulder level. A nāgarāja flanked by an attendant sixth century is marked by the introduction of
is carved at the bottom of the pillar, seen as if numerous carved panels in the veranda of the
supporting thus the images of the Buddha and caityagṛha, in caves of the early period, in group
Bodhisattvas carved on the shaft of the pillar 2, for instance, or in caves excavated in the sixth
(Figs. 4 and 5). century (Fig. 6).
Kanheri 627

Kanheri, Fig. 6 Caityas in caves of the early group 2, showing intrusive panels of the sixth century on the back wall
(Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
K

Kanheri, Fig. 7 Cave 90, front wall (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

These late caves show a very simple architec- covered with panels which are distributed in
ture, being mostly simply large square rooms with a very clear manner, reminding of cloth paintings
a narrow entrance; monastic cells can eventually hanging side by side in Buddhist temples of the
be attached to them and their walls are fully Himalaya. In the absence of a particular image
628 Kanheri

Kanheri, Fig. 8 Cave 90, left wall when entering the cave with images of the Buddha (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

Kanheri, Fig. 9 Cave 90, right wall when entering the cave with image of Avalokiteśvara in the left panel (Photo #
Joachim K. Bautze)
Kanheri 629

which would act as central point of worship, one

can wonder whether such caves were not places of
meditation rather than of pure veneration.
Worth mentioning are the carvings in cave 90,
illustrating a large range of depictions of the Bud-
dha in various poses but with a clear preference
given to the image preaching and seated in the so-
called European manner, an image which was
given full importance at Ajaṇṭā at the end of the
fifth century before being depicted in practically
all sites of Maharashtra in the sixth and seventh
centuries. Another aspect of the Buddha’s person-
ality which occurs in this cave and originates also
in Ajaṇṭā is the image of the standing Buddha
displaying his immense generosity by showing
the varadamudrā; such images were carved on
the sidewalls of the veranda of the caityagṛha
where they do not, however, display the elegance
of the line and the smoothness of the volumes
noted in the carvings of cave 90.
A further point of convergence with Ajaṇṭā is K
the depiction in cave 67 of the Dī paṃkara-jātaka
([3], p. 166) (Figs. 7 and 8).
Still in cave 90 is included a representation of
Kanheri, Fig. 10 Cave 41, 11-headed Avalokiteśvara
Avalokiteśvara as protector of the travelers; as
(Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
such, he stands and shows the gesture of protection
with the right hand while holding his most typical
attribute, the padma, in the left hand and is
surrounded by eight small images illustrating trav- would have remained limited, if not esoteric ([2],
elers in various perilous situations, for instance, pp. 24–27; [3], p. 166) (Fig. 10).
being threatened by a wild elephant, by a snake,
by a lion, being taken in a shipwreck, in a fire,
being chased by robbers, being taken into jail, Cross-References
or put to death. Again, it is toward Ajaṇṭā that
one must look for understanding the importance ▶ Ajaṇṭā
of this iconography illustrated thrice in Kanheri ▶ Avalokiteśvara
([3], p. 165). Avalokiteśvara is here accompanied ▶ Caitya
by two female characters, possibly the Tārā and ▶ Ellora
Bhṛkuṭī, who appear in this position in Ellora ▶ Kārlī
(Fig. 9). ▶ Mahāyāna
Whereas such an image of Avalokiteśvara fits in ▶ Stūpa
the mainstream iconography of the fifth and sixth
centuries, a unique representation in cave 41 of the
11-headed and four-armed Avalokiteśvara opens References
new perspectives, proving that this iconography
1. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples,
well known in Central Asia or China traced its
a chronological study. Thames and Hudson, London
origin in the Indian subcontinent where it might 2. Gokhale Sh (1991) Kanheri inscriptions. Deccan
have been, however, the object of a cult which College Post Graduate and Research Institute, Pune
630 Kanherī

3. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad, patronage of Buddhism. The main capital of his
Calcutta kingdom was at Puruṣapura (Peshawar in the pre-
4. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western
India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala sent-day Pakistani province of Khyber
Prakashan, Delhi Pakhtunkhwa) with the regional capitals being at
the location of present-day Bagram (Afghanistan)
and Mathurā (India). He was probably of Yueh-
chi ethnicity and used Bactrian, an Indo-European
Eastern Iranian language, with Greek script in his
Kanherī inscriptions. Kaniṣka’s large empire extended
from southern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in the
▶ Kanheri northwest to Mathurā (perhaps for some time till
Pāṭaliputra) in northern India including Kaśmīra.
Several coins of Kaniṣka have been found in the
Tarim Basin, and according to the Book of the
Later Han (Hou Hanshu), the territory of the
Kaniska Kuṣāṇas extended for a while as far as Kashgar,
˙ Khotan, and Yarkand.
Kanika Sarao Kaniṣka’s coins portray images of Indian,
Department of History, University of Delhi, Greek, Iranian, and Sumero-Elamite deities, indi-
Delhi, DL, India cating plurality of his religious views. The deities
mentioned in his coins include Hēlios, Selene,
Anemos, Hephaistos, Oado, Athsho, Ashi
Vanghuhi, Atar, Mah, Mithra, Mazda, Drvaspa,
Synonyms
Vata, Nana, Vohu Manah, Boddo (Buddha),
Shakamano Boddo (Śākyamuni Buddha),
Kaniṣka I; Kaniṣka the Great
Metrago Boddo (Maitreya Buddha), and Oesho
(Osho). The Buddhist coins of Kaniṣka in
gold and copper show, in Hellenistic style,
Definition Kaniṣka on the obverse and the Buddha or
Maitreya on the reverse. On his coins, he is usu-
King of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty and a patron of ally shown as making a sacrifice on a small altar
Buddhism. and is portrayed as a bearded man in a long coat
with flames arising out of his shoulders, large
rounded boots, and armed with a long sword and
Kaniska a lance.
˙ A number of legends about Kaniṣka as a great
Kaniṣka was a king of the Kuṣaṇa dynasty patron of Buddhism are preserved in the Bud-
(flourished c. 127–151 C.E.) whose kingdom dhist religious traditions. Kaniṣka’s era, which is
extended over parts of Central and South Asia. now generally believed to have begun in 127 CE,
Not much information by way of his biography is was used as a calendar reference for about three
available and whatever information that we have centuries by the Kuṣaṇa and Gupta kings in
is largely gleaned from the legends and archaeo- Mathurā. Kaniṣka’s reputation in Buddhist tradi-
logical artifacts that belong to his reign. tion is primarily based on his having convened
According to the Rabatak Inscription, Kaniṣka the Fourth Buddhist Council in Kaśmīra. Images
was the son of Vima Kadphises and great- of the Buddha based on 32 physical signs were
grandson of Kujula Kadphises. He is known for made during his time. He patronized both the
his military and cultural achievements and Gandhāra and Mathurā schools of art. Kaniṣka
Kaniska I 631
˙

personally seems to have embraced both Bud- sculpture, architecture, and iconography.
dhism and the Persian cult of Mithra. His greatest Kaniṣka claimed a divine heritage which is
contribution to Buddhist architecture was the reflected in the many titles that he assumed
multistoried Kaniṣka stūpa at Peshawar which from a number of cultures, including “King of
according to Xuanzang was 600–700 ft high. Kings” and “Son of Heaven.”
According to the records of the archaeological
excavations of 1908–1909 in Shāh-jī-kī Ḍhērī
(near Peshawar), this stūpa had a diameter of
286 ft. The site of this stūpa has not been pre- Cross-References
served and is now a slum, called Akhunabad,
located outside the Gunj Gate of the old Walled ▶ Buddhist Councils
City of Peshawar. The “Kaniṣka Casket,” dedi- ▶ Gandhara
cated in Kharoṣṭhī and containing three bone ▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script
fragments of the Buddha, was discovered in ▶ Mathurā
a deposit chamber under Kaniṣka’s stūpa, during ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
the archaeological excavations of 1908–1909.
The lid of the casket shows the Buddha on
a lotus pedestal being honored by Brahmā and References
Indra.
1. Rongxi L (ed) (1996) The Great Tang dynasty record of
In the Buddhist legends, Kaniṣka is often men- the western regions. Numata center for Buddhist Trans-
tioned as a violent, faithless ruler before his lation and Research, Berkeley K
conversion to Buddhism. Xuanzang who visited
India between 629 and 644 C.E. talking about Further Reading
Kaniṣka says: 1. Basham AL (1968) Papers on the date of Kaniṣka. E. J.
Brill, Leiden
In the four hundredth year after the demise of the 2. Dobbins KW (1971) The Stūpa and Vihāra of Kaniṣka I.
Tathāgata, King ascended the throne and ruled over The Asiatic society of Bengal monograph series,
Jambudvīpa. He did not [originally] believe in the vol XVIII. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta
theory of retribution of good and evil deeds and 3. Falk H (2004) The Kaniṣka era in Gupta records. Silk
contemptuously defamed the Buddha-dharma. Road Art Archaeol X:167–176
Once he was hunting in a marsh when a white 4. Hargreaves H (1910–1911) Excavations at Shāh-jī-kī
hare appeared. The king chased after the hare and Ḍhērī. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
it suddenly disappeared at this place. He saw in the 5. Kulke H, Rothermund D (1998) A history of India.
woods a young cowherd building a small stupa Routledge, London
three feet high. . . . Therefore he professed the 6. Kumar B (1973) The early Kuṣāṇas. Sterling Pub-
right faith and deeply believed in the Buddha- lishers, New Delhi
dharma. Around the small stupa he built a stone 7. Sims-Williams N, Joe C (1995/6) A new Bactrian
stupa. . . . These two topes are still in existence inscription of Kaniṣka the Great. Silk Road Art
([1], p. 71). Archaeol 4:75–142
Control of the major trade routes and ports in 8. Spooner DB (1908–1909) Excavations at Shāh-jī-kī
Ḍhērī. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
Central and South Asia brought substantial 9. Wood F (2003) The silk road: two thousand years in
financial benefits to Kaniṣka’s kingdom leading the heart of Asia. University of California Press,
to a prosperous urban society. With his conver- Berkeley
sion to and official support of Mahāyāna, Bud-
dhism experienced a period of significant
progress. Expansion of his empire into
Xinjiang’s Tarim Basin also appears to have ini-
tiated the transmission of Buddhism into China, Kaniska I
and the financial and political expansion was ˙
accompanied by immense progress of Buddhist ▶ Kaniṣka
632 Kaniska the Great
˙

Definition
Kaniska the Great
˙ Kapilavatthu was the capital city of the Sākyans,
▶ Kaniṣka the Buddha’s clan.

Kapilavatthu, located near the Himālayas, was the

city from where the Sākyans ruled ([19], Vol. ii,
Kannon pp. 7, 52). According to the Buddhist texts,
Kapilavatthu, which was founded by the sons of
▶ Avalokiteśvara Okkāka on the site of the hermitage of sage
Kapila, had seven 18-cubit high walls ([20],
Vol. i, p. 258). Rohiṇī flowed close to this city
and formed a boundary between the Sākyans and
Kanzeon Bōsatsu the Koḷiyans ([17], Vol. iii, p. 254). The
Mahāvana was situated close to Kapilavatthu
▶ Avalokiteśvara ([3], Vol. v, p. 412ff). The Lumbinīvana, where
the Buddha was born, was near this settlement and
was located between Kapilavatthu and Devadaha
([3], Vol. i, pp. 52, 54). Here, a Conference/Mote
Kapilanagara Hall (santhāgāraṃ) with grand seats was inaugu-
rated by the Buddha ([5], Vol. iv, p. 182f; [25],
▶ Kapilavatthu Vol. i, p. 353). Perhaps, there was one already in
existence of a similar kind called Santhāgārasālā,
in which judicial, administrative, and other mat-
ters of the city were discussed (See [19], Vol. i,
Kapilapura p. 91; [3], Vol. iv, p. 145). Viḍūḍabha was
received by the Sākyans here ([3], Vol. iv,
▶ Kapilavatthu p. 146f). Viḍūḍabha later ransacked this city to
take revenge on the Sākyans who had insulted him
and his mother ([3], Vol. iv, p. 152). The
Nigrodhārāma near here was the Buddha’s favor-
Kapilavastu ite resort ([5], Vol. iii, p. 91; [14], Vol. ii, p. 196,
Vol. iii, p. 248, Vol. iv, p. 220, Vol. v, pp. 83, 328;
▶ Kapilavatthu [25], Vol. i, pp. 91, 108f, 353), and Kāḷakhemaka
built a cell for the Buddha here ([25], Vol. iii,
p. 110). After the Buddha’s death, the Sākyans
received their share of the mortal remains of the
Kapilavatthu Buddha and built a stūpa over them at
Kapilavatthu ([8], Vol. xxviii, p. 2; [19], Vol. ii,
K. T. S. Sarao p. 167). The Buddha’s bedspread was deposited
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of here after his death ([8], Vol. xxviii, p. 8). From
Delhi, Delhi, India Kapilavatthu lay a direct road to Vesālī ([18],
Vol. ii, p. 253), and the road taken by Bāvarī’s
disciples from Aḷaka to Sāvatthī also passed
Synonyms through here ([4], p. 194). It is important to note
that in spite of the lofty accounts of this settlement
Kapilanagara; Kapilapura; Kapilavastu given in the texts, it may not have been a big
Kapilavatthu 633

settlement. Ānanda does not mention Kapilavatthu picked up from different levels and spots, with the
as one of the Mahānagaras ([19], Vol. ii, p. 146). legend Kapilavastu ([7], 1972–73, p. 33; [24],
A great deal of exaggeration seems to have worked pp. 47–48). In 1974, the monastery yielded more
in the accounts due to its strong association with sealings in Kuṣāṇa type letters and a lid of a pot
the Buddha. While some trade at Kapilavatthu carrying the same inscription as the majority of
cannot be ruled out, it is doubtful if the city com- the sealings ([7], 1973–74, p. 27f; [24], p. 48).
pared with Sāvatthī and Ujjenī or even Rājagaha in However, some doubts have been raised about the
commercial importance. credibility of Srivastava and his findings (See
When Faxian (399–414 C.E.) visited [22], p. 127). Till the issue is further resolved,
Kapilavatthu, “there [wa]s neither king nor peo- Tilaurākoṭ may tentatively be taken as the site
ple; it [wa]s like a great desert. There [wa]s simply representing ancient Kapilavatthu.
a congregation of priests and about ten families of Debala Mitra on the basis of her excavations
lay people” ([1], p. 85). Later, (629–644 C.E.) in the early 1960s in the northern fringe of
found that the country of Kapilavastu had Tilaurākoṭ mound dated the beginning of the
been deserted for a long time and had a sparse settlement in the sixth century B.C.E. ([13],
population ([11], p. 173). A 100 years later, pp. 58ff, 199ff). However, on the basis of later
Hye Ch’o (724–727 C.E.) relates that “The excavations, it has been suggested that the
Aśoka tree is still there but the city is already beginning of the settlement may actually be
ruined. There is a stūpa but no monks or inhabi- dated to c. 800 B.C.E. ([7], 1961–62,
tants” ([26], p. 42). pp. 73–74). The settlement covered about 49.5
Initially, some scholars identified the modern acres in c. 100 C.E. [13, 21]. K
villages of Piprahwā-Ganwārīā with Kapilavatthu According to the excavation reports on
(e.g., [2], p. 711f; [6]), while others, including Piprahwā-Ganwārīā ([7], 1970–71, p. 37,
T.W. Rhys Davids, said that there were two cities, 1971–72, p. 45, 1972–73, p. 33, 1973–74,
one ancient at Tilaurākoṭ and the other modern, pp. 27–28, 1974–75, pp. 39–41), habitation at
founded at Piprahwā-Ganwārīā after Viḍūḍabha’s the twin settlement seems to have begun in the
conquest. But most scholars do not accept this fifth century B.C.E., ending at Piprahwā quite
two-city theory (see for details [2], pp. 711–712; early, though Ganwārīā (perhaps the rulers’ resi-
[6]; [10], p. 90). Now, the choice lies between dence) continued till about third century C.E. It
Tilaurākoṭ and Piprahwā-Ganwārīā. On the basis seems that the settlement lost its urban status at
of the description given by Xuanzang, Mukherjee least with the end of the Kuṣāṇa period. At
identified Tilaurākoṭ in 1898 as the place of birth Piprahwā, the main stūpa was found to be built
of the Buddha [15]. In the same year, Peppé laid in three stages, the earliest stage being from the
a trench into a stūpa mound at Piprahwā. He found Mauryan period or perhaps a little earlier ([7],
a stone coffer with a number of vessels and four 1971–72, p. 45, 1974–75, pp. 39–73, 1975–76,
caskets, among them the famous Piprahwā vase, pp. 47–50).
the inscription of which provoked heated contro-
versies. The inscription reads: sukiti bhatinaṃ sa-
bhaginikanaṃ sa-puta dalanaṃ iyaṃ salila-
nidhane budhasa bhagavate sakiyānaṃ (See, for Cross-References
details, [9], p. 388). Many scholars have
expressed doubt that the Piprahwā casket inscrip- ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
tion refers to the Sākyans and believe that it only ▶ Lumbinī
mentions the Buddha, Lord of the Sākyans ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
(budhasa bhagavate sakyānaṃ) ([13], pp. 84–85 ▶ Sāvatthī
fn 6 and 7). In 1972–1973, K.M. Srivastava ▶ Vesālī
unearthed more than 30 terracotta sealings here, ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
634 Karla

References 25. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896)

The Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
1. Beal S (trans) (1869) Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung-Yun: London
Buddhist pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and 26. Yang Han-sung, Jan Yün-hua et al (trans) (1984) The
518 A.D.). K. Paul, Trench & Trübner, London Hye Ch’o diary: memoir of the pilgrimage to the five
2. Cunningham A (1871) Archaeological survey of regions of India. Humanities Press, Berkeley
India: four reports 1862–63–64–65, vol I. Govt
Press, Simla
3. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols.
Trübner, London
4. Fausböll V (ed) (1885) The Sutta-Nipāta. Pali Text Karla
Society, London
5. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, ▶ Kārlī
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
6. Fleet JF (1906) The tradition about the corporeal relics
of the Buddha. JRAS Pts I & II: 655–671, 881, 913
7. Indian archaeology: a review. New Delhi
8. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) Buddhavaṃsa. Pali Kārle
Text Society, London
9. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London
10. Law BC (1954) Historical geography of ancient India. ▶ Kārlī
Sociètè Asiatique de Paris, Paris
11. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang Dynasty record of
the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
Translation and Research, Berkeley
12. Mishra D (1972) Excavations at Tilaurakot and Kārlī
explorlations in Nepalese Terai. Department of
Archaeology, Kathmandu Claudine Bautze-Picron
13. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
Samsad, Calcutta
14. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara (CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’,
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London Paris, France
15. Mukherjee PC (1901) Antiquities of Kapilavastu,
No. XXVI, Pt. I, Calcutta, (reprint Delhi 1969)
16. Muller MF (ed) (1973) The sacred books of the east,
50 vols. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi. reprint Synonyms
17. Norman HC (ed) (1906–1915) The commentary on the
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London Karla; Kārle
18. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, 5
vols. Pali Text Society, London
19. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Definition
20. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE, Stede W (eds)
(1886–1971) Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s
Buddhist excavated site in Maharashtra.
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
Society, London
21. Rijal BK (1979) Archaeological remains of The site of Kārlī (lat. 18
460 N., long. 73
290 E.;
Kapilavastu, Lumbini and Devadaha. Educational Maharashtra) has a complex history which
Enterprises, Kathmandu
22. Sarao KTS (2010) Urban Centres and Urbanisation as
spreads from the first up to the sixth century
reflected in the Pāli Vinaya and Sutta Piṭakas, 3rd A.D. when images of the Buddha were carved
rev edn. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi on the walls of monuments of the early period
23. Sircar DC (ed) (1942) Select inscriptions bearing on and when new monastic dwelling places
Indian history and civilization, I. University of
were excavated. Kārlī, like the nearby sites of
Calcutta, Calcutta (2nd edition 1985)
24. Srivastava KM (1986) Discovery of Kapilavastu. Bhājā and Bedsa, is located in a region close to
Books & Books, New the Arabian Sea; Kuda is another small site
Kārlī 635

located south of this region but even close to the Be as it may, the façade retains the ornamenta-
sea; similarly, Kanheri and Sopara are two sites tion noted in Bedsa: railings run at various levels
situated north of Mumbai on the sea. These sites all along the side and the rear walls, supporting
were built in the close proximity to harbors, horseshoe-shaped blind windows of varying sizes
whereas all other sites found in Maharashtra can which are adorned with the low-relief motif of the
be related to trade routes which crossed the portico. This architectural landscape covers all
Peninsula. walls up to the ceiling. It is supported on both
The caityagṛha (“house of the caitya”) (monu- sidewalls by three elephants which emerge out of
ment 8) was most probably excavated in the first the walls, symbolically acting as support of the
century A.D., together with a number of monastic religious monument – as such, they were already
dwellings; the style and iconography of the mon- encountered at Pitalkhora. Couples are depicted
uments indeed are in line with what is observed at, frolicking or venerating the monument at the level
for instance, Bedsa. of the large horseshoe-shaped opening which lets
Like at Bedsa, the monument did not the light enter the monument and fall deep inside
directly open to the outside world, but was sepa- on the caitya (from citā, a “funeral pile”; also
rated from it through a screen resting on pillars, as named stūpa or a relic shrine containing ashes of
a structure which was partly destroyed with the a holy person). Similar couples carved in alto-
construction of a temple in the nineteenth century relievo flank the three entrances to the sanctuary;
(Fig. 1). they portray a great feeling for the line and for
sensual volumes, and are close to carvings on
uprights of railings at Mathura with which they K
also share similar elements of jewelry (see
“▶ Bhājā” for further discussion on the identifica-
tion of such couples).
Toward the end of the fifth or most probably in
the sixth century, carved panels showing the Bud-
dha have been inserted in this original setting, thus
breaking the regularity of its ornamentation. Sim-
ilar panels were carved in monastic dwellings of
the site, showing that the site was thus still
inhabited and had contacts with other sites of the
region, such as Kanheri, Nasik, Kuda, Ajaṇṭā, and
Ellora, to quote a few (Figs. 2 and 3).
The caityagṛha of Kārlī is the largest monu-
ment of its kind, measuring c. 38 m in length, 14 m
in width, and 14 m in height ([4], pp. 222–227).
The imposing stūpa carved in the apse has an
elegant outline, with a double-leveled plinth or
medhi, each level adorned with a railing,
supporting the aṇḍa (“egg”, a term referring to
the hemispheric form of this part of the structure).
A structure named harmikā or pavilion is carved
above it; it consists of a square railing which
supports a reversed stepped-pyramid element
Kārlī, Fig. 1 Façade with partly destroyed screen of the (also seen at Bedsa, see “▶ Bedsa”) out of which
sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze) the wooden pole or yaṣṭi supporting umbrellas or
636 Kārlī

Kārlī, Fig. 2 Façade of the sanctuary showing the old structure broken by the intrusion of sixth-century panels (Photo
# Joachim K. Bautze)

chattras emerges. Further wooden elements are

still present and very well preserved in the monu-
ment, such as the false beams and rafters on the
vault and the curved beams and rafters
reproducing a portico in the large window. The
octagonal pillars radically differ from those stand-
ing in the sanctuaries of an earlier period but
reproduce those seen in front of the sanctuary at
Bedsa, i.e., they stand in a base shaped as
a pūrṇaghaṭa, “jar of abundance,” and have
a capital composed of a reversed lotus flower
under couples mounting elephants; each capital
consists of four elephants, and thus four couples,
two facing the nave and two facing the aisles. And
as it will be the case in other sanctuaries excavated
from now on, the pillars standing behind the
caitya are plain, creating a plain background to
this monument, symbol of the Buddha and his
teaching. This also suggests a clear difference
between the space in front of the caitya reserved
to human devotees, where the divine universe is
alluded to by these couples, and this sacred space
Kārlī, Fig. 3 Sidewall of the veranda (Photo # Joachim devoid of any allusion to the sensual world
K. Bautze)
(Figs. 4, 5, and 6).
Kārlī 637

Kārlī, Fig. 4 View of the sanctuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)

K

Kārlī, Fig. 6 Wooden beams in the window (Photo #

Joachim K. Bautze)

Different inscriptions provide a historical

framework to the site of Kārlī. They mention
the name of donators and are incised on the part
of the monument for which money was given.
Some donators were merchants; some were
foreigners or yavana. One inscription found on
the façade refers to the donation by Śaka
Kārlī, Fig. 5 Caitya carved in the sanctuary (Photo # Uṣavadāta of a village for the upkeep of the
Joachim K. Bautze) monastic community in the first half of the
638 Kārlī

Kārlī, Fig. 7 Caves 13 and 14 (Photo # Joachim K.

Bautze)

second century A.D. ([2], pp. 177–178; [3],

pp. 154–155).
Caves were again excavated in the sixth cen-
tury, but their ornamentation remains very poor,
limited, for instance, at the pillars sustaining the
front part (Fig. 7).
The six-century carvings illustrate a common
type then encountered, i.e., the Buddha teaching
and seated in the so-called pralambapādāsana.
Most interesting is the fact that not less than six Kārlī, Fig. 8 Buddha seated on a throne and teaching,
being crowned, intrusive panel on the façade of the sanc-
such panels were carved at Kārlī. Some were tuary (Photo # Joachim K. Bautze)
introduced in monastic dwellings of the early
period, some in those excavated in the sixth cen-
tury (monuments 6 and 11). They show the pres-
ence of a crown held by divine characters above worshipping the Buddha and carved in the lower
the Buddha, a particular iconographic element part of the image. They are most probably the
which most probably finds its origin in sanctuaries donators of these images, and their representation
19 and 26 at Ajaṇṭā and is part of the long devel- in fact echoes the engraving of inscriptions
opment which led to the later depiction of the mentioning donators at an earlier period (Figs. 8
so-called crowned or bejeweled Buddha ([1], and 9).
pp. 42–43). Often also, Bodhisattvas are intro- The rather uniform iconography of this late and
duced on either side of the Buddha wearing second period and the rather poor quality of the
a cāmara; they are not easily identifiable but carvings prove that Kārlī had not been the site
clearly remind of those seen in a number of where deep transformations had affected Buddhist
caves at Ajaṇṭā, Nasik, or Kanheri around the iconography after the second century A.D.;
same period and might thus be named as a similar situation is encountered at Kuda, another
being Vajrapāni and Avalokiteśvara. Another contemporary excavated site in Maharashtra
permanent element of the iconography observed where the same images of the Buddha teaching
in the late fifth century and in the following were carved in cave 6 around the sixth century A.
period is the presence of monks and laypeople D. ([1], pp. 43–44).
Karma (Jainism) 639

2. Dehejia V (1972) Early Buddhist rock temples,

a chronological study. Thames and Hudson, London
3. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
Calcutta
4. Nagaraju S (1981) Buddhist architecture of western
India (c. 250 B.C. – c. A.D. 300). Agam Kala
Prakashan, Delhi

Karma

▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
▶ Ethics (Buddhism)

Karma (Buddhism)

▶ Kamma
K

Karma (Jainism)

Kārlī, Fig. 9 Buddha seated on a throne and teaching, Matthew Zaro Fisher
being crowned, intrusive panel in upper cave 4 (Photo # Claremont Graduate University and the Center for
Joachim K. Bautze)
Jain Studies at Claremont Lincoln University,
Claremont, CA, USA
Cross-References

▶ Ajaṇṭā Synonyms
▶ Avalokiteśvara
▶ Bedsa Ahimsa; Gunasthanas; Jiva; Moksha; Transmi-
▶ Bhājā gration; Yoga
▶ Caitya
▶ Ellora Definition
▶ Kanheri
▶ Stūpa Karma is the metaphysical category that accounts
for the relationship of transcendental cause and
effect in the world due to one’s actions. Karma is
References understood in Jainism to be a complexity of mate-
rial particles that bond to the soul through the
1. Bautze-Picron C (2010) The bejewelled Buddha from
activities of mind, body, and speech that either
India to Burma, new considerations. Sanctum Books/
Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern extend or shorten the duration of the soul’s
India, New Delhi/Kolkata embodied, physical existence.
640 Karma (Jainism)

Introduction based on actions regardless of who is committing

those actions, the level of spiritual development of
It is said that the doctrine of karma is the central an individual will determine the duration of bond-
dogma within Indic philosophies for explaining ing. If one’s soul is sufficiently advanced along
the relationship of cause and effect within the the fourteen stages of spiritual development
world [4]. Further, it is also said that karma is (gunasthanas), the karmas, while indeed attracted
responsible for the many and varied differences to the soul due to the soul’s physical and psychic
in the status and successes of different life forms activity, will nevertheless be unable to bond to the
[3]. In lieu of a principal such as divine provi- soul and fall away like dust off a well-polished
dence wherein the world is governed by the sov- surface. These karmic particles when bonded to
ereign will of a creator, karma is a-theological in the soul are called dravya karma and have
character and is understood to be those actions, descriptors such as taste, touch, and color. As the
words, and deeds, which produce invisible and empirical soul continues throughout its life, there-
transcendental effects (vasana) that are left behind fore, it incurs an influx of these dravya karmas
and impact the life cycles of ensouled beings that must run their course depending on the spir-
in the world. Thus, one can think of karma as itual development of the individual before they
understood within the Jain tradition to be fall away. As such, Jainism has a strict under-
a metaphysical-physical principle that pertains to standing of karmic accounting wherein the “bal-
action within the moral domain. Karma can be ance sheet” of one’s karmic debt must be paid in
understood as a type of physics within Jain full before liberation of the soul is possible.
philosophy: karma is responsible for the many Jainism’s unique, material understanding of
differences that one sees between individuals any- karma is comprehensive and has been systemati-
where from body and gender to class and social cally developed throughout the centuries finding
status. The idea of the transmigration of the soul its strongest formulation in the Tattvartha Sutra
ensures that karma accumulated in this life will by Umaswati (see ▶ Tattvārtha-Sūtra). Additional
have an effect on one’s birth and life in the next. textual sources for the doctrine of karma can be
Therefore, through the ethic of ahimsa (see found in the Satkhandagama, Pañcastikayasara,
▶ Ahimsa), Jainism understands the telos of life Karmagranthas, and Gomateshwara. However,
to be centered around shedding one’s karma in the most comprehensive analysis of Jain karma
order to attain liberation of the soul (see doctrine in the modern period is the 1942 work by
▶ Moksha) from embodied existence. Helmuth von Glasenapp, The Doctrine of Karman
What is unique about the Jain understanding of in Jain Philosophy.
the doctrine of karma relative to both the Vedic
and Buddhist traditions is its intrinsically material
character: subtle matter particles called pudgala Karma, Cosmology, and Nonviolence
permeate the entire cosmos (loka) which become (Ahimsa)
karma when bonded to the soul through the media
of the psychic activities (bhava karma) of mind, Given Jain philosophy’s nontheistic metaphysics
speech, and body [9]. This “materialization” of and cyclic cosmology, there is an intrinsic rela-
karma is achieved through the bonding of these tionship between the Jain understanding of the
pudgala in the space points of the soul, thus nature of the cosmos and the Karmic laws that
creating a physical karmic field covering the govern its functioning and development. The uni-
soul. One will hear Jains describe this notion of versal system disclosed in the Tattvarthasutra is
karmic bonding with the example of how dust is called the loka [1]. The universe is singular; it
attracted and bonded to an oiled cloth. The state of is uncreated; it has neither beginning nor end;
one’s soul (passions, aversions, attachments, etc.) it is finite in spatial extension and takes the
affects the bonding of such karmas, and so though shape of a squared outline of a human body; it
the type of karmic influx is set and determined consists of the infinite repetition of six time
Karma (Jainism) 641

cycles; and it has existed for eternity and will in order to explain the moral forces that govern the
continue to do so. Outside the loka is the aloka: universe. Karma is therefore a means of
the void. In contradistinction to the Abrahamic explaining how the embodied soul is responsible
traditions where God and the afterlife stand objec- for its action in the universe and how the conse-
tively distinct and “outside” of the created space- quences of those actions are born out in the
time universe, Jain cosmology understands there embodied forms of the soul in this life and
to be nothing beyond the limits of the loka. Jain- the next.
ism posits the liberated state of the soul to reside A helpful way for Western audiences to under-
for eternity in the siddhaloka – the uppermost stand the doctrine of karma in Jainism is to think
realm of the universe. Thus, human beings, sub- of it as functionally analogous to the doctrine of
human beings (animals, plants), heavenly beings divine providence in the Abrahamic traditions.
(angel analog), hellish beings (demons), and Both are supernatural metaphysical postulates
moksha (liberation of the pure soul) exist within that account for the goings-on of the physical
a single unified field of existence (loka) governed world formulated in a prescientific age. But
by karmic physics. where it is God’s providential will that is respon-
The physics of karma as a law of cause and sible for why things behave the way they do in the
effect underlies the physical laws of nature and Abrahamic traditions, the Jain understanding of
psychological states within the temporal portion karma inverts this understanding and holds the
of the loka called jambudweep, which is the com- individual fundamentally responsible for the
mon physical universe inhabited by all living causes and effects born out of his or her action
beings. According to Narendra Bhandari’s analy- within the material world. It is therefore only the K
sis of Jain karmic philosophy, “the physical pro- actions of the empirical soul that lead to the influx
cesses occurring in the universe follow the law of of karmas that maintain one’s existence in the
causality ‘Nothing happens without a cause and transmigratory cycle of rebirth in physical form.
every action has an effect’. This law of causality, It is the responsibility of the empirical soul to live
applicable to sentient beings, in the spiritual out the effects of those karmas for the duration of
domain is Karmavad of Jainism” [1]. Since Jain- the soul’s embodied life as well as in possible
ism believes anything with a life force is an future lives depending on the extent of accumu-
ensouled being (see ▶ Jiva), all living beings are lated karma at death. Karmas are therefore alien to
considered sentient in Jainism, and so all are the soul’s pure state, and so the ultimate teleolog-
affected by karmic physics. Moreover, because ical aim in Jainism is for the embodied, empirical
of this relationship between karma and matter, soul, to learn the path of liberation by following
one cannot make a distinction between physics the teachings of the Jinna (enlightened ones) (see
and metaphysics within the Jain tradition for ▶ Jina) in order to shed its karma and attain lib-
both are conflated in the understanding of the eration (Moksha) as an immaterial and omniscient
relationship between the ultimate state of the pure soul. However, contrary to divine provi-
pure soul and its transmigratory journey via rein- dence, the only person responsible for the accu-
carnation as an embodied soul governed by mulation of karma is one’s own soul. The Jain
karma. Because soul (jiva) is the fundamental philosophical tradition denies karmic mobility
and irreducible descriptor of the ultimately real between souls [2] and instead places a strong
in the Jain metaphysical system, all physical and emphasis on the individual’s responsibility for
psychic causes and effects revolve around how her spiritual development and eventual liberation.
these forces relate to each soul’s transmigratory The Jain understanding of karma is unique in
journey through the cycle of rebirth and (hope- comparison to other Indic karmic philosophies
fully) eventual liberation from the physical world. insofar as Jainism conceives of karma as
Contrary to other Indic philosophical systems, a material force applicable to bonding with soulful
Jains do not deny physical reality as illusion but beings with psychological, physiological, and
instead stress its intimate relationship with karma environmental fruits/effects [6]. Psychological
642 Karma (Jainism)

karmas have primary influence on the empirical, knowledge: the three elements of Jain philosophy
mundane soul, causing the delusion of faith, the that are said to lay the path toward liberation
determination of emotional states, and the obscur- [5, 10, 12].
ing of right knowledge and meaning. Physical The infinite cycle of karmic bonding and rein-
karmas influence the type of body to which the carnation is a presupposed postulate of the soul’s
soul will find attachement in the loka: heavenly, existence within the loka. There was never a time
hellish, animal, plant, or human (man, woman, the soul was not bonded to a body in one of the
gender neutral). The environmental class of four realms of existence: human, subhuman,
karmas determines the type of environment into heavenly, or hellish. There is no “fall from
which the embodied soul will be born: location, Grace” in an Augustinian sense (Cf. [6]) nor an
class, status, etc. The effects and fruits of karma existence of the soul in a pure state before karmic
cause the embodied soul to react a specific way bonding. According to the Tattvarthasutra,
due to how those karmic effects are manifested “(The) soul, (the) non-soul, influx, bondage, stop-
materially in accordance with the passions of the page, gradual dissociation and liberation consti-
soul. Thus, the relationship between soul, body, tute reality” (I. 4). Glasenapp [4] recognizes that
and karma is intimate and circular: the empirical this understanding involves an idea of eternal
soul’s actions cause karmas that affect the metempsychosis: “in each new existence actions
empirical soul, which in turn lead to other actions which must be expiated in a future life are
of the empirical soul that cause karma, which in performed anew, so the migration of souls con-
turn affect the empirical soul. S. C. Jain summa- tinues without end; but. . .every existence presup-
rizes the conditioning role of karma in Jain phi- poses the actions of a preceding one, so likewise it
losophy when he states that “individuals differ is without a beginning” [4]. One may question
among themselves in respect of their capacities, why Jainism understands the soul to be alien to
behaviour, material adjunct and the consequent the body and karma alien to the soul in light of this
feelings of pain and happiness. The principle of “givenness” of bodily bondage. More impor-
karma, as the believers of the doctrine think, just tantly, one may seek to inquire as to the origin of
reveals the secret of such variations and differ- the soul. But Glasenapp notes there is little evi-
ences” [6]. dence to suggest that such questions have been
According to Jain philosophy, this karmic raised within the philosophical history of the Jain
influx and bondage to a physical body as an tradition [4].
empirical soul is foreign to the natural state of But the philosophy of karma is only one part of
the jiva as a pure soul – the jiva in its liberated Jain cosmology. The ethic of ahimsa (nonvio-
state – and so prevents the soul from realizing its lence) (see ▶ Ahimsa) is Jainism’s most defining
eschatological goal of liberation from the characteristic and is metaphysically grounded
reality of embodiment. Since achieving the liber- within the Jain doctrine of karma and its escha-
ation of the pure soul from continued transmigra- tology of liberation. Jainism considers the ethic of
tion between physical bodies is the intended ahimsa to be an eternal truth. The disclosure of
goal of living existence, karma is the principle of this truth has been handed down by those who
limitation that obscures the powers of the pure have achieved sufficient spiritual development to
soul from realizing this goal and the ways to understand this eternal teaching and so have dis-
achieve it through the cultivation of spiritual covered the path to liberation. Interestingly
disciplines. Because Jainism holds that nothing enough, as will be discussed in greater detail
that is intrinsic to the pure state of the soul below, the doctrine of karma itself functions to
can detrimentally impact its own identity, and preserve the authority of the Jain tradition without
because karma does so, Jain philosophy con- need for a centralized religious authority. The
cludes that karma is alien to the state of the pure ethic of ahimsa is therefore bound up with the
soul and so is to be mitigated against in this life metaphysics of karma so that right action in the
through right faith, right conduct, and right world becomes instrumental in achieving
Karma (Jainism) 643

liberation from this mundane, physically condi- inaction in order to ensure the stoppage of karmic
tioned existence. influx? After all, Jainism holds that those who
Although ahimsa has its immediate ethical have reached the highest level of spiritual devel-
application in terms of acting nonviolently and opment and attain the status of jinna attain total
with compassion in our relationships with other detachment in this life and so maintain a posture
living beings, it has metaphysical application inso- of meditation, inwardly focused on the soul and
far as ahimsa is the only weapon capable of fight- totally detached from his or her physical sur-
ing against karmic bondage that keeps the soul roundings, until the point of liberation at death.
within the cycle of rebirth. The Tattvarthasutra In fact, the Tattvarthasutra mentions that “pure
mentions how the activity of the body (see meditation is the direct cause of liberation”
▶ Yoga) is physical, aural (speech), and mental in (A.IX.29.2). If all action necessitates the influx
character (VI. 1). Moreover, it is the vibrations of karma, and the point of bodily life is to achieve
caused by this threefold activity that lead to the the stoppage and dissociation of karmic influx,
influx of karmas onto the empirical soul (VI. 2). then how is charitable and compassionate action
Thus, the orientation of the Jain who has adopted in thought, word, and deed not considered to be
ahimsa does so not only through vegetarianism but qualitatively negative insofar as charitable action
in all matters of action concerning mind, body, and and compassionate action must necessarily cause
speech. One can commit himsa (violence) through a karmic effect? If action equals karmic influx,
actions done by oneself, by persuading someone then surely any action, good or bad, would only
else to commit himsa, or condoning the violent hinder the soul from attaining its proper end state
action of others. Therefore, if one combines the of liberation. Vilas Sangave recognizes this K
three yogas with the three forms of karma, there conundrum when stating the common criticism
are actually nine different ways one ought to prac- leveled against the Jain perspective of ahimsa:
tice ahimsa in one’s life to ensure the stoppage of “sometimes a charge is made against the doctrine
the influx of karma to one’s soul [11]. Jainism of ahimsa to the effect that it is essentially nega-
extends ahimsa beyond the realm of one’s actions tive in character in the sense that it always pro-
and into the realm of one’s thoughts and speech, hibits persons for doing certain activities. It is
since both may be vessels to promote, condone, or argued that in Jainism Ahimsa is treated as
participate in violence. Ahimsa, therefore, is a mere abstention from himsa” [11, 13, 14]. So
a universal orientation toward nonviolence in all how does Jain philosophy resolve this conflict?
forms of expression in order to fight against the law In addition to Jainism’s pragmatic solution
of karma that keeps one’s soul in bondage to the to this conundrum in terms of the social
cycle of transmigration. division between householders and ascetics, Jain-
Although one can translate himsa as “vio- ism provides a metaphysical solution found
lence,” given the relationship between himsa and within the doctrine of karma itself. Jain karma
the influx of karma due to one’s passions and theory distinguishes between auspicious and
attachment one can also understand the term to inauspicious karmas, the influx of which result
mean any form of activity, good or bad, executed in positive and negative karmic effects, respec-
by the embodied jiva. Because Jainism considers tively. The Tattvarthasutra recognizes both auspi-
the soul to be alien to the body, because karma cious and inauspicious influx: “Virtuous activity
governs all embodied action within the universe, is the cause of merit (punya) and wicked activity is
and because the influx of karma determines the the cause of demerit (papa)” (VI. 3). Moreover,
nature and duration of karmic bondage, we see this influx accruing activity pertains to the orien-
that action in its very nature creates attachment tations of the passions of the person: if action is
and causes the influx of karmas thus preventing rooted in the passions of the body and so ulti-
the soul from attaining liberation. So an apparent mately in attachment, then the karmic influx is
paradox emerges within Jain philosophy: if one is transmigration extending (i.e., in accordance
to live a life of ahimsa, does this necessarily imply with demerit). If, however, action is rooted in
644 Karma (Jainism)

detachment from the needs of the body and com- classification of the doctrine of karma within
passion for others, then the influx of “positive” its religious philosophy [4]. Karma does not
karmas is transmigration reducing. In other apply to liberated souls (siddhas), permanent
words, wrong action causes the influx of those microorganisms (nigodas), or abhavyas, those
karmas that keep one in the cycle of rebirth, and jivas who are destined for a perpetual rebirth in
right action causes the influx of those karmas that the hellish realm and so are “unliberatable,” as it
shorten the duration of the transmigratory cycle. were. Karma can be understood broadly in four
The fact remains, however, that the fruit of virtu- different ways according to (1) the manner
ous action still becomes attached to the soul and of effect ( prakrti), (2) the duration of effect
must be lived out even if its purpose is only to (sthiti), (3) intensity of effect (rasa), (4) and the
shorten the length of inauspicious karmas through quantity or amount of accumulation. Given the
facilitating the process of karmic de-bonding. soul’s state, there are eight primary species
After all, just as a businessman must settle all his (mula prakriti) of karmic matter capable of bond-
debts before he can make a profit, karmic influx ing to the soul:
must always be balanced and paid in full in order
for the soul to attain liberation. Hence, actions Jnanavaraniya karma: obscures knowledge
done out of concern not for one’s own self and Darsanavarana karma: obscures undifferentiated
passions but concerned for the soul of another cognition
living being are considered auspicious and meri- Vedaniya karma: produces the feeling of Joy and
torious. These are the virtuous actions that include grief
compassion, mercy, tolerance, etc. It is these aus- Mohaniya karma: obstructs belief and conduct
picious actions that have the effect of reducing the Ayus karma: determines the duration of post-
karmic effects of the inauspicious actions one is transmigration life
still paying for throughout the duration of his or Nama karma: determines an individual’s bodily
her life by incurring auspicious karma. However, features
given the strictures on karmic mobility [2, 8], such Gotra karma: determines the family surroundings
actions have no affect on the karmic state of the one is born into
persons soul who is receiving the compassionate Antaraya karma: hinders the soul in its capacity
action. So though it is karma that accounts for for resolution and enjoyment
cause and effect within Jain cosmology, the effects
of these karmic causes are not necessarily negative. Along with these 8 primary species, there are
When the ethic of ahimsa is considered in tandem multiple subspecies (uttara prakrtis), which can
with Jainism’s metaphysics of karma, the “himsic- be further subdivided resulting in around 148
conditionedness” of reality emerges whether one different species of karma that are identified in
understands himsa in terms of violence and nonvi- Jain philosophy. There are two main divisions of
olence or action and inaction, it is impossible to the species of karma between obscuring (ghatiya)
live in a world without committing himsa or being and non-obscuring (ghatiya), with the former hin-
forced to live out the consequences of the himsa dering the soul and the latter being enjoyed by it. It
committed by another. Karma, therefore, is the is thus ghatiya karma that is the fruit of compas-
ethical, metaphysical, and cosmological law that sionate and merciful activity that accrue in acts of
governs the effects of himsa in this life. ahimsa, whereas ghatiya karma accrues and
results from actions of violence based on the
soul’s passion and attachment toward worldly
Species, Causes, and Duration of Karmic things.
Bonding What is fascinating about the Jain understand-
ing of karma is the systematic development of the
Relative to the Vedic and Buddhist traditions, particular karmic fruits borne out of the bonded
Jainism is systematic in its development and karma as developed in the final five chapters of
Karma (Jainism) 645

the Tattvartasutra (VI-X). For example, physical this karma is assimilated within the space points
deformities are considered to develop from the of the jiva, it then takes on the many different
influx of inauspicious physique-making karmas species possible.
as a result of crooked activities (VI. 22); low Karmic matter relates to the soul in terms of
social status is the result of self-praise and the bandha (bondage), savara (stopping influx), and
censure and oppression of others, whereas high nirjara (disassociation). Bandha is the converted
social status results from the opposite actions (VI. assimilated karmic matter within the jiva which
25–26). Or consider the issue of religious author- forms a particular karmic species [4]. Similar to
ity within Jainism: Jainism holds the teachings the concept of an electromagnetic field where
handed down by the tirthankaras, acharyas, and atoms of opposite polarity are attracted to each
ascetics in such high regard that the other, Jain philosophy understands there to be
Tattvarthasutra asserts that “attributing faults to the presence of something akin to an adhesive
the omniscient, the scriptures, the congregation of (sneha) between the jiva and the karma particles
ascetics, the true religion and the celestial beings that lead to bonding. The four causes of bonding
leads to the influx of faith-deluding karmas” are (1) mithyatva (wrong belief), (2) avirati (lack
(VI. 13). Darsan mohaniya karma is said to be of self-discipline in observance of vows),
that karma which “causes a disturbance of the (3) kasayas (passions), and (4) yoga (activities).
knowledge of religious truth in the jiva inherent Thus, given the nature of all of these as forms
by natural disposition” [4]. Moreover, it is of action, we can see that the causes of the activity
mithyatva karma that causes complete unbelief of the jiva along with its corresponding karmic
and the ensuing heterodoxy. Thus, without need effect are synonymous and reciprocal concepts: K
for a central authority to preserve the doctrines of all action, for better or for worse, bears karmic
the faith, Jainism safeguards its teaching against fruit.
adulteration by appealing to an influx of karma There are two processes required for the shed-
that ensures the errancy of the “heretic” who is ding of karmic matter by the jiva: stoppage of
raising doubts about Jain teaching. The attribution karmic accumulation and dissociation of already
of error to the heretic due to faith-deluding karma possessed karmas. Because all karma must be
only reinforces one’s inability to question the “paid in full,” only the spiritual advancement of
foundations of Jain philosophy disclosed by the the jiva makes it possible for new karma to “fall
omniscient jinnas. off” the spiritually advanced soul so that ensuing
The duration of karma that remains bonded to action, done out of passionless detachment,
the soul is called sthiti. Regardless of the type of though incurring an auspicious karmic influx,
karma bonded to the soul, minimal duration is does not result in a bonding within the space
considered auspicious: the purer the state of the points of the soul. This stoppage (sanvara) is of
soul along the 14 gunasthanas of spiritual devel- two types, psychic (bhava) and physical (dravya),
opment, the shorter the duration of karmic bond- and this stoppage is affected by the degree to
ing. The effects of this bonding show their fruit which the jiva is able to exhibit control and
according to the circumstances, and the intensity restraint and exact carefulness in the observance
of the effects of karmic bonding that correspond to of virtues, contemplations, endurance, and afflic-
strengths and weaknesses congruent with the tions. These may be observed through both exter-
degree of the four passions (kasayas) of the soul nal austerities, such as fasting, solitude, physical
(anger, deceit, greed, and pride) present in the mortification, and limitation of food-begging, and
particular jiva. These karmic particles are assimi- internal austerities such as expiation, reverence,
lated within the infinitely small space points selflessness, renunciation, and the internal con-
( pradesas) within the jiva. Thus, karmic effects templation of the soul through meditation. The
are said to hinder the soul because this karma is means of achieving stoppage through such obser-
actually within and permeating the “ensouled vances is explained in the Tattvarthasutra
space” of the jiva throughout its duration. Once IX 4–18.
646 Karma (Jainism)

Nirjara or karmic de-bonding/dissociation is soul’s auspicious transmigratory journey to their

achieved through observing the force of austeri- next life, the philosophy of karma within Jainism
ties in order to acquire the infinite bliss of moksha denies the karmic efficacy of such actions on the
over the banality of physical happiness. Karmic part of others [2, 3, 8]. According to Jain karma
influx hinders this process, and so by the obser- theory, this very understanding as present in the
vance of austerities according to the vows taken ritual of sraddha is invalid because it involves
by ascetic and householder alike, one can coun- a notion of merit transfer wherein another’s
teract the influx of karma that prevents one from actions can impact the karmic state of another’s
achieving eternal happiness as a liberated soul. soul either in this life or the next. But as has
However, the force of the austerities must be already been noted above, Jains hold one’s soul
greater than the force of karmic influx in order to to be the sole guarantor of its liberation; one
achieve this goal. Thus, when one follows the de- cannot take on another’s karmic burden as her or
bonding process through the observance of aus- his own. Moreover, where the Vedic tradition
terities, there is a gradual elimination of the forces asserts a period of time after death where the
of karmic attraction so that an aversion to karmic soul is not immediately reincarnated, Jainism
influx is achieved. When followed continuously denies this and holds that the soul immediately
throughout the many cycles of transmigration, the occupies a new bodily form in one of the four
empirical soul is able to eliminate all of its accu- possible realms (human, animal, heavenly, or hell-
mulated karma achieving its natural state as a pure ish) upon death. One can therefore see a direct
soul. When all of one’s karmic matter is de- relationship between Jainism’s systematic devel-
bonded and annihilated, the soul is liberated and opment of a karmic philosophy that ensures the
obtains omniscience (Tatt. X.2) and immediately soul’s immediate reincarnation in a new body and
travels to the uppermost realm of the cosmos, the a rejection of Brahmanic authority as an extension
siddhalok (Tatt. X.5), where the pure soul resides of the sramanic tradition: “Since only in the
eternally detached from all passions, desires, rela- Brahmans do we see the fattened bellies; and
tionships, or objects of knowledge. To know one’s transference of these into theirs (ancestors?) can-
soul completely as detached from all things not be espied; and only because on the part of the
through the destruction karmic impurities is to Brahmans is satisfaction witnessed” [8]. If Jain
know all things omnisciently (Tatt. X.1). It is philosophy states that a soul immediately
this type of knowledge the Tirthankaras are said occupies a new body at the point of death, then
to have within the Jain philosophical tradition. the ritual of sraddha is unnecessary for it has no
impact on where and how the soul will be reborn.
Instead, Jainism holds that rebirth circumstances
Karma, Self-Reliance, and the Possibility are entirely determined by the karma one has
of Karmic Mobility accumulated, shed, or retained, throughout his or
her life. Hence, from a position of history and
What this brief survey of karma implies for Jain sociology, one can interpret the systematic devel-
philosophy, then, is a strict form of self-reliance opment of the Jain philosophical understanding of
for the moral and spiritual progress of one’s soul. karma to invalidate Brahmanic authority and cul-
The jiva is the only thing responsible for its action tural conventions that require what is essentially
within the world and only the jiva’s action in a “karmic tax” to be paid on the part of the lay-
thought, word, and deed can prevent or encourage person as is indicated in the example of the funeral
or hinder its liberation through the observance or rite of sraddha.
neglect of austerities. Contrary to the Vedic under- Philosophy aside, however, there is evidence to
standing of karmic mobility as is seen in the suggest that Jainism’s strict denial of karmic
funeral ritual of sraddha, wherein the son of mobility is merely theoretical in character.
a deceased parent offers food to be consumed by According to Cort [2003], there is evidence of
the Brahmanic priests as an offering to ensure the an understanding of incidental and intentional
Karunā 647
˙

merit transfer of karmic effects throughout the 11. Sangave V (1991) The Jain path of ahimsa. Bhagwan
history of the Jain tradition in terms of prayers Mahavir Research Center, Solapur
12. Sharma A (2001) A Jaina perspective on the philoso-
for the deceased and other ritual activities. phy of religion. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Though Jain philosophy may deny the possibility 13. Wiley KL (2004) Views on ahimsa, compassion and
of karmic mobility according to its systematic Samyaktva in Jainism. In: Sethia T (ed) Ahimsa,
development in the Tattvarthasutra and its philo- Anekanta and Jainism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi,
pp 15–24
sophical tradition, nevertheless karma theory is 14. Wiley KL (2006) Ahimsa and compassion in Jainism.
shown to be more malleable and dynamic when In: Flügel P (ed) Studies in Jaina history and culture.
applied in Jain religious life. Moreover, there are Routledge, London
members within the Jain community today such as
Subhash Jain [7] who are reconsidering the doc-
trine of karma in order to reconcile the doctrine
with perceived inconsistencies that have emerged Karunā
with advances in knowledge about the function- ˙
ing of the natural world, human physiology, and Charles Willemen
human psychology. International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
Thailand

Cross-References Synonyms
K
▶ Kamma Compassion

References Definition

1. Bhandari N (2011) Jainism: the eternal and Karuṇā is being compassionate when seeing
universal path for enlightenment. Research Institute others suffer.
of Scientific Secrets from Indian Oriental Scriptures,
Ahmedabad
Compassionate deeds are crucial to attain perfect
2. Cort J (2003) Doing for others: merit transfer and
Karma mobility in Jainism. In: Qvamström O (ed) enlightenment. In his previous lives as
Jainism and Early Buddhism: essays in honor of a bodhisattva the Buddha sometimes sacrificed
Padmanabh S. Jaini. Jain Publishing, Fremont himself to relieve the suffering of others. This can
3. Dundus P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, New York
be seen in, for example, the Theravāda Jātakas,
4. von Glasenapp H (1942) The doctrine of Karman in
Jain philosophy. Bai Vijibai Jivanlal Panalal Charity recounting previous lives of the Buddha [1, 5].
Fund, Bombay Many Sarvāstivāda stories (avadānas) illustrate
5. Jain JP (2010) Religion and culture of the Jains. compassion. In the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya one
Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
finds the stories of Śibi, Viśvantara, Śyāma,
6. Jain SC (2006) Structure and functions of the Soul in
Jainism. Bharatiya Jnanpith, Delhi Araṇemi, etc.
7. Jain S (2010) Rebirth of the Karma doctrine. Hindi Buddhaghosa’s (ca. 370–450 A.D.)
Granth Karyalay, Mumbai Visuddhimagga, which is based on a Vimuktimārga
8. Jaini PS (1980) Karma and the problem of rebirth in
of probably Mahīśāsaka affiliation, says that com-
Jainism. In: O’Flaherty WD (ed) Karma and rebirth in
classical Indian traditions. University of California passion causes good people to be moved when they
Press, Berkeley see the suffering of others. It combats the suffering
9. Krishan Y (1997) The doctrine of Karma: its origins of others. In this text and also in Vasubandhu’s (ca.
and development in Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jain
350–430 A.D.) Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, and in
traditions. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
10. Long J (2009) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris, Sarvāstivāda meditation manuals in general,
London karuṇā is the second of four immeasurable
648 Karunā
˙

qualities, apramāṇas. These four qualities are: (smṛtyupasthāna), and great compassion. In the
friendliness, maitrī ; compassion; sympathetic joy, Yogācārabhūmi (Taishō ed.1579, Yuqie shi di lun,
muditā; equanimity, upekṣā [4]. Friendliness sees translated by Xuanzang, 642–648 A.D.), attrib-
everyone as a friend. Compassion sees the suffer- uted to Asaṅga, these qualities number 140.
ing of others. Sympathetic joy refers to one’s joy Prajñāpāramitā, perfection of wisdom, literature
for the happiness of others. Equanimity frees one and some so-called Mahāyāna (the term
from attachment to those three, so that one may first appeared in the Mahāsāṅghika
practice them to serve all in need. In a Chinese Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā) texts mention 18
meditation manual (Taishō ed.XV 617: 298 b 1–2 different qualities of the Buddha. For example,
Siwei lüeyao fa, Outlining the Way to Reflect) of the Kumārajīva’s Da zhidu lun, Taishō ed.1509,
early fifth century, wrongly attributed to sanskritized as Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa,
Kumārajīva, one reads an explanation of karuṇā: brought out in 406 A.D. Śākyamuni’s 45 years of
“Seeing that beings are impermanent and chang- preaching are a manifestation of his great
ing, that they have old age, illness and death, compassion. Each day he entered into
oppressed by any suffering, that they are wriggling a concentration to see who deserved his special
like worms, by no means calm, one should give rise attention that day. Great compassion is an essential
to compassionate thoughts.” These four qualities quality of buddhahood. All Buddhas manifest
embrace all beings. That is why they are called great compassion. Amitābha reveals it in his
“immeasurables.” Stressing them, the Buddha “original vows.” He will save all who have faith in
denounced the practice of offering living sacrifices him. In the Avataṅsakasūtra this compassion is
to gods. Because these qualities may lead to the a fundamental principle.
first meditative stage, dhyāna, to the brahma It has been said that what distinguishes
heavens, they are also known as “pure abodes,” Hīnayāna (Lesser Vehicle) from Mahāyāna
brahmavihāra. Maitrī and karuṇā are remedies for (Greater Vehicle) is the motivation to progress.
anger or hatred, one of the three basic afflictions. It A bodhisattva progresses on his path to enlight-
is fair to say that compassion is quite important in enment because of his altruistic great compassion.
Sthaviravāda schools. Compassion has been pre- The bodhisattva who personifies compassion is
sent among the bhikṣus, monks, ever since the Avalokiteśvara. He helps beings reach the Pure
beginning of the saṅgha, the religious order [3]. Land, Sukhāvatī, after death. He compassionately
Preaching is a sign of compassion. Monks preach looks down on the world. The compassion of
the doctrine “for the benefit of the many.” Working a bodhisattva is such that he may postpone his
for the welfare of beings is central in the life of own awakening in order to free others first.
a bhikṣu, monk. Generosity (dāna) toward the Śāntideva’s (ca. 685–763 A.D.) Bodhicar-
saṅgha, a field of merit, is a manifestation of com- yāvatāra shows the rational grounds why one
passion. There are many manifestations of compas- should be compassionate [2].
sion. For example, planting trees, building bridges, In esoteric Buddhism compassion is guided by
digging wells, establishing clinics, and teaching wisdom, prajñā. Compassion means skill-in-
farming methods. The moral rule of nonharming means, upāya. In order to gain buddhahood,
(ahiṅsā) can be seen in the context of compassion, non-duality, both compassion (male) and wisdom
a desire to avoid unnecessary suffering. (female) are necessary. This is obvious in, for
Buddha’s compassion is called mahākaruṇā, example, the title of the Chinese Hevajratantra:
great compassion. Sarvāstivāda abhidharma The Scriptural Text of the Ritual of the Great King
knows 18 qualities which are specific of the of the Teaching, the Adamantine One with Great
Buddha, the aṣṭādaśāveṇika dharmas. They are Compassion and Knowledge of the Void
ten powers (bala), four fearlessnesses (vaiśā (Taishō ed.892, Chinese translation by
radya), three applications of mindfulness Dharmapāla in 1055 A.D.) [6].
Kassapa 649

Cross-References
Kāśī
▶ Avalokiteśvara
▶ Buddhaghosa ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
▶ Muditā
▶ Śāntideva
▶ Sukhāvatī
Kāśī (Buddhism)

References ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)

1. Aronson H (1st ed Delhi 1980; reprinted 1986, 1996)

Love and sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Jackson R (2004) Karuṇā (compassion). In: Buswell Kāśinagara
R (ed) Encyclopedia of Buddhism, vol I. Macmillan
Reference USA, New York, pp 419–421 ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
3. Jenkins S (1999) The circle of compassion: an interpre-
tive study of Karuṇā in Indian Buddhist literature. PhD
dissertation. Harvard University, Cambridge
4. Maithrimurthi M (1999) Wohlwollen, Mitleid,
Freude und Gleichmut: Eine ideengeschichtliche Kāśipura
Untersuchung der vier apramāṇas in der buddhistischen
K
Ethik und Spiritualität von den Anfängen bis hin zum ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
frühen Yogācāra. Alt-und Neuindische Studien 50.
Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart
5. Weeraratne W (1996) Karuṇā. In: Malalasekera G (ed)
Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, vol VI. Government of
Ceylon, Colombo, pp 144–145
Kassapa
6. Willemen C (1st Indian ed. 2004) The Chinese
Hevajratantra. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Kashi
Synonyms
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
Kassapa the great; Kaśyapa; Mahākassapa thera;
Mahākassapa; Mahākāśyapa; Pippali kassapa

Kashi (Buddhism) Definition

▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
One of the Buddha’s most eminent disciples who
presided over the proceedings of the First
Buddhist Council.

Kāsi Mahā Kassapa was one of the most eminent dis-

ciples of the Buddha, chief among those who had
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) inculcated punctiliousness (dhutavādānam) in
650 Kassapa

themselves. He was born to brāhmaṇa Kapila incident in which one of Kassapa’s disciples
(also known as Kosiyagotta) and his wife burnt his grass hermitage because he had infuri-
Sumanādevī in the brāhmaṇa village of ated him by his admonition.
Mahātittha of Magadha state. As a layman, he Kassapa was also known for having expressed
was called Pippali. When he grew up, he did not strong reservations to preach to nuns. However,
want to get married, but to escape the constant on one occasion Ānanda was able to persuade him
pestering of his parents he got married to Bhaddā to make an exception. He was not perhaps very
Kāpilānī of Sāgala. By mutual consent, however, popular among them possibly because he had
the marriage was not consummated, the husband occasionally criticized Ānanda who in turn was
and wife, finding that they were of one accord, cut viewed by nuns as a champion of their cause. For
off each other’s hair, put on yellow robes, took example, according to an incident related in the
begging bowls in their hands, took to a life of Saṃyutta Nikāya a nun called Thullatissā openly
homelessness, and went their separate ways. The berated Kassapa for having the impertinence to
Buddhist texts mention that in their many previ- preach in the presence of Ānanda, “as if the needle
ous births, both Kassapa and Bhaddā had also peddler were to sell a needle to the needle maker.”
been husband and wife and companions in good On another occasion, Kassapa invited the ire of
deeds. another nun, Thullanandā, when Kassapa blamed
While leading a life of homelessness, when Ānanda and called him “boy” for having admitted
Pippali saw the Buddha, he at once recognized into the saṃgha new members incapable of
him as his teacher and prostrated himself before observing its discipline. Thullanandā is said to
him. The Buddha ordained him right away and have raised her voice in protest and said, “Does
invited him to accompany him to Rājagaha. On Kassapa, once a heretic, deem that he can chide
the way, the Buddha did him the rare honor of the learned sage Ānanda?” Obviously being hurt
exchanging robes with him. Kassapa always by such words, Kassapa protested before Ānanda
recalled this incident with pride. It has been that such things be said of a person who had been
pointed out in the Buddhist texts that the Buddha specifically chosen by the Buddha for special
paid him this great honor because he knew that honors. According to the Saṃyutta Commentary,
Kassapa would hold the First Buddhist Council this incident took place after the Buddha’s death,
(saṅgī ti) after his passing away, and thus help in when Ānanda, as a new arahant and with all the
the dissemination of the dhamma. Kassapa, con- honor of having been close to the Buddha and
scious of the great honor, took upon himself the 13 having his bowl and robe in his possession, had
austere vows (dhutaguṇā) and 8 days later became become a celebrity.
an arahant. Kassapa was particularly concerned about dis-
Kassapa was known to have always been will- ciplinary matters and viewed with grave concern
ing to help monks in their spiritual pursuits, and the growing laxity among members of the saṃgha
several instances have been cited in the Pāli in this regard. He himself tried his best to set an
Tipiṭaka of his exhortations to them. However, example by practicing various kinds of dhutaṅgas
he was apparently very sensitive to criticism and (austerities) such as surviving solely on alms,
would not instruct monks unless he felt that they wearing a robe made of rags, dwelling in the
were respectful and compliant. Though the Bud- jungle, being content with little, and living in
dha regarded Kassapa highly for his ability as an solitude. Even in old age, he implored the Buddha
exponent of the dhamma, on three occasions not to insist when the latter advised him to give up
Kassapa is known to have expressed reluctance his coarse rag robe and to take up residence with
to address the monks even after having been him. Once, when Kassapa lay gravely ill at
invited by the Buddha to do so. He did not do so Pipphaliguhā, the Buddha came to enquire into
for any other reason but because he found the his health and reminded him of the seven
monks on those occasions to insensitive to his bojjhaṅgas (constituents of wisdom) earlier prac-
exhortations. The Kuṭidūsaka Jātaka relates an ticed by him. The Saṃyutta Nikāya Commentary
Kassapa 651

mentions that the knowledge that he had benefit- proceedings of the First Buddhist Council which
ted from the teaching of the Buddha reinvigorated had been summoned on his urgent advice and
his body, and illness was cast away from his body where the Dhamma and the Vinaya were recited.
“like a drop of water from a lotus leaf.” The It may have been on account of all these features
Dhammapada Commentary praises him for his of his personality and his life that Mahā Kassapa
quality of ensuring that nobody had to wait upon came to be regarded as the first patriarch of Zen
him. He was considered so pious that even gods Buddhism.
are said to have competed with each other to give Kassapa was not present at the death of the
alms to Kassapa. According to an incidence Buddha, as he was journeying from Pāvā to
related in the Visuddhimagga once when Kassapa, Kusināra. It has been pointed out in the
in the company of the Buddha, was begging commentarial texts that the Mallas had been try-
for alms in Rājagaha, some women carrying ing in vain to set fire to the Buddha’s pyre for 7
cakes bypassed the Buddha and offered the days. The arahants present had announced that the
cakes to him. pyre could only be kindled when Mahā Kassapa
After the Buddha’s death, Kassapa rose to and his 500 companions had paid their last
a position of preeminence within the saṃgha. respect. When finally Mahā Kassapa arrived and
This happened because of many reasons. Apart took three rounds of the pyre, the Buddha’s feet
from the fact that he was the only monk with are said to have become visible from out of the
whom the Buddha had exchanged robes, the Bud- pyre so that Kassapa and his companions might
dha considered him as his equal in many respects. worship them. It has been mentioned in the
For instance, the Buddha declared him his equal in Visuddhimagga that the relics of the Buddha K
the power of attaining the jhānas (Sk: dhyānas) which fell to Ajātasattu’s share were taken to
and remaining therein. He also shared with the Rājagaha by Kassapa, in view of what was to
Buddha the realization of the eight meditative take place in the near future. His importance in
absorptions and the six supernormal knowledges Theravāda Buddhism can be gauged from the fact
(abhiññā) including arahanthood. The Buddha that as many as 17 Jātaka stories refer to him.
also constantly mentioned him as a quintessential Kassapa lived to be very old. Some of the Pāli
example of contentment and considered him his texts point out that at the time of his death it had
equal in the exhortation of the monks to lead been 120 years since he had lain on a bed. However,
ardent and the active lives. He bore on his body according to the Mahāyāna tradition, Kassapa did
7 of the 32 marks of a Great Being. Mahā Kassapa not die and lives in the Kukkuṭagiri mountains
also possessed to the highest degree the ten “qual- awaiting the arrival of the future Buddha Metteyya
ities that inspire confidence.” There are also sev- (Sk: Maitreya). According to the Sri Lankan chron-
eral references in the Pāli Tipiṭaka where he is icle, Mahāvaṃsa, a tooth of Mahā Kassapa was
equated with Moggallāna and Anuruddha for his enshrined in the Bhīmatittha vihāra in Ceylon.
great iddhi (Sk: ṛddhi, supernatural) powers. The
Buddha praised him for being self-effacing, with
a heart free from bondage, and the one who Cross-References
always taught others with compassion. Kassapa’s
freedom from all attachments was, as the Buddha ▶ Ajātasattu
in the Dhammapada Commentary pointed out to ▶ Anuruddha
the monks, due to the sincere wish he had made ▶ Arahant
for that realization in his previous birth, “He has ▶ Buddhist Councils
no attachment to requisites or households or mon- ▶ Dhamma
asteries or cells; but is like a royal swan which ▶ Iddhi
goes down into a lake and swims there, while the ▶ Jātaka
water does not adhere to his body.” Thus, it is no ▶ Jhāna
wonder that he was elected to preside over the ▶ Kusinārā
652 Kassapa the Great

▶ Moggallāna 16. Warren HC, Kosambi D (eds) (1951) The

▶ Rājagaha (Pāli) Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosācāriya, vol 41.
Harvard Oriental Series, Cambridge, MA
▶ Samadhi-Marana 17. Woodward FL (1929–1937) The Sārattha-ppakāsinī,
▶ Saṃgha Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Saṃyutta Nikāya,
▶ Sāriputta 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
▶ Thullanandā
▶ Tipiṭaka
▶ Visuddhimagga
▶ Zen Kassapa the Great

▶ Kassapa
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It is one of the seven books of the Abhidhamma
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Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London The Kathāvatthu is one of the seven books of the
14. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
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Kathāvatthu 653

accepted as final. At the end, the Kathāvatthu the Kathāvatthu should be considered as the
appears to have been enlarged with the addition of buddhavacana (word of the Buddha). Khemā,
three extra vaggas. Due to this type of rather asym- a well-known nun who was a contemporary of
metrical composition, it has been suggested that the the Buddha, calls herself a “specialist on the
text grew over a certain period of time resulting in Kathāvatthu” (Kathāvatthuvisāradā) in the com-
the inclusion of new controversies whenever they mentary of the Therīgāthā ([15], p. 135), thus
arose ([6], p. 124; [8], p. 71; [17], p. 164). giving credence to the view that the Kathāvatthu
Tradition ascribes the compilation of the was known already at the time of the Buddha.
Kathāvatthu to Moggaliputta-Tissa at the end of Explaining as to why the Kathāvatthu which is
the Third Council held at Pāṭaliputta under the closer to the suttantas in nature has been included
patronage of King Aśoka ([13]: vii.41, 56–58; in the Abhidhamma Piṭaka and the Paṭisamb-
[7]: v.278). Consequently, this is the only canon- hidāmagga which is largely an Abhidhamma text
ical text exactly dated to the year in the tradition has been excluded from it, Hinüber suggests that
itself and ascribed to a definite author. It not only perhaps the reason lies in chronology. According
quotes from the Vinaya Piṭaka and the Sutta Piṭaka to him, “At the time when the Kathāvatthu was
but also refers to all the texts of the Abhidhamma formed under Aśoka, the four great nikāyas may
Piṭaka except the Dhātukathā, Puggalapaññatti, have been closed collections already, while the
and the Yamaka. Thus, it has been suggested that Abhidhamma was still open. That had changed
“the Kathāvatthu was compiled when the contents when Paṭisambhidāmagga came into existence. . .
of at least parts of the Dhammasaṅgaṇi, Vibhaṅga, (in). . . the 2nd century AD . . .(by which time). . .
Paṭṭhāna were already established as orthodox evidently the AbhidhammaPiṭaka was closed. . . K
doctrine of the Sāsana. Whether those works and only the KhuddakaNikāya remained. . . open
were, in Aśoka’s time, the completed compila- for new texts” ([8], p. 73).
tions we now know is a further question” ([1], The subject matter of the Kathāvatthu differs
p. xxx). There is general agreement that though significantly from that of the other texts in the
“there are linguistically old forms. . . (showing) Abhidhamma and it does not list dhammas, but
that the beginning of the Kathāvatthu has been aims at the refutation of heretical views ([8],
built from old material” ([8], p. 72) and that it is p. 71). According to Hinüber, an important short-
quite possible that it might have been compiled by coming of the presentation of the controversies in
Moggaliputta in the third century B.C.E., it is “in the Kathāvatthu is that the respective school to
its present form is a patch work. . . (and). . . was which a particular heretical view under discussion
augmented by additional portions every time may belong has not been indicated at all ([8],
a new heresy cropped up” ([17], p. 164. See also p. 73). Though it has been suggested that the
[11], p. 184; [5], p. 258; [8], p. 71). In fact, Buddhist tradition understands the Kathāvatthu-
scholars such as Winternitz are inclined to think type debates (kathā) as disputes between the
that the Kathāvatthu formed the conclusion of the different schools of Buddhism, L. S. Cousins
Abhidhamma Piṭaka ([17], p. 165). believes that “In spiritual traditions the world
The inclusion of the Kathāvatthu in the Pāli over, instructors have frequently employed appar-
Canon has sometimes been thought of as very ent contradictions as part of their teaching
unusual and was rejected by some on the ground method – perhaps to induce greater awareness in
that it was set forth more than two centuries after the pupil or to bring about a deeper and wider
the Mahāparinibbāna and was hence only the view of the subject in hand. The Pāli Canon con-
utterance of a disciple. However, the aṭṭhakathās tains many explicit examples of such methods.
(commentaries) are of the opinion that as the (Indeed much of the Kathāvatthu makes better
mātikā (the principles taught in it) were sense in these terms than as sectarian contro-
laid down by the Buddha himself, the whole of versy)” ([3], p. 67 fn.2).
654 Kelāsa

Talking about the importance of the 6. Frauwallner E (1971) Abhidharma-Studien IV. Der
Kathāvatthu, B. M. Barua and B. C. Law have Abhidharma der anderen Schulen. WZKS
15:103–121; 16:95–152
suggested that Aśoka’s Rock Edict IX was 7. Geiger W, Bode MH (trans) (1912) The Mahāvaṃsa or
influenced by the Kathāvatthu ([2], pp. 805–810; the great chronicle of Ceylon. Pali Text Society,
[14], pp. 325–326). “Even though the London
Kathāvatthu in its present form cannot be 8. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
regarded as a work of the third century BCE, it 9. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1979) Kathāvatthuppakaraṇa-
nevertheless throws interesting light on the devel- Aṭṭhakathā included in Pañcappakaraṇa-Aṭṭhakathā
opment of Buddhist dogmatics during the later named Paramatthadīpanī. Pali Text Society, London
centuries” ([17], p. 165) and is a valuable source 10. Lamotte É (1956) Buddhist controversy over the five
points. Indian Hist Q 32:148–162
for the history of Buddhism and its philosophy 11. de La Vallée Poussin L (1908) Councils and Synods
([8], p. 72; [10]; [4]). (Buddhist). In: Encyclopedia of religion and ethics,
vol IV, pp 179–185
12. Law BC (trans) (1940) The debates controversy
(Kathāvatthuppakaraṇa-Aṭṭhakathā). Pali Text Soci-
ety, London
Cross-References 13. Law BC (ed & trans) (1958) The chronicle of the
Island of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa, Colombo. Ceylon
▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka Hist J 7:1–266
▶ Aśoka 14. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī 15. Pruitt W (1998) The commentary on the verses of
▶ Dhātukathā the Therīs (Therīgāthā-Aṭṭhakathā Pramatthadīpanī
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya VI by Acāriya Dhammapāla). Pali Text Society,
▶ Paṭisambhidāmagga Oxford
16. Taylor AC (ed) (1979) Kathāvatthu, combined reprint.
▶ Paṭṭhāna Pali Text Society, London
▶ Puggalapaññatti 17. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
▶ Sutta Piṭaka (trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
▶ Vibhaṅga Delhi
▶ Yamaka

References Kelāsa

1. Aung, Shwe Zan, Rhys Davids CAF (trans) ▶ Kailash

(1915) Points of controversy or subjects of discourse,
being a translation of the Kathāvatthu from the
Abhidhammapiṭaka. Pali Text Society, London
2. Barua BM (1915) A note on the Bhabra Edict. J R
Asiatic Soc Lond 47(4):805–810
3. Cousins LS (1984) Samatha-yāna and Vipassanā-
Ketumatī
yāna. In: Dhammapala G, Gombrich R, Norman KR
(eds) In Buddhist studies in honour of Hammalawa ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
Saddhatissa. University of Jayewardenepura,
Nugegoda, pp 56–68
4. Cousins LS (1988–1990) The ‘Five Points’ and the
origins of Buddhist schools. In: The Buddhist forum,
vol II, Seminar Papers, pp 27–60
5. Frauwallner E (1952) Die buddhistischen
Khandakāla
Konzile. Z Deutsch Morgcnländischen Ges 102:
˙˙
240–261 ▶ Time (Buddhism)
Khandha 655

umbrella term nāma-rūpa (name-form), implying

Khandha the codependence of mental and material aspects
of existence or rather, as has been suggested,
Ana Bajželj conceptual and apparitional features of objects
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, ([35], p. 15). The term nāma-rūpa also denotes
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia the fourth link of the dependent origination
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem sequence (pratītya samutpāda), a model that the
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel Buddhist tradition utilizes to explain the arising of
suffering as well as the continuity of births and
deaths. The difference between the schemes of
Synonyms skandhas and dependent origination therefore lies
primarily in the experiential immediacy of the for-
Aggregates; Psychophysical aspects of existence; mer and the temporal character of the latter. The
Skanda; Skandha method of the five skandhas applies to a certain
moment in time whereas the succession of the
dependently originating links reveals a temporal
Definition model of conditionality, which represents the driv-
ing force behind the cycle of rebirths. In other
The five skandhas are the categories representing words, the interdependence of the aggregates
basic unceasingly changing psychophysical com- does not mean that they occur sequentially but
ponents of existence in the realm of saṃsāra. The rather that they represent different aspects of the K
five are form, feeling, cognition, volition, and same conscious experience ([6], p. 389).
consciousness. They are causally conditioned Despite the common use of this fivefold model,
and independent of any kind of substratum. The it should be pointed out that Buddhism does not
skandha scheme is used as a method to analyze consider the five aggregates to exist as such but
human experience. employs them as abstract categories. Their primary
function is therefore to assist practice by conve-
niently arranging a large variety of experiential
The Buddhist Doctrine of the Five phenomena into somewhat comprehensible groups
Aggregates and thus facilitating systematic investigations of
personality. This unification of a wide range of
According to the Buddhist doctrine, what one phenomena into clusters is what the skandhas take
ordinarily thinks of as a self or a person is merely their name after. In this context of aggregates
a continuous state of flux of the five fundamental representing the encapsulation of a multiplicity of
constituents or skandhas. The literal meaning of phenomena under a single umbrella term, the
a skandha (Pāli khandha) is a “heap,” a “mass,” or choice of number five rather than any other number
a “bundle.” It is, however, usually translated as an is fairly arbitrary. However, it may be related to the
aggregate and refers to the temporal building general significance of this number in the Indian
blocks of a person, of which according to the tradition which corresponds to the number of fin-
Buddha there are five. These are form (skt. gers on the hand ([38], p. 410).
rūpa), feeling (skt. vedanā), cognition (skt. The five skandhas are not present only in
saṃjña), volition (skt. saṃskāra), and conscious- humans but in every form of sentiency and there-
ness (skt. vijñāna). There is also a disputed col- fore according to Buddhism represent the basic
lective term for all the five aggegates, namely, elements of existence. In view of this, reality may
satkāya. Furthermore, all the five skandhas be described as a process of becoming rather than
together are occasionally referred to with an a reality of beings and entities. Even a description
656 Khandha

of the five aggregates as elements can be mislead- to be a false view referred to as identity view
ing, as it implies their permanency. Hence, (satkāya dṛṣṭi), which is the first of the ten fetters
Kalupahana describes them as functions that that need to be removed on the path of liberation.
together contribute to the notion of human per- The Pāli discourses frequently allude to 20 differ-
sonality ([31], p. 21). Hamilton similarly brings ent kinds of satkāya-dṛṣṭi, regarding four distinct
light to the fact that the skandha scheme does not relations of the self toward each one of the five
outline one’s constitution but rather the fashion of aggregates, i.e., being identical with it, being pos-
one’s operation ([24], p. xxix). Bhikkhu Bodhi sessed of it, containing it, or being contained
points out that the five skandhas are at the same within it ([6], p. 397).
time components of sentient beings as well as The five aggregates, which are essentially
experiential factors, since the existence that perishing and evanescent, thus represent every-
Buddhism concerns itself with is always the one thing that a person is, i.e., merely a selfless con-
contained in experience. The skandha model stantly changing conglomerate of phenomenal
thus functions as a tool for both analyzing processes. However, the doctrine of no-self is
human personality and uncovering the experien- not directed toward particular facets of individual
tial configuration ([4], p. 840). existence, as that would disable regular function-
The progression of the skandhas is arranged ing of persons in the concretely operating world. It
from coarse to more subtle aspects of experience merely leads to the removal of the idea of a self
([40], p. 23). However, each one of the five groups that is independent of the five changing aspects of
encompasses the whole range of occurrences of phenomenal existence. In the words of the Bud-
a particular type of phenomena: past, future, or dha, the five aggregates are like parts of a chariot
present; internal or external; gross or subtle; infe- as the chariot is nothing apart from the compo-
rior or refined; far or near. The internality or nents that constitute it ([5], p. 230). Analogously,
externality of a skandha is distinguished in upon birth, the aggregates assemble to form
regard to oneself. One’s own skandhas are the a person, just as a chariot comes into being once
skandhas within, and other beings’ skandhas are all of its pieces are put together, and after death,
the skandhas without. As this discernment leaves they disperse just as the chariot ceases to exist
out inanimate forms, Gethin points out the sug- once all of its parts are separated. The fact that
gestion in the Dhammasaṅgaṇi that these be clas- there is no chariot independent of its parts does
sified into the category of external skandhas. For not mean one cannot take a ride in the transient
him, the fact that inanimate forms are not treated combination of pieces that is named a “chariot.”
regarding this criterion reveals the primary aim of The Buddhist doctrine therefore does not deny the
the skandha model to be the analysis of sentient reality of one’s experiences and agrees to the
existence ([20], p. 40). usage of relatively durable labels and concepts at
The scheme of the five skandhas is closely the level of conventional truth (samvṛtisatya). At
related to the Buddhist doctrine of no-self the level of the ultimate truth (paramārthasatya),
(anātman), and besides the classifications of the however, it reveals these appellations as purely
18 elements (dhātu) and the 12 sense spheres fictional and artificially constructed. This differ-
(āyatana) represents one of the most important entiation between the functional aspects of
Buddhist methods for the realization of selfless- a person/self and the substantial self does not
ness. According to the Buddhist teaching, there is lead the Buddhist to simply deny the self. The
no permanent self or immortal soul that would rejection of the self was a method, employed by
function as a substratum for or the possessor of the Indian tradition of annihilationism (uccheda-
the incessantly changing skandhas. Any notion of vāda) that was refuted by Buddhism for its dis-
a separate and permanent substance is considered missal of karmic conditionality. In contrast to this,
to be merely a fabricated designation. The idea the Buddhist empties the self by slicing it into
that the five skandhas collectively as a satkāya various experiential processes. Next these will
compose an independent self is thus considered be considered in more detail.
Khandha 657

Rūpa regression on the path to liberation. Vedanā also

represents the seventh link of the standard pratītya
Rūpa is usually translated as material form or shape samutpāda sequence, being conditioned by sense
and represents external and internal material contact and leading to the arising of craving. The
aspects of existence. This skandha is commonly fact that feelings hold an intermediary position
characterized with the four basic qualities of matter between the bodily aspect and other mental
(mahābhūta), namely, earth, water, fire, and air, and aspects of experiences implies that sensations
forms derived from them, i.e., solidity, cohesion, affect the body as well as the rest of the mind. In
energy, and motion. The Abhidharma and the com- that sense, conceptualizations often serve as justi-
mentaries propose that the derived forms refer to fications for initially experienced likings and aver-
secondary matter of which there are 23 or 24 types. sions. One is often not entirely aware of this early
These include the five sense organs and their perceptual phase that has such an enormous
objects. The Khandha Saṃyutta defines rūpa as impact on the whole nature of a certain experience
everything that is externally affected. This includes ([9], p. 33). The lump of foam simile correlates
experiencing warmth or cold, thirst and hunger, feelings to bubbles on the surface of water during
etc., ([5], p. 915). In this context, rūpa does not the rain, indicating the ephemeral nature of these
refer only to physical forms but incorporates the phenomena. Buddhism emphasizes the impor-
mental forms of the experience of material objects tance of contemplating the impermanent nature
as well. The translation of rūpa as matter can thus of feelings, whatever kind they may be, in order
be deceiving in regard to what this aggregate stands to develop detachment regarding them. This
for. It is therefore important to note that rūpa pri- includes a meticulous awareness of feelings as K
marily does not stand for actual material objects but they arise and cease, before other mental processes
rather the personal experience of them ([31], p. 17). (i.e., reactions and rationalizations) take place.
This emphasizes the functionality of the aggregate Akin to the other aggregates, an insight into the
rather than its substantiality. One of the similes in transient nature of one’s feelings leads to the dis-
the Pāli discourses compares rūpa to a lump of continuation of the identification with them.
foam. Just as the lump of foam is hollow, so also
the material aspect of one’s personal experience
lacks substance ([5], p. 951). Samjñā
˙
Saṃjñā (Pāli saññā) is variously translated as cog-
Vedanā nition, sensory perception, apperception, ideation,
discrimination, and conception. It refers to the
Vedanā refers to the primary sensory apprehen- assimilation of sensation and the awareness of
sion of forms and is usually translated as sensation objects. Like vedanā, saṃjñā also owes its arising
or feeling. This includes bodily sensations as well to the contact stimulus. Cognitions or perceptions
as mental feelings. It represents the affective func- are divided into six different classes, namely, per-
tion of personal experiences and primarily relates ception of forms, sounds, odors, tastes, tactiles,
to the effect these experiences have on the and mental phenomena. If vedanā provides the
experiencing subject. Feelings arise in depen- affective part of the process of perception, saṃjñā
dence on contact and are accordingly classified relates to the cognitive aspect, its primary function
into six groups, namely, feelings generated being the active recognition of the sensation and
through the eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and the conceptual apprehension of the object of expe-
mind contact. They are additionally categorized rience. This means that it processes and classifies
as pleasant, unpleasant, and indifferent. These crude sensory information and engages memory
three are further subdivided into worldly and supplies of designations. Cognitions are tightly
unworldly feelings, the criterion being whether linked to feelings which distort them according
the feelings arise in relation to the progression or to their own nature. Consequently, empirical
658 Khandha

reality can be fairly automatically misinterpreted subjective awareness during the cognitive pro-
as raw sensory data undergoes discriminative cess. The Buddhist doctrine speaks of six types
analysis according to the established register of of consciousness: visual, auditory, olfactory, gus-
accepted notions, associations, prejudices, and tatory, tactile, and mental consciousness. All of
habits of the mind. Further conceptual activity them correlate to corresponding sense faculties
follows the direction of the initial cognition and (eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and mind) and
thereby additionally strengthens the latter. Bud- objects of cognition (form, sound, smell, taste,
dhist practice aims at deautomatizing these initial tactile sensation, and concepts). These together
and secondary habitual ideations by focusing on form the scheme of 18 elements (dhātu). Vijñāna
their impermanent and conditioned nature. The therefore also arises in dependence to sensory
lump of foam simile compares cognitions to contact. However, it is at the same time itself
a shimmering mirage in the heat. indispensable for the contact of objects and sen-
sory faculties, i.e., for the arising of objects ([35],
p. 19–20). These therefore determine each others’
Samskāra natures, and in line with the Buddhist doctrine,
˙ one can thus never experience an object as such.
This category covers a wide range of phenomena Consciousness is also the aggregate that is closely
that in translation cannot all be subsumed under linked to the Buddhist theory of rebirth as it is this
a single term. It usually translates as formations, particular skandha that is passed on to succeeding
formative forces, impulses, volitional tendencies, lives. As a result, it facilitates an uninterrupted
or volitions. This aggregate refers to conscious transmission of karma and thereof karmic condi-
and subconscious dispositional tendencies, emo- tionality over numerous lifetimes. Nevertheless,
tional responses, habitual reactions, conditioned this does not imply its unchanging persistence and
impulses, intentions, attitudes, and memories that consciousness is not understood as an enduring
arise from vedanā and saṃjñā. Similarly to those common denominator of experience. On the con-
two, saṃskāra (Pāli saṅkhāra) also arises due to trary, like all the other skandhas, vijñāna is imper-
contact stimuli, and like the other mental aggre- manent and thus represents a process of being
gates, it is divided into six classes, i.e., volition aware or conscious. The lump of foam simile
regarding forms, sounds, odors, tastes, tactiles, states consciousness to be as vacuous as
and mental phenomena. Saṃskāra functions as a magical illusion.
an individuating factor in one’s personal experi- These five aggregates are components that are
ence and covers its responsive aspect. As volitions normally used to create an impression of an indi-
are impermanent, like the rest of the experiential vidual self. The process of identification is
factors, it is in accordance with the Buddhist followed by the process of appropriation of fur-
teaching that all views and beliefs in relation to ther experiences according to the established
them are erroneous. This includes identifying one- sense of personal identity. Consequently, as all
self with one’s volitions, thinking these forma- the five aspects of existence are constantly alter-
tions to be manifestations of or parts of one’s ing, identifying with them inevitably leads one to
self, or even considering that as a self one partakes experience unresolved relations to objects of
in some grand intentional force. The lump of foam desire, for these are no longer looked upon as
simile compares volitions to a plantain tree, which impersonal phenomena. The Pāli discourses con-
lacks a substantial core. sequently frequently refer to the five skandhas as
the five aggregates of clinging, highlighting the
attachment to them, which needs to be removed
Vijñāna for it is regarded to be the foremost cause of
nonsatisfactoriness (duḥkha). Accordingly, in his
Vijñāna (Pāli viññāṇa) usually translates as con- first teaching, or more precisely the exposition of
sciousness or awareness. Its function is to provide the first noble truth, the Buddha identified the five
Khandha 659

aggregates of clinging with duḥkha, thus recog- ▶ Causality (Buddhism)

nizing them as crucial factors in the arising of the ▶ Craving
ordinary human condition ([5], p. 1844). There- ▶ Death (Buddhism)
fore, according to the Buddhist doctrine, in order ▶ Dukkha
to attain liberation, it is essential that one develops ▶ Enlightenment (Buddhism)
a comprehensive insight into the real nature of the ▶ Kamma
five skandhas and a clear understanding of their ▶ Karma
transience. This guides one to the cultivation of ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
detachment from them since they are no longer ▶ Materialism (Buddhism)
considered to be permanent substantial entities. In ▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
this way, a lucid discernment of skandhas as ▶ Mind (Buddhism)
dynamic functions of experience brings about ▶ Nāma-rūpa
the destruction of ignorance (avidyā), desire ▶ Paramārtha
(tṛṣṇā), and hatred (dveṣa) that maintain the ongo- ▶ Paṭicca samuppāda
ing cycle of rebirths. The rationale behind the ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
skandha scheme is therefore not merely providing ▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
an objective insight into human identity but ▶ Puḍgala (Puggala)
assisting the release from the saṃsāric cycle, ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
which may be attained through a clear understand- ▶ Relativity (Buddhism)
ing of one’s subjective experience. Consequently, ▶ Saṃkhāra
particular attention is paid to those factors of ▶ Saṃskāra K
sentient existence that play vital parts in the pro- ▶ Skanda
cess of liberation. The fivefold formula is there- ▶ Soul
fore a key element in the Buddhist teaching, and ▶ Vijñāna
Bhikkhu Bodhi explicates its significance with
four remarks. First, they are a vital element of
the first noble truth and consequently play References
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˙˙

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23. Hamilton S (1995) From the Buddha to Buddhaghosa:
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Theravāda Buddhism. In: Law JM (ed) Religious Synonyms
reflection on the human body. Indiana University
Press, Bloomington, pp 46–63
24. Hamilton S (1996) Identity and experience: the Arian Pȃli; Bactrian alphabet; Gāndhārī script;
constitution of the human being according to early L’alphabet du nord-ouest; Northwestern Prakrit
Buddhism. Luzac Oriental, London
25. Hamilton S (1997) The dependent nature of the phe-
nomenal world. In: Dhammajoti KL et al (eds) Recent
researches in Buddhist studies. Y. Karunadasa Felici-
Definition
tation Committee/Chi Ying Foundation, Colombo/
Hong Kong, pp 276–291 An ancient alphasyllabary used by the Gāndhāra
26. Harvey P (2004) The selfless mind: personality, culture ancient South Asia to write the Gāndhārī
consciousness and Nirvāna in early Buddhism.
and Sanskrit languages.
RoutledgeCurzon, Oxon
27. Jayasuriya WF (1963) The psychology and philoso-
phy of Buddhism. YMBA Press, Colombo
28. Johansson REA (1965) Citta, Mano, Viññāṇa – Kharosthī: Gāndhāra’s Gift to Buddhism
a psychosemantic investigation. Univ Ceylon Rev ˙˙
23(1–2):165–215
29. Johansson REA (1970) The psychology of Nirvana. The Kharoṣṭhī script, also known as the Gāndhārī
Doubleday, Garden City script, was an ancient alphasyllabary writing
Kharosthī Script 661
˙˙

system that was widely used in northwestern on Bactrian coins during the times of the Greco-
India, Afghanistan, and Central Asia from the Bactrian kingdoms. The Greco-Bactrian kings
fourth century B.C.E. to the third century C.E. used Kharoṣṭhī script on their bilingual coins
that played a key role as the vehicle of Buddhism (observe in Greek, reverse in Pali) [2]. The first
in northwest India. Kharoṣṭhī script has been historically known inscriptions in Kharoṣṭhī are
found on four different types of documents: the Aśokan edicts found at Shāhbāzgaŗhī and
inscriptions on stone; Indo-Greek, Indo-Scythian, Mānsehrā which date to around the middle of the
Indo-Parthian, and Kuşāņa coins; documents third century B.C.E. The edicts were commis-
found in the Silk Road oasis cities of the Tarim sioned by the Emperor Aśhoka of the Mauryan
Basin; and Buddhist literary texts. Kharoṣṭhī dynasty during his reign from 269 to 231 B.C.E.
script possesses several unique and distinct Under the Mauryan dynasty, Gāndhārā became
forms and characteristics. Kharoṣṭhī is written the object of intense missionary activities. The
from right and left. Each syllable includes the inscriptions were dispersed throughout the areas
short a sound by default, with other vowels of modern-day India, Nepal, and Pakistan and
being indicated by diacritic marks. Epigraphical represent the first tangible evidence of Buddhism.
evidence indicates that the order of letters in The edicts describe in detail the first widespread
Kharoṣṭhī script follows what has become expansion of Buddhism through the sponsorship
known as the Arapacana alphabet. of one of the most powerful Indian kings.
Originally deciphered by James Prinsep According to the edicts, proselytism reached as
(1799–1840), little is known about the origin of far as the Mediterranean during Aśoka’s reign [3].
Kharoṣṭhī. Scholars believe that the Kharoṣṭhī Archaeological evidence suggests that Kharoṣṭhī K
script was derived from Aramaic script which was then spread along the trade routes northward
was used in the eastern satraps of the Achæmenid by Indian merchants and artisans to Transoxanian
Empire (559–336 B.C.E.) that extended into Bactria during the Greco-Bactrian period [4].
northwestern India and used by the Gāndhārā The use of Kharoṣṭhī script was instrumental in
culture to write the Gāndhārī and Prakrit dialects the expansion and dissemination of Gāndhārān
of the Gāndhārī language [1]. Kharoṣṭhī was in Buddhism from its birthplace in northwestern
widespread use across northwestern India from India. Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions have enabled
the middle of the fourth century B.C.E. until it scholars to outline, in broad context, the history
fell out of use in its homeland by the end of the of Gandhārān Buddhism, chronicling the growth
third century C.E. Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions are par- of Buddhist institutions over a 400-year period.
ticularly abundant during the Scythian, Parthian, Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions have been used to date the
and Kuşāņa dynasties of northwest India. There is reigns of kings and examine institutionalized reli-
archaeological evidence that Kharoṣṭhī was used gious traditions [5]. By the second century C.E.,
throughout the Kushān Empire and survived as Gandhārā had become one of the major centers of
late as the seventh century C.E. in the Kingdom of Buddhism in India, and Buddhism began to make
Khotan and other cities along the southern edge of its way along the Silk Road. Buddhist inscriptions
the Taklamakan Desert of the Tarim Basin. in the Kharoṣṭhī script and the Gandhārān
Little is known about the development of language have been found near the cities of
Kharoṣṭhī script. Prevailing scholarly opinion Lo-yang and Chong-ah – early centers of
suggests that Kharoṣṭhī was developed by Greeks Buddhism in China.
who had intermarried with the local community The Yuezhi were the next to use Kharoṣṭhī
following the Macedonian conquest of the script. Forced from their home in Dunhuang and
Achæmenid Empire and the conquest of the east- the Qilian Mountains in China at the beginning of
ern Punjab and the Indus Valley in northwestern the second century B.C.E., the Yuezhi moved
India in the fourth century B.C.E. The use of westwards to the Amu Darya and Syr Darya riv-
Kharoṣṭhī first appeared the following century ers. Following the conquest of Balkh, the Yuezhi
662 Khema-uyyāna

themselves began using Kharoṣṭhī as their lingua

franca. Under the leadership of Kujula Kadphises, Khuddaka Nikāya
the Yuezhi established the Kuşāņa dynasty at
Gāndhārā. The Kushans expanded quickly: they K. T. S. Sarao
conquered the Kabul River valley, Kashmir, and Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
the Indus River valley and reached as far the Delhi, Delhi, India
Ganges River. Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions are particu-
larly abundant during the Kuşāņa dynasty as
Kharoṣṭhī became the official script. As a result, Synonyms
Kharoṣṭhī became widely used throughout Cen-
tral Asia. During the Kuşāņa period, the use of Khuddakagantha
Kharoṣṭhī promoted Buddhism and Buddhist
institutions. Kharoṣṭhī manuscripts were instru-
mental in bringing to highlight the role the Definition
Dharmaguptakas sect had in the dissemination of
northern Buddhism. The fifth and last division of the Sutta Piṭaka.
Kharoṣṭhī script eventually fell out of use in
India at the end of the third century C.E. and was The Khuddaka Nikāya (Minor Collection) is the
replaced by local derivations of Brāhmi script. last of the five Nikāyas of the Sutta Piṭaka, which
in turn is one of the “three baskets” (Tipiṭaka) of
the canon of Theravāda Buddhism in Pāli. It con-
Cross-References sists of fifteen texts, namely, Khuddakapāṭha,
Dhammapada, Udāna, Itivuttaka, Sutta-Nipāta,
▶ Aśoka Vimānavatthu, Petavatthu, Theragāthā,
▶ Gandhara Therīgāthā, Jātaka, Niddesa, Paṭisamb-
hidāmagga, Apadāna, Buddhavaṃsa, and
Cariyapiṭaka. Four more texts, namely,
References Suttasaṃgaha, Nettippakaraṇa, Petakopadesa,
and Milindapañha, were added to this Nikāya in
1. Fussman G (1989) Les premiers systèmes d’ècriture en Myanmar. The full list of these 18 books is
Inde, Annuaire du Collège de France 1988–1989,
included in the inscriptions as approved by the
Rèsumè des Courset Travaux. Collège de France, Paris
2. Banerji RD (1920) The Kharosthi alphabet. J Roy Asiat Fifth Council of Myanmar and in the printed
Soc 2:193–219 edition of the text recited at the Sixth Council.
3. Leitich K (2008) The rise and decline of Buddhism in According to the Paramatthajotikā, the com-
central Asia. In: Thapa S (ed) History of northern Bud-
mentary on the Khuddakapāṭha, the Khuddaka
dhism. Vajra, Kathmandu
4. Harmatta J (1994) Languages and literature in the Nikāya is a collection of numerous units of the
Kushan Empire. In: Harmatta J, Puri BN, Dani JH Dhamma which are small and variegated, and
(eds) History of civilizations of central Asia: the devel- hence the name of the collection Khuddaka
opment of sedentary and nomadic civilizations: 700 B.
Nikāya ([10], p. 12). This Nikāya contains,
C. to A.D. 250. UNESCO Publishing, Paris
5. Soloman R (1998) Ancient Buddhist scrolls from besides complete suttas and verses, small portions
Gāndhārā: the British library Kharos‚‚thī fragments. of the teachings of the Dhamma on different sub-
University of Washington Press, Seattle jects credited to the Buddha and his chief disci-
ples. The major portion of this Nikāya is in verse
and contains nearly all the important works of
Buddhist poetry. The texts of the Khuddaka
Khema-uyyāna Nikāya are very heterogeneous works of widely
varying lengths. The shortest of its texts is the
▶ Sārnāth Khuddakapāṭha which consists of less than ten
Khuddaka Nikāya 663

printed pages, whereas the Jātaka is over the teachings of the Buddha not included in the
a hundred times as bigger. Only three of its texts other four Nikāyas are considered as constituting
contain Suttas similar to those in the first four the Khuddaka Nikāya ([8], Vol. i, p. 23; [9], Vol. i,
nikāyas, nine are collections of verses, one is p. 27).
a commentary, one is a philosophical text, and It has been suggested that the texts Sutta-
one (the Khuddakapāṭha) has been assembled Nipāta, Itivuttaka, Dhammapada, Therīgāthā,
from short pieces found elsewhere in the canon Theragātha, Udāna and Jātaka belong to the
([3], p. 41–42). It has been suggested that early stratum and the texts Khuddakapāṭha,
the Khuddaka Nikāya was the repository for mate- Vimānavatthu, Petavatthu, Niddesa,
rials that were left out of the four Nikāyas (the Paṭisambhida, Apadāna, Buddhavaṃsa and
Dīgha Nikāya, Majjhima Nikāya, Saṃyutta Cariyapiṭaka can be categorized in the later stra-
Nikāya, and Aṅguttara Nikāya) and thus included tum ([1], p. 113). Although the Theravādin tradi-
both early and late texts ([2], p. 128). Though tion accepts that the five Nikāyas of the Sutta
Buddhist schools such as the Mahisāsaka, Piṭaka were rehearsed at the First Council and
Dharmaguptaka, and Mahāsaṃghika included that the Khuddaka Nikāya includes all other
a Khuddaka Piṭaka in their canons, the Khuddaka sayings of the Buddha that are not included in
Nikāya of the Theravāda school is the only the first four Nikāyas ([9], p. 1.6), the Khuddaka
extant example of such a Khuddaka Piṭaka ([2], Nikāya is generally believed to have been devel-
p. 128). oped and completed during a long period of time,
There does not seem to be any recognizable beginning from the Buddha’s time up to about the
system in the arrangement of the texts in the time of the Third Council. On the basis of the use K
Khuddaka Nikāya, and this uncertainty prevails of the word pañcanekāyika (knower of the five
in Theravāda, the only school to possess Nikāyas) in a third-century B.C.E. inscription,
a complete Khuddaka Nikāya. The long history Rhys Davids has suggested the existence of
of the uncertainty about the contents of the Khuddaka Nikāya by the third century B.C.E.
Khuddaka Nikāya has been described by Lamotte ([7], p. 168).
[4]. The earliest lists of the texts contained in this The Khuddaka Nikāya as a whole is considered
Nikāya are found in the description of the canon at traditionally as less important compared with the
the beginning of the commentaries on the first four Nikāyas as it is believed that the first four
various texts of the Pāli Tipiṭaka. For instance, Nikāyas contain discourses preached by the
Samantapāsādikā, the commentary of the Vinaya Buddha, whereas the texts of the Khuddaka Nikāya
([9], p. 18.12–15), refers to the existence of 15 are compositions of the disciples ([1], p. 16). It has
texts. However, Atthasālinī , the Abhidhamma also been suggested that outside the first four
commentary ([6], p. 26.3), refers to only 14 of Nikāyas there were a number of texts regarded as
them, probably leaving out the Khuddakapāṭha of inferior importance, either because they were
([3], p. 42). According to Sumaṅgalavilāsinī , the compositions of the followers of the Buddha or
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, whereas because their genuineness was uncertain ([11],
the Dīghabhāṇakas (the reciters of the Dīgha pp. 202–203). However, the Theravādin tradition
Nikāya) rehearsed 11 of the 15 texts (except considers the Khuddaka Nikāya as an integral part
Khuddakapāṭha, Apadāna, Buddhavaṃsa, and of its canon.
Cariyapiṭaka), called them collectively the
Khuddakagantha, and included them in the
Abhidhamma Piṭaka, the Majjhimabhāṇakas, on Cross-References
the other hand, mention 14 of these texts (leaving
out the Khuddakapāṭha) and included these texts ▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
in the Sutta Piṭaka ([8], Vol. i, p. 15). According to ▶ Buddhavaṃsa
another classification, the whole of the Vinaya ▶ Buddhist Councils
Piṭaka and the Abhidhamma Piṭaka as well as all ▶ Dhammapada
664 Khuddakagantha

▶ Dīgha Nikāya
▶ Jātaka Kilesa (Kleśa)
▶ Majjhima Nikāya
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya Angraj Chaudhary
▶ Sutta-Nipāta Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri,
▶ Sutta Piṭaka Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā

Synonyms
References
Dosa; Moha; Rāga
1. Abeynayaka O (1984) A textual and historical
analysis of the Khuddaka Nikāya. Tisara Press,
Colombo
2. Akira H (1993) A history of Indian Buddhism, trans- Definition
lated and edited by Paul Groner. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi Kilesas make minds impure, torment them, and
3. von Hinüber O (1997) A handbook of Pāli literature,
cause various kinds of suffering.
first Indian edition. Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Delhi, pp 41–43
4. Lamotte É (1956) Problèmes Concernant les Kilesa is derived from the verb ‘kilissati’ which
Textes Canoniques “Mineurs. Journal Asiatique means ‘to get wet, soiled, or stained.’ Kilesa thus
244:249–164
5. Law BC (1983) A History of Pāli Literature, reprint,
means ‘stain, soil, impurity.’ Figuratively, it
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi means affliction. In a moral sense, it means
6. Müller, E (ed) (1979) The Atthasālinī: Buddhaghosa’s depravity, lust ([1], p. 216). This word is very
commentary on the Dhammasaṅginī (rev. edn). Pali rarely found in the Tipiṭaka. But it is frequently
Text Society, London
found in later works, particularly in the Aṭṭhkathās
7. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. G.P.
Putnam’s Sons, London and Ṭī kās. Rhys Davids rightly says that kilesa
8. Rhys Davids, TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds) refers to our ‘regenerate nature, sinful desires,
(1886–1932). The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s vices and passions’ (see [1]). Kilesa stains people,
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
makes them impure and depraved in the moral
Society, London
9. Takakusu J, Nagai M (eds) (1947–1975) sense. In the words of Nārada Thera, ‘Kilesas
Samantapāsādikā: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on are those which defile or torment the mind’ ([2],
the Vinaya Piṭaka, 8 vols (including index by p. 331 Taiwan edition).
H. Kopp). Pali Text Society, London
In the Abhidhammatthasaṅgaho by Ācariya
10. Smith H (ed) (1915) The Khuddaka-Pāṭha together
with its commentary Paramatthajotikā I. Pali Text Anuruddha Thera, ten kilesas, namely, lobho
Society, London (greed), doso (hatred, anger), moho (ignorance),
11. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism (3rd rev. edn). māno (conceit), diṭṭhi (wrong view), vicikicchā
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
(doubt), thī na (sloth), uddhacca (restlessness),
12. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of ahirikaṃ (shamelessness in evildoing), and
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London anottappa (fearlessness of wrongdoing) are men-
tioned ([2], p. 323).
What harm can these kilesas cause will be
clear if their characteristics, their functions,
Khuddakagantha the way they manifest themselves, and the imme-
diate or proximate cause of their arising are
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya known.
Kilesa (Kleśa) 665

Because kilesas make mind impure and defilements proceed from it. This has been very
stained, they can be found only in the unwhole- clearly shown by the Buddha in the Aggañña
some cittas (consciousness), not in the whole- Sutta in the Dī gha Nikāya [1]. Here the Buddha
some ones. They are found only in the shows graphically through a fable how man’s
kāmāvacara (sensuous) sphere, not in the greed ‘gives rise to ugliness, arrogance and lust
rūpāvacara (form), arūpāvacara (formless), and and how it leads to hoarding (parigraha), to com-
lokuttara (supramundane) spheres. It is only in the mitting theft, lying, censuring, punishment and
kāmavacara sphere that there are akusala and many other evil things’ ([5], p. 156).
kusala cittas. Eight kinds of consciousness rooted in greed
The Pali word lobho is translated into English are found in the sensuous sphere (kamavacara
as greed, craving, thirst, etc. It is one of the three loka). Out of the first two accompanied by plea-
unwholesome roots, the other two being doso sure and connected with wrong view, one is
(aversion) and moho (ignorance). Greed covers unprompted and the other is prompted. Out of
all selfish desires and cravings. Many are the the next two accompanied by pleasure but discon-
Pali words, which are synonyms of lobha. They nected with wrong view, one is unprompted and
are rāga (lust), gedha (greed), eja (desire), the other is prompted. Out of the next four types of
visattikā (longing), santhava (binding), āsa consciousness, the first two are accompanied by
(yearning), taṇhā (thirst), dukkha samudaya indifference and connected with wrong view, one
(cause of suffering), and dukkha mūla (root of of which is unprompted and the other is prompted,
suffering). and the next two accompanied by indifference and
Walpole Rahula in his book ‘What the Buddha disconnected with wrong view, out of which one K
Taught’ has defined lobha (thirst) in these words. is unprompted and the other is prompted.
It includes ‘not only desire for, and attachment to, There are two types of consciousness rooted in
sense pleasures, wealth and power, but also desire aversion. One is unprompted, accompanied by
for and attachment to ideas and ideals, views, pleasure and connected with ill will, and the
opinions, theories, conceptions and beliefs other is prompted, accompanied by pleasure and
(dhama taṇhā)’ ([3], p. 30). connected with ill will.
In the Abhidhamma literature particularly in its There are two others rooted in ignorance. One
Aṭṭhakathās and Ṭī kās, terms like dosa, moha, is accompanied by indifference and connected
māna, etc., are defined from the viewpoints of with doubt and the other is accompanied by indif-
their characteristics (lakkhaṇa), their function ference and connected with restlessness.
(rasa), the way they manifest themselves Consciousnesses rooted in lobha and dosa do
(paccupaṭṭhāna), and their immediate cause not arise alone. They always arise with moha.
(padaṭṭhāna). As these 12 types of cittas are unwholesome,
Defined in the light of its features, lobha has they are found only in the sensuous sphere
the characteristic of grasping objects and ideas (Kāmāvacara bhūmi).
(ārammaṇagahanaṃ lakkhaṇaṃ) that it wants Dosa (hatred) is another defilement. It com-
and its function is to stick to what it wants prises all kinds of aversions (paṭigha). If hatred
(abhisangā raso). It manifests itself by not giving is developed against somebody byāpāda (ill will)
up the desired object or idea or view or belief and kodha (anger), against him are also simulta-
(apariccāga paccupaṭṭhāna), and its immediate neously developed. Other negative qualities like
cause is to find that the object one wants is going domanassa (displeasure), anattamana (sorrow),
to give him enjoyment (sanyojanī yesu dhammesu virodha (aggression), upanāha (resentment),
assāda dassanaṃ) ([4], p. 289). makkha (contempt), and palāsa (insolence) arise
Lobho is the first to arise in man’s mind. It is and make one unhappy. In fact, one begins to
a very strong and basic defilement and all burn. This is the function of dosa. One wants to
666 Kilesa (Kleśa)

destroy that man for whom one develops aversion. asambodha (absence of enlightenment),
One wants to put him into trouble of all kinds and appaṭivedha (absence of penetration),
harm him. But before harming him one harms apaccavekkhana (absence of reflection), and so
oneself. One burns with anger and hatred. on. From the Buddha’s point of view, one who
Vasabha Thera has expressed it beautifully. does not know the nature of reality, i.e., anicca
Pubbe hanati attānaṃ, pacchāhanati so pare (impermanence), dukkha (suffering), and anatta
([6], Vasabha Thera). (no permanent soul), one who has no knowledge
Different kinds of aversion enumerated above of suffering (dukkhe aññāṇa), cause of suffering
are its synonyms. Doso (hatred) is caṇḍikka- (dukkhasamudaye aññāṇa), the cessation of
lakkhaṇo, i.e., its characteristic is ferocity. When suffering (dukkhanirodhe aññāṇa), and the way
one is filled with hatred, one begins to burn. Both leading to the cessation of suffering
one’s mind and body in whom it is found begin to (dukkhanirodhagāminiyā paṭipadāye aññāṇa),
burn. Its function is that it spreads all over oneself one who does not know the roots of wholesome
(visappana raso). Hatred spreads all over oneself. and unwholesome kammas, and one who does not
It manifests itself as thought of destroying others know the Law of Dependent Origination
with whom he is angry (dussana paccupaṭṭhāno), (paṭiccasamuppāda) is ignorant. In other words,
and its proximate cause is the ground for annoy- he has ignorance (moho, avijjā).
ance (āghātavatthupadaṭṭhāno). There are nine According to the Dhammasangani Aṭṭhakathā,
bases of hatred or animosity. its salient features are given below. Its
characteristic is mental blindness
1. ‘Harm was caused to me in the past (andhabhāvalakkhaṇo. aññāṇalakkhano). Its
2. is being caused to me in the present and function is non-understanding, non-penetration
3. will be caused to me in the future of reality (asampaṭivedha raso), and concealment
4. harm was done to my near and dear ones in the of the reality (ārammaṇasabhāvacchādanaraso).
past It manifests itself in not understanding
5. is being done in the present and things rightly (asammāpaṭipattipaccupṭṭhāno,
6. will be done in the future.’ andhakārapaccupṭṭhāno vā), and its immediate
cause is unwise attention (ayoniso manasikāra).
Besides these six grounds, there are other three So long as moha remains, it is not possible to
grounds for developing animosity. They are ‘(1) understand the nature of reality. How can one
help was given to my enemy in the past, (2) it is become free from greed, etc., if one does not
being given now, and (3) it will be given in the know the nature of reality? Only by understanding
future.’ Such thoughts give rise to anger and make the true nature of things one develops non-
one develop hatred against the person who is attachment to things and ultimately attains
believed or suspected to do so ([4], p. 296; [7] nibbāna. Ignorance is the greatest stumbling
Āghātavatthu Sutta). block on the path of sādhanā. It can be removed
Doso causes all kinds of fighting, killing, and by practicing Vipassana meditation and under-
war. Because of hatred, people blame one another, standing the true nature of reality at the experien-
take a vow to destroy one another, and even plot tial level.
terrorist attacks on one another. All kinds of vio- Māno (conceit) is another defilement. It arises
lence are done because of hatred or aversion. from a false valuation of oneself. If one under-
Animals are slaughtered because of this defile- stands that he is what he is not it is a form of
ment. Of course, lobho (greed) is also associated conceit. People, who consider themselves supe-
with it. rior to others, are mostly conceited. It is said that
Moho is another kilesa (defilement). It means conceit arises because they think themselves
absence of knowledge (aññāna), absence of superior to others or equal to others or even
vision (adassana), understanding (anabhisamayo), when they think inferior to others they behave as
and wakefulness (ananubodha). It is also if they do not care.
Kilesa (Kleśa) 667

Its characteristic is haughtiness (unnati and anāgāmī phala and arhata magga and arhata
lakkhaṇo), and its function is to exalt oneself phala?
(sampaggaha raso) and disparage others. It man- Its characteristic is doubt (saṃsaya lakkhanā),
ifests as vainglory (ketukamyatā paccupaṭṭhāno), and its function is to waver, to be perplexed
and its proximate cause is greed dissociated (kampana rasā). It is manifested in being indecisive
from wrong view (diṭṭhi vippayutta padaṭṭhāno) or taking various sides (anicchaya paccupaṭṭhānā),
([8], p. 26). and its immediate cause is unwise attention
It is a very subtle defilement and is the last to (ayoniso manasikāra padaṭṭhānā) ([10], p. 298).
go. It varies from a crude feeling of pride to So long as doubt is there, it does not let one have
a subtle feeling of distinctiveness. It is said that faith in the three gems viz. the Buddha the Dhamma
it continues even in a man who is on the road to and the Saṅgha. Practice of Vipassana can enable
become an arhant. It goes only when he becomes one to see things as they really are and then only one
an arhant. can be free from doubt.
Diṭṭhi (wrong view) is another defilement. It Thī na (sloth) is the sluggishness and drowsi-
takes what is right to be wrong and vice versa. ness of mind. When one is overpowered by it, one
Because of this, one believes in a permanent soul, cannot work hard, one cannot work energetically,
one does not believe in the results of wholesome and, therefore, one cannot walk on the Noble
and unwholesome kammas, does not believe in Eightfold Path as sincerely as one is required to
nibbāna, does not, like Cārvāka, believe in do. If one’s mind is lethargic and inactive, one
rebirth. Because of wrong view, he thinks that cannot be mindful, which is one of the most
performing sacrifices, observing rites and rituals, important things to have to live in the present K
taking cold bath in the river are meritorious acts and practice Vipassana.
and giving dāna and leading a virtuous life do not According to the Abhidhammāvatāra
lead one to nibbāna. nāmarūpapariccheda paramattha vinicchaya
Its characteristic is unwise interpretation saccasaṅkhepa, the characteristic of thī na is lack
(ayoniso abhinivesalakkhaṇā), its function is to of driving power (anussāhana lakkhaṇaṃ). Its
take hold of and to be attached to things function is to dispel energy and make one lethar-
(parāmāsa rasā), it manifests itself in gic, (viriyavinodana rasaṃ). How does it mani-
wrongly interpreting things (micchābhinivesa fest? It manifests as the sinking of one’s energy
paccupaṭṭhānā), and its immediate cause is the (saṃsī danabhāvapaccupaṭṭhānaṃ). Its immedi-
unwillingness to see the noble ones, the Ariyas, ate cause is drowsiness and unwise attention
who can teach him the right path (Ariyānaṃ (arati-tandī vijambhitātisu ayoniso manasikāra
adassanakāmatādi padaṭṭhāna) ([9], p. 26). padaṭṭhānaṃ). Great and unflagging energy is
Sixty-two kinds of micchādiṭṭhis relating to needed to walk on the Noble Eightfold Path. If
eternity of or annihilation of soul or spontaneous one becomes a prey to this kilesa (defilement), not
origin of things without a cause are mentioned in much progress can be expected on the spiritual
the Brahmajāla Sutta in the Dī ghanikāya. path ([9], p. 26).
So long as one has micchādiṭṭhis, it is impos- Uddhacca is restlessness of mind. It
sible for him to end suffering and attain nibbāna. causes agitation. How can one concentrate
Vicikicchā (doubt) is a great defilement. How one’s mind if one is restless and agitated? Con-
can one walk on the path shown by the Buddha if centration of mind is a sine qua non for develop-
he has doubt in him, in his teachings, and in ing wisdom with which one sees reality as it is.
the Order, which is formed by the four pairs of When one realizes the nature of reality at the
saints such as sotāpatti magga (a stream enterer, experiential level, one makes a quantum leap in
who is on the path to attain the fruits of being developing non-attachment to various objects of
a sotāpanna) and sotāpatti phala (a stream the world.
enterer, who has attained the fruits), sakadāgāmī The characteristic of uddhacca according to
magga and sakadāgāmī phala, anāgāmī magga the Dhammasagaṇī Aṭṭhakathā (p. 290) is
668 Kind

disquietude and restlessness (cetaso avūpasama References

lakkhaṇaṃ). It makes mind unsteady
(anavaṭṭhāna rasaṃ). It manifests as turmoil 1. Rhys Davids TW and Stede W Pali-English Dictionary
2. Thero N A Manual of Abhidhamma, Taiwan edn
(bhantatta paccupaṭṭhānaṃ), and its proximate
3. Rahula W What the Buddha Taught
cause is unwise attention to mental disquiet 4. Dhammasaṅgani (V.R.I. Dhammagiri. Unless other-
(cetaso avūpasame ayonisomanasikāra wise mentioned all books referred to here are
padaṭṭhānaṃ). published from V.R.I. Dhammagiri)
5. Chaudhary A (2009) Aspects of Buddha-Dhamma.
There are two more defilements, which go
Eastern Book Linkers, Delhi
together. They are ahirikaṃ (shamelessness of 6. Theragāthā
doing wrong and evil actions) and anottappaṃ 7. Aṅguttara Nikāya
(fearlessness of doing evil actions). The feelings 8. Abhidhammāvatāra nāmarūpapariccheda
9. Abhidhammāvatāra nāmarūpapariccheda paramattha-
of shame and fear are good qualities, which pre-
vinicchaya sacca saṅkhepa
vent people from doing wrong and evil things. 10. Dhammasaṅgani Aṭṭhakathā
They feel ashamed because they think that it 11. Mohavicchedani
does not behoove them to do wrong and evil 12. Dīgha Nikāya
13. Abhidhammāvatāra nāmarūpapariccheda
things. They are aware of their status in society,
14. Abhidhammatthasaṅgaho by Anuruddhācariya
aware of the noble family they come from, and do
not think of doing actions, which will stain their
character. Some of them have this feeling that if
they do such unwholesome actions, wise people Kind
will raise their fingers at them. Out of social fear,
they do not commit wrong things. But when they ▶ Metta
do not have shame (hiri) and fear (ottappa), they
do all sorts of wrong things.
Absence of disgust at unwholesome
Kingship
physical and verbal actions is the characteristic
of ahirikaṃ (pāpato ajigucchana lakkhaṇaṃ),
▶ Warfare (Buddhism)
doing evil is its function (alajjanākārena
pāpakānaṃ karaṇa rasā), not shrinking from
doing evil (pāpato asaṃkocana paccupaṭṭhānā)
is its manifestation, and lack of respect for oneself Kingship (Buddhism)
and others (atta para agārava padaṭṭhānā) is its
immediate cause. Jordan Johnson
Absence of dread and fear in doing ethically School of Historical, Philosophical, and Religious
wrong things is the characteristic of anottappa Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ,
(asārajjaṃ lakkhaṇaṃ), its function is to do evil USA
things (pāpakānaṃ karaṇa rasā), it manifests in
not shrinking away from doing evil (pāpato
asaṅkocana paccupaṭṭhāna), and its immediate Synonyms
cause is lack of respect for oneself and others
([4], p. 289; [11], p. 15). Buddhist monarchy
Thus, kilesas are to be avoided at all costs.

Definition

Cross-References A monarchical system of governance endeavoring

to be in keeping with, or based upon, the tenets of
▶ Craving Buddhism.
Kingship (Buddhism) 669

Overview Buddhist monarchs, which serve as paradigms

for righteous kingship.
Despite some still-prevailing conceptions in the
West that Buddhism is a religious tradition that
has nothing at all to do with the sociopolitical Paradigmatic Ideals of Buddhist
world, the Buddhist tradition does contain a fair Kingship
amount of material relating to the vocation of
kingship. Connections to kingship can be traced One important notion of Buddhist kingship that
all the way back to the historical Buddha emerges from the scriptural tradition is that of the
(Siddhartha Gautama) himself. According to tra- mahāsammata, or the “great elect.” In the
ditional Buddhist biographies, the Buddha’s Aggañña Sutta, which forms a part of the canon-
father, King Śuddhodana, was the ruler of the ical Dīgha Nikāya collection of Pāli scriptures,
Śākya clan of northern India, and from an early the mahāsammata is described as a ruling figure
age prognosticators predicted that young who derives his power from something akin to
Prince Siddhartha would grow up to achieve a social contract. The Aggañña Sutta narrates
greatness in either the field of righteous kingship a mythical story concerning the beginnings of
or of spiritual leadership. Moreover, after the Bud- the current cosmic Buddhist age. It is sometimes
dha’s enlightenment, tradition maintains that King described as a “genesis story,” though technically
Bimbisāra of the Magadha kingdom became this is not accurate, as it does not describe the
a prominent supporter of the nascent Buddhist absolute beginnings of the world but only of the
movement. current cosmic cycle. K
From the sources currently available to modern In the story, soon after the beginning of the new
historians, the early Buddhist attitude toward cosmic cycle, the world was populated with lumi-
kingship seems to be one of ambivalent accep- nous, formless god-like beings living in an idyllic
tance of the necessity of monarchs to provide for state of bliss. Over time, however, the world
order and stability within a given region. begins to devolve, moving from an ethereal para-
Although certain strands of thought exist within dise to an increasingly materialistic realm. This
the Buddhist tradition that maintain that temporal process occurs as the world’s inhabitants begin to
institutions of political power are essentially take more and more sustenance from the material
meaningless in a grander religious sense, this world. In order to keep up with the demand for
does not mean that the institution of kingship food, the cultivation of rice becomes necessary.
was rejected by the early Buddhist community. With this comes the emergence of private land
Nor was there any serious effort to replace it ownership along with a decline in virtue for the
with an alternate system of governance [10]. On world’s inhabitants. Greed for increased rice stock
the contrary, despite the fact that the early Bud- begins to emerge, as does theft and eventually
dhist community may have expressed some mis- violence. In order to remedy this situation, the
givings about the potential for the power inherent world’s inhabitants decide to appoint a leader
in kingship to lend itself to abuses, it was gener- who can settle disputes and maintain order
ally accepted as an essential aspect of societal [10, 13].
organization. Balkrishna Gokhale’s oft-cited This leader is selected for his wisdom and
study of early Buddhist kingship cogently argues virtue. He becomes known as the mahāsammata.
that the general approach toward kingship found in He is also given the titles rājā, meaning “king,”
the earliest Buddhist scriptural writings seems to and ksattiya, meaning “lord of the fields.” In
involve attempting to infuse the institution of king- return for his service as acting king, the world’s
ship with a sense of higher morality consistent inhabitants agree to surrender one-sixth of their
with Buddhist teachings [5]. Toward this end, rice harvests to the mahāsammata [10]. This
Buddhist scriptural and commentarial writings account provides Buddhism with a conception of
contain many references to various ideals of kingship that is based on a rational contract
670 Kingship (Buddhism)

between ruler and subject wherein, out of neces- is considered to engender a utopian society of
sity, the ruler is granted the right to exert authority peace and prosperity. This occurs because the
over the populous in order to stave off harmful cakravartin’s immense personal supply of moral
anarchy. The concept of the mahāsammata thus virtue has a transformative effect on the realm
emerges as an influential paradigm for Buddhist over which he rules. Furthermore, the ideal
kingship. However, scholars such as Steven Col- cakravartin is thought to exert dominion over
lins have argued persuasively that although the world without resorting to the use of violence.
numerous kings throughout history have been However, the fourth century C.E. Indian Buddhist
rhetorically depicted as an embodiment of the thinker Vasubandhu delineated four possible
mahāsammata, the Buddhist historical record is types of cakravartins, which are, in order of
not replete with examples of Buddhist kings who descending power and prestige: the golden-
explicitly justify their kingship with reference to wheeled cakravartin, the silver-wheeled
the notion of the “social contract” inherent in the cakravartin, the copper-wheeled cakravartin,
mahāsammata model [4]. and the iron-wheeled cakravartin. In addition to
An ideal for the justification of Buddhist king- ruling over a smaller portion of the overall world
ship that is frequently appealed to within the his- system, what distinguishes the highest ideal of the
torical record, however, is the paradigm of the golden-wheeled cakravartin from the lowest form
cakravartin (Pāli: cakkavatti) or the “wheel- of the iron-wheeled cakravartin is that the for-
turning universal monarch.” Rather than a social mer’s personal charisma alone is enough to exert
contract–based justification for kingship, the total dominion over the entire world system, while
cakravartin derives his power from his virtuous the latter must use force of arms in order to subdue
command of the dharma and the immense store of and control the territory over which he rules [13].
merit that he has accumulated over many life- Like the Buddha or a bodhisattva, the
times. The Buddhist scriptural canon contains cakravartin is depicted as exhibiting the 32 bodily
numerous references to the ideal of the marks of a mahāpurusha or a “great man.” More-
cakravartin, who is depicted as a sort of counter- over, the prescribed funeral rites for a cakravartin
part to the ideal of the bodhisattva, albeit one are similar to those for a Buddha, and stupas
whose power lies primarily in the temporal containing his relics are considered to be store-
realm rather than the spiritual. In Buddhist stud- houses of incredible merit that – when properly
ies, these two spheres of action are sometimes venerated – can lead to rebirth in one of the
known as the “two wheels of dharma,” and heavenly realms [5]. Within the Pāli Buddhist
as Stanley Tambiah puts it, the bodhisattva is canon, the coming righteous reign of a future
thought to relate to the wheel of morality, while cakravartin (Pāli: cakkavatti) named Samkha is
the cakravartin controls the wheel of dominion also closely associated with the arrival of the
[15]. In Buddhist scriptural accounts, when the future Buddha, Metteyya, to the point where
cakravartin is prepared to ascend to the throne the characteristics of the two figures become
of kingship, he calls forth the wheel (Sanskrit: merged in some canonical and semi-canonical
cakra, Pāli: cakka) of dharma that normally sources [10].
resides at the bottom of the ocean. The power Another ideal for Buddhist kingship that is
and righteousness of the cakravartin – symbol- closely related to the cakravartin is that of the
ized by his invincible and ever-turning wheel – dhammiko dhammarājā, or the righteous king
then radiates out from a central point (often asso- who rules in accordance with the dhamma (San-
ciated with Mount Meru), and local leaders on skrit: dharma). The cakravartin and dhammiko
each of the continents in the four cardinal direc- dhammarājā (or simply dhammarājā) ideals con-
tions willingly submit to his authority [10, 15]. tain many points in common, though the portrait
Unlike the reign of the mahāsammata, whose painted of the ideal dhammarājā is somewhat
rule is based on a pragmatic need to stave off less mythic in tone. The fifth century C.E. Indian
complete anarchy, the reign of the cakravartin Buddhist systematic thinker Buddhagosa depicts
Kingship (Buddhism) 671

the dhammarājā as a righteous ruler of great devotion of dharma [8]. There is some dispute
knowledge and virtue who ascends to the throne among scholars, however, as to what exactly
through rightful succession [10]. In addition, this King Aśoka was referring to when he spoke of
righteous monarch is expected to personify and promulgating and ruling in accordance with the
exhibit the dasarājadhamma, or the ten royal dharma. It is not entirely clear from the historical
virtues of governance, which are: generosity evidence whether this “dharma” referred to
(dāna), moral virtue (sī la), self-sacrifice actively spreading Buddhism or spreading
(pariccaga), honesty (ajjava), kindness a more generalized idea of morality and righteous-
(maddava), self-control (tapa), non-anger ness in his kingdom. Nevertheless, Aśoka’s com-
(akkodha), nonviolence (ahiṃsa), patience mitment to nonviolence in governing would
(khanti), and steadfast commitment to righteous- become an important example for future
ness (avirodhana) [14]. As will be elaborated Buddhist monarchs to follow, though some have
upon below, the archetypal example of pointed out that his commitment to nonviolence
a Buddhist king whose rule is characterized as only occurred after Aśoka had already used vio-
being that of a true dhammarājā (or even lent means to expand the scope of his empire [14].
a cakravartin) is the Mauryan King Aśoka. After his conversion, sources indicate that
King Aśoka became heavily involved in actively
supporting Buddhism. Buddhist legend has it that
King Aśoka: Exemplar of Buddhist King Aśoka redistributed the Buddha’s relics
Kingship throughout his empire, commissioning the con-
struction of 84,000 new stupas to enshrine them. K
Within Buddhist history, the Indian King Aśoka, He is also said to have sent out Buddhist mission-
who ascended to the throne of the Mauryan aries to foreign lands and convened the Third
Empire circa 270 B.C.E. and ruled until his Buddhist Council, which sought to purge the
death in 232 B.C.E., stands out above all others sangha (the monastic community) of heretical
as an idealized exemplar of Buddhist kingship. elements [13, 14]. The overall picture of Aśoka
Today our historical knowledge of King Aśoka that emerges from Buddhist hagiographic litera-
is derived from two principal types of sources: ture is one of a quintessential Buddhist
rock pillar inscriptions dating from his reign and dhammarājā who rules over a period of unrivaled
chronicles written in Pāli and Sanskrit after his prosperity and who assiduously sponsors Bud-
death. Historians generally agree that approxi- dhism in his realm through generous donations
mately 8 years into his reign, Aśoka went to war and efforts to ensure the purity of the sangha.
with the neighboring kingdom of Kalinga. In In the centuries since Aśoka’s reign, many
achieving victory over the Kalingans, Aśoka’s other Buddhist monarchs have endeavored to
forces are thought to have employed brutal vio- model themselves on his example, either implic-
lence and to have succeeded in spreading the itly or explicitly. Tilokarāja, the fifteenth century
scope of his empire across a vast portion of the C.E. King of Chiang Mai (present-day Thailand),
Indian subcontinent. However, at some point sought to emulate the example of Aśoka by spon-
around the time of this conquest, King Aśoka is soring the construction of major Buddhist tem-
said to have converted to Buddhism and came to ples, convening a monastic council designed to
regret the use of violence in expanding his sphere purify the Buddhist religion within his realm, and
of dominion [13, 14]. Instead, he actively commissioning a newly revised version of the
embraced the Buddhist virtue of ahiṃsa or non- Theravāda Pāli scriptures [14]. Similarly, shortly
violence in governing his empire. In one of after Aśoka’s reign in India, the post-canonical
Aśoka’s more famous rock edicts, for example, Pāli chronicle the Mahāvaṃsa depicts the Sri
he expresses remorse for the suffering that he Lankan King Devanampiyatissa (third century
caused to the people of Kalinga and vows to B.C.E.) as explicitly modeling himself on the
commit himself henceforth to the love and Aśokan ideal of a monarch who devotes
672 Kingship (Buddhism)

considerable energy to ensuring the promulgation serving as a layman par excellence by providing
of Buddhism [12]. The Mahāvaṃsa also contains an example of virtue to be emulated by others,
an account of the Sri Lankan King Dutugemunu patronizing the sangha through gifts and material
(second century B.C.E.), who – in the name of support, and serving as a “defender of Buddhism”
creating a space on the island of Sri Lanka for the by ensuring the purity of the sangha and
Buddhist religion to flourish – rides into battle protecting it from harm. Ishii focuses special
against the non-Buddhist Tamils who share the attention on the Thai King Chulalongkorn
land with his people. In what might be seen as (reign: 1868–1910 C.E.), who sponsored the pas-
a departure from the post-conversion Aśokan sage of a law known as the Sangha Act of 1902,
ideal of nonviolence, Dutugemunu leads his which sought to establish some measure of royal
forces into battle against his enemies with control over the Thai monastic community, and
a Buddhist relic embedded into his spear. This helped to formalize a complex tripartite interrela-
account of Buddhist kingship, wherein tionship of mutual benefit among the Buddhist
a Buddhist king interprets his role as “defender dhamma (Sanskrit: dharma), the sangha, and the
of Buddhism” to include making war on his ene- king. According to this depiction, the king sup-
mies in the name of a greater good, has proven ports the sangha by defending it and providing it
controversial among those who wonder whether with material support, the sangha promulgates the
something akin to a “just war” ethical philosophy dhamma by maintaining its own purity and tradi-
can be derived from the story [1]. tions, and the dhamma serves as a legitimating
The Aśokan-influenced paradigm of the force for the king, who rules as a dhammarājā,
dhammarājā also extended into the Mahāyāna ensuring that the true Buddhist dhamma is being
world of East Asian Buddhism. For instance, the practiced in his kingdom [7]. Since the 1932 tran-
founder of the Chinese Liang dynasty, Emperor sition in Thailand from absolute to constitutional
Wu (reign 502–549 C.E.), modeled his career as monarchy, the political power of the king has
a Buddhist monarch on that of Aśoka. Like lessened considerably, though he retains an
Aśoka, Emperor Wu converted to Buddhism important function as the protector and chief
shortly after beginning his reign. After his con- patron of Buddhism in the kingdom [11, 14].
version, he committed to a vegetarian diet,
commissioned the construction of numerous Bud-
dhist temples (while advocating the closure of Alternative Models of Buddhist Kingship
certain Taoist temples), and convened multiple
dharma assemblies, which he personally attended, An alternative kingship model that is not neces-
sometimes explicating a particular Buddhist sūtra sarily irreconcilable with those heretofore laid out
himself. Owing to his extraordinary personal is the concept of the divine god-king or the
devotion, Emperor Wu was sometimes known as devarāja. The devarāja model of kingship entails
the Imperial Bodhisattva [2]. the apotheosis of the king to the level of
The Aśokan ideal of the Buddhist king whose a suprahuman being who rules over his kingdom
purview of responsibility entails both providing by divine right. This mode is also notable in that it
effective political leadership and taking steps to combines some elements of Hindu and Buddhist
support and ensure the rectitude of the Buddhist beliefs and depicts the ruling monarch as either an
sangha extends into the modern era as well. This incarnation of one of the gods of the Hindu pan-
is particularly true in the case of Thailand, which theon (especially Indra) or a Buddha [6]. This
is one of the few fully functioning monarchies model became especially influential in the
remaining in the Buddhist world. Yoneo Ishii Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Southeast Asia
offers a schematic outline of the nature of Thai that flourished beginning in the late first millen-
Buddhist kingship that highlights the functions nium C.E., with the twelfth century C.E. Khmer
that the king of Thailand is supposed to fulfill King Jayavarman VII – who considered himself to
vis-à-vis the sangha. These functions include be a living Buddha – serving as an excellent
Kingship (Buddhism) 673

example [15]. More recent instances of Buddhist living-Buddha, emperors of the Northern Wei
monarchs who claimed a semidivine or otherwise dynasty attempted to exert direct control over the
suprahuman status for themselves include the mid- Buddhist monastic community [3].
eighteenth century Thai King Taksin (reign In conclusion, the institution of kingship has had
1767–1782), who insisted that members of the an important role to play throughout the Buddhist
Thai Buddhist sangha recognize him as world. Over the long course of history, Buddhists
a “stream-winner” (a being on the path toward have sought to establish favorable relationships
ultimate enlightenment), and the Burmese King with figures of political authority, and constructed
Bodawpaya (reign 1782–1819), who claimed to conceptions of idealized kings who patronize Bud-
be an incarnation of Metteyya (the Buddha of the dhist institutions and rule in accordance with Bud-
future) and used this claim to criticize what he dhist morality. Moreover, numerous kings have
viewed as laxity of discipline among the Burmese sought to legitimate their rule by depicting them-
monastic community [9, 16]. selves as instantiations of ideal Buddhist monarchs
An issue related to that of the devarāja that was and seeking to follow in the footsteps of historical
also greatly influential in Southeast Asia centered exemplars of Buddhist kingship.
around the cosmological significance of the king,
his palace, and the land over which he ruled.
According to the maṇḍala system of political
organization, the royal palace stood at the physical Cross-References
and symbolic center of the kingdom that radiated
out along the four points of the compass, and was ▶ Aśoka K
thought to be representative of the axial center of ▶ Politics (Buddhism)
the Hindu-Buddhist cosmos, Mt. Meru. By ▶ Royal Consecration
performing auspicious rituals to purify the micro-
cosm of his royal grounds, the divine king was
also thought to be engaged in the act of keeping References
the macrocosm of his larger kingdom in good
order, ensuring peace and prosperity throughout 1. Bartholomeusz TJ (2002) In defense of dharma: just-
the land [6, 15]. war ideology in Buddhist Sri Lanka. Routledge
Curzon, London
Historical portrayals of Buddhist kings as
2. Ch’en KKS (1964) Buddhism in china: a historical
suprahuman figures were by no means limited to survey. Princeton University Press, Princeton
Southeast Asia. The eminent historian of Chinese 3. Ch’en KKS (1973) The Chinese transformation of
Buddhism Kenneth Ch’en recounts the story of Buddhism. Princeton University Press, Princeton
4. Collins S (1993) The discourse on what is primary
the Emperor T’ai-tsu of the Northern Wei dynasty
(Aggañña-Sutta): an annotated translation. J Indian
(reign 386–409 C.E.), who appointed the Bud- Philos 21(4):301–393
dhist monk Fa-kuo to the position of chief-of- 5. Gokhale BG (1966) Early Buddhist kingship. J Asian
monks within the governmental bureaucracy. Stud 26(1):15–22
6. Heine-Geldern R (1956) Conceptions of state and kin-
This appointment placed Fa-kuo in a difficult posi-
ship in Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia Program, Ithaca
tion, as he was simultaneously an imperial bureau- 7. Ishii Y (1886) Sangha, state, and society: Thai Bud-
crat obliged to bow before the emperor, and also dhism in history (trans: Hawkes P). University of
a Buddhist monk who was forbidden by his inter- Hawaii Press, Honolulu
8. Nikam NA, McKeon R (eds and trans) (1959) The
pretation of Buddhist scriptural writings from bow- edicts of Asoka. University of Chicago Press, Chicago
ing before symbols of temporal authority. In an 9. Pranke P (2008) Bodawpaya’s madness: monastic
effort to solve this dilemma, Fa-kuo declared that accounts of king Bodawpaya’s conflict with the
the emperor was a contemporary incarnation of the Burmese Sangha, part one. J Burma Stud 12:1–28
10. Reynolds FE (1972) The two wheels of Dhamma:
Tathāgata (which is to say, a Buddha), and thus
a study of early Buddhism. In: Smith BL (ed) The
bowing down before him was permissible. On the two wheels of Dhamma. American Academy of Reli-
basis of this understanding of the emperor-as- gion, Chambersburg
674 Kisā Gotamī

11. Reynolds FE (1978) Sacral kingship and national his wealth to her. If that customer happened to be
development. In: Smith BL (ed) Religion and legiti- a young man, he should get him married to a young
mation of power in Thailand, Laos, and Burma. Anima
Books, Chambersburg lady of his family and endow his property to him.
12. Smith BL (1972) The ideal social order as portrayed in Thereafter, he should live on what is given to him
the chronicles of Ceylon. In: Smith J (ed) The two by the son-in-law or the daughter-in-law. The seṭṭhi
wheels of Dhamma. American Academy of Religion, acted as advised by his friend, and Kisā Gotamī,
Chambersburg
13. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka. Princeton who happened to be the exceptional maiden who
University Press, Princeton had confronted him at the shop, became his daugh-
14. Swearer DK (1995) The Buddhist world of Southeast ter-in-law. When she touched the charcoal in the
Asia. State University of New York Press, Albany house of the seṭṭhi, it all became gold again ([2],
15. Tambiah SJ (1976) World conqueror and world
renouncer. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Vol. ii, pp. 270–275; [3], Vol. i, p. 149).
16. Wyatt DK (2003) Thailand: a short history, 2nd edn. After marriage, Kisā Gotamī was blessed with
Yale University Press, New Haven a son. However, even after she had brought good
luck to the house of her in-laws and had given
birth to a son, her husband did not show her much
respect ([1], p. 20). Her son, when he was just old
enough to run around, was bitten by a snake and
Kisā Gotamī died. Kisā Gotamī, distraught with grief and
unable to bear the shock of her son’s death, went
K. T. S. Sarao about asking for medicine to bring him back to
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of life. Her sorrow was so immense that many
Delhi, Delhi, India thought she had already lost her mental balance.
A wise person, seeing her condition, directed her
to the Buddha. Thus, she rushed to the Buddha
Definition and begged him for the medicine that would bring
her dead child back to life. The Buddha told her
She was a Buddhist nun at the time of the Buddha. that in order to enable him to bring her son back to
life, she should bring some mustard seeds from
Kisā Gotamī was born in Sāvatthī in the family of a household in which no one had died. She des-
a seṭṭhi (financier) who had fallen on bad days perately went from house to house, but could not
([1], p. 19). Her name was Gotamī, and she was find a single house which not undergone the death
called Kisā as she was of an extremely thin stature. of someone. Ultimately, the realization struck her
She was despondent as a young person because due that there is no household free from death. She
to her poverty, lack of attractiveness, and being too came back to the Buddha, who comforted her and
thin, she was not able to find a husband. According preached to her about the fleeting nature and
to the account given in the commentaries of the impermanency of life. She was awakened and
Dhammapada and Saṃyutta Nikāya, there was entered the first stage of arhantship. Kisā Gotamī
a seṭṭhi in Sāvatthī whose wealth amounted to 400 decided to renounce the worldly life and requested
million. However, suddenly his wealth turned into the Buddha to admit her to the bhikkhuṇī Saṃgha.
charcoal, and he became distraught with grief. Eventually, she became an arhant ([1], Vol. ii,
A friend of his suggested to him that he could get p. 564f; [2], Vol. ii, pp. 270–275; [4], Vol. i,
his wealth back if he spread matting in his shop, p. 205; [5], p. 174ff). Her story is the source of
piled the charcoal on it, and sat on it as if he were the popular aphorism: “The living are few, but the
selling it. Customers would come along and say all dead are many.” The following verse of the
sorts of things. But one customer will tell him that Dhammapada is also associated with her in con-
he was sitting there selling yellow gold. If this nection with this story: “And if one were to live
exceptional customer happened to be a young for hundred years, not seeing the state of death-
lady, he should marry her to his son and endow lessness, better is the life for one day of somebody
Kliba 675

who is seeing the state of deathlessness” ([6], ▶ Saṃgha

p. 114). Kisā Gotamī then cast aside comfortable ▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya
clothes and followed a disciplined life whereby ▶ Sāvatthī
she only used very simple and coarse clothes ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
(lūkhacī vara-dharānaṃ). Thus, she was preemi-
nent in ascetic habits, and the Buddha declared her
the foremost bhikkhuṇī with regard to the wearing References
of coarse robes ([1], Vol. ii, pp. 693–730; [7],
Vol. i, p. 25). There is a story in the Dhammapada 1. Lilley ME (ed) (2000) The Apadāna, 2 vols. Pali Text
Society, London
Commentary in which the Buddha lavishes
2. Smith H, Norman HC, Tailang LS (eds) (1906–1915)
praises on Kisā Gotamī while speaking to Sakka Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā, 4 vols. Pali Text Society,
([2], Vol. iv, p. 156). London
The Saṃyutta Nikāya talks of a visit by Māra to 3. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha-
ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
her as she lay resting in Andhavana. He
Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
approached her to seduce her to worldly tempta- 4. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
tions which she resolutely withstood. As a result, Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
Māra was forced to retire disconcerted ([8], Vol. i, the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
London
p. 129f). Some of the verses in the Therīgāthā
5. Woodward FL, Hardy E, Muller EM, Barua DL et al (eds)
have been ascribed to her. In these verses, she (1891–1977) Paramatthadīpanī, Dhammapālācariya’s
incorporates the story of Therī Paṭācārā, referring commentary on the Therīgāthā, the Vimānavatthu. Pali
to the tragedy and sorrow inherent in a woman’s Text Society, London K
6. Sarao KTS (trans) (2009) The Dhammapada:
lot ([9], pp. 213–223). At the time of Padumuttara
a translator’s guide. Munshiram Manoharlal, New
Buddha, Kisā Gotamī was the daughter of Delhi
a householder in the city of Haṃsavatī. During 7. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
this life, on hearing that Padumuttara Buddha had Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
8. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
assigned to a bhikkhuṇī the foremost rank among
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
those who wore robes of coarse cloth, she took 9. Norman KR, Pischel R (eds) (1990) Therīgāthā, sec-
a vow that someday this honor shall be hers ([1], ond edn, with Appendices by K.R. Norman &
Vol. ii, pp. 693–730). At the time of Kassapa L. Alsdorf. Pali Text Society, Oxford
10. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols.
Buddha, her name was Dhammā and she was the
Trübner, London
fifth of the seven daughters of King Kikī. During
this life, she became a bhikkhuṇī and thus, lived
a celibate life ([1], Vol. ii, pp. 707–709; [9],
p. 190f). In the Tittira Jātaka, she is identified
Kisanāga Upagutta
with the lizard of the story ([10], Vol. iii, p. 543).
A literary tradition has evolved round the story
▶ Upagupta
of Kisā Gotamī, much of it in oral form and in
local plays in South and Southeast Asia. Her story
also finds a mention in Sir Edwin Arnold’s famous
poem The Light of Asia. Klesa

▶ Evil (Buddhism)

Cross-References

▶ Bhikkhunī Kliba
▶ Dhammapada
▶ Māra ▶ Homosexuality (Jainism)
676 Klisoboras

wider and in another sense narrower than the

Klisoboras sense in which the term “knowledge” is used in
the West. It is wider since unlike the West it is used
▶ Mathurā to denote not only true but also false cognitions,
doubt, belief, assumption, as well as perception,
inference, etc. It is narrower in the sense that
jñāna is used only in the episodic sense while in
Klu Sgrub (Tibetan) the West “knowledge” is used both in episodic
and dispositional sense. Since jñāna can be true
▶ Nāgārjuna as well as false whereas knowledge, in the West-
ern sense of the term, is justified true belief; Indian
scholars hold that jñāna if qualified by the term
yathārtha or samyag can be regarded as some-
Knowledge thing closer to knowledge. Following that custom,
yathārtha jñāna or samyag jñāna is considered
▶ Paññā here as a substitute of knowledge. The Buddhist
▶ Wisdom (Buddhism) philosophers use the expression pramāṇa as
a synonym for such samyag jñāna.

Knowledge (Buddhism) Nature of Knowledge

Madhumita Chattopadhyay The Buddhists hold that in order to be a pramāṇa,

Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, knowledge must be trustworthy, must be the true
Kolkata, West Bengal, India revealer of what is there in reality. Just as in
ordinary life, a man is considered to be trustwor-
thy and dependable only when guided by his
Synonyms words one can attain success in one’s practical
life, similar is the case with pramāṇa. A piece of
Apprehension; Cognition; Conversance; Informa- pramāṇa is trustworthy if it leads to success in
tion; Wisdom practical activity and one can achieve success in
one’s practical activity only when the knowledge
that reveals the object is trustworthy. So these two
Definition aspects – “trustworthiness” and “success in telic
function” – are two sides of the same coin for the
Process of acquiring information; theoretical or Buddhists. But they are not satisfied with only
practical understanding of some object or event. these two functions of pramāṇa; they insist on
something more. Their point is that pramāṇa is
required for serving some practical purposes. If
Introduction that purpose is already served by one object which
is revealed by a piece of pramāṇa, there is no need
The English term “knowledge” has many equiva- to be involved in the same practical purpose by the
lents in Indian languages: scholars maintain more same object again through a second piece of
than 70 Sanskrit words. Of them the word which pramāṇa. Since for the Buddhists workability or
is most frequently used seems to be jñāna (ñāna in serving some practical purpose or success in prac-
Pāli). The Sanskrit term jñāna through its similar- tical life is the sole deciding factor with regard to
ity with the Greek gnosis has a very different pramāṇa, they hold that pramāṇa is always with
meaning in Indian philosophy. In one sense it is regard to something new. That which is known
Knowledge (Buddhism) 677

has already led to successful activity; so, there is knowledge found in later Buddhist literature
no sense in repeating the same activity. Accord- focusing on the empirical plane.
ingly, knowledge cannot be of anything already In the logico-epistemological tradition of Bud-
known. So, for the Buddhists pramāṇa or samyag dhism, valid cognition or samyag jñāna is
jñāna is a trustworthy awareness that illuminates regarded as that which helps the individual to
an unknown object. In short, in their analysis of attain his end of life (puruṣārtha). This end is
cognition, the Buddhists emphasize on three described to be the attainment of happiness and
aspects – novelty, certainty, and pragmatic work- avoidance of suffering. It is regarding the object to
ability. Apparently it looks that such an analysis of be attained (upādeya) or the object to be rejected
knowledge cannot be regarded to be really Bud- (heya) that all human activities are directed. But
dhist in spirit since this certainty was not the how can one be sure that the object is really
intention of Lord Buddha. His main objective desirable or undesirable? For this, valid knowl-
was something soteriological, namely, removal edge regarding the proper nature of the object is
of human suffering and showing people the way required. It is out of such consideration that
to liberation. Anything other than the removal of Dharmakīrti starts his text Nyāyabindu with the
suffering did not attract him. He remained even remark that the success of all human activities is
silent with regard to metaphysical issues. In view preceded by valid cognition. The word “precede”
of that, it seems too much to attribute such is to be understood not merely in the sense of
a systematic account of pramāṇa theory to the temporal succession but in the sense of causal
Buddhists. In reply, it may be said that indeed it connection. That is, valid cognition is the cause
is true that the main concern of early Buddhism of successful activity. K
was with knowledge in the transcendental level The Buddhist logician Dharmakīrti
and not with the empirical one. But what is said presents the essential feature of samyagjñāna to
regarding transcendental knowledge can be be noncontradictory or non-discrepant
applied equally to knowledge in the empirical (avisaṁvādakam). This noncontradictory or non-
level. Just as in the transcendental level, bodhi or discrepant feature consists in the fulfillment of
ultimate knowledge leads to success in life in the human end or purpose. That is, the object which
form of attainment of liberation by the removal of is indicated by pramāṇa as belonging to
suffering, the same is the case in the empirical a particular place in a particular time can be
level. There also, before the attainment of the obtained by the agent in that particular place, thus
desired objective, there is a sort of dissatisfaction leading to successful activity. This feature is pro-
in the form of some kind of discomfort, uneasi- vided to eliminate illusory knowledge, like that of
ness which may be regarded as a kind of suffering. rope-snake or of silver-shell, and doubts from the
This suffering is removed only when there is scope of pramāṇa for in none of the cases the
knowledge about the object that can remove this object indicated in the cognition can be obtained
discomfort. Thus, in the empirical level also valid in that particular place at that particular time. This
cognition serves the function of removing dis- non-discrepancy feature thus points to the
comfort. Moreover, just as in the transcendental indubitable or certain character of valid cognition.
level, the objective of ultimate knowledge is the Dharmakīrti emphasizes on another aspect of
elimination of ignorance which is the root cause of valid cognition, namely, that valid cognition is
all suffering, in the empirical plane also the objec- what reveals an object previously unknown
tive of rational scientific knowledge is the (anadhigataviṣayam). The object in the case of
removal of ignorance. That is, removal of igno- pramāṇa is such that it had not been apprehended
rance remains the same basic aim in both the earlier by any other pramāṇa. Implicit in this lies
empirical and transcendental levels. So there is the idea that a cognition must apprehend a new
no inconsistency in the analysis of knowledge object in order to qualify as valid cognition.
found in early Buddhism focused mainly toward Accordingly, memory and recognition are not
the transcendental level and the analysis of regarded as pramāṇa in the Buddhist
678 Knowledge (Buddhism)

epistemological tradition. In the case of memory, objects, two different types of knowledge are
the object is that which had been apprehended required to apprehend them differently. Where
earlier. No one can remember an object which one can have direct apprehension of an object,
had not been apprehended by him earlier. Recog- there perception is resorted to, but where the
nition, on the other hand, is concerned not merely object cannot be directly apprehended, but can
with the present something but also that which had be apprehended only indirectly, then for that indi-
been apprehended earlier. That is, in recognition rect apprehension one has to take recourse to
also there is an element of memory involved; as inference.
such it is not pramāṇa.
Thus, the Buddhists are accepting two different
criteria of valid cognition – one is pragmatic Varieties of Knowledge
presented in terms of noncontradiction with experi-
ence or existence of the fulfillment of human pur- The two different types of knowledge capable of
pose, and the other purely epistemological, apprehending the two different varieties of objects
presented in terms of grasping something new. are perception and inference. Perception is fit to
Combining both these aspects, it can be said that apprehend the svalakṣaṇa, while inference is able
pramāṇa is noncontradictory cognition which to apprehend the sāmānyalakṣaṇas alone. The
reveals an object as new, as not apprehended earlier. Buddhists do not make the distinction between
these two types of pramāṇa in respect of superi-
ority but consider them to be of equal status. Just
Objects of Knowledge as perception has invariable relationship with the
object, inference similarly has invariable relation-
The Buddhists believe that there are only two ships with its object. The objects of the two
varieties of objects of cognition – the unique pramāṇas are different, but their relationship
particulars (svalakṣaṇa) and the universal with respective pramāṇas is the same. As such,
(sāmānyalakṣaṇa). Of them, the svalakṣaṇa, or it cannot be said that any one of the pramāṇa is
the bare particulars, is alone a real entity, while superior to the other.
sāmānyalakṣaṇa is the construction of human The Buddhists are believers in the
conceptual thinking. Buddhist logicians like pramāṇavyavasthā, the thesis that each variety
Dignāga and Dharmakīrti draw a very clear line of cognition is confined to a specific variety of
of demarcation between these two types of enti- object. It is never the case that the same object can
ties. The former are real since they alone are be apprehended through both the varieties of cog-
causally efficient, while the latter are not. They nition. In this respect, their view is opposed to the
can at best be regarded to be empirically real, view accepted by the Nyāya thinkers, namely, the
while the former are real from the ultimate point pramāṇasaṁplava thesis, that the same object can
of view. Moreover, the svalakṣaṇas are specific be apprehended by different types of knowledge
in character since they are distinguished like perception, inference, and testimony. But the
from everything other than themselves. The Buddhists’ position is that since the object
sāmānyalakṣaṇas are general in character since apprehended by perception is very much different
they belong as common to many things. Thirdly, from that apprehended through inference, it is not
the unique particulars are not expressible through possible for the same object to be cognized by
words, while the universals can be expressed both perception and inference.
through verbal communication. Fourthly,
svalakṣaṇa is apprehensible without depending
on other factors like verbal conventions, whereas Perception
sāmānyalakṣaṇa cannot be apprehended without
depending on such other factors. Because of such Though all the schools of Indian philosophy
fundamental differences in the nature of the two accept the validity of perception, the analysis
Knowledge (Buddhism) 679

provided by the Buddhists is something unique. cognition of representation which is capable of

According to the master logician Dignāga, per- being associated with a verbal designation.
ception or pratyakṣa is so called because of its Dharmakīrti uses the term “non-erroneous”
occurrence in close relation with the sense organs. (abhrānta) in addition to kalpanāpoḍha to exclude
The advocates of the Abhidharma school hold that erroneous cognitions from the scope of perception.
since sense organs are the specific causes of this Such non-erroneous indeterminate perception,
variety of cognition, it is to be named after the according to the Buddhists, is of four varieties,
sense organs and not after the objects which are namely, sense perception (indriyajñāna), mental
also required for the occurrence of perception. perception (mānasa-pratyakṣa), self-consciousness
Though the term “sense organs” has been used (svasaṁvedana), and yogic apprehension
in a very extended sense in the Abhidharma lit- (yogijñāna).
erature, in the context of perception the term
“sense organs” stands for those which are ordi-
narily so regarded, namely, eye, ear, nose, Inference
tongue, and the skin. Knowledge arising out of
them is regarded as perception. But the Buddhists The term anumānam, the Sanskrit rendering of
want to include something more as perception inference, etymologically signifies “subsequent
which does not occur via the sense organs. For cognition” since it is derived from the two expres-
example, mental perception, self-consciousness, sions anu and mānam. Taking the two expressions
and knowledge of the seers are considered as anu and māna together, one obtains the sense
perception by them, but none of them occurs “later or subsequent cognition.” According to the K
through the sense organs. Therefore, the Bud- Buddhist logicians, inference is so called because
dhist philosophers hold that though perception it is subsequent to the apprehension of the probans
or pratyakṣa etymologically stands for knowl- and the remembrance of relation. Simply saying
edge arising out of the sense organs, in applica- this, the nature of inference is not made clear, for it
tion the term stands for direct apprehension or has to be specified where the probans is to be
sākṣātkārijñāna which is quite in accordance apprehended and what is the nature of that rela-
with the conventional sense. tionship. Accordingly, they spell out that one must
Accepting direct or immediate apprehension of have the knowledge of the probans as existent in
an object as the meaning of the term “pratyakṣa,” the locus and also have memory regarding the
the Buddhists proceed to define it in the following relationship between the probans and the
way. Dignāga defines perception as that which probandum. Probandum is the object which is to
is free from conceptual construction, that is, be apprehended, probans is the mark or sign on
from the association of name, class, character, the basis of which the object is apprehended, and
etc. Dharmakīrti also accepts this definition but locus refers to the place where the object is to be
adds another property – “non-erroneous” – to it. apprehended. For example, in the standard exam-
So his definition becomes: perception is free from ple offered by the Indian thinkers – “there is fire in
conceptual construction and is non-erroneous. the mountain because there is smoke” – fire is the
A look into these two definitions reveals that both object which is going to be apprehended and this
of them unambiguously put emphasis on one char- apprehension proceeds from the direct knowledge
acter, namely, that it is “free from conceptual con- of the smoke. So smoke is the probans. But from
struction” (kalpanāpoḍha). The term kalpanā or mere smoke no one can infer the existence of fire
conceptual construction refers to the process of unless one already has the information that fire
associating a name (nāma), a class (jāti), attribute and smoke are invariably related, that is, one has
(guṇa), action (kriyā), and a substance word the knowledge that wherever there is smoke there
(dravya) to a particular individual. Dharmakīrti is fire. This invariable relationship is technically
does not make any classification regarding kalpanā known as vyāpti. So knowledge of the indirect
or conceptual construction but regards it as object fire is obtained from the direct
680 Knowledge (Buddhism)

apprehension of smoke (namely, the logical mark) the probans in all similar instances, and the defi-
and the recollection of the relationship between nite absence of the probans in dissimilar instances.
smoke and fire. Any inference being dependent on For the Buddhists, an inference consists of two
these two prior knowledge is regarded as subse- statements only – one representing the pervasion
quent cognition. relation between the probans and the probandum
Inference, according to the Buddhist logicians, and the other representing the presence of the
can be of two types – inference for one’s own sake probans in the locus. These two statements are
(svārthānumāna) and inference for the sake of respectively referred to as vyāpti and
others (parārthānumāna). Here, the criterion of pakṣadharmatā. This view distinguishes the Bud-
distinction is for whose sake the knowledge, dhists from other schools of Indian philosophy,
namely, inference, is being made. If the agent especially the Nyāya school where inference is
uses this inference for his own apprehension of believed to consist of five members – thesis
an object which is not directly apprehended, it will (pratijñā), the logical ground (hetu), the corrobo-
be regarded as inference for one’s own. It is the rative example (dṛṣṭānta), the application
knowledge by which the individual himself is (upanaya), and the conclusion (nigamana).
apprehending, whereas in the case of inference Thus, the standard form of an inference, according
for others, the objective is not the apprehension to the Nyāya school, will be: the mountain has
of one’s own, but to make another individual fire, since it has smoke; wherever there is smoke
apprehend the object. So it is for the sake of there is fire, as for instance in the kitchen; the
others. present case is like this; therefore, there is fire
Though it is primarily with regard to the inten- here. The Buddhists hold that only inference for
tion that the two varieties of inference are differ- others requires sentences for their expression, and
entiated, there is another very important aspect or for this, what is necessary is the statement of the
feature by which the two varieties are distin- probans with three characteristics. Since these
guished, and this is with regard to the essence or three characteristics are stated through the vyāpti
nature of the two. Inference for oneself is of the statement and the pakṣadharmatā, these are the
nature of knowledge, while inference for others is only two statements required. There is no need to
judgmental in nature. That is, in the case of the have any other statement.
first variety of inference, as the objective is one’s
own knowledge, it occurs to that agent who has
the direct knowledge of the probans in the locus Knowledge of Knowledge
and also the knowledge of the close relationship
between the probans and the probandum. By Any discussion on knowledge involves the ques-
means of this knowledge, he himself comes to tion regarding how knowledge itself is
comprehend the object which he could not apprehended, that is, how can one know that one
directly perceive. Since he needs the knowledge is having knowledge. This question may be
for himself and not for anyone else, he does not discussed from two perspectives: one from
need to employ any other means. But the case is the perspective of origination and the other from
different with the other variety of inference. Here, the perspective of validity. The former may be
the objective is to enable another individual regarded as a question of knowledge of knowl-
apprehend through inference what he cannot edge and the latter as the ascertainment of validity.
directly apprehend. So the agent needs to take From the former standpoint, the question may be
recourse to propositions so that the other individ- formulated thus: Does knowledge that one knows
ual can have the knowledge. Hence, this variety of originate at the same time when one’s knowledge
inference is propositional in nature expressed of the object originates? From the latter perspec-
through propositions depicting the threefold prop- tive the question is: When one knows an object,
erties of the probans, namely, the definite presence does one validly know that he knows the object?
of the probans in the locus, the definite presence of With regard to the former question, generally the
Knowledge (Buddhism) 681

Buddhists’ reply is in the affirmative. They Buddhism admit that knowledge is known by
believe that knowledge does not wait or depend itself. Dignāga, the master logician, holds that
upon anything different to get apprehended, nor every cognition is produced with a twofold
does knowledge remain unapprehended. Accord- appearance, namely, that of itself as the subject
ingly, knowledge is regarded as self-apprehended (svābhāsa) and that of itself as the object
or self-revealed, in the language of the Buddhists’ (viṣayābhāsa). The cognizing of itself as
svasaṁvedana. The sense of self-apprehension or possessing these two aspects is regarded as
self-cognition is made clear by a later Buddhist svasamvitti and is considered to be the result of
commentator Kamalaśīla. According to him, by the cognitive act, since the determination of the
self-cognition is not meant the nature of a subject object conforms to such self-cognition. In the text
(the perceiver, grāhaka). It has as its nature illu- Pramāṇasamuccaya, Dignāga points out that the
mination by itself intrinsically; it is just like the word svasamvitti is expressive of the thought that
glow in the sky. There is something in cognition a cognition is cognized by itself and does not need
which distinguishes sui generis cognition from another cognition for its cognition. When a person
everything else, namely, the insentience, and this has the cognition of something blue, he has at the
is its reflexivity. Thus, wherever there is cognition same time the awareness of the cognition of some-
there is this character of reflexivity. A different thing blue. This awareness is caused by nothing
answer is given by the Mādhyamikas who hold other than the cognition itself. Thus, the cogni-
that knowledge can never be known by itself. tion, while cognizing an object, cognizes itself
Their conclusion is that just as it is useless to just as a lamp illuminates itself while illuminating
describe the playful activities of the daughter of other objects. Dignāga is upholding the Yogācāra K
a barren woman, similarly it is not worthwhile to standpoint when he holds that cognition is pro-
discuss the question of knowledge of knowledge, duced with a twofold appearance. In his
for whether knowledge is illuminative or non- Ālambanaparī kṣā, Dignāga examines the theo-
illuminative in character is a fact that is never ries concerning the object of cognition and proves
known to anyone. What can at best be said is that nothing existent in the external world can be
that: there are some objects in the world which regarded as the object of knowledge. The object of
depend on something else for their knowledge cognition is nothing other than the appearance of
while there are others which can be known inde- the object in the cognition itself. That form which
pendent of other objects. A lamp, for example, is is known internally but appears as external is
of the second category – it can illuminate itself called the object. What is called the sense organs
independent of other objects. Knowledge like (indriya) in relation to the object is not the phys-
lamp does not depend on anything else for its ical organ but the ability to produce cognition or
revelation. However in spite of this feature knowl- the ability to cognize the appearance of the object.
edge cannot be regarded as self-illuminative. If This ability of the cognition is referred to as
knowledge is known independently of anything svābhāsa or the cognition’s appearance of itself
else, then it will be known independently of the as opposed to the appearance of the object in
objects of knowledge. But if the knowledge is cognition (viṣayābhāsa). Thus, when svasamvitti
known independently of the objects of cognition, is regarded as the result of cognition
then the knowledge will be knowledge of nothing, (pramāṇaphala), the role of pramāṇa which
and such knowledge will be of no use and hence takes the cognition as its object is that of the
will be defective. So the conclusion of the svābhāsa aspect of cognition. Thus, when a man
Mādhyamikas on this issue is that no one can is aware that something blue appears in his cog-
speak of knowledge being known by itself, nor nition, the appearance of blue in his cognition is
can knowledge be known by another piece of conceived as the object. As there is no object apart
knowledge, nor are they established by the objects from the appearance of something blue in the
of knowledge nor accidentally. However, the cognition, it is established that the awareness of
Sautrāntika and the Yogācāra schools of the cognition of something blue, that is,
682 Knowledge (Buddhism)

svasaṁvitti, is the result of the act of cognizing the of time. The difference between the two lies in the
object. So when Dignāga views svasaṁvitti as the fact that in the case of external object, the cogni-
result of cognition (pramāṇaphala), he is uphold- tion expresses itself as something external like the
ing the Yogācāra position. But the doctrine holds knowledge of blue, while in the case of cognition,
equally with the Sautrāntika school. The the same apprehending cognition takes on the
Sautrāntikas admit that when an external object appearance of the knower. So when an object is
(bāhyārthaḥ) is apprehended by cognition, the cognized, its knowledge is also cognized.
cognition possesses similarity (sādṛśya) to the Dharmakīrti, therefore, strongly supports the doc-
form of the object (viṣayākāra), then there arises trine that knowledge is self-cognized and such
the awareness of the cognition, namely, the cognition is perceptual since it is direct in nature.
svasaṁvedana. Inasmuch as this awareness is
regarded as the result of cognition, the object is
the cognition itself and not any external object. Apprehension of the Validity of
When a man is aware of a pot in his cognition, it is Cognition
the cognition of a pot that is cognized, and not the
pot as something external. But insofar as there is The issue whether the validity or invalidity of
such awareness, a pot is said to exist in the exter- cognition is intrinsic or extrinsic may be
nal world. Thus, determination of the object addressed mainly from two perspectives: one
(arthaniścaya) is in accordance with the concerning origination and the other concerning
svasamvitti, and it holds even when the object of its apprehension. In Indian philosophy, the Nyāya
cognition is considered to be something external. school of thinkers support the theory of extrinsic
Dharmakīrti justifies this doctrine of self- validity (paratahprāmāṇyavāda) both with regard
awareness with the argument that if it is held that to the origin and validity of cognition. They
a piece of cognition while apprehending the form believe that the validity as well as invalidity of
of the object does not apprehend its own form but a piece of cognition does not occur by the condi-
requires another piece of cognition to get tions that give rise to cognition itself; something
apprehended, then the absurd view that there is else is required. For instance, the validity origi-
no apprehension at all is to be admitted. It may be nates by guṇa or excellence, while the invalidity
argued that knowledge is apprehended by occurs because of some doṣa or special
a second knowledge just as an object is deficiency. Though the Buddhists are not sup-
apprehended by a piece of cognition. In such porters of the intrinsic validity thesis
a case, there will be no need to admit knowledge (svatahprāmāṇyavāda), their view is not similar
of knowledge at the same time when knowledge to the Nyāya view either. Their point is that the
of the object occurs. The difficulty, then, would be occurrence of a particular piece of cognition can
that the first knowledge will become the object be known by itself; its validity is to be known
apprehended (grāhya) and not the apprehending from its use. When a piece of cognition occurs, it
cognition (grāhaka). But at the moment when itself becomes known, but whether it is valid or
knowledge apprehends something, knowledge is not cannot be judged by itself; it is to be deter-
not the object apprehended; it is the apprehender mined extrinsically. This is the view of
merely. In the second moment when there is the Dharmakīrti who supports the theory of extrinsic
apprehending cognition (grāhakajñāna), there is ascertainment of truth. His point is that being
no apprehended cognition. So it is to be said that guided by knowledge, one makes an attempt to
knowledge is not possible at all. To avoid this, it is get the desired object or avoid the unwanted one.
to be admitted that cognition is self-cognized. If one is successful in the attempt in getting the
When an object is apprehended, at that very object or getting rid of the object in that particular
moment that apprehension is apprehended. place as indicated by knowledge, the knowledge
There is no difference between the cognition of is regarded as valid, otherwise invalid. This indi-
an object and the cognition of cognition in respect cates that the validity of cognition is established
Knowledge (Sikhism) 683

through something other than the knowledge 3. Dreyfus G (1997) Recognizing reality: Dharmakīrti’s
itself, namely, the success or failure of the volun- philosophy and its Tibetan interpretations. SUNY
Press, Albany
tary action. However, it is to be noted that 4. Dunne JD (2004) Foundations of Dharmakīrti’s phi-
Dharmakīrti advocates this sort of extrinsic ascer- losophy. Wisdom, Boston
tainment thesis only in the case of empirical 5. Hattori M (1968) Dignāga on perception: being the
knowledge. Since in the case of empirical knowl- Pratyakṣapariccheda of Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccaya
from the Sanskrit fragment and the Tibetan version.
edge the agent does not have any certain knowl- Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
edge but is doubtful about the validity, he takes the 6. Hayes RP (1988) Dignāga on the interpretation of
help of the success of voluntary action to deter- signs, vol 8, Studies of classical India. Kluwer,
mine the validity. But in the case of knowledge of Dordrecht
7. Kajiyama Y (1966) An introduction to Buddhist phi-
a seer (yogijñāna) and self-consciousness losophy. Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters, Kyoto
(svasaṁvedana), validity is determined intrinsi- University, Kyoto
cally, by itself, because such cognitions are free 8. Katsura S (1999) Dharmakīrti’s thought and its impact
from all sorts of doubt and uncertainty. on Indian and Tibetan philosophy. In: Proceedings of
the third international Dhartmakīrti conference, Hiro-
To wind up, the main feature of Buddhist the- shima. Osterrichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
ory of knowledge has a pragmatic orientation. Vienna
Along with a fascination toward externalism, the 9. Matilal BK (1971) Epistemology, logic and grammar
Buddhists keep space open for a priori knowledge in Indian philosophical analysis. Mouton, The Hague
10. Matilal BK, Evans D (1986) Buddhist logic and epis-
where simply from the knowledge itself one can temology: studies in the Buddhist analysis of inference
be assured of its validity. and language. D. Reidel, Dordrecht
11. Tillemans TJF (1999) Scripture, logic and language: K
essays on Dharmakīrti and his Tibetan successors, Stud-
ies in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism. Wisdom, Boston
Cross-References 12. Vetter T (1964) Erkenntnissprobleme bei Dharmakīrti.
Osterrichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna
▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660) 13. Vyas CS (1991) Buddhist theory of perception with
special reference to Pramāṇavārttika of Dharmakīrti.
▶ Dignāga Navrang, New Delhi
▶ Enlightenment 14. Williams P (2000) The reflective nature of awareness.
▶ Idealism (Buddhism) Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
▶ Logic (Buddhism) 15. Vaidya PL (1960) Mulamadhyamakasastra of
Nagarjuna. The Mithila Institute of Post-Graduate
▶ Mādhyamika Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, Drbhanga
▶ Memory (Buddhism) 16. Dharmakirti (1955) Nyayabindu with Dharmottara's
▶ Omniscience Nyayabindutika and Durveka Misra's Dharmottar-
▶ Śabda apradipa (Dalsukh Malvania ed.). Tibetan Sanskrit
Works Series 2. Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Insti-
▶ Śāntideva tute, Patna
▶ Senses (Buddhism) 17. Dinnaga (1930) Pramansamuccaya, ed. and restored
▶ Skepticism into Sanskrit with Vrtti, Tika and Notes by H.R.
▶ Truth (Buddhism) Rangaswamy Iyengar. Mysore University Press,
Mysore
▶ Universal 18. Santaraksita (1968) Te Tattvasamgraha of Acarya
▶ Vasubandhu Santaraksita with the commentary Panjika of Sri
▶ Wisdom Kamalasila (Swami Dvarikadas Satri ed.).
Bauddhabharati, Varanasi

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1. Bilimoria P, Mohanty JN (eds) (1997) Relativism, suf-

fering and beyond: essays in memory of Bimal K.
Matilal. Oxford University Press, New Delhi
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2. Chattopadhyay M (2007) Walking along the paths of
Buddhist epistemology. DK Printworld, Delhi ▶ Paññā
684 Kolita

Kumārajīva was one of the “four great trans-

Kolita lators” of Chinese Buddhist texts. Originally of
Indian noble descent, Kumārajīva came from
▶ Moggallāna a family of distinction which had produced
prime ministers at court for many generations.
His grandfather was also supposed to have had
a great reputation in the country. However, unlike
Kongōjō his forefathers, Kumārajīva’s father stayed
unmoved to fame and position. In order to circum-
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism) vent the position of prime minister, he left home
and became a monk, crossed the Pamirs, and
arrived in Kucha, where he married the king’s
sagacious sister and produced Kumārajīva.
Kongou According to legend, while Kumārajīva was
being conceived, his mother’s intelligence devel-
▶ Vajra
oped tremendously, and therefore he mastered the
Indian languages by self-learning.
At the age of 7, Kumārajīva entered the monas-
Ksana tic order along with his mother. At first in Kashmir
˙ ˙ and Kashgar, he was equipped with the studies of
▶ Time (Buddhism) the Abhidharma and Vinaya of the Hīnayāna as
well as the five sciences of India. It was not until
his travel to Yarkand where he met a monk who
was a former prince of the region that he
Kuanyin converted to the Mahāyāna. Thereafter, he contin-
ued his studies in Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra in 25,000
▶ Avalokiteśvara lines, Nāgārjuna’s Mādhyamika-śāstra, Śata-śā
stra, etc. Before he was 30, Kumārajīva had
already turned into a world-renowned Buddhist
scholar, and his fame had widely spread far into
Kumāra China. Even Daoan, a distinguished Chinese
monk in the northern region, and Emperor Fujian
▶ Mañjuśrī
of the Former Qin Dynasty knew of Kumārajīva’s
preeminent scholarship. The latter once sent
a delegation to invite him to court in Changan.
Kumārajīva Kumārajīva accepted the royal summons. Never-
theless, on the way back Lüguang, the general
Sau Lin Tong sent to conquer Kucha and fetch Kumārajīva,
Department of Cultural and Religious Studies, heard of the death of Emperor Fujian. Taking
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong advantage of the situation, he rebelled and
Kong, China declared himself the new king of Liangzhou in
386 A.D., and, subsequently, became known as
the founder of the Later Liang Dynasty ([1],
Definition p. 464). Since then Lüguang had Kumārajīva cap-
tured in Liangzhou for nearly 18 years. Being
Kumārajīva (343–409 or 413 A.D.), an influential a non-Buddhist, Lüguang forced him to sire sev-
translator of Indian Buddhist texts in the early eral children with the Kuchean concubines.
period of Buddhist transmission in China. Hence, it could be said that during his years in
Kumārajīva 685

Liangzhou, Kumārajīva had suffered many humil- a śāstra ascribed to Nāgārjuna on the Greater
iations. Yet his sufferings were not all to no pur- Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra
pose. It is generally believed that during this time The Vajracchedikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra (The
he came to be familiar with the Chinese language Diamond Sūtra) in one fascicle
and the contemporaneous Chinese translations of The Vimalakī rtinirdeśa-sūtra in three fascicles,
Buddhist texts. a Buddhist scripture that has been highly influ-
Eventually in 401 A.D., following the defeat of ential in East Asia, whose principal speaker is
Lüguang’s armies, Kumārajīva was brought back not the Buddha or any high Bodhisattva, but
to Changan at the edict of the Later Qin Emperor, the layman Vimalakīrti
Yaoxing. Upon arrival in the capital of the new The Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā (Treatise on the
state, he immediately engaged himself in transla- Middle) in four fascicles
tion projects. In cooperation with some 800 bril- The Dvādaśamukha-śāstra (Treatise of the Twelve
liant disciples and collaborators, Kumārajīva Aspects) in one fascicle, attributed to
produced a wide variety of translated 35 works Nāgārjuna, and the Śata-śāstra, attributed to
in 294 fascicles as recorded in Chusanzangjiji (A Deva, a disciple of Nāgārjuna
Compilation of Notes on the Translation of the
Tripiţaka) and 74 works in 384 fascicles as spec- Another noteworthy translation work is the
ified in Datangneidianlü (Record of Buddhist Tattvasiddhi-śāstra (in Chinese, Chengshi Lun,
Works in the Great Tang). The disparity in the Completion of Truth) in 16 fascicles, a Hīnayāna
volume of renditions can be explained by variation of the Śūnya (emptiness) doctrine,
Datangneidianlü recognizing Kumārajīva as the which formed the base of the Satyasiddhi sect K
translator of a considerable number of collections (in Chinese, Chengshi Zong) prevalent in the
of Vajrayāna scriptures. Northern and Southern Dynasties (420–589 A.
Kumārajīva’s legacy in Chinese Buddhism D.). Notably, the above-mentioned works have
is manifold. First and foremost, through an covered a wide range of Buddhist thoughts of
abundant volume and noticeable richness of the times, in particular, the teaching of Emptiness,
translations, he demonstrated systematically to Mādhyamaka philosophy, and the thinking about
the Chinese Buddhist community a chosen the Pure Land in the West.
series of sūtras with distinguished diverseness Secondly, Kumārajīva’s immense contribution
([2], pp. 8, 9). Kumārajīva and his team pro- lies in his promotion in the development of certain
duced copious translation works virtually exegetical traditions and outstanding schools in
including all sorts of the Mahāyāna and part Chinese Buddhism ([3], p. 442). His translation
of the Hīnayāna texts of his day. Among these works of the Mādhyamaka philosophy, that is to
the most seminal works include ([3], p. 442; say, the Treatise on the Middle, Treatise of the
[4], pp. 6–13): Twelve Aspects, and the Śata-śāstra, eventually
resulted in the establishment of the San-lun
The Larger Sukhāvatī -vyuha in one fascicle, (“Three Treatises”) school. In addition, the rendi-
a scripture about the Pure Land paradise in tion of Tattvasiddhi-śāstra led to the formation of
the West the (Chengshi Zong), a school that primarily
The Lotus Sūtra (Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka-sūtra) traced its roots in the commentary of Harivarman,
in seven fascicles, a new and more readable another translated work by Kumārajīva.
translation compared to that of Kumārajīva’s Buddhist translation in China reached its very
predecessor Dharmarakṣa first height of advancement under the leadership
The Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā-prajñāpāramitā- of Kumārajīva. It is thought that the success and
sūtra (Perfection of Wisdom in 25,000 Lines) greatness of Kumārajīva’s undertaking could be
in 24 fascicles ascribed to three aspects ([4], pp. 16–18). The first
The Mahāprajñāpāramitaśastra (Great Treatise is his thorough mastery of Indian Buddhist
on the Perfection of Wisdom) in 100 fascicles, thoughts as well as his proficiency in Chinese
686 Kun dga’ Snying po

that enabled him to produce the most readable and 3. Buswell RE Jr (2004) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Mac-
fluent translated versions ever made. Next is the millan Reference USA/Thomson/Gale, New York
4. Tu Y (2006) Jiumoluoshi bo re si xiang zai Zhongguo
unreserved support of Emperor Yaoxing who had (Kumārajīva’s Prajñā thought in early China). Li ren
furnished huge funds for Kumārajīva, in the hope shu ju, Taipei
of creating the best conditions for his translation
work. Finally, Kumārajīva’s accomplishment is
also accredited to a group of prominent right-
hand men. Kumārajīva’s high-standard transla- Kun dga’ Snying po
tions are not only more preferred and more popu-
lar throughout the history, but have also ▶ Tāranātha
revolutionized the Chinese Buddhist scriptures,
in clarity and overcoming the previous geyi (con-
cept-matching) system, the conventional practice
of borrowing from Daoist and other philosophical Kunāla
texts phrases with which to explain Buddhist
ideas. Indeed after Kumārajīva began his mission- K. T. S. Sarao
ary work in China, geyi was no longer needed. Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Many misapprehensions of Buddhist doctrine, Delhi, Delhi, India
particularly the teaching of emptiness, were suc-
cessively clarified with the publication of
Kumārajīva’s new translations. Therefore, it is Synonyms
no exaggeration to conclude that Kumārajīva
had brought into Chinese Buddhism a new era Dharmavivardhana; Kuṇāla
marked with correct understanding of emptiness,
and therefore, no wonder Sengzhao, one of his
brilliant disciples, was credited with the honorable Definition
title “number one in expounding emptiness” at
his time. Son of King Aśoka and known for his beautiful
eyes. He was blinded at the behest of his step-
mother and consequently attained enlightenment.
Cross-References
Kunāla was the son of King Aśoka (third century
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.) B.C.E.) and his Queen Padmāvatī (follower of
▶ Mādhyamika Jainism). The earliest version of the Kunāla leg-
▶ Nāgārjuna end is available in the Aśokāvadāna. According to
▶ Saddharmapuṇḍrīka Sūtra the story related in this text ([1], pp. 268–286),
▶ The Lotus Sūtra Kunāla was born on the day on which king Aśoka
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) had built 84,000 stūpas and was, thus, named
▶ Yijing Dharmavivardhana (“Dharma-increasing”).
When Aśoka saw him, he said, “My son’s eyes
are beautiful. . . they resemble a fully blossomed
References blue lotus. . . (and) are like those of a kunāla
(bird), let him therefore be called ‘Kunāla!’”
1. Keown D, Prebish CS (2007) Encyclopedia of Bud- When Kunāla grew up, he was married to
dhism. Routledge, London Kañcanamālā. One day, Kunāla went with Aśoka
2. Xinjiang qiuci shi ku yan jiu suo (2001) Ji nian
Jiumoluoshi dan chen 1650 zhou nian guo ji xue shu tao
to the Kukkuṭārāma monastery of Pāṭaliputra
lun hui wen ji. (Kumārajīva and Chinese national culture). where the abbot, Yaśas, an arhat endowed with
Xinjiang mei shu she ying chu ban she, Wulumuqi the six supernatural faculties, realized that
Kunāla 687

Kunāla’s eyes would soon be destroyed. Yaśas the power of this statement of truth, may my
advised that Kunāla should perform religious eyes be restored at once!” Right away, Kunāla’s
practice that “The eye is impermanent.” Thereaf- eyes were restored, with their original splendor.
ter, Kunāla made it a habit to always remember Aśoka, however, did not forgive Tiṣyarakṣitā; he
this teaching. One day, Tiṣyarakṣitā, Aśoka’s threw her into a lacquer house, where she was
chief queen, happened to come to the spot where burned to death, and he had the citizens of
Kunāla was meditating. She was enamored with Takṣaśilā executed as well.
Kunāla’s beautiful eyes and tried to seduce him. The story of Kunāla is widely prevalent in the
As he spurned her advances, she began to plot societies where the Northern Buddhist tradition is
against him and was always seeking to find fault followed. Different versions of this story are
with him. When there was a rebellion in Takṣaśilā, related in the A-yü wang chuan, the A-yü wang
as Aśoka was not well, he sent Kunāla there to ching ([2], pp. 281–295), Xuanzang ([3],
quell the rebellion. Kunāla managed to sort out the pp. 95–98), Tāranātha ([4], pp. 76–77),
problem peacefully. While Kunāla was in Kṣemendra’s Avadānakalpalatā ([5],
Takṣaśilā, Tiṣyarakṣitā cured Aśoka of his illness pp. 346–367), and the Aśokāvadānamālā ([6],
and won a boon from him to rule the country for 7 pp. 13–39). This story has also been mentioned
days. Once installed as the ruler, she got the in the Jaina tradition (see [7], pp. 259–270).
opportunity to take revenge on Kunāla. She com- According to Kṣemendra’s Avadānakalpalatā
posed, in Aśoka’s name, a false letter to the people Aśoka did not impose any punishment on either
of Takṣaśilā, telling them to destroy Kunāla’s the citizens of Takṣaśilā or Tiṣyarakṣitā and for-
eyes. When the letter reached its destination, gave them ([5], pp. 346–367). The A-yü-wang- K
Kunāla’s eyes were gouged out. The very moment chuan makes an addition to the legend whereby
Kunāla was blinded, he became enlightened. Tiṣyarakṣitā self-incriminates her and requests
Sometime later, Kunāla found out that what had Padmāvatī to pluck her eyes out ([2],p. 292).
happened had not been his father’s doing but Some rare records speak of a successor of Aśoka
Tiṣyarakṣitā’s undertaking. Soon after this, named Kunāla, who was his son from his last
Kunāla left Takṣaśilā and wandered throughout wife. However, his rule did not last long after
the land as a blind beggar. Unable to do any Aśoka’s death. According to Xuanzang, a stūpa
physical labor, Kunāla collected alms for himself was erected by Aśoka at the spot where Kunāla
and his wife by playing vīṇā. In the midst of was blinded in Takṣaśilā. John Marshall identified
his torment, however, he realized the nature of the stūpa with the Hathial stūpa ([8], p. 150). At
suffering and impermanence and attained enlight- Xuanzang’s time, this stūpa had become an
enment. Following the same road by which they important place of pilgrimage where the blind
had come from Pāṭaliputra, Kañcanamālā led came to pray for the restoration of their sight
Kunāla back to the capital. While Kunāla was in (see [3], p. 95). The legacy of the legend of Kunāla
Pāṭaliputra, Aśoka heard the sound of his song and can be measured from the fact that blind bards
that of the vī ṇā, invited him to the palace, and have continued to draw inspiration from the leg-
recognized him. On learning that Tiṣyarakṣitā was end of Kunāla as far away as Japan (see [9],
responsible for all this, he immediately ordered p. 1978). The establishment of Buddhism in Kho-
her to be tortured and executed. But Kunāla tan has also been associated with a tradition
begged his father not to harm the queen; extolled related to Kunāla (see [2], p. 106; [10],
the virtues of kindness, compassion, and forbear- pp. 281–283; [11], p. 15).
ance; declared that in spite of the cruel suffering
he had endured, pain had not stained him nor
anger heated him; and concluded with the follow- Cross-References
ing Act of Truth: “If indeed it is true that I have
only kind thoughts for my mother, who was ▶ Arhat (Sanskrit)
directly responsible for my blindness, then by ▶ Aśoka
688 Kunāla
˙

▶ Aśokāvadāna
▶ Divyāvadāna Kuntu Zangpo
▶ Stūpa
▶ Takṣaśilā ▶ Samantabhadra
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)

References Kusala
1. Strong J (trans) (1983) The legend of King Aśoka, ▶ Good (Buddhism)
a study and translation of the Aśokāvadāna. Princeton
▶ Responsibility (Buddhism)
University Press, Princeton
2. Przyluski J (1923) La legend de l’empereur Açoka.
Paul Geuthner, Paris
3. Li R (trans) (1996) The Great Tang Dynasty record of
the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
Translation and Research, Berkeley
Kuśala-akuśala
4. Chimpa L, Chattopadhyaya A (trans) (1970) History
of Buddhism in India. Indian Institute of Advanced ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Study, Simla
5. Vaidya PL (ed) (1959) Avadāna-Kalpalatā, 2 vols.
Mithila Institute, Darbhanga
6. Bongard-Levin GM, Volkova OF (1965) The
Kunāla legend and an unpublished Aśokāvadānamālā Kushinagar
manuscript, Indian Studies Past and Present,
Calcutta
▶ Kusinārā
7. Jacobi H (ed) (1885) Sthavirāvalīcharita or Parisish-
ṭaparvan by Hemachandra. Asiatic Society, Calcutta
8. Marshall J (1960) A guide to Taxila. Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge
9. Matisoff S (1978) The Legend of Semimaru: blind
musician of Japan. Columbia University Press,
Kuśinagara
New York
10. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from ▶ Kusinārā
the origins to the Śaka Era (trans: Sara Webb-Boin).
Insitut Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve
11. Emmerick RE (1967) Tibetan texts concerning
Khotan. Oxford University Press, London
12. Burlingame EW (1922) Buddhist parables. Yale
University Press, New Haven Kusinārā
13. Mukhopadhyaya S (ed) (1963) The Aśokāvadāna.
Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi
K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Kunāla
˙ Synonyms
▶ Kunāla
Kuśinagara; Kushinagar

Definition
Kunga Nyingpo
Kusinārā was the township where the Buddha
▶ Tāranātha died.
Kusinārā 689

Kusinārā was the capital of one of the two groups other towns with Buddhist institutions ([8], p.
of Mallas, while the others had their capital at 715).
Pāvā ([16], Vol. ii, p. 165). When the Buddha On the basis of a hint provided by H.H. Wilson,
died, Kusinārā is said to have been a small branch Kusinārā was identified by Cunningham with
township with wattle-and-daub houses in the Kasiā (the ruins locally known as Māta-Kuār-kā-
midst of a jungle ([16], Vol. ii, p. 146). But in Koṭ) at the junction of Rāptī and the smaller
ancient times, Kusinārā is said to have been 12  Gaṇḍaka (26
440 N and 83
550 E), 34 miles east
7 yojanas in area with seven ramparts, four gates, of Gorakhpur ([2], pp. 76–80). Later, its position
and seven ārāmas of palm trees ([16], Vol. ii, was confirmed with the finds of a colossal reclining
pp. 146f, 160f). It lay on the high road from statue of the Buddha, which corresponded closely
Aḷaka to Rājagaha, the road taken by Bāvarī’s with Xuanzang’s description of a similar statue at
disciples ([5], p. 194). Between Kusinārā and Kusinārā as well as a copper plate which bore the
Pāvā, about three gāvutas (leagues) from the inscription: “nirvāna caitya tāmra paṭṭa iti” ([2],
former, flowed the Kakuṭṭha river on whose pp. 76–80). Interestingly, an eleventh/twelfth cen-
banks was the Ambavana; between Kakuṭṭha tury C.E. Kalacuri stone inscription was discovered
river and Kusinārā was the Upavattana (the at Kasiā; the donor king confesses his faith in the
Sālavana of the Mallas), and beyond the Buddha and Tārā, but worships Śiva as well ([3],
Kakuṭṭha flowed the Hiraññavatī ([17]: ii.572f). pp. 130–131).
The city had various gates, i.e., some sort of The focus of the ruins at the main site is the
fortification at the time of the Buddha ([16], Nirvāṇa stūpa. With a cylindrical base, the
Vol. ii, p. 160f). To the east of the city was Nirvāṇa stūpa in its ruins stood to a height of K
Makuṭabandhana, the shrine of the Mallas, more than 55 ft above the platform. During the
where the Buddha’s body was cremated ([16], excavation, at a depth of 14 ft from the top, was
Vol. ii, p. 160f). At the scene of the Buddha’s found a circular brick chamber accommodating
death, Kusinārā became one of the four holy a copper vessel, embedded in sand and a mass of
places declared by the Buddha to be right places cowries. Inside the vessel, a silver coin of
for pilgrimage for the pious, the other three being Kumāragupta I (415–455 C.E.) was found. But
Kapilavatthu, Isipatana, and Bodhagayā ([16], both the shrine and the platform on which it stands
Vol. ii, p. 140). One-eighth of the Buddha’s relics along with the stūpa had been built on earlier
were deposited in a cairn at Kusinārā and hon- remains, as found during the excavations ([13],
ored by the Mallas ([9], xxviii.3; [16], Vol. ii, p. p. 70). The other remains at the main site consist
167). Forests known as Baliharaṇavana and of votive stūpas, monasteries, and miscellaneous
Sālavana were in the neighborhood of this city buildings. The votive stūpas are clustered to the
([14], Vol. i, p. 272, Vol. ii, p. 79). south of the main stūpa, but small groups occur
When Faxian (399–414 C.E.) visited India, elsewhere as well. Some of them, to the east of the
Kusinārā appears to have fallen upon bad days as stūpa platform, are to be seen partially buried
he mentions only few inhabitants and vihāras under it. The excavated monasteries, including
remaining here at the time of his visit ([1], p. the partially exposed ones, number at least eight.
94). Later, Xuanzang (629–644 C.E.) found the They follow the usual plan and, as is common,
city in ruins with very few inhabitants and were built and rebuilt at different times, the
deserted towns and villages in the country of earliest in the Kuṣāṇa period ([13], p. 70). In
Kuśinagara ([11], p. 185). Giving an account of spite of the record of the activities of Aśoka at
Kuśinagara, Xuanzang states that “when King Kusinārā, nothing that is definitely earlier than the
Śaśāṅka persecuted the Buddhist-dharma, no Kuṣāṇa period has been so far reported in the
company of monks came this way for many excavations nor has anyone tried to reach the
years” ([11], p. 192). Some of the Buddhist natural soil at the place of those ruins (see [7]:
texts refer to Śaśāṅka, the king of Gauḍa, as 1904–05: 43ff, 1905–06: 61ff, 1910–11: 63ff,
having sacked Kuśīnagara along with many 1911–12: 134ff).
690 Kuze Kannon

Cross-References mūlakapla, (text and translation with commentary) An

Imperial History of India. Motilal Banarsidass, Lahore
9. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1974) Buddhavaṃsa. Pali
▶ Aśoka Text Society, London
▶ Nirvāṇa 10. Law BC (1954) Historical geography of ancient India.
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli) Société Asiatique de Paris, Paris
▶ Stūpa 11. Li R (trans) (1996) The Great Tang dynasty record of
the Western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) Translation and Research, Berkeley
12. Max Muller F (ed) (1973) The sacred books of the
East, 50 vols. Reprint. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi
References 13. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya
Samsad, Calcutta
14. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
1. Beal S (trans) (1869) Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung- Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Yun: Buddhist pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. 15. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
and 518 A.D.). K. Paul, Trench & Trübner, London 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
2. Cunningham A (1871) Archaeological survey of 16. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
India: four reports 1862-63-64-65, vol I. Govt. Press, The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Simla 17. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE, Stede W (eds)
3. Sahni DR. Epigraphia Indica, vol XVIII. Government (1886–1971) Sumaṅgalavilāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s
of India, Calcutta, 1925–1926 commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya. Pali Text Society,
4. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols. London
Trübner & Co, London
5. Fausböll V (ed) (1885) The Sutta-Nipāta. Pali Text
Society, London
6. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
7. Indian archaeology: a review, New Delhi
Kuze Kannon
8. Jayaswal KP (ed & trans) (1934) The
Āryamañjuśrīmūlakalpa, The Text of the Mañju-śrī- ▶ Avalokiteśvara
L

L’alphabet du Nord-Ouest to the category of the Vaipulya Sūtras of

Mahāyāna Buddhism and is also one of the nine
▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script sacred texts (nava-dharma) of Newar Buddhism.
The title Lalitavistara has been variously trans-
lated as “The Play in Full,” “Extensive Play,” and
“Detailed Narration of the Sport” referring to the
Lake Manas Mahāyāna Buddhist view that the Buddha’s last
birth was a performance given by him for the
▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism) welfare of the beings in this world.
The Lalitavistara consists of 27 chapters. The
first five chapters offer details of the Buddha’s
previous life. In typical Mahāyāna style, the intro-
Lalitavistara ductory chapter describes the would-be Buddha as
mindful and deeply engrossed in meditation and
K. T. S. Sarao surrounded by a gigantic assembly of monks,
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of bodhisattvas, devas, and other beings. On the
Delhi, Delhi, India request of a group of devas, he tells that in his
previous life he was living in the Tuṣita heaven as
a god named Svetaketu. Here in the Tuṣita heaven,
Synonyms the devas reminded him of his previous commit-
ment to descend to earth and be born in the human
Ārya Lalitavistara Sūtra; Lalitavistara Purāṇa; realm. Consequently, after having delivered his
Lalitavistara Sūtra; Mahānidāna final teaching to these devas and installing
Maitreya as his regent, he bid farewell to the
Tuṣita heaven. In this and the following chapters,
Definition many incidents are recounted which are not found
in the Pāli-based tradition. In chapter VI, the
The Lalitavistara is a Mahāyāna Buddhist sūtra. future-Buddha makes his entry into the human
world via the womb of Queen Māyā, where he
The Lalitavistara is a Buddhist sūtra in which the resides for 10 full months. Chapter VII gives the
Buddha’s biography is related beginning with his details of his birth in the Lumbinī Grove and his
previous life in the Tuṣita heaven until his first declaration immediately thereafter that this was
sermon in the Deer Park near Vārāṇasī. It belongs his last birth. Next five chapters provide details
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
692 Lalitavistara

of his life prior to his wedding. Here, it has been side” ([8], pp. 252–253). It is not known when this
related how when the newly born would-be Bud- text was redacted in the final form in which it is
dha was taken by his foster mother to a temple, all extant now. Though P. L. Vaidya dated the present
the images rose prostrated before him. Further, his Sanskrit text into to the third century C.E., on the
display of extraordinary intelligence as a learner is basis of the sculptural representations found in
described. Though he went to the school, he Gandhāra depicting scenes described in the
needed no instructions as he was omniscient. He Lalitavistara, some scholars have suggested that
went to school only as a matter of worldly routine. this work may be assigned to the first or second
The teacher was dazed to find that the would-be century C.E. (see [2], p. 281). A version of it
buddha knew all the 64 alphabets. During a visit appears to have been translated into Chinese in
to the countryside, he attained the highest levels of 308 C.E. and the Tibetan translation belonging to
meditative concentration. His marriage to Gopā the ninth century is said to be an accurate transla-
takes places after he displays extraordinary skills tion of the original in Sanskrit (see [2], p. 281).
required of an eligible prince. Though the Lalitavistara is an important source
In Chapter XIII, the would-be Buddha is shown book for the study of the biography of the Buddha,
as having attained maturity and is reminded by the some parts of it are not as useful as the others. In the
devas of his vows to attain bodhi in this birth. words of Winternitz, the Lalitavistara “is of
Chapters XIV and XV talk about his visit outside immense value to the history of religion– about
the palace and thereafter he leaving home the development of the Buddha–legend from its
(abhiniṣkramaṇa) as a consequence of having earliest beginnings when only the main events in
encountered a sick person, an old man, a corpse, life of the great founder of the religion were asso-
and a mendicant. Not much information is avail- ciated with miracles to that boundless deification of
able in these chapters about the period of his life the Lord when he appears from the beginning till
between his marriage and abandonment of home. the end of his life only as god and above all gods.
Next eight chapters describe his experiences during But for the History of Literature also the
6 years in the wilderness when he led the life of Lalitavistara is one of the most important works
a homeless person. During this period, he led a life of Buddhist Literature. Although it is not yet an
of severe austerities, worked under different actual Buddha-epic, it contains all the germs to one
ascetics, waged a war against Māra, and finally such” ([8], pp. 245–246). The Lalitavistara has
attained bodhi. Chapters XXIV–XXVI describe inspired a considerable amount of Buddhist art.
his life from the period of the attainment of bodhi The beautiful sculptured panels of Borobudur that
till the delivery of his first sermon at the Deer Park drew their inspiration from this text are one such
and the founding of the saṃgha. The last chapter, in example (see [7], p. 63).
the Mahāyāna fashion glorifies the text where the
Buddha inspires his entourage of devas and
humans to adopt this sūtra as their practice. Cross-References
The Lalitavistara is written in both prose and
verses. Nakamura has suggested that Lalitavistara ▶ Bodhi
is a compilation of fragmented biographies of the ▶ Buddha (Concept)
Buddha ([1], p. 131). But in the opinion of ▶ Mahāyāna
Winternitz, “the Lalita-vistara is a recast of an ▶ Saṃgha
older Hīnayāna text, the Buddha biography ▶ Sarvāstivāda
of the Sarvāstivāda school, enlarged and
embellished in the spirit of the Mahāyāna. This
References
supposition also explains the character of the text,
which is by no means a unified work of one 1. Nakamura H (1980) Indian Buddhism: a survey with
author, but an anonymous compilation, in which bibliographical notes, reprint. Motilal Banarsidass,
very early and very recent passages stood side by Delhi
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra 693

2. Nanayakkara SK (1996) Lalitavistara. In: Weeraratne Laṅkāvatāra treasure Sūtra; Laṅkāvatāraratna

WG (ed) Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, vol VI. Govern- Sūtra; Léngqié Jīng; Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra
ment of Sri Lanka, Colombo, pp 278–282
3. Nariman GK (1920) Literary history of Sanskrit Bud- Sūtra; Revelation of the good religion in Laṅkā;
dhism. D.B. Takaporewala Sons, Bombay Scripture of the descent into Laṅkā
4. Poppe N (ed and trans) (1967) The twelve deeds of
Buddha: a Mongolian version of the Lalitavistara.
Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
5. Thomas EJ (1940) Lalitavistara and Sarvāstivāda. Definition
Indian Hist Q XVI(2):239–245. Calcutta Oriental
Press, Calcutta The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra is a text of the Yogācāra
6. Vaidya PL (ed) Lalitavistara. The Mithila Institute of School of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
Post-Graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learn-
ing, Darbhanga
7. Vogel JP (1925) The relation between the art of India The Laṅkāvatāra is a Mahāyāna sūtra originally
and Java. In: Vogel JP, Strzygowski J et al (eds) The composed in classical Sanskrit and is included
influences of Indian Art. The India Society, London, among the traditional Vaipulya sūtras by the
pp 35–86
8. Winternitz M (1999) History of Indian literature, vol II. Mahāyānists. Apart from being one of the nine
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, translated into English by principal Mahāyāna texts of Nepalese Newari
V.S. Sarma, reprint Buddhism, this sūtra has also been adopted as
one of the basic texts of Soto Zen Buddhist tradi-
tion in Japan and Chán in China. Its importance in
East Asia is demonstrated by the fact that there are
Lalitavistara Purāna
˙ as many as 15 Chinese commentaries on it, the
most important being by Fazang (643–712 C.E.).
▶ Lalitavistara It represents the most advanced stage of the phil- L
osophical development of the Mahāyāna tradition,
namely, the Vijñānavāda or the idealist trend in
Lalitavistara Sūtra Buddhist thought ([1], pp. 859–876). The
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra is often associated with the
▶ Lalitavistara Indian Yogācāra tradition because it discusses
a number of basic doctrines associated with it,
such as the storehouse consciousness
(Ālayavijñāna), the womb of the Tathāgata
Lang Karg Shegspa’imdo (Tathāgatagarbha), and mind only (cittamātra).
However, there do not appear to be any references
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra to the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra in the works of Yogācāra
initiators Asaṅga and Vasubandhu (fourth century
C.E.). But Lindtner has proposed that “an early
recension of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra was known to
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and influenced the writings of Nāgārjuna and
Āryadeva. . . (and). . . an early edition (be it oral or
K. T. S. Sarao written) of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra was known to and
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of influenced the founding fathers of Madhyamaka in
Delhi, Delhi, India India, rather than vice versa” ([3], p. 245).
The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra purports to be a teach-
ing given by the Buddha while staying in Laṅkā,
Synonyms the island fortress capital of Rāvaṇa, the king of
rākṣasas (demons). It narrates a teaching mainly
Āryasaddharmalaṅkāvatāra Sūtra; Discourse on between the Buddha and a bodhisattva named
the descent into Laṅkā; Lang Karg Shegspa’imdo; Mahāmati. The date of the compilation of the
694 Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra

Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra has not been fixed with cer- opening and enlightenment” ([7], p. 45). Talking
tainty due to lack of evidence though it is gener- about Guṇabhadra’s translation, Suzuki points out
ally believed that it was compiled between 350 that it “represents a more primitive Laṅkāvatāra
and 400 C.E. The sūtra contains ten chapters, but than the others. Possibly the later texts had these
its introductory chapter and the last two chapters three extra chapters added during the one hundred
appear to have been added at a later period. Suzuki years that elapsed between Guṇabhadra and
has suggested that the first chapter with the king of Bodhiruci. That they were mechanically added is
Laṅkā, Rāvaṇa, as the main interlocutor was shown by their having no organic connection with
added later in order to provide it historicity ([7], the older parts. As they have nothing new to pro-
p. 16). It has been suggested that though the first pose, we should not have missed them, if they were
chapter may have been added at a later date, the not found in the text” ([7], p. 16). The second
internal evidence indicates that the first chapter is extant Chinese translation (Taisho Tripiṭaka 671)
quite integral in its content as well as outlook with was done by Bodhiruci in 513 CE and divided into
the rest of the sūtra and has been constructed so as ten fasciculi ([7], p. 6). This translation has been
to integrate with the rest of the sūtra quite well critiqued in the imperial preface to the later trans-
([10], p. 295). Kalupahana is of the view that the lation on the ground that it contains extra words
sūtra itself was compiled hurriedly having Laṅkā and sentences thus deviating from the original
as the venue in order to introduce Mahāyāna meaning ([7], p. 9). The third extant Chinese
Buddhism to Sri Lanka. In this regard, the exam- translation (Taisho Tripiṭaka 672) was done by
ple of the eighth chapter is cited which strongly Śikṣānanda in 700–704 C.E. and divided into
condemns the Hīnayāna practice of meat eating seven fasciculi ([7],p. 7). This final translation was
(see [2], pp. 243–245). It has further been made by Śikṣānanda at the behest of Empress Wu
suggested that the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra “has a dual Zetian ([7], p. 8). Before Śikṣānanda could give final
purpose, positive and negative. The positive pur- touches to the translation, he had to return to India.
pose of the sūtra is to present the idealist persua- The task was completed by another Indian monk,
sion in Buddhist thought. The negative purpose is Mi-t‘o-shan, who had studied the Buddhist sūtras for
to criticise the views that are not in conformity 25 years in India and was familiar with the
with its own. . .(particularly). . . to show the inval- Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra ([7], p. 9). For the purposes of
idity of the philosophy and the religion of accuracy, five separate Sanskrit editions are said to
Hīnayāna” ([10], p. 295). have been used for this translation ([7], p. 9). This
Altogether four Chinese translations of the translation was apparently the best of all the Chinese
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra were made between 420 and translations considering that it was produced through
704 C.E., of which three still exist. The first trans- the joint efforts of competent scholars from both
lation was made by the Indian monk Dharmarakṣa India and China ([7], p. 11).
in four fasciculi between 420 and 433 C.E. and The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra draws upon the concepts
was lost by about 700 C.E. ([7], pp. 4–5). The first and doctrines of Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha
extant Chinese translation (Taisho Tripiṭaka 670) ([13], p. 58), and the most important doctrine ema-
is the earliest edition which was translated by nating from it is that of the primacy of conscious-
Guṇabhadra in 443 CE and divided into four ness (vijñāna) and the different levels of
fasciculi ([7], p. 4). This edition by Guṇabhadra consciousness culminating in the storehouse con-
is most probably the one handed down by sciousness (Ālayavijñāna). It asserts that all the
the legendary founder of Chinese Chán, objects of the world including the names and
Bodhidharma, to the Second Patriarch, Dazu forms of experience are merely manifestations of
Huike ([7], p. 5), saying: “I have here the the mind.
Laṅkāvatāra in four fascicles which is handed Jikido Takakasi has suggested that “the Sūtra
over to you, and in this is disclosed the essential consists of two parts, one in mixed prose and verse
teaching of the Tathāgata concerning the mental and forming the main body of the Sūtra, and the
ground. It will lead all sentient beings to spiritual other, a section exclusively in verse which was
Last Age 695

named Sagāthakam by Nanjio, the editor of the 2. Kalupahana DJ (1992) A history of Buddhist philoso-
Sanskrit text. . . Development (of the two parts) phy: continuities and discontinuities. University of
Hawai’i Press, Honolulu
took place in both independently until finally they 3. Lindtner C (1992) The Laṅkāvatāra sūtra in early
were combined into one volume. . . The original Indian Madhyamaka literature. Asiatisch Stud XLV
form of the Laṅkāvatāra was in verses akin to the (1):244–279
Sagāthakam” ([9], p. 565). However, Suzuki feels 4. Nanjio B (ed) (1923) The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. Otani
University Press, Kyoto
that in all probability the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra “is an 5. Pine R (Bill Porter) (trans) (2012) The Lankavatara
abridgement of a larger and fuller text, that is, Sutra: translation and commentary. Counterpoint,
selections made from it by a Mahāyāna scholar Berkeley
who took them down in his notebook for his own 6. Sutton FG (1991) Existence and enlightenment in the
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra: a study in the ontology and episte-
use; and that in the larger text not only the 108 mology of the Yogācāra School of Mahāyāna Bud-
questions (praśna) but the 108 clauses (pada) are dhism. State University of New York Press, Albany
systematically answered and explained. In any 7. Suzuki DT (1930) Studies in the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra.
event, something more than the present text of George Routledge & Sons, London
8. Suzuki DT (trans) (1932) The Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra.
the Laṅkāvatāra is needed to understand it thor- Routledge/Kegan Paul, London
oughly and harmoniously” ([7], pp. 42–43). 9. Takasaki J (1982) Sources of the Laṅkāvatāra and its
Suzuki has pointed out that “the Laṅkāvatāra position in Mahāyāna Buddhism. In: Hercus LA et al
Sūtra, being a difficult text to understand, not only (eds) Indological and Buddhist studies. Volume in
Honour of Professor J.W. de Jong on his Sixtieth
textually but doctrinally as well, was already in bad Birthday. Faculty of Asian Studies, ANU, Canberra,
condition from a literary point of view when it was pp 545–568
brought into China by these early Indian mission- 10. Tillekeratne A (1999) Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra. In: Encyclo-
aries” ([7], p. 7). As the composition of the text is pedia of Buddhism, vol 6. Government of Sri Lanka,
unsystematic and chaotic, it is generally felt that it
Colombo, pp 292–298 L
11. Tokigawa G (trans) (2003) Lankavatara Sutram:
is an assortment of heterogeneous ingredients a Jewel Scripture of Mahayana thought and practice.
made worse by substantial interpolation at a later Meibunsha Printing, Kyoto
date. In fact, “the whole Laṅkāvatāra is just 12. Vaidya PL (ed) (1963) Saddharmalaṅkāvatarasūtram.
The Mithila Institute of Post-Graduate Studies and
a collection of notes unsystematically strung Research in Sanskrit Learning, Darbhanga
together, and, frankly speaking, it is a useless task 13. Wang Y (2003) Linguistic strategies in Daoist
to attempt to divide them into sections, or chapters Zhuangzi and Chan Buddhism: the other way of
(parivarta), under some specific titles” ([7], p. 17). speaking. Routledge, London

Cross-References Laṅkāvatāra Treasure Sūtra

▶ Ālaya-vijñāna ▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
▶ Enlightenment
▶ Mahāyāna
▶ Śūnyatā
▶ Tathāgata
▶ Tathāgatagarbha
Laṅkāvatāraratna Sūtra
▶ Yogācāra
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra

References

1. Dasgupta SN (1983) Philosophy of Laṅkāvatāra. In:

Last Age
Law BC (ed) Buddhist studies. Indological Book
House, Delhi, pp 859–876 ▶ Eschatology (Buddhism)
696 Latter Days of the Dharma

experienced by attaining deep levels of concen-

Latter Days of the Dharma tration or else final liberation through the devel-
opment of insight.
▶ Eschatology (Buddhism)

The Eight Vimokkhas

Law of Kamma
The notion of eight liberations, vimokkha, reflects
▶ Kamma progressive degrees of mastery in the realm of
concentration meditation, with only the last in
the list being directly dependent on the develop-
ment of insight. These eight vimokkhas comprise
Léngqié Jīng ([1], Vol. IV, p. 306):

▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra • Seeing material forms while being possessed

of material form, rūpī rūpāni passati
• Seeing forms externally while being percipient
of no materiality internally, ajjhattaṃ
Levitation arūpasaññī bahiddhā rūpāni passati
• Being resolved upon the beautiful, subhan’
▶ Abhiññā t’eva adhimutto hoti
• Attaining the sphere of boundless space
• Attaining the sphere of boundless
consciousness
Liberality • Attaining the sphere of nothingness
• Attaining the sphere of neither-perception-nor-
▶ Cāga non-perception
• Attaining the cessation of perceptions and
feelings

Liberation (Buddhism) The first two of these vimokkhas may refer to

meditation on a color ([2], Vol. II, p. 38), or else,
Bhikkhu Anālayo according to an explanation given in the
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of Mahāvibhāṣā (Taishō 27.437c), to contemplation
Hamburg, Balve, Germany of the anatomical constitution of one’s own body
and that of others. The third, being resolved upon
the beautiful, appears to stand for the practice of
Synonyms loving kindness, mettā ([3], Vol. V, p. 119).
The four liberations mentioned next are the
Freedom; Freedom (Buddhism); Vimokkha (Pāli); four immaterial attainments. With the first of
Vimokṣa (Sanskrit); Vimukti; Vimutti these, the meditation object employed to attain
absorption, jhāna, is replaced with the notion of
“boundless space.” The next requires turning
Definition attention back to the mind that, by being absorbed
in the notion of boundless space, has become
Early Buddhism recognizes different types of boundless itself. In this way, the second immate-
liberation, which could be temporary liberations rial attainment can be reached, which is based on
Liberation (Buddhism) 697

the notion of “boundless consciousness.” Attend- in regard to vexation, vihesā, as does liberation of
ing to this refined experience of boundless con- the mind through sympathetic joy, muditā, in
sciousness as something that is insubstantial, the regard to discontent, arati, and liberation of the
resulting notion of “nothingness” can lead to mind through equanimity, upekkhā, in regard to
attaining the third immaterial attainment. By lust, rāga.
then letting go of any notion at all, the fourth The experience of these types of cetovimutti is
immaterial attainment of “neither-perception- also a liberation from any confines, as the mind
nor-non-perception” is reached. radiates the respective divine abode into all direc-
With the final of the eight vimokkhas, the sense tions, above and below, until one’s experience
of true liberation from a Buddhist perspective becomes truly great and boundless, mahaggata
comes to the fore, as the attainment of the cessa- and appamāṇa. The expression appamāṇā
tion of perception and feeling would require the cetovimutti, “boundless liberation of the mind,”
development of insight up to the third or fourth quite appropriately reflects such unlimited radia-
stage of awakening recognized in early Buddhism tion ([5], Vol. III, p. 146). An image in the early
([1], Vol. III, p. 194). Buddhist discourses illustrates this all-pervasive
The eight vimokkhas form part of listings of the nature of a boundless liberation of the mind with
essentials of the Buddha’s teaching ([4], Vol. III, the example of a trumpeter who is able to make
p. 288), with the additional specification that they himself heard in all directions ([5], Vol. II, p. 207).
“should be realized,” sachikātabbā. According to Liberation of the mind through the
another discourse, many disciples of the Buddha brahmavihāras can even become a means of pro-
had reached direct knowledge through attaining gress toward non-return ([1], Vol. V, p. 300), the
these eight vimokkhas ([5], Vol. II, p. 12). More- third level of awakening recognized in early Bud-
over, the distinctive mark of a particular type of dhism. In fact, all of the divine abodes can become L
arahant qualified as “liberated both ways,” tools for progress to the highest liberation once
ubhatobhāgavimutta, is the ability to attain the they are combined with the development of the
eight vimokkhas in forward and reverse order factors of awakening ([3], Vol. V, p. 131), which
([4], Vol. II, p. 71). These passages show that are mindfulness, investigation of phenomena,
early Buddhism recognizes and treats in consid- energy, joy, tranquility, concentration, and
erable detail levels of liberation which, except for equanimity.
the last one of the eight vimokkhas, fall short of A related type of liberation of the mind is the
being the final goal. “liberation of the mind that has become great,”
mahaggatā cetovimutti, which stands for the abil-
ity to pervade a certain area with one’s meditation
Liberation of the Mind object, be this the area around the foot of a tree,
the area of a whole village, or the area of the whole
Other instances of liberation that fall short of planet earth ([5], Vol. III, p. 146). The fact that
being considered the final goal in early Buddhism “liberation of the mind that has become great” is
are the divine abodes, brahmavihāra, whose distinguished from “boundless liberation of the
boundless radiation into all directions constitutes mind” suggests that its meditative pervasion
a “liberation of the mind,” cetovimutti. By would involve some meditation object different
attaining such liberation based on a divine abode from the divine abodes.
one is temporarily liberated from hostility and ill Yet another type of liberation of the mind is the
will. This is the case to such an extent that it is “neither-painful-nor-pleasant liberation of the
impossible to say of someone who has developed mind,” adukkhamasukhā cetovimutti, which
loving kindness as a liberation of the mind that ill stands for the mental freedom attained with the
will still invades his or her mind and remains ([4], fourth absorption ([5], Vol. I, p. 296). In this case,
Vol. III, p. 248). Liberation of the mind through the “liberating” feature is not related to any spatial
compassion, karuṇā, performs the same function pervasion, but to the fact that through attaining the
698 Liberation (Buddhism)

fourth absorption the mind has become “liber- Occasions for Attaining Liberation
ated” by attaining immovability, aniñjita ([5],
Vol. I, p. 455). Having attained immovability, Five occasions for the breakthrough to the type of
the mind has become totally liberated from the liberating insight that constitutes unshakeable and
pleasure-pain dichotomy, whose transcendence is perpetual liberation are collected in the discourses
the very precondition for entry into the fourth under the heading of “spheres of liberation,”
absorption, as according to the standard descrip- vimuttāyatana ([1], Vol. III, p. 21). These are:
tion this attainment is reached after having left
behind pleasure and pain, as well as joy and • When hearing the Dharma
sadness. • When teaching the Dharma to others
Another type of liberation of the mind is the • When reciting the Dharma
“liberation of the mind through signlessness,” • When reflecting on the Dharma
animittā cetovimutti. Such liberation of the mind • During meditation
is an escape from all signs ([4], Vol. III, p. 249). Its
attainment requires not giving attention to any The last reads more literally: “having well
sign – in the sense of those signs and marks of grasped some sign of concentration, having well
what is experienced that are required to recognize given attention to it, having well held it (in one’s
something – and directing awareness to the mind), having well penetrated it with wisdom.”
signless element ([5], Vol. I, p. 297). The meditative With each of these five occasions for liberation,
experiences of signlessness could be part of the one comes to have a direct grasp of the teachings
path to the deathless ([3], Vol. IV, p. 360), but in spirit and letter, due to which delight and joy
need not stand for final liberation ([1], Vol. III, arise, which in turn lead to tranquility and con-
p. 397). centration. Since a concentrated mind sees things
This is in fact the distinguishing mark of the according to reality, dispassion will set in and the
types of liberation of the mind surveyed so far, in breakthrough to liberation can take place.
that they do not in themselves imply the attain- It needs to be noted that to reach liberation
ment of a liberation that is perpetual (except for requires more than just hearing the Dharma, or
the attainment of the cessation of perception and else reciting it or reflecting on it. The five spheres
feeling), but may only be of a temporary type. To of liberation represent occasions when mature
be able to reach even a temporary liberation of the practice may culminate in a breakthrough to lib-
mind does require devotion to practice in seclu- erating insight. They are not descriptions of the
sion ([5], Vol. III, p. 110), and is therefore a token course of training that leads up to such
of progress on the path. Yet, this success is tem- a breakthrough. Previous training in virtue, con-
porary only, as such liberation of the mind can be centration, and wisdom would be required in
lost again. It is only when liberation of the mind order for the mind to reach such a level of maturity
has become unshakeable, akuppā cetovimutti, that that the occasions afforded by any of the five
it indeed stands for the final goal of early Bud- spheres of liberation can indeed issue in
dhism, being a type of liberation that is no longer liberation.
temporary.
The attainment of a temporary liberation of the
mind, however, can become an obstruction to Liberated Beings
reaching the final goal, if due to attachment to
dwelling in a peaceful liberation of the mind one According to early Buddhism, progress toward
loses inspiration for progress toward the cessation full liberation proceeds through four main stages.
of personality and the destruction of ignorance These are:
([1], Vol. II, p. 165). Such a predicament would
be like taking hold of a branch that is smeared • Stream-entry
with resin. • Once-return
Liberation (Buddhism) 699

• Non-return one who is liberated through confidence or faith,

• Arahantship the distinctive characteristic of this type of noble
disciple is the prominence of the faculty of confi-
Progressing through these levels of awakening dence or faith, saddhā ([1], Vol. I, p. 118).
takes place by way of eradicating the fetters, A higher level of liberation is reached by the
saṃyojana. The fetters are considered to bind an one who is liberated through wisdom,
unawakened worldling to continued existence in paññāvimutta. This refers to an arahant who has
the cycle of saṃsāra. A stream-enterer, who has not developed the ability to attain the immaterial
gained the first level of awakening, has eradicated attainments ([5], Vol. I, p. 477), though he or
the three fetters of personality view, sakkāyadiṭṭhi, she would nevertheless be well aware of their
in the sense of the notion of a permanent self, the impermanent and ultimately unsatisfactory nature
fetter of doubt, vicikicchā, in particular doubt ([4], Vol. II, p. 70). This awareness could explain
regarding the nature of what is wholesome and why someone liberated through wisdom may
what is unwholesome, and the fetter of dogmatic not make any further effort for developing the
clinging to rules and vows, sī labbataparāmāsa, immaterial attainments once final liberation
as in themselves sufficient for reaching liberation. has been won, since clear understanding of the
The next two fetters to be overcome are sensual impermanent and unsatisfactory nature of such
lust, kāmarāga, and ill will, vyāpāda. A once- attainments might make any effort to attain them
returner has attenuated these two fetters, whereas appear futile.
a non-returner has successfully eradicated them. Another type of arahant is the one who is
The final five fetters, only overcome by the “liberated both ways,” ubhatobhāgavimutta.
arahant who has attained full liberation, are crav- Such an arahant is able to attain the immaterial
ing for fine-material states, rūpa-rāga, craving for attainments and therefore is perfected also in this L
immaterial states, arūpa-rāga, conceit, māna, respect ([1], Vol. IV, p. 316). Elsewhere the same
restlessness, uddhacca, and ignorance, avijjā. type of arahant is defined in a slightly different
Progress through these four levels of awaken- manner by indicating that he or she has mastery
ing can take place in various ways; hence there are over the eight liberations ([4], Vol. II, p. 71).
diverse types of liberated beings described in the The two types of liberation distinguished
discourses. One of these is the one who is above – liberation of the mind and liberation by
liberated through confidence or faith, the wisdom – are taken up in a discourse which links
saddhāvimutta. Someone liberated through confi- the abandonment of lust to liberation of the mind,
dence or faith has not developed the ability to followed by associating the overcoming of igno-
attain the immaterial attainments and only some rance with liberation by wisdom ([1], Vol. I,
of his or her influxes, āsava, have been eradicated p. 61). This presentation has at times been under-
([5], Vol. I, p. 478). That is, someone liberated stood to represent two different paths that lead to
through confidence or faith could be a stream- two different types of liberation.
enterer, a once-returner, or a non-returner ([1], The assumption is that one of these paths
Vol. I, p. 120). By having attained stream-entry involves the meditative development of concen-
at the very least, someone liberated through con- tration through the absorptions and immaterial
fidence or faith is “liberated” from the prospect of attainments up to the attainment of the cessation
any lower rebirth and also from the uncertainty of of perception and feeling, which then results in the
doubt. cessation of passion. The other path is one of
The notion of being liberated through confi- intellectual reflection that leads to the qualita-
dence or faith introduces a different nuance into tively different liberation from ignorance.
the types of liberations discussed so far, which Here, it needs to be kept in mind that the
were the outcome of developing concentration overcoming of lust, rāga, in its early Buddhist
and/or wisdom. Though concentration and usage does not necessarily refer to liberation in
wisdom are certainly also required for becoming its ultimate sense. This can be seen, for example,
700 Liberation (Buddhism)

in a listing of recipients of offerings that explicitly a single taste, namely, the taste of liberation ([6],
speaks of an outsider who has reached freedom p. 56). With final liberation won, the celibate life
from lust toward sensual things, bāhiraka kāmesu has been lived properly and what had to be done
vī tarāga ([5], Vol. III, p. 255), a presentation that has been done, as the prospective of future birth
would not imply that he had reached final libera- has been eradicated and there will be no more
tion in a Buddhist sense. coming to any state of being.
Freedom from lust is indeed a precondition for Having won liberation, the noble disciple has
liberation of the mind, cetovimutti, which com- pierced this huge mass of ignorance just like
prises various levels of liberation to be reached a skilled warrior pierces huge objects with his
through the development of deep stages of con- arrows ([1], Vol. II, p. 202). The liberation
centration. Such development, as the standard attained in this manner is like the white awning
description of the first absorption indicates, of a chariot ([3], Vol. IV, p. 291), or like the final
requires the leaving behind of all sensuality, rubbing and grooming a horse trainer gives
vivicc’ eva kāmehi (e.g., [4], Vol. I, p. 73). a horse that has been thoroughly trained and is
Yet, such liberation of the mind through dis- worthy of being put to service by the king ([5],
passion, which the above-mentioned passage ([1], Vol. I, p. 446).
Vol. I, p. 61) introduces as the outcome of the One who has reached final liberation has lifted
development of tranquility, falls short of being up the crossbar, has filled the moat, uprooted the
the final goal, as it is only a temporary type of pillar, withdrawn the bolts, lowered the banner,
liberation. Final liberation additionally requires dropped the burden, and is unfettered ([1], Vol. III,
insight, which leads to the development of p. 84). In this simile, the crossbar stands for igno-
wisdom and to the removal of ignorance. The rance, the moat for faring on in saṃsāra, the pillar
attainment of the cessation of perception and for craving, the bolts for the five lower fetters, and
feelings is in fact elsewhere explicitly said to be the banner and the burden both represent the con-
the outcome of the development of both tranquil- ceit “I am.”
ity and insight ([3], Vol. IV, p. 295). Just as a head-anointed king who is endowed
Hence, instead of intending two different paths with treasures, a strong army, and wise counselors
to two different goals, what the above passage is at home anywhere in his realm, similarly those
describes are two complementary paths to the who have reached liberation are freed in mind
final goal, one of which is incapable of leading wherever they may dwell ([1], Vol. III, p. 152).
to final liberation on its own. Dwelling freed in mind in this way, they are aloof
The gaining of final liberation is in fact a matter from the world like a lotus that has risen above
of overcoming passion as well as ignorance, since water ([1], Vol. V, p. 152). Undefiled like a lotus
it is precisely as long as ignorance is still present that has risen above water, freed like the wind that
that passion arises. Once ignorance has been cannot be caught in a net, a liberated one is
removed, passion is automatically eradicated. In a leader of others, having gone beyond any need
sum, even though early Buddhism does recognize to be led by others ([7], 213).
different types of liberation, the final liberation
that is the ultimate purpose of practicing the path
according to the teaching of the Buddha is a single Cross-References
one, being the combined destruction of ignorance
and of passion, of the influxes and of all other ▶ Anāgāmin
defilements. ▶ Arahant
To attain such a final liberation is to arrive at ▶ Freedom
the very essence of all things ([1], Vol. V, p. 107). ▶ Insight
Just as the ocean has a single taste, namely, the ▶ Sakadāgāmin
taste of salt, so the teachings of the Buddha have ▶ Sotāpanna
Logic (Buddhism) 701

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9. de Silva L (1978) Cetovimutti, Paññāvimutti and
Ubhatobhāgavimutti. Pali Buddh Rev 3(3):118–145 Anumāna-pramāṇa; Anumiti; Hetuvidyā; Nyāya-
10. Schmithausen L (1981) On some aspects of descrip- śāstra; Tarka-śāstra; Tarka-vidyā; Vādavidhi
tions or theories of ‘Liberating Insight’ and ‘Enlight-
enment’ in early Buddhism. In: Bruhn K (ed) Studien
zum Jainismus und Buddhismus, Gedenkschrift für
Ludwig Alsdorf, pp 199–250. Franz Steiner, Definition
Wiesbaden
The technical term for logic in Indian philosoph- L
ical tradition is anumāna, anu (after, i.e., follow-
ing) + māna (another means of knowing, i.e.,
Life-Monad perception), translated, not exactly, as inference
which is a Western concept. It is a mediated or
▶ Jīva (Jainism) indirect means of knowing, the immediate and
direct one being perception (pratyakṣa). It is
a mode of knowing which starts with a perceived
inferential sign as evidence or reason and ends in
knowing an unperceived inferable predicate, both
Lineage of the Buddhas
being the properties of the same locus. Another
function of logic is to structure and evaluate the
▶ Buddhavaṃsa
mode, nature, contents, and purpose of reasoning
both in syllogistic and non-syllogistic forms.

Liquor, Spirits, Intoxicant Introduction

▶ Alcoholic Drinks and Drinking (Buddhism) Every Indian philosophical school has its own
pramāṇaśāstra, a methodology of dealing with
various ways of knowing, their origin (utpatti),
nature (svarūpa), number (saṃkhyā), object
Little Tradition (Buddhism) (viṣaya), resulting cognition (phala), knowledge
of resulting cognition (phalajñāna), ascertain-
▶ Folklore (Buddhism) ment of knowledge (jñapti), and purpose
702 Logic (Buddhism)

(prayojana) ([1], pp. 399–400). But different Buddhists like Vasubandhu, Dignāga, Dharmakīrti,
schools accept different numbers of ways of Śāntarakṣita, and many others prefer to have a very
knowing (pramāṇa), from one to nine. At the strong system of epistemology and logic in order to
same time, there is one legendry thinker, namely, challenge dogmatism and prejudices of the
Sañjaya, considered to be a thorough skeptic Brāhmaṇic tradition. This entry, for short of
(saṃśayavādī), who does not only question the space, will mainly discuss in brief the logical
efficacy of pramāṇas but also warns of their dan- views of Dignāga and Dharmakīrti without detail-
gerous implications ([1], pp. 124–125). A second ing their differences on various logical issues.
thinker, Jayarāśī, who is a Cārvāka, denies the
validity of the pramāṇas (=pramāṇaviplava).
Buddhist Nāgārjuna is a third thinker who, Epistemology in Dignāga and
according to Candrakīrti, does not deny the empir- Dharmakīrti
ical utility of the four pramāṇas accepted by
Nyāya but demonstrates emptiness (śūnyatā) of Although the entire system of epistemology and
all philosophic views (dṛṣṭi) including the logic is called pramāṇavāda, the study of the infer-
pramāṇa theories for the reasons that they are ential process, the resultant cognition, and other
the products of conceptual networking and so related issues is called hetuvidyā, which highlights
speculative (kalpanājāla, vikalpa, prapañca), the centrality of inferential evidence, also differ-
grounded in unexamined presuppositions are ently called logical reason, probans, indicator, and
mutually conflicting are have falling claims establishing property (hetu, liṅga, gamaka,
under analysis, and above all destructive of the sādhakadharma) in different contexts. The pur-
purpose of promoting universal compassion pose and role of the pramāṇas in general is to
(mahākaruṇā). His logical method is famously acquire knowledge of desired objects of both cate-
known as reductio ad absurdum argument gories, empirical and transcendental. They enable
(prasaṅga), which analyzes the very conditions one to discriminate and then choose between valid
of a theory construction and its unfounded pre- and invalid cognition, truth and falsity, good and
suppositions (=pratyaya-parī kṣā). He, along evil, and right and wrong (=artha-anartha-
with his devout commentator Candrakīrti, divides vivecana) ([5], p. 15). In this sense, according to
exhaustively all theories under four modes of the Indian pramāṇa tradition, knowledge has
predication (catuṣkoṭi) and shows their emptiness both intrinsic and instrumental values. It is actually
in content. A reality, according him, is beyond the the highest value, which is supposed to be neces-
grasp of concepts (aparapratyaya) and these sarily prior to any effort to be initiated to accom-
modes (prapañcaśūnya). He announces in his plish other human values, as Dharmakīrti rightly
Vigrahavyāvartanī [2] that he does not propound propounds in the very first aphorism (sūtra) of his
any theory of his own (pratijñā). The reason is Nyāyabindu
that he is preparing the universal ground to exe- (samyagjñānapūrvikāpuruṣārthasiddhiḥ) ([6],
cute the Mahāyāna goal to cultivate and promote Vol. I, p. 1). A noteworthy characteristic of Indian
compassion and he finds conflicting speculative philosophy is that its epistemology, logic, seman-
and dogmatic views as obstacles in the process of tics, axiology, and soteriology are all inseparable.
executing this goal. His commentator Candrakīrti As a result, they give rise to differing worldviews
says that Nāgārjuna composed his treatise and corresponding ways of life.
the Madhyamakakārikā out of compassion for Nevertheless, a special characteristic of Bud-
and to awaken the suffering fellow beings dhism is that its thinkers are radical in every
(karuṇayāparāvabodhārthaṃ śāstrapraṇayanam) aspect of their philosophical enterprise and they
([3], Vol. I, p. 1); hence, he is neither a skeptic show this characteristic in shaping their episte-
nor a nihilist, even though he is critical of pramāṇa mology and logic as well, which are the founda-
theories in general ([4], pp. 85–111; [1], tion of their ontological, semantic, axiological,
pp. 279–299, 384–393). But his other fellow and religious doctrines. In brief, they subscribe
Logic (Buddhism) 703

to process philosophy, non-substantiality of by mind. As a result of this epistemic failure, on

everything including self (anātmavāda) in ontol- the analogy of cinematographic principle, the flow
ogy, double negation theory in semantis of these particulars gives rise to a spatiotemporal
(apohavāda) to reject ontological commitment in continuant, which lacks externality but is express-
the relationship between meaning and reference, ible in judgment. Thus, it is a construction of
supremacy of ethical action (karma) guided by mind (kalpanā) which does not only construct
autonomy (Pali: attakāra) of the moral agent and an empirical individual but also does its categor-
his intentionality (cetanā) and thus denying the ical structuring in terms of its proper name
role of any external agency like God in it, equating (yadṛcchā-śabda), genus (jāti-śabda), substance
ethical actions with the attainment of nirvāṇa, and (dravya-śabda), quality (guṇa-śabda), and action
so on. Furthermore, they radically differ with the (kriyā-śabda), which are all general concepts
dogmatism of scriptural authority of the Vedas (sāmānya-pratyaya). Further, the two types of
and other texts, Upaniṣadic absolutism, Sāṃkhya knowable objects are related, Dharmakīrti will
dualism, Mīmāṃsā’s heaven-oriented rituals and say, in the sense that a svalakṣaṇa, despite its
empirical realism, Nyāya–Vaiśeṣika realism, and being graspable (grāhya) only in perception and
Jaina realism and its practice of self-mortification inexpressible, one talks about it, which is possible
for liberation. The list is too large to be elaborated only through reflection (adhyavasāya), which is
here. an indirect means, and so it is a case of inference.
In Buddhism, it is Dignāga who shifted the Contrary to it, although sāmānyalakṣaṇa
Abhidharmic emphasis of Vasubandhu and his is directly graspable (grāhya) only in inference,
predecessors on ontology to epistemology and it is a fact that it is constructed against
logic by subordinating the former to the latter. At the background of unique perceptions
the same time, he defied Nāgārjuna’s deconstruc- (=pratyakṣapṛṣṭhabhāvī vikalpa) ([1], p. 407). L
tion of all philosophic views (sarvadṛṣṭiśūnyatā) This can be known only through reflection
followed by his no-thesis theory. As a matter of (adhyavasāya), that is, in indirect way
fact, he pioneered and systematized the study of (=anumāna). Whereas particulars which have
epistemology and logic. Consequently, both Bud- causal efficiency (arthakriyākāritva) are genu-
dhist and non-Buddhist philosophical traditions inely real, the universal is real only in the second-
were compelled to join him in debate and priori- ary sense because it is devoid of causal efficiency,
tized these two areas. The very beginning of his but metaphorically it is called a useful fiction in
celebrated text Pramāṇasamuccaya and Svavrtti human life. This discussion shows that there is an
[7] is to classify exclusively only two ways of inbuilt inferential function in man’s day-to-day
knowing – perception (pratyakṣa) and inference experience, judgment, and thinking.
(anumāna) – determined by their respective Moreover, man’s conventional perception of
objects (viṣaya, artha), particular (svalakṣaṇa) an empirical object like table, which is a complex
and universal (sāmānyalakṣaṇa). This arrange- combination of particulars without any external
ment is called pramāṇavyavasthā. Further, unifying principle like universal, is in reality
according to Dignāga, the particular object, a mentally constructed fiction, although it serves
which is directly given to the senses in the form a meaningful practical purpose in his life. The
of a mere sensation, is in nature eventual, unique, realist like Nyāya will also take the table as
inexpressible in judgment, and so unstructured. In a complex combination of irreducible parts,
other words, the svalakṣaṇas are, to quote Daye, namely, atoms (avayava), but then it will invoke
“allegedly unique, flashing staccato bits of expe- an ontological unifying principle, namely, whole
rience” ([8], p. 239). On the other hand, the (avayavin), which gives rise to an empirical indi-
sāmānyalakṣaṇa is universal in nature and vidual like table. In the same vein, Nyāya invokes
grasped in inference. It is constituted in and by another ontological unifying principle called uni-
mind when the quick flow of the sensations or versal (sāmānya) to organize individual tables as
particulars in their original form is not grasped a natural class (jāti). In this scheme, an individual
704 Logic (Buddhism)

table is a member of the class table or tableness, Dignāga–Dharmakīrti system of logic, strictly
which is a universal. Thus, every table is the speaking, the whole logical exercise, that is, the
possessor or qualificandum (dharmin) of the inferential process, is conceptual. Another point
tableness, which is a qualifier (dharma) and to be noted here is that an empirical object, as
related to the individual table by the relation of Dignāga says, is considered to be not only
inherence (samavāya), another ontological princi- a complex combination of irreducible factors but
ple. Dignāga rejects Nyāya’s whole explanation also possesses (=dharmin) a multiple layer of
by terming it irrational and dogmatic. According various properties (anekarūpa), which senses can-
to him, the whole idea of these ontological prin- not grasp in totality (dharmiṇo ’nekarūpasya
ciples is preposterous. They are functional only nendriyāt sarvathā gatiḥ) ([7], Vol. I, p. 5a; [9],
mentally in order to fulfil the intellectual require- p. 143). Therefore, in a case of inference of fire
ments of one’s understanding of the nature of from smoke, a desiring cognizer has to keep in
empirical objects in man’s common world. Thus, mind only a relevant specific property of smoke,
Dignāga deconstructs the ontology of whole, uni- such as its being an effect arising from fire’s
versal, and inherence relation, which are indis- specific property of being the cause of producing
pensable in realistic systems of Nyāya–Vaiśeṣika the smoke. Similarly, mountain’s property of
and Mīmāṃsā. Still, Dignāga makes epistemol- being the locus of the two, which are mountain’s
ogy not only meaningful but also sustainable properties, should also be kept in mind. Then the
under opposition attacks. He thinks that the break- issues of various kinds of relationship among
down of dharma–dharmin relation ultimately them crop up. Remember that all these are con-
paves the way for establishing a genuine and ceptual exercises, since they are guided by intel-
purposeful pramāṇa system, which dissolves lectual requirements. The three – smoke, fire, and
false beliefs in wrong views. Consequently, one mountain – do not speak for themselves as to what
finds a strong reason to destroy one’s attachment properties they have and what functions they per-
(rāga), aversion (dveṣa), and intellectual confu- form ([5], pp. 5, 48ff).
sion (moha), the three root-motivating factors of In an inference situation like inferring fire from
suffering, in respect of worldly objects. Ulti- smoke, one perceives a body of smoke and on the
mately, his epistemology claims to be an effective basis of past experiences of seeing smoke and fire
tool to overcome suffering and attain nirvāṇa. together regularly in various compatible loci,
What a radical feat! which are now established examples (dṛṣṭānta),
one naturally intends to infer the presence of fire
in that very place. This leads to inferential knowl-
Logic in Dignāga–Dharmakīrti School edge (anumiti). But this is not so simple when the
whole inferential process and various issues
As it is clear from the above discussion, involved in it are analyzed. First, this is not
a particular in the form of sensation, a private a private affair. It is available to others too and
awareness, is an object of perception for so it is a public matter. Now, in the present case,
a cognizer, which cannot be shared by or commu- some significant questions arise, such as Does one
nicated to anyone else unless it is conceptually infer just an isolated and unique case or a general
categorized and thus identified as table, smoke, case? When one’s past and present experiences
fire, mountain, etc., which are taken as spatiotem- make him to say, “Wherever there is smoke there
poral objects given externally, whereas in truth, is fire,” how can one generalize on the basis of
they are mentally constructed ones. Sharing of a few examples? Is there any universal relation-
knowledge or communication, which is public in ship between smoke and fire on the basis of which
nature, is made possible only at the stage of one makes such a general statement? How to be
sāmānyalakṣaṇa, a form of internal inference. sure that what one sees as smoke is a genuine
The external or conventional inferential smoke? What are the types of logical reason?
awareness falls under this domain. In How to rule out the possibility of errors in an
Logic (Buddhism) 705

inferential process? Does mere seeing smoke in inference is not different from svārthānumāna.
a place ensures inferential knowledge? One has to As a matter of fact, its issues and their treatment
look for answers of these and many more such are the same. That is why Dignāga calls it with
intellectual questions. The Buddhist logic of a different name but only in a metaphorical sense.
Dignāga and Dharmakīrti does deal with all Dharmakīrti agree with this ([8], p. 147, n. 9).
these questions.
Before discussing the classification of infer-
ence and related issues like determining the gen- Three Criteria of a Legitimate Sign
uineness of the evidence, a few terminological (Trairūpyaliṅga)
clarifications are required here. In the smoke–fire
case, for example, the smoke is called as evidence Dignāga in his Pramāṇasamuccaya with Svavṛtti
(logical reason, justification, inferential sign, ([9], pp. 231–251; [10], pp. 50–73) and
mark, probans, establishing property, or indicator Dharmakīrti in his Nyāyabindu ([6], II) and
according to the context); fire as establishable Pramāṇavārttika [11] insist that for a successful
property (inferable predicate, probandum); the inferential process, it is imperative that a legiti-
invariable relation between them as concomi- mate inferential sign (liṅga) or logical reason
tance; and mountain as locus (subject, property (sadhetu) fulfils three criteria, namely:
possessor), which is virtually the inferable
(anumeya) because to be precise one infers “fire- 1. The logical reason must be present in the sub-
possessing mountain” from “smoke-possessing ject or locus (pakṣa) under consideration.
mountain.” Thus, the key concepts in an inferen- 2. The logical reason should be present only in
tial process are probans (hetu), probandum similar or compatible subjects or loci
(sādhya), concomitance (vyāpti), and locus or (sapakṣa). L
subject (pakṣa). 3. The logical reason must not be present in dis-
similar or incompatible subjects or loci
(asapakṣa, vipakṣa)
Two Kinds of Inference
These universal logical criteria are formulated
Dignāga and Dharmakīrti admit two kinds of on the basis of past experiences of established
inference, namely, inference for oneself examples (dṛṣṭānta) in which the presence of log-
(svārthānumāna) and inference for others ical reason is known to be compatible with the
(parārthānumāna). The former is that inferential first and second – pakṣa and sapakṣa – but incom-
knowledge which a well-informed cognizer patible with the third, asapakṣa/vipakṣa. These
attains on the basis of his past experiences and three present together necessary and sufficient
knowledge of the concomitance relationship conditions for deciding the legitimacy of the log-
between probans and probandum, that is, between ical reason, which is indicative of the presence of
the property of inferable sign (like smoke) and the the predicate property. However, each one of them
property of inferable predicate (like fire). This has a separate role to play in the inferential pro-
inferential knowledge is epistemic in nature cess leading to valid inferential knowledge. The
(jñānātmaka), which arises when the inferential first criterion is restricted to the present case as
sign fulfils the three criteria to be discussed in the a concrete example, which is known for
next section. But if the knower wants to commu- establishing compatibility between the logical
nicate his knowledge in a logical manner to reason and the subject. Besides, it also eliminates
another person, then he will have to do it in the possibility of mistaking an irrelevant sign as
a syllogistic form involving two or three steps, a legitimate one. Thus, it ensures the correctness
instead of five steps as found in Nyāya system. of the very beginning of the inferential process.
This is parārthānumāna, which is syllogistic in The second one takes into consideration those
nature (śabdātmaka). In essence, this kind of possible similar cases, which may not have
706 Logic (Buddhism)

simultaneously the relevant logical reason in it process if the cognizer knows the natural invari-
like the first one, but when the cognizer recalls able relation (svabhāvapratibandha) between the
them, they support it. Thus, the second criterion logical reason (e.g., smoke) and the predicate
strengthens the legitimacy of the logical reason. property (e.g., fire). One must note here that
The third one rules out the irrelevant cases, which the various formulations of the three-criteria
are not known for being a subject for the logical theory [12] are found in the history of Indian
reason under consideration. It thus contributes to logic, but their discussion is not possible in
the certainty of the desired result, that is, inferen- this entry.
tial knowledge of the predicate property. In the
example of smoke–fire–mountain, the presence of
smoke as evidence or logical reason is perceived The Concept of Invariable Relation
in the mountain as a subject by a cognizer. This is (Avinābhāvasambandha)
a known cognitive situation for him. This fulfils
the first criterion. The second step is to recollect The most crucial concept in the theory of inference
similar known subjects in which the same logical is the invariable concomitance relationship
reason may be present, namely, kitchen and bush. (vyāpti) between the probans (logical reason) and
This satisfies the second criterion, which also the probandum (the property to be inferred). This
establishes concomitance relation between one concept insures the universal propositions like
smoke and fire affirmatively (=anvaya). The “Wherever there is smoke there is fire.” In the
third step is to recollect those known subjects, realist system like Nyāya, “relation” enjoys a sep-
which are not compatible with the present logical arate ontological category, which is established in
reason, namely, lake and sky. This is the negative this case through inductive process, that is,
method to establish the same concomitance repeated observations (bhūyodarśana, in early
(=vyatireka). These criteria may be psychological Nyāya). But in Buddhism, the case is different. It
to an extent and not formal in nature in Western denies the ontological status to relation. Particu-
sense, but they are logically very effective in larly Dignāga and Dharmakīrti are severely critical
arriving at inferential knowledge of Indian vari- on this theory. However, in Dignāga and his pre-
ety, that is, anumāna. decessors, one finds a major problem in this case
In his text Pramāṇavārttika, Dharmakīrti takes that they either overlooked the issue of necessary
a different position from what he maintains in his relation between probans and probandum or failed
Nyāyabindu, following Dignāga, on the necessity to find a solution to it. In the case of Dignāga, he
of three-criteria theory. He considers three only emphasizes the existential presence of the
criteria not only cumbersome but also stringent, inferential sign and its direct awareness by the
although his predecessor Dignāga himself in his cognizer, but he does not explain the necessity of
Pramāṇasamuccaya had relaxed the stringency some kind of invariable relationship, which is
a little bit by conceding that the consideration of imperative to claim valid inferential knowledge.
one example of the second and the third each He thinks that only the fulfilment of the three
would suffice. He is also aware of the possibility criteria guarantees logical certainty.
of the third one being redundant or superfluous, Dharmakīrti realizes the above problem and so
not because some interpreter would say so, but he introduces the concept of natural relationship
because the second one presumes the third one. (svabhāvasambandha), which provides the
Despite these apprehensions, Dignāga subscribes reason for necessary invariable relationship
to the three-criteria theory and considers it as an (avinābhāvasambandha=vyāpti) ([5],
adequate theory in itself. Nevertheless, pp. 37–38; [12], pp. 121–126). He thinks that
Dharmakīrti in his autocommentary (Svavṛtti) regularity or invariability between any two con-
on the Svārthānumāna chapter of the cepts or realities, suppose smoke and fire, is
Pramāṇavārttika dares to maintain that the first because of their natural bond
criterion is sufficient to complete the inferential (svabhāvapratibandha), which grounds both
Logic (Buddhism) 707

regularity in their association or invariable rela- between them, besides insuring the fulfilment of
tionship (avinābhāvasambandha, vyāpti) the three criteria by the reason concerned. The first
between the two relata, namely, smoke and fire. reason is the observation of effect like smoke,
It also serves as the necessary condition for whose specific property of being a smoke as an
acquiring universal knowledge expressed in the effect is produced by fire whose specific property
form of universal proposition: “Wherever there is in this case is the property of being a cause of the
smoke there is fire.” Thus, Dharmakīrti rejects the smoke. Thus, two have natural causal relationship
idea of inductive method and also the ontological (svabhāvapratibandha), which is the ground for
status of relation like inherence (samavāya). Fur- invariable concomitance. For this reason, the
thermore, Hayes elaborates Dignāga’s verse 2:15 smoke is the legitimate logical reason to infer the
and his Vṛtti on it, which explain the status of both presence of fire. This is technically called
inferential sign and the property inferred as uni- tadutpatti, “effected from that.”
versals as follows: The second kind of logical reason is identity
The point of this passage is to show that the infer- as evidence (svabhāva-hetu), which marks an
ential sign and the property inferred though it must analytical relationship between logical reason
be universals. The reasoning is explained by and the property to be inferred. In other words,
Jinendrabuddhi in his ṭı̄ ka . . .. The reasoning as the two share the same natural identity
spelled out there can be recapitulated as follows.
At the time when we observe smoke and fire (svabhāva). The difference between the two is
together, we necessarily observed a particular that the logical reason has the narrower
instance of smoke (S1) with a particular instance or pervaded status (vyāpya), while the predicate
of fire (F1). That instance of fire (F1) is never seen property has the wider or pervader status
with any other instance of smoke (Sn, where n is
other than 1). Now suppose the property to be (vyāpaka). Here, the invariable relation between
inferred were just that particular of fire (F1). Since the two is the shared identity. Some of the L
every subsequent instance of smoke (S2, S3, S4 . . . examples of this kind of reason are “This is
Sn) is as absent from fire (F1) as they are absent from mango, therefore it is a fruit;” “This is lotus,
places where there is no fire at all, we should never
be able to infer the presence of the fire (F1) from the therefore it is a flower;” and “This is śiṃśapā,
sign (Sn). Therefore, if there is any inference at all, it therefore it is a tree.” In these examples, it is of
can only be of a universal fire-in-general. By common experience that mango, lotus, and śiṃś
a similar line of reasoning, it can be shown that apā are, respectively, a natural kind of fruit,
the inferential sign can function only as
a universal. For the particular instance of smoke flower, and tree. An important point to be
(S1) is as absent from (F2, F3, F4, . . . Fn) as it is noted here is that only the pervaded can be
absent when there is no fire at all, and not being a logical reason, whose all instances are covered
related to (F2, F3, F4 . . . Fn) as it is absent when by its pervader, which has other pervaded kinds
there is no fire at all, and not being related to (Fn,
where n is other than 1) it can of course never be the too. Thus, the pervader “fruit” pervades other
grounds for inferring it. ([9], p. 245) fruit kinds too, namely, apple, guava, and
banana. The same is the case with flower and
tree as pervaders.
Three Kinds of Legitimate Inferential It will not be out of place to quote an observa-
Sign (Triliṅga) tion made by Hayes and Gillon, which throws
light on the Buddhist concept of svabhāva:
Dharmakīrti introduces three kinds of inferential A number of studies have been conducted by mod-
sign or logical reason (liṅga, hetu) – effect as ern scholars with the aim of clarifying the concepts
evidence (kārya-hetu), identity as evidence surrounding that of the natural property (svabhāva)
(svabhāva-hetu), and non-perception as evidence as used by Dharmakīrti in his Pramāṇavārttika and
other of his epistemological works. The term
(anupalabdhi). When one infers one property “svabhāva” appears by itself but also as an element
from another, both of which are located in in two key compound phrases, “svabhāva-
a compatible subject or locus, one has to consider pratibandha” and “svabhāva-hetu.” Steinkellner
the kind of natural relation the two properties have (1971) studied each of the 347 occurrences of the
708 Logic (Buddhism)

term “svabhāva” in the PVSV [Pramāṇvārttika- logical reason and the absence as predicate prop-
svavṛtti] and was able to show how the term fits erty. As per the above analysis, non-apprehension
into the overall context of epistemological and
metaphysical technical terminology in this text. In is pervaded and absence is pervader. The former
this study Steinkellner showed, for example, that derives its property of being evidence (hetu)
the concept of natural property is closely tied to the from the latter’s property of being establishable
concept of causality. He showed that in predicate, both of which are possessed by the
Dharmakīrti’s sytem that which makes an object
real or actual is its capacity to fulfill a purpose common floor, which is now empty. As a matter
(erfüllen eines Zweckes, arthakriyāsamartha), of fact, there are numerous absences in the same
a capacity that belongs to complexes of causal fac- locus, rather an empty locus has all kinds of
tors that collectively have the ability to produce an absences except itself, but since in this context
effect. This capacity is based on the svabhāva of the
causal complex (Ursachenkomplex); the term there is a debate about non-apprehension of the
“svabhāva” therefore has connotations of power pot, one infers the absence of the pot only. Fur-
(Kraft) and capacity. Moreover, since it is the com- ther, because of the non-apprehension of the pot,
plex of a thing’s causes that make a given thing not even the process of acquiring knowledge of the
only real but an individual with a unique place in
time and space, this causal complex is what gives an pot and subsequently the effort of acting toward
object its particular identity; the term “svabhāva,” the pot are not possible (apravṛtti) when the pot
being closely related to the power of the causal is not present. Non-apprehension of the pot and
complex, therefore also has connotations of indi- the absence of the pot present a negative mode of
viduality and identity, that is, the aspect of a thing
that makes it what it is and distinguishes it from inference, which is similar to or logically equiv-
what is other than itself. ([5], p. 43) alent to the positive mode of inferring like “This
is a mango, therefore it is a fruit.” Thus, the
The third kind of logical reason is non- svabhāva of non-apprehension of x and absence
apprehension (anupalabdhi), which is effective of x are identical, but for reflective understand-
in the inference: “There is no pot on the floor, ing, they are considered two different concepts.
because it is not apprehended.” In this case, not Now, the form of the argument will be “There is
apprehending the pot on the floor leads to the non-apprehension of p, therefore there is absence
inference of the absence of the pot on the floor. of p” or “There is an absence of p, because there
For the realist like Nyāya, absence (abhāva) is is non-apprehension of p.” For this reason,
a negative fact. It has an ontological status and is anupalabdhi-hetu falls under the variety of
grasped by perception. Dharmakīrti rejects this svabhāvahetu. The only difference between the
dogmatic and untenable position. According to two is that the former is a negative mode and the
him, non-apprehension occurs in a cognitive situ- latter is positive. Dharmakīrti has discussed
ation where all other favorable conditions like in detail anupalabdhi-hetu and its various
perception of the empty floor as a compatible forms in his Nyāyabindu, Pramāṇavārttika, and
locus, sufficient light, and cognizer’s unimpaired Hetubindu, along with many variations and prob-
vision are present. It is also the fact that if the pot lematic issues ([13], pp. 277–296; [5],
had been present on the floor, it must have pp. 66–67). It is not possible to elaborate them
been perceived because of its natural property of here.
being perceived (=upalabdhi-lakṣaṇa-prāpta, Further, in the present context, Hayes and
svābhāsa-jñāna-janana-yogya) ([5], pp. 46–48), Gillon’s remarks on the significance of
and then the perceiver would have approached it anupalabdhi-hetu for a Buddhist logician like
and tested its presence. But this is not possible in Dharmakīrti are not only very interesting but
its absence. Since absence is not a thing and the also most appropriate in the present discussion:
pot is not perceived (=logical reason), the absence
of the pot can be inferred only. The study of how it is that one comes to be aware of
absence, and how one can differentiate between acts
Now the question is how to explain a natural of non-apprehension that signify non-existence and
invariable relation between non-apprehension as acts of non-apprehension that accompany the
Logic (Buddhism) 709

existence of non-sensible properties, is important of the three fallacies each to understand the nature
for Dharmakirti’s overall agenda of providing of logical fallacies:
a rational foundation for the teachings of Bud-
dhism. With a Buddhist context it is considered
important for one’s happiness that one be fully 1. Hetvābhāsa:
aware of the absences of things that people are (a) Thesis: The mountain has fire.
normally inclined to presume are present. The (b) Reason: Because it has fog.
most important example of an absence of this type
in the Buddhist context, of course, is the absence of Here, the argument is invalid because
a self (ātman), for it is the presumed presence of the logical reason, that is, fog, is irrelevant
a real and lasting self that is said to be the basis of all (asiddha) to the thesis. It does not fulfill
counterproductive strategies to find contentment the very first criterion of a legitimate
and satisfaction. Therefore, becoming aware of the
absence of a self, or at least of a self as anything reason.
other than a socially mediated convention, is a most 2. Pakṣābhāsa: Thesis: The pot is permanent.
important goal to strive to attain. Perhaps one more Here, the thesis is incompatible with an
example will illustrate this. There is (we sincerely inferential knowledge.
hope) no crocodile sitting in your lap as you read
these words. The absence of the crocodile is avail- 3. Dṛṣṭāntābhāsa:
able to the senses, but it may not have been until you (a) Thesis: Sound is permanent.
read these words that the thought “There is no (b) Reason: Because it is incorporeal like an
crocodile in my lap” occurred to you, and you act, an atom, and a jar.
may therefore have missed the full richness of the
experience of having a crocodile-free lap, such as In this argument. . ., [Bharadwaja explains] the hetu
the emotional satisfaction that usually attends the (b) together with three examples is supposed to
realization that one is not about to be become support the thesis (a). But the examples are defi-
a reptile’s next meal. Similarly, according to Bud- cient: the example of action is wrong; for action
dhist teachings, becoming fully aware of the being non-eternal, the example does not connect to L
absence of an enduring self provides the conditions the thesis (a), viz., ‘Sound is eternal.’ The example
necessary for experiencing the full and lasting sat- of atom is also wrong; for the predicate ‘being
isfaction that attends being liberated from being incorporeal’ is not true of atom; so the example
concerned with oneself. ([5], pp. 63–64) fails to connect to the hetu (b); viz., ‘sound is
incorporeal.’ Finally, the example of jar is wrong;
for it connects neither to the thesis (a) nor to the hetu
(b). Thus all three examples are really pseudo exam-
Logical Fallacies ples, i.e., dṛṣṭāntābhāsa. ([14], p. 43)

Dignāga and Dharmakīrti extensively discuss the

issue of errors in logical reasoning, technically There are numerous kinds of fallacies
called logical fallacies. As it is clear from the depending on the various forms of argument,
preceding discussion that to acquire the inferential which one need not discuss here.
knowledge of an establishable property (sādhya) Buddhist logic is a very vast area of study,
like fire, it is imperative that one establishes the which involves fierce debates spanning over
genuineness of the logical reason (hetu), compat- a thousand years not only among the Buddhists
ibility of the subject (pakṣa), and appropriateness but also between them and the opponents like
of the established example (dṛṣṭānta). Therefore, Naiyāyikas, Mīmāṃsakas, and the Jainas. This
if there is any error in anyone of these three, then entry is a modest attempt to highlight in brief
the form of logical argument will be invalid and only those aspects of Buddhist logic as
inferential knowledge will be false. Thus, there represented by Dignāga and Dharmakīrti, which
are three kinds of fallacies: concerning logical are important.
reason (=hetvābhāsa), subject (=pakṣābhāsa),
and established example (=dṛṣṭāntābhāsa), Cross-References
which are required to be evaluated to arrive at
valid conclusion. Below one can find one example ▶ Universal
710 Lokanāt

References
Lokeśvara
1. Prasad HS (2007) Chapter 10: Understanding Bud-
dhist epistemology. In: The centrality of ethics in
▶ Avalokiteśvara
Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Bhattacharya, K (ed & tr) (2005) Dialectical method of
Nāgārjuna: Vigrahavyāvartanī, reprint. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
3. Vaidya PL (ed) (1960) Madhyamaka-kārikā of
Nāgārjuna with the Vṛtti of Candrakīrti. Darbhanga,
Long Shu (Chinese)
4. Prasad HS (1995) Emptiness of language and mean-
ing: a Mādhyamika formulation. Int J Commun ▶ Nāgārjuna
5(2):85–111, Delhi
5. Hayes RP, Gillon BS (1991) Introduction to
Dharmakīrti’s theory of inference as presented in
Pramāṇavārttika Svapajñavṛtti. J Indian Philos
19:1–73 Lotus Guru
6. Srinivas Shastri (ed & tr) (1975) Nyāyabindu of
Dharmakīrti with Dharmottara’s Ṭı̄ kā (Into Hindi).
▶ Padmasambhava
Sahitya Bhandar, Meerut
7. Hattori M (tr) (1968) Dignāga, On perception: being
the Pratyakṣapariccheda of Dignāga’s
Pramāṇasamuccaya from the Sanskrit fragments and
Tibetan versions. Harvard oriental series 47. Harvard
University Press, Cambridge
Love
8. Dunne JD (2004) Foundations of Dharmakīrti’s phi-
losophy. Wisdom, Somerville ▶ Metta
9. Hayes RP (1988) Dignāga on the interpretation of
signs. Studies of Classical India Series, Dordrecht
10. (1988) Pramāṇasamuccaya of Dignāga with Svavṛtti,
see Hayes
11. Gnoli R (ed) (1960) The Pramāṇavarttika of Loving-Kindness
Dharmakīrti: the first chapter with the
autocommentary. Rome
▶ Metta
12. Oetke C (1994) Studies on the Doctrine of Trairūpya.
Wien
13. Chakrabarti KK (2011) Classical Indian philosophy of
induction: the Nyāya viewpoint. Lexington Books,
New York
14. Bharadwaja VK (1990) Form and validity in Indian
Lumbinī
logic. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla (in
collaboration with Munshiram Manoharlal, Pub- K. T. S. Sarao
lishers, New Delhi) Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Lokanāt Synonyms

Lumbinīvana; Luṃmini; Lumbinī Grove;

▶ Avalokiteśvara
Rummendei; Rummindei

Definition
Lokāyata
The grove where Queen Māyā gave birth to the
▶ Materialism (Buddhism) Buddha.
Lumbinī 711

Lumbinī was a grove situated between the cities of important spot in Lumbinī is the spot where the
Kapilavatthu (Sk: Kapilavastu) and Devadaha. It marker stone slab, located deep within the
was here where the Buddha was born. This place, Māyādevī Temple, apparently pinpoints the spot
now known as Rummindei, is located inside where Queen Māyā had given birth to Prince
Nepal at a distance of about 3 km from the Indian Siddhārtha holding the branch of a tree.
border. In the Sutta-Nipāta, it is stated that the The important monument of Lumbinī is the
Buddha was born in a village of the Sākyans, in ninth-century nativity sculpture of the Buddha
the Lumbineyya janapada (district of Lumbinī) depicting the image of Māyā, mother of Lord
([1], p. 683). The Devadaha Sutta, a critique of the Buddha, taking support during the time of birth
teachings of the Niganṭhas, was preached by the of her child with Prajāpatī, sister of Māyādevī and
Buddha in Lumbinīvana (Lumbini Grove) where stepmother of Lord Buddha, supporting Māyā in
he is said to have spent a night while on his way to the delivery while two celestial figures are receiv-
Devadaha ([2], p. 810). ing the newly born baby standing upright on
Archaeological records from Rummindei show a lotus pedestal.
that the construction of stūpas in Lumbinī itself The Aśokan pillar, known as the Rummindei
began during the third century B.C.E. and contin- Pillar of Aśoka, is the most authentic historic
ued up to the eighth or ninth century C.E.. More document relating to Lumbinī. The full text and
than 30 stūpas have so far been excavated in its translation are as follows:
Lumbinī, and all of them except numbers 6 and
Text
31 are votive stūpas. Stūpa number 6 is the only devāna piyena piyadasina lājina vīsativasābhisitena
śaririka (corporeal) stūpa found in Lumbinī. atana āgāca mahīyite hida budhe jāte sakyamunī ti
In the absence of an inscription, it is not silāvigaḍabhī cā kālāpita silāthabhe ca usapāpite
possible to know what relics it contains. Stūpa hida bhagavaṃ jāte ti luṃminigāme ubalike kaṭe L
aṭhabhāgiye ca ([5], p. 45).
number 31 has yielded 19 terracotta seals with
inscriptions in Brāhmī characters of the Gupta Translation
King Priyadarśin, darling of the gods, came here in
period. Another stūpa had pairs of flowers incised person in the twentieth year of his coronation and
on all four corners (see [3], pp. 42–43; [4], paid homage. (As) the Śākyamuni Buddha was born
pp. 9–13). Most of these stūpas have been either here, I caused a stone pillar to be erected and a stone
repaired or “restored” to their original form. Now, bearing a horse placed on it. (As) the Śākyamuni
Buddha was born here, the revenue of Lumbinī
various Buddhist organizations from different village was reduced to eighth portion.
countries have built stūpas and monasteries here,
the latest one being the 42-ft-tall World Peace Despite its extreme brevity, the inscription
Pagoda. mentions – and this comes from the mouth of
To the south of the Aśokan pillar is located the King Aśoka himself that he came in person
Sacred Pond in which Queen Māyā had taken bath (atana) on pilgrimage here in the twentieth year
before giving birth to her son. This tank is men- of his coronation (c. 249 B.C.E.) as the
tioned by both Faxian and Xuanzang in their Śākyamuni Buddha was born here. This proves
travel accounts ([5], pp. 47, 54). The site that the practice of pilgrimage had become widely
witnessed the construction of a burnt brick struc- popular among the followers of the Buddha by
ture that now is known as the Māyādevī Temple Aśoka’s time and had, thus, had already existed
which apparently marks the exact spot of the for quite some time. This inscription also shows
Buddha’s birth. This place appears to have that devotion to the Buddha had reached a stage of
grown into a worship place by providing a brick growth and zeal capable of motivating people to
platform and a path for pradakṣiṇā (circumambu- undertake religious journeys which were not only
lation) the memorial as early as the third century grueling and long but were also full of hazards.
B.C.E. To the south of the Māyādevī Temple are Above all, the importance of this inscription lies in
located remains of the vihāras built between third the fact that the tradition by Aśoka’s time had
century B.C.E. and sixth century C.E. The most already fixed the localization of the birth of the
712 Lumbinī Grove

Buddha at Lumbinī and not at Kapilavastu where, 10. Fleet JF (1908) The Rummindei inscription and the
most probably, it should have taken place. conversion of Aśoka to Buddhism. J Roy Asiat Soc
40:471–498
11. Khadka NS (1997) Lumbini’s development: salvaging
a sacred site. Spotlight, 10 Jan 1997, pp 16–21.
Cross-References 12. Pande RN (1995) Lumbini: the birthplace of Lord
Buddha, The Silk Road Dialogue, pp 37–53
13. Rijal BK (1979) Archaeological Remains of
▶ Aśoka Kapilavastu, Lumbini and Devadaha. Educational
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni Enterprise, Kathmandu
▶ Kapilavatthu 14. Sircar DC (1965) Select inscriptions bearing on the
▶ Stūpa Indian history and civilization, vol 1 2nd revised &
enlarged edn. University of Calcutta, Calcutta,
▶ Sutta-Nipāta pp 67–68
15. United Nations (1983) Lumbini: the birthplace of the
Buddha, New York.
References

1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1913) The Sutta-Nipāta.

Pali Text Society, London
2. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922) Lumbinī Grove
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
Buddhaghosācariya, vol 2. Pali Text Society, London ▶ Lumbinī
3. Mishra TN (1996) The nativity sculpture of Lumbini
and its conservation. Rolamba 10(4)
4. Rijal BK (1997) Excavations at Mayadevi temple in
Lumbini. The Buddha Era, monthly magazine, Kath-
mandu, vol 4, pp 13–17
5. Deeg M (2003) The places where Siddhārtha trod: Lumbinīvana
Lumbinī and Kapilavastu. Lumbini International
Research Institute, Lumbini ▶ Lumbinī
6. Bidari B (2000) Lumbini, past present and future with
master plan, Singapore
7. Bidari B (2004) Lumbini: a haven of sacred refuge,
3rd edn. The Sacred Garden, Lumbini
8. Department of Tourism (1996) An overview of
Lummini
Lumbini. Royal Government of Nepal, Kathmandu
9. Falk H (1998) The discovery of Lumbini. Lumbini
˙
International Research Institute, Lumbini ▶ Lumbinī
M

Madhupurī Definition

▶ Mathurā Mādhyamika is a Buddhist system of tenets (or

a proponent of those tenets) propounding a middle
free from the extremes of permanence (that phe-
Madhurā nomena ultimately exist) and annihilation (that
phenomena do not exist even conventionally).
▶ Mathurā Mādhyamikas propound the nonexistence of
a nature – true establishment – and assert that
phenomena are established as dependent arisings.
Madhyama Āgama

▶ Majjhima Nikāya Introduction

A person who is a Mādhyamika (in English, a

Madhyamā Pratipad proponent of the Middle Way School) is
a proponent of the Great Vehicle (see the entry
▶ Middle Way (Buddhism) on “▶ Mahāyāna”) Buddhist tenet system called
Mādhyamika, considered by many to be the highest
expression of Buddhist philosophical thought.
Mādhyamika A Buddhist tenet system is differentiated from
non-Buddhist tenet systems by adhering to the
William Magee well-known four seals that certify a philosophical
UMA Institute of Tibetan Studies, Charlottesville, position as Buddhist: all compounded things are
VA, USA impermanent, all contaminated things are suffering,
Tibetan Studies, Dharma Drum Buddhist College, all phenomena are selfless, and nirvana is peace.
Taipei County, Taiwan, China Later doxographers in Tibet (see the entry
on “▶ Tibet”) identified four schools of Buddhist
tenets: the Great Exposition School (see the entry
Synonyms on “▶ Vaibhāṣika”), the Sūtra School (see
the entry on “▶ Sautrāntika”), the Mind Only
Proponents of non-nature; Proponents of the mid- School (see the entry on “▶ Yogācāra”), and
dle way Mādhyamika (the Middle Way School). Each
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
714 Mādhyamika

system attempts to describe how phenomena Emptiness is often asserted to be a negative

exist, avoiding the two extremes of permanence phenomenon. It is negative because it is an
and nonexistence and thereby occupying absence of inherent existence that is cognized
a philosophical middle, the ideal Buddhist philo- through the elimination of an object-to-be-
sophical position. negated (inherent existence). Within being
In general, holding to an extreme of perma- a negative, emptiness is said by followers of the
nence implies that one’s philosophical view has Prāsaṅgika-Mādhyamika school (the most influ-
deviated from reality toward a belief in an overly ential of the Mādhyamika divisions) to be a non-
substantial mode of existence. Holding to an affirming negative because nothing remains fol-
extreme of nonexistence implies that phenomena lowing the refutation of the object-to-be-negated.
do not exist. Since nihilistic beliefs prompt Negatives can be divided into affirming nega-
unethical behavior, they are considered to be par- tives and non-affirming negatives. An affirming
ticularly dangerous wrong views, leading to negative leaves something after the elimination.
rebirth in unfortunate circumstances. From For instance, the affirming negative “the fat
a Buddhist perspective, only a middle between Devadatta does not eat during the day” affirms
these extremes describes reality, wherein there is that he eats during the night. Unlike an affirming
the possibility of causes functioning to produce negative, a non-affirming negative leaves nothing
effects. after the negation. Emptiness for the Prāsaṅgika-
The actual definitions of the middle and the Mādhyamika school is a non-affirming negative
extremes vary with each tenet system. Unlike because it is a mere elimination of inherent exis-
other tenet systems, the Mādhyamika equates the tence in a thing. Without inherent existence, phe-
extreme of permanence with true existence. True nomena are relegated to the status of mere
existence refers to inherent existence or own-being imputations onto their bases of imputation.
(svabhāva). In this system which denies the exis- Phenomena that are mere imputations fulfill
tence of true existence, each material and mental the criteria of existing, according to the
phenomenon in the universe is said to exist conven- Mādhyamika School. They exist even though
tionally as a mere designation. Things do not exist their final mode of existence is emptiness of inher-
by way of their own entity. When searched for ent existence. Proponents of Mādhyamika are also
among their bases of designation (their parts and called proponents of non-entityness because they
so forth) all that can be found of them are terms and propound that phenomena have no entityness, that
names (see the section on “Ultimate Analysis”). is, no true establishment or own-being.
While things exist conventionally as names, their It is said that the innate ignorance that con-
ultimate truth is an emptiness of an inherently exis- ceives of inherent existence traps beings in cyclic
tent nature that is truly established (see the entry on existence. The process of acquiring the wisdom
“▶ Śūnyatā”). An inherently existent nature truly necessary to overcome ignorance is often
established does not exist, but is only imagined to described as having three aspects: hearing, think-
exist by an innate ignorance conceiving of a self. ing, and meditating. The Mādhyamika tradition
The Mādhyamika view involves the negation of claims that it is helpful to consult the great com-
inherent existence: emptiness. Although emptiness mentaries, to study logic and other ancillary
is a mere absence of inherent existence, the nega- topics, generate an inferential cognition of empti-
tion does not preclude causes and effects which are ness, and pursue this inference in meditation until
like the creations of a magician, appearing to be one’s realization becomes a direct perception of
inherently existent but actually not inherently exis- emptiness. The Mādhyamika School holds that
tent. Thus, the Mādhyamika view includes realization of emptiness yields the wisdom that
a negative aspect – the absence of inherent exis- acts as an antidote to the ignorance that is the
tence – and a positive aspect – a presentation of root of cyclic existence. With the realization of
conventional phenomena which are like illusions. emptiness, one is released from ignorance, anger,
Mādhyamika 715

and attachment, the causes of rebirth in cyclic Nāgārjuna

existence. Finally, Mādhyamikas assert that com-
plete familiarity with emptiness leads to the omni- Although the Buddha himself first propounded
scient consciousness of enlightenment. emptiness in the Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras,
Nāgārjuna is held to be the founder of the
Mādhyamika School because he composed the
Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras Six Collections of Reasonings for the sake of
determining the definitive emptiness by way of
many reasonings.
The central tenets of the Mādhyamika School are
derived from the Prajñāparamitā (Perfection of Nāgārjuna propagated Great Vehicle teachings
two millennia ago at Nālandā Monastic Univer-
Wisdom) Sūtras. Little is known about the origins
sity in Magadha. Little is known of his life or
and development of the Prajñāparamitā Sūtras.
Buddhist tradition ascribes them to the Buddha, times except for the extensive mythology sur-
rounding him, complete with numerous prophe-
but some scholars place their composition at
sies of his birth from both sūtra and tantra
a various later dates. Conze gives a range from
100 B.C.E. to 1200 C.E. and places the Eight literature. Even without historical data, the exis-
tence of such an extensive mythology clearly
Thousand Stanza Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra as
indicates the importance for the Mahāyāna of
the oldest of the texts. Lancaster confirms this in his
report that the Eight Thousand Stanza Perfection of this early treatise author.
Nāgārjuna is considered by his followers to
Wisdom Sūtra was the first of the Mahāyāna Sūtras
have expressed the essence of the Perfection of
to appear in China, around 180 C.E.
Emptiness and inherent existence are the sub- Wisdom Sūtras in his seven treatises:
ject matter of numerous passages in the Perfection
1. Fundamental Treatise called “Wisdom” (dbu
of Wisdom Sūtras. The Eight Thousand Stanza
ma’i bstan bcos/dbu ma rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur
M
Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra brings up nature in its
byas pa shes rab ces bya ba, madhyama-
discussion of the emptiness of the five aggregates.
kaśāstra/prajñānāmamūlamadhyamakakārikā)
It states:
2. Essay on the Mind of Enlightenment (byang
Subhuti, since the five aggregates are without chub sems kyi ’grel pa, bodhicittavivaraṇa)
nature, they have a nature of emptiness.
3. Refutation of Objections (rtsod pa bzlog pa’i
The five aggregates are often spoken of in tshig le’ur byas pa, vigrahavyāvartanīkārikā)
Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras in terms of being 4. Seventy Stanzas on Emptiness (stong pa
empty, and this passage states that their emptiness nyid bdun cu pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa,
is due to their lack of nature. The passage speaks śūnyatāsaptatikārikā)
of nature in two contradictory senses: the imag- 5. Sixty Stanzas of Reasoning (rigs pa drug cu
ined nature that the aggregates do not possess but pa’i tshig le’ur byas pa, yuktiṣaṣṭikākārikā)
appear to possess is inherent existence. This is 6. Treatise called “The Finely Woven” (zhib mo
mentioned in the phrase: “the five aggregates are rnam par ’thag pa zhes bya ba’i mdo,
without nature.” Their emptiness of inherent exis- vaidalyasūtranāma)
tence, which is their reality nature, is also referred 7. Precious Garland of Advice for the King
to as “they have a nature of emptiness.” (rgyal po la gtam bya rin po che’i phreng ba,
The Eight Thousand Stanza Perfection of rājaparikathāratnāvalī)
Wisdom Sūtra shows the early usage of “nature”
in two contradictory senses of the reality nature From among these, Nāgārjuna’s Treatise on the
and the inherent nature. The Perfection of Middle is the central treatise of the Mādhyamika
Wisdom Sūtras are also a source for the assertion tradition. Tibetan exegetes usually approach
that emptiness itself is devoid of nature. Nāgārjuna’s Treatise through Chandrakīrti’s
716 Mādhyamika

Clear Words commentary. Chandrakīrti describes always finds just nothing. This non-finding of
the purpose of Nāgārjuna’s treatise as being inherent existence is variously interpreted, but is
a hermeneutical one, to determine the interpret- often asserted by Mādhyamika practitioners to be
able and the definitive among passages of scrip- the finding of its absence, the emptiness of inher-
ture through providing examples of ultimate ent existence. In the face of the ultimate analyses
analysis proving that phenomena are empty of of Nāgārjuna, the non-finding of inherent exis-
true establishment. Although the purpose of the tence is the finding of emptiness.
Treatise is to determine the interpretable and the Thus, Mādhyamikas are saying that
definitive among passages of scripture, the subject unenlightened beings live in a world of entities
matter of the Treatise is extensive, covering many that appear to exist by way of their own nature,
topics regarding emptiness and other topics. For and yet are merely imputations. All these entities
instance, besides emptiness, the Treatise discusses function and yet are empty of inherent existence.
the Four Noble Truths, actions and their effects, Things that exist conventionally, such as tables,
the Three Jewels, and so forth. However, the main jars, mental events, and so forth, are all said to be
subject matter is the proof of emptiness through conventional truths.
ultimate analysis. Ultimate analysis shows that each phenomena
also has an ultimate truth, an emptiness of inherent
existence. The conventional truth, the table, and
Ultimate Analysis the ultimate truth, the emptiness of the table, are
related as one entity, but different isolates (i.e.,
For students of Mādhyamika, one of the most things that exist as one entity but can be isolated
valued aspects of the Treatise on the Middle is by thought, such as a pot and its impermanence).
Nāgārjuna’s investigative method. Perhaps In this way there are two truths for each
Nāgārjuna’s most important innovation is the phenomenon.
employment of ultimate analysis to determine Emptiness is also empty. However, it is said to
the ontological status of things. Unlike conven- be an ultimate rather than a conventional truth
tional analysis – which inquires into what some- because it exists the way it appears to an ultimate
thing is – ultimate analysis inquires into how consciousness. An ultimate consciousness does
something exists by searching for a findable not cognize conventionalities but instead realizes
mode of subsistence. Such analysis seeks an emptiness: it has the absence of inherent existence
inherently existent essence or nature through as its object. According to some Tibetan medita-
examining objects or events for evidence of inher- tion systems, ultimate consciousnesses can be
ent existence. Thus, the sphere of ultimate analy- conceptual or nonconceptual. A nonconceptual
sis is limited to determining the presence or ultimate consciousness is a meditative equipoise
absence of inherent existence. directly realizing emptiness. A conceptual ulti-
In practice, ultimate analysis finds nothing. mate consciousness realizes emptiness through
This non-finding of a findable mode of subsis- a conceptual image. Since emptiness is a slightly
tence confirms the absence of such a mode hidden phenomenon (like impermanence), it can
(which would be inherent existence) and thus the be brought to mind indirectly at first through an
presence of the emptiness of inherent existence. inference and then, eventually, directly in medita-
Not everyone agrees that this is Nāgārjuna’s inten- tion. Because all emptinesses are generically sim-
tion in his Treatise, but for those who do agree, the ilar, perception of the emptiness of any
important point is that ultimate analysis is phenomenon leads to a realization of the empti-
engaged in a search for inherent existence or per- ness of all phenomena. This is important for
suasive evidence of inherent existence, and not Mādhyamika soteriological theories, since it
just existence in general. Since nothing has inher- means that the meditator need not realize the
ent existence (described as independent existence emptiness of all things in order to be released
by Nāgārjuna and his followers), ultimate analysis from ignorance: the realization of the emptiness
Mādhyamika 717

of one thing (such as the self of the person) is all make it a solid, visible, findable entity. If a thing
that is required to remove ignorant misconcep- cannot be found under analysis than it must not be
tions of other things. inherently existent; it must be empty of inherent
Just as there exist ultimate and conventional existence and have some other mode of subsis-
consciousnesses capable of certifying the two truths tence: in short, it must be a dependent arising, an
for a phenomenon, so too there are conventional entity that is merely imputed in dependence on its
and ultimate analyses. Conventional analysis is any parts.
type of logical process that inquires into conven- In chapter two of the Treatise on the Middle,
tionalities to determine facts. Conventional analysis titled “An Analysis of Going and Coming,”
is performed when inquiring into the facts of ordi- Nāgārjuna uses ultimate analysis to examine
nary matters: taxes, the weather, and so forth. motion for evidence of inherent existence. In one
According to Tibetan scholars, confusion some- section of this entry Nāgārjuna examines the path
times arises when one mistakes an ultimate analysis beneath the person walking. He divides the road
for a conventional analysis; at such times it seems into three parts relative to the person’s foot: the
a paradox has been identified, for instance, the not yet gone over, the already gone over, and the
question, “If a tree falls in the forest and there is currently being gone over. There is no fourth
no one to hear, does it make a sound?” This often- possibility.
asked question may in fact be inquiring into the First Nāgārjuna looks at the not yet gone over.
mode of subsistence of sound, since it is trying to Certainly there is no motion to be found there,
determine whether sound is dependent on ears and since the walker has not yet arrived at that part of
so forth. Therefore, it may be an ultimate analysis. the road. Regarding the already gone over, there is
Similarly, the commonly discussed “paradox” of no motion on that part of the road either, since the
Zeno, regarding the impossibility of Achilles catch- walker has moved on from there. The only place
ing the tortoise (since the distance between them left to find motion is on the currently being gone
must be halved ad infinitum), may also be consid- over. But Nāgārjuna points out the difficulty of
M
ered ultimate analysis by Tibetan proponents of finding motion there. If one asserts that the motion
Mādhyamika. is under the heel, then the toe of the walker is on
A basic premise of ultimate analysis is that the not yet gone over part of the road (and there is
inherent existence, if it existed, would always be no motion on the not yet gone over part). If one
findable. This is because inherent existence as asserts that the motion is at the toe, then the heel of
defined by Nāgārjuna is independent of causes, the walker is on the already gone over part of the
parts, and imputation. In discussing a classic road (and there is no motion on the already gone
tetralemma posed by Nāgārjuna regarding the over part). If one says that the motion is beneath
impossibility of inherently existent production the foot as a whole, that is ignoring the obvious
from self, other, both self and other, or fact that there is no foot separate from its various
causelessly, Chandrakīrti and later Tibetan exe- parts: toe, heel, and middle.
getes expand on Nāgārjuna’s thinking (see the Since inherently existent motion would have to
entry on “▶ Nāgārjuna”). In their commentarial exist from its own side and not be dependent on
literature on the Treatise, they assert that if a thing imputation, this analysis reveals an absence of
has inherent existence it must be immutable, it inherently existent motion. For some interpreters,
must not depend on another, it must always be this means that Nāgārjuna has proven that there is
existent or nonexistent, it must be substantially no motion at all. However, according to other
existent, it must be vividly observable separately (especially the Tibetan Ge-luk) exegetes, it is
from all other phenomena, it must have one important to understand that motion exists, since
unchanging entity, and it must be simultaneous the walker indeed gets from point A to point B.
with its causes and conditions, and so forth. Their But they assert that the motion is merely imputed:
position is that something with inherent existence a name given to its parts. It is conventionally
would have a mode of subsistence that would existent, lacking inherent existence.
718 Mādhyamika

Although the Mādhyamika School makes the the Svātantrika and Prāsaṅgika schools became dif-
point that things are unfindable under analysis, it ferentiated from each other.
also asserts this position to be compatible with A further division appeared in the eighth
cause and effect. Many are puzzled at how the century, when Shāntarakṣhita incorporated ele-
Mādhyamika School can assert the existence of ments of the Yogācāra system (see entry on
a world of merely imputed entities in which “▶ Yogācāra”) into that of Bhāvaviveka.
specific causes lead to their own discrete effects. Shāntarakṣhita later traveled to Tibet and taught
If all is imputation, cannot anything be anything? his Mādhyamika system there, where it came to be
The answer given is usually that all things known as the Yogācāra-Svātantrika-Mādhyamika
existing as imputations does not mean that any- in contradistinction to Bhāvaviveka’s Sautrāntika-
thing can be anything, but rather that phenomena Svātantrika-Mādhyamika.
exist interdependently with mind. Because they From the point of view of Tibetan
exist interdependently with mind they do not doxographers, the primary difference between
have inherent, independent existence. Instead, the Svātantrika and Prāsaṅgika systems is not
things exist dependently. Lacking the inherent whether they employ prāsaṅga or not, but in
existence they would have with independence, the subtlety of their view of emptiness. The
things exist only conventionally. From the Svātantrika view is that phenomena are
Mādhyamika standpoint, only conventionally established by way of their own character conven-
existent phenomena possess the fluidity neces- tionally but not ultimately. The Prāsaṅgika view is
sary to be effects and to produce causes. All that phenomena are not established by way of
other modes of subsistence involving true their own character even conventionally.
existence are too solid for causality to operate.
Similarly, nonexistent entities also cannot pro-
duce effects. Mādhyamika in Tibet

From among the two Great Vehicle philosophical

Divisions of Mādhyamika systems originating in India – Mādhyamika and
Yogācāra – most Tibetan lineages favored the
The two main sub-schools of the Mādhyamika Mādhyamika. Inspired by the presence of
system are the Svātantrika and Prāsaṅgika Shāntarakṣhita (c. 725–784) and Kamalashīla
Mādhyamika. These terms do not appear in Indian (c. 740–797), and then reinvigorated by Atisha
texts but are adduced by Tibetan doxographers. after a period of anti-Buddhist sentiment,
They state that the split occurred in the sixth Mādhyamika became the dominant philosophical
century when Bhāvaviveka, in his Lamp for system of Tibetan Buddhism.
(Nāgārjuna’s) Wisdom (prajñāpradī pa), criti- Kamalashīla was one of the great pandits of
cized Buddhapālita’s Commentary (see the entry Nālandā Monastery in Northern India. He jour-
on “▶ Buddhapālita”) for its use of logical conse- neyed to Tibet at the request of the king and
quences (prāsaṅga) (see the entry on founded Samye (bsam yas), the first Tibetan
“▶ Bhāvaviveka”). Among other criticisms of Buddhist monastery, where the first Tibetan Bud-
Buddhapālita, Bhāvaviveka asserted that a philo- dhist monks were ordained. His compendium of
sophical argument must be stated as an “autono- philosophical systems, the Tattvasamgraha,
mous syllogism” (svātantraprayoga). In response, serves as a model for later Tibetan presentations
Chandrakīrti rejected Bhāvaviveka’s argument. He of tenets (grub mtha’). Shāntarakṣhita’s student
stated in his Clear Words, that it is unsuitable for Kamalashīla also made the journey to Tibet,
a Mādhyamika to use autonomous syllogisms. where legend has it he was victorious in a debate
Because of this, Chandrakīrti is considered by at Samye with a Chinese monk named Hva-shang
many to be the founder of Prāsaṅgika. In this way Mahāyāna. At stake in this debate was whether
Mādhyamika 719

meditation on emptiness had content or whether it system, phenomena do not exist at all, but the
focused on nothingness. Kamalashīla took the Other Emptiness is not a phenomenon: it is the
side of content and his victory had a profound noumenon which exists by way of its own nature.
effect on later Tibetans who asserted a gradual Dol-po Shay-rab-gyal-tsen felt this type of empti-
path to enlightenment as opposed to a sudden ness to be the actual meaning of the sūtras and
path. Kamalashīla is the author of a commentary commentaries of Indian Buddhism and that it was
on the Tattvasamgraha and other works on the most profound ultimate. Dol-po, who came
Mādhyamika practice and view, such as the upon this interpretation in a vision, relegated the
Madhyamakaloka. “self-emptiness” of Nāgārjuna (or as he called it,
Following a period of Buddhist persecution by “empty empty”) to a provisional position. One of
the Tibetan king Lang-dar-ma (glang dar ma), the Dol-po’s innovations was to mix sūtra and tantra
Indian pandit Atisha arrived in Tibet in 1041. texts into one system, with the Kālachakra Tantra
Atisha founded the Sang-pu Monastery and the elevated into the position of being the chief mode
Ka-dam-pa (bka’ gdam pa) lineage. The Ka-dam- of progressing on the path. He rejected traditional
pa lineage stressed a gradual path to enlighten- interpretations of Mādhyamika and referred to his
ment, and its founder’s most influential text, own system as Great Mādhyamika (dbu ma chen
the Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment po).
(bodhipathapradipa), presented Buddhist prac- Many Tibetan Mādhyamikas before the four-
tices organized in stages according to the capaci- teenth century, including Dol-po, stressed nihilis-
ties of three types of beings: those who wish for tic interpretations of the emptiness propounded by
high status in future lives, those who desire Nāgārjuna and Chandrakīrti. In the fourteenth
a solitary peace, and those who aspire to the and fifteenth centuries, Tsong-kha-pa Lo-sang-
bodhisattva ideal of leading all sentient beings to drak-pa (tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pa,
enlightenment. This organizing principle and the 1359–1417), father of the Tibetan Ge-luk (dge
literary genre of stages of the path texts was fur- lugs) lineage, established a logically structured,
M
ther developed in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- methodical approach to establishing a Prāsaṅgika-
turies by Tsong-kha-pa. Mādhyamika view that upholds conventional
Early Tibetan proponents of Mādhyamika (dbu existence and conventionally existent causes and
ma pa) include Ngok Lotsawa (rnog lo tsa ba), effects, while rejecting any sort of existence that is
Cha-pa-cho-gyi-senge (phyva pa chos kyi seng established by way of its own nature. Tsong-kha-
ge), and Nyi-ma-drak (nyi ma grags). Since pa’s disciples founded the Ge-luk lineage, which
Nāgārjuna’s Treatise is terse, Tibetan exegetes due to the political power of its Dalai Lamas
preferred not to approach it without a commen- eventually became the dominant lineage in
tary. These scholars introduced the commentarial Tibetan Buddhism.
works of Chandrakīrti into Tibet, and from then Tsong-kha-pa upholds conventionally existent
on Chandrakīrti’s commentaries on Nāgārjuna phenomena by distinguishing two separate
remained the most influential among those who spheres of awareness: ultimate consciousnesses
considered Nāgārjunian emptiness of inherent and conventional consciousnesses. These con-
existence to be the final ultimate. sciousnesses certify the existence of objects in
In the twelfth century, a competing interpreta- their spheres (emptinesses and all other phenom-
tion of the Indian commentaries was put forward ena, respectively) by means of valid cognition.
by Dol-po Shay-rab-gyal-tsen (dol po pa shes rab Valid cognitions, which yield incontrovertible
rgyal mtshan, 1292–1361), the founder of the Jo- knowledge, can be either inferences that occur in
nang lineage. Dol-po asserted an inherently exis- dependence on a correct sign or direct percep-
tent Buddha within all beings. Since this Buddha tions. In this way, Tsong-kha-pa explains why an
is empty of being anything other than itself, it is ultimate analysis of a pot, which finds nothing,
called an “Other Emptiness.” According to this does not deny the existence of the pot (which is
720 Mādhyamika

a conventional phenomena and not within its variant interpretations, which finds all interpreta-
sphere) but only denies the inherent existence of tions that do not accord with his own either
the pot. “too broad” or “too narrow” (in the sense of insuf-
Since Tsong-kha-pa asserts that conceptual ficient). “Too broad” interpretations of
inferential consciousnesses can behold emptiness Mādhyamika negate existence itself, and not
incontrovertibly, by means of a correct sign or merely inherent existence. “Too narrow” interpre-
reason, he based a large part of his meditational tations negate something that is, in Tsong-kha-
structure on identifying emptiness through rea- pa’s opinion, not inherent existence and therefore
soning. He called this approach the Path of not subtle enough to destroy all traces of the
Reasoning. ignorance that binds creatures to the round of
Tsong-kha-pa wrote numerous treatises in his rebirth.
lifetime, but among his most important works on “Too broad” interpretations, according to
the Mādhyamika view are: Tsong-kha-pa’s system, are those which are
Explanation of (Nāgārjuna’s) “Treatise on the Mid- nihilistic. They assert that Nāgārjuna’s ultimate
dle”: Ocean of Reasoning/Great Commentary on analyses reveal that phenomena do not exist.
(Nāgārjuna’s) “Treatise on the Middle” (dbu ma Tsong-kha-pa’s explanation is that such analyses
rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur byas pa shes rab ces bya ba’i do not reveal that things do not exist, but merely
rnam bshad rigs pa’i rgya mtsho/rtsa shes tik chen);
Extensive Explanation of (Chandrakīrti’s) reveal that things do not inherently exist. Instead
“Supplement to (Nāgārjuna’s) ‘Treatise on the Mid- of being nonexistent, according to Tsong-kha-pa,
dle’”: Illumination of the Thought (dbu ma la ’jug phenomena are certified existent by valid cogni-
pa’i rgya cher bshad pa dgongs pa rab gsal); tions. This explanation has been widely criticized
Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path/Stages
of the Path to Enlightenment Thoroughly Teaching in Tibet by such authors as Tak-tsang (stag tshang
All the Stages of Practice of the Three Types of lo tsa ba shes rab rin chen), Go-ram-pa (go ram
Beings (lam rim chen mo; skyes bu gsum gyi rnyams pa), and Gendun Cho-pel (dge ‘dun chos ‘phel),
su blang ba’i rim pa thams cad tshang bar ston pa’i who feel that a consciousness that is revealed to be
byang chub lam gyi rim pa).
The Essence of Good Explanations, Treatise mistaken about the appearance of a phenomenon
Discriminating the Interpretable and the Definitive cannot also be considered valid in the sense of
(drang ba dang nges pa’i don rnam par phye ba’i incontrovertible.
bstan bcos legs bshad snying po). “Too narrow” interpretations of Nāgārjuna
Tsong-kha-pa’s disquisitions on Mādhyamika include Svātantrika-Mādhyamikas as well as
all have a “political” agenda as well as modern theorists who see Mādhyamika as
a soteriological goal: the refutation of nihilistic a critique of language and conceptuality. These
interpretations of Nāgārjuna (especially the modern interpretations are often attempts to align
Other Emptiness of Dol-po) and the establishment Nāgārjuna’s theories with those of European phi-
of his own interpretation of the “self-emptiness” losophers. Numerous more traditional “insuffi-
found in Nāgārjuna’s texts as the most profound cient interpretations” view Mādhyamika as an
Buddhist ultimate. attack on Hindu philosophical assertions or see it
as a sophisticated method for refuting all philo-
sophical theses. It is no wonder that this last
interpretation is very common in Tibetan and
Interpretations of Mādhyamika modern philosophical circles since Nāgārjuna
and Āryadeva both have statements to the effect
Just as there were a variety of interpretations of that they have no theses, systems of thought, or
Mādhyamika in Tibet, so modern scholars of positions. However, Tsong-kha-pa feels that these
Mādhyamika find they do not agree on the mean- statements require interpretation. He ammends
ing of Nāgārjuna’s texts. Tibetan and non-Tibetan these statements to the effect that they have no
interpretations can be conveniently categorized theses, systems of thought, or positions involving
with reference to Tsong-kha-pa’s schema of inherent existence.
Magadha 721

Cross-References
Magadha
▶ Bhāvaviveka
▶ Buddhapālita K. T. S. Sarao
▶ Mahāyāna Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
▶ Nāgārjuna Delhi, Delhi, India
▶ Sautrāntika
▶ Śūnyatā
▶ Tibet Synonyms
▶ Vaibhāṣika
▶ Yogācāra Modern South Bihar

References Definition

1. Conze E (1973) The perfection of wisdom in eight An important kingdom in ancient India.
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Magadha was one of the 16 mahājanapadas
middle way. Oxford University Press, Oxford (states) at the time of the Buddha. According to
3. Hayes RP (1994) Nāgārjuna’s appeal. Lond: J Indian Buddhaghosa, it got its name from a tribe of
Philos 22:229–378 khattiyas called Magadhā ([1], p. 135f). Initially,
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Rājagaha (Sk: Rājagṛha) was its capital which was
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London core of the state was the area of modern Bihar
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7. Lopez DS (1987) A study of Svatantrika. Snow Lion, outside the pale of Āriyan and Brāhmaṇical cul-
Ithaca ture and was, therefore, looked down upon by
8. Magee W (2004) Expressing the fallacy from Brāhmaṇical writers. At the time of the Buddha,
the viewpoint of a pervader: Nāgārjuna and the puta-
tive consequences of Svabhāva. Chung-Hwa Buddh
the kingdom of Magadha was bounded on the
J 17 south by the Vindhyā mountains, on the west by
9. Magee W (2000) The nature of things: emptiness and the river Sona, on the north by the Gaṅgā, and on
essence in the Geluk World. Snow Lion, Ithaca the east by the river Campā, the state of Aṅga
10. Murti TRV (1980) The central philosophy of Bud-
dhism. Unwin, London
being beyond the Campā ([2], Vol. iv, p. 454).
11. Napper E (1989) Dependent arising and emptiness. Sona formed the boundary between Magadha
Wisdom, London and the Licchavi Confederacy, and both the states
12. Newland G (1994) The two truths. Snow Lion, Ithaca evidently had equal rights over the river.
13. Robinson RH (1972) Did Nagarjuna really refute all
philosophical views? Philos East West 22
According to one of the Jātakas, the state of
14. Ruegg DS (1963) The Jo Nan Pas: a school of Bud- Magadha was initially under the suzerainty of
dhist ontologists, according to the Grub Mtha’ Sel Gyi Aṅga ([2], Vol. vi, p. 272). In the Buddha’s day,
Me Lon. J Am Orient Soc Magadha and Aṅga together consisted of 80,000
15. Ruegg DS (1981) The literature of the Madhyamaka
School of philosophy in India. Otto Harrassowitz,
villages ([3], p. 179) and had a circumference of
Wiesbaden about 300 leagues ([4], p. 148). The cornfields of
16. Stearns CR (1996) The Buddha from Dolpo: a study Magadha were rich and fertile ([5], vs. 208), and
of the life and thought of the Tibetan master Dolpopa Magadha was known for a special kind of garlic
Sherab Gyaltsen. State University of New York Press,
Albany
([6], p. 920). During the early Buddhist period,
17. Williams P (1989) Mahayana Buddhism. Routledge, Magadha was an important political and commer-
London cial center, and was visited by people from all
722 Magadha

parts of northern India in search of commerce and The Haryanka dynasty was overthrown by the
of learning. In Sārattha-ppakāsinī the commen- Śiṣunāga dynasty. The last ruler of Śiṣunāga
tary of the Saṃyutta Nikāya, it has been men- dynasty, Kāḷāśoka, was assassinated by
tioned that the people of Aṅga and Magadha had Mahāpadma Nanda, the first of the so-called
a practice of performing a sacrifice annually to Nine Nandas (Mahāpadma and his eight sons).
god Mahābrahmā, in which a fire was kindled The Nanda dynasty is said to have ruled for
with 60 cartloads of firewood. These people held about 100 years. Around 321 B.C.E., the Nanda
the belief that anything cast into the sacrificial fire dynasty was ended by Candragupta who became
would bring a thousand-fold reward ([7], p. 269). the first king of the great Mauryan dynasty.
Apart from the Buddhist and Jaina texts, the Candragupta’s grandson, King Aśoka, was one
ancient kingdom of Magadha is mentioned in the of India’s most powerful and famous emperors.
Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata, and the Purāṇas. The Śuṅga dynasty was established in 185
The earliest reference to the Magadha people B.C.E. when king Bṛhadratha, the last of the
occurs in the Atharvaveda. Magadha was the cra- Mauryan rulers, was assassinated by his com-
dle of two of India’s major religions, Jainism and mander in chief, Puṣyamitra Śuṅga, who then
Buddhism ([3], p. 5), and it was from here that ascended the throne. The Śuṅga dynasty was
they spread to different parts of the Indian sub- replaced by the Kaṇva dynasty which ruled over
continent. The Buddha’s chief disciples, Sāriputta Magadha from 71 B.C.E. to 26 B.C.E. Following
and Moggallāna, were natives of Magadha. Two the collapse of the Kaṇva dynasty, the Śātavāhana
of India’s greatest empires, the Mauryan Empire dynasty of the Andhra kingdom replaced the
(c. 221–185 B.C.E.) and the Gupta Empire Magadha kingdom as the most powerful Indian
(c. 219–540 C.E.), originated from Magadha. state. However, Magadha regained its older glory
However, the information available on the early under the Gupta dynasty which ruled from c. 219
rulers of Magadha is very scanty. According to the to 550 C.E. The Gupta Empire was marked by
Purāṇas, the Magadha empire was established by extensive achievements in science, technology,
the Bṛhadratha, who was the sixth in line from literature, art, and philosophy. The Gupta period
Emperor Kuru of the Bharata dynasty. The is particularly known for having produced
Bṛhadrathas were succeeded by the Pradyotas scholars such as Kālidāsa, Āryabhaṭa,
who in turn were followed by the Haryanka Varāhamihira, Viṣṇu Śarma, and Vātsyāyana
dynasty. It appears that Magadha was ruled by who made great advancements in many academic
the Haryanka dynasty for some 200 years, its fields.
most important kings being Bimbisāra and
Ajātasattu (Sk: Ajātaśatru), both of whom were
contemporaries of the Buddha. Bimbisāra was
Cross-References
responsible for expanding the boundaries of his
kingdom through matrimonial alliances and con- ▶ Ajātasattu
quest. The states of Aṅga and Kāśī became part of
▶ Ambapālī
Magadha during his reign. Bimbisāra was mur-
▶ Aśoka
dered by his son, Prince Ajātaśatru. Under ▶ Bimbisāra
Ajātaśatru, the dynasty reached its largest extent.
▶ Pasenadi
Ajātasattu succeeded in annexing Kosala with the
▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga
help of the Licchavis, and later after several ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
attempts, he succeeded also in annexing the
Licchavi Confederacy to his empire ([8], pp. 73f,
86). Under Bimbisāra and Ajātasattu, Magadha References
rose to such political eminence that for several
centuries the history of northern India was practi- 1. Smith H (ed) (1916) Sutta-Nipāta commentary being
cally the history of Magadha. Paramatthajotikā II, vol 1. Pali Text Society, London
Magic (Buddhism) 723

2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols. partake of the supernatural, that is, phenomena,
Trübner, London practices, and individuals that go beyond what is
3. Oldenberg H (ed) (1979) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, vol 1.
Pali Text Society, London understandable in terms of the natural world. Bud-
4. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (1886) The dhist ideas about magic go back to the supernatu-
Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on ral acts of the historical Buddha. The importance
the Dīgha Nikāya, vol 1. Pali Text Society, London of these ideas can be gauged from the fact that
5. Hermann O, Pischel R (1990) The Theragāthā,
second edition with appendices by K. R. Norman & certain of the Buddha’s miraculous or magical
L. Alsdorf. Oxford, Pali Text Society acts are commemorated at four of the eight
6. Takakusu J, Nagai M (1954) Samantapāsādikā: major Buddhist pilgrimage sites of northern
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Vinaya Piṭaka, India. First is Śravastī, where he performed the
vol 4. Pali Text Society, London
7. Woodward FL (1929) The Sārattha-ppakāsinī, Twin Miracle. The details surrounding this event
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Saṃyutta Nikāya, reveal the Buddha’s complex attitude toward the
vol 1. Pali Text Society, London miraculous. According to the Dhammapad-Aṭṭha-
8. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (1901) The Dīgha kathā ([1], xiv.2; 3.35–47), the fullest version of
Nikāya, vol 2. Pali Text Society, London
9. Law BC (1946) The Magadhas in ancient India. Royal this story, a layman suspended a bowl high off the
Asiatic Society, London ground and challenged anyone who claimed to be
10. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. G.P. an arhat (an enlightened one) to prove it by flying
Putnam’s Sons, New York up and taking the bowl. Six non-Buddhist teachers
11. Sinha BP (1977) Dynastic history of Magadha.
Abhinav Publications, New Delhi tried and failed, but when the Buddhist monk
Piṇḍola learned of this challenge to the Buddha’s
teachings, he succeeded in flying up to get it. After
the Buddha heard about this, he made the rule
forbidding the nuns and monks the exercise of
Magic (Buddhism) supernatural powers in front of householders.
(Vinaya, Culla Vagga, v.8:ii, contains this rule
M
Serinity Young embedded in a much briefer story.) The six non-
Department of Classical, Middle Eastern, and Buddhists thought that this rule would also apply
Asian Languages and Cultures, Queens College, to the Buddha so they challenged him to a magic
Flushing, NY, USA display, which he accepted. The contest was held
Anthropology Department, American Museum of at Śravastī, where several of the Buddha’s disci-
Natural History, New York, NY, USA ples, both female and male, offered to perform
miracles in his place, but the Buddha declined
their offers of assistance. These exchanges signify
Synonyms the belief in the acquisition of supernatural pow-
ers by the Buddha’s followers. In response to the
Magico-religious practices challenge of the non-Buddhists, the Buddha rose
up in the air with fire rising from his shoulders and
water pouring from his lower body. The six chal-
Definition lengers and many other witnesses were said to
have been converted to Buddhism by this act.
Phenomena that goes beyond what is understand- Afterwards, the Buddha ascended to Trāyastriṃśa
able in terms of the natural world. Heaven to preach to his dead mother and where
he remained for three months. Seemingly, it is
all right for the Buddha to publicly perform
Early Buddhism miracles, but not for his disciples.
The second pilgrimage site to commemorate
Buddhism has its share of so-called magico- a miracle of the Buddha is at Sāṃkāśya, where
religious practices as both magic and religion he descended from Trāyastriṃśa Heaven
724 Magic (Buddhism)

accompanied by the gods Indra and Brahma. This As mentioned, several of the Buddha’s disci-
miracle is also recorded in the Dhammapad- ples were known for their supernatural powers,
Aṭṭha-kathā ([1], xiv.2; 3.52–54) and it also led which are based on iddhi (Skt., iddhi, later siddhi).
to the conversion of the many people who Iddhi is a fruit (phala) of enlightenment that gives
witnessed it. The third pilgrimage site connected one the ability to fly, to pass through walls,
to the performance of a miracle by the Buddha is become invisible, and shape-shift – in short, it
Rajgir, where he tamed a rampaging elephant by plays havoc with physical form which Buddhists
simply holding up his hand, and the fourth is consider to be illusory and changeable. Iddhi is
Vaiśali, where he received an offering of honey one of the five, sometimes six, classes of higher
from a monkey. knowledge, abhiñña (Skt. abhijña). Two others
The other four pilgrimage sites commemorate are the ability to recall past lives and the ability
his birth, enlightenment, first sermon, and death. to know the minds of others ([4], pp. 99–117).
In the Mahāyāna tradition, these are referred to as These powers are similar to those possessed by
and understood to be the places where the Buddha other ancient Indian ṛiṣis.
performed the eight great illusions (māyā) that So, despite the Buddha’s injunction to his dis-
enabled him to preach the dharma, such as being ciples against displaying these powers to house-
born. These pilgrimage sites, and consequently, holders, the belief in these powers is at the core of
these miraculous events or illusions, became one Buddhist thought, which interprets the Buddha’s
of the major themes in Buddhist art in the heart- many supernatural acts as based on his compas-
land of Buddhism during the fourth to the twelfth sionate wish to lead people to enlightenment, and
century ([2], pp. 32–46). his followers modeled themselves on his behavior.
Of further interest, Aśvaghhoṣa’s epic, the Once enlightenment is achieved, supernormal
Saundarananda, is about the Buddha’s use of powers are gained, but they are only to be used
the supernatural power of flying to convert his out of compassion for people who do not believe
handsome half brother Nanda. Nanda and his in the teachings of the Buddha ([5], pp. 51).
beautiful wife Sundarī are madly in love. Indeed, A later example of magical powers comes from
they are so involved with each other that they do the second-century C.E. Buddhist biography of
not hear the Buddha arrive to beg for alms. Nanda Emperor Aśoka, the Aśokāvadāna, in which
is terribly upset about this failure of hospitality supernatural power plays a central role in Aśoka’s
and respect for his older brother, so he set out after conversion to Buddhism. The was brought about
the Buddha. In this way, he ends up among the by the Buddhist monk Samudra, who inadver-
monks, as a monk, but such a reluctant one. Nanda tently wandered into a prison Aśoka had built
never ceases to long for his beautiful wife. In an and from which no one was allowed to leave. By
attempt to free Nanda from her charms, the Bud- witnessing the horrible tortures that await him
dha flies with him up to Trāyastriṃśa Heaven before his execution, Samudra realized the Bud-
where they see divine women, the apsaras, dhist truth of suffering and during the night
Indra’s celestial courtesans. Nanda develops an attained enlightenment. The next day, he is sen-
ardent desire for the apsaras and, returning to tenced to be boiled alive, but he enters
earth, devotes himself to ascetic practices in a meditative trance that prevents the cauldron
order to ultimately reach this heaven and those from getting hot, and when the executioner looks
divine women ([3], 264ff). Slowly, he comes to in the cauldron, he sees Samudra seated on a lotus.
understand that even heavenly pleasures are The executioner immediately sent word to Aśoka
empty and vain, so he retires into the forest and who came to see for himself. With his newly
becomes an arhat. The point is that Nanda’s gained supernatural knowledge, Samudra realized
enlightenment is stimulated by the Buddha’s the time had come for Aśoka’s conversion and he
miraculous ability to fly and to enter other realms, began to perform his iddhis. Just like the Buddha,
a power the Buddha used out of compassion to he flew into the air where he remained while water
convert his brother. pours from half his body and fire from the other
Magic (Buddhism) 725

half. Aśoka asked who he was and Samudra those who call upon him, such as protection from
explained he was a follower of the Buddha and fire, drowning, executioners, robbers, and ene-
that the Buddha had predicted Aśoka’s reign and mies. He can even bring children to devoted par-
that he would redistribute the Buddha’s relics ents. Avalokiteśvara is said to be versed in magic
throughout the land. Aśoka converts and agrees and therefore offers protection from the magic of
to distribute the relics, after which Samudra leaves sorcerers and witches. In other words, Buddhist
without giving him any further teaching ([6], magic is said to be stronger than any other
pp. 73–76). magic. Further, miraculous events are ubiquitous
What is of particular interest in this Buddhist in most Mahāyāna sutras.
tale is the idea that the most important and influ- Bodhisattvas are the ideal beings of Mahāyāna
ential layman in Buddhist history, Emperor Buddhism and miraculous events performed out of
Aśoka, was converted by a supernatural display, compassion, their leading virtue, are often associ-
not by the teachings of the Buddha. This is shown ated with them. Due to the decline of Buddhism in
in the next scene where Aśoka gives the very un- India, many now lost Sanskrit Buddhist texts were
Buddhist order to have the executioner burned to preserved in Tibetan. For example, a short biogra-
death. The rest of the story will deal with Aśoka’s phy of Śāntideva, the eighth-century author of the
gradual awakening to the dharma through the pivotal Mahāyāna text, Entering the Path of
wisdom and supernatural powers of his teacher Enlightenment (Bodhicharyāvatara), is contained
Upagupta, but this is not part of his conversion. in a Tibetan collection of biographies of Indian
Buddhists pandits translated by Lobsang N.
Tsonawa. The Bodhicharyāvatara is a classical
Mahāyna Buddhism guide to becoming a bodhisattva. Significantly,
this short biography describes Śāntideva’s rich
One of the earliest and most influential Mahāyāna visionary life and the miracles he performed out of
texts is the Lotus Sutra (Saddharma-puṇḍarī ka), compassion, such as replacing the lost eye of a king,
M
the setting of which immediately takes one out of flying, and creating food for starving people. He
the realm of everyday occurrences into a realm also competed in a context of magical skills with
that transcends ordinary concepts of time, space, a non-Buddhist, who he defeated by creating
and possibility where miraculous events are com- a destructive wind and then restoring everything
mon. In the center of this realm, the historical the wind had overturned, which led to the conver-
Buddha Śākyamuni sits in his supernatural aspect, sion of many people ([8], pp. 60–62). Similar stories
surrounded by gods, demons, and other heavenly are told about the other pandits in this collection.
and earthly beings as he preaches. On the first
page, it states that arhats possess the five abhijñas;
in chapter 3, the Buddha says it is through his The Mahāsiddhas
abhijñas that he saves people as do the bodhi-
sattvas once they have reached the state of not Especially well known for the power of siddhi are
sliding back ([7], p. 89). In chapter 20, the Buddha the 84 mahāsiddhas, 80 male and 4 female wan-
and another worthy demonstrate their magical dering tantric yogis who flourished in northern
powers by extending their tongues into another India between the eighth and twelfth centuries
world. Rays issued from their tongues and from and who deeply influenced Tantric Buddhism.
those rays issued hundreds of thousands of bodhi- Tantra’s origins were outside the great monastic
sattvas. In chapter 21, the Buddha gives dhāranī s, institutions of the period; it began and flourished
magical or sacred words that offer protection among wandering yogis from a wide range of social
against demons, sorcerers, ghosts, and so forth, backgrounds, though eventually tantra became part
as do the four guardians of the directions. Finally, of the monastic curriculum. Mahāsiddha biogra-
chapter 24 lists the many miraculous protections phies compiled by Abhayadatta, between the end
the celestial bodhisattva Avalokliteśvara offers to of the eleventh century and the beginning of the
726 Magic (Buddhism)

twelfth, reveal the magical powers these siddhas Ḍākinıs are comparable to yakśī s, ancient
possessed. For instance, there is Virūpa, who had Indian tree goddesses, in their ability to grant
the power to stop the sun in the sky, Maṇibhadrā boons, to bestow blessings. The great alchemist
and others who could fly, and Nāgārjuna who could and mahāsiddha Nāgārjuna was said to have pro-
control demons and create apparitions ([9], pitiated numerous yakśī s in order to obtain power
pp. 27–32, 208–210, 75–80). over the elements, and they acted as his consorts
The siddhi of creating apparitions forms the ([9], pp. 76–77). Iconographically, ḍākinīs are
heart of another biography preserved in Tibetan, usually depicted like yakśī s in early Buddhism,
that of the long-suffering Tilopa and his guru as voluptuous, mostly nude though bejeweled
Nāropa, who created endless apparitions that women.
caused Tilopa great pain and suffering. When In conclusion, Buddhist magic existed from the
Nāropa would ask him if he was happy, Tilopa earliest days of the historical Buddha and through
would reply that he was suffering because he the rise of Mahāyāna and Tantric Buddhism, yet it
could not get beyond dualistic thinking – he had clearly drew on indigenous beliefs and practices.
not yet reached enlightenment (e.g., [10], p. 53).
This and other biographies reveal that
siddhis were still employed as a teaching Cross-References
device – something to get people’s attention and
push them into a state of higher awareness. ▶ Aśvaghoṣa
Interestingly, the antinomian practices of Tantric ▶ Iddhi
Buddhism and Tantric Hinduism reify ideas about
women as polluters and utilize them for the benefit
of men by advocating contact with menstrual blood References
and sexual intercourse as a path to supernatural
1. Helmer Smith (ed) (1925) Dhammapad-Aṭṭha-kathā.
power. Further, they positively incorporate the Pali Text Society, Oxford. Translated by Eugene Wat-
pan-Indian connections between women and son Burlingame (1921, 1999) Buddhist legends. Pali
magic in the figure of the ḍākinī , who can confer Text Society, New Delhi
siddhi. Ḍākinī s are the divine and semidivine ini- 2. Huntington JC (1987) Pilgrimage as image: the cult of
the Astamahāprātihārya, Part I. Orientations 18(4)
tiatory females who are so prominent in the lives 3. Aśvaghoṣa (1999) Saundarananda Mahākāvya of
of mahāsiddhas and other tantric practitioners, Ācārya Aśvaghoṣa with Tibetan and Hindi translations
although they are sometimes actual historical (trans: Jamspal ĀSL) Central Institute of Higher
women who initiate adepts, awaken their conscious- Tibetan Studies, Sarnath. Translated by Johnston EH
(1932) The Saundarananda or Nanda the fair. Oxford
ness, and instill them with supernormal powers. On University Press, Oxford.
rare occasions, the term is used to describe a highly 4. Katz N (1982) Buddhist images of human perfection.
advanced, living female practitioner. Ḍākinī was Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
translated into Tibetan as mkha' 'gro ma, which 5. Ray RA (1994) Buddhist saints in India: a study in
Buddhist values and orientations. Oxford University
means “sky goer” – they cross over between realms, Press, New York/Oxford
as between the divine and the mundane. Being 6. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka. Princeton
initiatory goddesses, they have important salva- University Press, Princeton
tional roles and they also represent wisdom 7. Kern H (trans) (1963, 1884) Saddharma-puṇḍarıka or
the lotus of the true law. Dover, New York
(prajñā), which they can bestow along with siddhis. 8. Tsonawa LN (trans) (1985) Indian Buddhists Pandits
They do this through dreams, visions, or sudden from “The Jewel Garland of Buddhist History”.
appearances in various forms: as old disgusting Library of Tibetan Books & Archives, New Delhi
women, or as dogs, or as young beautiful women, 9. Abhayadatta (1979) The Caturaśīti-siddha-pravṛtti. In:
Buddha’s lions: the lives of the eighty-four Siddhas
and so on. Indian mahāsiddhas who constantly (trans: Robinson JB). Dharma Publishing, Berkeley
interacted with ḍākinīs were Kāṇhapa, Bhikṣana, 10. Guenther HV (trans) (1963) The life and teaching of
Kantalipa, Udhilipa, and Nāropa, among others. Nāropa. Oxford University Press, Oxford
Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī 727

Magico-religious Practices Mahāmeru

▶ Magic (Buddhism) ▶ Meru (Buddhism)

Mahābodhī Mahāmoggallāna

▶ Bodhagayā ▶ Moggallāna

Mahābodhi Taru Mahāneru

▶ Bodhi Tree ▶ Meru (Buddhism)

Mahākāla/Dravyakāla Mahānidāna

▶ Time (Buddhism) ▶ Lalitavistara

Mahākassapa Mahāpajāpatī

▶ Kassapa ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī

Mahākassapa Thera Mahā-Pakarana

˙
▶ Kassapa ▶ Paṭṭhāna

Mahākāśyapa Mahāprajāpatī

▶ Kassapa ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī

Mahāmaudglyāyana Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī

▶ Moggallāna ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī

728 Mahāsāṅghika

considerable influence of the Theravāda tradition,

Mahāsāṅghika which considers the Mahāsāṅghikas as lax, many
scholars have relied on its views.
Charles Willemen The complete Mahāsāṅghika vinaya exists in
International Buddhist College, Songkhla, Chinese translation, Taishō ed.1425, of 416–418
Thailand A.D., by Buddhabhadra and, mainly, Faxian.
Faxian had obtained the Indian original copy dur-
ing his stay in Pāṭaliputra [5, 7, 9].
Definition It is now common knowledge that vinaya, not
any doctrinal view, is the basis for any schism in
Mahāsāṅghikas are “Those of the Great Saṅgha, the saṅgha, order, in India. Doctrinal views may
Order, Community.” Mahāsāṅghika is a school result in a separate group within a school, nikāya,
resulting from the first and fundamental split in but not in a schism. The first schism, however, has
the Buddhist order, fourth century B.C. The other determined the further development of Buddhism
group is known as Sthaviravāda. in India, and beyond. Mahāsāṅghikas spread out
from Magadha via Mathurā to the Gandharan
The very first division in the Buddhist order resulted area, even to Bactria [2], the westernmost part of
in two branches: Mahāsāṅghikas, those of the Great the Gandharan cultural area. From Gandhāra they
Community, and Sthaviras, Elders [1, 3–5]. The so- spread to Hotan (Khotan). It must be remembered
called second council in Vaiśālī did not result in that they were not the only school which spread
a division, but shortly afterward, during the reign of along this route. Mahāsāṅghikas were also in
Mahāpadma Nanda in Pāṭaliputra, the split Avanti, the area of Mahākātyāyana, and they spread
occurred, ca. 340 B.C. The majority was called to India’s southeastern area, to Andhra [10, 11].
Mahāsāṅghika. A well-known tradition claims that This last area was overwhelmingly Mahāsāṅghika.
the discord was all about five points concerning the Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka was a Mahāsāṅghika
characteristics of an arhat, a worthy one. The group in that area. The Gandharan area, especially
bhikṣu, monk, Mahādeva maintained that an arhat, its western part, was mainly Sarvāstivāda, also
subject to temptation, is subject to retrogression before Kaniṣka’s Sarvāstivāda synod ca. 170 A.D.
from his level of attainment, might have a residue in Kaśmīra. Sarvāstivādins say that “everything,”
of ignorance, has doubts, gains knowledge through all factors, dharmas, exist. They develop knowl-
another’s help, and enters upon the path by means of edge, jñāna, and strive for arhatship. The plan for
an exclamation such as “Duḥkha (suffering)!”. So, their expositions is often based on the four noble
the arhat was inferior to the bodhisattva. Some truths. The rival Mahāsāṅghikas develop wisdom,
sources furthermore see a Mahādeva at the origin prajñā insight into the emptiness of factors,
of later discord in Mahāsāṅghika circles in Andhra. dharmas. They develop the bodhisattva ideal and
The Mahāsāṅghika Śāriputraparipṛcchā, want anuttarasamyaksaṃbodhi unsurpassed right
Questions of Śāriputra, which only exists in awakenment, of a Buddha. Arhatship is considered
a Chinese translation of the Eastern Jin (317–420 a lesser ideal. The plan for their expositions is rather
A.D.), Taishō ed.1465, makes it clear that the based on the six perfections, pāramitās. The antag-
oldest vinaya is the one of the Mahāsāṅghikas, onism between the two great branches can be seen
and that the Sthaviras just wanted to add to the in the Gandharan area. Part of the oldest part(s) of
rules. W. Pachow’s comparative study of 1955 of the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra, the oldest
the Prātimokṣa rules, the monastic code of pre- prajñāpāramitā, perfection of wisdom, text, which
cepts, of the different schools, confirms this infor- was translated in Chinese in the second century
mation. The so-called third council, ca. 250 B.C., A.D. in Luoyang, may have been composed in the
during Aśoka’s reign (ca. 264–227 B.C.) in first century B.C. in the Gandharan area [6, 9]. This
Pāṭaliputra, was a Sthaviravāda council, known text teaches about the role of wisdom in yogācāra,
only in the Theravāda tradition. Because of the the practice of yoga, as opposed to the development
Mahāsāṅghika 729

of knowledge in Sarvāstivāda yogācāra. When ca. northern India and in the Gandharan cultural area,
200 A.D. the Sanskrit Vaibhāṣika “orthodoxy” was not in the South [1]. The Mahāvastu, a biography
established in the North, in Kaśmīra, Nāgārjuna of the Buddha, is part of their vinaya [8].
organized a Mādhyamika group in Andhra. The Prajñāpāramitā literature is linked with
rivalry between Sarvāstivādins and Mahāsāṅghikas Lokottaravāda views. They held that Buddha tran-
was constant, but they also adopted useful and scends human limitations, that there are many Bud-
successful practices of their rivals in their respective dhas in all of the ten directions and at all times. The
yogācāra, meditative practice [13]. Kukkuṭikas ca. 250 B.C. split into Bahuśrutīyas,
In this context one may think of Harivarman’s “learned ones,” and Prajñaptivādins, “nominal-
(Sautrāntika Sarvāstivādin influenced by ists,” those who offer provisional designations,
Mahāsāṅghika ideas) (Jñānakāya) Prod- who hold that any statement is just conventional
bhūtopadeśa, Taishō ed.1646, better known in [1, 4, 5, 12]. The first group, which spread to the
the past as Tattvasiddhiśāstra or Satyasiddhiśā northwestern area and also to Andhra, was quite
stra (ca. 300 A.D.); Kumārajīva’s conversion influenced by Sarvāstivāda (Sautrāntika)
from Sarvāstivāda to Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka abhidharma. The second group mainly spread to
(end of fourth century); Aśvaghoṣa (ca. 100 A. southern India. Mahāsāṅghikas had Peṭakopadeś
D.), a Sarvāstivādin influenced by Mahāsāṅghika as, explanatory discourses about the (Sūtra)
ideas; and numerous Yogācārabhūmis, meditation Piṭaka. Mahākātyāyana, the famous preacher
manuals. from Avanti, was the ultimate authority. Maybe
Mahāsāṅghikas are essential in the develop- ca. 200 B.C. the Caitikas or Caityas, those who
ment of the so-called Mahāyāna movement, as is worship at shrines (caitya), appear. They suppos-
generally acknowledged. As the result of the edly withdrew from the area of the Ganges to
Mahāsāṅghika-Sarvāstivāda rivalry and dynam- Andhra, where they founded Buddhist centers, for
ics, Sthaviravāda schools such as the example, in Amarāvatī. The Caitikas, first century
Dharmaguptakas, but mainly Sautrāntika A.D. (?), formed two groups, Pūrvaśailas (or
M
Sarvāstivāda groups, played a very important Uttaraśailas) and Aparaśailas, in the mountains to
role too (Asaṅga’s Yogācāra group; most probably the East and to the West of Dhānyakaṭaka
Pure Land Buddhism). (Amarāvatī). Xuanzang (seventh century) informs
Mahāsāṅghikas are said to have had a about the past glory of these two groups. Two more
Tripiṭaka, but also a fourth Kṣudrakapiṭaka, groups, Rājagirika and Siddhārthika, are distin-
containing vaipulyasūtras, newly developed guished within the Caitikas in the third and fourth
(Mahāyāna) sūtras. They even seem to have had centuries. They were known to Buddhaghosa
a Dhāraṇī piṭaka. Dhāraṇī s in this case are (ca. 370–450 A.D.), who was very well informed
mnemotechnical means, used by expounders of about the region of Andhra.
the doctrine (dharmabhāṇakas), preachers. Excel-
lent preachers may be called bodhisattvas,
a common phenomenon in East Asia. Cross-References

▶ Arahant
Sectarian Development ▶ Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā
▶ Aśvaghoṣa
Mahāsāṅghikas first split into two groups, ca. 300 ▶ Buddhaghosa
B.C., in Pāṭaliputra: Ekavyāvahārikas, who ▶ Buddhist Councils
expound “a single (transcendent) utterance,” and ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
Kukkuṭikas (also called Gokulikas), most likely ▶ Gandhara
from the Kukkuṭārāma in Pāṭaliputra. The first ▶ Nāgārjuna
group became known as Lokottaravāda, ▶ Prajñāpāramitā
“proclaiming transcendency.” They were in ▶ Sarvāstivāda
730 Mahāvairocana

▶ Sautrāntika
▶ Sthaviravāda Mahāyāna
▶ Sukhāvatī
K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
References Delhi, Delhi, India

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véhicule. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Saigon
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the schøyen collection, vol I. Hermes, Oslo
3. Cox C (2004) Mainstream Buddhist schools. In: Buswell Great vehicle
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Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi Definition
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Encyclopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan Refer- One of the two major schools of Buddhism prom-
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8. Jones J (1st ed 1930; 3 vols 1949–1956) The Buddhism is generally divided into two
Mahāvastu. Luzac, London yānas – Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna. The term
9. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from
the origins to the Śaka era (trans: Sara Webb-Boin).
Hīnayāna is usually applied to early Buddhism
Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut which began with the nirvāṇa of Buddha.
Orientaliste, Louvain-La-Neuve Mahāyāna branched out of Hīnayāna though it
10. Matsuda J (1925) Origins and doctrines of early Indian traces its ultimate authority to Buddha himself.
Buddhist schools. Asia Major 2:1–78
The usual explanation offered for prefixing
11. Prebish Ch, Nattier J (1977) Mahāsāṅghika origins.
The beginnings of Buddhist sectarianism. Hist Relig mahā (superior, big, great) and hī na (inferior,
16:237–272 small, low) to yāna (vehicle) is that the former
12. Tsukamoto K (2004) The cycle of the formation of the takes a practitioner to the highest goal of buddha-
schismatic doctrines. BDK English Tripiṭaka. Numata
hood as accomplished by Siddhārtha Gautama
Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, Berkeley
13. Willemen C (2008) Kumārajīva’s explanatory dis- himself, while the latter takes a person only to
course about abhidharmic literature. J Int Coll Post- the stage of an arahant, which is considered, in
grad Buddh Stud 12:27–83 many ways, inferior to that of a buddha. Further,
as maintained by Asaṅga, the Mahāyānists never
seek their own salvation first. They take the vow
that they will attain bodhi only after they have
Mahāvairocana done all that is necessary for making all the other
beings attain the goal. As compared to this, the
▶ Vairocana Hīnayānists seek their own salvation first which,
according to Asaṅga, is selfish, and therefore he
justifies the use of the prefix hī na for them and
mahā for his own yāna (see [12], p. 8).
Mahāvasin Vihāra As Mahāyāna popularized the concept of
a bodhisattva (literally an enlightened being or a
▶ Nāgārjunakoṇḍa potential buddha) whose salient features are
Mahāyāna 731

compassion and kindness and also promoted the been stated in the Milindapañha that though Bud-
pūjā (devotional worship) of bodhisattvas such dha had passed away completely in Nirvāṇa, he
as Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara, and Maitreya, still exists in his Dharma. Similarly, the theory of
Mahāyāna is also sometimes, and perhaps more twofold truth of the Mahāyānists can be traced in
accurately, called Bodhisattvayāna. Indian the Tipiṭaka. For instance, Buddha is stated to
Mahāyāna Buddhism consisted primarily of two have said in the Saṃyutta Nikāya that the truth
schools, viz., the Madhyamaka/Mādhyamika that what he had revealed is much less than what
(middle way) School founded by Nāgārjuna and he had not revealed ([6], Vol. vi, p. 31).
the Yogācāra (consciousness only) School The germs of the Mahāyānist doctrine of bhakti
founded by Asaṅga and Vasubandhu. can also be traced in the Theravādin virtue of
saddhā (Sk: śradhā). Earliest Buddhism accepts
the existence of gods, both small and great, though
Origin as finite beings subject to the functioning of the
saṃsāra. Further, it may be said that Buddha’s
The background to the origin of Mahāyāna Bud- decision, despite initial hesitation, to preach out of
dhism and the exact location and date of its origin sheer compassion, may well have formed the basis
are not clear. It appears that Mahāyāna Buddhism for the development of the concept of compassion-
grew as a full-fledged sect over a period of time at ate bodhisattvas and devotion to them. Moreover, in
different places. It is noteworthy that most of the the Pāli Tipiṭaka, there is no dearth of references
features of Mahāyāna can be shown to have their either to the usefulness of worship offerings to
roots in early Buddhism. Although in Pāli Buddha or the pūjā of the stūpas and the relics.
Tipiṭaka Buddha is largely depicted as an histori- The stūpa was viewed by the laity as symbolizing
cal and ordinary human being, at some places in not only the memory of Buddha but also the very
the same Tipiṭaka, the terms rūpa-kāya and presence of his personage. In other words, the stūpa
dhamma-kāya are used, and he is also identified stood as a symbol of Buddha’s divine existence
M
with the Dhamma (Sk: Dharma). Even the roots of through the presence of his body relics (dhātu) in
the doctrine of the identity of Buddha and the it and in the prayers that were offered to the stūpa
Dharma can be traced in the Tisaraṇa (Sk: Triś itself; all sorts of boons, both spiritual and secular,
araṇa) formula. According to Theravāda were solicited. This clearly was a giant leap from
Buddhism, Gotama (Sk: Gautama) Buddha the idea of Buddha who had become completely
completely ceased to exist from the moment he extinct to that of a living lord who bestowed on his
attained Nibbāna (Sk: Nirvāṇa). The chain of devotees a wide variety of boons ([4], p. 185). The
cause and effect (Pāli: paṭiccasamuppāda; Sk: same could be said about Buddha’s transcendental
pratītyasamutpāda) which constituted his body character as he is mentioned as a transcendental
and mind came to a complete halt; the aggregate (Pāli: lokottara; Sk: lokottara) person in the late
of the elements of being (Pāli: khandhas; Sk: Pāli texts (e.g., [1], pp. 505, 1093, 1446). Similarly,
skandhas) which made up his human personality it can be said about the doctrine of Śūnyatā as there
was fully dissolved leaving only Nirvāṇa in which are many references in the Pāli Tipiṭaka to Śūnyatā
there is no person or individual. However, the (Pāli: Suññatā) (e.g., [6], Vol. ii, p. 267; [9], Vol. ii,
implication of the formula Buddhaṃ śaraṇaṃ p. 304).
gacchāmi is that Buddha still exists in some One explanation of the origins of the
sense and protects those who take shelter in him. Mahāyāna is that during the Second Buddhist
Thus the Triśaraṇa formula carried in its womb Council, a major division (mahābheda) took
the Trikāya doctrine of Mahāyāna. It implies that place in the saṃgha. One group that kept to the
though Buddha in his earthly form may well have teachings of the elders (Sk: Sthavira; Pāli: Thera)
ceased to exist the moment he attained Nirvāṇa, took the name of Sthaviravāda (Pāli: Theravāda)
the Dharmakāya (i.e., Buddha in the form of and the second group being bigger in size became
Dharma) is still in existence. For instance, it has known as the Mahāsāṃghika (great assembly). It
732 Mahāyāna

has been sometimes suggested that in southern of twofold truth in the buddhavacana: the con-
India the Mahāsāṃghika assembly developed ventional truth (saṃvṛtisatya) meant for ordinary
two views which became distinctive features of people and the absolute truth (parmārthasatya)
Mahāyāna. First, Buddha was transcendental and meant for the highly evolved ones. Hīnayāna,
not just a historical person. Second, he used skill- according to them, is concerned with the conven-
ful means (Sk: upayakauśalya; Pāli: upāyakosala) tional truth, whereas Mahāyāna is concerned with
for the purposes of teaching the subtle aspects of the absolute truth. Mahāyāna sūtras also give
buddhavacana (teachings of Buddha). Thus, it a philosophical explanation of the two yānas.
seems that the Mahāsāṃghika School through its According to them, there are two veils
liberal attitude and some of its special theories (āvaraṇas) that shield the truth: the veil of impu-
provided the nest of Mahāyāna Buddhism (see rities (kleśāvaraṇa) and the veil of ignorance
[2], p. 121). (jñeyāvaraṇa). The kleśāvaraṇa can be removed
It has also been suggested that the origins of through adherence to the ethical rules and practice
Mahāyāna lay in the development of written texts. of meditation. The Mahāyānists believe that the
For instance, it has been suggested by Gombrich Hīnayānists are taught only the means of the
that so long as Buddhist tradition was transmitted removal of kleśāvaraṇa, and hence they can get
orally, it was not possible to have much variation rid themselves only of impurities leading to the
in the tradition because huge bodies of monks realization of just pudgalaśūnyatā (emptiness of
would have been needed for the preservation of a self; nonexistence of individuality) and arhat-
the variant doctrines. However, once the dis- ship. As compared to this, the Mahāyānists are
courses began to be written down, it became pos- taught the means of the removal of both kleśā
sible to preserve a wider variation in doctrinal varaṇa and jñeyāvaraṇa. Consequently, they
viewpoints, and this resulted in the rise of the become free from impurities as well as ignorance
Mahāyāna traditions (see [7]). and realize both pudgala-śūnyatā and dharmaśū
There were also many external factors that nyatā (emptiness of phenomena; nonexistence of
provided a very unique character to Mahāyāna. objective world), resulting in buddhahood.
For instance, when Mahāyāna was slowly evolv- The main difference between the two rests on
ing (c. 300 BCE. to 100 CE), it came into contact the interpretation of śūnyatā or anātman. Whereas
with several foreign people such as the Greeks, the Hīnayānists understand śūnyatā or anātman
Parthians, Śakas, and Kuṣāṇas, and in all proba- as the nonexistence of any real substance as
bility, it found it quite helpful to mold itself to the ātman or individuality, i.e., pudgalaśūnyatā, the
exigencies of the situation while dealing with Mahāyānists take it to be not only the nonexis-
these foreigners. Further, the Mahāyāna doctrine tence of individuality (pudgalaśūnyatā) but also
of bhakti appears to have been strongly influenced that of the objective world (dharmaśūnyatā). In
by Brāhmaṇical Hinduism. The different devas other words, according to the Mahāyānists, the
(deities) that surrounded Buddha in the Pāli truth is śūnyatā of both pudgalaśūnyatā and
Tipiṭaka were mere accessories, and their removal dharmaśūnyatā. This śūnyatā is without any attri-
would not have affected his teachings if they were bute, negation of being and nonbeing, or
all removed. However, doctrinal importance of tathatā (the state of thusness) or dharmadhātu
the different bodhisattvas in Mahāyāna became (totality of phenomenal manifestations which is
so pivotal that their absence would result in the identical with Nirvāṇa or Buddha). Thus,
collapse of the entire Mahāyāna structure. śūnyatā is the truth, eternal, and indescribable.
Further, Mahāyāna contains a rich cosmology,
with a plurality of buddhas and bodhisattvas
Chief Characteristics of Mahāyāna with their abodes in different worlds and buddha
realms. The doctrine of Trikāya supports
For the purposes of imparting legitimacy to their these constructions, making Buddha himself
religion, the Mahāyānists advocated the doctrine a transcendental figure who, in fact, is “an
Mahāyāna 733

omnipotent divinity endowed with numerous covering his body; may or may not reside in
supernatural attributes and qualities. . . almost a monastery; and may or may not have his meal
as an omnipotent and almighty godhead” ([8], within the time-limit” (see [3], pp. 15–64).
pp. 1, 85). Central to Mahāyāna ideology is the idea of the
In respect of the saṃgha life, the outstanding bodhisattva, one who seeks to become a buddha.
difference between the two systems exists in the As compared to Theravādin perspective, which
relative importance assigned to ordination into the limits the designation of bodhisattva to Gautama
saṃgha and observance of the Vinaya. From the Buddha in his previous births, Mahāyāna teaches
Mahāyāna perspective, all the sentient beings that anyone can aspire to accomplish bodhi and
have the potential to attain the summum bonum, thereby become a bodhisattva. In the Mahāyāna
i.e., buddhahood. It is attainable by all, who cul- tradition, the emphasis is less on nirvāṇa and more
tivate the bodhicitta (mind directed toward bodhi, on prajñā. In Mahāyāna, bodhi consists in under-
enlightenment of the mind), and everyone who standing the true nature of reality which is to be
does so is a “buddha in waiting” (bodhisattva). understood through prajñā (wisdom) and actual-
In the later history of saṃgha in India, both ized through karuṇā (compassion). Mahāyānists
Theravāda and Mahāyāna traditions existed feel that since no individual has an ātman (self),
alongside each other. Moreover, the existence of there is no real difference between them and
Mahāyānist monks in the saṃgha, to whom others. The upshot of this is that they do not see
monkhood itself was not a necessary precondition any difference between their own liberation and
for the pursuit of a spiritual career, was neither that of the others.
disruptive nor productive of any revolutionary Though the standard model of kamma (Sk:
change ([4], p. 170). karma) in Buddhism decrees that only one’s
Out of its emphasis on Bhakti (devotion) as actions can influence one’s future, inscriptional
fundamental in the religion, the Mahāyāna evidence from the early historic period of Indian
evolved an elaborate ritualism of pūjā but history indicates that there existed the concept of
M
bypassed the ancient Vinaya. Mahāyāna texts transference of merit. This idea of transference of
such as the Śūraṅgama Sūtra consider the Vinaya merit was originally used to transfer merit to one’s
as helpful in the cultivation of a specific type of dead forefathers leading to their salvation. How-
mind qualities rather than following a set of rules ever, the use of merit toward acquiring prajñā
of discipline. Still the Mahāyānists did not go so ultimately leading to bodhi, in place of using
far as to do away with the rules. It is only that they accumulated merit for improving future rebirths
did not consider them as absolutely binding. To within saṃsāra, was innovated by Mahāyāna.
them, the Vinaya had a use and significance dif- The growth of this type of cosmology led to
ferent from what the Theravāda conceived: its a major shift away from the idea of Buddha
raison d’être was to lead the devotee’s mind to Śākyamuni being the sole source of salvation to
a state most favorable to cultivation of the higher the view of there being many other sources. Con-
wisdom. Interestingly, it is also worth noticing sequently, an assortment of deities, ranging from
that through the breadth and depth of India, there bodhisattvas such as Avalokiteśvara to buddhas
were a large number of vihāras which were not such as Amitābha, became fashionable within
exclusive to any specific sect and where monks Mahāyāna.
owing allegiance to different sects lived harmoni- Crucial to the Mahāyāna salvific vision is the
ously. In fact, coexistence of different sects in doctrine of skillful means (upāya). Motivated by
a saṃgha seems to have been the normal practice compassion and guided by wisdom and insight,
([4], p. 216). As mentioned by Parmārtha, buddhas and bodhisattvas wish to lead ordinary
a Buddhist sect known as the Kaulikas strongly beings to liberation. Their individually appropri-
believed that the real teachings of Buddha were ate methods are beyond ordinary comprehension
not the Vinaya, but the Abhidhamma, and that “a and may even seem deceptive, but they are justi-
Bhikkhu may or may not have three robes for fied by the superior insight of these saviors.
734 Mahāyāna

The most famous examples of this idea are given ▶ Pāramitās

in parables from the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Sūtra ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
(Lotus Sūtra); they have served as influential ▶ Saddharmapuṇḍrīka Sūtra
models for later elaborations, particularly in pop- ▶ Saṃgha
ular literature. ▶ Saṃsāra
The Indian Mahāyāna developed two principal ▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya
philosophical schools: Madhyamaka and Yogācāra ▶ Śūnyatā
which flourished in India from the third-fourth ▶ Tathāgatagarbha
century CE till about the twelfth century CE. ▶ Tipiṭaka
According to Madhyamaka (middle way), founded ▶ Tri-kāya
by Nāgārjuna (second to third centuries CE), all ▶ Vijñānavāda
phenomena are without essence (svabhāva) as they ▶ Yogācāra
are dependently co-arisen. Madhyamaka is a sys-
tematization of the Prajñāpāramitā scriptures,
where it is emphasized that the doctrine of wisdom References
(prajñā) is the most important of the six perfections
(pāramitās) that the bodhisattva needs to cultivate. 1. Bapat PV, Vadekar RD (eds) (1940) The
Dhammasaṅgaṇi. The Bhandarkar Research Institute,
The other five pāramitās are dāna (generosity), śī
Poona
la (virtuous conduct), kṣanti (forbearance), vī rya 2. Conze E (1951) Buddhism: its essence and develop-
(vigor), and dhyāna (meditative contemplation). ment. Philosophical Library, New York
The Yogācāra (practice of yoga), also known 3. Demiéville P (1931) L’origine des sectes bouddhiques
d’après Paramārtha. Mélanges chinois et bouddique,
as Vijñānavāda (consciousness only) and citta-
vol I. L’Institut Belge de Hautes Études Chinoises,
mātra (mind only), was founded by the Bruxelles, pp 15–64
half brothers Vasubandhu and Asaṅga. It synthe- 4. Drewes D (2010) Early Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism.
sized Abhidharmic modes of analyzing mental Relig Compass 4.2:55–65, 66–74
5. Dutt S (1988) Buddhist monks and monasteries of
processes with the Madhyamaka notion of
India: their history and their contribution to Indian
emptiness. Besides Madhyamaka and Yogācāra, culture. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, reprint
other philosophical traditions, such as a 6. Feer ML (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Yogācāra–Madhyamaka fusion, a Tathāgatagarbha Pali Text Society, London
7. Gombrich PF (1990) How the Mahāyāna began. In:
(Buddha nature) tradition which emphasizes the
Skorupski T (ed) The Buddhist forum: seminar papers
inherent seed of bodhi in all beings and a school 1987–1988. School of Oriental and African Studies,
of logic and epistemology (pramāṇa), have also London, pp 21–30
been recognized by modern scholars. 8. Guang X (2005) The three bodies of the Buddha: the
origin and development of the Trikāya theory.
Routledge Curzon, Oxford
9. Oldenberg H (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
Cross-References 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
10. Pande GC (1993) Studies in Mahāyāna. Central Insti-
tute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath
▶ Asaṅga
11. Sangharakshita B (1987) A survey of Buddhism,
▶ Avalokiteśvara 6th totally revised edition. Tharpa Publications,
▶ Bodhi London
▶ Bodhisattva 12. Śāstrī YS (1989) Mahāyānasūtrālaṅkāra of Asaṅga:
a study of Vijñānavāda Buddhism. Sri Satguru Publi-
▶ Buddhist Councils
cations, Delhi
▶ Dharma 13. Schopen G (2003) Mahāyāna. In: Buswell RE (ed)
▶ Khandha Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmillan, Indianapolis,
▶ Mādhyamika pp 492–499
14. Suzuki DT (1907) Outlines of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
▶ Mañjuśrī
Luzac and Company, London
▶ Nāgārjuna 15. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism: the doctrinal
▶ Nirvāṇa foundations, 2nd edn. Routledge, London
Majjhima Nikāya 735

Occasionally, these suttas are also clustered into

Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra pairs called Cūḷa (small) and Mahā (great) suttas.
At the First Saṅgīti (council) that took place at
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra Rājagaha 3 months after the death of the Buddha,
the job of memorizing the Majjhima Nikāya and
of transmitting it further intact was assigned to
the “school” of Sāriputta ([1], Vol. i, p. 15).
Mainstream Buddhism Buddhaghosa wrote a commentary to the Majjhima
Nikāya, which is called the Papañcasūdanī , and
▶ Theravāda Sāriputta of Ceylon wrote its ṭī kā, the
Lī natthappakāsinī . The Majjhima Nikāya is also
called the Majjhima Saṅgī ti ([2], Vol. i, p. 2). It
has been prophesied in the Papañcasūdanī that
Majjhima Nikāya when the Sāsana (Buddhism) disappears, the
Majjhima Nikāya shall predecease the Dī gha
K. T. S. Sarao Nikāya ([2], Vol. ii, p. 881).
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of The Majjhima Nikāya corresponds to the
Delhi, Delhi, India Madhyama Āgama found in the Sūtra Piṭakas of
various Sanskrit-based early Buddhist schools,
fragments of which are extant in Sanskrit. Por-
Synonyms tions of the Sarvāstivāda Madhyama Āgama
also survive in Tibetan translation. A complete
Collection of Middle Length Discourses; translation of the Madhyama Āgama of the
Madhyama Āgama; Majjhima Saṅgīti; The Book Sarvāstivāda school was done by Saṃghadeva in
of the Middle Length Sayings the Eastern Jin dynasty in 397–398 C.E. This
M
translation is known as the Zhōng Ahánjī ng
(Taishō 26) and contains 222 sūtras [3].
Definition The Majjhima Nikāya deals with almost all the
important tenets of Buddhism, and light has been
The second of the five divisions of the Pāli Sutta thrown not only on the life of the Buddhist monks
Piṭaka. and nuns but also on subjects such as Brāhmaṇical
yajñas (sacrifices), different forms of asceticism,
The Majjhima Nikāya is a Buddhist scripture, the relation of the Buddha to the Nigaṇṭhas (Jainas),
the second of the five nikāyas (collections) in the four noble truths, the doctrine of kamma, refu-
the Sutta Piṭaka, which is one of the “three tation of the self (attā), and different modes of
baskets” that constitute the Pāli Tipiṭaka of meditation, and the social and political conditions
Theravāda Buddhism. In English, it is known as prevalent at that time have all been discussed in
the “Collection of Middle Length Discourses” or this Nikāya ([4], p. 116). Some interesting details
“Middle Collection.” It consists of 152 suttas relating to the life of the Buddha are also available
(Sk: sūtras discourses) by the Buddha and his in the Majjhima Nikāya. For instance, the
chief disciples, which together constitute Mahāsaccakasuttana (no. 36) contains the well-
a comprehensive body of Buddhist teaching known legend of the Bodhisatta meditating as
(Buddhavacana), concerning all aspects of the Bud- a child under a Jambu tree. The Ariyapariyesana-
dhism. The 152 suttas are grouped into three books suttanta (no. 26) talks about the Buddha’s teachers
(paṇṇāsas) called Mahāpaṇṇāsa (first 50 suttas), Āḷāra Kālāma and Udaka Rāmaputta.
Majjhimapaṇṇāsa (sutta nos. 51–100), and In some of the suttas of the Majjhima Nikāya, it
Uparipaṇṇāsa (sutta nos. 101–152). Each of these has been stated that the particular dialogue took
three books is subdivided into groups of ten suttas. place after the Mahāparinibbāna. This indicates
736 Majjhima Nikāya

that these suttas are younger than those in the Franke and Manné that the Majjhima Nikāya
Dīgha Nikāya ([5], p. 34). For instance, the might have been used to instruct converts to Bud-
Bakkulasuttanta (no.124) mentions that Bakkula, dhism ([6], p. 1102; [7], pp. 71, 78).
who was regarded as the fittest among all the
monks, entered Nibbāna 80 years after joining
the saṃgha. It seems that he must have survived Cross-References
the Buddha by half a century, a fact that has drawn
the attention of the author of the Papañcasūdanī , ▶ Bodhisatta
who points out that this sutta was recited only ▶ Dhamma
during the Second Buddhist Council, i.e., ▶ Dīgha Nikāya
a 100 years after the Mahāparinibbāna. This com- ▶ Four Noble Truths
ment of the commentator is of great consequence ▶ Kamma
for the history of the Pāli Tipiṭaka, for it indicates ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
that even the Theravādin tradition admits to later ▶ Sāriputta
additions ([5], p. 34). ▶ Sutta Piṭaka
Views of the Buddha on some intricate matters ▶ Theravāda
have also been spelled out in some of the suttas of ▶ Vinaya
the Majjhima Nikāya. For instance, in
Channovāda Suttanta (no. 144), the Buddha’s
view on suicide has been expressed. In this sutta, References
seriously ill monk Channa has been mentioned as
expressing a desire to commit suicide but is 1. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
advised against such an action by Sāriputta and (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī:
Mahācunda. However, when the matter is Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dīgha NikÈya,
3 vols. PTS, London
reported to the Buddha, he does not object to the 2. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
suicide as only the craving for rebirth should be Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
overcome. The Dhātuvibhaṅga Suttanta (no. 140) Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
talks about the possibility of a person entering 3. Keown D (2004) A dictionary of Buddhism. Oxford
University Press, Oxford
Nibbāna without having to become a fully 4. Law BC (1983) A history of Pāli Literature, reprint,
ordained monk. Here, in this sutta, the story of vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
a novice Pukkusāti, who met the Buddha by 5. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
chance, is related. This novice met the Buddha Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
6. Franke RO (1978) Klein Schriften, 2 vols. Franz
without knowing him as he had received his Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden
pabbajjā from another monk. After being taught 7. Manné J (1990) Categories of Sutta in the Pāli Nikāyas
by the Buddha, he recognized him and requested and their implications for our appreciation of the Bud-
for the upasampadā. But he died before bowl and dhist Teaching and Literature. J Pali Text Soc
15:29–87
robe were made available. Still the Buddha 8. Feer ML (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
announced that Pukkusāti had entered Nibbāna Pali Text Society, London
even without having become a fully ordained 9. Jayawardhana S (1993) Handbook of Pāli literature.
monk. The content of the Majjhima Nikāya Karunaratne, Colombo
10. Law BC (1930) Chronology of the Pāli canon. Ann
shows a greater variety of topics than does the Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst (Poona) 12(Pt 2):171–201
Dīgha Nikāya. Only the major debates are absent 11. Muller C (ed) Digital Dictionary of Buddhism. http://
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heretics do occur. For instance, in the 12. Rhys Davids CAF, Thera SS, Woodward FL (trans)
(1917–1930) The book of the Kindred sayings, 5 vols.
Upālisuttanta (no. 56) and the Kukkuravatika- Pali Text Society, London
suttanta (no. 57), description of strange ascetical 13. Webb R (1975) An analysis of the Pāli canon. Bud-
practices has been given. It was suggested by dhist Publication Society, Kandy
Majjhimā-Patipadā 737
˙

first sermon at Sārnātha, known as the “Turning

Majjhimā Patipadā the Wheel of Dhamma” (Dhamma-cakka-
˙ pabattana-sutta), to his five contemporary ascetic
▶ Middle Way (Buddhism) disciples. He described them the features of
proper modes of life, which he himself adopted
and motivated others to choose as the best alter-
native, and then they became disciples of him.
Majjhima Saṅgīti The then society consisted of two types of
people, one, common man who was thinking
▶ Majjhima Nikāya that bodily pleasure is the ultimate joy (like
Cārvākas) and upheld indulgence into sensualism
(Sk. Kāmeśukāmasukhāllika). Buddha pointed
out it to be low, ignoble, vulgar, unworthy, and
Majjhimā-Patipadā useless. The Buddha was indeed showing a way to
˙ become free from Duḥkha, but obviously not by
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore prescribing immorality and licentiousness. On the
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in other side, there were many knowledgeable (like
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and Vedic/Upaniṣadic) and spiritual practitioners (like
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, Sāṁkhyas), who were engaged in sacrifices, rites,
India and rituals, and upheld that body is impure. For
removing physical impurity and/or keeping self
(Sk. Átman) intact in clean-body, penance by self-
Synonyms mortification (Sk. Átmaklamathānuyoga), (like
Jainas), is essential. But according to the Buddha
Majjhimā-paṭipadā (in Pāli)/(Sk. Madhyamā- that too is ultimately painful, pessimistic, unwor-
M
pratipat) translated as Middle-way/path. thy, and useless.
In the Dhamma-cakka-pabattana-sutta
(Saṁyutta-Nikāya) [1], he explained the
Definition redundancy of the prevalent modes of living –
culminating at the end in extremism of self-
Duḥkha-nirodha-gāminī -pratipat (a way to con- mortification or self-indulgence, hedonism or
trol/destroy pain and suffering), known as asceticism, agnosticism or skepticism, craving
Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga (Eightfold path) in Early Bud- for existence (Sk. Bhava) or nonexistence
dhism, part of the first sermon given by the Bud- (Sk. Vibhava).
dha known as the Dhamma-cakka-pabattana- It is stated in the Mahāsaccaka-sutta
sutta (Turning the Wheel of Dhamma), path of (Majjhima-Nikāya) [2] that he was not able to
non-extremism. reach the goal by following the then available
paths, realized their futility, and hence he rejected
them all. They did not give him peace and satis-
Majjhimā-patipada Alternative to faction. It was because his contemporaries were
Extremities committed to specific positions dogmatically, and
were not able to comprehend the facts of life and
Majjhimā-paṭipadā (in Pāli)/Madhyamā-pratipat nature of the ultimate truth, that is, pain and suf-
(in Sanskrit) (translated as Middle-way) tradition- fering (Sk. Duḥkha). However, he warns to be
ally is known as the path discovered by Gautama aware and suggests the possible alternative to
the Buddha. After realization of the ultimate live life properly, namely, the middle-way (Sk.
truth/enlightenment (Bodhi), Buddha gave the Madhyamā-pratipad), which is also known as
738 Majjhimā-Patipadā
˙

Eightfold path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga). It is a path and perhaps, the way in which modern inter-
that gives vision/insight, leads to peace of mind, preters hold the dialectic mode of thinking. Real-
and enables to develop wisdom and ability to ity/life does not strictly consist of antinomies, but
mitigate suffering. has variety/plurality of different kinds, and oppo-
In the Aṅguttara-Nikāya [3] experience of the sition is just one kind of it. “Madhya” is a mode of
Buddha himself is illustrated. When he was analyzing the dynamic nature of reality, including
a prince, he was provided excessive luxuries to human life. While opposing singularity as well
obtain sensuous pleasure. Similarly when he as multiplicity, it seems, the central focus of
became homeless and was wandering in search attention is not on the number and form of polar-
of spiritual truth, he followed the traditional ities in philosophical reflections, but on the fun-
modes of ascetic austerities for self-realization damental commitments, which should not be
by mortifying body, and hence torturing it eccentric. Further, path ensures that it is being
wrongly. Everyone attempts to become free from practiced having specific direction and does not
pain and suffering (Sk. Duḥkha), but the way remain a theoretical consideration or a mere con-
chosen should not be overloaded by restrictions ceptual analysis.
and extremities. Buddha’s attempt at articulating “Madhyamā” is an attribute of the word
the middle-way is to maintain a balance, a kind of “Pratipad” (path/way of life). While living life
transcendence (and not synthesis). at every moment one has to confront problems,
The Buddha being free from all kinds of com- find out solutions to them, resolve/dissolve them,
mitments was able to experience facts as they are, and if they are not solved one has to leave them or
think discursively, and contemplate indepen- change perspective to look at problems or else
dently in an innovative way to realize the dynamic accept them as part of life (Sk. Duḥkha-nirodha).
nature of truth. What he felt, realized, sensed It is a struggle not only for existence and
cannot be uniformly repeated and/or held to be survival, but also for developing and liberating
identical with others. That is the reason why Bud- oneself to grow progressively. Middle-path is
dha was insisting on self-experimentation and neither a highly sophisticated technique, nor
discovery of truth independently. The Buddha a superficial/mechanical method. It is a simple
advises to become a guide unto oneself (Pāli - and natural action-oriented plan of life, which
Attāno padīpo bhava) and suggests to adopt can be adopted by all even by the illiterates. It is
a new alternative. He, perhaps, intended to make a path of awakening and peace.
one self-reliant and preserve autonomy for mak- Solutions cannot be readily available, and
ing one confident to confront facts of life, without occasions/happenings/events cannot be apriorily
committing apriorily to some or the other kind of predicted/determined in life. One has to make
“ism” (Pāli - Diṭṭhi/Sk. Dṛṣṭi) – perspective. decisions using one’s own discretionary power
Majjhimā-paṭipadā is a doctrine, which con- ex-tempo, depending upon problem/s confronted.
sists of two words: “Majjhimā” (middle), which There is neither authoritative guide, like supernat-
connotes avoiding the “Antas” (extremes), keep- ural God, nor text/s or tradition/s, like Vedas, nor
ing balance, remaining moderate. “Paṭipadā” even standard procedures led down permanently
implies a practising way or following a path. relevant to be practiced. The issue of prescrip-
When the word “Anta” (ends) is used, it means tions/injunctions or prohibitions/restrictions can-
that there are minimally two extremes; since (log- not be decided eternally once and for all. It differs,
ically speaking) two is the smallest number taking into various considerations contextually,
denoting many. This can be witnessed by the determining the meaning or content and criterion
denial of his six (more than two) contemporary of rightness and well-being, based on moral con-
ascetics-monks (Sk. Śramaṅas). siderations. One has to decide what is right and
Middle (Sk. “Madhya”) connotes/indicates what is wrong contextually, using general param-
equidistance and/or avoidance of eccentricity or eters merely as directives. That is why “Madhya”
excessiveness of any kind. It is not strict bipolarity means negation of any kind of extremity and
Majjhimā-Patipadā 739
˙

equidistancing oneself from limitations, by dis- In the Saṁyutta-Nikāya, Kaccāyana-sutta [4],

covering a new framework, transcending the it is stated that Buddha realized the meaning of
lacuna of the earlier prevalent ones. Later on, “Majjha” (middle), when he was sitting on
this was interpreted as contextual-relativism by Nirañjanā (which later on came to be known as
the followers of Buddhism. river Falgu) river-bank, in his 6th year of practic-
In the Sacca-vibhaṅga-sutta [3] it is told that ing severe austerities (Sk. Tapas). Suddenly, he
Buddha was attempting to explain the nature of happened to hear a musician teaching his student
life and the world, which is susceptible to pain and how to play the Vī ṅā (a type of Indian string-
suffering (Duḥkha). While explaining nature of instrument), while passing in a boat. The teacher
the Cattāri Ariya Saccāni (Four Noble Truths), instructed his student that tightening of strings of
in two contexts the word “Majjha” (middle) is the Vīṅā too much will cause them to snap, and
mentioned: leaving them too loose will cease to produce
a harmonious sound.
(a) Why Duḥkha arises in human life? – Where the It is this incidence which, perhaps, provided
analysis of Duḥkha-samudaya in terms of the him a clue to realize the meaning of “skillful-art
Dvādaśa-nidānas occurs. While referring to to keep balance of means” in practice, and he
the Middle-path, Buddha explained to articulated the “middle-path.” He understood the
Kaccāyana, “The World, in general, inclines importance of the “insightful way in life” and stip-
to two views: existence or non-existence (Pāli ulated some “indicators giving direction” toward
- atthitā ca natthitā ca), Sāssatavāda/Śaś tranquility and peaceful living, known as the Eight-
vatavāda (eternalism of materialist kind, or fold path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga). Pain and suffer-
spiritualist, or even transcendental one) or ing (Duḥkha) arises in human life, because one
Ucchedavāda (nihilism of mechanical kind, clings/craves for substantial things and beings,
or dialectical). But for he who, with the highest and misunderstands them as essential ones. For
wisdom, sees the up-rising of the world as it preserving/sustaining existence, namely, mundane
M
really is, realizes that truth is beyond them. In pleasure and joy, or else methods for getting super-
both, I was under the wrong impression that mundane eternal/spiritual happiness, one generally
existence is substantial.” However, existence prefers such modes leaning toward eternality and
cannot be defined in terms of “is, is not, syn- substantiality. Unfortunately, that is done at the cost
thesis of both and rejection of all.” It is errone- of or neglecting the importance of the present pre-
ous way to describe the ultimate truth by using cious moments of life.
(four) normal categories of understanding the “Madhya” (balance) is the back-bone of
phenomenal existence. From this, one should “Saṁyak” (right/proper/moderate) in the Eight-
not hastily conclude that truth is mystical and fold path (Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga), and hence it
be skeptical about existence of the ultimate (Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) is also known as the middle-
reality. Rather, it is beyond the limits of rational way (Majjhimā-paṭipadā). It is helpful and man-
modes of thinking, and cannot be explained in datory for all kinds of followers to emancipate
terms of conventional modes of expression from suffering, irrespective of the difference
restrictively. To explain it in a particular way between Sādhujana – ordained monks and nuns
is losing its dynamicity and making it absolute/ (Pāli - Bhikkhu-Bhikkhuṇī), and laity/house-
fixed, which the Buddha was trying to avoid/ holders (Pāli - Puthujana) – men and women.
deny. In early Buddhism, ethical aspect of the Eight-
(b) Yet, in another context while explaining how fold path (Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) was insisted to be
to bring pain and suffering (Sk. Duḥkha) to an practiced by all, and it is understood in the larger
end,that is, Duḥkha-nirodha-gāminī -pratipad frame of the four noble truths, as explained in the
(a way to control/destroy/mitigate pain and Dhamma-cakka-pabattana-sutta. The Eightfold
suffering) reference to the Majjhimā-paṭipadā path (Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) was explained concur-
occurs. rently in both the forms – right (Pāli - sacca) and
740 Majjhimā-Patipadā
˙

wrong (Pāli - micchā) – in order to make the first stage of emancipation (Pāli - Nibbāna/Sk.
followers aware of the wrong direction to be Nirvāṅa). It is a stage where one starts realizing
avoided and conversely proper direction to be one’s own ignorance (Sk. Avidyā) and futility of
adopted and followed. craving (Sk. Tṛṣṅā). It is an attempt to eradicate
Later on, Mahāyāna Buddhists explained the illusion of the eternality of self (Pāli - Sakkāya-
term “Madhya” (middle) in relation to metaphys- diṭṭhi/Sk. Satkāya-dṛṣṭi), vacuousness of doubt
ical aspect of it. For them, interdependence and hair-splitting analysis (Pāli - Vicī kiccā/Sk.
(Sk. Pratī tya-samutpāda), perhaps, is a mode Vicī kitsā), and undertaking critical examination
of discovering truth conventionally experienced, of indulgence into wrong/illicit rites and
and it becomes a central point of the focus. For, ceremonies (Pali-Silabbata-parāmassa/Sk.
it is in the context of Dvādaśa-nidānas, proper Śī lavrata-parāmarśa). It gives hope that one can
diagnosis of Duḥkha, and moderate modes of become entitled to/deserving (Arhat) for emanci-
getting freedom from it are to be used. So, pation (Pāli - Nibbāna) in this life and world.
explaining the nature of existence is the starting Thus, one follows a way not only to become free
point of realizing truth. Thus, really speaking, in from pain and suffering (Duḥkha), but to lead
all the four truths, while interpreting and toward enlightenment (Sk. Bodhi) also, and
comprehending their meaning, “Madhya” is per- finally emancipation (Sk. Nirvāṅa).
tinent and relevant.
In order to highlight the meaninglessness of the
conventional reality (Sk. Saṁvṛtti/Vyavahāra-sat),
Cross-References
its vacuous nature and emptiness (Sk. Śūnyatā)
should be highlighted and refuted. To realize the
▶ Aṣṭāṅgamārga
nature of comprehension, as devoid of truth, is itself
▶ Avidyā
a way to realize and emancipate (Sk. Nirvāṇa). For
▶ Bodhi
Mahāyānists in general and Mādhyamikas in par-
▶ Buddha (Concept)
ticular, the mode of philosophisation – comprehen-
▶ Cattāri Ariya Saccāni
sion and understanding – is the central point of
▶ Dhamma
attention. They seem to be presuming that life can
▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
be lived rightly by following the ethical path laid
▶ Duḥkha
down by the Buddha. Instead of emphasizing on the
▶ Duhkha – Unpleasant
Eightfold path (Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) advocated by
▶ Hī nayāna
Hī nayāna, as a new form of Madhyamā-pratipad
▶ Madhyamā Pratipad
the Pāramitās are highlighted by both ▶ Mahāyāna
Mādhyamikas and Yogācārins. It is because mere
▶ Majjhimā-paṭipadā (in Pāli)
practice is too restrictive and personalized, and
▶ Nirvāṇa
hence is not enough to realize the ultimate truth. ▶ Pāramitā
Additionally, it requires to be supplemented by
▶ Pratī tya Samutpāda
correct methods of philosophisation – practice
▶ Śramaṇa
needs to be supported by theoretical framework of ▶ Sotāpanna
understanding as well. Thus, for the realization of
▶ Śūnya
emancipation (Sk. Nirvāṇa), proper understanding
▶ Uccheda-vāda
of Interdependence (Pratītya-samutpāda), Empti- ▶ Yogācāra
ness (Śnyatā), and the Middle-path (Madhyamā-
pratipad) is required.
In the Hī nayāna tradition too, following the References
middle-path (Majjhimā-paṭipadā) is just a begin-
ning or entering into Buddhist stream of life, that 1. (1995) Saṁyutta-Nikāya, Dhamma-cakka-pabattana-
is, the Sotāpatti/Śrotāpanna (stream-entering), the sutta and Kaccāyana-sutta, 12, 15, 17, 35, 48. Tipiṭaka,
Mānasarovara (Buddhism) 741

Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version-3). Definition

Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri
2. (1995) Majjhima-Nikāya, Mahāsaccaka-sutta, 36.
Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version- A fresh water lake located in Tibet which is sacred
3). Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri to the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains, and Bönpas.
3. (1995) Aṅguttara-Nikāya, Sacca-vibhaṅga-sutta.
Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version- Lake Mānasarovara, along with Mount Kailash
3). Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri
4. (1995) Kaccayana-sutta; Samyutta-Nikaya. Tipiṭaka, and lake Rākṣas/Rākas, is located in the western
Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version-3). Tibetan plateau between the Gurla Mandhata
Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri mountain in the southeast and Kunlun mountain
in the northwest. The name mānasarovara, i.e.,
manas (“mind” or “consciousness”) + sarovara
(lake) means “Lake of Consciousness and
Manas Enlightenment.” According to a legend men-
tioned in the Rāmāyaṇa, this lake was created by
▶ Mind (Buddhism) the mind of Brahmā at the request of ascetics who
needed a water source for their daily religious
ablutions. The Tibetan name for Mānasarovara is
Mapham Yutso which means the “Unconquerable
Manas Sarovar Turquoise Lake.” It is also known as Tso
Rimpoche (Precious Lake) to the Tibetans. This
▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism)
holiest of lakes of the world, located 36 km south-
east of Mount Kailash, is like a giant magic mirror.
Situated at a height of 14,900 ft from the sea level,
it is perhaps the highest fresh water lake on earth.
Manasarovar
Buddhists consider Mānasarovara as the earthly
M
manifestation of lake Anavatapta (Pāli: Anotatta),
▶ Anotatta
where Queen Māyā, the Buddha’s mother, had
▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism)
been taken in her dream to be bathed before con-
ceiving the great being. The Buddhist texts talk of
the Buddha often going to Anavatapta for his ablu-
Mānasārovara tions and then proceeding to Uttarakuru for alms,
returning to have his meal and to meditate on its
▶ Anotatta banks. Buddhist texts also talk of many buddhas,
pratyeka buddhas, arahants, devas, and yakṣas
bathing and/or sporting on its banks. Four channels
open out of the lake in the direction of the four
Mānasarovara (Buddhism) quarters viz., Sīhamukha, Hatthimukha,
Assamukha, and Usabhamukha. Four rivers, viz.,
K. T. S. Sarao Brahmaputra, Karnali, Indus, and Sutlej are said to
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of flow from these channels.
Delhi, Delhi, India Mānasarovara is considered a personification
of purity and someone taking a dip or drinking its
water is believed to be cleansed of all sins, being
Synonyms awarded after death with a place in the heavenly
abode of Lord Śiva (Śivaloka). According to
Anavatapta; Anotatta; Lake Manas; Manas ancient Buddhist cosmological view, Anavatapta
Sarovar; Manasarovar; Mapham Yutso; Tso lies at the center of the world and would be the last
Rimpoche to dry up at the end of the world. As the light of
742 Mānasarovara (Buddhism)

both the sun and the moon never falls directly on 1000 B.C.E., if not earlier. It must be noted that
the water of this lake but only in reflection, its in those early centuries, Tibet did not exist in as
water stays perpetually cool. Buddhist texts also much isolation as is generally believed and Indian
mention that as the name anavatapta means free and Tibetan cultures have been enriching each
from heat, the waters of the lake are considered as other since prehistoric times. Thu, it has been
having the quality of soothing the fires that tor- suggested that there may have been links between
ment beings. Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism and the early Tibetan
Though some scholars believe that the practice faith, Bön. Such links may well have been stimu-
of pilgrimage began in Tibet at the earliest in the lated by the presence of gold and other precious
seventh century C.E. with the arrival of Buddhism metals in the Kailash-Mānasarovara region.
from India, it is almost certain that Indians have With a circumference of 91 km and a maximum
been visiting Mānasarovara as pilgrims since depth of 230 ft, this lake is viewed as an eight-

Manasarovara Parikrama Bonri Gompa

Langbo-nan Gompa
Cherkip Gompa Kurkval
Chhungo

Chiu Gompa

Hore-Qu

Prostration Prostration
site site

Seralung Gompa

Gessul Gompa

Yerngo Gompa
Prostration
site
Trugo
Gompa

Prostration
site

Mānasarovara (Buddhism), Fig. 1 The Mānasarovara Parikramā route

Mañjuśrī 743

petalled lotus or a maṇḍala-square with four doors Cross-References

to the cardinal directions. A person who has the
wisdom eye can see on its eastern shore ▶ Kailash
jambuvrikṣa, the tree of life. The Buddha blesses
this lake and sits along with his 500 bodhisattvas
(enlightened beings) on lotus flowers blooming in References
it. For the shamans, the holy water from the lake
purifies the pollution of being born from a human 1. Allen C (1982) A mountain in Tibet: the search for
womb. A ritual bath in the lake endows a shaman Mount Kailas and the sources of the great rivers of
Asia. André Deutsch, London
with divine wisdom enabling him to work as
2. Buffetrille K (1998) Reflections on pilgrimages to
a mediator between the worlds of gods and sacred mountains, lakes and caves. In: McKay A (ed)
humans. Thus, he can interpret devavāṇi (godly Pilgrimage in Tibet. Curzon Press, Richmond Surrey,
speech) to his lay devotees, thereby solving their pp 18–34
3. Hamsa BS (n.d.) The holy mountain: being the story of
dilemmas.
a pilgrimage to Lake Manas and of initiation on Mount
In modern times, those pilgrims who perform Kailash in Tibet. Faber and Faber, London.
the complete parikramā (circumambulation) of 4. Johnson R, Moran K (1989) Tibet’s sacred mountain of
Mānasarovara on foot take 3–4 days (Fig. 1). Indian Tibet: the extraordinary pilgrimage to Mount Kailas.
Park Street Press, Rochester
pilgrims generally do the parikramā in cars and
5. Pranavananda S (1949) Kailās-Mānasarovar. S.P.
buses. In the pre 1959 period the parikramā League, Calcutta
included a visit to each of the eight gompas (mon- 6. Sarao KTS (2009) Pilgrimage to Kailash: the Indian
asteries) located around it: Chiu, Charyip (Cherkip), route. Aryan Books International, Delhi
Langbo-nan (Langpona), Bonri, Seralung, Yerngo
(Nyego), Trugo (Thugolho/Trus), and Gossul.
However, now only Chiu, Seralung, and Trugo are
visited by the pilgrims.
M
Mañjughosa
Its disc is shaped like the sun and represents the ˙
power of consciousness, and is a symbol of good ▶ Mañjuśrī
fortune and fertility. But just as consciousness is
balanced by unconsciousness, Mānasarovara is
matched by the conch-shaped Rākas Tal to the
west. It is the abode of the mountain god,
Gombo Beng, the great guardian of Tantrism.
Manjushri
This god is sometimes identified with Rāvaṇa,
▶ Mañjuśrī
the demon king of Lanka, who once was
a serious devotee of Śiva. An historical issue
which arises, concerns Mānasarovara which, at
least in recent times, has been considered auspi-
cious, in contrast to Rākas Tal, envisaged as inaus- Mañjuśrī
picious. It has been suggested that this is
a comparatively recent understanding, and that James B. Apple
the early Buddhist pilgrims who reached the Department of Religious Studies, University of
region via the Satluj identified Rākas Tal as Lake Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
Anavatapta. He argues that later Hindu pilgrims
identified Mānasarovara as the auspicious lake
due to its location on the right-hand side of the Synonyms
mountain in the view of the pilgrims coming from
the south. Others have suggested the possibility Kumāra; Mañjughoṣa; Manjushri; Mañjuvajra;
that initially only one lake existed. Vādirājā; Vādisiṃha; Vāgīśvara
744 Mañjuśrī

Definition In subsequent centuries, Mañjuśrī appears as

an extraordinary bodhisattva who teaches and
Bodhisattva of wisdom in Mahāyāna forms of guides beings in over 100 Mahāyāna sūtras. His
Buddhism. appearance in numerous sūtras translated into
Mañjuśrī, which means “Gentle Glory” or Chinese by Dharmarakṣa (230–308 C.E.) testifies
“Sweet Splendor,” is the personification of discrim- to his increasing prominence in the third and
inative awareness (prajñā) and one of the oldest fourth centuries. The Avaivartikacakra sūtra men-
and most important bodhisattvas within Mahāyāna tions that Mañjuśrī is foremost among myriads of
forms of Buddhism. Mañjuśrī, as a distinguished bodhisattvas. Mañjuśrī is enumerated first among
bodhisattva, is associated with wisdom and elo- bodhisattvas in the Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka sūtra
quent speech, and his alternative names, such and is depicted as having served innumerable
as Mañjughoṣa, Mañjusvara, Vādirājā, and Buddhas in the past. The 12th chapter of the
Vāgīśvara, indicate this relation. He is also Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka sūtra tells of Mañjuśrī’s
renowned through his epithet kumārabhūta 8-year-old Nāga princess disciple and the count-
(“being a youth” or “being a crown prince”), less beings of the chthonic Nāga kingdom who he
which signifies youth, royalty, and chastity. led and inspired [5]. In the Mañjuśrī vikrīḍita
Mañjuśrī’s historical beginnings as a figure sūtra he converts a prostitute to the Mahāyāna
remain obscure and scholars have postulated path. In the Ratnakāraṇḍa sūtra Mañjuśrī’s
his cultural formation as being influenced by exposition of the Buddhist dharma so overwhelms
Pañcaśikha ([1], pp. 66–70), the king of the followers of the Jain teacher Satyaka
Gandharvas, as well as the eternally youthful Nirgranthaputra that they prostrate before him
Brahmā Sanatkumāra ([2], pp. 6–8). Mañjuśrī and praise Śākyamuni Buddha [6]. In the
begins to appear in Mahāyāna Buddhist texts from Gandavyūha sūtra, Mañjuśrī is presented as one
the second century C.E., as his presence is attested of the chief bodhisattva attendants of Vairocana
in six of nine sūtra translations preserved in Chinese Buddha and the first of 52 teachers that the spiri-
from the time of the Indo-Scythian translator tual aspirant Sudhana encounters in his journey to
Lokakṣema (ca. 168–189 C.E.) ([3], p. 163). awakening. Mañjuśrī famously occupies a pivotal
Among these texts, the Lokānuvartanā sūtra distin- role in the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra where he is
guishes Mañjuśrī as a key interlocutor with the the only bodhisattva capable of entering into dia-
Buddha and the Drumakinnararājaparipṛcchā log with the lay bodhisattva Vimalakīrti and
sūtra ranks him next to the Buddha as a spiritual thereby propels the unfolding of the text’s pro-
friend (kalyāṇamitra). The Ajātaśatru-kaukṛtya- found teachings on emptiness (śūnyatā) [7]. By
vinodana sūtra provides Mañjuśrī with his earliest the third to fourth century, Mañjuśrī is depicted as
starring role as spiritual mentor to the Magadhan being equivalent to a Buddha and having his own
King Ajātaśatru. In this sūtra, the Buddha explains buddha-field in the Aṅgulimālī ya and Mañjuś
how countless other Buddhas in the past were rī buddhakṣetraguṇavyūha sūtras ([2], p. 32). In
Mañjuśrī’s disciples in the past, and that in the future addition to these texts, a number of later Mahāyāna
he will instigate innumerable Buddhas to attain sūtras contain Mañjuśrī’s name in their title, such
awakening ([4], p. 183). Although associated with as the Mañjuśrī paripṛcchā, Mañjuśrī nirdeśa and
wisdom, Mañjuśrī does not appear in the earliest Mañjuśrī vikurāṇaparivarta ([8], p. 3). All of this
Perfection of Wisdom literature. Early Mahāyāna literary evidence indicates that Mañjuśrī was seen
sūtras among Lokakṣema’s corpus portray Mañjuśrī as a primary spokesperson for Mahāyāna views of
as an interlocutor with Buddhas and bodhisattvas, as the path, whose rhetorical eloquence exemplified
a promoter of Mahāyāna texts, as a spiritual friend subtle teachings on non-duality and emptiness. He
(kalyāṇamitra), and as a converter of beings to the served as a symbol of authority and legitmacy for
bodhisattva path leading to Buddhahood. Mahāyāna teachings to supersede mainstream
Mañjuśrī 745

Buddhist teachings and eventually came to dual awakened awareness (jñāna) embodied by
embody the discriminative awareness of inconceiv- every Buddha. Mañjuśrī is therefore referred to in
able Buddhahood. this text and its commentaries as Mañjuśrī the
Buddhist scholars are traditionally represented “Knowledge-Being” (Mañjuśrī-jñānasattva) [9].
throughout the medieval period of Indian Bud- The Mañjuśrī nāmasaṃgī ti was the root text of
dhist scholasticism, from the fifth to the tenth over 22 commentaries and over 130 related works,
century, as invoking Mañjuśrī for inspiration surpassing any other Buddhist tantric text related to
and empowerment to authenticate their techni- Mañjuśrī ([2], p. 33). Mañjuśrī is most often
cal digests. Madhyamaka scholars, such as depicted as a youthful, 16-year-old crown prince
Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva, and Buddhapālita, as well sitting on a lotus throne. He holds the flaming sword
as Yogācāra masters like Vasubandhu often pro- of wisdom in his right hand which signifies the
vide opening salutations in their texts that suppli- discriminative awareness that cuts through the
cate and praise Mañjuśrī. Later in Tibet, kings ignorance which binds beings in the cycle of suf-
such as Khri-srong lde-btsan (ca. 740–798) and fering and rebirth. A story from the Suṣṭhitamati-
scholars such as Sa-skya Paṇḍita Kun-dga’ rgyal- devaputra-paripṛcchā appears to be the earliest
mtshan (1182–1251) and Tsong-kha-pa blo-bzang account for Mañjuśrī’s iconographic affiliation
grags-pa (1357–1419) would be considered ema- with a sword representing wisdom ([2], p. 14).
nations and embodiments of Mañjuśrī [6]. His left hand upholds a text from the perfection of
The literary evidence for the veneration of wisdom (prajñāpāramitā), the source of his
Mañjuśrī after the fall of the Gupta empire in the embodiment as discriminative awareness. Later
sixth century increases with the advent of the Indian scholars such as Dharmamitra (ca.
Vajrayāna or tantric phase of Buddhism under the 800–850) and Atiśa, particularly in his
socioeconomic influences of the South Asian Pāla autocommentary to the Bodhipatha-pradī pa
dynasty (750–1150 C.E.). During the Pāla dynastic (c. 1042 C.E.), consider Mañjuśrī as the progeni-
period, devotional and ritual texts outlining the tor of the lineage of profound view (gambhī ra)
M
worship of Mañjuśrī began to appear in great num- that cognizes śūnyatā, having its foundation in the
bers. Likewise, archeological evidence for the icon- human realm beginning with Nāgārjuna ([10],
ographical portrayal of Mañjuśrī, preserved in p. 23). Atiśa will also explain in his Ratnakaraṇ-
bronze and stone representations, suggests that he ḍodghaṭa-madhyamakopadeśa that Ārya
was worshipped in the great monastic complexes of Mañjuśrī is a primordial buddha (ādibuddha) and
Bengal and Bihar. Iconographical evidence for the the Gnostic mind of all Buddhas [11]. The wor-
representation of Mañjuśrī in India is not clearly ship of Mañjuśrī as an object of meditation and
attested before the sixth century. The increase of devotion spread beyond South Asia into Central
tantric Buddhist ritual works for the worship of and East Asia. Mañjuśrī worship became an
Mañjuśrī is attested by the large numbers (41) of important Buddhist cult during the Tang dynasty
visualization instruction manuals, or sādhanas, in China, and, by the end of the seventh century,
devoted to him in the collection called the there was a well established cult of Mañjuśrī at
Sādhana-mālā ([2], p. 25). Texts such as the late Wutai Shan [12]. In Tibet, from the eighth century
seventh-century Āryamañjuśrī namāṣṭaśatakam onward, Mañjuśrī became identified with political
and Mañjuśrī mūlakalpa illustrate Mañjuśrī’s figures and religious scholars. In Nepal, Mañjuśrī
importance as a figure of wisdom and devotion. accounts for Mañjuśrī’s creation of the Kath-
From the eighth to the twelfth century in South mandu valley and subsequent establishment of
Asia, the Mañjuśrī nāmasaṃgī ti emerged as the Buddhism. In sum, Mañjuśrī is an important
central focus for the veneration of Mañjuśrī bodhisattva in all Mahāyāna Buddhist traditions
among Buddhist monks and laypeople. In this and lineages and continues to be worshipped
text, Mañjuśrī is portrayed as the wisdom or non- throughout the world.
746 Mañjuvajra

Cross-References
Mantra
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Mahāyāna Kanoko Tanaka
▶ Prajñāpāramitā Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan
▶ Wisdom (Buddhism)

Synonyms
References
Dhāraṇī; Pranidhāna; Satya vacana; Vidya
1. Lalou M (1930) Iconographie des étoffes peintes-paṭa-
dans le Mañjuśrīmūlakalpa. Libraire Orientaliste Paul
Geuthner, Paris
2. Tribe A (1999) Mañjuśrī: origins, role and signifi-
Definition
cance, parts I, II, III. West Buddh Rev 1(2)
3. Harrison PM (2000) Mañjuśrī and the cult of the Mantra is the Sanskrit term for “sacred utterance
celestial bodhisattvas. Chung-Hwa Buddh (having the power to realize whatever he may
J 13.2:157–193
wish).” The word is derived from the root “man-
4. Harrison PM (2004) How the Buddha became
a bodhisattva. In: Lopez DS (ed) Buddhist scriptures. ” meaning “think” (also in manas, “mind”) and
Penguin, New York, pp 172–184 “-tra” as a suffix meaning “vehicle,” “tool,” and
5. Hurvitz L (2009) Scripture of the lotus blossom of the “instrument.” In Avestan, it is called “monyra.”
fine dharma (the lotus Sūtra). Columbia University
Therefore, the most important must be the pur-
Press, New York
6. Harrington L (2002) A view of Mañjuśrī: wisdom and pose of uttering the mantra, not “the vehicle of
its crown prince in Pāla-period India. PhD thesis, thought” itself. Man is responsible for what she/he
Columbia University Press should realize by using the tool of mantra because
7. Thurman RAF (1976) The holy teaching of
it is believed that her/his wish will be fulfilled
Vimalakīrti: a Mahāyāna scripture. The Pennsylvania
State University Press, University Park without fail once it is uttered. Therefore, the
8. Wayman A (1985) Chanting the names of Mañjuśrī: word mantra can be translated as “satya vacana”
the Mañjuśrī-nāma-saṃgīti, Sanskrit and Tibetan (true words) which translators in China also
texts. Shambala, Boston
described the same in Chinese characters (pro-
9. Davidson RM (1981) The litany of names of Mañjuśrī.
Text and translation of the Mañjuśrīnāmasaṃgīti. In: nounced Shingon in Japanese, known as the
Strickmann (ed) Tantric and Taoist studies (R.A. Stein proper name for the esoteric Shingon sect; Shin-
Festschrift). Melanges Chinois et Bouddhiques, gon-shū of Japanese Buddhism established by
vol XX–XXI. Institut Belge des Hautes Etudes
Kūkai, 774–835).
Chinoises, Brussels, pp 1–69
10. Apple JB (2008) Stairway to Nirvāṇa: a study of the In Vedic tradition, mantra tends to be utilized
twenty Saṃghas based on the works of Tsong kha pa. for fulfilling many kinds of desires of this life, and
State University of New York Press, Albany brāhmaṇas (Vedic priests who exercise their priv-
11. Apple JB (2010) Atiśa’s open basket of jewels:
ilege to make use of the verbal power from Brah-
a middle way vision in late phase Indian Vajrayāna.
Indian Int J Buddh Stud 11:117–198 man identified with ātman) try to control even the
12. Birnbaum R (1983) Studies on the mysteries of will of gods. In Buddhist context, on the other
Mañjuśrī: a group of East Asian Maṇḍalas and their hand, the power of mantra is used not only for
traditional symbolism. Society for the Study of Chi-
protecting himself against all kinds of kleśa
nese Religions, Boulder
(worldly and selfish desires arising from his own
“mind,” which are basically comprised of three
kinds of poison: lobha (greed toward desirable
objects), dveśa (anger against undesirable
Mañjuvajra objects), and moha (foolish ignorance of the true
state of causation)) and attaining bodhi (Buddha-
▶ Mañjuśrī hood as the final goal of all the Buddhists; the
Mantra 747

perfect awakening about the phenomenal world benefits of chanting mantras in the form of a sūtra,
where the living beings suffer from taking rebirth by virtue of a Bodhisattva’s prajñā pāramitā (the
according to the law of saṃsāra) but also for the perfect attainment of Buddhist wisdom seeing
purpose of relieving and saving living beings everything as it is, according to the law of
(sattva) from their sufferings and guiding them causation).
toward the spiritual stage of Buddhahood. In this sūtra, the Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva,
In Mahāyāna Buddhism, the altruistic vows who is believed to have already attained the Bud-
(pranidhāna) made by a bodhisattva (a person dhahood long, long ago but dare not become
who seeks for bodhi or Buddhahood for the sake a Buddha for the purpose of acting his salvation
of saving all the living beings among sufferings of in this world, is preaching toward Śāriputra (who
life in this phenomenal world) also can be is known as one of the greatest disciples of the
regarded as a sort of mantra in the broadest mean- Buddha Śākyamuṇi versed in learning and prac-
ing because he will never wish to attain Buddha- ticing the prajñā) about the wisdom (prajñā) of śū
hood without completing all of the items that were nyatā (observing that everything in the phenome-
sworn in the beginning. The most famous exam- nal world is dependent upon causation, there can
ple must be the 48 vows of the Bodhisattva be no permanent ego as a substance). The nature
Dharmākara who later became the Amitābha Bud- of mantra in this sūtra can be shown in the last few
dha and established the Pure Land in the West. lines:
Chanting “Ṇamo Amitābha Buddha” is a kind of
Buddha anusmṛti or Buddha manasikāra (imag- 1. tasmāj jñātavyam prajñāpāramitā
ing, memorizing, and keeping the Buddha firmly mahāmantromahāvidyāmantro’nuttaramantro
in one’s mind), which may also look like ’samasamamantraḥ sarvaduḥkhapraśamanaḥ
a mantra, but in Pure Land Buddhism, this satyam amithyatvāt.
chanting would rather show one’s sincere grati- 2. prajñāpāramitāyām ukto mantraḥ. tad yathā:
tude toward the Amitābha Buddha who let him gate gate pāragate pārasaṃgate bodhi
M
take rebirth in the ideal land for training himself to svāhā.
attain Buddhahood, because it is regarded as very
much difficult for a human being to reach the Pure Trial translation in the context of this entry:
Land only by his own efforts. Therefore, “Ṇamo
Amitābha Buddha” does not mean “please save 1. . . .Therefore, it is necessary to recognize as
me,” but may imply the Buddhist way of follows: prajñāpāramitā is the great mantra
expressing his rapture: “Thank you so much for (true word), and the mantra based upon the
having saved me already in this life. You promised great vidyā (wisdom and knowledge to dispel
to guide me there in your Land.” As it were, the darkness of delusion), and the mantra that
“Ṇamo. . .” in this case is the mantra already is supreme, and the incomparable mantra, and
fulfilled which has the power to relieve one’s the (true) word of relieving all the sufferings,
mind from all the sufferings during his lifetime. and (it is the word of) truth (having the power
By virtue of the Buddha (or the bodhisattva) of fulfilling every wish) that will never commit
himself, the act of salvation can be fulfilled. This any fault.
kind of thoughts naturally developed into the wor- 2. The magic words as the mantra (true word)
ship of the Buddhist sūtra itself whose virtues identical to prajñāpāramitā are as follows:
should be shared to everyone reciting and tran- Going, going, going over the other shore (of
scribing its text regarded as the collection of bodhi, the perfect Awakening) and reaching
sacred mantras. there to perfection. May the Awakening be
Among a number of Early Mahāyāna sūtras, auspicious!
the Prajñāpāramitā-hṛdaya-sūtra (or the
Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka sūtra) may be one of the “The mantra based upon the great vidyā” is just
most well-known examples of endowing the great like a medicine to remove three kinds of poison
748 Mantra

(lobha, dveśa, and moha) from one’s mind when he accumulation of the Buddha dharma” which can
utters it and fully understands its true meaning. never be personified.) The Esoteric Buddhists
This poison is called “kleśa” as a whole, mean- believe that one’s own speech (mantra), sacred
ing “one’s misunderstanding toward this phenom- hand gestures (mudrā), and sacred envisioning
enal world.” Unawakened people are in ignorance (maṇḍala) would become similar to those of the
of their own selfishness to prevent them from real- Mahāvairocana Buddha whose “three secrets”
izing the true nature of this life. Once they have should finally enter into the believer himself.
realized it completely, the stage of their minds This kind of mysterious possession is called
(called “prajñāpāramitā”) will guide them to the “adhiṣṭhāna,” meaning “corresponding with each
best way of living a full life without any sufferings. other.” Among the “three secrets,” mantra is the
“The mantra that is supreme” is believed as the most powerful factor of embodying the wisdom of
best way of relieving human beings from the the Buddha’s Awakening to enlighten the dark-
world of saṃsāra and encouraging them to make ness of avidyā (not seeing everything as it is, but
a good contribution toward the same world from seeing it from a selfish and biased viewpoint with
another standpoint of the Awakened One, being so a jaundiced eye).
far from the realm of “kleśa” or delusion. Quite different from the ultimate purpose of
“The incomparable mantra” is promising Buddhist practice, mantra may be often regarded
a candidate for “prajñāpāramitā” to reach the just as magic words fulfilling one’s worldly
final goal equal to the ideal stage of Buddhahood. wishes (good fortune and prosperity in lifetime)
“The (true) word of relieving all the sufferings” at the time of performing homa (esoteric rituals of
actually relieves one’s sufferings of the present burning small pieces of fragrant wood on the altar
time and will certainly remove all the karmic to invoke divine help). It is almost throwing back
habits causing much more sufferings in the future. to the Vedic homa pursuing all kinds of desires of
Known from the Sanskrit text shown above, this world.
the word “vidyā” is synonymous with “mantra” as Probably, those who are familiar to Buddhist
well as “dhāraṇī” (literally meaning “memory cultures have ever heard the sounds of the
power”) which are generally regarded as magic mantra symbolizing the sacred wisdom of the
formulas whose pronunciations in Sanskrit and Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva: “Om mani padme
their meanings are difficult to be understood by hum” (hail to the jewel cherished in the lotus
common people and even specialists of the flower), chanted by Tibetan Buddhists. They just
Buddhist community. This kind of difficulty is try to purify their own minds with the repetition of
easily connected with the next stage of Buddhist this mantra without having any more desires caus-
thoughts that mantra must be a mysterious and ing spiritual troubles and pains. The magnificent
symbolic instrument to condense the essence of figure of Mount Kailash (6,656 m) also reminds
the Buddha’s Awakening (bodhi) when uttering pilgrims of the true path of human life; every
one in the most effective way of performing an moment, their voices of mantra are blown away
esoteric rituals. by the wind from the Himalayas.
Thus, the Esoteric, Vajrayāna, or Tantric forms Mantra is not a mere magic spell, but a guide to
of Buddhism, evolved from Mahāyāna, the goal of one’s life. And she/he does not always
established the method of unifying oneself with find out “mantra” only from Pāli and Sanskrit texts
the Mahāvairocana Buddha (the Great Sun of some Buddhist scriptures but also consciously
Buddha or the cosmic Buddha) who is and unconsciously regard everyday greetings and
a personification of the Buddha Dharma itself blessing toward all others as a sort of “mantra”:
(dharmakāya) having the workings of body, “How are you ?,” “Are you all right ?,” “Have
speech, and mind (“three secrets”) whose real a good day!” and so on. When you go out, you
natures are too much immeasurable and mysteri- may say to your mother: “See you!” She will say
ous to understand. (In the Exoteric or non-Esoteric “See you later. Take care!” Only if you could go
Buddhism, the dharmakāya originally means “an home safely, you would say to her: “Hello, Mom!
Māra 749

I’m home.” And she may say “Welcome (home)!” 3. Hirakawa A (1990) A History of Indian Buddhism from
or any other words of relief, especially when you Śākyamuṇi to early Mahāyāna. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
have safely returned from a distant place. Without 4. Abe R (1999) The Weaving of Mantra: Kūkai and the
being supported by such a daily conversation construction of esoteric Buddhist discourses. Colombia
between the two, human beings very easily lose University Press, New York
their peaceful minds. By using merciful, humane, 5. Gyatso T, the 14th Dalai Lama, Yuko Miyasaka (tr)
(2002) Essence of the Heart Sūtra. Shunjusha, Tokyo
and good words to each other every day, they can (Japanese version)
feel happy, take care of others, and naturally protect 6. Miyamoto K (2004) What is the Prajñā-pāramitā-hṛdya-
themselves against evil thought, evil speech, and Sūtra ? From Buddha to Mahāyāna. Shunjusha, Tokyo
evil conduct. This is nothing but an effect of “man- (Japanese version)
tra” on human minds just as discoursed in Buddhist
scriptures. By nature, Buddhist “mantras” are not
a specific thing to be uttered at the time of rituals,
although quite a few people tend to regard them Mantranaya
as the tools of fulfilling their personal and
selfish desires. ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
Being versed in psychology, the Buddha
Śākyamuṇi himself is actually chanting a sort of
“mantra.” For example, Suttanipāta 147 says:
“No matter who they are; visible beings and invis- Mantrayāna
ible beings, those who are living far away and
nearby, those who have already been born and ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
wish to be born from now on, May all living
beings (sabbe satta) be happy!” He uttered this
in verse in order that people may easily memorize
M
and try to chant it day and night. Whenever they Mapham Yutso
recite “May all living beings be happy!” in their
minds, it will purify their own minds, make them ▶ Mānasarovara (Buddhism)
truly happy, and generate the power of making
others happy. In this sense, the words of the Bud-
dha in verse can be regarded as “mantras.” He
uttered his words only when they were helpful to Māra
listeners; otherwise, he used to keep silence. That
is why the term “muṇi” of “Śākyamuṇi” means Bhikkhu Anālayo
“the person who wisely keeps silence in readiness Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
for answering any question from all others in Hamburg, Balve, Germany
suffering (the unenlightened; the unawakened).”
In this way, it is important to see “mantra” practi-
cally and universally, without giving a stereotyped Definition
definition.
Māra, the “Evil One,” is the god of temptation in
Buddhism.

References
Māra in Buddhism
1. Mizuno K (1980) The Beginnings of Buddhism. Kosei
Publishing, Tokyo
2. Alper HP (1989) Mantra. State University of New York Māra, whose name literally stands for death or for
Press, Albany what brings death, is conceived of in the Buddhist
750 Māra

tradition as a celestial being, deva, dwelling in the Other episodes report Māra engaging in
highest heaven of the sensual realm. His function a discussion with the Buddha, trying to arouse
in Buddhist texts is to act as an antagonist to the doubts in the Buddha about his attainment of
Buddha and his disciples, advocating enjoyment liberation, challenging him for taking a nap after
of sensual pleasures instead of renunciation and a night spent in meditation practice, or trying to
striving for liberation. Hence, the task of defeating tempt him with the suggestion that he should
Māra and going beyond his reach of power is exercise worldly dominion. Another trial of the
a recurrent theme in early Buddhist discourse. Buddha involves Māra’s daughters, who assume
In his role as a tempter, Māra approaches the various beautiful shapes in order to lure the Bud-
Buddha-to-be in an attempt to impede the bodhi- dha into sensual desire.
sattva Gotama’s progress to awakening by Some episodes report how Māra tries to create
recommending the acquisition of merits and the a disturbance when the Buddha is delivering
performance of fire sacrifice instead of striving for teachings to his disciples. In several discourses,
liberation ([1], 426ff). Later tradition presents Māra accosts Buddhist nuns who are meditating in
a more dramatic version of this encounter. At solitude, trying to confuse them with doctrinal
the head of a frightening army, Māra attacks arguments or tempting them to give up their life
the bodhisattva, who calls to witness the of renunciation and indulge in sensual pleasures
goddess earth for his right to remain on the seat instead. In all these instances, however, he is
where he is to win awakening. This scene unable to achieve his purposes. Each time, he is
has become a favorite theme in iconographic recognized for whom he is and thereon has to
representations. vanish in discomfiture.
In the early Buddhist discourses, Māra has not This appears to be an invariable pattern, where
yet assumed such a belligerent attitude. He is, Māra has to disappear as soon as he is recognized
however, thought to be able to exert power over by those he attempts to disturb. Especially
ordinary people. Thus, he influences the inhabi- remarkable are those episodes where Māra
tants of a village to abuse Buddhist monks ([2], attempts to lure arahant nuns with sensuality and
Vol. I, p. 334) or those of another village not to tries to frighten the Buddha or to challenge the
give alms to the Buddha ([3], Vol. I, p. 114). He Buddha’s awakening. Such attempts are from the
also confuses the mind of the Buddha’s attendant outset doomed to failure, as according to early
([4], Vol. II, p. 104) and prevents a group of Buddhist doctrine an arahant has forever eradi-
religious wanderers, paribbājaka, from becoming cated sensual desire as well as fear, and
followers of the Buddha ([4], Vol. III, p. 57). He a Buddha is endowed with the certain knowledge
has similar power over some of the gods, as he – reckoned an intrepidity, vesārajja – of being
gets a god to speak according to his design ([3], fully awakened.
Vol. I, p. 67) and on another occasion brings the Such episodes make it clear that Māra does not
whole assembly of Brahmā under his influence always function as the personification of inner
([2], Vol. I, p. 327). defilements in the sense of acting out internal
Throughout two subdivisions of the canonical struggles. Rather, these tales interpret challenges
collections of discourses, the Mārasaṃyutta and the Buddha and the nuns had to face in contem-
the Bhikkhunī saṃyutta ([3], Vol. I, p. 103ff), porary society as the work of Māra. The didactic
Māra is shown in his various attempts to disturb function of such tales would thus be to provide an
and unsettle the Buddha and his disciples. At example of how such challenges should be faced.
times he does so in disguise, taking on a frightful In this way, any external threat or challenge can be
appearance, such as a great elephant or a huge interpreted as a challenge by Māra, and the proper
snake, or else he creates a loud noise nearby by attitude is to remain balanced by recognizing it
shattering some rocks. Such attempts to frighten as such.
the Buddha meet with no success, as a fully awak- Māra also takes part in the events that lead up
ened one is beyond fear. to the Buddha’s passing away. Soon after the
Māra 751

Buddha’s awakening, Māra had already attempted aspects, in the sense that the term Māra can
to convince the Buddha that he should pass away stand representative for:
right away. The report goes that the Buddha
refused, indicating that he would first ensure that • Defilements, kilesa
his teaching was well established, in the sense that • The five aggregates
his monastic and lay followers of both genders • Karmic formations, abhisaṅkhāra
were capable of teaching in their turn ([4], Vol. II, • The god Māra
p. 104). However, when Māra makes the same • Death
request again at a later time, once the Buddha
has become old and his teaching has become Four of the manifestations of Māra in the above
well established, the Buddha acquiesces and relin- set – Māra as defilements, aggregates, god, and
quishes his life principle, even though he would death – are also mentioned in several other texts,
have been able to continue living considerably such as the Lalitavistara ([6], p. 224) or the
longer. Mahāvastu ([7], Vol. III, p. 281). According to
In other words, challenges by Māra do not only the 26th tale in the Divyāvadāna, Māra is eventu-
require facing the personal difficulties a disciple ally tamed and converted by the arhat Upagupta.
may experience in his or her progress toward
awakening, but according to this text it seems as
if Māra can also be countered by ensuring the References
continuity of the Buddha’s teaching. By continu-
ing to spread the Buddha’s message of liberation 1. Andersen D, Smith H (ed) (1913) The Sutta-nipāta.
Pali Text Society, London (references are by stanza)
even after he has passed away – death being one of
2. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
the shades of meaning inherent in the term māra – Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
the disciples continue with the task of not 3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
allowing Māra to get the upper hand, thereby Pali Text Society, Oxford M
4. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911)
keeping open the path to the deathless, amata,
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
the Buddha had discovered. 5. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1920) The Visuddhimagga of
Māra in its early Buddhist use does not refer Buddhaghosa. Pali Text Society, London
only to the individual Māra that lived at the time 6. Lefmann S (1902) Lalita Vistara, Leben und Lehre des
Ç^akya-Buddha. Verlag der Buchhandlung des
of the Buddha, but rather to a role that throughout
Waisenhauses, Halle
the past – and presumably also in the future – is 7. Senart É (1897) Le Mahāvastu, Texte Sanscrit Publié
taken up by a succession of individuals. Thus, one pour la Première Fois et Accompagné d’Introductions
of the chief disciples of the Buddha, an arahant by et d’un Commentaire. Imprimerie Nationale, Paris
8. Bloss LW (1978) The taming of Māra: witnessing to
the name of Mahāmoggallāna, had in a past life
the Buddha’s virtues. Hist Relig 17:156–176
been a Māra himself ([2], Vol. I, p. 333). 9. Boyd JW (1975) Satan and Māra, Christian and Bud-
Besides this usage by way of a particular role dhist symbols of evil. Brill, Leiden
taken up by a succession of individual gods, the 10. Guruge AWP (1997) The Buddha’s encounters with
Māra the Tempter, their representation in literature and
term Māra can also acquire a general sense, where
art. BPS, Kandy
it stands for the six senses – the five physical 11. Karetzky PE (1982) Māra Buddhist deity of death and
senses together with the mind – and their desire. East West 32:147–155
corresponding objects ([3], Vol. IV, p. 38), or 12. Ling TO (1962) Buddhism and the mythology of evil.
A study in Theravāda Buddhism. Allen & Unwin,
else refer to the five aggregates that according to London
early Buddhism are the main constituents of an 13. Malandra GH (1981) Māra’s army: text and image in
individual ([3], Vol. III, p. 189), namely, bodily early Indian art. East West 31:121–130
form, feeling, perception, volitional formations, 14. Strong J (1992) The legend and Cult of Upagupta,
Sanskrit Buddhism in North India and Southeast
and consciousness.
Asia. Princeton University Press, Princeton
In later Theravāda tradition ([5], p. 211), refer- 15. Wayman A (1959) Studies in Yama and Māra. Indo-
ences to Māra are analyzed into five different Iranian J 3(2):112–131
752 Marriage (Buddhism)

(2) they can live dependent on all the abuses and

Marriage (Buddhism) perversions of sexuality arising out of greed and
hatred, as a result of which there will be pain and
Madhumita Chattopadhyay suffering; and (3) they may live neither dependent
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, on it nor ignore this basic instinct. They can keep
Kolkata, West Bengal, India themselves free of dependence on such instinct.
Obviously the second alternative cannot be
accepted and the third alternative is also not ten-
Synonyms able, since men and women are naturally drawn
toward each other by the deep instinct to retain
Conjugal bond; Wedding their generation and to have worldly pleasure. So
the first alternative alone stands, and that leads to
the question what is noble and religious in that
Definition life. Lord Buddha, as is usual in his teachings, did
not prescribe anything regarding the age of mar-
Condition of man and woman legally (socially) riage, nor marriage ritual, nor did he say anything
united for the purpose of living together and pro- about monogamy or polygamy. He only taught
creating lawful offspring. that each member of the society has a part to
play and the nobility of the part played is mea-
sured by the player’s avoiding harm to others, not
Buddhist Account of Marriage stealing, not committing any adultery, and not
lying and that these ethical qualities constitute
Buddhism is well known to the whole world as the nobility. Men and women both are equally
a religion striving to attain a stage of enlighten- important for a society and so the relationship
ment which can be attained only when one can between them should be one which can grow
overcome the fetters of worldly existence or freely without any sort of fear. It is a mutual
saṁsāra. Naturally it seems that such a religion understanding which creates security along with
would give importance only on celibacy. But that truthfulness. Marriage is a partnership relation
is not the true essence of Lord Buddha’s teach- where happiness and success are based on the
ings. Lord Buddha did not want to confine his mutual understanding of the values of both. Both
religion to only one group of people like the should be absolutely faithful to each other. Lord
monks and nuns who form a very small class Buddha advised that from the moment of marriage
among the whole population, the majority being the husband should look at all women other than
constituted by the householders (upāsaka and his wife as mother, sister, or daughter according to
upāsikā) who lead a family life. He looked deeper their age. Marriage is a partnership in which each
into the nature of man and tried to find out what of the partners performs his/her specific duties to
should be the religious duty for such family per- fulfill the aims of the partnership. The husband
sons in the society. He recognized the sexual hands over full authority to the wife in her own
element in human nature as the most deep-rooted sphere of work. It is the duty of the husband to
instinct which cannot be ignored or condemned earn, to secure the family, and protect his liveli-
and which is present among both men and hood and reputation. He should seek to please and
women. So naturally the question arises as to beautify his wife, to give her open and affectionate
how this aspect of human nature can be dealt signs of his care and admiration. On the other
with in a proper way for the benefit of the whole hand, for the woman there is also a down-to-
society. There are three possible alternatives – earth basis to married life. The wife particularly
(1) People can live dependent on their sexuality has the duty of creating a pleasing and hospitable
in a righteous way which can generate worldly home. While the husband’s duty is to earn for the
pleasure and happiness in a righteous manner; family, the wife has a major part to play in
Marriage (Buddhism) 753

organizing the economic welfare of the family. is a protection from loneliness and is a safeguard
She has to be chaste and faithful to her husband of one’s family tradition. Through the perfor-
and protect the sincerity and confidence of the mance of different roles, each partner gets strength
marriage. Thus Buddha looked into marriage from the other and provides support and appreci-
from a very pure and practical standpoint, namely, ation to the other. So there should be no question
what can make a marriage work successfully, of superiority and inferiority between the husband
irrespective of age, class, race, etc. He specified and the wife. Superiority is to be found in gener-
five ways by which a husband is to behave with osity, loyalty, and dedication to the noble path. In
his wife – (1) by honor, (2) by respect, (3) by short, a marriage relationship is one of religious
faithfulness, (4) by handing over authority to partnership, and according to Lord Buddha, the
her, and (5) by giving her ornaments. On the religiosity consists not in anything ritual, any cus-
other hand, the wife being so cared of by her tom, or in any rule; it is rather an opportunity
husband has to show her compassion toward him bestowed on each other to develop virtue and
in five ways – (1) by doing her work well, (2) by understanding. When people of the society are
showing hospitality to her husband and his rela- able to lead their marital life in such a peaceful
tives, (3) by being faithful, (4) by saving what he disciplined manner, the well-being of the society
earns, and (5) by exhibiting skill and diligence in will automatically follow.
all her duties. Sometimes Buddha has compared A cursory glance may be taken as to how the
the wife with the sacrificial fire and holds that just notion of marriage was actually practiced in the
as a priest treats the sacrificial fire with utmost Buddhist society. In the Buddhist society, three
care, similarly the husband should treat his wife types of marriage were prevalent – (1) marriage
with care. Her life and well-being are his only arranged by the guardians, (2) marriage selected
reasons for existence. By looking after her, by by the girl herself, generally known as
honoring her, by protecting her from all dangers, svayamvara, and (3) marriage proceeding entirely
and esteeming her, he is able to perform his major out of love without any ceremonies and without
M
role. For the wife also Buddha has recommended consulting relatives, which generally is held
some roles. First, she must look after her husband secretly and this marriage is called gandharva-
with loving sympathy and in this respect her role vivāha. In the Indian tradition, though a maiden
will be like that of a mother. Secondly, she must and a lover could unite themselves through love,
show respect toward him and honor him quietly, the usual course was for the father to select the
in this respect her role is like that of a younger girl’s husband and arrange for her marriage. But as
sister. Thirdly, she has the role of a best friend to in the Buddhist society women attained more
her husband – she must be glad to see him and be independence than before, the responsibility of
with him at all moments of pleasure and sorrow. the father to select a suitable groom for his daugh-
Finally she must be as obedient and loyal to her ter became not so important, and the girls them-
husband as a faithful servant is to his master. In selves came to have more voice in this regard. In
short, both the husband and the wife should be the Jātaka there is the story of princess Kaṇhā who
compassionate to each other. As in other relation- requested her mother to persuade her father to
ships, in the case of marital relationship also, the arrange an assembly of noble persons, from
key concept is compassion according to Buddha. whom she could choose someone as her husband.
By this what is emphasized is that the married life Such a system is known as svayaṁvara; in such
is a unique balance of enlightened self-interest a system a number of eligible suitors desiring to
and unselfish devotion. Every action, physical, marry the princess are assembled and the princess
mental, or verbal, is performed with the aim of could select publicly among those suitors, her
the welfare of the other. Successful marriage husband. After making the choice, the girl would
grows from mutual understanding of each other utter the words gaṇhāmi meaning “I accept him as
and from true loyalty. It involves a response to my husband.” However, it would be wrong to
many needs and not mere physical satisfaction. It think that this svayaṁvara marriage was the only
754 Marriage (Buddhism)

type of marriage prevalent in Buddhist society. a Caṇḍāla, being married to the daughter of
Following the general Indian tradition, the parents a Brāhmaṇa is told. But stories are also found in
wishing a happy married life for their daughter the same texts where the parents had taken pre-
usually thought it proper to exercise their parental cautionary measures to protect the reputation of
control over the selection of the husband. In the the family and the daughters were kept in close
commentary on the Therīgāthā the phrase “giving doors in their parent’s house out of the fear that
their daughter in marriage” occurs quite often. In their daughter might elope with some undesirable
arranging such marriage the parents tried their persons. And, in spite of all protections often the
best to retain the status and reputation of the basic instinct of the daughter led her to find out
family. At the same time attempts were made to ways to move out with her beloved and get mar-
get their daughter married to person of equal sta- ried. In the Jātakas there is the story of a girl who
tus and of the same caste. In the same text there is was nurtured in a very conservative manner and
the story of Isidāsī who was the daughter of kept completely ignorant of worldly matters. One
a virtuous and rich merchant; she was given in day when she looked down from an upper storey
marriage to one who was of the same status and upon the street, she saw a hunchback. From her
who was the son of another merchant. Uttarā, the nurse she heard that in the cow tribe a hunch
daughter of the chief Commander of the king of denotes royalty; by analogy she regarded this
Saurāṣṭra, was married to a person of equal status. man to be of royal status and fell in love with
Such stories are very common in Buddhist litera- him. Then she disguised herself and collected
ture. Even boys are spoken of as marrying with the the best of her belongings and set off with him.
consent of their parents and parents seem some- Her madness of youth and lust for a man led her to
times to have proposed a certain alliance for their ignore the dictates of her parents and not to waste
sons. In Buddhist literature there are ample cases any time to obtain their sanction.
where the parents did not take the initiative to find Apart from these three types of marriage,
a suitable husband for their daughter but the sometimes a man would steal a girl by force or
suitors approached them and proclaimed their by alluring her through some attractive gifts and
desire to get married with their daughter. And marry her. In the Aśoka Jātaka there is the story
sometimes, it so happened that the proud father that the king of Kośala defeated the king of Bena-
turned down their request on the ground that he res in a battle and stole his queen; later on he
was not worthy of his daughter. But at the same married her and made her the chief queen. In the
time it is to be remembered that there was no such Takka Jātaka, another story of marrying a girl after
hard and fast rule in the Buddhist society that the stealing by force is mentioned. The chief of a gang
equality of status is to be maintained at the time of robbers once stole a village girl and gave her
of marriage. In the texts like Therīgāthā or the status of his wife.
Mahāvaṁsa there are several instances as evi- No age was actually prescribed as the appro-
dences. For instance, Pasendi, the king of Kośala, priate age of marriage for a girl. But probably girls
was married to Mallikā who was the daughter of got married at the age between 16 and 20.
a maid servant and the king accepted her as his Visākhā, for example, was married when she
wife and took her to his kingdom. King Aśoka was 16 years old. In the commentaries on the
also married a girl called Devī who was the Dhammapada and the Therīgāthā stories of
daughter of a merchant and she became the Bhaddā Kuṇḍalakesā, Selā, Ālavikan, and
mother of his children Sanghamitrā and Mahendra Sumedhā are told. These girls were unmarried
who were sent to Sri Lanka to preach Buddhism. even at the age of 16. These stories indicate that
Similarly, when Kisā Gotamī, the daughter of the girls usually got married at an age higher than
a very poor family, was married to the son of that of child marriage. Another evidence against
a rich merchant, the equality of status was not child marriage may be cited from the story of
maintained. In the Divyāvadāna the story of Ghoṣaka. Ghoṣaka, a rich merchant, when asked
Śārdulakarṇa, the son of a lower caste, by a king to get his daughter Sāmāvatī married to
Marriage (Buddhism) 755

him, turned down the request of the king saying accordance with the joint family set up, customary
that the householders do not give marriage of in those days.
young daughters out of the fear that they might After marriage when the bride starts her jour-
be maltreated and ill-used. But it cannot be con- ney to her in-law’s house, she is given the follow-
clusively said that child marriage was totally ing advices by her parents:
absent in the Buddhist society. For in the Saṁyutta
Nikāya, it has been told that one of the woes that 1. Do not bring outside the fire which lies within
a woman did suffer as distinguished from a man is the house. The significance is that the girl
that she has to go to her husband’s family leaving should not disclose the secret discussions
behind her parents and other relatives at a “tender” made within the family by her in-laws to
age. Though what is meant by “tender age” has anyone outside the family.
not been made very clear, but commentary holds 2. Do not bring inside the house any fire from
that it indicates an age between 12 and 20. One outside. This means that what is being
illuminating reference in support of marriage discussed by the servants, should not be
below the age of 12 is recorded in the Bhikkhuṇi- disclosed to any family members for that
vibhanga, where a girl of less than 12 was may create disputes.
ordained by the alms-women. She was said to be 3. If you desire to lend money to anyone, give
a bride and stayed with her husband. That the loans to those who can repay.
custom of child marriage was not totally unknown 4. Never lend money to anyone who does not
is evident from a passage of the Milindapañhā repay.
where two persons were arguing with each other 5. Give donations to persons irrespective of
as to who can be a proper husband. In course of whether they can repay or not. That is, if
such argument, one man mentioned “the little girl, any poor relative or friend needs some help
the mere child,” whom his rival chose as his wife, at the moment of distress, it is a duty to help
cannot be considered as the same person whom he them, without taking into consideration
M
chose when she was grown up. On the basis of all whether they will be able to repay it in future
this, what can be said is that though in the early or not.
days of Buddhism girls were not given in marriage 6. Sit happily. That is, if any elderly relative
at a very early age below 10, the custom of child enters the room, the bride should stand up
marriage became popular in the later days of and will remain so till they are seated.
Buddhism. 7. Eat happily. That is, she should take her meal
The arrangement of a marriage bond was only after serving her respected in-laws and
a strictly family affair. No astrologer was called her husband and being sure that they are
in to approve the union. An auspicious day was satisfied.
selected for the celebration. For marriage the gen- 8. Sleep happily. The bride should perform her
eral convention was that the groom had to go to duties toward her in-laws, specially father-in-
the house of the bride. There the wedding cere- law and mother-in-law, and then should go to
mony was performed without the intervention of sleep.
any priest and was a purely civil or domestic 9. Take care of the fire. That is, she should take
affair. There were no rites, no rituals, no oath- care of her father-in-law and mother-in-law
taking, no oblation, and no sort of superstition. properly just as one does while handling fire.
There were only festivities and feasting at the 10. Have devotion for the family deities. If any
house of the bride, and such festivals sometimes monk comes to the house as a guest, he must
continued for more than 1 or 2 days according to be treated with due respect. She must satisfy
the means of her parents. Sometimes gifts were him with proper food and drink.
offered to the poor people. When the festivities
were over, the newly married girl would leave for These advices indicate that the girl is given
her in-law’s house with her husband, in instruction by her parents to adjust herself well
756 Marriage (Buddhism)

with all the relatives in the in-law’s house. She and had a respectable position at their home
must behave as an indispensable member of the spending their time caring for their parents, youn-
family caring always for everyone and showing ger brothers, and sisters. Lots of unmarried
regards to others which they deserve and try her women joined the Order of Bhikkhuṇis. In spite
best to retain the status and tradition of the family. of the respect and reputation they received from
By showing her modesty and respect to her par- their family members, they could not suppress
ents-in-law and by the performance of her duties their inner feeling of disappointment of not
to them, she would become a model to other being able to find a husband and they became
women. jealous of other women who were able to fulfill
Generally, the practice of taking dowry at the the traditional role of a wife and a mother. This
time of marriage was not popular in the Buddhist can be inferred from the story of Sumanā, the
society, but it was expected that the father would youngest daughter of Anāthapiṇḍaka, in the com-
present their daughter jewelry, clothes, and some- mentary on the Dhammapada. There it is stated
times money. In the case of very rich persons, that she was very much disappointed at her failure
some more items could be added. In the commen- to get a husband for her. The status of the unmar-
tary on the Dhammapada it is said that at the time ried woman also changed in the later days of
of marriage of Visākhā her father presented her Buddhism. For example, during the time when
with 500 pieces of gold, silver, and copper dishes; Milindapañhā was composed, a woman without
a huge quantity of husked rice; plowshares and a husband was considered to be among the ten
other implements; 1,500 female slaves; a great sorts of individuals who are despised, undesirable,
herd of cattle; and a magnificent creeper. and thought shameful and were looked down
Anāthapiṇḍaka also gave splendid presents to his upon. Her status was the same as a weak creature,
daughter at the time of marriage and sent her in as one who has no character or reputation. This
great state to her in-law’s house. When indicates that with the passing of time, the
Mahākośala, who was the father of Pasendi, the upliftment of status which Buddha wanted to
king of Kośala, arranged the marriage of his bring for the women, gradually decreased.
daughter Kosala-devī with king Bimbisāra, he In the Buddhist time the general practice of
gave her a village in Kāsī as bath-money. Simi- marriage was monogamous. But there was no
larly, Pasendi also at the time of the marriage of hard and fast rule in this regard and the practice
his daughter Bajirā with Ajātasatru had presented of polygamy was not condemned. In fact, for the
another village in Kāśī as gift. There was also people of the upper class like the kings or the
a custom to receive gifts from the guests during nobles and the rich persons, it was a customary
marriage. However, that the convention of paying right to have more than one wife and there was no
bride-money was not totally absent in the Bud- limit to the number of wives that a man might
dhist society can be inferred from a sentence have. But the evidences show that in most cases,
found in the Milindapañhā. The sentence says except few exceptional ones, most ordinary
“The little girl, the mere child, whom you chose persons used to have only one wife. The custom
in marriage and paid a price for, is one; the girl of having more than one wife prevailed mostly
grown up to full age, whom I chose in marriage among the wealthy class, among the kings, the
and paid a price for is another.” The sentence nobles and the merchants. Thus Pasendi had five
indicates that the custom of paying bride-price wives, and Bimbisāra has been reported in the
was not unpopular in later days of Buddhism. Mahāvagga to have 500 wives. The commentary
However, it was not essential for women to get on the Dhammapada mentions three brothers who
married to save her self-respect or the reputation were all prosperous merchants to have respec-
of the family. It was not considered a disgrace to tively two, four, and eight wives. Evidence also
a woman to remain unmarried as it was during the is found in the Buddhist literature of a wealthy
Smṛti period. In the early days of Buddhism such person, a millionaire, having a single wife.
unmarried girls would go unabused, contented, The usual reason for taking a second wife was
Marriage (Buddhism) 757

the barrenness of the first wife. The public opinion life, equal to the position of the husband, like all
prevalent in the Buddhist time as in the Vedic days ideals it yielded infinite variations. In a practical
was that a family cannot sustain without a child. situation, the wife was often considered as the
So when a wife was found to be incapable of “pāda-paricārikā,” as serving on one’s feet, a
giving birth to a child, the husband decided to symbol of the most utter humility. This makes it
remarry. But there were other reasons also; for clear that her prestige was kept in check. She was
example, if the chastity of the wife was in doubt, still considered to be inferior and a possession of
the husband did remarry. Polyandry, on the other the husband and was never considered fit for
hand, was in all probability absent in the society. getting independence. If one looks at the list of
Even if it existed, it was a rather rare event. There ten wives mentioned in the Vinaya, one will find
is the mention of only a single case in the Jātaka, that in the Buddhist society, some wives were
namely, in the Kuṇāla Jātaka where the princess regarded as slaves while there were those to be
Kāṇhā decided to have five husbands at the enjoyed or made use of occasionally (bhoga-
same time. vāsinī ). Since the husband considered the
The custom of divorce was prevalent at that wives to be his possession, he could give her to
time also, though it was not legalized. Example others, if he so desired. For example, in the
may be cited of Isidāsī, who had to return twice to Avadānakalpalatā, Kṣemendra tells us the story
her parental house by being rejected and disliked of king Śrīsena, whose wife was Jayaprabhā. He
by her two husbands. She married twice, but on offered Jayaprabhā as a gift to his guru. Similar is
each occasion she was unable to satisfy her hus- the story of king Maṇicud who donated his wife,
band and so each of them had expelled her out of queen Padmāvatī, for the service of the old sage
the house. So remarrying a second person after Marīci.
divorcing the first husband is a modern outlook All these indicate that though Lord Buddha
and this is not found mentioned in any other case considered marriage to be a very noble and virtu-
like this. In the Ucchanga Jātaka there is the story ous relationship based on mutual love and respect
M
of a woman whose husband, son, and brother were for each other, this ideal situation got changed as
put to prison. She requested the king several times days rolled on. In later days women were not
for their release. Her requests were turned down; given that respectable position, but had to submit
then she began to cry. Moved by her tears the king to male domination.
decided to release only one of them and asked her
opinion regarding whom she wants to have free.
Then the lady asked for the release of her brother Cross-References
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inferred that in those days marrying a person even ▶ Sociology (Buddhism)
when her husband was alive, was not blame- ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
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Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, Darbhanga middle way implied surpassing two extreme posi-
14. Willis J (ed) (1989) Feminine ground: essays on tions, namely, eternalism (Skt. śāśvata-vāda) on the
women and Tibet. Snow Lion Publications, Ithaca
one hand and annihilationism (Skt. uccheda-vāda)
on the other. Eternalism accepted the existence of
the immutable self (Skt. ātman) that continues to be
Materialism (Buddhism) even after the death of the body. This view applies
to the Vedic tradition and its philosophical streams.
Ana Bajželj In contrast to this, the latter position of
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, annihilationism declared the self to perish with
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia the physical death. The range of annihilationist
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem views recorded in the Buddhist sources is quite
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel vast and varies from the acceptance of
the changeless self which does not survive the
death of the body to the refutation of the very
Synonyms notion of the self. The diverse positions of
annihilationism are put forward in the
Annihilationism; Cārvāka; Lokāyata; Uccheda- Brahmajāla-sutta that outlines seven different
vāda annihilationist views on the self, which despite
quite divergent takes on the nature of the self all
claim it to be destroyed with the death of the body.
Definition These seven understand the self to be (1) com-
posed of gross matter, (2–3) composed of subtle
Materialism was one of the many Indian tradi- matter, and (4–7) immaterial and formless. The
tions, in the context of which Buddhism emerged materialists were a group of individuals that
Materialism (Buddhism) 759

adhered to the first view of the self being made of undifferentiated to a manifested state.
gross matter. Accordingly, they maintained that Chattopadhyaya considers the multiplicity of con-
there is nothing that remains after the death of sciousness principles or puruṣas to have been
the body and the dispersion of the material ele- fairly unimportant in the early development of
ments. The materialist view therefore rejected the this tradition and suggests that they were intro-
idea of rebirth and with it the notion of karmic duced as an additional element to the original
retribution as well as the possibility of nirvāṇa. 24-element materialist scheme of reality.
Amongst the six different teachers, whose doc- Lokāyata was an Indian tradition that was most
trines the Buddha described in the Sāmaññaphala- unambiguously materialist in nature. Its origin is
sutta as unsatisfactory, Ajita Kesakambali was the occasionally attributed to the legendary Bṛhaspati
most prominent representative of the materialist whose sūtras are referred to in secondary sources
position. He taught that a person consists of four but have not been preserved. The name of the
great elements, namely, earth, water, fire, and air. school derives from the word “loka,” meaning
According to his teaching, when a person dies, “the world” and referring to the doctrine that
earthly components return to earth, fluid to water, only the empirical world exists. The adherents of
heat to fire, and wind to air, while the sense fac- this tradition proposed a specific epistemological
ulties pass into space. Consequently, there is no position in relation to their ontology, accepting
permanent ātman that would continue to exist in perception (Skt. pratyakṣa) as the sole valid
afterlife. For Ajita Kesakambali, the notion of acts means of knowledge (Skt. pramāṇa). Refuting
having good and bad consequences is equally inference (Skt. anumāna), analogy (Skt. upamāna),
flawed, for everyone, the fool and the wise, no and verbal testimony (Skt. śabda) as unreliable,
matter what the nature of one’s past actions they concluded that it is impossible to prove the
might be, perishes upon physical death. There- existence of the soul, life after death, and karmic
fore, according to Sāmaññaphala-sutta Ajita retribution. Therefore, according to Lokāyata, all
Kesakambali considered the idea of repayment an individual is, is a composition of the four ele-
M
in another life to be an empty lie. It must be ments (earth, water, fire, and air). Even one’s con-
pointed out, however, that information on Ajita sciousness is a product of this temporary makeup
Kesakambali is only available through secondary and thus has a material origin. Another name that
references of his opponents; the accounts of his has been attributed to this materialist tradition is
position are thus inevitably biased. Cārvāka, a term possibly stemming from a name of
The teachings of Ajita Kesakambali are often a sage or the verbal root √carv-, to eat or chew. The
mentioned in relation to the school of thought latter explanation is related to the frequent accounts
that came to be known as Lokāyata. In his of materialists as uninhibited hedonists. However,
study on ancient Indian materialism Debiprasad since these sorts of descriptions are found in sec-
Chattopadhyaya proposes that the traditions of ondary sources that are aimed at refuting the oppo-
Tantra, Sāṃkhya, and Lokāyata were all varieties nents’ viewpoint, they may be understood as
of materialism [1]. He relates the Tantric tradition attempts to degrade a position that may well have
to the early agricultural society, in which the paral- been very popular with the people. None of the
lel between the human body and the cosmos was original texts of the Lokāyata tradition have been
recognized. In this context, the intercourse between preserved, with the possible exception of Jayarāśi
a man and a woman, representing life, was deemed Bhaṭṭa’s Tattvopaplavasiṃha.
to contribute to the fertility of the land. Buddhism considers the materialist position to
Despite Sāṃkhya being later categorized as be a wrong view, that is, one of the ten unwhole-
one of the Brahmanical schools of thought (Skt. some courses of action, which has a greater poten-
darśana), Chattopadhyaya argues that its early tial than anything else to lead to a particularly
tradition was a form of materialism. According unfortunate birth, that is, as an animal or a hell-
to his theory, Sāṃkhya held prakṛti or matter to be being. In other words, as a wrong view, the materi-
the primary principle that evolved from an alist position is bound to lead away from liberation
760 Mathurā

and result in suffering. The Buddha thus rejected 2. Daksinaranjan S (1957) A short history of Indian mate-
this extreme position and instead proposed that rialism. The Book Company, Calcutta
3. Dasgupta S (1955) A history of Indian philosophy,
despite the nonexistence of ātman, the recurrent vol V. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
afterlives continue to be produced through 4. Mittal KK (1974) Materialism in Indian thought.
ignorance, craving, and karmic fruition. He Munihiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
explained this continuity by introducing
a temporal model of empirical conditionality
which systematically points out the factors that
lead to the arising of unsatisfactoriness and further Mathurā
rebirths. This scheme is referred to as pratītya-
samutpāda or the scheme of dependent origination. Anand Singh
The Buddhist doctrine of karmically generated School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization,
selfless continuation in the cycle of rebirths that is Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, UP,
aimed at liberation from it therefore rejects the India
materialist position of no afterlife, no karmic retri- Institute of Management Sciences, University of
bution, and no nirvāṇa. Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Synonyms
Cross-References
Gundāvana; Klisoboras; Madhupurī; Madhurā;
▶ Ajita Keśakambali
Śūraśena; Suryapura; Uttara Madhurā; Vraja
▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
Veranjā
▶ Atheism (Buddhism)
▶ Ātman
▶ Causality (Buddhism)
Definition
▶ Death (Buddhism)
▶ Eschatology (Buddhism)
Mathurā, a city of great antiquity, is situated in the
▶ Kamma
upper Gangā Valley. Buddhist literature praised
▶ Karma
it as a famous center of trade and art. The
▶ Khandha
Mahābhārata speaks of this place as birthplace
▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
of Lord Krishna. In early period, Mathurā was
▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā
known for Buddhism and their school of art [22].
▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda
▶ Person (Buddhism)
Introduction
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
Mathurā lies in the upper Gangā Valley as an
▶ Reality (Buddhism)
integral part of the Yamunā basin between the
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
latitude 27
140 N to 27
580 N and longitude
▶ Relativity (Buddhism)
77
170 E to 78
120 E. Some regions of Mathurā,
▶ Science (Buddhism)
which extend in the arid zone, are less fertile than
▶ Soul
the doab of the middle Gangā Valley [13]. The
Harivaṃsa Purāna says it is a prosperous coun-
try with many pasture lands which nurtured peo-
References
ple [12]. Fa-hien mentions the kingdom of
1. Chattopadhyaya D (1985) Lokāyata: a study in ancient Ma-teou-lo (Mathurā) is situated on the banks
materialism. People’s Publishing House, New Delhi of the river Po-na (Yamunā). He says that
Mathurā 761

Mathurā has 20 saṃghārāmas with 3,000 monks several clans like Vitihotras and Satvatas. The
residing in it and Buddhism is in prosperous state in Satvatas were further divided into Daivavridha,
this country. He further says that people of this city Andhaka, Mahābhoja, and Vriśnis [14]. The
killed no living creature. They do not drink intox- Śatpatha Brāhmana describes the defeat of the
icating liquor, and with the exception of Cāṇḍalas, Satvatas by the Bhāratas who took away their
they eat neither garlic nor onions [1]. Hiuen-tsang sacred fire of Aśvamedha sacrifice [24]. The
says it is a great country with Mathurā as a capital Arthasaśtra says Vriśnis as the saṃgha or
extending 833 miles (5,000 li) in circuit. Cunning- a republic [21]. Megasthenes mentions Mathurā
ham says that it might include the modern districts as a stronghold of Heraklese (Vāsudeva) worship-
of Mathurā, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Alvar, and a part ping [16]. The descendant of the Andhakas was
of Gwalior [7]. Kaṃsa who was killed by his maternal nephew
Krishna. When Jarāsandha, the king of Magadha
came to know of it, he was annoyed with Krishna.
Origin of Names Due to this fear, the Vriśnis left Mathurā and
migrated to Dwarakā [11]. Arrian mentions two
In the literary texts, Mathurā is known as great cities Metoras and Klisoboras and the nav-
Madhurā, Suryapura, Madhupurī, Śūraśena, and igable river Jobares flowed their territories [4].
Vraja. Śūraśena was its most popular name and Pliny mentions river Yamunā as Jomaes which
was included in the 16 mahājanpadas with passed between the towns of Methora and
Mathurā as capital [14]. Mathurā is also known Klisobora [16]. The city of Klisobora has been
as Uttara Madhurā, probably to distinguish it from identified as Vrindāvana, the grove of kadamba
a city of the same name in the South India [9]. The trees (basil forests) famous for the Krishna’s dal-
Ghata Jātaka speaks of Mahā Sāgara as the king liance with the gopis (milkmaids) [17].
of Uttara Madhurā [8]. Pliny speaks of it as Śūraśena is one of the aryajanpada lying south
Methoras [16]. In the Jaina literature, Mathurā is of the Kurus and to the east of the Matsyas [10]. In
M
known as Saurapura or Suryapura [10]. The the Śaka and Kushāna age, it was in a flourishing
Rāmāyana calls it Madhupurī, the abode of stage. From Kankalī Tīlā of Mathurā, the inscrip-
Madhu and the father of Lavanya, and it is also tions of Indo-Scythian kings Kaṇiṣka, Vasiṣka,
known as Vraja and Gokula [14]. Huviṣka, and Vāsudeva have been discovered.
The coins of Appolodates, Menander, are also
found. An elephant capital of the time of Huviṣka
History of Mathurā with several sculptured pillars of Buddhist railings
of large size and few portions of their rails are also
Since 1000 B.C.E. onward, the Aryan bands found [6]. The lion capital inscription of the Śaka
started penetrating the Gangā Valley and the pro- ruler Rajvula is found from Mathurā written in the
cess of cultural assimilation and colonization kharosthi script that mentions a Buddhist vihāra
followed. There is clear evidence of eastward built by his chief queen [23]. The excavation of
migration of the Aryans from Sarasvatī valley to Katrā shows a broken Buddhist railing pillar,
establish settlements, clear forests, and to culti- a statue of Mahāmāyā standing under sāla tree,
vate the freshly cleared land. The Śatpatha and an inscription of the Gupta period giving
Brāhmana mentions Videgha Mādhava with his the genealogical records from Śri Gupta to
priest Rāhugana carried sacred fire to eastward Samudragupta. Another inscription found in the
after leaving Sarasvatī valley and moving down excavation on the base of a statue of Śakyabikkhu
to Gangā-Yamunā doab until he reached Sadānirā mentions the Yaśa vihāra of Mathurā [6].
[24]. During this period, urbanization started here Mathurā was also a trade center in the early
and Śūraśena mahājanpada with Mathurā as its age. The mercantile communities like vanika,
capital came into existence. The Yadus were sresthi, sārthavāha, gandhikas, suvarnakāras,
ruling in the Vraja region and were divided into lohakāras, kumbhakāras, manikāras, and
762 Mathurā

kalvalas are mentioned in the contemporary litera- brahmanas over other varnas. The Madhura Sutta
ture. Kautilya speaks of thriving cotton industry of gives description of this. Mahākaccāna confers that
Mathura [21]. The cotton of Mathurā was known as wealth can be gained by all, not only the brahmanas.
sātaka. The Buddhist literature gives a good A brahmana can experience the result of his actions
account of the route from Mathurā to Rājagaha. both good and bad in this world and in the next, just
From Mathurā, this route proceeded to Veranjā, as the members of the other varnas. A brahmana
Soreyya, Sankissa, Kanyakubja, and finally can seek more homage on account of his varna [19].
reached Prayāga [15]. Pliny also mentions route The Sarvāstivādin and Mahāsaṃghika were two
connecting Mathurā. A highway from Caspian dominant sects of Buddhism in Mathurā in the
sea to mouth of the Ganges via Alexandria of the Śaka and Kuṣāna age. Fahien mentions prosperity
Aria (Heart), Prophthasia of Drangae (Seistan), the of Buddhist establishments [1]. Hiuen-tsang speaks
city of Arachosei (Alexandria in Kandhar), about the saṃghārāmas and monks residing in it
Hortospana (Kabul), Paucolatis (Puskalavati), and says that Buddhism had to compete with other
Takṣasilā, Iomana (Mathura), Prayāga, and sects like Vaiśnavism, and subsequently, Buddhism
Palibrotha has been described by him [16]. The declined in Mathurā region [14].
epigraphic records of the age of Śakas, Kushanas,
Gupta, and post Gupta period gave vivid accounts
of trading activities of Mathurā and its people. Mathurā School of Art
Since early medieval age, its prosperity started
declining due to emergence of feudalism. In the beginning of the Christian era, Mathurā
school of art became active and produced remark-
able statues of the Buddha, the Jaina tirthānkaras,
Depiction of Mathurā in Buddhist and Hindu Gods and Goddesses which earned for
Literature her the enviable position in the art world of con-
temporary India, but the Buddha images of
The expansion of Buddhism in Mathurā started Mathurā are exclusive. The unmistakable identity
during the age of the Buddha. The Aṅguttara of all Mathurā Buddhist sculptures is the spotted
Nikāya says that once the Buddha was journeying red sandstone from Sikrī [14]. During archaeolog-
from Mathurā to Veranjā and took shelter under ical explorations, a sizable number of statues,
the tree in Mathurā to preach a congregation of the āyagpattas, stone railings, and stūpas are discov-
lay followers [18], the Buddha saw Mathurā with ered showing the excellence of the Mathurā art.
a distinct disfavor. It is said when the Buddha Some of the important archaeological sites are [6]:
reached Mathurā, the presiding mother Goddess
of the city, taking his arrival as an impediment in 1. The ruins of Katrā at the southern side of the
her worship, stood naked before him. The Buddha district jail
admonished her by saying that it did not suit 2. Kankalī Tīlā about half a mile south from Katrā
a virtuous woman to do so [3]. The Buddha has 3. Chaubarā mound one mile and a quarter to the
mentioned the five demerits of Mathurā, namely, southwest of Katrā
the banks of rivers being flooded, the countryside
full of thorns and pegs, sandy and rocky land, In the Mat shrine on the mound Tokri Tīlā, the
people eating in the last quarter of the night, and colossal images of Kaniṣka and Wima Kadphisis
the presence of many women [4]. In Mathurā, the clad in Scythic dress are found indicating
Buddha also subdued the Yakṣa Gardabha who daivakula tradition of the Kuṣānas [6].
devoured children and the Yakṣis Alika, Benda, Some of the important features of Mathura
Maghā, and Tiṃisika [4]. Mahākaccāna was school of art are [5]:
instrumental in spreading of Buddhism in
Mathurā. Avantiputta, the king of Mathurā, visited 1. The saṃghati of the Buddha in Mathurā school
him and enquired about the superiority of the shows ridgelike parallel folds on the drapery,
Mathurā 763

and the drapery folds near neck are loosely Cross-References

held on both sides.
2. The trough of the saṃghati assumes ▶ Bodhisattva
a curvilinear form which provides “U”-shaped ▶ Gandhara
loop at the bottom. ▶ Mahāsāṅghika
3. Mathurā Buddha is columnar and statuesque. ▶ Stūpa
He is taller and massive, and these features ▶ Yakṣa
imbibed from the early yakṣa model.
4. The Uśnīśa is taller, and the halo is very ornate
in Mathurā. References

Though majority representations are Buddhist, 1. Beal S (1869, reprint 2005) Travels of Fa-hien and
some Jaina remains are also visible. The ruins of Sung-yun from China to India. D.K. Printworld, New
Delhi
a Jaina shrine dating back to the pre-Christian era 2. Burgess J, Fuhrer A (1892–1894) Epigraphia Indica,
and a large number of dedicatory inscriptions vol II. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
engraved on the images of Jinas, āyagapattas, 3. Chandra M (1977) Trade & trade routes in ancient
and arches dating from the first two centuries of India. Abhinav Prakashan, New Delhi
4. Chinnok EJ (1893) (ed) Arrian anabasis Indica.
Christian era are found in Mathurā. The references George Bell Press, London
of the teachers of the donors, their kula, gotra, śā 5. Coomarswamy AK (1965) History of Indian & Indo-
khā, etc. are also mentioned in it. The earliest nesian art. Dover publications, New York
Jaina inscription of Mathurā has been assigned 6. Cunningham A (1873) Report of Archaeological Sur-
vey of India, vol III. ASI, New Delhi
to the middle of the second century B.C.E. It 7. Cunningham A (2006, reprint) The ancient geography
records the donation of ornamental arch for the of India (the Buddhist period). Low Price Publication,
Jaina temple by the lay follower Uttaradaśaka, son New Delhi
of Vachhi and disciple of ascetic Mahārakhita [2]. 8. Fausbal V (ed) (1877–1897) Jātakas, 7 vols. PTS, M
London
Another inscription from Mathurā mentions 9. Hardy E (ed) (1901) Vimānavatthu. Pali Text Society,
worshipping of the arhat Vardhamāna by London
Amohinī, Kochhi, the wife of Pāla who was son 10. Jain JC (1947) Life in ancient India as depicted in
of Hariti, and together with her sons Palaghosha, Jaina canons. New Book Company, Bombay
11. Kinjawadekar R (ed) (1929–1933) Mahābhārata.
Pothaghosha, Dhanaghosha, etc. [2]. The Jaina Poona Press, Poona
āyagapatta is an ornamental slab or tablet of 12. Kinjawadekar R (ed) (1936) Harivamsa Purana.
homage bearing the portrait of tirthānkaras or Chitrashala Press, Poona
other Jaina symbols. One such āyagpatta was set 13. Lal M (1987–1988) Population distribution and
its movement during the first and second millennia
up by Svayaśa, the wife of dancer Phaguyaśa. It B.C. in the gangetic divide and upper ganga
gives an impressive view of a Jaina stupa plain, Puratattva. Indian Archaeological Society,
surrounded by a circumambulatory path with New Delhi
a railing [20]. The toranas have also been exca- 14. Majumdar RC (1951) The age of imperial unity.
Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay
vated in Mathurā. The toranas generally show the 15. Malasekera GP (2007, reprint) Dictionary of Palī
veneration of holy symbols and tirthānkaras by proper names. MLBD, New Delhi
the lay followers and divinities. In one torana of 16. Mayhoff C (ed) (1892–1909) Pliny, Naturalis Historia.
Mathurā, a relief depicts paying homage by two Teubner, Leipzig
17. Mcrindle JW (ed) (1877) Ancient India as described
suparnas to tirthānkara [20]. by Megasthenes and Arrian. Oxford university,
The Mathura school of art not only London
exported the Buddha statues to various parts of 18. Morris R, Hardy E (1885–1900) Aòguttar Nikāya. Pali
the Indian subcontinent but also influenced the Text Society, London
19. Rhys Davids TW (1881) Majjhima Nikāya. SBE,
Sārnāth school of art which created wonderful Oxford/London
images of the Buddha in the age of imperial 20. Shah CJ (1932, reprint 2007) Jainism in North India.
Guptas. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi
764 Maudgalyāyana

21. Shamsastri R (ed) (1919) Arthaśāstra of Kautilya. Definition

Wesleyan Mission Press, Mysore
22. Singh A (2005) Tourism in ancient India. Serial Pub-
lication, New Delhi Memory is an ability to store, retain, and recall
23. Sircar DC (1942) Select inscriptions bearing on Indian what has been memorized so far:
history & civilization, vol I. Calcutta All kinds of thoughts, speech, and activities in
24. Weber A (ed) (1882–1900) Śatapatha Brāhamana. the history of human beings could not have been
SBE, Oxford
carried out properly without having the neural
system of the hippocampus, a major component
of the brain which has developed much more
successfully than that of any other mammals on
Maudgalyāyana the earth, where information and experiences in
human life should be stored in a proper process of
▶ Moggallāna
encoding (registering some received information),
storage (creating a permanent or temporal record
of the received information), and retrieval
(recalling the stored information whenever
Meditation needed, in response to some cue for use).
As far as the history of Buddhism is concerned,
▶ Ānāpānasati it is desirable for a Buddhist to develop one’s
▶ Dhyāna/Jhāna memory power in order to recall any time what
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) is taught in the sūtras and put it into practice in the
midst of one’s daily life. Oblivion should be
avoided no matter how much it may cost, for the
sake of living a good Buddhist life and transmit-
Medium of Motion ting the heritage of Buddhism from one to other
generations in the future.
▶ Dharma (Jainism)
1. As far as the Buddha Śākyamuṇi’s physical
features are concerned, all of his disciples did
not try to memorize them properly because he
taught as follows when Ānanda, who had been
Memorization, Remembrance, always at his side, grieved bitterly at the fact
Recollection, Reminiscence, Recall that the Buddha, his great master, was about to
start his journey to the realm of death (the
▶ Memory (Buddhism)
perfect goal of nirvāṇa; parinirvāṇa) : “Be ye
islands unto yourselves. Take the self as your
refuge. Take yourselves to no external refuge.
Hold fast to the dharma as an island” (Dī gha-
Memory (Buddhism) nikāya 16). The Buddha should deserve to be
respected by other people only because his
Kanoko Tanaka dharma is honorable. Therefore, it is natural
Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan that nobody tried to engrave or paint any image
of the Buddha in his life time and even after his
death, until the first Buddha image was created
Synonyms for some reasons around the first or second
century, A.D. The physical features of the Bud-
Dhāraṇī, Smṛti; Memorization, Remembrance, dha image are full of imaginative elements
Recollection, Reminiscence, Recall based on a legendary theory to tell about how
Memory (Buddhism) 765

great persons visually looked like, in spite of find it easy to memorize and recall them. The
the fact that the historical Buddha himself was famous phrase “evaṃ mayā śrutam” (Thus
nothing but a monk tonsured just as his own I heard from the Buddha; Thus said the
disciple. That is, the emergence of Buddha Buddha) is the beginning of so many Buddhist
image in the history of Indian Buddhism was scriptures, for the purpose of authorizing their
the beginning of creating the memory of the contents; “This is not a pseudo, but a real the-
Buddha which came to be yearned for by those ory of the Buddha himself.” Written form of
who were eager to see him in person. It is quite Buddhist scriptures (sūtras) appeared for the
interesting that Buddhist people in later periods first time in the history of Buddhism around
believed without any doubt that the Buddha the first century B.C. at a Saṃgha in Śrī Lanka.
image, far from the ordinary figure of human Monks used “pattra,” a sort of long-shaped
beings, was a true and real memory of the leaf, for inscribing the sūtra, hoping that it
Buddha himself. This may be one of the best will remain forever even among the war and
example of showing “Memory and Oblivion.” other disasters to destroy their community any-
2. Then, how the teachings of the Buddha time. However, they never cease polishing up
Śākyamuṇi, which should be regarded as the their memory power in order to transmit orally
essence of the dharma, were memorized and the Buddha Dharma from one generation to
edited by his disciples after he had passed another.
away? 3. For example, dhāraṇī originally means the
For the first time, under the leadership of power of storing everything that is learnt
Mahākāśyapa, they came together at a cave from the Buddha Dharma. By memorizing
situated just outside the walled city of one item of the teachings, it is getting easier
Rājagṛha, the capital of Magadha, and mutu- to recall many other items, because one
ally recited all of the Buddha’s sermons and reminds him of the others through the act of
precepts (vinaya) memorized by Ānanda (in association in his mind. Dhāraṇī is such an art
M
charge of sermons) and Upāli (in charge of of mnemonics to help a Buddhist not to do evil
precepts) in order to reconfirm and establish but to do good in accordance with the Buddha
the true form of Buddha Dharma. Dharma. “Mantra” is often called “dhāraṇī ,”
From ancient times in India, they never try but “mantra” tends to be shorter than
to transcribe the sacred words of a great reli- “dhāraṇī .” “Mantra” has a specific meaning
gious leader for the purpose of engraving them to suggest the verbal power to realize what is
deeply in their own minds. Modern people may uttered, without fail. On the other hand,
think much of the written scriptures, but “dhāraṇī ” points to the memory power itself.
ancient and even modern Indians tend to regard 4. The word “smṛti” also can be translated as
oral tradition as much more important than “memory”: “not to forget what one has ever
a written language which is not yet a part of experienced in the past days.” In Buddhist
one’s nature as long as he cannot recall and context, good experiences (e.g., to realize
recite it from memory at any time. Reciting how life is transient and how potential at the
valuable teachings by heart should be the best same time, only if one try to live a positive life
attitude of a truly active follower of a religious within the time limited) should be the best
leader who is living an altruistic life. object of meditation. In this case, the act of
Therefore, Mahākāśyapa positively held the concentrating one’s mind upon the object is
convention of “saṃgī ti” meaning “to sing nothing but a smṛti. Moreover, the act of
together.” Just as the word “Saṃgī ta” (song) chanting the Buddha’s name, visualizing the
is one of the most popular names of Indian Buddha image, and contemplating the virtues
females, it is not very special for Indian people of the Buddha is called “Buddhanusmṛti” espe-
to memorize sacred sūtras of their own sects. cially regarded as the most important in the
By singing the verses of the sūtras, they can Pure Land Buddhism.
766 Memory (Buddhism)

5. Memorizing one’s past faults and sins must be other kind of living beings) is organically com-
essential for a human being who can recall posed of the physical, verbal, and mental karma
them as clearly as possible, feel shame at changing every moment according to the pre-
what were done in the past, confess all of sent conditions of his own mind and the envi-
them, and seek after forgiveness. Without hav- ronment all around him. It is neither substantial
ing the memory power he will not be able to nor unchanging. But such a karmic way of
take the responsibility of atoning his past faults living a life is believed to preserve the effective
and sins in the best way and should fail to power to be taken over beyond this life and
relieve his mind from a guilty conscience. should cause the natures of the next life, follow-
Oblivion may release a man from a sense of ing the law of causation, without being inter-
guilt, but he does not deserve to take part in the vened by God or any other kind of supernatural
social life again, but has to be punished in beings. Such a theory as this has several ver-
a proper way. Even in the lifetime of the Bud- sions among the schools of Nikāya Buddhism
dha Śākyamuṇi who taught how to avoid doing just as Sarvāstivādins, Sautrantikas, etc., whose
wrong and evil, his disciples were not perfect thinking of karma probably through the practice
to observe the rules of the Saṃgha (the com- of meditation later evolved into the thoughts of
munity of monks or nuns). By the kind advice the Mahāyāna Mādhyamika and Yogacāra
from King Biṃbisāra of Magadha who told the schools that good, bad, and morally neutral
Buddha that it was very much helpful to adopt karma, just as the seeds (bījā) deeply kept in
non-Buddhist rituals of uposadha for improv- one’s mind, should sprout as a result when the
ing the moral life of Buddhists, the Buddhist time is ripe according to some conditions.
own uposadha (the function of coming The issues of karma stated above may be
together twice a month, on the days of a new a sort of “karmic memory” kept through the
moon and a full moon, reconfirming the rules past, the present, and the future life of one’s
of the Saṃgha, confessing one’s sin, and for- own, no matter whether he may not memorize
giving one another) had started in due course. his past days very well owing to some prob-
From the viewpoint of a sinner, not only lems of the hippocampus, one of the most
“kṣama” (craving for others’ forgiveness essential system of storing memory only
with patience) but also “āpatti-pratideśana” through the medium of cellular tissues of neu-
(confessing and purifying one’s sin) should ron. The karmic memory in Buddhist philoso-
be necessary for taking a new step of his life phy, on the other hand, will never be lost as
for the right direction of Buddhist goal (bodhi; long as all of the effects of his karma should
the perfect Awakenings). Those who may still not be dissolved by attaining the stage of
recall his sins are also desirable to tolerate what nirvāṇa or mokṣa: the state of mind successful
he did in the past. Memories both of a sinner in eliminating every cause of one’s sufferings
and a person who was troubled with the sin- (kleśa) or so-called three poisons of lust (rāga),
ner’s deeds may finally reconcile to each other: hatred (dveṣa), and delusion (moha). Thus,
Such a situation as this can be seen from medical science and religious philosophy are
ancient to modern generations. This is one of on different levels.
good examples of the memory power useful for 7. Regarding the issues of (5), “abhijñāna” (spe-
preserving morality of the human life. cial abilities or wisdom to be obtained by the
6. Ontologically speaking, it is well known that experiences of deep meditation reaching the
Buddhist philosophy always positively denies state of eliminating every kleśa arisen so far)
the substantial entity named “the eternal soul” deserves referring here. One of the six kinds of
which most of the non-Buddhist people need to abhijñāna is known as the abilities of knowing
believe as the essence of human existence. One everything about one’s own and others’ own
of the reasons should come from Buddhist previous lives. Ordinary people cannot remem-
thoughts that a human being (and even any ber anything about their karmic existences of
Menstruation (Buddhism) 767

the past, but “ārhat” (those who have obtained Definition

the abhijñāna for altruistic purposes) is
believed to see everything when meeting The periodic discharge of blood and other tissues
everyone. It is a sort of beneficial memory from the uterus/womb that occurs among sexually
power as the result of accumulating good mature women who are neither pregnant nor
deeds of previous lives, not the supernatural menopausal.
abilities whose origin is quite unknown and
mysterious.
Introduction

Cross-References In many South and Southeast Asian Buddhist

countries, women are refused entry at certain
▶ Mantra shrines and temples due to menstrual and birth
impurity. This seemingly un-Buddhist anxiety
about female blood has piqued the interest of
References researchers, as Buddhist texts contain very few
specific prohibitions regarding the menstruating
1. Masutani F (1957) A Comparative Study of Buddhism woman’s qualifications to practice the dharma
and Christianity. Bukkyo Dendo Kyokai, Tokyo [3, 11, 15]. A not uncommon interpretation of
2. Hirakawa A (1993) A History of Indian Buddhism.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi temple purity laws fingers brāhmaṇa or other
3. Tanaka K (1998) Absence of the Buddha Image in Early local religious influences [15]. But, while unargu-
Buddhist Art-Toward its Significance in Comparative ably in dialogue with brāhmaṇa culture from
Religion. D.K.Printworld (P) Ltd, New Delhi early on, South Asian Buddhists also developed
4. Tanaka K (1999) The “Empty Throne” in early Bud-
their own special interpretations of the female
dhist art and its sacred memory left behind after the
reproductive body, many of which emphasize its
M
emergence of the Buddha image. In: Wessel R, Jeroen
S (eds) Memory and oblivion: Proceedings of the fundamental impurity. A look at classical Indian
XXIXth International Congress of the History of Art Buddhist sources, in particular the Vinaya, reveals
held in Amsterdam, 1–7 September 1996. Kluwer Aca-
demic Publishers, The Netherlands, pp 619–624 several distinctive interpretations of menstruation.

Menstrual Blood in Sūtra, Abhidharma,

Tantra, and Buddhist Hagiography
Menses
The issue of female blood does not receive the sort
▶ Menstruation (Buddhism) of focused attention in classical sources that it
does in, for instance, brāhmaṇa dharma texts, or
East Asian apocryphal sūtras concerning the
blood-bowl hell, but references to menstruation
Menstruation (Buddhism) do reliably occur within certain Indian Buddhist
contexts. Starting with the early discourses, timely
Amy Paris Langenberg menstruation is always listed as a necessary
Religion and Women’s Studies, Auburn condition for the conception of new human
University, Auburn, AL, USA life. For instance, according to the Pāli
Mahātaṇhāsankhaya Sutta, an early discourse
that uses events of the human life cycle to flesh
Synonyms out, as it were, the doctrine of dependent arising,
the mother must be “a menstruating woman”
Female bleeding; Menses; Periodic bleeding (utunī ) in order for conception to occur.
768 Menstruation (Buddhism)

Here, the term likely connotes a sexually mature class, encourages the practitioner to actually sip
and fertile woman who has not reached meno- the menstrual fluids issuing from his female part-
pause, rather than a woman who is actively bleed- ner’s body [20]. Demonstrating a more subtle
ing. Avadānas contain many instances of the same approach, the Kālacakra tantric initiation imagi-
bit of medical wisdom, though the context is natively engages the generative power of female
somewhat different. In these Buddhist narratives, fluids in its mimicry of human gestation.
the reader/auditor is often reminded that if he
wishes for the birth of son, he must abandon his
fruitless pleadings at the altar of local fertility Menstrual Regulations in the Vinaya
gods and rely instead on the Buddha’s understand-
ing of conception. Later Buddhist embryological Medieval tantric inversions aside, the association
texts such as the Garbhāvakrānti-sūtra even dis- of female blood with spiritual inferiority is a basic
cuss in detail the causes and symptoms of healthy aspect of Indian Buddhist views on menstruation.
or unhealthy menstruation [10]. How might this view play out in Buddhist-
In abhidharma texts such as Vasubandhu’s inflected society? How was menstruation man-
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, the bloody effluvia of aged, controlled, and infused with social meaning
the womb are regularly mentioned as an aspect in ancient Indian Buddhist communities? For this,
of birth suffering (janmaduḥkha). Birth and it is best to turn to Vinaya, or Buddhist monastic
rebirth is undesirable, at least in part because the law. While they vary in detail, the sectarian
womb brims with repulsive female fluids [1, 19]. Buddhist Vinayas all contain one or more of the
Conversely, spiritual elevation is sometimes asso- following: (1) a rule requiring nuns to wear
ciated with an escape from female blood. For a menstrual cloth, (2) a rule forbidding nuns to
instance, in several important hagiographies, the keep communally owned menstrual cloths beyond
Bodhisattva, whose unusual experience of birth a certain period of time, and (3) a rule barring
marks his specialness, is said to have been born women from the community who menstruate
untainted by the womb’s fluids [2, 13, 17]. The either too much or not at all [5, 6, 9, 16, 18]. For
women of Akṣobhya’s buddha-field – Abhirati, instance, a rule (prāyaścittika 144) from the
one of the few buddha-fields in which women Mūlasarvāstivāda Bhikṣuṇī Prātimokṣasūtra
appear at all – are so superior that they neither (nun’s disciplinary code) ordains that when
menstruate nor experience pain during childbirth a nun does not keep a special garment to conceal
[4, 12]. her menstrual flow, it is an offense requiring expi-
The language of disgust is often harnessed to ation. Tibetan translators have rendered the term
the task of generating aversion (saṃvega) in Bud- for this special garment “a cover for sorrow.” The
dhist discussions of birth and female sexuality. commentary for this rule provides a fuller context
Uterine blood is one item in a list of bodily fluids and a possible clue about the reasons for the
(pus, urine, feces, etc.) that render the female body Tibetan translators’ interesting word choice.
a repulsive site of degradation. In Tantric ritual Here, the rebellious nun Sthūlanandā (literally,
contexts, by contrast, female blood is recognized “Fat Stupid Nandā”) fails to wear her menstrual
as a power substance and endowed with liberative cloth when she goes into the town of Śrāvastī to
qualities. The yoginī’s possession of female blood beg alms. She is menstruating, and blood runs
is an essential part of her value as a yogic partner. freely down her legs, attracting the attention of
The list of 22 esoteric signs (sandhyā-bhāṣā) brahmins and householders. When they ask her
glossed in the Hevajra-tantra includes, for about the blood, she rudely suggests they ask their
instance, the word sihlaka (frankincense), female relatives to explain what it is. The ensuing
which corresponds to blood, evidence of the public umbrage forces the Buddha to issue
importance of this substance in esoteric commu- a precept absolutely requiring all nuns to keep
nal ritual. In its descriptions of yogic practice, a menstrual cloth. Even then, the obdurate
Caṇḍamahāroṣaṇa-tantra, a text of the yoginī Sthūlanandā objects, saying that the menstrual
Menstruation (Buddhism) 769

cloth merely conceals the sorrow of women, because her condition encourages her to take on
something which, presumably, she would airs and behave arrogantly toward her elders and
prefer to put on display. betters. Several of the vinaya texts cited here
Another passage about Sthūlanandā from the interpret the correlation between female blood
procedural section of the Mūlasarvāstivāda nuns’ and spiritual inferiority mentioned above quite
Vinaya states that “not being without passion directly. They assume that cessation of desire
because of the (moral) deficiency of their previous results in cessation of menstruation. An ordinary
actions, from time to time nuns bled from their unenlightened woman who happens not to men-
genitals.” Because of this, their lower garments struate for some other reason is therefore in
became “unseemly, full of flies, and not attrac- a position to claim spiritual attainments she does
tive.” The nuns washed and dyed them but it not possess and may tease older more accom-
happened repeatedly. Again, the Lord advised plished nuns who still menstruate. Such a
the nuns to “keep” a special garment for woman is therefore barred from the nuns’
concealing the menstrual blood. In this episode, community.
Sthūlanandā raises no protests against the men-
strual cloth but again suffers a mishap in town
when it falls to the ground in front of a group of Brāhmana Influence?
inquisitive children. The lord then advises the ˙
nuns to tie their menstrual cloths with a string to Taken together, vinaya sources indicate that while
their waists so as to avoid such difficulties. the nuns’ menstrual cloth was clearly a hygienic
In an autocommentary on his important digest aid to nuns, it was also instituted in response to
of the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya tradition (the dominant social mores regarding menstrual blood.
Vinayasūtra), Guṇaprabha clusters the rule For instance, a rule (pācittiya 47) from the Pāli
regarding nuns keeping a menstrual cloth with Vinaya references what appears to be a menstrual
two other rules and labels the cluster in garment to be worn in public houses in order to
M
a revealing way. Nuns, he says, must keep signal compliance with such mores [6, 7]. The
a special garment for concealing the menstrual Mahāsāṅghika-lokottaravādin Bhikṣuṇī -vinaya
flow and tie it with a string. They must wash and contains a rule (prakī rṇaka 16) forbidding nuns
dye it from time to time. They must also keep to wash their menstrual cloths at public bathing
a bathing robe. They may not have their soiled places (tī rthas) after other bathers complain that
clothing washed by a washerman (but must do it “This entire place has been made impure by [their]
themselves). These rules, he says, all pertain to blood” [16]. These passages suggest that menstru-
concealing or guarding the bhaga, or female sex- ating nuns’ use of legally mandated items in
ual organ. Guṇaprabha’s grouping together of a closely regulated manner was for the purpose
ordinances that “guard the female sexual organs” of signaling to the larger lay community their
of nuns suggests that such rules may have been an status as properly respectful and observant men-
expression of anxiety about the monastic bhaga, struating women.
which along with all of its products and functions, In creating rules regarding nuns’ menstruation,
was to be concealed, contained, and protected in Buddhist lawgivers may well have drawn selec-
public settings [8]. tively from common menstrual practices, espe-
Some of the sectarian Vinayas also include cially brāhmaṇa household ritual. They did not,
passages forbidding the ordination of women however, actually replace their own views of
who either menstruate too much, or not at all. female impurity with brāhmaṇa views. For the
The woman who continuously menstruates is for- authors of brāhmaṇa household law, the menstru-
bidden, the text implies, because her lower gar- ating wife occupies a temporary state of impurity
ment is always soiled and attracts flies. The and is briefly exiled from the daily life of the
woman who has no menstrual blood at all and family, but the freshly bathed, shampooed,
does not menstruate is also forbidden, apparently coiffed, anointed, and sexually available wife is
770 Menstruation (Buddhism)

considered pure. Although Buddhists and menstruation. Whatever their understanding of

scholars of Buddhism have tended to attribute female impurity, everyone seemed to agree that
Buddhist notions of female impurity to the pow- bhagas, particularly those associated with ascetic
erful influence of purity-obsessed Brahmin cul- women, were a potential source of moral degen-
ture, this ascription is not borne out very well by eration and impropriety, and required careful hus-
the textual evidence. Indeed, it is quite remarkable bandry [8]. Indeed, in most religious cultures,
how much the early dharma literature discusses celibate or otherwise, female bodies have been
not the impurity of women, but their inherent considered too important and powerful to simply
purity. Baudhāyana is not alone among brāhmaṇa leave unregulated. Menstrual rules are a part of
lawgivers in asserting that “Women have an this overall regulatory program. By instituting
unparalleled means of purification and they formal rules, monastic lawyers were thus able to
never become sullied, for month after month provide menstruating Buddhist nuns with a set of
their menstrual flow washes away their sins” chaste, respectable, and suitably feminine behav-
[14]. Classical Indian Buddhist texts, on the iors both inside and outside of the nunnery.
other hand, tend to view the benighted female
embodiment as a state of permanent moral, if not
ritual, impurity and the female womb through Cross-References
which all humans pass as the original source of
a type of pervasive bodily loathsomeness that is ▶ Bhikkhunī
impossible to cleanse with brāhmaṇa techniques ▶ Gender (Buddhism)
like bathing or penance. As noted above, contact ▶ Nuns (Buddhism)
with or possession of female blood is linked to ▶ Women (Buddhism)
lower moral status across Buddhist literature.
A number of vinaya texts on menstruation also
articulate a clear connection between the moral References
degeneracy of women, past and present, and the
fact that they leak impurities once a month. Thus, 1. Faure B (2003) The power of Denial: Buddhism,
what is a temporary and easily remedied state of purity, and gender. Princeton University Press,
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2. Goswami B (2001) Lalitavistara. The Asiatic Society,
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regarded in canonical Buddhist contexts as gle for enlightenment in the Himalayas. Harvard Uni-
versity Press, Cambridge
a permanent and highly personal state in which
4. Harrison P (1987) Who gets to ride in the great vehi-
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To the extent that early monastic lawgivers did the early Mahāyāna. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 10:67–89
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for nuns according to the Dharmaguptakavinaya.
female blood from public bathing places, and
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
legally regulating women’s menstrual procedures, 6. Horner IB (1949) The book of the discipline: Vinaya-
they probably did so not out of concerns about pitaka. Luzac, London
brāhmaṇa style ritual impurity, but to normalize 7. Hüsken U (2001) Pure or clean? Tradit South Asian
Med 6:85–96
lay-nun interactions and protect monastic har-
8. Jyväsjärvi MJ (2011) Fragile virtue: women’s monas-
mony. Despite mainstream Buddhist objections tic practice in early medieval India. Harvard Univer-
to many brāhmaṇa views regarding purity and sity Dissertation, Cambridge
the body, it was simply unthinkable in the ritual- 9. Kabilsingh C (1998) The Bhikkhunī Pātimokkha of
the six schools. Sri Satguru, Delhi
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gender in contemporary amdo. In: Gyatso J, Havnevik
H (eds) Women in Tibet. Columbia University Press, K. T. S. Sarao
New York Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
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Sūtra. In: Teiser S, Stone J (eds) Readings of the
lotus Sūtra. Columbia University Press, New York
13. Ohnuma R (2012) Ties that bind: maternal imagery
and discourse in Indian Buddhism. Oxford University Synonyms
Press, New York
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Āpastamba, Gautama, Baudhāyana, and Vasiṣṭha. Hemameru; Mahāmeru; Mahāneru; Mount Meru;
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prakīrṇaka and a summary of the Bhikṣu-Prakīrṇaka A mountain forming the center of the world in the
of the Ārya-Mahāsāṃghika-Lokottaravadin. K.P. Buddhist cosmology.
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17. Sasson V (2009) A womb with a view: the Buddha’s
final fetal experience. In: Sasson V, Law J (eds) Imag- Mt. Meru, the king of mountains, which forms the
ining the fetus: the unborn in myth, religion, and center of the world (axis mundi) in the Buddhist
culture. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York cosmology, is known by various names such as
18. Tsomo KL (1996) Sisters in solitude: two traditions of
Buddhist monastic ethics for women. SUNY Press, Hemameru, Mahāmeru, Mahāneru, Neru, Sineru,
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19.
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makośabhāṣyam. Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley itself spontaneously resembling the hub of a
20. White DG (2003) Kiss of the Yoginī: tantric sex in its
South Asian contexts. University of Chicago Press, waterwheel, its eastern part being made out of
Chicago silver, the southern part out of lapis lazuli, the
western part out of ruby, and the northern part
from gold. Buddhist texts, including the
Aṅguttara Nikāya, the Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā,
Mental Cultivation the Paramatthajotikā, the Samantapāsādikā, the
Visuddhimagga, and Vasubandhu’s Abhidharma-
▶ Bhāvanā kośabhāṣyam, mention its depth, height, and
width as 80,000 (according to some texts
80,000) yojanas (approximately 4.5–7.5 miles).
It is shaped like an hourglass, with its middle
being half of its top and base. In the Buddhist
Mercy Killing cosmology, Meru’s square base is surrounded by
a square moat-like ocean, which is in turn
▶ Euthanasia surrounded by a ring wall of mountains, which is
in turn surrounded by a sea, each diminishing in
width and height from the one closer to Meru.
There are seven enchanting lakes and seven sur-
Meru rounding golden mountain walls, until one comes
to the vast outer sea which forms most of the
▶ Kailash surface of the world, in which the known
772 Meru (Buddhism)

continents are merely small islands. The seven Mansion,” produced out of sundry costly metals. In
golden mountains are Yugaṃdhara, Īṣādhara, the middle of Mt. Meru are located the four great
Karavīka (Sk: Khadiraka), Sudassana (Sk: islands (Mahādī pā) with their 2,000 smaller
Sudarśana), Assakanna (Sk: Aśvakarṇa), islands (cūḷadī pā). At its foot (according to some
Vinataka, and Nemindhara measuring 40,000, texts in its inner caverns) is situated the
20,000, 10,000, 5,000, 2,500, 1,250, and 625 Asurabhavana (Residence of the Demons) whose
miles, respectively, in height. The continents of dimensions are 10,000 yojanas. In the commentar-
Uttarakuru, Jambudvīpa, Pūrvavideha, and ies of both the Dhammapada and the Sutta-Nipāta,
Aparagodānīya are located respectively to the it has been mentioned that the Asurabhavana
north, south, east, and west of Mt. Meru. was not originally there but came into existence
Jumbudvīpa, the known world, is mentioned as through the power of the Asuras when they were
the most excellent among these four continents. pushed down from the Tāvatiṃsa by the Devas
In the Buddhist cosmology, the Tāvatiṃsa (demigods).
(Sk: Trāyastriṃśa), the divine abode, is located Meru is considered to be the center of not only
on the top of Mt. Meru, which is the highest plane the physical world but also the metaphysical and
in direct physical contact with the earth. The next spiritual worlds. Many well-known temples have
40,000 yojanas below the Tāvatiṃsa consist of been erected as symbolic representations of Mt.
steep precipice, tapering inward like an upturned Meru. When the Buddha went to Tāvatiṃsa, he
mountain until it is reduced to 20,000 yojanas covered the entire distance of 6,800,000 yojanas
square at a height of 40,000 yojanas from the sea from the earth till there in three strides. He put his
level. From here downward, Meru begins to get right foot down on the top of Yugandhara, his left
enlarged again, going down in four terraced on Meru, and the next step brought him to
ledges, each wider than the one above. The first Tāvatiṃsa. Meru is often used in the Buddhist
terrace forms the “heavenly abode” of the Four texts as a metaphor and a simile for size, extreme
Great Kings (deva mahārājā) and is divided into difficulty, and stability, its chief characteristic
four parts which respectively face north, south, being its unshakability (suṭṭhuṭhapita), size, and
east and west. Each section is ruled by one of the imperturbability. Each “world system,” known
Four Great Kings, who faces outward toward the as Cakkavāḷa (Sk: Cakravāda) in Buddhist
quarter of the world that he administers. The Sun cosmology, has its own Meru and its end. Thus,
and Moon also circumambulate Meru at an alti- a time comes when even Meru is destroyed.
tude of 40,000 yojanas in a clockwise direction.
The alteration of day and night is based upon this
rotation. Thus, when the Sun is to the north of Cross-References
Meru, the full shadow of the mountain falls over
the continent of Jambudvīpa, and it is midnight ▶ The Buddha of Healing
there; at the same time, it is noon in the opposing
northern continent of Uttarakuru, dawn in the
eastern continent of Pūrvavideha, and dusk in References
the western continent of Aparagodānīya. How-
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south, it is noon in Jambudvīpa, dusk in Pali Text Society, London
2. Cowell ED, Neil RA (eds) (1886) The Divyāvadāna.
Pūrvavideha, dawn in Aparagodānīya, and mid- Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
night in Uttarakuru. The next three terraces down 3. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, 7 vols.
the slopes of Meru are each twice as longer and Trübner, London
broader. They comprise the followers of the Four 4. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5
vols. Pali Text Society, London
Great Kings, namely, yakṣas, gandharvas, nāgas, 5. Geiger W, Rickmers, M (trans) (1929–1930) The
and kumbhāṇḍas. In the center of the Tāvatiṃsa is Cūḷavaṃsa: being the more recent part of the
located the palace of Śakra, the “Most Victorious Mahāvaṃsa, 2 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Metta 773

6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara ti) ([7], Vol. I.4.1.326). The concepts of metta (lov-
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London ing-kindness) and karuna (empathy/compassion)
7. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London are the two corner stone of the teachings of the
8. Pruden LM (trans) (1988) Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam, Buddha. Metta is one of the foremost among the
4 vols. Asian Humanities, Berkeley four sublime or divine abode (brahmavihara) or
9. Smith H (ed) (1916–1918) Sutta-Nipāta commentary “best modes of life” or dwelling with Brahma ([6],
being Paramatthajotikā II, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
London Pt.II), viz, metta (loving-kindness), karuna (com-
10. Sorensen PK (1994) Tibetan Buddhist historiography: passion), mudita (altruistic joy), and upekkha (equa-
the mirror illuminating the Royal Genealogies. nimity). Without the first and the foremost of the
Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden divine abode, one will be unable to reach the divine
11. Takakusu J, Nagai M (eds) (1947–1975)
Samantapāsādikā: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on abode of the path of enlightenment.
the Vinaya Piṭaka, 8 vols. (including index by H. Brahmavihara: This is known as ([9], Vol.
Kopp). Pali Text Society, London III.Pt.2..10.2.1.987) Ariyan way (ariyavihara) or
12. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The the best of ways or divine ways (brahmavihara)
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
13. Warren HC, Kosambi D (eds) (1951) The or the Tathagata’s way of life (Tathagata vihara).
Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosācāriya, vol 41, Har- The Exposition of the Divine States
vard oriental series. Harvard University Press, Cam- ([13], Vol. I.9.240 brahmavihara niddesa,
bridge, MA mettabhavana) are love (metta), empathy
(karuna), altruistic joy (mudita), and equanimity
(upekkha/upeksa) which are set forth immediately
after the subjects of meditation on the recollec-
Metaphysical Idealism (Buddhism) tions, should first, having cut off the obstacles,
taken up the subject of meditation, on the evils
▶ Idealism (Buddhism) of hate and the advantages of forbearance
(khanti or ksanti). Thus, the development of love
M
(mettabhavana) begins and the feeling of hatred is
withdrawn from the mind. One should develop
Metta “love” for oneself first (pathamam attanam
mettaya pharitva) and never toward others
K. Sankarnarayan whether friends or dear ones, etc., since one is
K.J. Somaiya Centre for Buddhist Studies, one’s own master ([3], Ch. XII.v.160). Thus, one
Mumbai, India should diffuse oneself with love and be free from
dukkha (misery) reminding of affectionate expres-
sions and other causes of love and tender feeling,
Synonyms used by one who is dear, affectionate, and
respected by him and the virtue, learning, and
Affectionate; Amity; Benevolent; Friendship; other causes of reverence possessed by such one,
Kind; Love; Loving-kindness be his teacher or like his teacher, and keep
reminding himself of the welfare. This would
take away the enmity within him with all emanci-
Definition of Metta pation of will (ceto-vimutti) through love (metta)
which does reflect on others with full of love and
The very definition of metta (loving-kindness) affection ([9], Vol. I.Pt.2.9 4.226). Thus, to prac-
between one and the other is like the blend of tice a heart of love (metta cittam) all through the
the milk and water which cannot be separated day even if it was as light as one pull at the cow’s
(khirodakibhuta) ([7], Vol. I.4.1.326) and to udder ([10], tr. Pt.II, p. 177), this practice will
have the eye of affection toward every being become a vehicle (yanikata) and a base, will take
(annamannam piyacakkhuhi sampasanta viharama his stand on it firmly (vatthuta), and stores up
774 Metta

(paricita) thoroughly (susamarata). Feeling of in all four directions, even so, of all things that
love by acts of speech (mettam vacikammam), have shape our life, there is not one that he passes
by acts of thought (mettam manokammam), and by or leaves aside, but regards them all with
by acts of body (mettam kayakammam) help live a heart set free through deep-felt loving-kindness
all together on friendly terms and harmonious as ([4], Vol. I. 13.556).
milk and water blend, regarding one another with The Attitude Toward All Living Beings with
an eye of affection ([7], Vol. I.4.1.326). the Loving-Kindness: ([11], 1.8 metta sutta) One
Developing Loving-Kindness (Mettabhavana/ having developed loving-kindness (metta) should
Mettasahagatena): Getting rid of all defilements be capable, straight, and upright and speak gently
beholds the self purified of all evil unskilled states; without any conceit ([11], 1.8.v.143); contended
when one beholds the self freed, delight is born; and easy to support with calmness and zealous
rapture is born from delight; when in rapture, the without being greedy ([11], v.144); and make all
body is impassible; when the body is impassible, it around him happy with his loving-kindness ([11],
experiences joy; being joyful, the mind is concen- v.145); all means all creatures moving or still
trated. Thus, one dwells having suffused the first without exception, small or great; they should be
quarter with the mind of friendliness, likewise the treated all alike with loving-kindness (Sn.v.146);
second, the third, and the fourth, in every way one having developed loving-kindness should
he dwells with the mind of friendliness, loving- make everyone around happy whether they are
kindness (mettasahagatena cetasa, averena seen or unseen, whether they live nearby or far-
pharitva viharati – [7], Vol. I. 4., 10.438). While off ([11], v.147); loving-kindness should avoid
staying at Jetavana near Savatthi, the lord humiliating or despising and should avoid getting
addressed Rahula ([7], Vol. II.2.2.120) to develop angry at any cost toward everyone ([11], v.148).
(bhavana) the development that is “friendliness” The attitude toward others should be like
(mettabhavana) by which malevolence will be rid a mother toward her only child who is to be
of. It is also pointed out that to have boundless protected with unbound loving-kindness ([11],
freedom of mind is to have the mind of friendliness v.149); should cultivate unbound loving-kindness
([7], Vol. III.3.7.230); thus, for the development of toward all the world, above and below and across
mindfulness, the development of friendliness is without any impediment, without enmity, and
important ([7], Vol. III.2.8. 147). without rivalry ([11], v.149); should not subscribe
The Importance of “Loving-Kindness”: wrong views, but should be endowed with insight
The importance of “loving-kindness” is empha- and virtue as the result of unbound loving-
sized as whatever grounds there are for making kindness ([11], v.152).
merit productive of a future birth; all these do not In the “Exposition of the Divine States” ([13],
equal a 16th part of the mind release of loving- Vol. I.9.1.240 – Brahmaviharaniddeso) loving-
kindness. The mind release of loving-kindness sur- kindness is given the first place. Besides, it is
passes them and shines forth, bright and brilliant explained toward whom loving-kindness should
([6], 1.3.22). “For one who mindfully develops not be developed ([14], tr. The Path of Purification,
boundless loving-kindness, seeing the destruction Pt.II. IX.1. pp. 340–360). But the foremost is to love
of clinging, the fetters are worn away” ([6], oneself ([14], p. 341) with a heart full of love and
I.1.7.27, tr.; Vol. XLVII, p. 15). The Buddha points speak with kind loving words pervade far reaching
out three “fires” – the fire of lust (raga), the fire of (mettaya), grown great, and beyond measure, with-
hatred (dosa), and the fire of delusion (moha); the out enmity and without ill will. This is in the context
fire of hatred is to be distinguished by loving- of one who has reached ecstasy by the Jhanas ([14],
kindness (dosaggim pana mettaya) ([6], 3.5.4. 93). p. 354); one who lives with such heart full of love
Thus, with the heart and mind filled with lov- toward all living beings and nonhuman beings
ing-kindness, abundant, expansive, limitless, and “Devas guard him” as parents guard their son
free from enmity and ill will, just as a mighty ([13], Vol. I.9.1. 258 – devata rakkhanti puttamiva
trumpeter makes himself heard without difficulty matapitaro; [14], pp. 360–361); fire, poison, and
Middle Way (Buddhism) 775

sword come not near him ([13], Vol. I.9.1 – nassa References
aggi va sattham va kamati) – the body of him who
lives in love fire does not burn, etc.; one who lives in 1. (1995) Angutta Nikaya. Vipassana Research Institute
(VRI), Igatpuri
loving-kindness concentrates his mind quickly
2. The gradual saying (Woodward FL, tr. Pt. I. 2000, Pt.
([13], Vol. I.9, 258 – cittam samadhiayati); his II, 2001.& V, 1996); (Hare EM, tr. Pt. III. 2001 & Pt.
complexion is serene – has calm countenance, like IV 2001). Pali Text Society (PTS), Oxford/London
a ripe palm about to fall from stalk (mukhavanno 3. Kalupahana DJ (text & tr.) (2008) Dhammapada. Bud-
dhist Cultural Centre, Dehiwala, Sri Lanka
vippasidati bandhana pavuttam talapakkam); he
4. (1995) Digha Nikaya. VRI
dies undeluded – the death of him who lives in 5. (tr) (1995) The dialogues of the Buddha, vol. II & III.
loving-kindness knows no delusion; without delu- Sacred Books of the Buddhists
sion he dies as though falling into sleep 6. (1998) Itivuttaka Pali. VRI
7. (1995) Majjhima Nikaya. VRI
(asammulho kalangkaroti.. sammohamaranam. . ..
8. Horner IB (1999) Middle length sayings (tr. Pt. I.,
niddam okkamanto). 2000, Pt. III). PTS
Who Is a Kalyana Mitta? ([1], Vol. II.Pt.2. 9. (1994) Samyutta Nikaya. VRI
devatavagga 7. mittasutta 3.): A spiritual friend- 10. Kindred Sayings (Rhys Davids, tr. Pt.I, 1999 & Pt.II.
2002, Woodward FL, tr. Pt. III. 1995, & IV.1996 &
ship ([9], Vol. III.Pt.1.1.6.1; 7.1; 8.1): One who is
V.1997). PTS
involved in such a relationship is known as 11. Bapat PV (ed) (1990) Suttanipata. Bibliotheca
a “good friend,” “virtuous friend,” “noble friend,” Indo-Buddhica, No.75. Sri Satguru, Delhi
or “admirable friend.” The good friend means the 12. Norman KR (tr) (2001) The group of discourses,
2nd edn. PTS
giver of a subject of meditation; one who is ador-
13. (1998) Visuddhimagga, of Buddhaghosa, Pt.I & II. VRI
able, revered, and lovable; a counselor; a patient 14. Pe Maung Tin (tr) (2003) The path of purification,
listener; a speaker of discourses deep; and one I, II, III. PTS
who would not apply himself to useless ends;
(piyo garu, bhavaniyo, vatta ca vacankkhamo
gambiranca katham katta, . . . evamadi
M
gunasamannagatam . . . kalyanamittam – [13], Middle Way (Buddhism)
Vol. I.3.42). Those whose conduct in deed,
word, and thought is virtuous; for them, self is Ana Bajželj
friend. Nevertheless, for them, self is a dear friend Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
because that is which a friend would do to a friend, University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
even that are they themselves doing to the self. Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
Therefore, for them the self is a dear friend. Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
A friend who is righteous, an intimate who
expands the Ariyan Eightfold Path with right
views based on detachment. This is the method Abbreviations
by which one has to understand how the whole of
holy life consists in friendship, in association, and S Saṃyutta Nikāya
in intimacy with what is lovely ([9], Vol.I.Pt.1.
3.2.8.129; [9], Vol. III.Pt.1.1.2.2). He is the spiri- Synonyms
tual friend who is possessed of systematic atten-
tion and who cultivates the seven limbs of wisdom Madhyamā pratipad; Majjhimā paṭipadā; Pratītya
that is mindfulness ([9], Vol. III.Pt.I.2.5.10.231). samutpāda; Paṭicca samuppāda; Śūnyatā

Cross-References Definition

▶ Brahmavihāra The expression “middle way” refers to the Bud-

▶ Caga – Generosity dhist understanding of practical life, avoiding the
776 Middle Way (Buddhism)

extremes of self-denial and self-indulgence, as speech (samyagvācā), (4) right action

well as the view of reality that avoids the extreme (samyakkarmanta), (5) right livelihood
positions of eternalism and annihilationism. (samyagājīva), (6) right effort (samyagvyāyāma),
(7) right mindfulness (samyaksmṛti), and (8) right
concentration (samyaksamādhi). These eight are
The Buddhist Understanding of the not to be taken as successive components but rather
Middle Path as complementary factors on the path to liberation.
They can further be assembled into three units of
The notion of the middle way refers to the Buddha’s wisdom (prajñā; 1, 2), morality (śīla; 3–5), and
resistance to unconditionally accept any extreme meditative cultivation (samādhi; 6–8).
ways of practice or theoretical viewpoints. The Another way of understanding the middle way
Buddha described himself as a vibhajyavādin (one of Buddhism is to see it as the middle path
who asserts propositions conditionally) rather than between the position that proposes the existence
an ekāntavādin (on who maintains one absolute of a changeless essence of all things on the one
position). The middle path generally refers to the hand and the position that life ends with the death
avoidance of two extremes of practical life, namely, of the body on the other. The first view is referred
indulgence in sensual pleasures on the one hand and to as the extreme of eternalism (śāśvatavāda) and
severe asceticism on the other. According to the primarily concerns the Vedic schools of thought.
religious biography, the Buddha was supposed to The second view is referred to as the extreme of
have lived a very comfortable and affluent life annihilationism (ucchedavāda) and applies to
before renunciation. However, upon seeing a sick the Indian materialist tradition that pronounced
man, an old man, a dead man, and an ascetic, he a purely material existence of beings and
decided to give up this pleasurable life of discarded the Indian religious paradigm, includ-
a householder and become a wandering ascetic, ing the notions of karma and saṃsāra. The Bud-
searching for a release from unsatisfactoriness dhist way amid the two extremes is the rejection of
(duḥkha). He undertook different techniques, the idea of an eternal independent self and the
amongst which he particularly applied himself to simultaneous acceptance of the theory of rebirth.
the practice of strict austerities. After living in this There is, therefore, no persistent agent that is
manner for several years and being dissatisfied with subject to rebirth, however, the continuity of life,
the methods of other renounciates, he quietly sat death, and rebirth is still brought about through
under a tree, straining neither physically nor men- ignorance, craving, and karmic fruition.
tally. It was there that he attained enlightenment According to the Buddhist doctrine, all that
(nirvāṇa). In his first teaching that followed this a person is, is a continuous flux of aggregates
experience, recorded in the discourse titled The (skandha) or bundles of phenomena of which
Setting in Motion of the Wheel of the Dharma or there are five, that is, form (rūpa), feelings
the Dharmacakrapravartana sūtra (S V 421–423), (vedanā), cognition (saṃjña), volitions
the Buddha talked about the realization of the path (saṃskāra), and consciousness (vijñāṇa). These
to enlightenment, which lies in the middle way that are transient and operate in dynamic conditional-
avoids both practical extremes of pleasurable life ity. They are not supported by any permanent
and self-mortification. This practical middle path, substratum. This aspect of the Buddhist teaching
which is the way to the attainment of nirvāṇa, is is termed the doctrine of no-self (anātman). The
separated into eight sections which together bear the five aggregates represent the static model of the
name of the noble eightfold path. This eight-part experience of beings. The temporal scheme of this
practical instruction is what constitutes the last of experience is represented with a 12-link chain of
the four noble truths (catvāri āryasatyāni) by means relations, which is referred to as dependent origi-
of which the Buddha described the nature of reality. nation (pratītya samutpāda). It is occasionally also
Its subdivisions are (1) right view (samyagdṛṣṭi), translated as dependent arising or origination-in-
(2) right intention (samyaksaṃkalpa), (3) right dependence, all translations referring to the same
Middle Way (Buddhism) 777

idea that there is not a single phenomenon that maintained that every single event is essentially
arises without being conditioned by something embedded in the nexus of causal relations. In
else other than itself. The early Buddhist theory other words, every element of existence is condi-
utilized this model in order to explain the arising tioned and, accordingly, there is not a single event
of unsatisfactoriness and the selfless karmic con- in reality that occurs accidentally. Nāgārjuna
tinuity within saṃsāra. Besides proposing the termed this lack of independent existence empti-
middle position between eternalism and ness (śūnyatā). Everything is empty as it is not
annihilationism, this causal chain also represents self-maintained, including the notion of emptiness
the middle way between two theories of causa- itself. Emptiness as the ultimate truth of the rela-
tion, namely, self-causation on the one hand and tivity of all things is again considered to be the
external causation on the other. The 12 middle way between the extremes of eternalism
interdependent links (nidāna) of the sequence are and annihilationism.
(1) ignorance (avidyā), (2) volitions (saṃskāra), Adherents of another branch of Mahāyāna
(3) consciousness (vijñāna), (4) name-form Buddhism, namely, Yogācāra or Vijñāṇavāda
(nāma-rūpa), (5) six sense spheres (ṣadāyatana), disagreed with this interpretation of the middle
(6) contact (sparśa), (7) feelings (vedanā), (8) crav- way as emptiness. For them the idea that not one
ing (tṛṣṇā), (9) grasping (upādāna), (10) becoming single element of reality is independently existent,
(bhava), (11) birth (jāti), and (12) old age and implied nihilism. Opposing this, they introduced
death (jarāmaraṇa). This model demonstrates consciousness (vijñāna) as the only primary exis-
how the mechanism of conditionality operates. If tent and a substratum for all other phenomenal
“A” comes into existence because of “B” then the events. The adherents of Yogācāra maintained
cessation of “B” leads to the cessation of “A.” that what is normally thought to be a dualistic
Likewise, reversing the causal chain that leads to world of subjects and objects is merely
it results in the cessation of unsatisfactoriness. a fabrication projected onto the way things truly
The model of dependent origination thus manages are. Further, they argued that even for the absence
M
to evade absolute identity as well as absolute of subject-object dichotomies to exist, there needs
difference between successive lives, as every exis- to be something that is lacking in them. They
tence comes about in relation to its condition and deemed this something to be a continuously
additionally, the conditions that led to the arising changing flow of consciousness. Based on this
of this currently operational conditioning factor. they developed a model of three aspects, describ-
This also applies to the continuity during an indi- ing the relationship between consciousness and
vidual life, as all the experiential events are self- the phenomenal misapprehension. The first aspect
less, yet dependent on other aspects of experience is the “constructed aspect” (parikalpitasvabhāva)
in order to arise. The Buddhist approach toward and refers to the understanding of the world as
selfless empirical continuity in saṃsāra, therefore, divided into subjects and objects, a polarization
represents the middle way between the idea that that is incorrect. The second aspect is the “depen-
the “person” in the next existence or instant is dent aspect” (paratantrasvabhāva), referring to the
exactly the same as the one in the previous one Mādhyamika understanding of reality. The third
on the one hand and the idea that the two are aspect is the “perfected aspect” (pariniṣpan-
completely different on the other. nasvabhāva). This relates to the Yogācāra under-
More specifically, the notion of the middle way standing of reality, in which there is, as noted, one
refers to one of the Mahāyāna Buddhist schools, inherently existing thing, namely, the flux of con-
namely, Mādhyamika (lit. middling) or school of sciousness, which is empty of dualistic constructs.
the “middle way.” The founder of this tradition is As this approach denies the illusory constructs but
thought to be Nāgārjuna, a Buddhist monk who retains the scheme of conditional dependency, the
lived in the second century C.E. Nāgārjuna uni- Yogācārins consider it to be the true middle
versalized the model of dependent origination way between not negating enough and negating
to form a general scheme of relativity and too much.
778 Migadāya

Cross-References Paṭicca-samuppāda doctrine. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud

22:311–342
3. Burton D (1999) Emptiness appraised: a critical
▶ Anattā (Buddhism) study of Nāgārjuna’s philosophy. Curzon, Richmond,
▶ Aryasacca Surrey
▶ Causality (Buddhism) 4. Burton D (2001) Is Madhyamaka Buddhism really the
▶ Craving middle way? Emptiness and the problem of Nihilism.
Contemp Buddh 2(2):177–190
▶ Dhamma/Dharma (Buddhist) 5. de La Vallee Poussin L (1928) Notes on (1) śūnyatā
▶ Dukkha and (2) the middle path. Indian Hist Q 4:161–168
▶ Enlightenment 6. Garfield J (1995) The fundamental wisdom of the
▶ Eschatology (Buddhism) middle way: Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakākarikā.
Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York
▶ Idealism (Buddhism) 7. Gómez LO (1976) Proto-Mādhyamika in the Pāli
▶ Insight Canon. Philos East West 26(2):137–165
▶ Kamma 8. Harris IC (1991) The continuity of Madhyamaka and
▶ Karma Yogācāra in Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism. E. J. Brill,
Leiden/New York
▶ Khandha 9. Huntington CW (2003) The emptiness of emptiness.
▶ Mādhyamika an introduction to early Indian Mādhyamika. Motilal
▶ Mahāyāna Banarsidass, Delhi
▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā 10. Kalupahana D (1986) The philosophy of the middle
way Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. State University of
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▶ Nāgārjuna 11. Karunadasa Y (1987) Anattā as via media. Sri Lanka
▶ Nāma-Rūpa J Buddh Stud 1:1–9
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda 12. King R (1994) Early Yogācāra and its relationship
with the Madhyamaka School. Philos East West
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) 44(4):659–686
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) 13. Law BC (1937) Formulation of Pratītyasamutpāda.
▶ Reality (Buddhism) J Roy Asiat Soc GB Irel 2:287–292
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) 14. Priest G (2009) The structure of emptiness. Philos East
West 59:467–480
▶ Relativity (Buddhism) 15. Tatia N (1995) The non-absolutistic view and the
▶ Renunciation middle way (anekānta and madhyamā pratipad).
▶ Saṃkhāra Indian Int J Buddh Stud 5(1):1–21
▶ Saṃskāra 16. Van An D (1963) On the middle way in Yogācāra
Buddhism. J Indian Buddh Stud 21:329–335
▶ Sārnāth 17. Williams DM (1974) The translation and interpreta-
▶ Soul tion of the twelve terms in the Paṭiccasamuppāda.
▶ Śūnyatā Numen 21:35–63, Fasc. 1
▶ Śūnya 18. Williams P (1991) On the interpretation of
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References

1. Berger DL (2001) The special meaning of the

middle way: the Mādhyamika critique of Indian
ontologies of identity and difference. J Dharma
26:282–310
Mikkyō
2. Bucknell RS (1999) Conditioned arising evolves:
variation and change in textual accounts of the ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
Mind (Buddhism) 779

1–2). The whole world is in fact led by mind,

Military which is the one thing that has everything else
under its control ([3], Vol. I, p. 39).
▶ Warfare (Buddhism) The complexity of the analysis of the mind
undertaken in the early Buddhist texts is also
reflected in the use of different terms to refer to
the mind. Three such Pāli terms are citta, mano,
Mind (Buddhism) and viññāṇa. Although at times these three occur
together as near synonyms ([4], Vol. I, p. 21),
Bhikkhu Anālayo taken on their own each of them conveys
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of a slightly different nuance.
Hamburg, Balve, Germany Citta stands for the mind as the center of sub-
jective experience, in particular in the sense of
signifying the activity of the will and what could
Synonyms perhaps best be gathered under the header of emo-
tion. Mano represents mind as a mode of action
Citta; Manas distinct from verbal and bodily action and as the
sixth of the senses, where – besides the five phys-
ical senses of eye, ear, nose, tongue, and body – it
Definition covers the activity of thought and reflection.
Viññāṇa refers to being conscious by way of any
Understanding the nature of the mind and success- of the senses and denotes the stream of conscious-
fully cultivating it are central concerns of the ness that sustains personal continuity during
Buddhist teachings. Hence, the mind is investi- a single life and through subsequent rebirths.
gated and analyzed in various ways in the Bud- Viññāṇa is also part of the analysis of an individual
M
dhist texts. into five aggregates, khandha. While the first of
these five stands for the physical body, the
remaining four represent different aspects of the
Mind in Buddhism mind. These are, besides viññāṇa as consciousness,
feeling, perception, and volitional formations.
The importance given to the mind in Buddhist The perspective consistently adopted in early
thought is reflected in a discourse that records Buddhism in regard to each of these manifestations
an encounter between the Buddha and a Jain of the mind is that, even though the existence of the
ascetic ([1], Vol. I, p. 372). The discourse reports mind as a process is never questioned, to presume
that, while the Jain upheld the self-evident posi- that any unchanging substance or self can be found
tion at first sight that bodily action is weightier within the mind is considered a thoroughly mistaken
than verbal or mental action, the Buddha coun- notion. What is commonly referred to as “mind,”
tered that for him mental action was the weightiest then, should be understood with wisdom as being
type of action. Behind this position stands the merely a conditioned and impermanent process of
importance given to volition in Buddhist thought mental events. From an early Buddhist perspective,
as the central driving force behind any action the existence of such a mental flux is all that is
manifesting at the mental, verbal, or physical required to account for continuity throughout life
level. and from one life to another, for the margin of
The same primacy given to the mind has also personal freedom to take decisions amid a complex
found a poetic expression in the twin stanzas that set of conditionings of the mind, and for the karmic
open the Dhammapada collection, according to retribution that is inexorably linked to the ethical
which mind is the forerunner of all things ([2], quality of any such decision taken.
780 Mind (Buddhism)

The quality of this mental flux thus depends on comprise confidence or faith, energy, mindful-
one’s own past volitional activities. One important ness, concentration, and wisdom.
principle here is that what one frequently thinks The basic distinction that underlies these cate-
about will in turn lead to a corresponding inclina- gories, a distinction that runs like a red thread
tion of the mind ([1], Vol. I, p. 115). Hence, the through the whole of the early Buddhist teachings
degree to which one’s mind is at present under the on the nature of the mind, is the differentiation
influence of defilements reflects of one’s own past between what is wholesome or skillful, kusala,
interests and concerns. While the mind might and what is unwholesome or unskillful. The injunc-
naturally be undefiled and even luminous ([5], tion to remove the unwholesome and develop what
Vol. I, p. 10), only too often its actual condition is wholesome in a way provides a succinct sum-
is one of being overcome by various detrimental mary of what cultivation of the mind in early Bud-
influences. dhism is concerned with. For achieving this aim,
This situation is the reason Buddhist teachings the development of the two complementary mental
give considerable importance to mental cultiva- qualities of tranquility, samatha, and insight,
tion, bhāvanā. The prevalence of such concern in vipassanā, is particularly called for.
the early Buddhist teachings has found its expres- With the development of Abhidharma thought,
sion in various categories that identify mental the analysis of the mind in the Buddhist traditions
states or factors that are either detrimental to becomes more detailed and a range of mental
one’s mental well-being or else beneficial for states and mental factors are identified. As part
mental culture. of this development, the impermanent nature of
Certain detrimental influences on the mind are the mind is given special emphasis, leading to the
subsumed under the heading of the “influxes” or theory of momentariness. This somewhat radical
“taints,” āsava. Usually occurring as a set of three, conception of the impermanent nature of the
with sometimes the influx of views, diṭṭhāsava, mind, which proposes that each mind moment
added as a fourth, the standard listing speaks of disappears as soon as it has appeared, would
the influxes of sensuality, of (desire for continued) then have stimulated further developments in
existence, and of ignorance, respectively, order to account for mental continuity. In the
kāmāsava, bhavāsava, and avijjāsava. southern Buddhist tradition this was achieved
Another set of injurious factors are the through the concept of the bhavaṅga, the sublim-
anusayas, “underlying tendencies” that lurk in inal consciousness, whereas within some of
the mind and cause the arising of unwholesome the northern Buddhist traditions the concept of
mental states. A standard set of seven such the ālaya-vijñāṇa, the store consciousness, can
anusayas covers sensual desire, irritation, be seen to fulfill a similar function. Perhaps in
views, doubt, conceit, lust for existence, and opposition to what was perceived as a tendency
ignorance. toward substantialism among some Abhidharma
In the context of meditation practice proper, the philosophers, eventually the notion arose that
five hindrances, nī varaṇa, are identified as partic- reality in its ultimate sense is “mind only.”
ularly harmful. These are sensual desire, ill will, The early Buddhist position, however, consis-
sloth-and-torpor, restlessness-and-worry, and tently maintains a middle position according to
doubt, which “hinder” and obstruct the develop- which, even though mind is of prime importance,
ment of deep concentration and insight. reality is not grounded in mind alone. Similarly,
Beneficial mental qualities that stand in oppo- while mind is seen as nothing apart from or above
sition to the five hindrances are the seven factors an ever-changing process of mental flux, the early
of awakening, bojjhaṅga. These comprise mind- Buddhist conception of the mind does allow for
fulness, investigation of phenomena, energy, continuity throughout the cycle of rebirths, for the
joy, tranquility, concentration, and equanimity. effect of mental conditioning on decision making,
Another beneficial set comes under the topic of and for karmic retribution, without needing to intro-
the faculties, indriya, or the powers, bala, which duce additional concepts for this purpose.
Moggallāna 781

Concern with the mind in early Buddhism is, in

fact, above all pragmatic, in the sense of having Mind Reading
the prescriptive function of showing the path to
the liberation of the mind, without attempting an ▶ Abhiññā
exhaustive descriptive treatment of the mind in all
its possible modes, functions, and manifestations.
This pragmatic concern is summed up succinctly
in a verse in the following manner: Mind-Only
Not doing any evil,
Undertaking what is wholesome, ▶ Vijñānavāda
Cleansing one’s own mind,
This is the teaching of Buddhas ([2], 183).

Mixed Āgama
Cross-References
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya
▶ Ālaya-vijñāna
▶ Bhāvanā
▶ Meditation Modern South Bihar
▶ Nāma-rūpa
▶ Viññāṇa ▶ Magadha

References
Moggallāna M
1. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London K. T. S. Sarao
2. von Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) The Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Dhammapada. Pali Text Society, London (references Delhi, Delhi, India
are by stanza)
3. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Pali Text Society, Oxford
4. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) Synonyms
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
5. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Kolita; Mahāmaudglyāyana; Mahāmoggallāna;
6. Ergardt JT (1986) Man and his destiny, the release of Maudgalyāyana
the mind. A study of citta in relation to dhamma in
some ancient Indian texts. Brill, Leiden
7. Griffiths PJ (1991) On being mindless: Buddhist med-
itation and the mind-body problem. Open Court,
Definition
Illinois
8. Hamilton S (1996) Identity and experience, the con- Chief disciple of the Buddha and best known for
stitution of the human being according to early Bud- the possession of psychic powers and preaching
dhism. Luzac Oriental, London
9. Harvey P (1993) The mind-body relationship in Pāli
skills.
Buddhism, a philosophical investigation. Asian Philos
3(1):29–41 Moggallāna was born in a village called
10. Johansson REA (1965) Citta, mano, Viññāṇa – a Kolitagāma near Rājagaha. His mother was
psychosemantic investigation. Univ Ceylon Rev
23(1/2):165–215
a brāhmaṇa woman called Moggalī (Moggallānī)
11. Minh Thanh T (2001) The mind in early Buddhism. and his father was the chief householder of
Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi Kolitagāma. Moggallāna was also called Kolita
782 Moggallāna

after the name of his village. According to the disciples. In the Saccavibhaṅga Sutta of the
Buddhavaṃsa, Moggallāna’s body was of the Majjhima Nikāya the Buddha thus distinguishes
color of the blue lotus or the rain cloud. He was them from the others by saying that: “Sāriputta
older than the Buddha and was born on the same trains in the fruits of conversion, Moggallāna
day as Sāriputta. Both Moggallāna and Sāriputta trains in the highest good. Sāriputta can teach
belonged to rich families and were childhood and clarify the Four Noble Truths; Moggallāna,
friends, their families having maintained an on the other hand, teaches by his psychic marvel.”
unbroken friendship for seven generations. Once According to the Pāli texts, Moggallāna’s
after having watched a mime play, the two friends supremacy lay in his possession of iddhi (Sk:
realized that the world is impermanent and, hence, ṛddhi; psychic power). Through the use of his
decided to give up the lives of householders. psychic power, he could produce not only
Initially, they became the disciples of Sañjaya a living shape as many times as he wished but
Belaṭṭhiputta, one of the six famous heretical could also metamorphose himself into any shape
teachers of the Buddha’s time. However, having at will. He is also said to have stated that he could
found no satisfaction under him or many other squash Mt. Meru like a kidney bean. When the
teachers, they wandered unsatisfied all over Buddhist Order did not receive alms in Verañjā,
India. Later, promising that whoever first found Moggallāna made an offer to turn the earth upside
what they were looking for would tell the other, down, so that they could use the crux of the earth
they parted company. as food. Once with his great toe he shook the
While wandering about in Rājagaha, Sāriputta monastic residence of Migāramātupāsāda so
met the Buddhist monk Assaji who converted him severely that he terrified into silence those
to Buddhism. He became a sotāpanna (entered the monks inside it who had been making a nuisance
stream to enlightenment) after hearing from of themselves by indulging in noisy and frivolous
Assaji a stanza on Paṭiccasamuppāda (Sk: talk. At another time, when Moggallāna visited
pratītyasamutpāda, Dependent Arising). Thereaf- Sakka to know if he had benefited from the Bud-
ter, he found Moggallāna and repeated before him dha’s teaching, he found him far too vainglorious
the stanza that he heard from Assaji. Moggallāna and conceited. Thus, he rattled his palace so hard
also became a sotāpanna. Then the two decided to that his hair stood on end with fright and his vanity
pay a visit to the Buddha at Veḷuvana. They also vanished. According to the Paramattha-Dī panī ,
requested Sañjaya, their former teacher, to accom- the commentary of the Theragāthā, Moggallāna’s
pany them. But he refused. However, 250 disci- best show of iddhi, was the taming of the Nāga
ples of Sañjaya joined them and were ordained by Nandopananda, a feat which no other monk could
the Buddha. Except Sāriputta and Moggallāna, have attained. Without having to enter any spe-
they all attained arahantship. Moggallāna went cific state of mind, Moggallāna could see petas
to the Magadhan village of Kallavāla where he (Sk: pretas) and other spirits not visible to normal
tried unsuccessfully for 6 days. However, on the human eyes. He would often visit different worlds
seventh day after his ordination, the Buddha after to bring news regarding them to the Buddha.
having known through clairvoyance, appeared There is a collection of stories relating to such
before him and exhorted him to try ardently. Con- visits in the Vimānavatthu.
sequently, he succeeded in attaining arahantship. Though Moggallāna’s supremacy lay in the
On the day that Sāriputta and Moggallāna were possession of iddhi, in wisdom, too, he was rated
ordained, the Buddha declared them to be his only second to Sāriputta. Along with Sāriputta,
chief disciples. Some monks were upset at the Moggallāna could answer questions which were
newcomers being shown such an honor. But the beyond the capability of all other monks. He was
Buddha pointed out that they deserved this due to well known for his eloquent sermons some of
their dedication and resolve in their previous lives. which were attended even by various devas
The Buddha also pointed out that the other monks (gods) including Sakka, king of the devas. The
should follow the examples of these two ideal Buddha is said to have personally complimented
Moggallāna 783

Moggallāna for his powers of preaching. When severely, crushing his bones and leaving him for
the Buddha went to preach the Abhidhamma in dead. Having recovered consciousness, he
Tāvatiṃsa, it was Moggallāna to whom he gave dragged himself to the Buddha with great effort,
the responsibility of preaching to people during took his leave, and passed into nibbāna (Sk:
his absence. He took every task assigned by the nirvāṇa). According to the Jātaka account, his
Buddha seriously and thus, the Buddha often cremation was performed with much honor. The
employed him as a messenger to deliver important Buddha is said to have got his mortal remains
messages. Above all, Moggallāna was entrusted collected and a stūpa was erected over his relics
by the Buddha with the task of looking after in Veḷuvana. The importance of Moggallāna in
matters relating to the welfare of monks. The Theravāda Buddhism can be measured from the
Buddha placed great faith in him and Sāriputta fact that he is connected with different characters
for the purposes of keeping the Buddhist Order in as many as 27 Jātakas.
pure.
When Devadatta created a schism in the Bud-
dhist Order and went away with 500 of the monks Cross-References
to Gayāsīsa, the Buddha entrusted the task to
Sāriputta and Moggallāna of winning those ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
monks back. They did so successfully. It was ▶ Buddhavaṃsa
quite usual for Sāriputta and Moggallāna to travel ▶ Iddhi
together at the head of the monks. When Rāhula, ▶ Jātaka
the Buddha’s son, was ordained, Sāriputta was his ▶ Jhāna
preceptor and Moggallāna his teacher. Both ▶ Kapilavatthu
Moggallāna and Sāriputta not only deeply cared ▶ Meru
about each other but also had great mutual admi- ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
ration. Sāriputta’s verses (nos. 1179–81) in praise ▶ Pātimokkha
M
of Moggallāna and Moggallāna’s in praise of ▶ Rāhula
Sāriputta (nos. 1176–78) in the Theragāthā are ▶ Sāriputta
a good example of their respect and admiration ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
for each other. Their love for the Buddha was their ▶ Vimānavatthu
strongest bond and whenever they were away
from him, they were able to converse with him
through extrasensory means.
References
Moggallāna died before the Buddha and 2
weeks after Sāriputta. According to the Pāli 1. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
texts, his death resulted from a plot by the Luzac, London
Niganṭhas (Jainas). Moggallāna used to visit var- 2. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1889) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
ious worlds and return with the news that whereas 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
3. Hecker H (1994) Maha-Moggallana. Buddhist Publi-
the Buddha’s followers were reborn in happy cation Society, Kandy
worlds, the followers of the Niganṭhas were 4. Jayawickrama NA (1974) Buddhavaṃsa and
reborn in unhappy worlds. Apparently as a Cariyāpiṭaka, new edn. Pali Text Society, London
result of such statements by Moggallāna, the 5. Norman HC (1906) The commentary on the
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
number of the followers of the Niganṭhas got 6. Ñyānaponika T, Hecker H (2003) Great disciples of
reduced significantly. Thus, they hired criminals the Buddha: their lives, their works, their legacy.
to kill Moggallāna. These criminals surrounded Wisdom, Boston
Moggallāna’s cell, but he, aware of their inten- 7. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (1990) The Thera- and
Therīgāthā (with Appendices by K.R. Norman &
tions, managed to escape through the keyhole six L. Alsdorf), 2nd edn. Pali Text Society, Oxford
times. However, on the seventh occasion, they 8. Olderberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, 5
succeeded on catching him. They beat him up vols. Pali Text Society, London
784 Moha

9. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The

Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London Muditā
10. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramattha-Dīpanī:
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
Dhammapālācariya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London K. T. S. Sarao
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Moha
Synonyms
▶ Kilesa (Kleśa)
Altruistic joy; Appreciative joy; Sympathetic joy

Definition
Moksa
˙
Muditā is the sympathetic joy that arises from
▶ Heaven (Jainism)
delighting in other people’s well-being.

Muditā is the sympathetic joy that comes from

appreciating the well-being and success of other
Moksha people rather than resenting it. In its broadest
sense, muditā consists of a wholesome attitude of
▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism) exultation in the well-being of all sentient beings.
▶ Karma (Jainism) In the Pāli texts, it is often mentioned as part of the
triumvirate, mettā (loving kindness), karuṇā (com-
passion), and muditā. It is also one of the four
sublime states (brahmavihāras) or the four immea-
Molinī surables (Skt: apramāṇa, Pāli: appamaññā)
consisting of mettā, karuṇā, muditā, and upekkhā
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) (Skt: upekṣā; equanimity) and is traditionally con-
sidered as the most difficult to nurture. The tradi-
tional paradigmatic instance of this mental-state is
the outlook of a parent observing the accomplish-
Monastery ments of a child. This is not to be confused with
vainness because a person feeling muditā ought not
▶ Vihāra to draw any monetary or other personal benefits
from the accomplishments of others. Through
muditā-meditation one not only cultivates sympa-
thetic joy but also counters the bitterness that one
Mother of the Buddhas often feels at the accomplishments of others. The
deeper one gets into it, the better one becomes in
▶ Prajñāpāramitā one’s own plentiful joy and the easier it then
becomes to take delight in the happiness of others.
As pointed out by the Buddha in the Dī gha Nikāya,
“a disciple dwells pervading the entire world every-
Mount Meru where and equally with his heart filled with sym-
pathetic joy, abundant, grown great, measureless,
▶ Meru (Buddhism) free from enmity and free from distress.”
Muditā 785

Though muditā has not received as much atten- opponents of muditā, can not only corrupt one’s
tion in the Buddhist literature as mettā and character but also the social relationships at many
karuṇā, its cultivation is a prerequisite for the levels of one’s life. Thus, it is important to cultivate
cultivation of mettā and karuṇā. It is compara- muditā as the antidote to envy and jealousy.
tively easier for one to be compassionate or Muditā is also central to the stimulation of char-
friendly in circumstances requiring them than ity and social work. Muditā also prevents compas-
cherishing a spur-of-the-moment feeling of shared sionate action from being tainted by a patronizing
joy outside the confines of one’s kinsfolk and attitude which often either hurts or drives away the
friends. Mostly one needs to make a conscious receiver. Moreover, when karuṇā and muditā go
effort to identify oneself with the joys and suc- together, the chances of the deeds of service turning
cesses of other people. However, one’s ability to into dead routine become far less. Furthermore,
do so has its origins in one’s psyche which may be arati (which may be translated variously as discon-
even deeper than one’s reactions related to com- tent, aversion, indifference, listlessness, and bore-
passion. For instance, one definitely wants to be dom), the distant enemy of muditā, can be
happy, with or without good reason, but at the overpowered through a cooperation of karuṇā and
same time gives it precedence over the shared muditā. In one who helps and gives, the joy that one
grief of compassion. As humans are gregarious finds in such an action increases the blessings pro-
by nature, such a tendency already provides them vided by these wholesome actions. Consequently,
with familiarity to some extent with shared emo- unselfishness becomes ever more natural to one.
tions and joy, though generally at a much lower Appraisal of accomplishment is the forerunner
level than in the present context. Moreover, to muditā, and its appreciation a constituent of
human beings also have a natural tendency for muditā. Finding the good in other people and
mutual assistance and cooperation. Furthermore, learning to identify and appreciate what good
it is also true that happiness gives birth to happi- there is, is what is implicitly denoted by muditā.
ness and selfless joy can emanate from it easily. Spur-of-the-moment and genuine participation in
M
Undoubtedly, the negative impulses in humans, the moments of glory of others is conceivable only
such as jealousy and aggression, are far more when the virtue of muditā is nurtured to its full
visible than their positive inclinations toward potential. Deriving genuine joy at the good for-
social service, mutual assistance, and altruistic tune of others is indeed a rare quality. The virtue
appreciation of the accomplishments of fellow of muditā may best be seen at work in the joy of
human beings. However, as all these positive parents over the success of their children. The
qualities lie hidden in human beings and are rarely same may be seen in the sincere delight that
cultivated, it is only proper to appeal to them and teachers derive at the accomplishments of their
stimulate them. “If it were impossible to cultivate students, especially when the fear of the younger
the good, I would not tell you to do so,” said the overtaking the older is always looming large.
Buddha. If this potential for unselfish joy is
widely and methodically encouraged and culti-
vated, beginning with kids and continued with
Cross-References
grown-ups, the seeds of muditā can give birth to
many virtues such as magnanimity, tolerance, gen-
▶ Brahmavihāra
erosity, friendliness, and compassion. When
▶ Karuṇā
unselfish joy grows, many evil tendencies in the ▶ Metta
human heart such as jealousy, ill-will, cold-
heartedness, and miserliness will come under com-
plete control, if not disappear altogether. Unselfish References
joy can, indeed, act as a powerful catalyst in acti-
vating hidden forces of the good in the human 1. Andersen D, Smith H (eds) (1984) The Sutta-Nipāta,
heart. Envy and jealousy, which are the chief reprint. Pali Text Society, London
786 Munificence

2. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, experience; Non-dualistic; Occultism; Philoso-
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London phy; Revelation; Secret; Spiritualism; Yoga
3. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The
Aṅguttara Nikāya (1885–1900), 5 vols. Pali Text Soci-
ety, London
4. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds) Definition
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text
Society, London Mysticism
5. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (trans) (1899, Practices and systems of thought within
1910, 1957) Dialogues of the Buddha, reprints, 3 vols. a doctrinal and ritual context aimed at the spiritual
Sacred Books of the Buddhists, London apprehension of knowledge remote to the intel-
6. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya. Pali Text Society, London lect, gained only through a mystical experience
7. Smith H (ed) (1916–1918) Sutta-Nipāta commentary and/or intuition. Mysticism is seen as an intimate
being Paramatthajotikā II, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, and disciplined search for salvation, union, or
London liberation with the absolute or God. It is consid-
8. Trenckner V (ed) (1880) The Milindapañho. Williams
and Norgate, London ered a direct experience of this absolute or God
through learned techniques that are an uneasy fit
into traditional notions of religious belief [1, 2].

Munificence
Locating Mysticism in Indian Buddhism
▶ Dāna (Buddhism)
Mysticism
At the core of all religion, mysticism can be found.
It is derived from a documented vivid personal
experience and is usually established in religions
Mystic
through a founder who had such an experience.
As long as participants of a religion continue to
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
regard and believe in a transcendent reality,
a religion’s longevity is maintained past their ori-
gins. This gives members a way to communicate
these beliefs as a translation of these direct expe-
Mystical Experience riences [1, 6]. Because mysticism is commonly
associated with ineffability, linguistic formulation
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) tends to be seen as inexact and a mystic’s experi-
ence to be indescribable. Thus, secrecy of the
mind is commonly referred to. The multiplicity
of uses, experiences, and interpretations makes
Mysticism (Buddhism) a single definition of the term ineffectual.
“A desire for unity with God” is seen as the
Sean Ward familiar definition applied to the concept trying
The School of the Art Institute of Chicago, to incapsulate its meaning, but this is misleading
Chicago, IL, USA because not all mystics across traditions would
summarize their pursuit in this way, e.g., Bud-
dhism has no God to become unified with. There
Synonyms is the denial of a “self” existing in Buddhism
making a unification between self and God (unio
Cessation; Emptiness; Enlightenment; Esoteric; mystica) impossible and the term mysticism an
Ineffable; Meditation; Mystic; Mystical anachronism [10]. To assist in understanding the
Mysticism (Buddhism) 787

full scope of mysticism, scholars have tried to outside influence, whereas the nondualistic is
broaden some characteristics that run throughout. founded on the inseparable subject from the object
Beyond a unification of self with the One or God, of experience. Under Griffiths attributes, pure,
it involves a uniting of vision and perception unmediated, and nondualistic are concomitant
directly through objects with the One. Another and can help make up the mystical experience
characteristic concerns the development of an through various configurations of the three [9].
inner life in relation to the One, a striving for an
ultimate truth of reality and the universe. It also Mysticism in Buddhism
offers the religious principle of the sacred, feel- There is no corpus of mystical texts in Indian
ings of contentment, and euphoria which can be Buddhism or Buddhism in general for that matter.
categorized under inexpressible or inarticulable Mysticism tends to be seen not as a negligible or
feelings [5]. heretical aspect but as a thing that permeates its
doctrine and practice since early Buddhism and its
Mystical Experience various adaptions throughout the world. It is dif-
In order to better understand the definition of ficult to maintain a singular definition as both
mysticism, the mystical experience needs to be relevant and all encompassing regarding both
described. Mystical experiences are defined and mysticism and the mystical experience. There is
contextualized in reflection of the doctrine prac- continued debate and scholarly work done on the
ticed. As described above, the general activity of linguistic, conceptual, and meaning of mysticism
mystical experiences is the apprehension of in the area of study of world religions. The ety-
a transcendent realm that is beyond or within the mological foundation of mysticism gives little
self. It is difficult to have a criterion that scholars, clarity to the term’s enduring ambiguous defini-
mystics, and practitioners of religion can agree tion, experience, and practice [1, 6].
to [3]. Examples of trying to establish a There is much debate whether Buddhism is
distinguishing criterion can be found in the work inherently mystical or not. The concern being
M
of R.C. Zaehner and Paul Griffiths. Zaehner and that if mysticism penetrates its teachings, the Bud-
Griffiths each describe three types of the mystical dha’s sacred biography and related practice, how
experience, where if the presence of one of these could it be considered mystical. Mysticism in this
markers is detected, it could be said to be sense can be defined as a form of religious life
a mystical experience. For R.C. Zaehner, it is the originating in mystical experiences with the strug-
panenhenic, monistic, and theistic experience. gle of linguistically trying to interpret them. The
The panenhenic experience puts the focus not on practice of Buddhism is initiated through doc-
the unity with an inner self but about creating trinal teachings as a way to build upon what
a comprehensive feeling of connection and accor- could be described as mystical experiences. If
dance with the physical world around. The monis- Buddhism is considered to be based in pure mys-
tic represents the sublimation of space and time as ticism, then these mystical events are given little
an undifferentiated transcending experience. translation from their origin of experience into
Lastly, theistic experience is defined as a duality a doctrinal foundation. This creates uncertainty
within the experience of the subject that is having regarding the importance of a written doctrine
the experience and the experience itself [3, 12]. when encountering mystical experiences [9].
Griffiths’ three types are hinged upon the state There is no precise nature or equivalent form in
of consciousness: pure, unmediated, and human experience for these mystical experiences.
nondualistic. A pure consciousness event has no It is the mythological concept of nirvana that
phenomenological conditions, is not shaped by expresses the intention of Buddhism and the pen-
the surrounding culture or concepts, and may be etration of mysticism in its doctrines. There are no
both unmediated and nondualistic. In the unmedi- absolute interpretations given, and any explana-
ated, the emphasis is on the condition of separa- tions only point toward the event or knowledge of
tion from context and the experience, reducing mysticism which is left being deciphered through
788 Mysticism (Buddhism)

intuition. Experience is given precedent over con- The Experience of Emptiness

cept or theory and leaves faith as the principal Nagarjuna’s Mulamadhyamakakarika offers the
element [4]. state of emptiness to describe the experience and
the path to enlightenment in Buddhism. Giving
Context for Mysticism Buddhism a mystical direction from its origins,
Parallel to the debate over Buddhism being essen- faced with its negative terms – nonattainment,
tially mystical, there are scholars that see early nonassertion, and nonrelieance. Typically, the
Buddhism as a philosophically minded position paths to emptiness vary; through the practice of
of disconcertion practicing a discipline of confrontational paradoxical thoughts in instruc-
enlightenment. In time, this opposition and refusal tion or as in Yogacara Buddhism, thoughts are
became debased delivering Buddhism as seen as free of their subject and their subject is
a popular religion. Another viewpoint is that Bud- not dependent on these thoughts as objects. Rather
dhism was originally a popular religious move- than logic or metaphysics, emptiness is pursued in
ment following the Buddha’s writings while a factual attainment in Yogacara [1, 6].
a monastic elite diverted, transforming it into an Emptiness is more comparable to forgetting,
ascetic practice. A third group states that in the a lack of response to the external world. In order
earliest phase of the known history of Buddhism, to allow the mind to forget, mystics use meditation
it included both an ascetic and commoner ingre- techniques to prime the mind. Mystics have
dient while maintaining a confluence of philoso- revealed that forgetting embraces the forgetting
phy and popular ideas [6, 7]. of specific religious tradition. This leaves a
It is has been difficult to estimate the place of cross-cultural phenomenon where the individual
mysticism in the present. The syncretistic practice experience creates no distinction between subject
of Buddhism and the adaption of various cultures and object. This is considered a pure conscious-
have left the Buddhist tradition as being more ness event, where the content of this might
locally self-defined. The process of acculturation contain characteristics of specific traditions, but
began in the sixth century in India and continues the overall structure is inclusive.
to create distinct cultural forms of Buddhism.
Symbols and specific rituals mark these practices State of Cessation
in the cultures of China, Japan, Korea, Tibet, Sri Cessation is considered as an important element
Lanka, and Southeast Asia. In India, royal and of nirvana. The state of cessation in Buddhism
popular support in the northeast under the Pala relates to the ending of thoughts and feeling, not
dynasty from the eighth to the twelfth century an ending to vital organic functions such as organs
gave Buddhism some prosperity but faced aggres- or heat. It is usually associated with being in
sive criticism [2]. a trance, where sense perception and the forma-
tion of concepts have ceased. Some scholars see
Experiences of Mysticism in Buddhism cessation not defined as a pure consciousness
From its beginning, the Buddhist tradition has event like the experience of emptiness because it
incorporated a strain of mystical experiencing is assumed that the subject is considered to be in
that has influenced its philosophy. There is no a “mindless” state, while others challenge this
way of knowing exactly what the Buddha actually notion because it would be difficult to explain
experienced but the earliest reports communicate a subject’s resuscitation from this condition
a mystical experience that has been interpreted as where all mental activity has ended.
a state of cessation and as an experience of emp- In Mahayana, this debate was addressed with
tiness. These are only two experiences of the concept of “dlaya- vijfidna.” Where when
a multitude of interpretations and examples of a person is experiencing a state of cessation, his
the Buddha’s teachings, practice of meditation, or her consciousness, vijfidna, does not escape the
and form of mysticism in Buddhism. body because dlayavijfidna (presence) remains.
Mysticism (Buddhism) 789

It is difficult to decipher whether this is in direct truth of the universe and of the Buddha cannot
relationship to an actual experience or is a theory. be known through the intellect but through
The early Mahayana was affected by mystical unrecognized knowledge inherent within the truth
experience and saw its role as a component of itself. It is along the bodhisattva’s path to Buddha-
wisdom that rises above language and ordinary hood that this knowledge is attained and handed
variety of thought. down by the Buddha in the sutras. The sutras do
This experience of cessation tends to be not dictate the way but situate themselves as
described as ineffable where the mental represen- a preparation or guide to such revelations [8].
tations are indescribable by the subject. If a person
is free from mental activity, points of view, and
concepts; there is a loss of perceived diverse Cross-References
forms since they have vanished with the subject’s
perception. Consciousness being empty of mental ▶ God (Buddhism)
representations does not mean the subject is
unconscious. In early Buddhism, practitioners
had difficulty communicating these experiences References
linguistically. The principal objective of early
Buddhism being this mystical experience of ces- 1. Akira H (2007) A history of Indian Buddhism: from
Sakyamuni to early Mahayana. Motilal Banarsidass,
sation, where a specific quality is uncertain, is
Delhi
closely tied to what came to be known as nirvana. 2. Bowker J (ed) (1997) The Oxford dictionary of world
The element of cessation became a fundamental religions. Oxford University Press, New York
part of nirvana though many writings stress an 3. Fischer-Schreiber I (1994) Buddhism & Taoism. In:
Schuhmacher S, Woerner G (eds) The encyclopedia of
intellectual aspect which came to be the presiding
eastern philosophy and religion, 3rd edn. Shambhala
characteristic [8, 10]. Publishing, Boston
4. Griffiths PJ (1993) The problem of pure conscious-
M
Nirvana as Enlightenment and a Form of ness, mysticism and philosophy. Oxford University
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Mysticism
5. Guiley RE (1991) Harper’s encyclopedia of mystical
Nirvana is believed to be an enlightened view of & paranormal experience. HarperCollins, San
the world. It is considered an ultimate reality and Francisco
as a permanent state which is reached by an inef- 6. Hallisey C, Reynolds FE (1998) Buddhism. In: Mac-
millan information now encyclopedia: world religions,
fable mystical experience where language and
2nd edn. Simon and Schuster Macmillan, New York
thinking is transcended. Through various interpre- 7. Johnson WL, Robinson RH (1982) The Buddhist reli-
tations of the experience, a meaning can be gion: a historical introduction. Wadsworth, California
formed allowing a reception of a new understand- 8. Nakamura H (2007) Indian Buddhism: a survey with
bibliographical notes. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
ing of a person’s being-in-the-world [9].
9. Pyysiainen I (1993) Beyond language and reason:
By intuition, nirvana is to be understood; the mysticism in Indian Buddhism. Vammalan, Helsinki
doctrine and its ultimate reality are conceived as the 10. Smith JZ (ed) (1995) The HarperCollins dictionary of
mystical trend experienced in Buddhism [11]. religion. HarperCollins, San Francisco
11. Warder AK (1997) Indian Buddhism. Motilal
Those that adopted doctrines (e.g., Sthiramati and
Banarsidass, Delhi
Nagarjuna) in the history of Buddhism that this 12. Zaehner RC (1961) Mysticism, sacred and profane.
form of mysticism resides, believe that the ultimate Oxford University Press, New York
N

Nāgārjuna Life and Legends

Burkhard Scherer The historical Nāgārjuna lived between the first

Department of Theology and Religious Studies, and third centuries C.E. in Central/South India.
Canterbury Christ Church University, Canterbury, Nāgārjuna’s connections to the Sātavāhana kings
Kent, UK are key factors for dating and locating him ([1];
[2], p. 261). A Sātavāhana king is the addressee of
the Ratnāvalī (Precious Garland) and the
Synonyms Suhṛllekha (Letter to a Friend), two popular phil-
osophical works ascribed to and most probably
Klu sgrub (Tibetan); Long shu (Chinese); Ryūmō authored by Nāgārjuna. Nāgārjuna was very
(Japanese) likely a late-second-century or early-third-century
Buddhist monk who lived, for at least a portion of
his career, in a Pūrvaśailya, Aparaśailya, or
Definition Caityaka monastery in the area of Andhra ([3],
pp. 86–88).
Buddhist philosopher of the second century Com- In the Indo-Tibetan hagiographical tradition,
mon Era; author of the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. numerous legends ornate the life of Nāgārjuna.
Works such as the eleventh century
*Caturaśītisiddhapravṛtti by Abhayadattaśrī or
Introduction Tibetan dharma chronicles (chos ‘byung) such as
those by Bu ston and Tārānātha claim that
The Buddhist philosopher Nāgārjuna lived Nāgārjuna lived 400 years after the Buddha’s
most probably in the second century C.E. passing. According to the legends, Nāgārjuna’s
(Common Era). He is the author of, among knowledge and usage of the elixir of life extended
others, the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā and the his life span to 600 years. His activities concen-
Śūnyatāsaptatikārikā. trated in the southern regions of India, where he
Nāgārjuna is generally acknowledged as the shared this magic with his patron king. Eventu-
founder of the Mādhyamika Philosophy of ally, the crown prince waiting to ascend the throne
Mahāyāna Buddhism, which consolidates the resorted to murderous ambitions in order to get the
Path of Emptiness (Śūnyatāvāda) expounded in elixir and his father out of the way; he succeeded
the early Perfection of Wisdom (Prajñāpāramitā) in finding the only way to kill Nāgārjuna: by
Sūtras. cutting off his head with a blade of grass.
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
792 Nāgārjuna

Nāgārjuna’s name “Arjuna (hero) among the VI. Yuktiṣaṣṭikā

Nāgas” points to the popular myth, which recounts Tibetan edition by Lindtner [4]; edition and
how he supposedly retrieved the profound Perfec- translation by Tola and Dragonetti [8].
tion of Wisdom teachings in their complete VII. Catuḥstava
100,000-verse version from the Nāga realm at the Sanskrit edition by Tucci 1932 (Vols. II and
bottom of the ocean. Indo-Tibetan art depicts IV) and Lindtner ([4], Vols. I, III); edited
Nāgārjuna in front of a divine cobra (nāga) halo. and translated by Tola and Dragonetti [8]).
Much scholarship has been devoted to separat- VIII. Ratnāvalī
ing facts from myth [1, 3]. It has generally been Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese edition by
accepted that Nāgārjuna’s longevity serves to dis- Michael Hahn, Bonn 1982; translated from
guise the existence of different scholars bearing the Tibetan by Jeffrey Hopkins 1975/1998
the name “Nāgārjuna,” the early one being the (see [10]). On the question of authenticity,
Mādhyamika philosopher, the latter one (or see [2] and [3] (pp. 271–278).
even two) being a tantric master or alchemist. As IX. Pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā
for Nāgārjuna the philosopher, it suffices to Sanskrit edition by Gokhale 1940; Tibetan
identify him simply as the author of the edition and translation by Jamieson [11]
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK) and the 2000. Authenticity denied by Dragonetti [12].
Śūnyatāsaptatikārikā (ŚS). X. Sūtrasamuccaya
Tibetan edition by Pāsadika, Copenhagen
1989.
Works XI. Bodhicittavivaraṇa
Tibetan edition and translation by Lindtner
The authenticity of the majority of works ascribed [4]; authenticity denied by Ruegg, Wil-
to Nāgārjuna has been drawn into question using liams, and Dragonetti [12].
philosophical and stylistic compatibility with the XII. Suhṛllekha (“Letter to a Friend”)
MMK and the ŚS as the litmus test. Lindtner ([4], Tibetan edition by Pema Tenzin, CIHTS
pp. 10–17) has suggested a canon of 13 authentic Sarnath 2002; translation by the Padmakara
Nāgārjunian works, although suspicion has also Translation Group [13].
been raised concerning some texts in Lindtner’s XIII. *Bodhisaṃbhāra
canon, that is, numbers VIII–XI below: Tibetan edition and translation by Lindtner [4].
I. Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK)
Sanskrit edition by de La Vallée Poussin, St.
Petersburg 1913; de Jong, Adyar Madras Philosophy
1977; translations: Kalupahana 1986 [5];
Wood 1994 [6]; McCagney 1997 [7]. The point of departure within Nāgārjuna’s
II. Śūnyatāsaptati (ŚS) MMK and ŚS is the 12 nidānas (chains) of the
Tibetan edition and translation by Lindtner pratītyasamutpāda (dependent origination) as
[4]; Tola and Dragonetti 1995 [8]. explained, for example, in the Kaccāyānagotta
III. Vigrahavyāvartanī Sutta (Saṃyuttanikāya xxii 15). Hence, as
Sanskrit/Tibetan edition by Lindtner [4]; Kalupahana argues, Nāgārjuna’s philosophy care-
translations by Wood [6] and Westerhoff [9]. fully moves within the frame of early Buddhist
IV. Vaidalyaprakaraṇa philosophy [5]. Nāgārjuna stresses the absence of
Tibetan edition and translation by Tola and intrinsic existence not only of the Self but also of
Dragonetti [8]. all conditioned phenomena. Following on
V. *Vyavahārasiddhi from the Prajñāpāramitā teachings, he points to
Fragment; Tibetan edition by Lindtner [4]. the preliminary nature of all phenomena and
Nāgārjuna 793

philosophical concepts including key Buddhist References

tenets using śūnyatā (emptiness, openness) as
a function of deconstruction, rather than a static 1. Mabbet I (1998) The problem of the historical
Nagarjuna revisited. JAOS 118(3):332–346
ontological concept [10, 14].
2. Walser J (2002) Nāgārjuna and the Ratnāvalī:
Hence in his works, Nāgārjuna refutes mainly new ways to date an old philosopher. JIABS
the wrong views on an alleged essence (svabhāva) 25:209–262
of phenomena while avoiding positive statements 3. Walser J (2005) Nāgārjuna in context: Mahāyāna Bud-
dhism and early Indian culture. Columbia University
on the nature of reality: all phenomena are empty
Press, New York
of intrinsic, independent existence; all phenomena 4. Lindtner C (1982) Nagarjuniana: studies in the writ-
lack a permanent essence. His philosophy is ings and philosophy of Nāgārjuna. Akademisk Forlag,
referred to as “middle” (madhyamaka) doctrine, Copenhagen
5. Kalupahana D (1986) Mūlamadhyamakakārikā of
clearly pointing to early Buddhist teachings, in
Nāgārjuna: the philosophy of the middle way. SUNY
which both the assertion of nonreality (nāstidṛṣṭi, Press, Albany
nihilism; ucchedadṛṣṭi, annihilationism) and 6. Wood T (1994) Nāgārjunian disputations: a philosoph-
the assertion of reality (astidṛṣṭi, essentialism, ical journey through an Indian looking-glass. Univer-
sity of Hawaii Press, Honolulu
substantialism; śāśvatādṛṣṭi eternalism) are
7. McCagney N (1997) Nāgārjuna and the philosophy of
refuted. Conditioned reality neither exists onto- openness. Rowman & Littlefield, Oxford
logically nor in a nihilistic sense: The experienced 8. Tola F, Dragonetti C (1995) On Voidness: a study on
conditioned reality is the fluid process of karma. Buddhist nihilism. Motilal, Delhi
9. Westerhof J (2010) The dispeller of disputes:
Despite this affirmation of the middle, Indian phi-
Nāgārjuna’s Vigrahavyāvartanī. Oxford University
losophers of the Nyāyā-Vaiśeṣika, Vedānta, and Press, Oxford
Sāṃkhya schools, as well as rival Buddhist phi- 10. Scherer B (2012) Nāgārjuna on temporary happiness
losophers and modern scholars – Bournof, Jacobi, and liberation: readings of the Ratnāvalī in India, Tibet
and China. In: Sharma A (ed) Buddhism in East Asia:
Walleser, de La Vallée Poussin, and Lamotte, and
traditions, changes, and challenge. Motilal, Delhi, pp.
more recently Wood [6] and Burton [15] – fre- 131–144
quently align Mādhyamika philosophy with nihil- 11. Jamieson R (2000) Nāgārjuna’s verses on the great N
ism. Also, Nāgārjuna’s notion of emptiness has vehicle and the heart of dependent origination. Peter
Lang, New York
been criticized as self-refuting ([16], pp. 66–68).
12. Dragonetti C (1986) On Śuddhamati’s
Non-nihilistic readings of Nāgārjuna are put for- Pratītyasamutpādahṛdayakārikā and on Bodhicitta-
ward by scholars including Stcherbatsky, Murti, vivaraṇa. WZKS 30:110–122
and Ruegg, and more recently Eckel [17], Silburn, 13. Padmakara Translation Group (2005) Nāgārjuna’s let-
ter to a friend. Snow Lion, Ithaca
Vivenza [18], Westerhoff [19], and Scherer [10,
14. Scherer B (2009) Karma: the transformations of
14]. Contemporary non-nihilistic interpretations a Buddhist conundrum. In: Chetyrova L et al (eds)
of Nāgārjuna hold either that the nature of ulti- Vajrayana Buddhism in Russia. Unlimited Space, St.
mate reality is beyond conceptualizations or “that Petersburg, pp 259–270
15. Burton D (1999) Emptiness appraised. Routledge,
the very idea of a final ontology is incoherent”
London
([20], p. 864). 16. Ganeri J (2001) Philosophy in classical India.
Routledge, London
17. Eckel M (1992) To see the Buddha: a philosopher’s
quest for the meaning of emptiness. Princeton Univer-
sity Press, Princeton
Cross-References 18. Vivenza J-M (2001) Nāgārjuna et la doctrine de la
vacuité. Albin Michel, Paris
▶ Mādhyamika 19. Westerhoff J (2009) Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka: a
philosophical introduction. Oxford University Press,
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
Oxford
▶ Prajñāpāramitā 20. Siderits M (2010) Review of Westerhoff, J (2009).
▶ Reality (Buddhism) Mind 119(475):864–867
794 Nāgārjunakonda
˙˙

Origin of the Names

Nāgārjunakonda
˙˙ Nāgārjunakoṇḍa was named after the Sūnyavāda
Anand Singh philosopher Nāgārjuna. He was born at Vidarbha
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, in a Brāhmana family. He was an authoritative
Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, UP, exponent of the doctrine of existence and non-
India existence, i.e., Śūnyatā or Tathatā. He was
Institute of Management Sciences, University of a staunch disciplinarian and is said to have
Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India expelled from the samgha a large number of
monks who broke the discipline in the observance
of the Vinaya rules. He became the head of the
Synonyms saṃgha at Nālandā [4]. In his last phase of life he
retired to the Nāgārjuna hills at Śriparvata. This
Mahāvasin vihāra; Nallamalai; Śrīparvata; place is also known as Vijaypurī, the capital of
Vijayapuri Ikṣavāku dynasty founded by Śāntamūla
(Chāmtamūla). The Purānas call them
Śriparvatiya Andhras who ruled from Vijayapurī
Definition situated in the Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, valley in the
Nāllamalur range [4]. An inscription of king
Nāgārjunakoṇḍa is a Buddhist site situated about Virapurusadatta of the Ikṣavāku dynasty calls
20 km from Macherla in Guntur district of Andhra him as Śriparvatadhipati whose capital was
Pradesh, India. The site is named after the great Vijaypurī. The Nāgārjunakoṇḍa inscriptions are
Mahāyāna expert Nāgārjuna who founded the mostly records of benefactions of some royal
Madhyamika School of philosophy [5]. female members of the Virapurusadatta family in
favor of Mahacetiya of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa lying in
the vicinity of Vijyapuri, the Ikṣavāku capital.
Introduction

Nāgārjunakoṇḍa is situated on latitude 16
310 N History of Nāgārjunakonda

and longitude 79
140 E on the right bank of river ˙˙
Krishna in Paland subdivision of Guntur district The history of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa started taking
of Andhra Pradesh, India. It is about 166 km to shape during the age of the Sātvahanas. The dis-
the south east of Hyderabad, the capital of covery of coins belonging to Gautamiputra
Andhra Pradesh, and about 147 km away from Śātakarni, Vasishthiputra Pulumavi, and Yajna
Guntur town. Nāgārjunakoṇḍa is encircled by Śri Śātkarni and an inscription of Gautamiputra
Nāllamallai hills on three sides and the western Vijaya Śātakarni of his sixth regnal year show
as well as some northern areas are enclosed by hold of the Sātvahanas over Nāgārjunakoṇḍa
the river Krishna. The entire place was [13]. It has been presumed that Vijyapurī was
surrounded by the dense paśu vemula forest. founded by Vijaya Śātkarni [8]. The Tibetan tra-
The area is named after the great Buddhist phi- dition says the Sātvahanas were the great patrons
losopher Nāgārjuna who resided on one of its of Nāgārjuna and built a mahācetiya and
hills popularly known as Śriparvata. During an a mahāvihāra in honor of the revered teacher
archeological excavation a number of stūpas, [14]. The Nāgārjunakoṇḍa came into prominence
apsidal temples, and vihāras such as Dharnī only after annexation of some parts of the valley
vihāra, Kumāra Nandi vihāra, Mahisāsaka from the Sātvahanas by Vasishthiputra
vihāra, Bahuśrutiya vihāra, and temples like Chantumula, the founder of the Ikṣavākus. The
Nodagīśvara, Kārtikeya, etc., were found [3]. Ikṣavākus ruled for 75 years (225–300 C.E.).
Nāgārjunakonda 795
˙˙

During the reign of second Ikṣavāku king submerged under the water of Nāgārjunasagar
Virapurusadatta [12] and his son Ehuvala dam. Subrahmanyam has explored more than
Camtamula, Buddhism became prosperous. The a 100 sites ranging from the prehistoric age to
kings and their queens, upāsikas, upāsakas, the medieval age. The prominent Buddhist struc-
bikkhus, and bikkhunis and some of the monks tures were restored on the top of the hill and
from distant places like Śri Lanka contributed for a museum was constructed here to preserve all
the development of Buddhism in Nāgārjunakoṇḍa the antiquities.
which made it a great center of Buddhist learning.
The archeological as well as literary
evidences show that the monastic complex of Objects of Worship at Nāgārjunakonda
Nāgārjunakoṇḍa developed in the third to fourth ˙˙
centuries C.E. The copper plate inscription of Śri During excavations 32 stūpas were discovered
Mūla Raja, of fifth century C.E., issued from belonging to Theravāda, Aparaśaila, and
Kondavidu mentions Navakamikka, a resident of Bahuśrutiya schools. These stūpas can be classi-
Aparaśaila vihāra [2]. It shows that the Buddhist fied into wheel-shaped and rubble stūpas. The
stūpas and mahāvihāras were flourishing in this Theravādins were supposed to be the first who
age. But in the time of Rudrapurusadatta, the constructed the stūpas and vihāras in
Ikṣavākus were overthrown by the Pallavas. They Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, immediately followed by the
were great patrons of Brahmanism and caused seri- Aparamahāvinseliyas [1]. It has also been accepted
ous damage to Buddhism in Śriparvata [11]. After that the wheel-shaped stūpas which belonged to
this invasion Buddhists might have existed for Aparamahāvinaseliyas reflect an advance over the
sometime in the valley but a lack of patronage rubble stūpas of the Theravādins [8]. A large num-
gave jolt to all architectural activities in Śriparvata. ber of brick-built stūpas of various sizes have been
With the loss of political and economic importance scattered in the valley of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. Most of
the structure fell into ruins and silted up by the flood the stūpas are built on large and high platforms. The
waters and encroached by the forest. majority of the stūpas have a typical Andhra style N
It seems that the Vajrayāna Buddhism had its wheel-based architecture and only few stūpas are
origin in the Valley of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa under built of rubble generally without spokes but some
influence of Nāgārjuna. From Nāgārjunakoṇḍa of them with āyaka platforms [8]. The wheel-based
a mutilated image of Hariti showing Vajrayāna architecture is supposed to be an advanced type of
features has been found. The Goddess is shown stūpa with a certain ideological and technical sig-
seated with her legs dangling and wearing griddle, nificance. The wheel suggests the dhammacakka-
wristlets, and anklets [6]. An inscription in pavattana and the spokes may stand for the
Brahmī character is also found from here showing teaching of Buddha. It seems that most of the
akṣyanivi, a perpetual grant to light the lamp in sects of the valley were orthodox and hence their
devotion of the Buddha [13]. stūpas were not ornamented. Only the Aparaśailas
In modern age Nāgārjunakoṇḍa was accidently embraced a popular view and carved out beautiful
discovered in February 1920 by a local school sculptures in their vihāras and stūpas. The stūpas
teacher. On his information S. R. Saraswati visited were invariably coated with a plaster of lime and
the place to examine the mound. A. H. Longhurst some of them encased with limestone slabs.
for the first time excavated the site between 1927 The direct evidence of the stone railings in the
and 1931 to expose the hidden structure under the stūpas are absent in Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. Longhurst
mound. T. N. Ramchandran re-excavated it during opines that the mahāstūpa of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa was
1930–1940 and after that a majority of vihāras and provided with the railing of wood on a supporting
stūpas were unearthed [15]. An extensive survey brick foundation. The discovery of 30 pieces of lime
was conducted between 1954 and 1960 by stone beams resembling the crossbars of the railing
R. Subrahmanyam to explore the antiquities suggests existence of such structure [3].
796 Nāgārjunakonda
˙˙

Theravāda Stūpas on two sides by a flight of steps and the vihāras

consisted of four wings with a mandapa in the
In Nāgārjunakoṇḍa nine Buddhist monuments center [8].
have been attributed to the Theravādins. Out of
nine, three structures are supported by the inscrip-
tions and the remaining six are identified on the Bahuśrutiya Stūpas
basis of their architectural features [8]. The earli-
est epigraphic reference is dated to the fourteenth The Bahuśrutiya, the most popular sect of
regnal year, i.e., 245 C.E. of the king Sri Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, was probably named after the
Virapurusadatta, which mentions the Sihalavihāra founder of the sect Bahuśruta [8]. They were
on Culadhammagiri. The inscription says about lenient and tried to reconcile the differences
maintenance and the addition of certain features in between Theravāda and Mahāsaṃghika but
the existing stūpas [9]. Sihalavihāra on Chula- were unsuccessful in their effort. The largest
Dhammagiri was a large complex with a establishment in Nāgārjunakoṇḍa belongs to
stūpa, vihāra, and cetiya. The main stūpa of the them, situated in the northern part of the
complex was built with a spherical rim made of valley. The majority of structure were either ren-
bricks. The inner core of the stūpa was filled with ovated or constructed during the reign of the
the rubble. The āyaka pillars are absent in this third Ikṣavāku king Ehuvala Camtamūla,
stūpa because the monks of Śri Lanka did not Mahadevī Bhattidevī, the wife of Mathariputta
adopt wheel-shaped structures as well as āyaka Virapurusadatta, and the mother of Ehuvala and
for their stūpas. the whole complex is known as Devī vihāra [10].
The other inscription gives information of The main stūpa has been built on wheel plan in
establishments to the Mahisāsaka sect constructed the west of the vihāra establishment. The wheel
in the eleventh regnal year of Ehuvala Camtamula has two circular rims connected by 12 spokes.
by his sister Kadabaksiri, the queen of the king of The inner circle is connected with the hub by
Vanavasi. [9]. The Mahisāsakas were a branch of eight spokes. The stūpa has āyaka platforms in
Theravāda and an orthodox sect. They had a large all four directions. Two apsidal temples are also
following in Śri Lanka, and in India their main found near the stūpa.
center was in Vanavasi in the South. Their vihāras The second Bahuśrutiya structure is situated in
had generally two stūpas, one with a solid struc- the northeast part of the valley. This sacred com-
ture and small projections, so small that they plex has a six-spoke stūpa with a diameter of
could not accommodate the āyaka pillars. The 8.5 m with āyaka platforms at four cardinal points
second stūpa was wheel based with a hub and but without any āyaka pillars. The third complex
eight spokes – āyaka platform [8]. is lying adjacent to the second complex. Its stūpa
The third group belongs to the is without spokes and was constructed on a square
Mahāvihāravasins who were mainly from Śri platform. The steps were provided to reach the
Lanka [9]. Their main stūpa was built with stūpa from the western side of the platform. At
a solid brick structure on a raised platform with the eastern side of the stūpa two cetiyagrahas
two votive stūpas on its southern side. The monks facing each other were built [8].
of this vihāra were said to have propagated Bud-
dhism in Kandhara, Yavana country, Vanavasa,
and Śri Lanka [4]. Aparamahāvinaseliya Stūpas
The six more clusters of vihāras and stūpas
have been identified as structure of Theravādins The Aparaśailas were known as
on basis of their architectural attributes. Generally Aparamahāvinaseliya in the inscriptions granted
these stūpas were built on a large platform with to them. Their five sacred complexes are known
a brick-built circular rim and their core was filled with the mahācetiya in the center of the Valley.
with rubble. Sometimes the stūpa was approached The main stūpa of the Aparaśaila is supposed to be
Nāgasena 797

the earliest in Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. H. Sarcar says that Cross-References

it was built in the sixth regnal year (246 C.E.) of
Virapurusadatta of the Ikṣavāku dynasty [8]. But ▶ Mahāyāna
A. H. Longhurst has ascertained that the stūpa ▶ Stūpa
existed even before the Ikṣavāku rule and only ▶ Theravāda
āyaka platforms were added in this age [3]. This ▶ Vihāra
was also attested by epigraphic records that the
āyaka pillars were built by the princess of the
References
Ikṣavāku family in the reign of Śri Virapurusadatta
[4]. This stūpa is the largest in Nāgārjunakoṇḍa 1. Geiger W (1905) Mahāvaṃsa. Leipzig Press, Leipzig
with diameter of 27.7 m. It has three concentric 2. Krishnasastri VV (1922) Three grants of Prithvi Sri
circles, connected with each other by the cross and Mularaja from Kodavidu. Hyderabad
railing walls which have divided the space into 3. Longhurst AH (1936) The story of the Stūpa. Ceylon
Government Press, Colombo
40 chambers. The āyaka vedica is built in each 4. Majumdar RC (1954) (ed) The age of imperial unity.
cardinal directions surmounted by the āyaka pillars Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan Press, Bombay
[3]. Probably the stūpa had a railing that stood on 5. Radhakrishanan S (1958) The cultural heritage of
the brick foundation and the torana was built by India, vol I. Ramkrishna Mission Press, Calcutta
6. Rama K (1994) Buddhist art of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa.
extending the railing outward [3]. In its evolved Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi
stage the dome of the stūpa was plastered indicat- 7. Ramchandran TN (1953) Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, Memoirs
ing that the early stage had only a plain structure. of Archaeological Survey of India, vol 77. Delhi
The relics have also been discovered in one of the 8. Sarkar H, Mishra BN (1966) Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, Archae-
ological Survey of India. Goodearth, New Delhi
outer chamber of the stūpa where a fragment of 9. Sastri H (1929–1930) (ed) Epigraphia Indica, vol XX.
bone was placed in a small round gold reliquary Archeological Survey of India, New Delhi
kept in a silver casket together with some gold 10. Sastri H (1931–1932) (ed) Epigraphia Indica, vol XXI.
flowers, pearls, garnets, and crystals [3]. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
11. Sircar DC, Chhabra BC (1957–1858) (ed) Epigraphia
Some other stūpas and vihāras are placed on Indica, vol XXXII. Archaeological Survey of India, N
square platforms and had āyaka vedicas with the New Delhi
āyaka pillars. The drums of the few stūpas are 12. Sircar DC (1959–1960) (ed) Epigraphia Indica,
encased with carved limestone slabs as a good vol XXXIII. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
13. Sircar DC (1961–1962) (ed) Epigraphia Indica,
number of bas-relief sculptures have been discov- vol XXXIV. Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi
ered [7]. 14. Sivaramamurti C (1942) Amravati sculptures in the
Madras Government Museum Bulletin, vol IV. Madras
15. Subramanyam R (1975) Nāgārjunakoṇḍa, Memoirs of
Archaeological Survey of India, vol 75. Archaeologi-
Votive Stūpas cal Survey of India, New Delhi

The votive stūpas are samkalpit made in devotion

by the monks as well as the lay-followers. These
stūpas of various sizes are built around the main Nāgasena
stūpa. Sometimes a separate platform was made to
accommodate them [8]. All the votive stūpas of K. T. S. Sarao
Nāgārjunakoṇḍa are constructed with solid core Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
and without an āyaka platform. Delhi, Delhi, India
Some of the stūpas were decorated with
Svastika symbols. These Svastikas are carved in
the center of the base but not visible from the base. Definition
The relevance of this symbol is still not known. It
seems that it was signifying the religious ideology An Indian Buddhist monk who lived in circa
rather than an architectural attribute. second century B.C.E.
798 Nāgasena

Nāgasena was an Indian Buddhist monk who is on the banks of the Gaṅgā. On not obeying the
known for his discussions with King Milinda, the monk to remove a heap of rubbish, the novice was
Bactrian Indo-Greek king Menandros/Menander hit by the monk with the handle of a broom.
(also spelled as Menadra or Minedra). King Crying and throwing the rubbish, the novice
Menander ruled in the Kabul-Gandhāra region took a vow to be successively reborn until
and is said to have travelled to Sāgala to have attaining nibbāna and becoming a person of
a debate with Nāgasena. Sāgala is now identified great might and glory. On hearing the novice, the
with the modern city of Sialkot in Pakistan. monk also took a vow to be successively reborn
According to the Milindapañha, King Milinda until attaining nibbāna and becoming a monk
was unhappy with, or rather disparaging toward, prompt in answering all questions of the novice.
Buddhist scholars of his time as none of them Five hundred years after the nibbāna of the Bud-
could satisfactorily answer his queries. To solve dha, the novice was born as King Milinda in
this problem, many leading arahants led by Sāgala. To answer his questions, the monk was
Assagutta along with god Sakka approached born as Nāgasena.
a god called Mahāsena to help them by Nāgasena is depicted in the Milindapañha as
performing the explicit task of dissipating King a monk with unusual qualities who “is shown as
Milinda’s doubts. Mahāsena at that time had been astute and able, a ready talker of vast learning
living in Tāvatiṃsa (the Buddhist Heaven of the and with an immense fund of similes at his
Thirty-Three). Consequently, Mahāsena gave his command. . . (who). . . also performed. . . the
consent to make this sacrifice in line with the seemingly incredible feat of mastering the whole
Bodhisattva ideal to be born as a human on earth of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka after only one exposi-
so that he could dispel Milinda’s doubts and hence tion of it by Rohana, his preceptor” ([4],
promote the principles of the Dharma ([4], xxvi–xxvii). According to a legend told in late
pp. 10–11). medieval Pāli texts, the Jinakālamālī and the
He was born in the house of brāhmaṇa Sāsanavaṃsa, Nāgasena had an ardent wish to
Soṇuttara in Kajaṅgala ([4], p. 11). Kajaṅgala make an image of the Buddha which at a future
was either a town (nagara) or a city-state date would illumine the ruling dynasties of
(janapada) that formed the eastern boundary of Kamboja, Pagan, and Thailand. This resulted in
Majjhimadesa ([7], i.197; [3], i.49) and is some- the making of the famous Emerald Buddha which
times identified with Kankjol located 18 miles to is now popularly worshipped in parts of Southeast
the south of Rajmahal in Bihar ([1], pp. 548–549). Asia (see [4], xxvii).
But according to the Chinese version of the The sermon, as recorded in the Milindapañha,
Milindapañha, he was from Kashmir ([9], p. 26). is a compilation of the doctrines of Hīnayāna
He entered the saṃgha (Buddhist Order) under School where a detailed account of the conversa-
Rohaṇa, later studied under Assagutta at the tion that took place between Nāgasena and
Vattaniya monastery, and attained the first fruit King Milinda is given. King Milinda placed
of emancipation (sotāpanna) ([4], pp. 11–13). 82 dilemmas before Nāgasena and the latter
Thereafter, he was sent to Pāṭaliputra (modern responded to each of them to the complete satis-
Patna in the Indian province of Bihar), where he faction of the king. At the conclusion of the dia-
studied under monk Dhammarakkhita, and logue, King Milinda appears to have taken shelter
attained arhatship. Subsequently, Nāgasena went in the Triple Gem (Tisaraṇa). He also had
to the Saṃkheyya monastery in Sāgala where his a monastery built which he named Milindavihāra
momentous dialogue with Milinda took place and gifted to Nāgasena.
([4], 14ff). Nothing is known of Nāgasena after his lengthy
Talking about the past lives of Nāgasena and dialogue with the king. The reason for this appears
Milinda, the Milindapañha ([4], 4ff) mentions that to be that he had been brought into the world of the
at the time of Kassapa Buddha, they were a monk humans for the sake of the Dharma. After he had
and novice, respectively, in a monastery located completed his job, historical focus appears to have
Nālandā 799

shifted away from him. Despite this, he left behind

a method of elucidating the Buddhavacana (teach- Nālandā
ing of Buddha) which became the blueprint of
later exposition. As pointed out by Horner, his K. T. S. Sarao
refined intermingling of metaphysics and ethics, Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
argument and example, created a module of suitable Delhi, Delhi, India
discourse and an inspiration to practice the Dharma
([4], xxvii). Interestingly, Nāgasena’s teacher
Assagutta’s name appears only in the Pāli commen- Definition
taries. The names of other teachers, Rohana and
Dhammarakkhita, are mentioned only in the Ancient Indian town and a famous university.
Jinakālamālī and nowhere else in the Pāli literature.
In this regard, Horner has pointed out that “the Located about 90 km to the southeast of Patna in
virtual restriction to Milindapañha of so many Bihar, Nālandā was a center of higher learning
potentially important figures does not tend to place from about the fifth century C.E. till the thirteenth
them in an authentic historical setting” ([4], xxvii). century C.E. The ruins of the ancient city of
Nālandā have been located about 7 miles each to
the southwest of Bihar Sharif and north-northwest
Cross-References Rājagīr. Early Buddhist texts mention Nālandā
as an influential, wealthy, and prosperous city
(nagara), which was crowded and thickly popu-
▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
▶ Arahant lated ([14], i.377; [11], i.211). The Buddha often
stayed here at the Pāvārikambavana during his
▶ Bodhisattva
visits ([14], i.371). This city was connected through
▶ Dharma
▶ Sagga a road to both Rājagaha and Pāṭaliputta ([11], ii.81,
84; [8], p. 287). A cetiya (sepulchral cairn) known
▶ Saṃgha N
as Bahuputta is said to have been located between
Rājagaha and Nālandā ([4], ii.220) which were one
yojana (about 7 miles) apart ([12], i.35). Once at
References
the Buddha’s time, this city is said to have suffered
1. Cunningham A (1871) The ancient geography of India, from a severe famine ([4], v.322).
I. Trübner, London, Shastri SM (rev and ed) As initially Nālandā was a Jaina stronghold, it
(1924) Chuckervertty, Calcutta remained relatively unknown compared with
2. Demieville P (1924) Les versions chinoises du
other Buddhist sites until the Gupta dynasty
Milindapañha. Bull l’Ecole française d’Extreme-Orient
XXIV:1–259 ([10], p. 59). When the Chinese pilgrim, Faxian,
3. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātakas, vol 6. visited Nālandā toward the beginning of the fifth
Trübner, London century C.E., he did not see anything of Buddhist
4. Horner IB (1963–1964) Milinda’s questions, vol 2.
importance here. But when Xuanzang visited it in
Luzac, London
5. Little S (1992) The Arhats in China and Tibet. Artibus the second quarter of the seventh century, it had
Asiae 52(3/4):255–281 become internationally famous and it seems that
6. Malalasekera GP (1935) Dictionary of Pali proper its rise to fame happened sometime after Faxian’s
names, vol 1, Reprint. Oriental Reprint, New Delhi,
1983
visit ([10], p. 59). The famous University of
7. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, Nālandā was established in the first half of the
vol 5. Pali Text Society, London fifth century C.E. during the reign of King
8. Schober J (1997) Sacred biographies in the Buddhist Śakrāditya of the Gupta Dynasty ([3], p. 329).
traditions of Southeast Asia. University of Hawai’i
Xuanzang reported about 10,000 students and
Press, Hawai’i
9. Xing G (2005) The concept of the Buddha. Routledge 1,511 teachers. When Yijing, another Chinese
Curzon, London Buddhist monk, visited here in 673–695 C.E.,
800 Nālandā

Nālandā, Fig. 1 Ancient Nālandā

there were eight colleges with 300 rooms and until the ninth century C.E. Some orthodox Sri
3,500 students. Apart from the Gupta kings, Lankan monks are reported to have destroyed the
Nālandā University was patronized by King Vajrayāna scriptures and images in Buddhist
Harṣa and the Pālas ([3], p. 329). At the time of establishments ([7], pp. 185–191, 369). However,
King Harṣa, the university is reported to have by the Pāla period, secular and Brāhmaṇical-
owned 200 villages that had been given to it as Hindu courses were being taught alongside with
grants. Buddhist ones at Nālandā (Fig. 1).
The history of ancient Nālandā University may Nālandā was one of the world’s first residential
broadly be divided into two parts (see [3], p. 344): universities with dormitories for students. The
building was considered an architectural master-
1. The period of growth, development, and matu- piece and was marked by a lofty wall and one gate.
rity from the sixth to the ninth century C.E., It had eight separate compounds and ten temples,
when it followed overwhelmingly liberal tra- along with many other meditation halls and class-
ditions inherited from the Gupta period rooms located in the midst of lakes and parks. The
2. The period of gradual decline and ultimate subjects taught here covered a wide range of learn-
oblivion from the ninth to the thirteenth cen- ing. During its golden days, the university attracted
tury C.E. when the tantric developments within scholars and students from as far away as Tibet,
Buddhism had become quite pronounced in China, Korea, Japan, Indonesia, Turkey, Greece,
eastern India and Greater Persia. Some of the famous Buddhist
scholars who had either studied or taught at
According to Hwui-Li, the author of The Life Nālandā were Nāgārjuna, Dinnāga, Candrakīrti,
of Xuanzang, Nālandā was held in contempt by Śīlabhadra, Dharmakīrti, Jinamitra, Śāntarakṣita,
some Theravādins for its emphasis on philosophy Padmasambhava, Xuanzang, Vajrabhodhi,
of the Mahāyāna School ([6], p. 171). Vajrayāna Amoghavajra, Nāropa, Atiśa, and
appears to have made its appearance at Nālandā Rāhulaśrībhadra. The title acāriya (equivalent to
by about the mid-seventh century C.E. but was modern doctorate) was conferred upon those of
probably not accepted as a mainstream school outstanding academic achievements and who had
Nālandā 801

mastered the five sciences, i.e., grammar and phi- 1,235, he found it damaged and plundered
lology, medicine, logic, metaphysics, and fine arts with a 90-year-old teacher, Rāhula Śrībhadra,
([3], p. 323). “During its long and memorable instructing a class of about 70 students. Unfortu-
lifespan Nālandā, though functioned primarily as nately, the library was again burned by Tīrthaka
a Buddhist university, also accommodated mendicants ([2], p. 28). Whatever remained of the
and trained countless individuals from diverse extremely enervated Buddhist community, it
backgrounds including Buddhist and non-Bud- appears to have struggle with scarce resources
dhist, the novice and wise, the young and aged, until about 1,400 when Chagalarāja was reportedly
the religious and secular, Indians and foreigners the last king to have patronized Nālandā ([7],
alike” ([10], p. 59). pp. 206–213).
The library at Nālandā University was an The excavations conducted at Nālandā so far
immense complex where students and teachers have mainly concentrated on the monastic area
produced copies of texts meticulously. Called the where nothing prior to the Guptas has been
Dharmagaṅgā, or Piety Mart, it consisted of three found ([1], 1925–1926, 100–107; 1926–1927,
large buildings: the Ratnasāgara, the Ratnadadhi, 127–35; 1928–1929, 85–87; [5], 1975–1976,
and the Ratnarañjaka. The Ratnadadhi, meaning 8–9; 1976–1977, 13; 1977–1978, 16;
the Ocean of Gems, was nine stories high and 1978–1979, 67; 1979–1980, 14; 1981–1982,
housed the most sacred manuscripts including 12). Majority of the structural remains date from
the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra and the Guhyasamāja the Pāla period, though a number of them have an
([2], p. 4). According to the Bhāskara Saṃhitā, earlier nucleus. The total area covered by the ruins
the library was housed in a “finely built stone is more than 2  1 miles (1,280 acres.)
building” and each manuscript was covered with
cloth, tied, and kept on shelves. The librarian was
not only responsible for maintaining the materials Cross-References
but also for guiding readers in their studies ([9],
p. 4). The exact number of volumes of the ▶ Candrakīrti N
Nālandā University Library is not known but it ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
is estimated to have been in the hundreds of thou- ▶ Mahāyāna
sands. Apart from religious texts, the library col- ▶ Nāgārjuna
lected manuscripts on subjects such as grammar, ▶ Prajñāpāramitā-Hṛdaya Sūtra
logic, literature, astrology, astronomy, and medi- ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
cine. The library of Nālandā University followed ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
a cataloging scheme which was possibly based on
a text classification scheme developed by the great
Sanskrit linguist Pāṇinī ([9], p. 4). References
Nālandā University was ransacked by
Bakhtiyar Khilji, a general of Qutb-ud-din Aibak, 1. Annual report of the archaeological survey of India.
Government of India, New Delhi
in 1193. The Persian historian Minhaj al-Siraj, in
2. Datta BK (1970) Libraries and librarianship of ancient
his chronicle the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, reports that and medieval India. Atma Ram, Delhi
thousands of monks were burned alive and an 3. Dutt S (1962) Buddhist monks and monasteries of
equal number beheaded. The “smoke from the India: their history and contribution to Indian culture.
George Allen and Unwin, London
burning manuscripts hung for days like a dark 4. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
pall over the low hills” ([13], p. 188). The last vol 5. Pali Text Society, London
abbot of Nālandā, Śākyaśrībhadra, fled to Tibet in 5. Indian archaeology: a review. Journal of the Archaeo-
1204. According to a Tibetan legend, the university logical Survey of India, New Delhi
6. Joshi L (1967) Studies in the Buddhistic culture of
and library were reportedly repaired shortly after
India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
by Muditabhadra, a Buddhist sage. When the 7. Misra BN (1998) Nālandā, vol 1. Munshiram
Tibetan monk Dharmasvāmin visited Nālandā in Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi
802 Nallamalai

8. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, conception of nāma-rūpa-pariccheda-ñāṇa, the

vol 5. Pali Text Society, London “knowledge of delimitating mind-and-matter.”
9. Patel J, Kumar K (2001) Libraries and librarianship in
India. Greenwood Press, Westport This knowledge corresponds to the third of
10. Phuoc LH (2012) Buddhist architecture. Kindle edi- seven stages of mental purification that form the
tion, Grafikol scaffolding of a central manual of the Theravāda
11. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE (eds) (1890–1911) tradition, the Visuddhimagga ([1], p. 587).
The Dīgha Nikāya, vol 3. Pali Text Society, London
12. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds) Knowledge of delimitating mind-and-matter
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: goes hand in hand with the “knowledge of dis-
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, cerning conditions,” paccaya-pariggaha-ñāṇa.
vol 3. PTS, London Together these two knowledges represent the
13. Sen GE (1964) The story of early Indian civilization.
Orient Longmans, Delhi insight that what subjectively is seen as a compact
14. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The “I” at the core of experience is in reality made up
Majjhima Nikāya, vol 3. Pali Text Society, London of different components – in particular of material
and mental parts – which interrelate with each
other by way of conditionality. This understand-
ing, which corresponds to the purification of
Nallamalai views in a scheme of seven purifications, is
a basic requirement for the development of
▶ Nāgārjunakoṇḍa insight. Based on this understanding, the develop-
ment of insight by contemplating the imperma-
nent, unsatisfactory, and not-self nature of all
aspects of subjective experience takes place.
Nāma-rūpa To appreciate the meaning of knowledge of
delimitating mind-and-matter, it needs noting
Bhikkhu Anālayo that the two terms nāma and rūpa are grouped
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of together. This is the case when nāma-rūpa has the
Hamburg, Balve, Germany sense of “mind-and-matter” in the context of the
commentarial scheme of insight knowledges as
well as when it carries the meaning of “name-
Synonyms and-form” in the context of dependent arising,
paṭicca samuppāda. This grouping together
Name-and-form reflects the fact that early Buddhism does not pin
body against mind. Instead, the two are seen as
interdependent and closely related phenomena.
Definition

Nāma-rūpa has two related but slightly distinct Name and Form
meanings. In one sense, the term refers to “name-
and-form” as the fourth of the twelve links in the The other sense of nāma-rūpa as “name-and-
standard presentation in Buddhist texts of depen- form” is relevant to the early Buddhist doctrine
dent arising, paṭicca samuppāda. Alternatively, of dependent arising, paṭicca samuppāda, which
nāma-rūpa can also stand for “mind-and-matter.” in its standard formulation has ignorance as its
beginning point and via a series of intermittent
links leads up to the genesis of dukkha – a term
Mind and Matter whose meaning ranges from barely noticeable
dissatisfaction to outright suffering as inherent
The sense of nāma-rūpa as “mind-and-matter” is features of human existence. The whole series of
evident in the historically later commentarial links of the dependent arising of dukkha proceeds
Nāma-rūpa 803

through the following steps, each of which forms In the context of dependent arising, then, nāma
a condition for the next one: stands only for those mental activities that
are experienced by consciousness. These are,
• Ignorance according to the above definition, feeling, percep-
• Volitional formations tion volition, contact, and attention. In this way,
• Consciousness this definition of nāma assembles those particular
• Name-and-form mental factors that are required for the coming
• Six senses into being of a “name” in its basic sense. Contact
• Contact and attention provide the first input of a previously
• Feeling unknown object. This object is then felt and per-
• Craving ceived, and eventually something will be done
• Clinging with it. The whole complex of mental operations
• Becoming that in this way takes place finds its conjunction in
• Birth the “name” under which the hitherto unknown
• Old age and death object will be remembered and conceptualized.
This sense of naming is also evident in a closer
In this series of conditionally related links, examination of nāma-rūpa provided in another
nāma-rūpa stands between consciousness and discourse, which indicates that in the absence of
the six senses. According to the standard defini- nāma there would be no “designation contact,”
tion of nāma-rūpa in relation to this series of adhivacana-samphassa ([3], Vol. II, p. 62). Sim-
links, rūpa stands for materiality by way of the ilarly, in the absence of rūpa there would be no
four great elements ([2], Vol. I, p. 53). These four “resistance contact,” paṭigha-samphassa. In other
great elements are earth, water, fire, and wind, words, nāma is responsible for conceptual desig-
which according to tradition stand representative nation in the sense of identification or “naming,”
for the four material qualities of solidity, cohesion, whereas rūpa provides the input of resistance in
temperature, and motion. In short, rūpa thus the sense of experienced materiality. N
stands for the experience of matter. The range of nāma-rūpa – as the conceptual
Nāma, on the other hand, comprises the mental and apparitional aspects of an object (using the
aspects of feeling, vedanā, perception, saññā, voli- term “apparitional” for the entire physical appear-
tion, cetanā, contact, phassa, and attention, ance of the object, not only for its visual impact) –
manasikāra. This definition is significant insofar encompasses the whole gamut of what is present
as here nāma does not comprise the whole of the to consciousness. This can be seen in one dis-
mind. Consciousness, being a condition for nāma- course which explicitly speaks of “this body and
rūpa in the series of conditionally related links of external name-and-form” ([4], Vol. II, p. 24),
dependent arising, paṭicca samuppāda, is itself not where nāma-rūpa appears to represent the entire
part of what it conditions: nāma-rūpa. This differ- field of experience available to consciousness.
ence needs to be clearly noted, since, as mentioned In iconic representations of the twelve links of
above, the expression nāma-rūpa can elsewhere dependent arising, nāma-rūpa is at times
refer to mind-and-matter, with nāma including represented by a blind person and a cripple. The
consciousness and thereby representing the mind cripple cannot walk, but needs to be carried by the
in its entirety. The Visuddhimagga in fact shows blind person. The blind person cannot see, but needs
clear awareness of these two distinct usages, as it to be told the proper direction by the cripple. Com-
indicates that, in the context of dependent arising, parable to these two, nāma and rūpa cooperate to
nāma stands only for the three aggregates of feel- bring about what is experienced by consciousness.
ing, perception, and volitional formations ([1], p. In this way, nāma-rūpa depends on conscious-
558), different from the way the same work under- ness, in the sense that the conceptual and
stands the implications of nāma in the context of apparitional aspects of an object require conscious-
nāma-rūpa-pariccheda-ñāṇa. ness in order to be experienced. In turn,
804 Namaskāra Mantra

consciousness depends on name-and-form as that Where water, earth,

which provides the content of what is experienced fire and wind do not gain a footing,
by consciousness. here the streams turn back and the whirlpool no longer
revolves,
This relationship between name-and-form and
here name-and-form ceases entirely ([4], Vol. I, p. 15).
consciousness is comparable to two bundles of
reeds that lean against each other ([4], Vol. II,
p. 114). When one is removed, the other will fall Cross-References
as well. The reciprocal conditioning of name-and-
form and consciousness was apparently part of the ▶ Mind (Buddhism)
pre-awakening development of insight of the ▶ Vijñāna
bodhisattva Gotama, the Buddha-to-be ([4], Vol. ▶ Viññāṇa
II, p. 104). His realization of this relationship is
described in the following way: “Consciousness
revolves around and does not go beyond name- References
and-form. It is to this extent that one may be born,
become old, die, pass away, and be reborn, that is, 1. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1920) The Visuddhimagga of
when conditioned by name-and-form there is con- Buddhaghosa. Pali Text Society, London
2. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896)
sciousness and conditioned by consciousness The Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
there is name-and-form.” London
The reciprocal conditioning of consciousness 3. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911)
and name-and-form ([3], Vol. II, p. 56), The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
highlighted in this way, presents a basic matrix Pali Text Society, Oxford
of experience, which from an early Buddhist 5. Andersen D, Smith H (ed) (1913) The Sutta-nipāta.
perspective turns out to be an interaction of con- Pali Text Society, London (references are by stanza)
tact by way of resistance and designation with 6. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
consciousness as that which experiences such 7. Hamilton S (1996) Nāmarūpa. In id. Identity and
contact. It is the interplay of these two aspects – experience, the constitution of the human being
consciousness on the one side and name-and-form according to early Buddhism. Luzac Oriental, London,
on the other – that makes up the “world” of pp 121–137
8. Ñāṇananda (1985) The Vortical interplay – conscious-
experience. ness versus name-and-form. In: id. The magic of the
The repercussions of this continuous interplay mind. BPS, Kandy, pp 25–33
finds its expression in a dictum, according to 9. Reat NR (1987) Some fundamental concepts of Bud-
which living beings who are entrenched in dhist psychology. Religion 17:15–28
10. Wayman A (1982/1984) A study of the Vedāntic and
name-and-form hold it to be real to such an extent Buddhist theory of Nāma-Rūpa. In: Hercus LA (ed)
that they come to conceive as a self what is devoid Indological and Buddhist studies. Delhi, Sri Satguru,
of a self ([5], 756). pp 617–642
Another aspect of the same situation is the role
played by craving. A simile presents this theme by
identifying name as one end and form as the other,
while consciousness stands in the middle. In this Namaskāra Mantra
setting, craving is the seamstress that keeps it all
together ([6], Vol. III, p. 400). ▶ Ṇamōkarā Mantra
The solution to this predicament is to eradicate
all craving for nāma-rūpa ([4], Vol. I, p. 12). What
according to early Buddhist thought lies beyond
the reciprocal conditioning of nāma-rūpa and Name-and-Form
consciousness, then, is the experience of Nirvāṇa.
As a verse sums up: ▶ Nāma-rūpa
Namōkarā Mantra 805
˙

This mantra offers benefit to those who hear it,

Namōkarā Mantra but more so for those who speak it ([4], p. 46). It is
˙ both an outward veneration and the cultivation of
Brianne Donaldson noble qualities within the Self ([7], p. 241). Its
Claremont School of Theology, Claremont, recitation is thought to offer protection, give suc-
CA, USA cess, destroy karma, and cure illnesses ([3], p. 95).
Because of its condensed power, it subsumes other
mantras and practices and functions as a replace-
Synonyms ment for sacrifice ([4], p. 82). Jains recite this
mantra in all liturgies, ascetic initiations, and before
Namaskāra mantra; Navakār Mahā-mantra; any important act. Devout Jains recite the mantra in
Navkār mantra; Pañca namaskāra mantra order to eliminate pride and ego and to reflect on
one’s personal vows and the deepening of those
Definition commitments toward new vows ([2], p. 199).

An ancient Prākrit homage to the five types of

illumined personages worthy of reverence in the History
Jain worldview.
Like the Jain scriptures, the five salutations are
considered to be without beginning or author,
Daily Practice potentially transmitted from the tīrthaṇkaras
through their gaṇadharas. The origin of the mantra
The fivefold salutation (pañca namaskāra) of the is unknown, but the Arhats and siddhas are men-
Ṇamōkarā mantra is the most recited in Jain devo- tioned in an inscription of King Khāravela (circa
tional practices. It honors the five revered person- 150 B.C.E.) and textual evidence supports
alities (parameṣṭins) in the Jain mokṣa-mārga: Vīrasena’s claims (eighth century C.E.) that it N
was expanded to five homages in the Digambara
Ṇamo arahaṃtāṇaṃ – I honor the Arhats (those Ṣaṭkhaṇḍāgama (ca. second century C.E.),
illumined Jinas or Tīrthaṇkaras). though it is unclear whether the alleged author
Ṇamo siddhāṇaṃ – I honor the siddhas (those Puṣpadanta composed it or merely inserted it.
who have achieved mokṣa). The Śvetambara Bhagavatī Sūtra begins with
Ṇamo āyariyāṇaṃ – I honor the Ācāryas (the Jain a fivefold homage to the Brāhmī script and scrip-
spiritual leaders). tures rather than ascetics, and the mantra is also
Ṇamo uvajjhāyāṇaṃ – I honor the Upādhyāyas found at the beginning of the Śvetambara
(the Jain spiritual teachers). Prajñāpanā Sūtra, though some suspect it was
Ṇamo loe savva-sāhūṇaṃ – I honor the monks a later interpolation ([8], p. 153).
and nuns of the world.

To these five lines, the Mūrtipūjaka Story and Symbol

Śvetāmbara Jains add ([6], p. 115):
The mantra is a transformational tool in many Jain
Eso pañca ṇamokkāro savva-pāvappaṇāsaṇo stories ([1], p. 82). The medieval tale of Śrīpāl and
maṃgalāṇaṃ ca savvesiṃ paḍhamaṃ havai Mayṇasundarī features the mantra as part of the
maṃgalam extensive Navpad Oḷī fast that cured not only
Śrīpāl’s leprosy but hundreds of other lepers as
This fivefold salutation destroys bad karma well ([4], p. 82). The mantra is often linked to the
and obstacles. And among all auspicious state- Navpad (nine post) yantra which is the visual rep-
ments, it is the first and foremost. resentation of the five salutations, plus the Three
806 Napumsaka

Jewels of right perception, knowledge, and action,

along with a fourth aspiration of right austerity. Nāthadeva
This yantra is venerated in the Navpad pūjā, the
Siddhacakra mahāpūjā, and the ritual fasts of ▶ Avalokiteśvara
Navpad Oḷi and Āyambil Oḷī ([4], p. 200 n. 2).

Cross-References Nature Worship (Buddhism)

▶ Arhat (Sanskrit) Christopher Hrynkow

▶ Moksha Department of Religion and Culture, Saint
▶ Prākrit Thomas More College, University of
Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, SK, Canada
References

1. Dundas P (2002) The Jains, 2nd edn. Routledge, New

Synonyms
York
2. Jaini P (2001) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal Bio-spiritual practices in Buddhism; Buddhist
Banarsidass, Delhi animism; Buddhist veneration of the natural
3. Kelting MW (2001) Singing to the Jinas: Jain lay-
world
women, Maṇḍaḷ singing, and the negotiations of Jain
devotion. Oxford University Press, New York
4. Kelting MW (2009) Heroic wives: rituals, stories, and
the virtues of Jain wifehood. Oxford University Press, Definition
New York
5. Kumar S (1987) Song of the soul: an introduction to the
Ṇamōkar Mantra. Siddhachalam Publishers, The veneration of elements of the natural
Blairstown world, the cosmos, or natural phenomena by
6. Long J (2009) Jainism: an introduction. I. B. Tauris, Buddhists.
New York
7. Titze K (2001) Jainism: a pictorial guide to the religion
of non-violence. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
8. Wiley K (2010) The A to Z of Jainism. Scarecrow Press, Buddhist Nature Worship
Lanham and Bio-spirituality

Nature worship is associated with the veneration

of animals, plants, geological forms, the cosmos,
Napumsaka
and geophysical phenomena like the wind and
earthquakes. Religious studies scholarship, both
▶ Homosexuality (Jainism)
implicitly and explicitly, has often been catego-
rized as a more primitive animist spiritual practice
as opposed to a “true” religion. This dichotomy
Napumsakaveda has been most marked in Western-influenced
scholarship. However, with an emerging focus
▶ Homosexuality (Jainism) on non-formal religious practices and conscious-
ness of the problematic nature of the Earth crisis,
there is a growing corpus of literature dealing with
issues at the intersection of religion and ecology.
Naraka In particular, there is increasing interest in prac-
tices and teachings that accord spiritual value to
▶ Hell (Buddhism) nonhuman elements of the natural world.
Nature Worship (Buddhism) 807

Buddhism and Buddhist themes figure promi- the opportunity to someday gain enlightenment,
nently in these scholarly writings. making them worthy of respect [3]. The world-
Buddhism can offer fertile soil for cultivating view growing from these understandings serves to
a bio-spiritual ecological ethic. One of the most engender a deep vision on interconnectedness
obvious places to look for animist worldviews based on the Buddha’s teaching that humans
within the religion are practices associated with share kinship with other species on a continuum
trees. Religious tree worship preceded the genesis of life [4]. A recurring image in Buddhist teaching
of Buddhism in India. As it sprung its own that reinforces the understanding of such a deep
branches and roots, Buddhism adapted select connectivity is Mahayana Buddhism’s rendering
tree-centered spiritual practices in a syncretistic of Indra’s Net, an infinitely massive web with
manner. Of particular importance in this regard a multi-faced jewel at each point of connection,
are that trees are associated with the life of the which reflects all the other jewels in the net [5].
Buddha. The sal tree species is venerated as For those who venerate the Buddha, the possibil-
a result of its connection to both the birth and ity that he might take on animal form within this
death of the Buddha. The Asoka tree and plaksha reality of connectivity in order to teach or be
tree are considered sacred due their importance in present in a particular context further encourages
Siddhārtha Gautama’s birth [1]. He later achieved reverence for life [4].
enlightenment under a pipal tree, which then The Buddha also explained in his teachings
became known as the Bodhi tree. The descendant that he enjoyed his animal lives as much as his
of the original tree remains on the site in Bodh human lives. In many senses, Buddhist duties
Gaya, Bihar, which is the most central of the four extend to other members of the natural world, as
main pilgrimage sites associated with the life of exemplified by the figure of the bodhisattva who
the Buddha. As a result of its close association comes back in compassion to help other sentient
with the enlightenment moment and its impor- beings reach enlightenment [4]. Even for the indi-
tance in other Indian religious traditions, the tree vidual seeking enlightenment, as noted by eighth
species, a wild fig, was giving the name Ficus century Indian Buddhist scholar, Shantideva, the N
religiosa. In general, large and old trees are wilderness, uncontrolled by humanity, is consid-
particularly revered in Buddhism. Explicitly ered the place, even above a monastery or a town,
acknowledging pre-Buddhist animist roots to the which best fostered religious insights [6]. In short,
veneration of trees, Buddhist scholar Lila de Silva the immanence of the sacred permeates the natural
nonetheless strongly asserts that the veneration of world in Buddhist spirituality, which, as a result,
trees does not violate the belief system of Bud- tends toward an animistic recognition of the
dhism [2]. Buddha-nature present in all things.
Due to these associations with sacredness com- Such animist practices and teachings are often
bined with the spiritual importance of forest- interesting from a phenomenological and ethno-
dwelling and meditation in natural surroundings, graphical perspective. In addition, if the historian
Buddhists monks are forbidden to cut down trees. of religions Thomas Berry’s insight that the
One story connected to this tradition speaks of human is derivative and the earth is primary [7]
a monk who cut a branch of a tree long ago only is taken seriously, then the (re)enchantment of the
to have the spirit of the tree complain to Buddha. world accompanying animist worldviews is not
Other plants are also granted respect and strict primitive but, rather, is progressive in a significant
Buddhists tend to be vegetarians and may avoid and practical sense in this world. These teachings
eating seeds so as to allow plants to continue in and practices help to accord a form of moral worth
their life force. Considered to have a particularly to nonhuman elements of the natural world. In this
strong life force, the lotus flower is another scared regard, humans are counseled by Buddhist teach-
plant, said to have sprung up in the first steps of ings to live like a bee drinking nectar and bringing
the Buddha taken immediately after his birth. For life to the flower through pollination without
Buddhists, all animals also have spirits and have destroying that which sustains its bodily being
808 Navakār Mahā-Mantra

[4]. According to a Buddhist-influenced Berryite

perspective, adopting such an attitude toward Navkār Mantra
faithful living helps to ensure that the intertwined
human and Earth projects succeed [7]. In the end, ▶ Ṇamōkarā Mantra
fostering that dual success may prove to be the
ultimate value of animist-oriented Buddhist
nature spiritualities.
Nayavāda

Cross-References ▶ Relativity (Jainism)

▶ Bodhi Tree
▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism)
Neru

References ▶ Meru (Buddhism)

1. Randhawa MS (1964) The cult of tress and tree-worship

in Buddhist-Hindu sculpture. All India Fine Arts and
Crafts Society, New Delhi
2. Kabilsigh C (1987) How Buddhism can help protect Nigoda
nature. In: Davies S (ed) Tree of life: Buddhism and
protection of nature. Buddhist Perception of Nature Michael Anderson
Project, Hong Kong
Claremont School of Theology, Claremont
3. de Silva L (1992) The Hills wherein my soul delights.
In: Batchelor M, Kerry B (eds) Buddhism and ecology, Lincoln University, Claremont, CA, USA
World Wide Fund for Nature Series. Cassel, London
4. Cain C (2009) Down to earth: religious paths toward
custodianship of nature. University Press of America,
Lanham
Synonyms
5. Batchelor S (1992) The sands of the Ganges: notes
towards a Buddhist ecological philosophy. In: Sadharana
Batchelor M, Kerry B (eds) Buddhism and ecology,
World Wide Fund for Nature Series. Cassel, London
6. Batchelor M (1992) Even the stones smile. In:
Batchelor M, Kerry B (eds) Buddhism and ecology, Definition
World Wide Fund for Nature Series. Cassel, London
7. Berry T (2009) The Sacred Universe: earth, spirituality, Submicroscopic, undifferentiated, colonial
and religion in the twenty-first century. Columbia Uni-
creatures.
versity Press, New York

Introduction
Navakār Mahā-Mantra Foundational to Jain cosmology and ethics is the
jī va, or soul. Unique to Jainism is the idea that there
▶ Ṇamōkarā Mantra are innumerable souls that suffuse all of reality ([1],
p. 149). As an individual jī va progresses toward
liberation, it is born and reborn into new embodi-
ments based on its karmic burden. These embodi-
Navayāna ments stem from the rebirth destinies (gatis), which
is divided into four categories: human beings
▶ Engaged Buddhism (manusyas), heavenly beings (devas), hell beings
Nigoda 809

(narakis), and animals and plants (tiryanca) ([2], p. and human hosts, and are said to contract and
39). The latter category of animals and plants is expand, ‘as the requirements may be, to fit in
described as “the lowest of possible destinies” and with the corporeal frames’” ([5], p. 118). Illustrat-
is characterized as possessing “extremely gross sen- ing this further, Findly describes all the space of
sory activity and pervasive ignorance” ([3], p. 109). the world as “closely packed with [nigoda] like
This group is further divided into several subgroups a box filled with powder” ([5], p. 118).
based on sensory capacity, of which the lowest form Jaini points out, however, that two types of
is the nigoda. souls exist within nigoda. The first, itara-nigodas
(also known as caturgati nigoda or vyavaharika
nigoda), are those who “have at some time been in
Classifying the Nigoda higher states [of embodiment] but have fallen
back” ([4], p. 127). This is illustrated by the story
The nigoda is a type of ekendriyas, “single-sense of Makkhali Gośāla, the leader of the Ājīvika sect
beings whose whole awareness is limited to the of Indian philosophy. The story states that Gośāla
tactile mode” ([4], p. 126). However, they are committed a deed so terrible that he was reborn as
quite dissimilar from other one-sensed beings. a nigoda. This deed was “the ultimate heresy,” in
For instance, Padmanabh Jaini describes that the that he said that “knowledge was in no way effica-
category of ekendriyas is composed of four types cious in terms of the possibility of attaining mokṣa”
of elemental bodies and vanaspati (plant bodies). ([4], p. 127). The second type of soul is the nitya-
The latter is divided further into pratyeka and nigoda, “those which have never yet been out of
nigoda. Elemental bodies and pratyeka are nigoda existence” ([4], p 127). The unique
defined as having “a rudimentary body for some Svetambara term for this type of soul is
soul” and “an entire plant-body ‘to themselves’ avyavaharika nigoda, which means those that are
(i.e., one plant/one soul),” respectively ([4], “‘not susceptible of specific designation’” ([4], p.
pp. 126–127). The dissimilarity is due to the fact 128). These souls have never experienced individ-
that nigoda exists “at so low a level that they do ual embodiment; rather, they have only experi- N
not even possess an individual body, but rather enced reality within the colonial body of a nigoda.
exist as a part of a cluster or ‘ball’ (golaka) or
organisms of the same type” ([4], p. 127).
Elemental bodies and plant bodies are one to Karmic Discontinuities
one; meanwhile, the nigoda exists in a colony of
tiny, undifferentiated creatures. Jaini raises the issue of two unforeseen conse-
Indeed, the nigoda is a form of vegetal life that quences with the idea of certain souls always
is “characterized by innumerable souls sharing having been nigodas. First, he asks what happens
a common body” ([2], p. 39). Kristi Wiley with the fact that as souls experience “departure”
explains that “[t]he body of a nigoda is formed via mokṣa, why has not the universe been emptied
by the operation of the common body-making of living souls? The response is the very fact of the
karma (sadharana sarira nama karma), and nitya-nigoda prevents this; indeed, the nitya-
such bodies are called ‘group souled’ nigoda are “infinite (anantananta) in number”
(samanya)” ([2], p. 54). Once the body is formed, and thus “provide an inexhaustible reservoir of
it lives for an incredibly long period of time; souls” ([4], p. 128). However, this leads to the
however, the souls born within it live for but second consequence: “that there is in fact
a fraction of a second before they die and are a definite beginning and end to samsara, and
reborn again within it. Ellison Banks Findly that a soul’s progress from the former to the latter
explains how these beings are found in every seems in many respects to mirror the very evolu-
part of the universe, much like elemental bodies; tion of consciousness itself” ([4], p. 129).
however, they are distinguished in that they can It is argued that Jains do not wish to view
“inhabit such places as the tissues of plant, animal “[o]ne-sensed beings. . . as primitive forms of life
810 Nigoda

whose souls are in the initial stages of a progressive (individual nigodas) has been transformed into
linear evolutionary development into two-sensed a general concern for ‘the environment’ and is
life-forms, and so forth” ([2], p. 40). This, as Jaini expressed within a discourse of ecology” ([7],
suggests, “flies in the face of their cherished belief p. 206). This new interpretation highlights what
in cyclic, beginningless operation of karma” ([4], Vallely suggests as a Jain consideration of nature
p. 129). One way Jains have challenged this is by as a “‘moral theater,’” and “[r]ather than being
claiming some stories of “groups of souls some- trivial, it is the harm done to these small
times leav[ing] nigoda existence and proceed[ing] life-forms (each endowed with a soul) that is
directly to the human destiny, from which, with no the primary cause of our karmic bondage” ([7], p.
further rebirths, they attain to siddha-hood” ([4], p. 215).
129). Jaini speculates that the issue of the nigoda The nigodas are of critical importance to Jain
could suggest the doctrine of karma being a “later” cosmology and ethics. Over time, Jains have been
development to an already “well-developed theo- able to specify with technical detail the exact
retical framework describing the operation of the natures and classifications of nigoda in relation
universe” ([4], p. 129). to other one-sensed beings but also between dif-
ferent types of souls that exist within a nigoda.
However, that does not mean that they do not
Challenging Ahimsa, Considering come without their challenges. Indeed, while the
Ecology system accepts nigodas in their microscopic abun-
dance, they challenge both the understanding of
The submicroscopic nigoda radically challenges karma and ahimsa.
the principle of ahimsa, or nonviolence. As Jeffery
Long explains, “[f]or human beings, the very act of
being alive involves the destruction of such tiny life Cross-References
forms. Eating, digesting food, breathing, sitting,
and moving about: all involve the destruction of ▶ Ahimsa
nigodas on a massive scale” ([6], p. 100). It is said ▶ Ecology (Buddhism)
that nigodas “especially [concentrate] in the flesh ▶ Jīva
of human beings and animals as well as in certain ▶ Karma (Jainism)
roots and bulbs” ([4], p. 127). These creatures also ▶ Saṃsāra
are prevalent in other substances, such as “liquor or
honey” or anything else “where fermentation or
sweetness is present” ([3], p. 168). Thus, it is
obvious to see how certain Jain dietary practices References
developed, as this would lead to the death of innu-
1. Chapple CK (2006) Jainism and ecology: transforma-
merable souls. Additionally, the sheer presence of tion of tradition. In: Gottlieb RS (ed) The Oxford hand-
nigodas offers a rationale for the limited movement book of religion and ecology. Oxford University Press,
and use of the muhpatti by some Jain ascetics. Oxford, pp 147–159
Ahimsa, it seems, requires a well-cultivated 2. Wiley KL (2002) The nature of nature: Jain perspec-
tives on the natural world. In: Chapple CK (ed) Jainism
“nigoda consciousness.” and ecology: nonviolence in the web of life. Harvard
Indeed, this “nigoda consciousness” is critical, University Press, Cambridge, pp 35–39
especially when one takes into consideration 3. Jaini PS (1998) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
Anne Vallely’s exploration of the creative under- Banarsidass, Delhi
4. Jaini PS (2000) Collected papers on Jaina studies.
standing of nigoda and ahimsa by Jains affected Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
by diaspora. She describes how “[t]he traditional 5. Findly EB (1996) Plant lives: borderline beings in
Jain concern for the smallest of life-forms Indian traditions. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Nonviolence 811

6. Long JD (2009) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris,

London Noble Truths
7. Vallely A (2002) From liberation to ecology: ethical dis-
course among orthodox and diaspora Jains. In: Chapple
CK (ed) Jainism and ecology: nonviolence in the web of ▶ Aryasacca
life. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, pp 193–216

No-Ego
Nikāya Buddhism
▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
▶ Theravāda

Niraya Non-dualistic

▶ Hell (Buddhism) ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)

Nirīśvaravāda Nonliving Substance

▶ Atheism (Buddhism) ▶ Ajīva

Nirukta Non-returner N

▶ Commentarial Literature ▶ Anāgāmin

Nirvana Non-sentient Substance

▶ Heaven (Jainism) ▶ Ajīva

Nirvāna Non-soul
˙
▶ Parinirvāṇa ▶ Ajīva

Niyati Nonviolence

▶ Fate (Buddhism) ▶ Ahiṃsā (Buddhism)

812 Northwestern Prakrit

Northwestern Prakrit Nothing

▶ Kharoṣṭhī Script ▶ Śūnya

No-Self Nothingness

▶ Anattā (Buddhism) ▶ Śūnyatā

No-Soul Nuns (Buddhism)

▶ Anattā (Buddhism) ▶ Bhikkhunī

No-Soul (Buddhism) Nyāya-śāstra

▶ Anattā (Buddhism) ▶ Logic (Buddhism)

O

Objective Idealism Omniscience

▶ Idealism (Buddhism) Pradeep P. Gokhale

Department of Philosophy, University of Pune,
Pune, Maharashtra, India
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Chair, Central University of
Occultism Tibetan Studies, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India

▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
Synonyms

Sarvajñatā, sabbaññutā (Pali); Savvaṇṇutā

Offering (Ardhamāgadhī)

▶ Dāna (Buddhism)
Definition

Omniscience means knowledge of everything,

Ogha direct awareness of everything, or capacity to
know everything. By “everything” is meant either
▶ Āsavas (Āśravas) each and every thing or everything worth knowing.
Omniscience as a quantity is said to belong to God,
or to a liberated being.

Old Age (Buddhism)

The Concept of Omniscience in Indian
▶ Jarā-maraṇa Philosophy

“Omniscience” means knowledge of everything.

Religions and philosophical systems which accept
Old Age and Death God as the creator, sustainer, and destroyer of the
universe accept Him as omniscient because
▶ Jarā-maraṇa knowledge of everything is required for
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
814 Omniscience

controlling everything. But religions or religious- can distinguish between two senses of “omni-
philosophical systems which do not accept creator science”: “Omniscience” in episodic sense
God also tend to accept certain authority as omni- would mean the state of consciousness in which
scient. In Indian philosophy, Patañjali’s Yoga one is simultaneously aware of each and every
accepts a special type of puruşa which it calls ī ś fact. “Omniscience” in dispositional sense would
vara and regards omniscience as its mean one’s capacity to bring any fact to awareness
characteristic. I¯śvara of Yoga is not creator God as and when required. In Milindapañho (IV.1.19)
but the ideal self. Hence, ī śvara becomes a mark [1], Milinda asks a question to Nāgasena about
of perfection in Yoga. In Jainism too a liberated Buddha’s omniscience. Nāgasena answers the
self is regarded as omniscient. In fact, omni- question by bringing out the dispositional nature
science is regarded as the intrinsic characteristic of Buddha’s omniscience. “The omniscience of
of every jī va which becomes manifest at the the blessed one was dependent on reflection. If
time of liberation according to Jainism. Some he did reflect, he knew whatever he wanted to
systems accept founders of the systems and/or know.” Jaina conception of omniscience on the
emancipated persons in general as omniscient. other hand is episodic. Liberated jī va is said to
Accordingly, Kapila (Sāṅkhya), Gautama the have kevalajñāna in the sense that he was sup-
Buddha (Buddhism), and Mahāvī ra and other posed to be simultaneously and directly aware of
tī rthaṁkaras (Jainism) are accepted as omni- all that is the case, independently of any reflection
scient by the respective systems. Generally, all or inquiry.
the religious-philosophical systems of Indian phi-
losophy accept omniscience as a possibility or
actuality in some form or the other with the nota- “Knowing Everything”: Knowing All
ble exception of Pūrvamīmaṁsā which explicitly Essences or All Details
rejects the authority of the so-called omniscient
being. In a Chhanogya Upanişad dialogue (Prapāṭhaka
The Sanskrit term used for omniscient being 6) Śvetaketu asks his father about the instruction
is sarvajña (sabbaññu in Pāli, savvaṇṇu in following which unheard becomes heard, un-
Ardhamāgadhī), which means “one who knows thought becomes thought, and unknown becomes
everything.” However, what exactly is meant by known. The answer takes the form of an inquiry
the expression “knowing everything” in the con- into essential or universal factors. For example,
text of these different systems is not always clear it is said then that by knowing one earthen
and it does not always mean the same thing either. body everything earthen becomes known.
Hence, before considering the arguments for and Here, a distinction is made between what is real
against omniscience, it is necessary to consider (satya) and what is transient and nominal
different connotations the term assumes in differ- (vācārambhaṇam vikāro nāmadheyam). So
ent contexts. knowledge of universal or essential aspects of
the world is regarded as “knowledge of every-
thing.” In the ultimate analysis sat (“real”) is
“Knowing Everything”: Episodic or regarded as the essence of everything and is called
Dispositional Brahman. Knowledge of accidental features is not
regarded as knowledge proper.
The verb “know” is often used in dispositional Treating knowledge of essences as the knowl-
sense, where it does not refer to the actual state of edge of everything can be called an essentialist
consciousness, but the capacity to bring relevant approach to omniscience. Different schools of
facts to one’s awareness or capacity to answer Indian philosophy share this approach though
certain questions correctly. Sometimes, the verb they may not deny the status of knowledge to the
is used in episodic sense when it refers to the knowledge of changing details. For instance,
actual state of consciousness. Accordingly, one knowing all the seven padārthas (Nyāya-
Omniscience 815

Vaiśeşika), 25 tattvas (sāṅkhya), five skandhas revised sense. Ratnakīti in his essay
(Early Buddhism), everything as consciousness “Sarvajñasiddhi” distinguishes between
and momentary (Yogācāra Buddhism), everything upayuktasarvajña (knower of every useful thing)
as śūnya (Mādhyamika Buddhism) would amount and Sarvasarvajña (knower of each and every
to “knowing everything” in the respective sys- thing) and focuses on the proof of the former. In
tems. Knower of everything in this sense is called Jainism, in contrast, the general tendency has been
saṅkşiptasarvajña or sankşepasarvajña (“know- to understand omniscience as the knowledge of
ing everything in nutshell”) in Tattvasaṅgraha each and every thing.
(verses 3131–3134). But he cannot be called There are important exceptions to this general
omniscient in the strict sense of the term. Omni- trend in Jainism. For instance, Kandakunda dis-
science in the strict sense would involve not only tinguishes between omniscience from conven-
the knowledge of all essences, but knowledge of tional point of view and that from decisive point
all details; it should involve the knowledge of of view (vyavahāranaya and niścayanaya). For-
essential as well as accidental properties of all mer according to him is “knowledge of each and
the things. Jainas advocate this notion of omni- every thing,” but latter is “knowledge of the self.”
science and claim that a liberated Jī va is omni- That is because knowledge of the self is the most
scient in this sense. important thing for liberation according to him.
Another Jaina scholar, Yogīndu has a similar
view.
Knowing Everything Important or
Knowing Each and Every Thing
Important as well as Unimportant Negative and Positive Aspects of
Sarvajñatā
Sometimes the notion of omniscience is condi-
tioned or guided by moral or soteriological con- Sometimes an omniscient is described not with
siderations. The omniscient person according to a specific and positive way, but in a negative way,
this notion knows everything which one ought to namely, “Nothing is unknown to him,” “Nothing
know or which is conducive to liberation. In is hidden from him” where it is not possible to O
a dominant tradition of Buddhism, the Buddha is enumerate as to what exactly such a person
regarded as omniscient in this sense. Dharmakīrti knows. In the negative sense, the term sarvajñatā
says in Pramāṇavārtika (verses I.32–35): is understood as the complete absence of igno-
A knowledgeable person is searched by the people rance. Ignorance here is understood as a positive
for following in practice what he has said, because element or a material element which obstructs or
they are afraid of being deceived, if they act obscures soul’s capacity to know. When the soul’s
according to the instructions of an ignorant person. capacity to know gets obscured, it is regarded as
So one should consider the knowledge of the
authority about what ought to be done. What is the the state of bondage. When the soul becomes free
use of his knowledge about the number of insects? from this state, its unlimited capacity for knowl-
One who knows the nature of what should be edge becomes manifest. And this itself is
avoided, what should be accepted and the means of described as sarvajñatā. What exactly is meant
avoiding or accepting that, should be regarded as
the authority, not the knower if everything. by sarva (everything) here may not be clear. This
Whether he has the vision of remote objects or state of the soul could even be the state of pure
not he should have vision of the right things. If consciousness (consciousness without content).
a person with remote sensing is the authority, then Here, the concept of omniscience and the concept
come on, let us adore the vultures.
of emancipatory knowledge seem to overlap with
This spirit of emphasizing “knowledge of each other. Sometimes, in the mainstream Jain-
whatever is important” continues in Buddhism ism, for instance, the meaning of “sarva” in
after Dharmakīrti with greater or less extent and “sarvajña” is clear where it means all substances
then the Buddha is regarded as omniscient in this with all their past, present, and future modes.
816 Omniscience

Controversy in India Over the Doctrine the salient features of the debate on sarvajñatā
of Omniscience will be presented in three steps:

The peculiarity of the debate on omniscience in 1. Kumārila’s objections against the doctrine of
Indian philosophy is that it is not a debate between omniscience
a religious approach and an antireligious 2. Buddhist explanation and defense of the
approach, but it is largely a debate between or doctrine
among different religious approaches. Those 3. Jaina explanation and defense of the doctrine
who defend the doctrine of omniscience do so in
one religious framework, but those who oppose Kumārila’s Objections Against the Doctrine of
the doctrine do so in another religious framework. Omniscience
Pūrvamīmāṁsakas, like Kumārilabhaṭṭa, vehe- Kumārila raises his objections against the doctrine
mently criticized the Buddhist and Jaina doctrines of omniscience in general and also with particular
of omniscience as baseless and dogmatic, but they reference to Buddhism and Jainism, in
themselves adhered to an equally dogmatic doc- Ṥlokavārtika (second chapter, verses 111–151)
trine of impersonal and eternal authority called [2]. Kumārila is not against omniscience in
Vedas. In fact, the view of the nonreligious school a secondary sense, provided it involves knowl-
called Lokāyata was that both the parties in this edge of dharma derived from the Vedas. Accord-
debate are equally dogmatic Mīmāṁsakas while ingly, somebody may be called omniscient if he
criticizing the doctrine of omniscience were pri- knows different kinds of truths by different means
marily concerned with the question whether the to knowledge (Kumārila accepts in all six means
rules regarding duties and obligations can be to knowledge) and knows as a part of it what is
derived from the intuitive insights of some author- right and what is wrong from the Vedas. But
itative persons or they should be derived from the Kumārila is against the idea of omniscience advo-
impersonal and eternal source called Vedas. cated by Buddhists and Jainas according to whom
The issue has moral and social implications. the so-called omniscient being knows everything
Mīmāṁsakas are the advocates of the rigid social by a single means to knowledge – by extraordi-
order involving ritualism of sacrifices and hierar- nary perception or divine vision. Kumārila’s argu-
chy of varṇas and castes. Buddhists and Jainas ments against omniscience can be summarized by
were opposed to this social order and the Buddha dividing them into three groups:
or Mahāvīra who advocated an egalitarian code of
conduct and the nonritualistic, spiritual path to (a) General objections against omniscience
emancipation became their authority. In order to (b) Specific arguments against the Buddhist
establish their authoritative status they went to the conception
extent of regarding these authorities as all-know- (c) Specific arguments against the Jaina
ing. Hence, the debate between impersonality conception
(apauruṣeyatva) of Vedas on the one hand and
omniscience (sarvajñatā) of the Buddha of General Objections Against Omniscience
Mahāvīra on the other is the scholastic manifesta- 1. Specific types of objects can be known by
tion of the debate between two different specific pramāṇas only. No single pramāṇa is
approaches to life – Brahmanical and capable of knowing all types of objects. For
Ṥrāmaṇic. Though the other schools like Sāṅkhya, instance, perception is never capable of know-
Yoga, and Vedānta uphold the doctrine of ing future objects and inference is not capable
sarvajñatā in some form, the major parties in the of knowing objects for which there is no rea-
controversy over sarvajñatā are three: son. This objection challenges the epistemo-
Pūrvamī māṁsā, Buddhism, and Jainism. Now logical possibility of omniscience.
Omniscience 817

2. An omniscient being cannot be known by per- objection is an off-shoot of Kumārila’s view of

ception, nor can his existence be inferred. intrinsic authenticity (svataḥ prāmāṇya).
3. Nonexistence of omniscient being can be 2. The one who wants to prove the Buddha as
proved by inference (for instance, “Buddha omniscient, one has to be oneself omniscient.
was not omniscient because he was a person, In this way, there should be many omniscient
like you and me”). beings in order there to be a single omniscient
4. Omniscient being cannot be established by an being.
authoritative text (āgama) because if the so- 3. If an omniscient being is free from passions
called authoritative text is authored by the then he will be without any voluntary activity.
omniscient being himself, then the argument Since teaching Dharma is a voluntary activity,
will be circular. If the text is authored by some Dharma cannot be taught by an omniscient
other person, how can it be authentic? being.
5. The eternal text (Vedas) does not contain
a statement about an omniscient being. If Kumārila’s Specific Objections Against the Jaina
there is such a statement, it is mere eulogy Conception
(arthavāda), because if such a statement is Kumārila specifically mentions the Jaina concep-
accepted as true, then the status of Vedas them- tion of omniscience according to which jī va has
selves will be secondary and nonexternal. the knowledge of all objects such as subtle, past,
6. If an eternal text is accepted, omniscient being etc., independently of sense organs. This is a stricter
will be superfluous because right conduct can and wider concept of omniscience and naturally all
be known from the text itself. In addition to the the objections stated hitherto (general objections
above, another important objection is generally and objections against the Buddhist conception)
attributed to Kumārila: “If the Buddha is omni- will be applicable to it. Kumārila raises two addi-
scient, where is the certainty that Kapila is not tional objections especially against the Jaina
omniscient? And if both are omniscient, how is conception.
there difference of opinion between them?”
1. The existence of an omniscient being cannot be
Kumārila’s Specific Objections Against the proved in Jainism without the authenticity of O
Buddhist Conception their āgamas, but the authenticity of their
Buddhists, as Kumārila understands them, regard āgamas cannot be proved without acceptance
the Buddha as omniscient in the sense of being the of an omniscient being.
authority for Dharma. They prove him as the 2. Jaina concept of “omniscient being” has no
authority for Dharma on the basis of his reliability instance in today’s world.
proved in empirical matters. Secondly, Buddhists
regard the omniscient being to be free from Buddhist and Jaina Defense of the Doctrine
passions. Kumārila raises various objections Though Buddhist and Jaina conceptions of omni-
against this conception; the major ones are the science differ considerably, they have some com-
following: mon features and a common form of proof. The
common aspects of the Buddhist and Jaina
1. If the Buddha as the authority with regard to defense may be stated as follows:
Dharma is established on the basis of his
authoritative character in empirical matters, 1. Omniscience for both involves moral purity,
then the authoritative character of the Buddha passionlessness. Both of them claim that there
will be other-dependent or extrinsic is no contradiction between the act of speaking
(“pāratantrya”). For Kumārila other- that belongs to the omniscient being and his
dependent authority is not real authority. This passionless or desireless character.
818 Omniscience

2. Mīmāṁsā criticism sometimes presupposes Buddhist Defense of the Idea of Omniscience

two theses: Buddhists in their proof of the omniscient being
(a) That of intrinsic authenticity (svataḥ generally follow Dharmakīrti’s line that the Bud-
prāmāṇya) of knowledge. dha is omniscient not in the sense of the knower of
(b) That of the eternal, impersonal, and all details, but in the sense of knower of all that is
authentic character of the Vedas. These important from the point of view of the cessation
presuppositions of Mī māṁsākas are criti- of sufferings. Another conception of omniscience
cized vehemently by Jainas and Buddhists they sometimes uphold is that of “knowledge of
which give the scope for their proof of everything as momentary and unsubstantial.”
noneternal, yet authentic character of their Ṥāntarakṣita in the last chapter of Tattvasaṅgraha
Āgamas and also that of their “omniscient” [3] discusses the doctrine in detail. In his
authors whose authenticity can be proved counterattack against Mīmāṁsā approach he
extrinsically. shows how nonexistence of an omniscient being
3. Though in Jainism and Buddhism the authen- cannot be established through non-apprehension
ticity of their Texts seems to be derived from (anupalabadhi) as pramāṇa. Moreover, it cannot
the omniscience of their authors and vice versa, be established by the one who is himself non-
in order to avoid obvious circularity, these omniscient. While explaining the epistemological
systems present independent inferences in possibility of omniscience in the Buddhist frame-
order to prove the existence of an omniscient work, Ṥāntarakṣita gives explanation from
being as they conceive of him. Sauṭrāntika as well as Yogācāra point of view.
From the former, it will be included in Yogic per-
As has been shown before, many orthodox ception (yogijñāna) through which one can know
systems too accept omniscience. But since these past, present, and future objects vividly, and in this
systems are generally in a compromising position sense, directly. From the latter it will be a kind of
with Pūrvamīmāṁsā on the matters such as mental perception and unlike sensory perception
authenticity of the Vedas, Vedic ritualism, and which is restricted by the nature of the object, is
hierarchical social order, the debate between capable of congnizing all types of objects.
Mīmāṁsākas and these systems does not take Ratnakīrti, as indicated earlier, distinguishes
a serious form. For Buddhists and Jainas, how- between “knower of every useful thing” and
ever, the controversy with Pūrvamīmāṁsā knower of each and every thing. For defending
becomes serious because they are strongly against the existence of the former, Ratnakīrti presents
of Pūrvamīmāṁsā on the above matters. One finds and defends the following argument:
therefore long chapters and essays written by the (Statement of Vyāpti:) Whatever is the mental
scholars belonging to these two schools defending phenomenon accompanied by a devoted,
their doctrine of omniscience. On the Buddhist uninterrupted, and prolonged practice is worthy
side the major scholars who present and defend of manifestation.
the doctrine are Dharmakīrti, Ṥāntarakṣita, (Positive instance:) Like the figure of a woman
Kamalaṥīla, Jñānaṥrīmitra, and Ratnakīrti. for her lover.
(Jñānaṥrī mitra’s original essay “Sarvajñasiddhi” (Property bearer:) The consciousness of the
is not available. Ratnakīrti’s essay with the same four noble truths
title is claimed by the author to be a summary of (Reason property:) is the mental phenomenon
Jñānaṥrī mitra’s essay.) accompanied by devoted, uninterrupted, and
On Jaina side there are a host of scholars such prolonged practice.
as Samantabhandra, Haribhadra, Akalaṅka, (Conclusion: therefore it is worthy of
Vidyānanda, and Prabhācandra. A brief and syn- manifestation.)
optic survey of the Jaina and Buddhist defense Through the explanation and justification
will now be made in what follows. of this argument Ratnakīrti tries to show that
Omniscience 819

the four noble truths must be manifest to becomes epistemologically possible for them
someone [4]. because no contact is needed between jī va and
objects whether the objects are proximate or
Jaina Defense of the Doctrine of Omniscience remote, whether they are past, present, or future.
Though while answering Mīmāṁsā criticism of In support of the above basic framework Jaina
omniscience the arguments of Jainas and Bud- scholars present some arguments for strengthen-
dhists are by and large similar, while explaining ing the case for the existence of the omniscient
and defending their own conceptions they natu- being. For instance:
rally become different because of the peculiarities
of these conceptions. 1. Samantabhadra claimed that the existence of
Majority of Jaina scholars accept their reli- an omniscient being is established from the fact
gious epoch-makers (tī rthaṅkaras) and also liber- that to some beings invisible things like atoms,
ated jī vas as omniscient in the literal sense – that things, or persons remote in time and place
is, knowers of all essential as well as accidental become known as objects of direct cognition.
aspects of everything, important as well as 2. The scholars like Akalaṅka, Hemacandra, and
unimportant. They define omniscience as the Malliṣeṇa claim that astronomy and the occult
direct knowledge of all substances with all their sciences which give correct information about
past, present, and future modes. Every soul (jī va) future events and supersensible objects is
according to them has intrinsic capacity for infi- a clear indication of the possibility of an omni-
nite knowledge (anatajñāna), which is also called scient being [5].
absolute knowledge (kevalajñāna). It is direct
knowledge in the sense that it is not mediated by It is clear that though the above arguments
sense organs or even mind (manas). This intrinsic create a logical space in which existence of an
capacity in ordinary jī vas is obscured by the omniscient being is conceivable, they do not
kārmic particles known as jñānāvaraṇī ya (knowl- give sufficiently strong evidence for his existence.
edge obscuring) karma. In fact, any knowledge is On the other hand there are considerations
possible only due to destruction or subsidence of which seem to go against the existence of an
the respective type of jñānāvaraṇī ya karma. With omniscient being in its extreme sense. For O
the help of intensive austerity and spiritual prac- instance:
tice it is possible to destroy or remove forever all
types of knowledge-obscuring karmas from the 1. An omniscient being is supposed to know
jī va. In such a state, the intrinsic capacity of the directly all the past, present, and future modes
soul to know everything becomes manifest. This of all substances. But direct knowledge by its
type of knowledge is called kevalajñāna. This very nature can have only present modes as its
notion of jī va according to which knowledge is objects. Past and future modes, by their very
intrinsic and knowledge-obscuring karma is nature, are not present. Hence, omniscience as
extrinsic to it itself becomes a basis for the possi- direct knowledge becomes impossible.
bility of omniscience. In their epistemology Jainas 2. Knowledge by its very nature is about some-
deny contact (sannikarṣa) theory of perception, thing. This “about-ness” indicates a relation.
and particularly with regard to extraordinary Hence, direct knowledge seems to presuppose
perception which they call “perception in the ulti- a certain contact/connection of jī va with the
mate sense” (pāramārthika pratyakṣa) Jainas object. But Jainas hold that knowledge which
claim that such a perception occurs without any is direct in the strict sense of the term does not
mediation of sense organs or mind. It occurs involve any contact (sannikarṣa) of jī va with
simply out of jī va’s intrinsic capacity subject to the object. How they can explain “about-ness”
the destruction or subsidence of the relevant of the omniscient knowledge would be
jñānāvaraṇī ya karma. Hence, kevalajñāna a problem.
820 Once-Returner

The above problems occur also because Jainas

are accepting omniscience in episodic sense and Oral Transmission
not in dispositional sense.
In so far as the notion of an omniscient being in Bhikkhu Anālayo
mitigated sense is concerned – such as “knower of Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
everything important,” “knower of the essence of Hamburg, Balve, Germany
everything,” etc. – the question pertains to the idea
of an extraordinary reliable person accepted by
different systems in one way or the other. It so Synonyms
happens that the extraordinary reliable persons
accepted by different systems have mutually con- Anuśrava (Sanskrit); Anussava (Pāli)
trary perceptions of reality. Whose perception is
veridical and whose is illusory cannot be decided
by referring it back to the so-called reliable per- Definition
sons themselves (because it will amount to beg-
ging the question), but it can probably be done by Oral transmission in the sense of verbally passing
bringing in other evidences. In the latter case, the on teachings “from mouth to ear” was the main
authority of the reliable person becomes superflu- means at the disposition of the early Buddhists in
ous. Mī māṁsākas seem to be right in raising this order to preserve their teachings for later
point. This, however, does not make their case for generations.
“impersonal eternal authoritative text” stronger.

Oral Transmission in Early Buddhism

Cross-References
In the absence of the use of writing for maintaining
▶ Knowledge (Buddhism) a textual tradition, the early Buddhists relied on
oral means of transmission for passing on to pos-
terity the discourses that had been delivered by the
References Buddha and his disciples. In doing so, the early
Buddhists would have followed the example set by
1. Rhys Davids TW (Tr) (2003) The questions of king the Vedic oral transmission, where recitation of
Milinda. Motilal Banafsidass, Delhi
texts appears to have been carried out over succes-
2. Dvārikādcsaṥāstrī S (ed) (1978) Ṥlokavavārittika of Ṥrī
Kumārilabhaṭṭa with the commentary Nyāyarathckara sive generations with an impressive degree of pre-
of Ṥrī pārthasārathi Miṥra. Tara, Varanasi cision. Unlike their Vedic predecessors, however,
3. Shastri SD (ed) (1968) “Atī ndriyārthadarś˙iparī kṣā”. the Buddhist reciters involved in oral transmission
Tattvasaṅgraha of Ācārya Shāntarakṣita with the com-
mentary ‘Pañjikā’ of shri kamalashī, vol 2. Bauddha
had not necessarily been trained in memorization
Bharati, Varanasi, pp 987–1130 skills from their early youth onward and thus
4. Thakur A (ed) (1975) “Sarvajñasiddhiḥ”. Ratnakīrti- needed to employ various means to ensure the
nibandhāvaliḥ (Buddhist Nyāya works of Ratnakīrti). correct handing of their texts.
Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, Patna,
One of these means is the use of repetition,
pp 1–31
5. Singh RJ (1974) The Jaina concept of omniscience. where similar situations are described with the
L. D. Institute on Indology, Ahmedabad, 9 help of standardized pericopes that are adjusted
to the particular situation with the most minimal
change necessary. Repetition is also used when
presenting doctrinal items, where distinctions
Once-Returner between a positive and a negative description
employ nearly the same terms and expressions,
▶ Sakadāgāmin only differing in the use of a negation. These
Oral Transmission 821

features make the early Buddhist textual material communal recitations, saṅgī ti, clearly point to
somewhat tedious to read in modern translation, the practice of group recital which would have
although the effect of repetition would have had left no scope for free improvisation.
quite a different impact in the oral setting of Oral transmission continued even after the texts
ancient India. were committed to writing. Thus, the Chinese pil-
Another oral feature is the use of a principle grim Făxiăn reports that when he went to India at
referred to under the name “waxing syllables.” the end of the fourth century in order to search for
This principle is applied to a string of synonyms, Vinaya manuscripts to be brought back to China for
which are often employed in order to safeguard translation, he found that the texts were still passed
against loss, since a series of similar words stands on by oral means (Taishō, Vol. 51, p. 864b). This
much greater chance of being remembered than goes to show that the purpose of oral transmission
a single word. At the same time, the basic message goes beyond the mere preservation of the texts.
leaves a deeper impression on the listening audi- The discourses in fact report that at times
ence. The terms in such a string of synonyms are a monk would recite something to himself, while
then usually arranged according to the principle of being alone and in seclusion ([7], Vol. I, p. 209).
“waxing syllables.” That is, words with fewer The same is also recorded for the Buddha ([7],
syllables come first and are followed by words Vol. II, p.74). Since the discourse recited by the
with an equal or higher number of syllables; Buddha involves a rather basic aspect of his own
hence, this pattern is referred to with the term teachings, it seems less probable that this episode
“waxing syllables.” depicts an instance of oral rehearsing of texts.
One out of many examples would be Instead, it suggests that oral recitation can at
a recurrent description of someone being afraid, times have a meditative function. In fact,
which reads like this: bhīto saṃviggo a listing of occasions when liberation can happen
lomahaṭṭhajāto. The three terms have basically indicates that, if previous practice has sufficiently
the same meaning and are arranged according to matured the mind, the decisive breakthrough to
their respective syllable count of two, three, and realization can happen when one is engaged in the
six syllables. In an oral setting, the recitation of oral recitation of a text ([3], Vol. III, p. 241).
such a string of terms arranged according to the In sum, formal aspects like repetition, the use O
principle of waxing syllables creates a crescendo of pericopes, and the application of the principle
effect and leaves a somewhat rhythmic impres- of waxing syllables to strings of synonyms testify
sion, which is then easily remembered. to the nature of early Buddhist oral transmission
Such features clearly reflect a concern among as attempting the accurate verbatim preservation
the early Buddhist reciters for verbatim oral repe- of texts. Alongside such concerns, however, oral
tition. In fact the fortnightly recital of the code of transmission appears to have been an integral part
rules to be undertaken in any monastic of the overall soteriological project of mental
setting – perhaps one of the most evident and cultivation, bhāvanā.
frequent instances of early Buddhist oral
recitation – would have required precise recall of
the text in question. In this respect, the early Cross-References
Buddhist oral tradition differs from oral literature
of an epic or narrative type, where improvisation ▶ Bhāvanā
and innovation are typical and even required ▶ Tipiṭaka
aspects of the oral performance. While such liter-
ature is freely re-created every time it is told, the
early Buddhist oral tradition was concerned with References
the exact preservation of material considered to be
1. Allon M (1997) Style and function: a study of the
sacred, for which free improvisation is not appro- dominant stylistic features of the prose portions of Pāli
priate. Besides, the so-called councils or canonical sutta texts and their mnemonic function.
822 Ordination

International Institute for Buddhist Studies of the to detach oneself from worldly affairs. When one
International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies, experiences suffering in life, finds that the world is
Tokyo
2. Anālayo Bh (2007) Oral dimensions of Pāli discourses: too much with him and he burns with the fires of
pericopes, other mnemonic techniques, and the oral rāga (craving) dosa (aversion) and moha (igno-
performance context. Can J Buddh Stud 3:5–33 rance) he wants to free himself from burning
3. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The passions and live the life of a monk with
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
4. Collins S (1992) Notes on some oral aspects of Pāli only a few wants. He wants peace and harmony.
literature. Indo-Iranian J 35:121–135 This becomes his main motive to become a monk.
5. Cousins LS (1983) Pali oral literature. In: Denwood The adoption of the life of a monk is to make
P (ed) Buddhist studies: ancient and modern. Curzon, efforts to root out the cause of suffering and expe-
London, pp 1–11
6. Coward H (1986) Oral and written texts in Buddhism. rience peace and tranquillity.
Adyar Libr Bull 50:299–313 When a person decides to leave home for
7. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. a homeless life and adopt the life of a monk or
Pali Text Society, Oxford an ascetic he has to undergo a ceremony called
8. Wynne A (2004) The oral transmission of early Bud-
dhist literature. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 27(1):97–127 pabbajjā (ordination ceremony). In the Theravāda
tradition one seeking ordination is first ordained
as a novice (sāmaṇera). After some years he is
given higher ordination called upasampadā if he
is found fit by the senior monks.
Ordination In the beginning the Buddha used to ordain
persons willing to be monks by pronouncing
Angraj Chaudhary these words:- Ehi bhikkhu, svākkhāto dhammo,
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, cara brahmacariyaṃ sammādukkhassa
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India antakiriyāya’ti ([1], p. 16). i.e., “Come, monks,
well proclaimed is the dhamma. Live the noble
life for the complete ending of suffering.”)
Synonyms The next stage of ordination came when 60
arahants went to different parts of India to spread
Renunciation the teachings of the Buddha. When people heard
his teachings some of them wanted to leave home
for a homeless life and become monks. So they
Definition had to be brought to the Buddha for the purpose of
being ordained by him as in the beginning they
Ordination means renouncing home literally and thought it was the Buddha who could ordain peo-
figuratively for a homeless life and accepting the ple. This meant long journeys and fatigue for
life of an ascetic or a monk. those willing to become monks. So the Buddha
authorized the monks to ordain them and he
explained the manner they should do it.
Causes of Ordination, Formula to Ordain The person seeking ordination must first shave
and Persons Eligible for It his hair and beard and then put on saffron or
yellow robes. Then adjusting his robe on the left
Ordination means “going forth” from home to shoulder he should pay homage to the bhikkhus.
a homeless life. It also means adopting the life of He should then squat or if he cannot squat, he
an ascetic or a monk. The Pali word for ordination should kneel before them with hands raised and
is pabbajjā (Sanskrit pravrajyā). It is derived palms together. Then he should say Buddhaṃ
from pa+vraj (to go), which means going out saraṇaṃ gacchāmi (I take refuge in the Buddha),
from home not only in the literal sense but also Dhammaṃ saraṇaṃ gacchāmi (I take refuge in
in the figurative sense. In the latter sense it means the Dhamma) and Saṅghaṃ saraṇam gacchāmi
Ordination 823

(I take refuge in the Saṅgha-the Order of monks). ekantaparisuddhaṃ saṅkhalikhitaṃ brahmacariyaṃ

This should be repeated three times. carituṃ. Yaṃnūnāhaṃ kesamassuṃ ohāretvā
This was the short formula to ordain people in kāsāyāni vatthāni acchādetvā agārasmā
the beginning. But then as the number of people anagāriyaṃ pabbajeyya’nti ([3], I. 239).
seeking ordination increased and many Thus reflecting he gives up his property and
undeserving and unsuitable persons began to relatives considering them as obstacles in his spir-
come, more restrictions were imposed. itual journey. The usual formula to give up is,
At present a person seeking ordination as “Appaṃ vā bhogakkhandhaṃ mahantaṃ vā
a novice (sāmaṇera) has to take ten precepts bhogakkhandhaṃ pahāya appaṃ vā
besides taking the three refuges. ñātiparivaṭṭaṃ mahantaṃ vā ñātiparivaṭṭaṃ
When a sāmaṇera is admitted to the Order pahāya (21.240) i.e., abandoning a small or
he is expected to observe the following ten a large fortune, abandoning a small or a large
precepts (sikkhāpadāni). They are:- circle of relatives kesamassuṃ ohāretvā kāsāyāni
Pāṇātipātā veramaṇī sikkhāpadaṃ samādiyāmi, vatthāni acchādetvā agārasmā anagāriyaṃ
adinnādānā veramaṇī . . . abrahmacariyā pabbajati” ([3], I. 240) i.e., he shaves off his hair
veramaṇī ... musāvādā and beard, wears a yellow robe and leaves home
veramaṇī . . .surāmerayamajjappamādaṭṭhānā for a homeless life. The ceremony of ordination is
veramaṇī . . . vikālabhojanā veramaṇī . . . performed by the senior monks when he
naccagī tavāditavisūkadassanā veramaṇī . . . approaches them with a request to ordain him.
mālāgandhavilepanadhāraṇavibhūsanaṭṭhānā Unless he develops detachment from worldly
veramaṇī ... uccāsayanamahāsayanā things, unless he reduces his desires, it cannot be
veramaṇī . . . jātarūparajatapaṭiggahanā expected of him to make progress on the spiritual
veramaṇī sikkhāpadaṃ samādiyāmi ([1], p. 105). path.
i.e., “I undertake to abstain from killing, steal- It is said in the Dhammapada: “Hard it is to go
ing, sexual misconduct, lying and from intoxi- forth, from home to homelessness, To take delight
cants, from eating at the wrong time, from in it is hard.”
dancing, singing, music and worldly entertain- Duppabbajjaṃ durabhiramaṃ,. . .// [4], verse
ments, from wearing garlands, from using per- 302 O
fumes and cosmetics from wearing jewellery Therefore unless one realizes at the experien-
and other bodily adornments, from using high tial level the burning and suffering caused by
and luxurious beds and from accepting gold and thoughts of sensuality (kilesa kāma) and objects
silver.” He is also expected to study the Dhamma of sense (vatthu kāma) it is difficult to become
and Vinaya from his elders. He should attend to disenchanted with the world.
senior monks and do his duties towards them. The Buddha wanted sincere and genuine per-
And lastly he should make himself eligible for sons to seek ordination. The thought of leaving
higher ordination (upsampadā). home should come from deep within. It should not
A sāmaṇera is not expected to observe the be sudden and based on certain painful circum-
rainy retreat but a bhikkhu is supposed to live at stance in life. Keeping this in mind the Buddha
one place during the rainy season. allowed monks to disrobe if they are not fit for it
Before one seeks admission into the order as i.e., if they cannot lead a virtuous life – a life
a sāmaṇera he reflects: “Household life is crowded disciplined by the rules of Vinaya prescribed by
and dusty; life gone forth is wide open, it is not the Buddha.
easy, while living in a home, to lead the holy If one renounces home sincerely and honestly
life utterly perfect and pure as a polished shell.” he cannot be called an escapist. He does not lead
([2], p. 272; and see Cūlahatthipadopama Sutta an indolent life, he does not become a parasite on
for its Pali equivalent – Sambādho gharāvāso society but he works hard in his life and does a lot
rajopatho, abbhokāso pabbajjā. Nayidaṃ for the people around him. He presents his ideal
sukaraṃ agāraṃ ajjhāvasatā ekantaparipuṇṇaṃ character as he is free from greed and aversion or
824 Ornament of Clear Realization

he has less of them. He lives a disciplined and motives. One in debt wanted to be ordained
restrained life. Thus he becomes an example to the because he did not want to pay off the debt and
people. He is not selfish. He does not care about one in military service wanted to be ordained
only himself but he cares about others also. He because he wanted to shirk the hard duty of
develops altruistic behaviour and thinks of doing a military personnel as said above. One in his
good to others. An ideal bhikkhu is like a bee, teens wanted to be ordained because his parents
which collects honey from the flowers without might have chided him for some of his faults.
harming their color and fragrance. When the senior monks are satisfied with
Yathā’pi bhamaro pupphaṃ, vaṇṇagandhaṃ a sāmaṇera’s answers to questions put by them
aheṭhayaṃ/ then only he receives ordination.
Paleti rasam’ādāya, evaṃ gāme munī care//
[4], verse 49.
Are all persons eligible to seek ordination? The Cross-References
answer is an emphatic “No.” In the Vinaya Piṭaka
there are rules framed by the Buddha as to who is ▶ Renunciation
eligible and who is not, for ordination. Persons
suffering from leprosy, boils, asthma, and epi-
lepsy are not eligible for ordination. Why? References
Because they cannot work hard which is the pre-
requisite of leading a meaningful spiritual life. 1. Mahāvagga (Vinaya Piṭaka. V.R.I. Dhammagiri
(1998) Unless otherwise mentioned, all books referred
A being other than human being, a female (later
to here are published by V.R.I. Dhammagiri, in 1998)
she was thought to be eligible for ordination), 2. Bhikkhu Ñāṇamoli, Bhikkhu Bodhi (Trs) (1995) The
a man in debt, one in military service are also not Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom
eligible for ordination. Why were the last two not Publications, Boston
3. Majjhima Nikāya
allowed? Because the Buddha thought that a man
4. Dhammapada, verse nos are given
in debt wants to be ordained because of his inten-
tion to escape from his obligation to pay off the
debt. He did not allow a man in military service to
be ordained because of his intention to live an easy
life, not a life of hardship. The Buddha was Ornament of Clear Realization
a practical man. Had he allowed persons in military
service to be ordained who would defend the coun- ▶ Abhisamayālaṃkāra
try in the event of an attack by the enemy? If all
soldiers of a country want to be ordained will it not
be an easy victim to the enemy?
One who has not taken permission from his Orthodox Buddhism
parents is also ineligible for ordination. Why?
Because in that case the parents might not think ▶ Theravāda
good of the monk who ordains him. One who is
not 20 years old, one who does not have an alms-
bowl and robes are also not eligible for ordination.
From the restrictions imposed by the Buddha it Outcast
is clear that he allowed only genuine persons to be
ordained, not those who had some ulterior ▶ Caṇḍāla (Buddhism)
P

Pacceka-Buddha Definition

▶ Pratyeka-Buddha Lotus-born (Tibetan: padma ‘byung gnas).

The Precious Guru

Padma
The Indian master Padmasambhava is one of the
▶ Padmasambhava most renowned and revered figures in Tibet’s reli-
gious history. Across the Tibetan cultural world he
is nostalgically referred to as Guru Rinpoche
(“precious Teacher”) and figures prominently in
Padmakara pilgrimage narratives, monastic dances and Bud-
dhist histories. He is held in special veneration by
▶ Padmasambhava adherents of the Old School of Tibetan Buddhism
(Nyingma) for concealing Buddhist teachings in
several mediums, including the mind of his disci-
ples, and predicting their discovery for the benefit
Padmasambhava of future generations (Fig. 1).

Georgios T. Halkias
Oxford Centre of Buddhist Studies, Oxford, UK Tibet’s Golden Age

Padmasambhava is credited with the transmission

Abbreviations of Tantric Buddhism in Tibet and the Himalayas
and with visionary Tantric teachings promulgated
Tib. Tibetan in his name. He is celebrated as a “second Bud-
dha” for attending to the spiritual and temporal
Synonyms well-being of the Tibetans, but the life of this wan-
dering ascetic is yet to be substantiated by historical
Great Ācārya; Guru Rinpoche; Lotus guru; research and it has even been proposed that he
Padma; Padmakara never lived. This is an unwarranted conclusion,
and literary evidence show that his legend
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
826 Padmasambhava

The importation of Indian Buddhism to Tibet is

a historical event of great importance for the for-
mulation of Tibetan ethnic and cultural identity.
Central to Tibet’s Golden Age in the eighth cen-
tury is an epic story of religious conversion fea-
turing the Dharma-Ruler (Tib. chos-rgyal)
Trisong Detsen who commissioned learned Bud-
dhist teachers from India, like the Buddhist monk
Śāntarakṣita (725–788), to visit Central Tibet and
assist in establishing Buddhism as the official
religion of the empire. According to Tibetan reli-
gious histories Śāntarakṣita encountered hostility
from local factions to his plans to built Tibet’s first
monastic compound at Samye and persuaded
Trisong Detsen to dispatch a royal mission and
invite the siddha Padmasambhava to assist him
with his task. Padmasambhava’s arrival in Tibet is
linked with the ritual consecration of Samye
around 779, and with the spread of Tantric rituals,
teachings, and erection of stūpas. The Tibetan
Emperor was apparently so impressed with the
Guru’s spiritual power and charisma to neutralize
local and supernatural forces opposing the spread
of Buddhism that he, along with other members of
the aristocracy, became one of his 25 main
Padmasambhava, Fig. 1 Statue of Padmasambhava
disciples. In appreciation, he offered him Yeshe
(Photograph by Georgios Halkias) Tsogyal, one of his court ladies, as his Tantric
consort. According to some sources
Padmasambhava stayed in Tibet for 56 years,
circulated not long after the collapse of the Tibetan while for others soon after the foundation of
Empire in 842 C.E. culminating in his apotheosis Samye he was accused for practicing magic
in the twelfth century [1]. His first complete and was forced to leave. It is said that he was
hagiography is attributed to Yeshe Tsogyal, his unable to finish teaching Trisong Detsen and he
principal female Tibetan disciple [2]. The Copper assigned his disciple, the translator Vairocana, to
Temple Biography (Zangs gling ma) was redacted complete this task. The Bön tradition offers an
by Nyangral Nyima Özer (1136–1204), an alleged alternative biography in which the sage Drenpa
reincarnation of the Tibetan Emperor Trisong Namkha had two sons – Tsewang Rigzin who
Detsen (755-c. 794). For the Nyingma, Nyima continued his father’s work as a Bönpo mission-
Özer is the first “Treasure King” of five chief ary and Padmasambhava who established the lin-
disciples prophesied by Padmasambhava to eage of the Nyingma School [4]. The legendary
take rebirth in this world in order to rediscover embellishment of these references suggests
and propagate his hidden Buddhist teachings Tibetan strategies for indigenizing Indian Tan-
known as treasures (Tib. gter-ma). The Copper trism, a process fundamental to the foundation of
Temple Biography incorporates earlier material the Nyingma School [5], and competition
recycled in later Padma hagiographies, which between Tibet’s pre-Buddhist religious traditions
numbered, by the mid-sixteenth century, to at and the earliest strands of Indo-Tibetan Buddhism
least 50 [3]. in the empire.
Padmasambhava 827

Sacred Lands and Pilgrimage Cultures an enlightened emanation of Buddha Amitābha at

the physical level. For the Nyingma and Kagyud
In Oḍḍiyāna (Tib. U-rgyan), located by Schools of Tibetan Buddhism the trinity of
Tibetologists in Swat Valley (Pakistan), there Amitābha, Padmasambhava, and Avalokiteśvara
was King Indrabodhi who had no successors to is regarded as the three aspects or bodies of
the throne. One day, while on a journey with a single Buddha.
his minister, he found a little boy by Lake There are many sacred places and pilgrimage
Dhanakosha whom he regarded as an answer to sites (caves, hermitages, mountains, valleys,
his prayers. He named him Padmakara, the lakes, and so forth) associated with
Lotus Born, and raised him as his son and crown Padmasambhava in Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, and
prince. However, like Buddha Śākyamuni before the Indian Himalayan regions of Ladakh, Sikkim,
him, the child’s unusual spiritual constitution led Himachal Pradesh, and Arunachal Pradesh. Many
him to renounce his noble bride Prabhadhari and of them are linked to episodes from his legendary
the life and pleasures of the court. Against the life, like the Lake Rewalsar (Tib. Tso-Pema) in
King's wishes, he pursued the life of an itinerant Himachal Pradesh formed around the pyre set by
ascetic, following Buddhist teachers, meditating the King of Zahor to punish Padmasambhava for
at different places, and attaining complete libera- courting his daughter, princess Mandāravā. The
tion and mastery of the phenomenal world. It is great majority of Tibetan sacred sites claim to
believed that Padmasambhava attained the “Great have been places where the Tantric master medi-
Transference” and resides in an immortal rain- tated, like the Crystal Cave at Yarlung valley and
bow-body at the Palace of Lotus Light in the Bumthang in Bhutan where he subjugated local
Glorious Copper-Coloured Mountain (Tib. spirits converting them into guardians of the Bud-
Zangs-mdog dpal-ri). From his Pure Land popu- dhist faith. The famous “Tiger’s Nest” hermitage
lated by “rākṣasas,” located in the island of at Paro is a site of national pride for the people
Chamara (south India) or south-west of Tibet, he of Bhutan and derives its sanctity from
sends countless emanations to benefit sentient Padmasambhava’s miraculous visit on the back
beings. of a tigress. Another popular pilgrimage site is
Padmasambhava’s life and works are shrouded the Maratika cave in northern Nepal where he
in extraordinary tales and symbolic narratives [6]. and his Tantric consort Mandāravā meditated on
He appears in various places and in various forms, Buddha Amitāyus and attained the siddhi of P
speaks different languages, fights and binds indig- immortality. There are numerous formations on
enous demons and performs extraordinary feats, rocks and caves identified as either self-arisen
like the transformation of barren lands into irriga- signs of the Lotus Guru or physical imprints left
tion fields – an enterprise that suggests technical by his body, hands, and feet, while from time to
knowledge of water management brought to Tibet time visionaries search for “pure lands” hidden in
from his native land. According to another popu- the Himalayan valleys (Tib. sbas-yul) that have
lar tale, he resurrects Trisong Detsen’s daughter, been previously revealed or prophesied by
Princess Pema Sel who had prematurely died at Padmasambhava as sacred places of refuge and
the age of 8 and transmits to her the esoteric pre- meditation.
cepts of the teachings known as the “Great Per-
fection,” or Dzogchen.
A popular theme relates his name to his spon- Visionary Literature
taneous birth from a lotus floating in Lake
Dhanakosha. Birth from a lotus is an Indian reli- While the Nyingma School adheres to Indian
gious motif symbolizing immaculate origins and Tantric teachings shared by all Schools of
spiritual purity. These Pure Land associations are Tibetan Buddhism, their Buddhist canon is alto-
further reinforced in narratives that portray him as gether distinctive for preserving a large corpus of
828 Padmasambhava

Padmasambhava,
Fig. 2 Mural of
Padmasambhava with
consorts (Photograph by
Georgios Halkias)

esoteric teachings (treasures) attributed to by Karma Lingpa in the fourteenth century [7];
Padmasambhava who predicted the suitable time The Gradual Path of the Wisdom Essence (Zhal
of their disclosure, the persons who would reveal gdams lam rim ye shes snying po), instructions on
them, and the destined recipients who would be the gradual path to enlightenment revealed in the
holders of Treasure lineages. The act of nineteenth century by Chokgyur Lingpa [8]; The
concealing and revealing treasures is associated Innermost Spirituality of the Ḍākinī (Mkha’ gro
with the blissful synergy of a Tantric consort and snying thig), a set of 17 esoteric Tantras from the
there are ample references of Padmasambhava “Great Perfection” taught to Pema Sel [9]; the
practicing sexual yoga with a number of female Tantras of the wrathful deity of Vajrakīla [10],
companions. The princess Mandāravā of Zahor and so forth. The Rosary of Esoteric Views
and Yeshe Tsogyal of Tibet commonly figure in (Manngag ltaba’i phrengba) deals with different
Treasure lore as enlightened holders of the Bud- paths and vehicles and is the only text attributed to
dha’s teachings (Fig. 2). the Lotus Guru that has been handed down as an
In addition to several Padma hagiographies, oral tradition and not as a treasure text. Liturgical
like The Testimony of Padmasambhava (Padma practices commemorating Padmasambhava are
bka’thang) redacted by Orgyen Lingpa in the usually done on the tenth lunar day and often
fourteenth century, there are Tantric cycles and include, the Seven-Line Supplication to
individual ritual works revealed by treasure- Padmasambhava, one of the best-known invoca-
finders and attributed to Padmasambhava. tion prayers in the Tibetan world that ends with an
Among these we find: The Liberation by Hearing abridged version of Padmasambhava’s mantra in
in the Intermediate State (Bar do thos grol) known Sanskrit Oṃ Āḥ Hūṃ Vajra Guru Padma Siddhi
as the “Tibetan Book of the Dead” rediscovered Hūṃ.
Padmasambhava 829

Padmasambhava, Fig. 3 Procession of the “Guru’s Eight Aspects.” Monastic festival, Kungri, India 2007 (Photograph
by Georgios Halkias)

Iconography ascetic in a loincloth and holding a khaṭvāṇga

which points toward the sun; Loden Chokse
Representations of Padmasambhava, sited on (Supreme Knowledge Holder) in princely clothes
a lotus, feature in many statues, paintings, murals, beating a hand-drum with his right hand and hold-
prayer-flags, and amulets. He is the subject of ing a skull-cup filled with amrita with his left;
many Tibetan paintings (thangka), such as those Pema Jungne (Padmasambhava) often sited on
depicting his buddha-field, the Glorious Copper- a lotus, dressed in the three robes of a Buddhist
Coloured Mountain where he is usually flanked monk and holding a vajra in his right hand and
by Mandāravā and Yeshe Tsogyal, or those a skull-cup in his left; Shakya Senge (Lion of the
representing his lineage, his eight manifestations, Shakya) represented in the form of a Buddha
or his disciples. In his “primary form” he is dis- dressed in monastic robes. His right hand displays P
tinguished for his wide-open eyes and penetrating the earth-touching gesture and his left supports
gaze, a characteristic of a particular meditation a begging-bowl; Senge Dradok (Roaring Lion)
technique, holding a five-pronged vajra (thunder- in a dark-blue fierce form holding a vajra in one
bolt) in his right hand and in his left a skull-cup hand and a scorpion, or making a subjugating
containing a long-life vase filled with the nectar of gesture in the other. He sits on a demon wearing
longevity, and a trident-topped khaṭvāṇga with a skull-crown and a tiger-skin loincloth; Dorje
three severed heads. These aspects clearly link Drolo in red wrathful appearance riding on
him to the Kāpālika traditions in India. He com- a fierce tigress. He brandishes a vajra in his right
monly wears a five-petalled lotus hat with hand and a ritual dagger in his left; and Orgyen
a vulture’s feather on top and he is usually seated Dorje Chang (Vajra bearer of Oḍḍiyāna) depicted
with his two feet in the royal posture. There are in sexual union with Yeshe Tsogyal. He is of dark
eight different forms or manifestations blue color and holds a vajra and a hand-bell
representing facets of his life and spiritual accom- crossed at his heart, while his white naked consort
plishments: Pema Gyalpo (Lotus King) in royal raises a skull-bowl filled with nectar. In memory
attire adorned with a crown of gold, earrings, and of Padmasambhava’s ritual dance of Vajrakīla
necklace and holding a double-sided drum in his enacted at the consecration of Samye, there are
right hand and a gold mirror in his left; Nyima annual festivals (Tib. ‘cham) staged throughout
Ozer (Ray of the Sun) shown at times as a naked monasteries in India, Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet
830 Pagoda

where masked dancers also perform the “Guru’s 9. Kunsang E (tr) (1999) The light of wisdom, vol I.
Eight Aspects” [11] (Fig. 3). Ranjung Yeshe, Hong Kong
10. Boord MJ (2002) A bolt of lightning from the blue: the
vast commentary of Vajrakīla that clearly defines the
essential points. Edition Khordong, Berlin
11. Cantwell C (1995) The dance of the guru’s eight
Cross-References aspects. Tibet J XX:47–63

▶ Amitābha
▶ Buddha (Concept)
▶ Demon Pagoda
▶ Enlightenment (Buddhism)
▶ Folklore (Buddhism) ▶ Cetiya
▶ Magic (Buddhism)
▶ Mantra
▶ Monastery
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) Painful
▶ Pilgrimage (Buddhism)
▶ Politics (Buddhism) ▶ Dukkha
▶ Revelation
▶ Sacred Biography (Buddhism)
▶ Tantra
▶ Tibet Pajāpatī

▶ Pajāpati Gotamī

References

1. Dalton J (2004) The early development of the Pajāpati Gotamī

Padmasambhava legend in Tibet: a study of IOL Tib
J 644 and Pelliot tibétain 307. J Am Orient Soc K. T. S. Sarao
124:759–772
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
2. Kunsang E (tr) (1993) The lotus-born: the life story of
Padmasambhava. Recorded by Yeshe Tsogyal. Delhi, Delhi, India
Shambhala, Boston
3. Blondeau AM (1979) Analysis of the biographies of
Padmasambhava according to Tibetan tradition: clas-
sification of sources. In: Aris M et al (eds) Tibetan
Synonyms
studies in honor of Hugh Richardson. Aris and Phil-
lips, Warminster Mahāpajāpatī; Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī;
4. Blondeau AM (1988) mKhyen-brtse’i dbang-po: la Mahāprajāpatī; Pajāpatī; Pr^ajapati Gautami;
biographie de Padmasambhava selon la tradition du
Prajāpatī Gautamī; Prajāpatī
bsGrags-pa Bon, et ses sources. In: Gnoli G et al (eds)
Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata. Istituto
Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, Rome
5. Mayer R, Cantwell C (2008) Enduring myths: smrang, Definition
rabs and ritual in the Dunhuang texts on
Padmasambhava. Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines
15:289–312 Stepmother of the Buddha, first Buddhist nun, and
6. Zangpo N (2002) Guru Rinpoche: his life and times. an eminent Therī.
Snow Lion, Ithaca
7. Lopez D (2011) The Tibetan book of the dead:
Pajāpatī Gotamī, also known as Mahāpajāpatī
a biography. Princeton University Press, Princeton
8. Rinpoche D (2007) Great perfection: outer and inner Gotamī (Sk: Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī), is widely
preliminaries. Snow Lion, Ithaca regarded as the first woman to request ordination
Pajāpati Gotamī 831

from the Buddha and hence the progenitor of the of the dhamma (i.e., nirvāṇa) and granted her
order of Buddhist nuns (bhikkhunī saṃgha). She request. However, the Buddha is said to have
was both the Buddha’s maternal aunt and adoptive stipulated eight important rules (garudhammā)
mother, raising him after the death of her sister, as the condition for Mahāpajāpatī’s admission to
Queen Māyā/Mahāmāyā, the Buddha’s birth the saṃgha. These rules were ([3], Vol. V,
mother. She was born at Devadaha; Daṇḍapāṇi pp. 354–355):
and Suppabuddha were her brothers, and
Mahāmāyā was her elder sister ([5], Vol. xviii, 1. A nun who has been ordained (even) for
p. 7f). However, according to the Apadāna, she a century must greet respectfully, rise up from
was the daughter of Añjana Sakka and his wife her seat, salute with joined palms, do proper
Sulakkhanā ([6], Vol. ii, p. 538). The Mahāvastu homage to a monk ordained but that day. And
says her father was Añjana and her mother this rule is to be honored, respected, revered,
Yasodharā ([4], Vol. ii, p. 18). At the time of her venerated, and never to be transgressed during
birth, an astrologer predicted that Mahāpajāpatī her life.
Gotamī would have great leadership qualities, and 2. A nun must not spend the rains (vassāvāsa) in
hence she was named Mahāpajāpatī (leader of a residence where there is no monk.
a large assembly). Gotamī was her clan name 3. Every half-month, a nun should desire two
([11], Vol. ii, p. 774; [14], Vol. i, p. 1001). Both things from the bhikkhu saṃgha: the asking
she and her elder sister Mahāmāyā were married (as to the date) of the Observance (uposatha)
to King Suddhodana, leader of the Śākyas. When day, and the coming for the exhortation.
Mahāmāyā died 7 days after giving birth to 4. After the rains, a nun must invite (criticism
Siddhattha (the future Buddha), Mahāpajāpatī both from) the bhikkhu saṃgha and the
put her own children Nanda and Sundarī Nandā bhikkhunī saṃgha on any of three grounds:
in the care of nurses and personally took over the what they have seen, what they have heard,
responsibility of nursing Siddhattha. and what they have suspected.
When after attaining enlightenment, the Bud- 5. A nun, offending against an important rule,
dha visited Kapilavatthu, Mahāpajāpati began to must undergo penance (mānatta) for half
practice the dhamma and achieved the stage of a month before both saṃghas.
a stream enterer (sotāpanna). When her husband, 6. When, as a probationer, she has trained in the
Suddhodana, died, she decided to request ordina- six rules (sikkhamānā) for 2 years, she should P
tion. Her opportunity came when the Buddha seek ordination from both saṃghas.
visited Kapilavatthu to settle a dispute between 7. A monk must not be abused or reviled in any
the Sākiyans and the Koḷiyans over sharing the way by a nun.
waters of the river Rohiṇī. After settling the dis- 8. From today, admonition of monks by nuns is
pute, the Buddha preached the Kalahavivāda forbidden, but the admonition of nuns by
Sutta, and 500 young Sākiyan men joined the monks is not forbidden. This rule, too, is to
saṃgha. Their wives, led by Pajāpatī, went to be honored, respected, revered, venerated, and
the Buddha and requested to be ordained. never to be transgressed during her life.
According to tradition, she thrice requested the
Buddha’s permission to join the saṃgha but was Later some nuns raised doubts about the pro-
refused each time. Finally, she cut her hair, put on cedure adopted in Pajāpatī’s ordination and
the robes of a nun, and, accompanied by 500 refused to hold the uposatha with her. However,
Śākyan women, walked to Vesālī. Upon arrival, the Buddha announced that he himself had
she approached Ānanda, the Buddha’s personal ordained her and that everything was proper ([8],
attendant and one of his principal disciples. He Vol. iv, p. 149). After her ordination, Pajāpatī
approached the Buddha on Mahāpajāpatī’s behalf came to the Buddha and worshipped him. The
and the Buddha in response to his query affirmed Buddha preached to her and gave her a subject
that women are qualified to achieve the final fruit for meditation. Besides being the first Buddhist
832 Pajāpati Gotamī

nun and leader of the Bhikkhunī Saṃgha since its accomplishments have always inspired women
inception, she attained the six higher knowledges and within the male-dominated social context of
and supernormal powers. Once at an assembly of her age, she became a quintessential example of
monks and nuns in Jetavana, the Buddha declared a woman’s potential for spiritual achievement and
Pajāpatī chief of those who had experience leadership.
(rattaññūnam) ([7], Vol. i, p. 25). She often served
as a trusted intermediary in communications
between the bhikkhunī and the Buddha.
In her past life, at Padumuttara Buddha’s time, Cross-References
Mahāpajāpatī was born in Haṃsavatī. In this birth
on hearing the Buddha assign the foremost place ▶ Arahant
in experience to a nun, she resolved to gain similar ▶ Bhikkhunī
recognition herself, doing many good deeds to ▶ Jātaka
that end. After many births, she was born at ▶ Mahāpajāpatī
Vārāṇasī when she served five Paccekabuddhas. ▶ Pacceka-Buddha
After that, she was born in a village near Vārāṇasī, ▶ Saṃgha
and ministered to 500 Paccekabuddhas ([6], Vol. ii, ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
p. 529ff; [11], Vol. i, p. 185f.; [15], p. 140ff). It is
said that once Pajāpatī made a wonderfully elabo-
rate robe made of marvelous material for the Bud- References
dha. But the Buddha declined to accept it and
1. Blackstone KR (1998) Women in the footsteps of the
recommended that it be given to the saṃgha.
Buddha: struggle for liberation in the Therīgāthā. Cur-
Mahāpajāpatī was highly disappointed. When zon Press, Richmond
Ānanda apprised the Buddha of her disappoint- 2. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
ment, the latter explained that he had done so not Luzac, London
3. Horner IB (tr) (1951) The book of discipline, vol 5.
only for the greater benefit of Mahāpajāpatī but
Pali Text Society, London
also to set this as an example for the future bene- 4. Jones JJ (trans) (1949–1956) The Mahāvastu, Sacred
factors of the saṃgha ([14], Vol. ii, p. 1001ff). books of the east, 3 vols (16, 18, 19). Luzac, London
That the Buddha had great love for her is reflected 5. Law BC (ed and tr) (1958) The chronicle of the Island
of Ceylon or the Dīpavaṃsa. Ceylon Hist J (Colombo)
in an example when she lay ill. As there were no
7:1–266
monks to visit her and preach to her, this being 6. Lilley ME (ed) (2000) Apadāna, 2 vols. Pali Text
against the rule, the Buddha made an amendment Society, London
in the rule and went personally to preach to her 7. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
([10], Vol. iv, p. 56). Mahāpajāpatī’s name
8. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary of the
appears several times in the Jātakas ([2], Vol. ii, Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
p. 202, Vol. iii, p. 182, Vol. vi, p. 481). In the later 9. Norman KR (tr) (1991) The elders’ verses. II:
part of her life, she attained arhanthood, as is Therīgāthā. Pali Text Society, Oxford
10. Olderberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ, 5
recorded in her own verse, in the Therīgāthā:
vols. Pali Text Society, London
“cessation has been attained by me” ([9], p. 11. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
158). She died at Vesālī at the ripe age of 120. Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s Commentary on
On realizing that her life was coming to an end, the Aṅguttara Nikāya. 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
London
she took leave of the Buddha and died after 12. Walters JS (1994) The Buddha’s mother’s story. Hist
performing various miracles. It has been pointed Relig 33:350–379
out in the texts that in terms of marvels which 13. Walters JS (1995) Gotamī’s story. In: Lopez DS Jr (ed)
went with her funeral rites, they were second only Buddhism in practice. Princeton University Press,
Princeton, pp 113–138
to those of the Buddha.
14. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
Six verses uttered by Mahāpajāpatī form part Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
of the Therīgāthā ([9], pp. 157–162). Her Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Pakudha Kātyāyana 833

15. Woodward FL, Hardy E, Muller E, Barua DL namely, Pṛthivi-kāya (earth), Āpa-kāya (water),
et al (eds) (1891–1977) Paramatthadīpanī, Tejas-kāya (fire), Vāyu-kāya (air), Sukha (joy/hap-
Dhammapālācariya’s commentary on the Therīgāthā,
the Vimānavatthu. Pali Text Society, London piness), Duḥkha (unhappiness/suffering), and
Ātman/Jī va (self/consciousness). Out of these
elementary substances, the first four are visible
and material, whereas the last three are invisible
and spiritual. They are by nature different, and
Pakudha Kātyāyana hence plurality (Anekavāda) is embedded into
the very nature of the universe. It is this which
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore makes Prakṛudha Kātyāyana Anekāṅtavādī (plu-
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in ralist). They are eternal substances and remain
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and unaffected in any composition. “Akṛta” means
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, “not being made,” similar to “doing nothing,”
India “without effect.”
Basically all of them are not created (Sk.
Anirmita), impossible to be done away with (Sk.
Definition Avadhya), steady/changeless (Sk. Kūṭastha),
static (Sk. Staṁbhavat), immovable (Sk. Acala),
Ājī vaka, holder of Akṛtatāvāda, one of the six cannot be harmed or get annihilated (Sk. Ahanya),
well-known Śrāmaṇic thinkers, learned, well- and cannot undergo modification/transformation/
known ascetics, and acclaimed contemporary alteration (Sk. Avikārī ) by anything like happiness
philosophers, or unhappiness (Sk. Sukha-Duḥkha). They do not
interact among themselves and are in-affective.
Rather as the seven constitutive elementary sub-
Akrtatāvādı̄ Buddhas’ Opponent stances of the world are not liable to change,
˙ nothing made out of it also changes and obviously
It is a fact that the Buddha did not emerge in is eternal, that is, Śāśtvata-vāda (doctrine of
a vacuum, but had some intellectual background eternality and stability). Change is superficial
on which he taught the truth of life and the world and not real [2]. Change is just mechanical move-
in a novel way. His prevalent background and ment, and there is no difference in the external P
contextual framework enables one to know the world of things and human beings with regard to
significant contribution of the Buddha. One gets change. Both are movements/actions (Sk. Kriyā)
clarity in understanding by contrast to the alterna- and predetermined by the laws of nature, which
tive theories in circulation in ancient India. When are beyond human control. Human beings are
one searches for his contemporary prominent merely passive recipients of whatever happens in
thinkers to understand that historical context the world – inner or outer.
and situation in order to situate the Buddha, the Further, any action does not bear effect – good
name of Pakudha Kaccāyana (Sk. Prakṛudha- or bad. Obviously one should not bother about the
Kātyāyana) is traceable prominently. In the Praś results and consequences of actions performed;
ṇopaniṣad and the Sāmaññaphala-sutta (i.e., the that is how he denies moral causality. Even if
second sutta) of the Dī gha-Nikāya, one is told that one kills somebody with a knife, it goes into the
he was the senior most among philosophers hollow and cannot kill/destroy any eternal sub-
(titthiyā/tirthyāḥ) contemporary with Gautama stance. That is why, in the world, there is no need
Buddha [1]. of an agent (like God) to destroy, kill, listen,
Prakṛudha Kātyāyana seems to be Ājī vaka and speak, know, or make others know. There is no
upholder of Akutavāda (Sk. Akṛtatāvāda) essential relation between action and retribution
(nonaction theory). According to him, the world of its fruits. Consequently, morality in an individ-
is constituted of the seven eternal substances, ual or social life is not required. One does not live
834 Pakudha Kātyāyana

according to one’s will, leave apart doing some- subject to change (Sk. Anitya) and there is no
thing purposively and intending to respond in predetermination – causal or purposive. What
a particular way. One is helpless, as things are one experiences is only interrelatedness –
beyond control. Such helplessness obviously Pratī tya-samutpāda.
leads to fatalism (Sk. Daivāda). So do not do One thing is clear that man cannot live without
anything, because nothing is going to happen. action; rather action is the indicator of liveliness.
Even if one performs or not, it is not going to Naturally, Akarma-vāda (not to do action) cannot
produce any effect, and ultimately it will not affect be advocated by anybody. After doing action (Sk.
one’s life. Kriyā) only, the question of whether it is
Death is mere dissolution of bound into performed with or without volition (mechani-
unbound bodily/physical eternal substances. Plea- cally) arises. In other words, whether it produces
sure (Sk. Sukha) creates attachment of self to intended results or not is a point of debate. With
body. Suffering/unhappiness (Sk. Duḥkha) is sep- reference to the human world at least, motives and
aration or detachment. If the goal of life is happi- intentions are involved behind actions, and mini-
ness, then enjoy as per your will licentiously. Self mally sometimes at least they do reap the fruits
(Sk. Ātman) is mentioned as an independent spir- intended. Otherwise nobody would have purpo-
itual substance, because of which there is con- sively performed actions and have desired for
sciousness (Sk. Cetanā) to experience bodily their effects to be fructified in life.
pleasure. He asserted complete freedom, insisted Further, the entire universe is not completely
on the natural way of life (Sk. Yadṛcchāvāda), and predetermined by causal laws of nature or fully
promoted spontaneity (Sk. Svabhāva) [3]. governed as per dictates of the will of an agent –
Truly speaking, in the Sāmaññaphala-sutta of human or divine. Hence, it is not the knife but the
the Dī gha-Nikāya, one does not find any passage person using the knife [5] to be held responsible
directly stating views of Prakṛudha Kātyāyana, for using it properly or wrongly, and that brings in
but only the criticism of Prakṛudha Kātyāyana the significant role of morality in human life. To
by the Buddha is seen [4]. It is obvious because hold that man who is misusing the knife should
the Buddha himself was not interested in criticism not be punished or held guilty is to promote
and debate. Though what the Buddha taught was immorality. Consequently, the society will be irre-
indirectly a blow to and rejection of all such sponsible and may lead to chaos. It is social licen-
contemporary views. He was not intending to tiousness and propagation of immorality by
establish his own views, nor was he interested to Prakṛudha Kātyāyana’s Akṛtatāvāda which was
oppose that of others. Rather he was interested in rejected and criticized by the Buddha, for
teaching to live independently of the prevalent Akṛtatāvāda goes against proper organization of
dogmas and insisted on practicing morality in a society and rule-governed life. Morality is essen-
novel way. tial to bring in peace. There is a difference
The Buddha’s teaching, especially his doctrine between mechanical movements (Kriyā) and vol-
of Anattā (Sk. Anātmatā) (non-substantiality) and untary actions (Sk. Karma). Human beings have
Aniccā (Sk. Anityatā) (impermanence), is a intentions and motives (Sk. Hetu); they are not
kind of criticism of Prakṛudha Kātyāyana’s machines. Volitions make one responsible and
Akṛtatāvāda (nonaction theory). Buddhist theory moral. There is indeed a need of morality,
of Anātmatā – Pudgala-nairātmya (non-eternality accountability, and allocation of responsibility.
of self/soul) and Dharma-nairātmya (non- Moreover, the Buddha advocated the eightfold
eternality of nature/elements/features) – is path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga), which is based on
a denial of all kinds of substances irrespective of intentional efforts for the development of charac-
the consideration whether they are material or ter (Sk. Śī la). Hence, actions do lead to results and
spiritual. Obviously, eternality of the seven sub- the effect of an action is presumed. In Buddhism,
stances including Ātman or Jī va is rejected. Sim- right and wrong actions (Pali Kusala/Akusala-
ilarly, according to the Buddha, everything is Kamma) play a vital role. The Buddha was not
Pāli 835

interested in creating chaos in the society, but

intended to bring in change through morality, in Pāli
order to establish peace by a new world-order. It
was essential to make people responsible and main- Sanjay Kr. Singh
tain social order by advocating rules and regula- Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
tions (Vinaya). With an alternative set of ideas, he Delhi, Delhi, India
desired to motivate people in the right direction.
Doing action in the right way is essential to orga-
nize and transform society morally. Thus, there is Definition
an indirect criticism of the Akṛtatāvāda of
Prakṛudha Kātyāyana by the Buddha. The language of Theravādin Buddhist texts.

Cross-References Introduction

▶ Anattā (Buddhism) The word Pāli means “a scriptural text.” How-

▶ Anicca ever, western scholars have used the term to mean
▶ Aṣṭāṅgamārga the language in which those scriptures were writ-
▶ Cetanā ten. Hence, over a period of time, the word has
▶ Dī gha Nikāya come to mean as “the language of the Buddhist
▶ Duḥkha scriptures.” This meaning can be said to be a slight
▶ Karma extension of the original use of the word.
▶ Kusala Pali refers to that ancient language in which
▶ Pratī tya Samutpāda canonical works and commentaries could be
▶ Puḍgala (Puggala) found thereon, in addition to several other writ-
▶ Śī la ings of the Southern Buddhists, that is, those
▶ Sukha belonging to the countries of modern Myanmar,
▶ Vinaya Sri Lanka, and Thailand. In fact, these are the only
works of Hīnayāna Buddhism that exist today.
Many centuries ago, Hīnayāna Buddhists also P
References wrote their scriptures in languages other than Pāli.
However, with the early extinction of Buddhism
1. Kasyapa BJ (ed) (1961) Dīgha-Nikāya. Pali Text Pub- from India, all those non-Pāli texts were lost.
lication Board, Bihar Govt, Nalanda
Since, Pāli at that time was the language for writ-
2. Walsh M (1995) The long discourse of the Buddha:
a translation of the Dīgha-Nikāya (1. Brahmajāla- ing scriptures for most Buddhists throughout
sutta – pp 67–90 and 2. Sāmañnaphala-sutta – India – both northern and southern – it would be
pp 91–109). Wisdom, Boston incorrect to term Pāli as the language of Hīnayāna
3. Winternitz M (1993) Sāmañnaphala-sutta (i.e. the sec-
Buddhism or Southern Buddhism.
ond sutta) of the Dī gha-Nikāya. In: History of Indian
literature, vol II. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 36, 191 As a Middle Indic or Middle Indo-Aryan lan-
4. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal guage, Pāli is sometimes grouped in the Prakrit
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 38–41 languages. Most of the features of the Pāli lan-
5. Thomas EJ (tr) (1935) Early Buddhist scriptures. Kegan
Paul, London
guage seem to be borrowed from other Middle
Indo-Aryan languages, and hence, its actual origin
is not known. The main idea or core of the Pāli
language is from the vernaculars used in west and
Palace of Indra west-central India and is different from the ver-
nacular language used by the Buddha, who hailed
▶ Amaravati from the north and northeastern part of India.
836 Pāli

Buddha’s own language was neither Pāli nor the Buddha in different languages were preserved
Māgadhī, as claimed by several historians, and at the evolving centers of Buddhist learning,
both Pāli and Māgadhī differ from each other in which in turn added to their prestige.
many parameters. Since none of the different linguistic versions
It is said that the Buddha permitted his disci- was unmixed, some of the dialect versions were
ples to learn and teach his preaching in their own adopted by the great learning centers through the
languages. So, initially Buddhism spread in vari- wandering teachers. The multiplicity of dialects,
ous local languages, as the followers were from all enjoying equal acceptance, is what makes it
different parts of the country. And when the pro- difficult to assign a place of origin to Pāli.
cess of compiling canon of scriptures began few The Buddha preached in Kosala (modern
centuries after the death of the Buddha, some of Ayodhyā in Uttar Pradesh of India) and Magadha
those local dialects were able to influence the (modern Patna and Gaya districts in Bihar of
language of the scriptures, thus forming India). In Ceylon, the language of Magadha, for
a dialectical mixture. While it is difficult to accu- reasons not well-known, was referred to as Pāli,
rately determine the period when the language to considered to be the synonym of Māgadhī.
be used in the writings of scriptures was finalized, Pāli scriptures have three chronological dia-
it is very likely that the first canon was written lects. First is the “gāthās” or verses of the canon.
between the third and the first centuries B.C.E. The other two are the canonical prose and
The linguistic tradition must have been fixed postcanonical prose. There is also postcanonical
during that time with rules and practices laid verse in which older and younger forms are found
down. As the Pāli canonical texts and their com- to be mixed indiscriminately. Neither of these
mentaries began to be written, they were exported dialects has close relation with Māgadhī Prakrit,
to Ceylon and became a part of their Hīnayāna but some Māgadhī-like forms are definitely found
Buddhism or Southern Buddhism. When the in the Pāli works. However, grammarians con-
Indian subcontinent was invaded by Muslim and sider such forms to be borrowings from the
Arab rulers, Pāli became extinct along with Bud- Māgadhī dialect, first into various non-Māgadhī
dhism and was preserved only in the countries that dialects, and later on, through them into Pāli.
are today referred to as Southern Buddhist Some grammarians have suggested Takṣaśilā
countries. (modern Taxila), a great place for learning in
Tipiṭaka is the collective name given to the ancient times, and Ujjayini (modern Ujjain) to be
canonical texts and their commentaries in Pāli the places where Pāli initially developed as
language. Besides Sri Lanka, these texts are cur- a language.
rently preserved in Myanmar and Thailand, where
they were carried from the ancient Ceylon. Tradi-
tion says they originated in India and were carried Features of Pāli language
to Ceylon by Emperor Asoka’s son Mahinda in
the third-century B.C.E. A Middle Indo-Aryan language, Pāli is closest to
During the time of Buddha, Sanskrit was Old Indo-Aryan language, that is, Vedic and
already a language of the learned and not readily Sanskrit. In general, it has the same type of rela-
comprehensible by common masses. Hence, the tionship with Old Indo-Aryan language as all
Buddha wanted to have another language as other Middle Indo-Aryan languages have. How-
a medium to spread his teachings. Due to the ever, it is not easy to derive it completely from any
Buddha’s preference for non-Sanskrit local ver- of the well-documented older dialects. Hence, it is
naculars, several Middle Indo-Aryan vernaculars probable that the basis of Pali might be some other
prevailing at that time were used by his followers Old Indo-Aryan dialect. For instance, the enclitic
to spread his teachings. With the passage of time, third personal pronoun in Pāli se is found in
many different linguistic versions of the Buddha’s Avestan se, Old Persian saiy, but not in Vedic or
teachings evolved. These words and sermons of Sanskrit.
Pāli 837

In Pāli phonology, Sanskrit vowel ṛ is thematic type. There has also been a spread of
represented by a, i, or u. And the long diphthongs a type with suffix -e-, which derives from Sanskrit
ai and au coalesce with e and o. Normally, long denominative verbs with suffix -aya-, for exam-
vowels get shortened in close syllables and are ple, maññeti “he thinks” as well as maññati; San-
present only in open syllables, which results in skrit manyate, Pāli katheti; Sanskrit kathayati “he
two new vowels in Pāli, short e and o, for exam- tells,” and vadeti “he says” as well as the old type
ple, oṭṭha- “lip”; Sanskrit oṣṭha. Moreover, single vadati. Although some verbs retain a few histori-
Sanskrit consonants nearly remain unchanged, cally correct forms, in addition to the new ones, in
except that d and dh become l and lh, respectively the future or the past participle or elsewhere, the
(as in the ṛgveda), and the three sibilants coalesce present stem usually tends to spread through all
as s. Also, consonant clusters normally get sim- other parts of the verb system. An example of this
plified and assimilated as two consonants only, for can be seen in forms of the verb meaning “to
example, tikkh a- “sharp”; Sanskrit tīkṣna, aggi- drink,” which in Sanskrit has a reduplicated pre-
“fire”; Sanskrit agni and satta “seven”; Sanskrit sent pibati “he drinks,” but future pāsyati “he will
sapta. All final consonants disappear, for exam- drink” and gerund pī tva “having drunk”; in Pāli
ple, vijju “lightning”; Sanskrit vidyut. corresponding forms are pivati, pivissati (and
Talking about nouns in Pali, the declension pāssati), and pivitvā (and pī tvā), and there are
seems to have been simplified compared to that past forms pivāsim “I drank” and apivi
of Sanskrit, for example, the dual number is lost “he drank.”
and the eight-case system is reduced. The dative
almost completely gets coalesced with the geni-
tive. In the commonest declension, that in a, it Pāli Literature
does not denote direction of motion and a few less
common meanings. In the a- declension, the Majority of the existing older literature in Pāli
instrumental plural ends in -ehi (e.g., dhammehi), language is collected in the Tipiṭaka Pāli, the
deriving from a form like Vedic -ebhis rather than canon of the Theravada school of Buddhism.
from Sanskrit -ais. In all declensions, the dative Although Theravada claimed to be the only ortho-
plural gets coalesced with the genitive plural and dox tradition, actually it was only one of a number
the ablative plural with the instrumental plural. In of schools that gradually became separated when
addition, stems ending in consonants are usually Buddhism began to be propagated over northern P
converted to vowel declension types, either by India after the Nibbāna (Pāli; Sanskrit, Nirvāṇa)
addition of a vowel after the consonant, for exam- of the Buddha.
ple, Sanskrit āpad- “misfortune” is represented by The Theravada school of Buddhism was orig-
āpada- or by loss of final consonants of the stems. inally located in central and western India. During
In the Pali verb system, changes are even the fifth to third-century B.C.E., this school seems
greater than in that of the noun. In the younger to have orally rehearsed its canon in the region’s
dialect than in the older, the middle voice is gen- local dialect as per the Buddha’s command that his
erally obsolescent. There are active endings disciples should preach his teachings in their own
instead of middle in the passive system. There is language rather than in Sanskrit. Comparing with
almost no perfect tense. The past tense is an amal- other canons, one learns that the Pāli canon
gam of aorist and flawed forms, which have com- mainly consists of a common source of teaching
plicated rules for the appearance or that is ascribed to the Buddha. There might have
nonappearance of the prefix a-. The optative is, been minor modifications, and some
however, found in Pali. There are also traces of the secondary texts would have been appended.
Vedic subjunctive in the old dialect. The compositions of around the second-
Several of the verbs of the many types of the century B.C.E. are the significant latest additions
present Sanskrit system are found in the to the compositions. Owing to the common simi-
commonest type which has a suffix -a-, the larity with the older texts of other schools,
838 Pāli

including their contents, it can be assumed that the the deity. It also contains discussion on the good
Pāli canon is essentially the literature of the life, including the unsatisfactory nature of the
empire of Magadha and the middle Ganges basin pursuit of transient worldly happiness, self-pos-
during the sixth to fourth centuries B.C.E., with session, harmless living, the Buddhist way of
a later extension to the west. renunciation, self-control, wisdom, and medita-
It is assumed that some time before the fifth- tion leading to detachment, upekkhā, and the
century C.E., the language of the canon came to state in which nibbāna or Enlightenment can
be treated as the Buddha’s own language or the be attained.
northeastern dialect of Māgadhī. As a result, Pāli Here, the Buddha is depicted as a traveler to
emerged as the standard and international lan- different parts of eastern India where he engages
guage of Theravada Buddhism. Pāli, as a literary in dialogues. It is given in direct speech in an
language, flourished in India till the Turk inva- incisive and lively style on meeting with wander-
sion, especially in south India till the fourteenth- ing philosophers, kings, priests, ascetics, nobles,
century C.E. and other people from various professions in the
Pāli was introduced in Ceylon by the third- towns and cities. For those people who have not
century B.C.E., from where it spread to Burma by renounced their life and become a wanderer, good
the eleventh-century C.E. Pāli was in use till the friendship and social virtues are suggested for
twentieth century in Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, increasing the happiness of the individual as well
and Thailand. In Indonesia too, it existed in about as the society. In these discourses, humor exists,
the eleventh-century C.E. In Ceylon, the Pāli canon for instance, when the Buddha narrates tales to
was written during the first-century B.C.E. due to portray the degeneration of the society resulting
the need to put orally transmitted teachings of the from the attempts of a king to do away with crime
Buddha from further misinterpretations. Literature in his own manner, in utter disregard of external
after that period was all completely written. law (dhammā).
Another instance is of a deity, who claims to
have created the universe and says he is omni-
Divisions of the Tipitaka scient and omnipresent but is mainly concerned
˙ with protecting his own ignorance before the other
The Tipiṭaka, meaning “Threefold Basket” (San- inhabitants of heaven. The longer dialects are
skrit, Tripiṭaka), consists of three parts: Vinaya considered to be the best and are collected sepa-
Piṭaka, Sutta Piṭaka, and Abhidhamma Piṭaka. rately in the Dīgha-nikāya (collection of long
Vinaya Piṭaka is an elaboration of 227 rules of dialogues), which is supposed to be the most
the Buddhist monastic discipline. It includes ancient and authentic part of the Sutta, due to the
explanation of the founding of each rule by the fluency and richness of the language and also
Buddha. It also briefly discusses the Buddha’s life, because of the originality and the variety of
his founding of the order, and a record of events in its episodes.
the order down to the first great schism. It was At times, short poems or verses occur in the
written around c. 386 B.C.E. Content-wise, it is dialogues. It may be a spontaneous verse (udāna)
mainly legalistic, though it has a few incidental uttered under the inspiration of some experience
narratives of literary merit, besides much matter of or incident. It is usually told with metaphorical
sociological interest. reference to Buddhist teachings. Sometimes, it
Sutta Piṭaka, the second of the Tipiṭaka, con- may be a brief summary of Buddhist doctrine.
sists of doctrines (dhammā) of Buddhism devel- There is a dialogue that is said to have been
oped in dialogues (sutta or suttanta), stories, and added later by Buddha’s disciple Ānanda. This
poems. The dialogues contain discussions on phil- dialogue has several incidental verses in elaborate
osophical and metaphysical topics like the nature lyric meters that vividly describe the qualities of
of the universe, the presence of a soul, free will, the Buddha. There is yet another dialogue that
causation, immortality, ethics, transmigration, and contains few inquisitive verses from common
Pāli 839

folklore about the guardian spirits of the four parts meters of Pāli poetry are the prototypes of those of
of the earth, one of whom rules over a utopian the kāvya literature in Sanskrit, Prakrit,
territory that has neither work nor property. Apabhraṃśa, and classical Hindi. Some dramatic
The Dī gha-nikāya, along with three other dialogues in verse that imply some kind of
Nikāyas – the Majjhima (medium length), performance have been adduced as proof
Saṃyutta (classified), and Aṅguttara concerning the growth of the Indian drama during
(enumerating) – form the Four Nikāyas, which this period.
are interlocking but not quite uniform. The best examples of Pāli epic poetry are found
A fifth nikāya, called the Khuddaka-nikāya in the Khuddaka, in its longer stories, the Jātaka.
(collection of minor texts), is a collection of the Some stories are common to both the Dī gha and
poetry of the canon, except as noted above and the the Jātaka. The Dī gha contains a few Jātakas,
songs (geyya) in the first section of the Saṃyutta. that is, stories of the Buddha’s births or incarna-
This probably started as a collection of poems by tions in prose. However, an epic narrative
followers of the Buddha, including few short dia- (akkhāna) could be either in prose or verse.
logues attributed to the Buddha himself. Although Later on, these two forms diverged greatly from
the Buddha recommended the hearing of songs, their basic well-known tradition of storytelling
he is believed to have disapproved poetic compo- and became the kāvya and verse mahākāvya
sitions as a worldly means of earning a livelihood. (epic).
Hence, initially the official version of the doctrine Several Jātaka pieces have too few verses to
may not have included the Khuddaka texts. narrate a story. These give only the climax or most
The discourses of the Buddha were abounding significant speech or the moral of a once well-
with stories, similes, and some verses that give known story. However, in certain cases, the com-
a lead to the poetic presentation of dhamma. The plete story is preserved in ancient form in the
Khuddaka texts were perhaps greatly expanded Dīgha or elsewhere. The Jātaka is a significant
down to at least the third-century B.C.E., and treasury of ancient folktales, with only a layer of
new genres were used for the propagation of Bud- Buddhist ethics. These possess rich data on
dhist philosophical teachings. ancient society.
Pāli poetry may be divided into lyric and The Khuddaka also includes four inferior narra-
epic. In a lyric, around 30 different meters are tive books in verse. These were compiled as edify-
used. There prevails a great variety of rhythmical ing material for routine preaching, for instance, the P
patterns and musical words. In an epic, there is lives of Buddhas, Buddhavaṃsa, and legends of
a single narrative meter that has a very flexible monks and nuns, Apadāna. Moreover, there are the
line, and monotony is avoided. While the old lyric anthologies, which are the work of several
meters were narrative and permitted variation of hundred authors, both men and women. There is
rhythm except in the final cadence, Pāli meters are also the Dhammapada, Suttanipāta, Theragāthā,
quantitative. and Therīgāthā, which (except the Dhammapada)
In the old or archaic meters, the variation was contain the ballads and some short epic episodes.
possible by substituting a short syllable for a long In addition to five other miscellaneous books,
one and was based on the number of syllables in the Khuddaka includes also an extensive
a line. While in the Pāli lyric meters, two short philosophical compendium (Paṭisaṃbhidāmagga)
syllables are exactly equal to one long. Some- similar to the Abhidhamma books.
times, the two short syllables are substituted for The Abhidhamma Piṭaka is a collection of
one long. treatises that systematically elaborate the Bud-
Majority of Pāli lyric meters have a musical dhist philosophy in accordance with Theravada
phrase as a basis and possess a structure that was teaching. While the Sutta is the most interesting
unknown to Indian poetry in the fifth-century of these divisions, as it contains the largest and
B.C.E. Along with certain features of style, con- earliest texts, the Abhidhamma is a secondary sys-
tent, vocabulary, and figures of speech, these new tematization of the doctrines of the Sutta.
840 Pāli

The Abhidhamma originated as an explanation In order to interpret the canon, the Sinhalese
and elaboration of certain lists and summaries of translated oral commentarial (Aṭṭhakathā) tradi-
points of doctrine called Mātikā (notes). Majority tions into the ancient Sinhalese language from
of the mātikās in the Abhidhamma and much of the third-century B.C.E. onward. This commen-
their explanations are found scattered in the Sutta. tary got comprehensively completed by around
The basic list is promulgated in the Dī gha account 100 C.E. Successive writers in Ceylon compiled
of the Buddha’s instructions to the monks before the Dī pavaṃsa or the “History of the Island” in
his Nibbana. It consists of the Vibhaṅga, the Pāli (verse form) by the fourth-century C.E.
Dhammasaṅgaṇi and Dhātukathā, the Indian Buddhists getting education at Anura-
Puggalapaññatti, the Kathāvatthu, and the dhapura in Ceylon translated the essential parts of
Yamaka. The Vibhaṅga is the basic synopsis of the Sinhalese commentary into Pāli language in
mātikās and explanations. The Dhammasaṅgaṇi the fifth-century C.E. Then a person by name
and Dhātukathā are primarily cross- Buddhaghosa wrote an introductory account of
classifications of points of doctrine on ethics, psy- the whole range of Sinhalese doctrine called the
chology, physics, etc., leading to a synthetic sys- Visuddhimagga. He also wrote commentaries on
tem of natural and moral philosophy. The the Vinaya, Abhidhamma, Four Nikāyas, and two
Puggalapaññatti enumerates types of characters. Khuddaka texts. Subsequently, commentaries on
The Kathāvatthu consists of polemic on points the remaining Khuddaka books and the Netti were
disputed with other schools of Buddhism and written by Dhammapāla, Buddhadatta, Upasena,
exemplifies early techniques of debate and Mahānāma, and the anonymous authors of the
logic. The Yamaka is a manual of exercises in Apadāna Commentary, Jātaka Commentary,
formal logic. The Paṭṭhāna is a grandiose elabo- which includes full stories for all the Jātakas,
ration of a general theory of causality synthesized and Dhammapada Commentary, which possess
from elements of causal theory in the Sutta and more than 400 illustrative stories.
Vibhaṅga. The causal theories were fundamental At the beginning of the sixth-century C.E.,
to the early Buddhist doctrine about the nature of Mahāvaṃsa (Great History), a verse chronicle
the universe and of man’s predicament in it. based on the Dī pavaṃsa, was written by
Mahānāma. It was unified in treatment and much
more polished in style compared to the
Later Pāli Literature Dīpavaṃsa. It, in fact, marked the beginning of
a new phase in Pāli literature, referred to as the
It is found in the historical novel (akkhāyikā), the later kāvya, which is not continuous with the old
Milindapañha, in which it begins with a long Pāli kāvya in the canon, the direct successors of
Dīgha style dialogue. Gradually, the work seems which were in Sanskrit and Prakrit. It derives its
to have grown by large additions to important style after old Pāli kāvya had undergone several
points of perhaps the first-century B.C.E. At centuries of refinement at the hands of various
around the same period, theoretical works on exe- successors.
gesis like Netti and Peṭakopadesa were written. The aim of the Mahāvaṃsa, according to
Both these works were Indian. The earliest Mahānāma, was to inspire good people with reli-
existing grammar of Kaccāyana is also an Indian gious emotion. Like the Dī pavaṃsa, Mahānāma’s
work. chronicle narrates the history of Buddhism from
The Mahāvihāra (Great Monastery) in Anura- the Buddha’s complete Enlightenment to the
dhapura, the ancient capital of Ceylon, became the third-century B.C.E. in India and the fourth-
main center of Theravada learning in the fifth- century C.E. in Ceylon. Mahānāma is influenced
century C.E. In India, new languages were by the conventions of an epic kavya, and he inter-
adopted by new movements and schools of Bud- rupts his annals to celebrate the deeds of
dhism, eclipsing the Theravada school that Devānaṃpiyatissa (third-century B.C.E.) and
followed the canon in the ancient Pāli. Vaṭṭagāmani (first-century B.C.E.). These two
Pāli 841

great Sinhalese kings were primarily responsible describing the Buddha epitomizes the later lyric
for the introduction and firm establishment of kāvya. The Telakatāhagāthā on renunciation,
Buddhism in Ceylon. recited by a monk thrown into a cauldron of
In Ceylon, Vaṭṭagāmani is regarded as boiling oil, who miraculously remains alive
a national hero who freed his country from for a time because of his innocence also illustrates
Tamil rule. Later poets in Ceylon wrote supple- the later lyric kāvya. The much longer
ments to the Mahāvaṃsa, which are often called Samantakūṭavaṇṇanā of Vedeha (Ceylon;
Cūlavaṃsa or “Little History.” The first and lon- thirteenth century) is on the borderline of epic and
gest Cūlavaṃsa was written by Dhammakitti in lyric. It describes the Buddha’s life and mythical
the thirteenth-century C.E. It centers on the epic visits to Ceylon, culminating with his visit to its
treatment of Parakkamabāhu I (twelfth-century highest peak, the Adam’s peak. Vedeha remarkably
C.E.). The last supplement covers up to the arrival describes the Sinhalese scenery in his work.
of English in Ceylon. The Jinālaṅkāra of Buddharakkhita (Ceylon;
The mode of chronicle epic was adopted for twelfth century) on the life of the Buddha repre-
writing the histories of various countries of South- sents the genre of citrakavya, or poem displaying
east Asia as well as for writing other narratives, virtuosity in wordplay and in the mere technical-
especially the life of the Buddha. Some such writ- ities of kāvya composition as an end in them-
ings were the Medhankara’s Jinacarita written in selves. In late twelfth century, Ānanda wrote
Ceylon in the thirteenth century and the anony- Saddhammopāyana, a simple but effective didac-
mous Mālālaṅkāra written in Burma in the eigh- tic poem in 19 cantos. It urges the reader to seize
teenth century. The Buddhālaṅkāra of Sīlavaṃsa the opportunity of following the Buddhist way.
(Burma; fifteenth century) narrates the popular A fine example of his art is the description of the
story of the Buddha’s previous incarnation as sufferings of animals, especially as beasts of
Sumedha, when he first resolved to become burden.
a Buddha. The anonymous thirteenth-century attanagalu-
There are many other books that deal with vihāravaṃsa (history of the attanagalu monas-
certain other aspects of religious history. The tery) is a kāvya in mixed prose and verse (a
prose (Mahā) Bodhivaṃsa by Upatissa (c. 970 campū). In it, Pāli prose has been given a very
C.E.) on the bringing of a cutting of the Buddha’s elaborate and significant treatment, imitating the
enlightenment tree to Ceylon is of great stylistic style of the Sanskrit novels of Bāṇa. Vedeha’s P
interest. It displays much of the vocabulary of Rasavāhini is another outstanding collection of
contemporary Sanskrit kāvya assimilated to Pāli. popular old stories.
In Dhammakitti’s Dāṭhāvaṃsa (Ceylon, c. 1200) However, much of the old Sinhalese literature
on the Tooth Relic, the style of the true Sanskrit remains untranslated. Pāli commentaries written
mahākāvya with its several cantos in different after the eighth century were provided with sub-
meters, often of lyric origin, is exemplified. commentaries (ṭī kā) which explained the words
Then, there are twentieth-century mahākāvyas therein and thus ended up elaborating the exposi-
such as Medhānanda’s Jinavaṃsadīpa (published tion of the basic canonical texts. All ṭī kās are more
1917 in Ceylon) on the life of the Buddha. Other technical than the commentaries and as such pro-
noted biographies include Mahāmaṅgala’s vide a sufficient basis for modern lexicography.
Buddhaghosuppatti, considered to be a popular The earliest cycle of ṭīkās, of the eighth or ninth
religious novel on the life of the saint, and the centuries, consists of Dhammapāla’s work on the
learned Ñanābhivaṃsa’s Rājādhirājavilāsini Four Nikāyas and the Jātaka, Vajirabuddhi’s on
(Burma; eighteenth century) which celebrates the the Vinaya, and Ānanda’s on the Abhidhamma.
deeds of the contemporary king of Burma, Dhammapāla, a pupil of Ānanda, wrote a sub-
Bodopayā. commentary on his teacher’s ṭī kā.
The Pajjāmadhu of Buddhappiya, an Indian In the twelfth century, Kassapa in south India
monk living in Ceylon in thirteenth century, wrote a succinct Vinaya ṭī kā which might be more
842 Pañca Namaskāra Mantra

easily assimilated by his pupils. At around the

same time, Sāriputta in Ceylon wrote detailed Pañca-Sīla
ṭī kās on the Vinaya and the Four Nikāyas. In
addition, there is a cycle of undated ṭikas on the ▶ Pañcaśī la
Khuddaka and many ṭī kās on such treatises (com-
mentaries) as the Visuddhimagga. A “new” Dī gha
ṭī kā was also written in Burma in the eighteenth or
Pañcaśīla
nineteenth century. Still, exegesis neither came to
an end with the Pāli versions of the commentaries
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore
nor with the numerous handbooks on various
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in
aspects of philosophy and the discipline.
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra,
India
Cross-References

▶ Dhammapāla Synonyms
▶ Hīnayāna
▶ Jātaka Pañca-Sīla (in Pali); Pañca-śī la (in Sk.)
▶ Prākrit (Five-precepts)
▶ Tipiṭaka
▶ Visuddhimagga
Definition

Samyak-Karmānta (right-action) for all followers of

References
Buddhism, vows/promises are made to develop
1. Bapat PV (1971) 2500 years of Buddhism. Publication moral character, ideal personality, and virtues for
Division, Govt. of India Delhi both ordained Bhikṣu-Bhikṣuṇī (monks-nuns) and
2. Geiger W (1993) Pali literature and language, reprint Upāsakas-Upāsikās (lay-men-women). Prayer of
(Eng. trans: Ghosh B). Munshiram Manoharlal, New everyday practitioners. Core of Buddhist way of life.
Delhi
3. Hazra KL (1994) Pali language and literature.
Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
4. Law BC (1974) A history of Pali literature, vol I & II.
Minimum Duties and Responsibilities to
Indological Book House, Delhi Become a Man
5. Norman KR (ed) (2000) Pali grammar. Pali Text Soci-
ety, Oxford Pañca-śīla (Five-precepts) is a concept, which
6. Winternitz M (1977) A history of Indian literature,
occurs in the context of Eightfold-path (Sk.
reprint, vol II. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) in general, and right-action
(Samyak-Karmānta) in particular [1]. The Eight-
fold-path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) is nothing else
but a way to mitigate/control/destroy pain
Pañca Namaskāra Mantra and suffering (Sk. Duḥkha-nirodha-gāminī -
pratipad), discovered by Gautama, the Buddha,
▶ Ṇamōkarā Mantra and taught to his then prevalent disciples [2]. They
are vows/promises, which enable anybody to
develop Śī la – moral character, ideal personality,
and virtues facilitating convenience in practical
Pañcasila life. There are basic five points of training oneself
to be observed by all practitioners of Buddhism,
▶ Warfare (Buddhism) irrespective of the difference between ordained
Pañcaśīla 843

monks-nuns (Sk. Bhikṣu-Bhikṣuṇī ) on the one Here it is worth to note that the word
hand, and all lay-disciples men-women (Sk. “Atipāta” means excess or extreme kind of
Upāsakas-Upāsikās) on the other. They are pre- destruction [4], which clearly shows that the
cepts/vows/promises that are often recited after Buddha and following him all the Buddhists
the three-refuges (Sk. Tri-śaraṇas), viz. the Bud- were aware that it is impossible to practice non-
dha, the teaching (Pali-Dhamma), and the com- violence radically and abstain oneself from kill-
munity of followers of Buddhism (Sk. Saṁgha) ing. While living either knowingly but most
[3]. They are not imperatives, prescription/prohi- unwillingly, or else even unknowingly and
bitions, or rules laid down by the eternal authority, unintentionally one does violence to oneself
but modes of training facilitative to practice Bud- and others – human beings or other living organ-
dhist way of life. By taking these five vows and/or ism and various kinds of species [5]. It is done in
voluntary promises, one on the one hand refrains order to survive, sustain, and exist, and further
or abandons evil tendencies prevalent and likely progress but that too is morally wrong. Hence, to
to predominate in one self, but by observing these pretend to claim that one is following complete
promises given by one’s own conviction on the nonviolence in practice is either bluffing or it is
other hand, one attempts to develop virtues, which just a matter of hypocrisy, formality, and super-
leads to perfection. They are conducive to and ficiality. Instead of pretending and boasting, it is
facilitative to any lay-person, who desires to fol- better to be truthful to oneself at least, and hence
low and practice the Buddhist way of life. the word deliberately is used “Atipāta,” which
The five percepts/vows/promises are: means killing in excess is to be avoided, that is
factually practicable and significant, a promise
1. Pāṇātipāta veramani, sikkhāpadaṁ given by the Buddhist followers.
samādiyāmi/ which is generally translated as “I 2. Adinnādanā veramaṇi, sikkhāpadaṁ
undertake the first vow, to refrain from samādiyami/ which is usually translated as “I
destroying life of the living creatures.” It con- undertake the second vow, to refrain from tak-
notes that a disciple can be considered as the ing that which is not given.” It means, what-
noble one provided, she/he does not perform any ever I do not possess, if I claim it to be mine
act of taking away the life of not only human even though it is not given to me, it is morally
beings but also of any sentient being. It is an act wrong and I should refrain myself from such an
which I myself will not do, nor can anybody act at any cost. I shall teach myself and others P
force me to do, or further still if somebody else that whatever is given alone should be
is doing anything of that kind I shall never accepted. I do not have any right to encroach
associate myself in any way with it. It is upon someone else’s possessions, with or with-
a promise not only to abandon the habit (if at out his/her permission.
all it is already there), or at present an act to be One should abandon from taking away what is
undertaken, or refrain from doing the act in not given (which means stealing – either by force
future. One has to be cautious, careful, and use or by not obviously noticeable modes). The dis-
one’s own conscience about the act/s one per- ciple of Buddhism can be considered as a noble
forms, and see to it that they do not create any one, provided one promises that she/he will
harm to oneself and others. To put it in other abstain from taking away what is not given – at
words, I do not have any right to kill myself, or present or in future, small or big, concretely in the
any sentient being in the world. It is an oath that form of objects or in an abstract way. In doing so,
one should not totally annihilate any living crea- one makes oneself free from danger, animosity,
ture, which will completely destroy the species. and oppression to all sentient beings. And thereby
In doing so, one makes himself/herself and one gains freedom from one’s own inner instinct
others free from danger, animosity, and oppres- of possession by stealing.
sion to all sentient beings. By doing this, one 3. Kāmesu micchācāra veramani, sikkhāpadaṁ
gains freedom from one’s own inner cruelty. samādiyāmi/ which is generally translated as
844 Pañcaśīla

“I undertake the third vow to refrain from non-sensical, false, evil, or wrong. Excess and
sexual misconduct.” It connotes that absence both are to be avoided, by any fol-
I promise not to succumb to illicit sex. The lower of Buddhism is an oath undertaken will-
disciple of Buddhism can be considered as ingly by oneself and to be taught to all fellow
a noble one, provided one promises that she/ beings, is a promise given by disciple of Bud-
he will abstain from sexual misconduct [6]. By dhism. I myself will not do it, nor allow others
promising and practicing it, one gives freedom to to do it, is a precept to be observed in practice
others from danger, animosity, and oppression to at present and in future.
all sentient beings of (different/same) sex. By 5. Surāmerayamajjā pamādatthāna veramani,
taking this vow, one gains limitless freedom sikkhāpadam samādiyāmi/ which is translated
from one’s own sexual instinct. It is an oath commonly as “I undertake the fifth precept to
abiding by social, moral, and religious demands refrain from intoxicating drinks and drugs, which
in one’s own personal life as well. And hence the lead to carelessness.” It connotes that the disciple
word “Micchācāra” (misconduct) in this context of Buddhism can be considered as a noble one,
needs to be carefully paid attention to, especially provided one promises to abstain from intoxi-
in contrast to another word which often occurs in cants, flesh, and poisonous drinks, which defile
Buddhist literature “Sadācāra” (good-conduct) body, mind and harbor evil modes of behavior. In
[7]. It is not allowing to cross the boundaries doing so one becomes free from danger, animos-
permitted – by nature and culture. If it is within ity, and oppressing to all sentient beings. And in
permissible limits, there is no objection by soci- return gains control over one’s own overwhelm-
ety and religion. But excessive indulgence, rape, ing instincts and excesses of passions.
and unlawful sexual pleasure, etc., and such type
of behavior physically, mentally/emotionally, or All these above-mentioned five promises made
even verbally is to be refrained from and avoided by the disciple if practiced consensuously and
or better to be controlled at any cost. One should consistently, they in return bring in virtues,
not do it by oneself and should refrain from which are of great value – to oneself and society
helping others indulging in it. at large – traditionally observed since ancient
4. Musāvāda veramani, sikkhāpadaṁ times preserving originality of the Buddhist way
samādiyāmi/ which is often translated as “I of life. They have a long standing and are
undertake the fourth vow, to refrain from incor- maintained in unadulterated form right from the
rect/wrong/lie-speech.” The disciple of Bud- beginning till the end – that is not open to suspi-
dhism can be considered as a noble one, cion at present or in future will never be open to
provided one promises that she/he will abstain suspicion, and will not be mistaken/misunder-
from lying, abusing, speaking harsh words, stood by any person, who is knowledgeable,
etc. It is a promise that one will abandon, if it who can contemplate, and is a priest.
is already there and in future refrain from lying,
slander, using harsh words, frivolous talk, abu-
sive words, chattering, etc., which are illustra- Cross-References
tions of evil speech. It is not only I will follow,
but I will teach and persuade others to follow. ▶ Alcoholic Drinks and Drinking (Buddhism)
That will make one free from danger, animos- ▶ Aṣṭāṅgamārga
ity, and oppression to all sentient beings. In ▶ Dhamma
getting freedom from wrong speech, one ▶ Duhkha – Unpleasant
gains sweetness of heart, entertains agreeable ▶ Karma
ideas, and comprehends truth beneficial to all. ▶ Nonviolence
Here it is worth to note that neither the ▶ Saṅgha
Buddha nor his followers are prescribing com- ▶ Tṛṣṇā
plete silence, but what is said should not be ▶ Upāsaka
Paññā 845

References Paññā is translated into English as understanding,

knowledge, wisdom, and insight. But knowledge
1. (1995) Sāmaññaphala-Sutta (Dī gha-Nikāya-II), is different from understanding. Understanding is
Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edition (CD-ROM Ver-
wisdom and insight, because they come from
sion-3). Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri
2. Kasyapa BJ (ed) (1961) Dī gha-Nikāya. Pali Text Pub- one’s experience. But as far as knowledge is
lication Board, Bihar Govt, Nalanda concerned, it is based on understanding but it is
3. (1995) Dī gha-Nikāya-I, Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana not experience. It is based on experience. In one of
edition (CD-ROM Version-3). Vipassana Research
his essays, Aldous Huxley has brought out the
Institute, Igatpuri
4. Chinchore MR (2006) Conception of Ahiṁsā in Bud- difference between knowledge and understand-
dhism: a critical note. Annals of the Bhandarkar Orien- ing. “Understanding can only be talked about,
tal Research Institute, Pune, pp 103–109 and that very inadequately, it cannot be passed
5. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
on, it can never be shared. There can, of course,
Banarsidass, Delhi, p 185
6. (1995) Majjhima-Nikāya, Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana be knowledge of such an understanding, and this
edition (CD-ROM Version-3).Vipassana Research knowledge may be passed on. But we must
Institute, Igatpuri always remember that knowledge of understand-
7. Vaidya PL (ed) (1961) Śāntī deva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra
ing is not the same thing as understanding, which
(with Pañjikā of Prajñakaramati). Mithila Institute,
Darbhanga is the raw material of that knowledge. It is differ-
ent from understanding as the doctor’s prescrip-
tion for penicillin is different from penicillin.
Understanding is as rare as emeralds, and so is
Pañca-Śīla highly prized. The knowers would dearly love to
be understanders; but either their stock of knowl-
▶ Pañcaśī la edge does not include the knowledge of what to
do in order to be understanders, or else they know
theoretically what they ought to do, but go on
doing the opposite all the same. In either case
Pañcaśı̄la
they cherish the comforting delusion that knowl-
edge, and above all pseudo knowledge are under-
▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
standing” [1].
Huxley’s “understanding” comes very close to P
“direct experience,” which is prajñā. Prajñā is
Paññā made up of prefix “pra,” which means pratyakṣa
(“direct”) and “jñā” means “to experience.” So
Angraj Chaudhary prajñā means direct knowledge, that is, knowl-
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, edge at the experiential level. One can know that
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India rasamalai (a variety of Indian sweet) is sweet by
eating and tasting it, not by hearing somebody say
that it is sweet. And how can one differentiate
Synonyms between one kind of sweetness and another kind
of sweetness without tasting them? Understand-
Insight; Knowledge (Sikhism); Knowledge; ing is like tasting, not imagining nor
Prajñā; Understanding; Wisdom intellectualizing.
The paññā that the Buddha talks about is born
out of one’s own experience. The purer the expe-
Definition rience the clearer and sharper is the paññā and the
experience of a person can be pure when he is free
Paññā is understanding or wisdom gained at the from defilements. According to the Buddha,
experiential level, not at the intellectual level. defilements can be removed by observing sī la
846 Paññā

(precepts). That is why it has been said that Paññā, as said above, is to know thoroughly
wisdom is purified by morality. The following and comprehensively. What to know? To know
quotation from the Soṇadaṇḍa Sutta brings out penetratingly the nature and ingredient of some-
the characteristics of paññā. thing. (Pajānātī ti paññā, yathāsabhāvaṃ
pakārehi paṭivijjhatī ti attho. See [5], Vol. 1,
Sī laparidhotā paññā, paññāparidhotaṃ sī laṃ. p. 108). Paññā pierces into the real nature of
Yattha sī laṃ tattha paññā, yattha paññā tattha
sī laṃ. Sī lavato paññā, paññavato sī laṃ. ([2], things (nibbijjhatī ti nibbedhikā paññā, [4], Vol.
Vol. I, p. 108) III, p. 105). It also grasps the real nature of things
completely. And every object has three character-
“For wisdom is purified by morality, and istics, namely, impermanence, suffering, and no-
morality is purified by wisdom: where one is, the self (sammasanaṃ paññā. Sā maggasampayutta
other is, the moral man has wisdom and the wise aniccādisammasana kiccaṃ sādheti
man has morality, and the combination of morality niccasaññādi pajahanato, see also [4], Vol. III,
and wisdom is called the highest thing in the p. 160). When a mediator practicing Vipassana
world” ([3], p. 131). knows at the level of his experience that what
In the Mūlapariyāya Sutta, the Buddha has looks stable and permanent is not so, but it is
shown that only a virtuous man can have under- characterized by the three characteristics of imper-
standing, wisdom, or insight and a wise man is manence, suffering, and no-self, then it is paññā
virtuous. Of the three kinds of people, namely, or insight attained through Vipassana.
puthujjana (a worldling), sekkha (a learner), and In the Mahāvedalla Sutta, Sariputta explains
an Arhant, a Buddha or a Tathāgata, the last has the purpose of paññā (wisdom). He says that “the
developed complete understanding because he is purpose of wisdom is direct knowledge, its pur-
virtuous. pose is full understanding, its purpose is
In the Aṭṭhakathā of this sutta, it has been abandoning” ([6], p. 389).
shown that complete understanding or compre- From these quotations, it is clear that paññā is
hension (pariññā) consists of three stages, not intellect, which according to OED [7] is
namely, ñāta pariññā, tī raṇa pariññā, and defined as “the faculty of reasoning and
pahāna pariññā ([4], Vol. I, p. 32) Ñāta pariññā understanding.”
is a stage at which one becomes thoroughly famil- Mrs. C. A. F. Rhys Davids arrives at almost the
iar with an object, say, the earth (pathavī ), in same conclusion, of course, after a deep analysis
terms of its characteristics (lakkhaṇa), its function of some of the suttas where “paññā” occurs. She
(rasa), its manifestation (paccupaṭṭhāna), and its examines two suttas, one from the Dī gha Nikāya
immediate cause (padaṭṭhāna), that is, one does and the other from the Majjhima Nikāya and at
not know only its characteristics, function, and one point she says that “it might be called intellect
how it manifests but also knows its immediate ‘at a higher power’.” But she says further: “Nev-
cause. Tīraṇa pariññā is a higher stage of com- ertheless, it is clear that the term did not stand for
prehension at which one realizes that nothing is bare mental process of a certain degree of com-
permanent. All that look permanent reveal their plexity, but that it also implied mental process as
three characteristics of impermanence, suffering, cultivated in accordance with a certain system of
and no-self. This is a stage at which a meditator concepts objectively valid for all Buddhist adepts.
penetrates into dhammas and knows their true Hence I think it best to reject such terms as reason,
nature. Pahāna pariññā is the highest stage at intellect, and understanding, and to choose
which one begins to practice what he knows, wisdom, or science, or knowledge or philosophy.
that is, one begins to live up to his understanding Only they must be understood in this connection
or wisdom. In other words, he gives up his attach- as implying the body of learning as assimilated
ment to worldly objects and becomes completely and applied by the intellect of a given individual”
free from rāga (craving) for them. ([8], pp. 17–18).
Paññā 847

What Mrs. Rhys Davids understands from of the world, is not attached to them, and does not
“understanding” is not the same as Aldous Huxley create and multiply his desires. Thus, paññā
understands from it. But I think both of them, one liberates one from suffering and also helps him
using the term “wisdom” and the other using the come out of the cycle of birth and death.
term “understanding” mean more or less the same Of the three paññās, sutamayā, cintāmayā, and
thing. Cultivation of mind by a man living bhāvanāmayā, the Buddha gives more importance
a virtuous life is necessary for having wisdom or to the last one than the first two because it is this
understanding which does not only enable him to paññā, which when developed enables one to be
see through the three characteristics of the objects non-attached to worldly things, to give up
of the world but also enables him to become desire – the cause of suffering and become liber-
disenchanted and disillusioned with them, ated. It enables him to break the cycle of birth and
develop non-attachment, and become free from death. It is by virtue of the cultivation of this
desire to have them. Thus, the paññā he develops paññā that one really comes to know why and
enables him to abandon objects of attachment. where taṇhā (desire) arises and how and where it
Thus, paññā according to both of them is expe- can be ended. Thus, it is this paññā, which
riential knowledge, which is gained by concen- explains how desire is created and how it can be
trating one’s mind and observing what happens eliminated.
within. Paññā goes where intellect cannot go.
This paññā, therefore, is the best instrument
to know the real characteristics of worldly objects. What Is Necessary for Developing This
Sharpening the weapon of paññā one can cut Paññā?
down the roots of desires – the cause of suffering
and attain a blissful state. Paññā enables one to go For developing this paññā, the purity of mind is
beyond the conventional truth (sammuti sacca) a sine qua non and this purity of mind cannot be
and attain the ultimate truth (paramattha sacca) attained without observing precepts. Only when
where one experiences the three characteristics five precepts like abstaining from killing, stealing,
(impermanence, suffering, and not-self) of all committing adultery, telling lies, etc., and from
objects of the world people hanker after. When taking intoxicants are observed, defilements like
one attains this knowledge he becomes disillu- aversion, greed, sensuality, pride, etc., can be
sioned and develops non-attachment. rooted out. Under the influence of these defile- P
Three kinds of paññā ([9], Vol. II, p. 65) have ments, man violates precepts.
been described by the Buddha. The first is Abstaining from intoxicants is the most impor-
sutamayā paññā, that is, knowledge gained by tant condition for mind to work properly. How can
listening to others. The second is cintāmayā it work properly under the influence of intoxicat-
paññā, which one attains not by listening to others ing things? Concentration of mind cannot be
but by his own reasoning and reflection. And the achieved if it is under the influence of pollutants
third – bhāvanāmayā paññā – is the paññā, which like greed, aversion, jealousy, etc. They are pow-
one attains by his own experience. erful distracting agents. Observation of precepts
According to the Buddha, the third kind of enables one to get rid of them.
paññā is the most important of all as it enables Once the concentration of mind is attained, it is
one to realize the real nature of things. So long as easy to see the nature of things clearly at the
one does not know the real nature of things he experiential level. Experience keeps a dear school.
lives in darkness. One is attracted toward them Even fools can learn in the school of experience.
and creates desires (taṇhā), which are the causes What does experience do? It enables one to see
of his suffering. Paññā helps one know the real things arising and passing away the same way
nature of objects clearly. As a result, he grows over and over again. Sensation, which is an impor-
wise, he knows the transitory nature of all objects tant object of meditation when one practices
848 Paññā

vipassana, arises on one’s body and passes away. bhāvanāmayā paññā and how to develop it, there-
Whatever its nature is, pleasant, unpleasant, or fore, is an invaluable contribution by the Buddha
neutral, it keeps on changing, it does not last for to world culture.
ever. One experiences this again and again. Thus, Once a deity asked the Buddha a question. The
one’s bhāvanāmayā paññā develops and he real- question was
izes with its help that nothing in this world is Anto jaṭā bahi jaṭā,jaṭāya jaṭitā pajā/
permanent. Thus, the veil of the darkness of igno- Taṃ taṃ gotama pucchāmi, ko imaṃ vijaṭaye
rance is rent and he develops non-attachment to jaṭanti ([9], p. 1)
things of the world to which he used to be attached
The inner tangle and the outer tangle—
when he did not know their true nature.
This generation is entangled in a tangle,
The beauty of this paññā is that like the first
And so I ask of Gotam this question:
two it cannot be developed by a man who has
Who succeeds in disentangling this tangle? [7]
defilements like craving and aversion. Freedom
The Buddha’s answer was:
from defilements is the sine qua non for develop-
ing this paññā. Because physical and vocal Sī le patiṭṭhāya naro sapañño, cittaṃ paññaṃ ca
bhāvayaṃ/
actions follow one’s volition, wholesome or Ātāpī nipako bhikkhu, so imaṃ vijaṭaye jaṭanti
unwholesome, only freedom from defilements ([9], p. 2)
will keep both these actions pure.
With this paññā developed one can prove the When a wise man, established well in Virtue,
Develops Consciousness and Understanding,
veracity of the Law of Dependent Origination and
Then as a bhikkhu ardent and sagacious
the Law of Impermanence – profound laws dis-
covered and taught by the Buddha. With the help He succeeds in disentangling this tangle [7].
How this paññā can help one to disentangle the
of the Law of Dependent Origination, he proved
tangle becomes clear from what Buddhaghosa
how suffering is caused and how it can be ended.
says as to who can disentangle the tangle:
With the help of the Law of Impermanence, he
showed why one should give up attachment for Just as a man, standing on the ground and taking up
worldly objects – attachment which causes a well-sharpened knife might disentangle a great
tangle of bamboos, so too he. . .. standing on the
desire – the root cause of suffering. ground of virtue and taking up with the hand of
But persons who are not pure, in other words, protective-understanding exerted by the power of
who do not observe sī la and whose physical and energy the knife of insight-understanding well
vocal actions are not pure are not spiritually fit to sharpened on the stone of concentration, might dis-
entangle, cut away and demolish all the tangle of
develop this paññā, let alone understand its char- craving. . .. ([7], p. 4)
acteristics. The laboratory where the experiment
of whether the Law of Impermanence and the Law Buddhaghosa wrote the Visuddhimaggo (The
of Dependent Origination are true or not can be Path of Purification) and explained sī la (virtue),
made only in this fathom long body by a person samādhi (concentration), and paññā (wisdom or
who has a pure mind and whose conduct is good. understanding) in detail.
Thus, it becomes clear that whereas the first According to him, “it is knowing (jānana) in
two paññās can be understood by anybody a particular mode separate from the modes of
whether his mind is pure or not, bhāvanāmayā perceiving (sañjānana) and cognizing
paññā can be developed and understood by per- (vijānana). For though the state of knowing
sons who have cultivated mental purity. It can (jānana-bhāva) is equally present in perception
only be understood by those who have cultivated (saññā), in consciousness (viññāṇa) and in under-
mindfulness and who with its help understand the standing (paññā) nevertheless perception is only
impermanent nature of reality, that is, who have the mere perceiving of an object as say ‘blue’ or
developed sampajañña and these two qualities ‘yellow’; it cannot bring about the penetration of
cannot be expected in a person who does its characteristics as impermanent, painful and
not observe virtue (sī la). The concept of not-self. Consciousness knows the object as blue
Paññā 849

or yellow, and it brings about the penetration of its “And what is the origin of suffering? It is
characteristics; but it cannot bring about, by craving, which brings renewal of being, is accom-
endeavouring the manifestation of the panied by delight and lust, and delights in this and
[supramundane] path. Understanding knows the that; that is craving for sensual pleasures, craving
object in the way already stated, it brings about the for being and craving for non-being. This is called
penetration of the characteristics and it brings the origin of suffering.
about, by endeavouring, the manifestation of the And what is the cessation of suffering? It is the
path” ([7], p. 480). remainderless fading away and ceasing, the giving
He further brings out the difference between up, the relinquishing, letting go, and rejecting of
perception, consciousness, and understanding by that same craving. This is called the cessation of
giving the example of how different persons see suffering.
a coin. A child sees it differently from a villager and And what is the way leading to the cessation of
both see it differently from a money changer. suffering? It is just the Noble Eightfold Path; that
A child perceives a coin and sees its color, etc., its is right view. . .right concentration. This is called
external characteristic, or its external form. the way leading to the cessation of suffering” [6].
A villager sees the coin and apprehends its charac- On being further asked by the monks Sariputta
teristics. In other words he sees color and some- said that if one understands ageing and death, their
thing more. He penetrates into it and is conscious of origin, their cessation, and the way leading to their
its characteristics. A money changer does not only cessation; if one understands birth, its origin, its
see the mode of the coin, or its characteristics, but cessation, and the way leading to its cessation; if
also reaches “the manifestation of the path.” one understands being, its origin, its cessation,
Prajñā helps one to understand that tangles are and the way leading to its cessation he develops
taṇhās (desires), which cause our suffering. It also right view. If he understands clinging, craving,
shows the path to end it. Suffering can be made feeling, contact, the sixfold base, mentality-mate-
extinct by annihilating desires. But how to anni- riality, consciousness, formations and
hilate desires? ignorance – the 12 links of the Law of Dependent
If one could know how jaṭās are formed and Origination in this fourfold way, he develops right
how he is entangled both inside and outside by view. If he understands taints, their origin, their
them and how he can disentangle them he will cessation and the way leading to their cessation,
have developed paññā (intuition, wisdom, or he has developed right view. P
understanding).
Right view of the Noble Eight-fold Path comes
under prajñā (understanding). The Path to Develop Bhāvanāmayā
Right view, as explained by Venerable Paññā
Sariputta in the Sammādiṭṭhi Sutta of the
Majjhima Nikāya, consists in knowing whole- The Buddha has explained in many of the suttas
some actions and their roots and unwholesome the training that one has to undergo in order to
actions and their roots. It also means knowing develop this paññā. This training is gradual and
nutriment (āhāra) its origin, its cessation, and there are several steps leading to its culmination.
the way leading to the cessation of nutriment. With the help of a beautiful simile he has shown
Right view is also understanding suffering, its how this training is given to produce the right type
cause, its cessation, and the way leading to its of effect. In the Gaṇakamoggallāna Sutta he says
cessation. “Birth is suffering; ageing is suffering, that “when a clever horse trainer obtains a fine
death is suffering; sorrow, lamentation pain, grief thoroughbred colt, he first makes him get used to
and despair are suffering; not to obtain what one wearing the bit, and afterwards trains him further”
wants is suffering; in short, the five aggregates (See [6], p. 874), In the same way the Tathagata
affected by clinging are suffering. This is called first disciplines a person to be tamed by asking
suffering. him to be virtuous, “restrained with the restraint of
850 Paññā

the Pātimokkha” and asks him to be “perfect in almsround and having his meal he sits down
conduct and resort and seeing fear in the slightest cross-legged, keeping his body erect and
fault, train by undertaking the training precepts” establishing mindfulness before him. He then
(ibid.). purifies his mind of five hindrances such as
After he gets into the habit of observing pre- kāmacchanda (covetousness, sensuality),
cepts he is further asked to guard the doors of his byāpāda (ill-will), thī namiddha (sloth and tor-
sense faculties. Why? Because unless the doors por), uddhaccakukkucca (restlessness and
are guarded well he will, because of the ingrained remorse), and vicikicchā (doubt). After he has
habit of mind, see a beautiful form or hear got rid of the five hindrances, he is fit to practice
a melodious sound or smell a sweet perfume and jhāna. He enters upon and abides in the first
so on and will go on desiring them and create rūpāvacara jhāna, which “is accompanied by
more miseries for him. When the sense faculties applied and sustained thought, with rapture and
are unguarded, unwholesome states of covetous- pleasure born of seclusion. With the stilling of
ness and grief are likely to invade him. So, the applied and sustained thought, he enters upon
Buddha expressly asks him not to grasp at the sign and abides in the second jhāna, which has self-
of an object nor at its features. (Nānunimittagāhī confidence and singleness of mind without
hohi, nānu vyañjanagāhī hohi.) Nimitta means applied and sustained thought, with rapture and
the object such as eye and vyañjana means pleasure born of concentration. With the fading
detailed description of its features like the black away as well of rapture he abides in equanimity,
eye, the eye like that of doe or lotus and so on. The and mindful and fully aware, still feeling pleasure
same thing applies to all the objects of other sense with the body, he enters upon and abides in the
faculties if they are left unguarded. Therefore, third jhāna, on account of which noble ones
restraint of all sense faculties should be practiced. announce: ‘He has a pleasant abiding who has
After observing precepts and practicing equanimity and is mindful.’ With the abandoning
restraint of the sense faculties the Buddha teaches of pleasure and pain, and with the previous disap-
him to become moderate in eating. Why? Because pearance of joy and grief, he enters upon and
if one is not moderate in eating, one will fall prey abides in the fourth jhāna, which has neither
to sloth and laziness. Food should be taken not for pain nor pleasure and purity of mindfulness due
amusement nor for intoxication nor for the sake of to equanimity” ([6], pp. 876–877).
physical beauty and attractiveness. It should be Any body who trains himself like this purifies
taken only for the continuance of body so that his mind of all defilements by observing sī la. He
a holy life can be lived. It should also be taken does not further create defilements by guarding
for developing endurance so that he can terminate the doors of his sense faculties perfectly. What is
old feelings without arousing new feelings and be needed for guarding the doors of sense faculties is
healthy and blameless. wakefulness, which can be cultivated by being
The next quality which the Buddha asks to moderate in eating food. Wakefulness leads him
develop is wakefulness. Only when one is awake to develop mindfulness (sati) and full awareness
one will be able to purify one’s mind of obstruc- (sampajaññā). When these qualities are devel-
tive states. The next step of the training is to oped he becomes fit for practicing jhāna to attain
develop mindfulness (sati) and full awareness concentration of mind and with this concentrated
(sampajañña) which should be cultivated in all mind he sees reality as it is. Knowing the imper-
situations of life. manent nature of all the objects of the world he
After he develops mindfulness and full aware- develops non-attachment (nirveda) to them and
ness, he is disciplined further. He is asked to thus stops creating desires – the root cause of
“resort to a secluded resting place: the forest, the suffering. All this is done by having knowledge
root of a tree, a mountain, a ravine, a hillside cave, at the experiential level. Thus, bhāvanāmayā
a charnel ground, a jungle thicket, an open space paññā goes a long way in ending his suffering.
or a heap of straw” after returning from his This paññā also enables him to see how and where
Paññā 851

suffering is caused and also enables him to know that all things of the world are dependently
how and where it can be ended. The philosophy of originated.
the Buddha has an action plan. What he pro- When things are seen in such a way, then
pounds can be practiced in life and its fruit can Purification of View (diṭṭhi visuddhi) is
be achieved. developed. This is followed by the development
Buddhaghosa says almost the same thing as to of Purification by Overcoming Doubt
how to develop paññā. He is quoted here in (kaṅkhāvitaraṇa visuddhi). Further progress is
extenso. made and what is the Path and what is not the
Path is known. Thus, Purification by Knowledge
Now the things classed as aggregates, bases, ele-
ments, faculties, truths, dependent origination, etc., and Vision of “what is the Path” and “what is not
are the soil of this understanding, and the [first] two the Path” (maggāmaggañāṇadassana visuddhi) is
purifications, namely, Purification of Virtue, and made. This is followed by the development of
Purification of Consciousness, are its roots, while Purification by Knowledge and Vision of the
the five purifications, namely, Purification of View,
Purification by Overcoming doubt, Purification by Way (paṭipadāñāṇadassanavisuddhi) and
Knowledge and Vision of What is the Path and finally Purification by Knowledge and Vision
What is not the Path, Purification by Knowledge (ñāṇadassanavisuddhi) is developed.
and Vision of the Way, and Purification by Knowl- This paññā is developed by practicing
edge and Vision are the trunk. Consequently one
who is perfecting these should first fortify his Vipassana. This is understanding based on direct
knowledge by learning and questioning about experience. This paññā thus developed enables
those things that are the ‘soil’ after he has perfected one to walk on the Noble Eightfold Path, cut all
the two purifications that are the ‘roots,’ then he can fetters that bind him to the wheel of birth and
develop the five purifications that are the ‘trunk.’
([7], p. 488) death, and also enables him to be liberated from
suffering.
Developed paññā, according to Buddhaghosa,
is like a big tree of which the roots are the two
Purifications of Virtue and Consciousness. These Cross-References
roots are struck in the soil of aggregates, bases,
elements, faculties, truths, etc., which draw suste- ▶ Insight
nance from them and then grow into a big tree ▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
with five Purifications as its trunk. ▶ Knowledge (Sikhism) P
When Buddhaghosa says that Purification of ▶ Wisdom (Buddhism)
Virtue (sī lavisuddhi) and Purification of Conscious-
ness (cittavisuddhi) are the roots of Understanding,
he underlines the importance of both sī la and References
samādhi. Only a virtuous man can attain concentra-
tion of mind, which can enable him to see the real 1. Dharmasena CB (The Wheel no.39, Quoted from the
nature of reality. When he sees the reality as it is at Essay entitled Purification of View
2. Dīgha Nikāya (1998) (Unless otherwise mentioned all
the experiential level, he is on the way to develop
books referred to here are published by Vipassana
non-attachment to the so-called attractive things Research Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998
because the darkness of ignorance is now over. 3. Walshe M (tr) (1987) The Long Discourses of the
These two purifications, which are roots, Buddha. Wisdom, Boston
4. Pāthikavagga Ṭīkā
derive their nourishment from the soil of aggre- 5. Sīlakkhandhavagga Abhinava Ṭīkā
gates, bases, elements, faculties, truths, dependent 6. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (trs) (1995) The Middle Length
origination, and so on as said above. When they Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom, Boston
are studied in detail and their characteristics 7. Ñāṇamoli B (2001) The Path of Purification (Printed
in Taiwan)
(lakkhaṇa), function (rasa), how they are
8. Rhys Davids CAF, Buddhist Psychology
manifested (paccupaṭṭhāna), and their immediate 9. Visuddhimaggo by Buddhaghosa
cause (padaṭṭhana) are known, it becomes clear 10. Majjhima Nikāya Aṭṭhakathā
852 Pāpa

figures linked with Kaniṣka’s synod in Kaśmīra,

Pāpa end of the second century A.D. During the years
552–554 he was in Jiankang again, during
▶ Evil (Buddhism) emperor Yuan. After that he resumed his wander-
ing life, to Yuzhang in Jiangxi, to Shixing in
Guangdong. In 557–558 he was in Nankang in
Jiangxi. Via Yuzhang he then arrived in Linquan
in Jiangxi. In 562 he was in Jin’an in Fujian. From
Pāpa, Evil Action
562 on he was in Guangzhou again, where he
passed away in February of 569. In 562 he actu-
▶ Sin (Buddhism)
ally managed to board a boat to return “home,”
but a storm blew the boat back to Guangzhou.
He then translated the She dasheng lun,
Taishō ed.1593, Mahāyānasaṅgraha, Compen-
Paramārtha dium of the Mahāyāna attributed to Asaṅga (late
fourth century). Paramārtha was often depressed,
Charles Willemen even suicidal. His last known attempt was in 568.
International Buddhist College, Songkhla, His energy, however, was considerable. He is best
Thailand known for his contribution to the development of
the Yogācāra School in China [2]. He brought
Sthiramati’s nirākāra (without mode of activity)
Definition cittamātra (thought-only) from Valabhī to China.
There we know this as the old Cittamātra School,
Paramārtha (Chinese: Zhendi, 499–569) was, before Kuiji (632–682), Xuanzang’s disciple.
together with Kumārajīva and Xuanzang, one of Dharmapāla’s (ca. 530–561) sākāra (having
the most influential translators of Sanskrit Bud- a mode of activity, Chinese: faxiang) Vijñānavāda
dhist texts in China. (consciousness-only) in Nālandā was brought to
China by Xuanzang (602–664). This became
Born Kulanātha in Ujjayinī, Avanti area, to known as the new Vijñānavāda. Paramārtha
a brahmin family, he eventually traveled to brought out the Dasheng weishi lun,
Funan (mainly Cambodia), where Buddhism Taishō ed.1589, Vasubandhu’s (ca. 350–430)
prospered at the time. From there he went to Viṃśatikā, Twenty Verses, and also Vasubandhu’s
Guangzhou, arriving in 546. He traveled on to Madhyāntavibhāga, On Distinguishing the
Jiankang (Nanjing), capital of the Liang dynasty, Extremes from the Middle, Zhongbian fenbie lun,
in 548. Emperor Wu, a great patron of Buddhism, Taishō ed.1599. He actually brought out
who had numerous exchanges with Funan, wel- a considerable number of texts. When he trans-
comed him, but the emperor was soon killed. lated Vasubandhu’s treatise, Bhāṣya, on Asaṅga’s
Paramārtha then went to Jiangxi, and in 550 to Mahāyānasaṅgraha, Taishō ed.1595, She
Fuchun in Zhejiang, where his literary career dasheng lun shi, this text became the central text
seems to have begun. P. Demiéville has shown of a doctrinal Shelun (Saṅgrahaśāstra) School
in 1929 that Paramārtha is the author of [3]. Xuanzang used this text for his own kind of
Taishō ed.1666, Dasheng qi xin lun. This text is Yogācāra. Paramārtha was not a mere translator.
also known as Mahāyānaśraddhotpādaśāstra, He sometimes added his own views [1]. For
wrongly attributed to Aśvaghoṣa. example, he posited a ninth level of conscious-
Taishō ed.2033, known as Vasumitra’s text about ness, called amalavijñāna, immaculate conscious-
the different Buddhist schools, is most likely the ness. For him this level is the true source of
work of Paramārtha. He apparently attributed all reality. It may be identified with the
some of his own shorter works to prominent Tathāgatagarbha, Tathāgata-womb, the Buddha-
Pāramitā 853

nature inherent in all sentient beings, an idea not

found in Xuanzang’s Faxiang. But Xuanzang Pāramitā
extensively used Paramārtha’s work, often
“correcting” the language. Paramārtha translated James B. Apple
Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, Jushe shi Department of Religious Studies,
lun, Taishō ed.1559, in 568. This text immediately University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
replaced the Sautrāntika abhidharma of the doc-
trinal Abhidharma School, Pitan Zong, in South
China. So, this text replaced Saṅghadeva’s Synonyms
Aṣṭagrantha, Ba jiandu lun, Taishō ed.1543, and
Saṅghavarman’s Miśrakābhidharmahṛdaya, Za Excellence; Perfection; Six perfections; Suprem-
epitan xin lun Taishō ed.1552, first half of the acy; Transcendental virtues; Virtues
fifth century. Paramārtha’s text was studied in
a “Kośa” School in the South, until Xuanzang
brought out a new version of the Kośabhāṣya in Definition
Chang’an in 654, Taishō ed.1558, the beginning
of a “new” Kośa School. The terminology of The pāramitās, or perfections, are virtues that are
Xuanzang’s version, although meant to be an fully developed by a bodhisattva (Buddha-in-
improvement, has often misled later scholars. training) to become a Buddha.
For example, an abhidharma with six feet, zu, The pāramitās (Pāli, pāramī; Tibetan, pha-rol-
pāda. The term for pāda: Xuanzang: foot, zu; tu phyin-pa; Chinese, boluomi; Japanese,
Paramārtha: part, fen. The meaning of zu, “foot,” haramitsu) are the virtues that are fully developed
actually is “part.” Paramārtha’s work laid the phil- by a bodhisattva (Buddha-in-training) to become
osophical foundation in China for the so-called a Buddha. A number of Buddhist traditions
Yogācāra School, and also for Fazang’s (ca. acknowledge that the perfections are practiced
736–838) Huayan (Avataṃsaka) School, for through multiple lifetimes extending over aeons
Zhiyi’s (538–597) Tiantai School, and for Chan of time for the purpose of achieving full Buddha-
during the Sui and Tang dynasties. hood for the welfare of beings. The Sanskrit and
Pāli noun pāramitā is derived from the adjective
parama, meaning “high, complete, perfect.” In P
this sense, pāramitā is an old noun denoting “the
Cross-References highest point” ([1], pp. 547, 548). The Theravāda
has consistently understood the term in this way
▶ Asaṅga and has commonly used another derivative,
▶ Tathāgatagarbha pāramī, as a synonym. In contrast, Mahāyāna
▶ Vasubandhu traditions have analyzed the term as consisting
▶ Yogācāra of two words, pāram itā, meaning “gone to the
beyond,” signifying its purport for progress in the
bodhisattva path. The Chinese and Tibetan trans-
References lations of the term pāramitā (du 度 and pha-rol-tu
phyin-pa, respectively) reflect this latter under-
1. Boucher D (2004) Paramārtha. In: Buswell R (ed)
Encyclopedia of Buddhism, vol II. Macmillan Refer-
standing of its meaning. These interpretations
ence USA, New York, pp 630–631 may differ between mainstream Buddhist
2. Miyakawa H (2005) Paramārtha. In: Jones L (ed) Ency- (nikāya) and Mahāyāna traditions, but the under-
clopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan Reference standings they imply are found among most Bud-
USA, Gale Virtual Reference Library, Detroit
dhist schools. One representation saw the term as
3. Paul D (1984) Philosophy of mind in sixth-century
China: Paramārtha’s “Evolution of Consciousness”. derived from pāram “other (side)” plus the past
Stanford University Press, Stanford participle ita “gone” ([2], p. 153, n.35). This
854 Pāramitā

derivation is later preserved in the standard scholarly authors. The pāramitās appear in Bud-
Tibetan translation pha-rol-tu phyin-pa “gone to dhist literature as a group in varying lists, but the
the other shore.” Other interpretations advocated lists of perfections are notoriously unfixed with six
that this etymology was misguided, and derived and ten perfections being the most common.
pāramitā from the term parama “excellent, Perhaps the earliest genre of Buddhist litera-
supreme.” The noun pāramitā is translated in ture in which the pāramitās appear is the collec-
early Chinese through “double translation” com- tions of Jātakas, the stories of the Buddha’s
posed by du wuji 度無極, meaning “crossed over” previous lives. The pāramitās in these stories
(du 度) plus “unexcelled, limitless” (wuji 無極) provide major underlying themes such as self-
which brings together both of the traditional ety- sacrifice, ethical virtue, and patience that demon-
mologies ([2], p. 153). A number of Buddhist strate the magnificent qualities developed by the
works provide semantic etymologies for Buddha in his previous lives by carrying out
pāramitā, etymologies which explain the mean- moral acts as a bodhisattva on the bodhisattva
ing of the term rather than its linguistic origin, path. In the Aviṣahya Jātaka, for example, the
based on contextual underlying factors that a text bodhisattva cultivates the perfection of generosity
is trying to advocate. The understanding of (dānapāramitā) by donating alms to supplicants
pāramitā in the sense of “to reach the other in spite of being reduced to poverty. The bodhi-
shore” generally conveys the idea that sattva is a boy who refuses to steal, even after
a perfection enables one to go from the realm of encouragement from his Brahmin teacher to do
saṃsāra, the world of repeated rebirth and so, in the Brāhmaṇa Jātaka, to illustrate the
redeath, to the blissful realm of nirvāṇa [3]. cultivation of the perfection of morality
The conception of the perfections as a set is not (śī lapāramitā). In the Kṣāntivādin Jātaka, the
found in the earliest layers of Buddhist literature bodhisattva is an ascetic who cultivates the per-
[4]. Rather, the perfections as a set of practices fection of forbearance (kṣāntipāramitā) by toler-
developed sometime before the Common Era as ating being violently disfigured by an angry king
an alternative group of spiritual practices in con- ([5], pp. 36, 37). Most Buddhist groups (nikāya)
junction with revised notions of Buddhahood as had collections of Jātakas that differed in length
well as newly considered notions of what consti- and number. Buddhist groups and movements
tutes the path leading to Buddhahood. The also understood the purport of the Jātakas differ-
pāramitās furnished an arrangement of Buddhist ently, with mainstream groups like the Theravāda
thought and practice that focused on the ideal of seeing the perfections in the Jātakas as qualities to
the bodhisattva and how a bodhisattva was imag- be admired while Mahāyāna movements under-
ined to fulfill the immeasurable qualities and stood the perfections in the Jātakas as models to
virtues necessary for the attainment of Buddha- emulate.
hood. The qualities of the pāramitās and their Theravāda Buddhist works, such as the
outlines for practice were extensions of earlier Cariyāpiṭaka, arrange Jātaka tales based on a
mainstream Buddhist arrangements of practice, hierarchy of perfections. The Theravāda tradition
such as the three trainings (triśī kṣa) of morality recognizes ten perfections, although only eight are
(śī la), concentration (samādhi), and insight listed in the Buddhāpadāna and seven in the
(prajñā), but were modified with the underlying Cariyāpiṭaka [6]. In Theravāda traditions, the per-
ethos, aspirations, and commitments for attaining fections provide Buddhists with a set of ideals to
incomparable Buddhahood for the welfare of all worship and venerate the Buddha as a model of
beings. incomparable spiritual significance and superior-
The lists of perfections varied according to the ity. The ten perfections that have become com-
genre of literature in which they appeared. What monly accepted among Theravāda traditions
practices constituted the varied lists of perfections serve as guides to structuring the stories of the
and how the perfections were conceived differed Buddha’s previous lives, the Jātakas, and give
not only between groups but also between evidence to the supremacy of the Buddha who
Pāramitā 855

has fulfilled these virtues in his awakening. The achieve Buddhahood for the welfare of all beings.
ten perfections in the Theravāda tradition are The discussion of pāramitās found in the great
(1) generosity (dāna), (2) morality (sī la), and diverse variety of Mahāyāna sūtras generally
(3) renunciation (nekhamma), (4) insight appears in three different ways: those sūtras that
(pañña), (5) energy (viriya), (6) patience center on the pāramitās, those which partially
(khanti), (7) truthfulness (sacca), (8) resolution discuss the pāramitās, and sūtras that focus on
(adhiṭṭhāna), (9) loving kindness (metta), and a specific perfection. For instance, the
(10) equanimity (upekkhā) [7]. Ugraparipṛcchā focuses on the perfection of gen-
A set of six perfections became common erosity (dāna) and the Upāliparipṛcchā discusses
among some genres of mainstream Buddhist lit- morality (śī la) ([10], pp. 107–109). Sūtras which
erature and developed into a standard list in discuss the pāramitās as a set of six group them
a number of Mahāyāna sūtras. However, other into subsets based on their overall orientation. For
lists of four, five, or seven also occurred. For instance, the Prajñāpāramitā literature will group
instance, the Māhavibhāṣa of the Sarvāstivādin the six perfections into a subset of five which is
tradition defends a list of four perfections (dāna, supported by the overarching perfection of
śī la, vī rya, and prajñā), claiming that the other wisdom (prajñāpāramitā). Other sūtras outline
perfections are subsumed under these ([8], p. 184, the perfection into subsets that approach the
n.25). The Saddharmapuṇḍarī ka-sūtra, or “Lotus pāramitās in terms of whether they constitute the
sūtra” recognizes a tradition with six perfections equipment for merit (puṇyasaṃbhāra), usually
but also lists five perfections in some sections of including the perfections of dāna, śī la, and kṣānti,
the text. Likewise, the Rāṣṭrapālaparipṛcchā- or the equipment of knowledge (jñānasaṃbhāra),
sūtra provides lists of five or six but also provides usually including dhyāna and prajñā, with vī rya
lists at two places in the text which include seven as a shared member between the equipment sub-
or eight perfections. As modern scholarship has sets ([11], pp. 63, 64).
noted ([2], p. 53, n.36), aberrant lists of pāramitās In addition to Mahāyāna sūtras, a number of
may be found in the Lalitavistara, the larger Indian Mahāyāna Buddhist śāstras, or technical
Sukhāvatī vyūha, the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, and the digests, that have been preserved discuss the per-
Mahāvastu. In time, a set of six perfections fections directly. Nāgārjuna, considered to be one
became standard in Mahāyāna sūtras. The six are of the major figures for the rise of Mahāyāna
(1) generosity (dāna), (2) morality (śī la), traditions and famous for his articulation of the P
(3) patience (kṣānti), (4) vigor (vī rya), (5) concen- philosophy of emptiness (śūnyatā), composed
tration (dhyāna), and (6) wisdom (prajñā). This two letters addressed to kings which advocate
list was expanded to complement the ten stages practicing the perfections on the bodhisattva
(bhūmi) traversed by a bodhisattva in the course path. Nāgārjuna’s “Letter to a Friend”
leading to full Buddhahood. The additional per- (Suhṛllekha, vs. 8) [12] and Ratnāvalī (iv.80), or
fections were (7) skill-in-means (upāya-kauś “Precious Garland,” [13] both mention the six
alya), (8) resolution (praṇidhāna), (9) strength perfections to be carried out by an aspiring bodhi-
(bala), and (10) knowledge (jñāna) [9]. sattva. Maitreyanātha, a figure who is considered
The perfections are discussed in varying ways one of the founders of the Yogācāra tradition,
in Mahāyāna sūtras and it is important to recog- elucidates the perfections in several works attrib-
nize the heterogeneous character of the presenta- uted to him that are preserved in Tibetan and
tion of perfections in early Mahāyāna discourses. Chinese. The Ornament for Clear Realization
The perfections as they appear in sūtras that (Abhisamayālaṃkāra) and the Ornament of the
become classified as Mahāyāna provide the Mahāyāna Sūtras (Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra)
themes and practices entailed in the bodhisattva both have sections which discuss the perfections.
ideal and constitute the practices a bodhisattva The Ornament for Clear Realization
seeks to fulfill in carrying out their initial spiritual (Abhisamayālaṃkāra) [15], an important techni-
resolution (bodhicitta) and vows (praṇidhāna) to cal digest that outlines the bodhisattva path,
856 Pāramitā

discusses the perfections throughout the text, and developed cultivation of virtues leading to the
the 16th chapter of the Ornament of the goal of Buddhahood. According to Candrakīrti,
Mahāyāna Sūtras [16] provides a summary on the bodhisattva may simultaneously practice acts
the six perfections. The Mahāprajñāpāramitāśā of generosity, morality, patience, and so forth, but
stra, an enormous commentary on the “Larger they are mastered or perfected in a sequential
Prajñāpāramitā” composed in the fourth century, order beginning with generosity (dāna) and cul-
attributed to Nāgārjuna and preserved in minating with awareness (jñāna) [9]. The perfec-
Kumārajīva’s Chinese translation, the Dazhidulun tions were infused with the spiritual intent
大智度論, contains numerous chapters that for awakening (bodhicitta), the resolutions
extensively outline the perfections [17]. Āryaśūra (praṇidhāna) to attain the goal for others, as well
(fourth century) composed his Compendium of the as the dedication or turning over (pariṇāmana) of
Perfections (Pāramitāsamāsa), a Sanskrit text in the merit from one’s cultivation of virtues for the
verse which outlines doctrines and practices for benefit of all living beings in the course of
the six perfections [12]. Candrakīrti, an important reaching Buddhahood ([11], pp. 54, 55). The
seventh century Indian Buddhist thinker, com- most common occurrence of the perfections
posed his Madhyamakāvatāra which outlines the among Mahāyāna sūtras was in a set of six,
bodhisattva path in ten stages (bhūmi) based on which have the following general characteristics.
the Daśabhūmika sūtra and correlates the stages The perfection of generosity (dānapāramitā) is
with ten perfections leading to Buddhahood from often listed first and foremost among the perfec-
a Madhyamaka perspective [9]. Śāntideva, tions. Dāna means to give an ordinary gift, to give
a seventh century Indian Buddhist scholar-monk the gift of the dharma, or to give the gift of mental
who is also considered a Madhyamaka philoso- peace and tranquility to another. Dāna in
pher, composed two major works that survive in Mahāyāna discourses serves as a symbol of self-
Sanskrit, the Bodhicaryāvatāra (“Introduction sacrifice ([11], p. 70). The perfected act of giving
to the Practice of Awakening”) [17] and is a statement of great compassion which indi-
Śikṣāsamuccaya (“Compendium of Training”) cated the dedication of a bodhisattva to others
[18], which both discuss the Mahāyāna path of and a commitment for the sake of omniscience.
perfections. The Bodhicaryāvatāra is one of the The perfection of giving is based on the earlier
earliest major Madhyamaka works to take the models of giving found in mainstream Buddhist
perfections of the bodhisattva as a focus for artic- literature, particularly the Jātakas. The story
ulating the Mahāyāna path. The work outlines of Sadāprarudita in the Aṣṭasāhasrikā
how the first five perfections are guided by and prajñāpāramitā reflects the importance of giving
auxiliary to the sixth perfection, the perfection of in the Perfection of Wisdom literature, as he gives
wisdom (prajñāpāramitā). away everything for the sake of highest awaken-
The diversity of Mahāyāna Buddhist sources ing [19]. The multiple types of giving in
provided various and specific accounts of the per- Mahāyāna literature include dharmadāna, the
fections, and the perfections did not become gift of the teaching, and āmiṣadāna, material
systemematized into a set of six or ten until gifts. Mahāyāna sūtras also mention abhayadāna,
Mahāyāna movements became more developed. the giving of fearlessness. Bodhisattvas seek to
Even after Mahāyāna Buddhist movements mentally renounce the body as well as thought of
became more popular in India, authors provided ownership. Sūtras often speak of the dharmayajña
different accounts of the six or ten perfections, “dharma offering” to fulfill the perfection of giv-
emphasizing distinctive points for their practice. ing [10]. Mahāyāna sūtras and technical digests
Nevertheless, the characteristics of the six or ten will often describe the perfection of generosity as
perfections as found in Mahāyāna Buddhist liter- acts of giving that are perfected acts free of con-
ature share a number of general features. In gen- cept (nirvikalpakapāramitā) being triply pure
eral, the perfections were sequentially ordered in (trimaṇḍalapariśuddha) in making no distinction
the Mahāyāna path to reflect a progressively between the thing given (deya), the donor
Pāramitā 857

(dāyaka), and the recipient (pratigrāhaka) [9]. living beings and accomplishing their aims in
Śāntideva sums up this perfection by stating that a suitable manner without wrongdoing [20]. Śīla
“the perfection of generosity is said to result from as a perfection is not concerned only with one’s
the mental attitude of relinquishing all that one has own morality but focuses on the moral condition
to people, together with the fruit of the act” [17]. of the entire world ([11], p. 86).
The perfection of morality or ethical discipline The perfection of forbearance or patient endur-
(śī lapāramitā) is the attitude of abstention which ance (kṣāntipāramitā) signifies cultivating a range
refrains from harming others and, in turn, helping of emotional and intellectual qualities to endure
sentient beings by encouraging them to cultivate numerous types of hardship for the benefit of
moral virtue. In this manner, bodhisattvas must living beings. The Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā
purify their own conduct before installing others prajñāpāramitā mentions a twofold division of
in practice. The sūtras primarily discuss the per- this perfection in terms of forbearance with
fection of morality in relation to the ten virtuous regard to sentient beings (sattvakṣānti) and for-
paths of action (daśakuśalapatha), pure modes of bearance with regard to dharma (dharmakṣānti).
conduct based on compassion and service to sen- Śāntideva notes in both his Bodhicaryāvatāra
tient beings ([11], p. 80). The ten modes of pure ([17], pp. 51–61) and Śikṣāsamuccaya [18],
conduct were often combined with the five pre- based on the Dharmasaṅgī ti Sūtra, that
cepts (pañcaśī la) as a synthetic list of 11 moral kṣānti has three aspects: forbearance toward the
precepts (śikṣāpada) ([2], pp. 107–111). The ten endurance of suffering, forbearance in
virtuous paths of action, as listed, for example, discerning the Dharma, and forbearance in the
from the Saddharmasmṛtyupasthāna sūtra ([11], endurance of injuries from others
p. 81), consist of the following abstentions: (kṣāntis trividhā dharmsaṅgītisūtre’bhihitā
abstention from taking life (prāṇātighātād virati), duḥkhādhivāsanakṣāntiḥ dharmanidhyānakṣ-
abstention from taking what was not given āntiḥ parāpakāramarṣanakṣāntiś ceti/). The per-
(adattādānād virati), abstention from wrong con- fection of forbearance is considered an interior
duct regarding the passions (kāmamithyācārād mental quality that is developed within one’s
virati), abstention from speaking falsehood own mind and is not contingent upon changing
(mṛṣāvādāt prativirati), abstention from calumny other people’s behavior or other external circum-
(paiśunyāt prativarati), abstention from harsh stances. The mental cultivation of the perfection
speech (pāruṣyāt prativarati), abstention from of patient forbearance consists just in the perfect P
frivolous speech (saṃbhinnapralāpāt prativirati), fulfillment of the mind’s proficiency in ceasing
abstention from covetousness (abhidhyāyāḥ one’s own anger.
prativirati), abstention from malice (vyāpādāt The fourth perfection, vī rya, may be translated
prativirati), and abstention from wrong views as “energy,” “striving,” “exertion,” “vigor,” or
(mithyādṛṣṭeḥ prativirati). Later technical digests “joyous perseverance.” Śāntideva sums up vī rya
arrange the perfection of morality into three cate- as a perfection in his Bodhicaryāvāra (7.2) [17]:
gories: the discipline of vows (saṃvara–śī la), the “What is vī rya? The endeavor to do what is skil-
discipline of collecting virtuous dharmas (kuś ful.” Vīryapāramitā is the enthusiastic engage-
aladharmasaṃgrāhaka–śī la), and the discipline ment in accumulating virtuous qualities and
of effecting the aims of sentient beings working for the welfare of all living beings.
(sattvārthakriyā–śīla). The discipline of vows A number of Mahāyāna sūtras classify vī rya into
(saṃvara-śī la) is constituted by the ten virtuous two types: corporeal striving and mental striving
paths of action. The discipline of collecting virtu- ([11], pp. 93, 94). Mahāyāna scholastic texts, such
ous dharmas (kuśaladharmasaṃgrāhaka–śī la) as the Bodhisattvabhūmi, recognize three types of
seeks to increase virtuous qualities in the mind vīrya: armor-like exertion (saṃnāhavī rya), exer-
and not degenerate virtues already developed. The tion which collects virtuous qualities (kuś
discipline of effecting the aims of sentient beings aladharmasaṃgrāhakavī rya), and exertion car-
(sattvārthakriyā–śīla) focuses on welfare of ried out for the benefit of sentient beings
858 Pāramitā

(sattvārthakriyāvī rya) ([10], pp. 208, 209). Vīrya other perfections toward Buddhahood, and the
is devotion to courageous bodhisattva action, other perfections worked synergistically with
which aims at universal liberation, and is commit- prajñā to actualize awakening. Prajñāpāramitā
ted to working for the benefit of sentient beings. was the insight or wisdom that constituted omni-
Vīrya strives for the strengthening of virtue and scient cognition (sarvajñatā) and was identified
supports steadfastness to persevere in cultivating with the end itself, perfect awakening (saṃbodhi).
the other five perfections. Prajñāpāramitā was considered to be non-dual
The fifth perfection, dhyāna, the perfection of (advaya) awareness that was beyond all thought
meditative absorption or meditative stabilization, constructions (vikalpa) permeated with insight
is a one-pointed state of mind, stabilized on virtue, that was absolutely pure (atyantaviśuddhi), nei-
that is able to fixate on an object of meditation ther born nor extinguished (anutpādānirodha),
without distraction ([21], pp. 206, 207). Dhyāna is and imperishable (akṣaya) ([23], pp. 159, 160).
therefore a technical term used by Buddhists to Prajñāpāramitā was generally regarded as exclu-
describe higher levels of consciousness that are sively teaching the realization of emptiness
attained through the practice of quiescence or ś (śūnyatā), the reality of the essencelessness of
amatha meditation ([17], p. 75). Bodhisattvas cul- things (dharmanairatyma) and of people
tivate and master all forms of meditations, includ- (pudgalanairatyma). Buddhist sources provide
ing liberations (vimokṣa), concentrations multiple classifications for prajñā, including
(samādhi), and attainments (samāpatti) ([22], worldly (laukika) and supermundane (lokottara),
p. 183). The discussion on dhyānapāramitā in along with a number of different forms of analysis
Mahāyāna sūtras focuses on the ways in which and reasonings. Within Buddhist scholastic
meditative absorption may contribute to the actu- sources, prajñā as a perfection developed within
alization of the bodhisattva vow to be of benefit to a sequence of understanding, beginning with the
sentient beings ([10], p. 217). The preliminary discernment or wisdom acquired from hearing (ś
practices leading up to dhyānapāramitā build rutamāyi-prajñā), leading to discernment or
upon practices found in mainstream Buddhist wisdom acquired from reflection (cintamayā-
meditative practices, and therefore Mahāyāna dis- prajñā), that culminates in discernment or
courses on dhyānapāramitā center upon the mas- wisdom cultivated in meditation (bhāvanāmayī -
tery of supersory knowledge (abhijñā) and prajñā) [24].
cognitive knowledge (jñāna). Through In the course of the development of Mahāyāna
dhyānapāramitā the bodhisattva is said to attain Buddhist literature, perfections were added to the
five supersensory powers (abhijñā) that assist the list of six to complement the ten stages or levels
bodhisattva in helping other beings and installing (bhūmi) traversed by a bodhisattva on the way to
them in the practice of the six perfections. The five Buddhahood. Four perfections – skilful means
supersensory powers are the divine eye (upāya-kauśalya), resolution (praṇidhāna),
(divyacakṣus), the divine ear (divyaśrota), power (bala), and knowledge (jñāna) – were
knowledge of others’ thoughts (paracitttajñāna), added to establish a group of ten perfections (daś
remembrance of previous births apāramitā). Skilful means (upāya-kauśalya)
(pūrvanivāsānusmṛti), and supernormal power refers to the deft and proficient strategies or expe-
(ṛddhi) ([11], pp. 99, 100). dients that a bodhisattva utilizes to benefit sentient
The sixth perfection, prajñā, often translated as beings. Praṇidhāna refers to the vow or resolution
“wisdom” or “insight,” is the analytical discern- that bodhisattvas make to save all living beings
ment that cognizes the ontological status of from saṃsāra. Bala refers to the strengths or
things. The acquirement of prajñā was considered powers of bodhisattvas to guide sentient beings
essential to establish the other perfections of gen- in their practices. Jñana-pāramitā is the perfec-
erosity, morality, patience, striving, and medita- tion of awareness or transcendental knowledge,
tive absorption as actual “perfections.” Prajñā as and is the highest wisdom of a bodhisattva corre-
a perfection served as a guide for directing the lated with the tenth stage of practice [9].
Pāramitā 859

The perfections were incorporated into the rit- 7. Dhammagavesi, Ven Pandita M (2002) Ten perfec-
uals and iconography of Tantric or Vajrayāna tions: the ten virtues for those who seek enlighten-
ment. Lankarama Vihara, Schofield
forms of Buddhism in the forms of feminine pow- 8. Boucher D (2008) Bodhisattvas of the forest and the
ers and forces ([25], pp. 323, 324). The pāramitās formation of the Mahāyāna: a study and translation of
in Vajrayāna Buddhist literature were worshipped the Rāṣṭrapālaparipr̥cchā-sūtra. University of Hawaii
as deities (pāramitādevī ) in human form Press, Honolulu
9. Huntington CW, Wangchen N, Candrakīrti (1989)
with attributes of color and ornaments and their The emptiness of emptiness: an introduction to early
number was increased to 12, by adding Indian Mādhyamika. University of Hawaii Press,
ratnapāramitā (“jeweled perfection”) and Honolulu
vajrakarmapāramitā to the list of ten found in 10. Pagel U (1995) The Bodhisattvapiṭaka: its doctrines,
practices and their positions in Mahāyāna literature.
Mahāyāna works [26]. The Institute of Buddhist Studies, Tring
Throughout the history of Buddhist forms of 11. Meadows C, Āryaśūra (1986) Ārya-Śūra’s compen-
culture, the perfections have shaped the ideals and dium of the perfections: text, translation, and analysis
practices of those devoted to, or those seeking to of the Pāramitāsamāsa. Indica et Tibetica Verlag, Bonn
12. Klong-chen Ye-shes-rdo-rje, Nāgārjuna
emulate, Buddhas and bodhisattvas. The manner (2005) Nāgārjuna’s letter to a friend: with commentary
in which the perfections were understood in dif- by Kangyur Rinpoche. Snow Lion, Ithaca
ferent Buddhist cultures, such as in Tibet or 13. Nāgārjuna, Michael H (1982) Nāgārjuna’s Ratnāvalī,
Southeast Asia, was dependent on the Buddhist vol 1. The basic texts. (Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese).
Indica et Tibetica Verlag, Bonn
literature that was accessible or acceptable to the 14. Sparham G (2006, trans) Abhisamayālaṃkāra with
particular culture and the interpretative attention Vṛtti and Ālokā. First Abhisamaya, vol 1. Jain,
given to that literature. Fremont
15. Asaṅga M, Robert AF, Thurman LJ, Vasubandhu
(2004) The universal vehicle discourse literature =
Mahāyānasūtrālaṁkāra. American Institute of Bud-
Cross-References dhist Studies, New York
16. Lamotte É (1944–1980) Le Traité de la Grande Vertu
▶ Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā de Sagesse de Nāgārjuna. vols I–V. Institut
▶ Bodhisattva Orientaliste, Louvain
17. Śāntideva KC, Skilton A (2008) The Bodhicar-
▶ Mahāyāna yāvatāra. Oxford University Press, Oxford
▶ Prajñāpāramitā 18. Śāntideva CB, Rouse WHD (2006) Śikṣāsamuccaya:
▶ Upāya a compendium of Buddhist doctrine. Motilal P
Banarsidass, Delhi
19. Conze E (1973) The perfection of wisdom in eight
thousand lines & its verse summary. Four Seasons
References Foundation, Bolinas; distributed by Book People,
Berkeley
1. Thomas FW (1904) Pāramitā in Pali and Sanskrit 20. Tatz M, Asaṅga, Tsoṅ-kha-pa Blo-bzaṅ-grags-pa
books. J Roy Asiatic Soc 36:547–548 (1986) Asaṅga’s chapter on ethics with the commen-
2. Nattier J (2003) A few good men: the Bodhisattva path tary of Tsong-Kha-Pa, the basic path to awakening, the
according to the inquiry of Ugra (Ugraparipṛcchā). complete Bodhisattva. Edwin Mellen Press,Lewiston
University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 21. Wogihara U (1971) Bodhisattvabhūmi: a statement of
3. Dayal H (1970) The Bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist the whole course of the Bodhisattva: being the fif-
Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi teenth section of the Yogācārabhūmi. Sankibo Bud-
4. Hirakawa A (1973) The development of the six per- dhist Book Store, Tokyo
fections. J Indian Buddh Stud 21(2):23–35 22. Braarvig J (1993) Akṣayamatinirdeśasūtra, vol 2, The
5. Ohnuma R (2007) Head, eyes, flesh, and blood: giving tradition of imperishability in Buddhist thought.
away the body in Indian Buddhist literature. Columbia Solum Forlag, Oslo
University Press, New York 23. Frauwallner E, Sangpo L (2010) The philosophy of
6. Horner IB (1975) The minor anthologies of the Pali Buddhism = die philosophie des Buddhismus. Motilal
canon. Part 3, chronicle of Buddhas = Buddhavamsa; Banarsidass, New Delhi
and, basket of conduct = Cariyāpitaka. Distributed 24. Lamotte É (1944) Le Traité de la Grande Vertu de
by Routledge and Kegan Paul, Pali Text Society, Sagesse de Nāgārjuna, vol I. Institut Orientaliste,
London Louvain
860 Pāramitās

25. Bhattacharyya B (1958) The Indian Buddhist iconog- which was “burnt out” or “blown out.” Therefore,
raphy. Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, it is very sure that “parinirvāṇa” does not mean
pp 323–324
26. Bhattacharyya B, Mahāpaṇḍita Abhayākaragupta “completion of the incomplete nirvāṇa” but orig-
(1972) Niṣpannayogāvalī of Mahāpaṇḍita inally points to “the final stage of nirvāṇa at the
Abhayākaragupta. Oriental Institute, Baroda end of lifetime” which should cause no more
rebirths as the sources of suffering (= duḥkhāḥ).
In this sense, both nirvāṇa and parinirvāṇa can be
understood as the supreme state of the Buddha’s
Pāramitās own mind. In this way, the definition of
parinirvāṇa can be done from many aspects.
▶ Ethics (Buddhism) According to the traditional thoughts of Indian
religions, they are very much afraid of experienc-
ing “death” again and again every time they take
rebirths in this world. In Buddhist context, the best
Parātmasamatā way of overcoming this problem is attaining the
nirvāṇa in this life. When a brāhmaṇa named
▶ Ethics (Buddhism) Udaya was much annoyed with Śramaṇa Gotama
(= Śākyamuṇi Buddha) who visited his house to
ask for alms every morning, the Buddha said to
him: “. . . Again and again, you will go to (= take
Parinirvāna rebirth in) heaven, after giving alms again and
˙ again, . . . Again and again, a human being gets
Kanoko Tanaka tired, feels troubled and worries oneself. Again
Komazawa University, Tokyo, Japan and again, a foolish man (= the unenlightened
one) enters into the mother’s womb (and continue
his life of delusion). Again and again, he will be
Synonyms born and die. Again and again, dead bodies are
brought to the grave. However, a man of rich
Anupadhiśeṣa-nirvāṇa; Nirvāṇa wisdom gains the path never to return to his life
of delusion and will never take rebirths any
more. . .” (Saṃyutta-nikāya, Sagātha-vagga
Definition VII.2.2). Then, Udaya was immediately inspired
by this sermon, felt so happy, and became
Skt.: parinirvāṇa, Pāli: parinibbāna. “Pari” means a layman of the Gotama Buddha to the end of
“full,” “complete,” “perfect,” and so on. his life. This episode may suggest how the attain-
“Parinirvāṇa” (pari + nirvāṇa) can be understood ment of parinirvāṇa may be unusual and deserves
as “Full Nirvāṇa.” What makes the nirvāṇa to be memorized after coming ages. Probably this
“full”? The limited time of one’s life will naturally is one of the reasons why the Buddhists dared to
complete the state of nirvāṇa, and the extinction build many stūpas, the semicircular containers of
of corporal remainder after death should complete the Buddha’s relics (= buddha śarī ra) in India, in
the final stage of nirvāṇa perfectly free from the spite of the long-term tradition of cremating dead
law of saṃsāra (= being born and dead endlessly bodies (even of King Aśoka of the Mauryan
in this world). However, this term does not refer dynasty, for instance) at the riverside.
merely to the death of the Buddha himself, as The Buddha Śākyamuṇi often preached to his
many wrongly discussed so far. Because during disciples: “Do not be neglect to complete your
his lifetime, he had already completed the state of path leading to the goal (of bodhi),” to the end of
his mind called “nirvāṇa” (nir + vāṇa) meaning his life. And he himself daily concentrated on the
“fires” = vāṇa (of one’s lust, anger, and delusion) stage of his own nirvāṇa as carefully as possible
Parinirvāna 861
˙

during his lifetime, for the sake of making full use physical elements. Therefore, the true state of
of his wisdom (= prajñā) and guiding the suffer- nirvāṇa can be attained just after death. The Bud-
ing people to the most comfortable state of mind dha abandoned his physical body and could not be
(= nirvāṇa). As everyone’s lifetime is not eternal seen anywhere in this world in the form of
but limited, even the duration of his nirvāṇa in this a human being, but must have entered the realm
life will also come to an end some day. His disci- of parinirvāṇa to exist eternally and unchang-
ples and laymen naturally praise this nirvāṇa by ingly.” This kind of thought about the nirvāṇa
the term of “parinirvāṇa” in later periods. cannot be found anywhere in the teachings of
At the age of 80, Śākyamuṇi Buddha became early Buddhism. Ontologically nirvāṇa and
violently ill with diarrhea and hemorrhaging, just parinirvāṇa are distinguishable, but the Buddha’s
after taking the food (called “sūkara-maddava” in teachings never contained any kind of ontology
Pāli = a soft type of pork, or a variety of mush- discussing the extinction of body and mind. The
room, for example, truffle found by a pig) offered distorted theory of nirvāṇa may probably be
by a blacksmith named Cunda at a Pāvā village. influenced by non-Buddhist sects just as Jain phi-
According to the Mahāparinibbāna-suttanta, the losophy where one’s pure soul called “jīva” can-
Buddha bravely continued to travel despite his not be set free perfectly as long as one’s body
serious illness, and finally arrived in Kuśinagara remains in lifetime, and the best way of attaining
(Kuśinārā in Pāli), where he finally passed away nirvāṇa is fasting to death, which is also the
(or entered parinirvāṇa) in a grove of sāla trees. supreme practice of ahiṃsā (= non-killing or
Thinking of the remorseful Cunda, the Buddha nonviolence toward living beings).
kindly left him a message: “My friend, you will This view of nirvāṇa shown above was criti-
gain great benefits, because your offerings were cized by Mahāyāna Buddhists who positively
the last food to be taken by the tathāgata (= ‘Thus sought for the final goal of Buddhist practice
Come One’ or a great person who completed his within this phenomenal world where they were
path) who has entered nirvāṇa without corporal able to live a good life full of energy for the sake
remainder (= parinirvāṇa; anupadhiśeṣa-nirvāṇa- of helping all others to attain the Buddhahood
dhātu).” He uttered another verse; “Benefits will even before they may attain it for themselves,
increase for givers. Hatred will never increase for without yearning for their own release from
those who may control his body and mind. A good saṃsāra, the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth.
person may abandon his evil deeds. He overcomes They are called “bodhisattva” in the altruistic P
lust (rāga), anger (dveṣa), delusion (moha) and context of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
dissolved the chains of these three poisons.” In fact, the Buddha himself never responds to
This utterance may prove that the Buddha could a metaphysical question made by his disciple
perfectly control his physical pains and kept calm named Māluṅkyāputta: “Whether the Buddha
in meditation to sympathize with a person (like may continue to exist after death,” according to
Cunda) in sufferings. In this way, the state of the famous story of the Cūḷa-Māluṅkyāputta-
nirvāṇa was originally practical and perfect. It suttanta (in the Majjhima Nikāya 7–63). He
was later called “nirvāṇa with corporal remain- would rather concentrate on what may occur in
der” (= saupadhiśeṣa-nirvāṇa; nirvāṇa in this life- a human mind according to the flow of time and
time with his living body) according to Nikāya how to control it in the best way toward the goal of
Buddhist doctrine, which was formulated by nirvāṇa while living a life in the society.
monks fond of abhidharma (= Studies of the Otherwise, a man pierced by a poisoned arrow
Buddha dharma or the sūtras). They devoted (= a metaphysical question) will never be saved
themselves exclusively to the analysis of the Bud- while worrying about the origin and nature of the
dha dharma dogmatically, rather than practically, arrow rather than pulling it out.
and thought as follows: “Even the Buddha did not Someone often says: “Buddhism is viewing
attain the perfect nirvāṇa while living a life. He only sufferings in this world. What a pessimistic
actually suffered from illness owing to his religion!” Indeed, it may be true when taking up
862 Parinirvāna
˙

one of the basic doctrines as “sabbe saṅkhārā into the soil. Thinking of the Buddha’s life still
dukkhā” (Skt.: duḥkhāḥ sarva-saṁskārāḥ) mean- remaining in this way, his parinirvāṇa reminds us
ing “For the unenlightened person, every aspect of of the following words: “I tell you the truth, unless
the phenomenal world can be seen as sufferings a kernel of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it
through the medium of his body and mind.” How- remains only a single seed. But if it dies, it pro-
ever, the same world as this can be seen as it is and duces many seeds” (John 12: 24), although the
even looks so fresh all the time of this life, only if concept of “eternal life” after death cannot be the
he could blow off the fires of craving, hatred, and same between Buddhism and Christianity. How-
delusion which always generate rebirth-causing ever, it is sure that the Nikāya Buddhists ontolog-
actions, and may enjoy a selfless and detached ically came to regard the state of nirvāṇa as
state of mind beyond sensory and vain pleasures. eternal and imperishable, which was named
As the Awakened One never clings to anything, “asaṁskṛta-dharma.” They believed that the Bud-
all the transient phenomena can be received natu- dha must have existed in the realm of parinirvāṇa
rally, as a matter of course. Therefore Buddhism is after leaving this world. Here it is worthy to take
a religion to teach how to live a true life beyond notice of the fact that this theory deviates from the
any kind of bias toward the world around and the original meaning of parinirvāṇa to be understood
inner world of his own mind. only through the Buddha’s own experience of
This is why Mahāyāna Buddhism tells about well-trained and the deepest meditation.
the great vehicle (= Mahāyāna) which may enable Parinirvāṇa is not the ordinary death, but should
everyone to attain the Buddhahood during one’s be attained by the positive decision of the Awak-
lifetime. In this context, the true practice of Bud- ened One who has already enjoyed the state of
dhist doctrine must go beyond life and death, nirvāṇa in his life.
saṃsāra and even nirvāṇa, without distinguishing Then, how did the Buddha Śākyamuṇi enter
between the two, and should gain the perfect parinirvāṇa? Of course, it was not in the same
liberty of mind, continuing to live a life in this way as ordinary people have to pass away, antic-
world. Such a nirvāṇa as this is often called ipating more sufferings in the next birth. Just as he
“apratiṣṭhita-nirvāṇa” in the Madhyāntavibhāga- attained the Buddhahood in the fourth stage of
bhāṣya, whose practical value in everyone’s daily catur-dyāna (= the four stages of meditation), he
life should be much higher than the metaphysical immediately entered parinirvāṇa after going
value of “parinirvāṇa” to be attained only by the through all the stages of high-grade meditation
Buddha himself. in the following manner: (1) starting from
Just as the Buddha himself said on his last the first and lowest stage up to the highest stage
journey moving northward to the direction of (= nirodha-samāpatti), (2) returning from the
Kapilavastu, his own homeland entirely ruined highest stage down to the first stage, (3) starting
by the conquest of Kosala: “Ānanda, there is no afresh from the first stage up to the catur-dyāna,
wonder that a human being should meet one’s (4) finally entering the parinirvāṇa directly from
end,” he truly passed away at the age of 80, the state of catur-dyāna, and (5) never coming to
inspiring others with his impressive personality, life any more. The very moment the Buddha had
as if a big tree would die a natural death, falling expired, it is said that a strong earthquake
down on the earth, calmly in silence. The term occurred and the thunder was rumbling over the
“parinirvāṇa” may deserve to be used for describ- heavens, according to the Mahāparinibbāna-
ing the peaceful end of his great life. Though the suttanta.
great, old, and big tree had already returned to One of his leading disciples named
dust (= even if the Buddha had been burnt to Anuruddha, who was also his own cousin from
bones and ashes by cremation), so many fruits Śākya clan, composed a poem well known in later
from his branches (= those who have learnt and periods: “There was no more breathing in the
mastered the Buddha-dharma) could actually great person whose mind resided in peace. The
spread over the lands of this world to take root Sacred One far from all desires has expired,
Parinirvāna 863
˙

attaining the tranquility. He has endured (physi- They can keep their minds very calm for
cal) pains with his brave mind. As if the light went a short time, but cannot be free from selfish
out, his mind has (completely) been set free.” desires (= kāma) as yet.
This verse is telling about how his “ceto-vimutti” 2. Rūpa-dhātu-dyāna (equal to the vipaśyanā
(= mind’s perfect liberty) had reached meditation): When ceasing from looking
a successful conclusion, not suggesting that he everything with a jaundiced mind, he comes
sometimes lost his peaceful mind while preserv- to see it just as it is, and to judge any kind of
ing the state of Buddhahood. Living a life as the issues without fail. This is an insight medita-
finest expert in meditation, he never lost control of tion to concentrate his mind on one object and
himself even at the time of entering the contemplate its meaning thoroughly, which
parinirvāṇa. Indeed, the nirvāṇa could be experi- can be divided into four levels (= catur-
enced as if the heat of the flames worrying his dyāna): the first (and lowest) dyāna, the second
mind had been blown out. Whether he was sitting dyāna, the third dyāna, and the fourth (and the
in a cross-legged position or lying down on his highest) dyāna. The last one is an ideal medi-
right side and with his head to the north just tation because of keeping balance with the next
as seen in the sculptures and paintings of step of meditation (= arūpa-dhātu-dyāna)
Buddhist art which described the scene of which must be in the best and the most helpful
Mahāparinirvāṇa (= the great death of condition of solving various problems of suf-
Śākyamuṇi Buddha), we have no authentic evi- fering people in this world. Therefore, the Bud-
dence. There is no literature on this issue, dha himself enjoyed this fourth level of
although the latter is too much popular in the meditation just after attaining the awakened
legends of Buddha’s life story. In case he expired experience for the first time under the sacred
in a cross-legged position, his disciples must have tree (named aśvattha, later called the bodhi
laid down his dead body for the preparation of tree) for the sake of thinking about how he
a memorial ceremony to be held by the Malla tribe should like to preach the essence of the Bud-
of Kuśinagara as the land of the parinirvāṇa and dhahood to all others still in the unawakened
other lay believers from all directions who still state of mind.
find it difficult to control their minds toward heart- 3. Arūpa-dhātu-dyāna (equal to the śamatha
rending partings. meditation): In this meditation, the practitioner
It is worthy of notice that the Buddha did not has no object of his concentration in the perfect P
choose the meditation in the highest stage as the serenity of mind. It is not a sleepy, faint, or
entrance of the end of his life, but returned to the trance-like condition, but a fully standby state
catur-dyāna in the end. What is the reason? of mind waiting for the time to make the most
Because the stage of catur-dyāna was regarded of his active wisdom (= prajñā), no matter
as the ideal meditation full of the supreme wisdom what may happen at the next moment. As it
which took a balance of “śamatha” and “vipaś were, this meditation may grasp all the objects
yanā.” The explanation on “śamatha-vipaśyanā” around him at the same time. There is no obsta-
shall be given as follows, because it is also a good cle of physical and material causes, but only
way of studying the nature of parinirvāṇa. the pure mind remains to work at his own free
In Buddhism, calmness of human mind can be will. The arūpa-dhātu-dyāna is also divided
classified into four levels: into four levels which were regarded as the
supreme by non-Buddhist sects.
1. Kāma-dhātu-dyāna: This level of meditative 4. Nirodha-samāpatti (peculiar to Buddhist med-
calmness can be gained by ordinary people itation): This is the meditation of dissolving
who always tend to look on everything in this one’s mind and all of its workings and entering
phenomenal world with a prejudiced and self- the state of mindlessness that is thoughtlessly
willed mind working through five sense organs compared to the nirvāṇa without corporal
under the instinctive and irresistible desires. remainder (= parinirvāṇa), but it aims at
864 Parinirvāna
˙

building the ideal personality for contributing existence, where there is no hope for one’s
his wisdom to the peace and happiness of the resurrection and the eternal life, but only the
society, which is very well proved by the 80 extinction of his soul should be done. Such
years’ life of Śākyamuṇi Buddha. a misunderstanding as this may remind us of the
theory made by Abhidharma traditions that the
At any rate, it is important to remember that the nirvāṇa without corporal remain (= parinirvāṇa)
Awakened One (= the Buddha) did not go up to must be the supreme goal of a Buddhist practi-
the nirodha-samāpatti but positively got down to tioner. Both orientalists and philosophers of those
the stage of vipaśyanā (= insight meditation) at days did not know very well about how the orig-
the time of entering the parinirvāṇa. It may sug- inal forms of Indian Buddhism had been changed
gest us that the last moment of his life should be in various ways, and failed to grasp the essence of
awakened to the full toward his consciousness of Buddhism. And, it is also sure that the Buddha
wisdom based on the Buddhahood (= bodhi), Śākyamuṇi was not a scholar but a man of religion
probably saying “Farewell” in his mind to every- who never tried to give a clear definition of his
one with whom he met and discussed on what is own experience named bodhi so that foreign peo-
truth in this world. As he was fully conscious ple in later periods may be able to understand it by
when dying, the voices of his disciples must getting over the cultural and religious differences
have reached his ears. It is medically proved that between the two.
one’s auditory sense, among all other senses, can For the purpose of proving that the Buddha
work in the clearest way until the dying hour. was never a nihilist, it is best to remember the
Therefore, it is wrong to regard the parinirvāṇa law of causation (pratītya-samutpāda) to be
as self-defeating. It was not a mysterious experi- discussed only in the range of phenomenal world
ence, too. It was just as one of the rational and where we live a life and can experience every
natural events of a human life. Even today, so moment all through our own sensory organs.
many Buddhist people in the world are yearning Any kind of question about metaphysical, onto-
for the peaceful and calm end of his long life. The logical, and supernatural issues was not a matter
unenlightened one has to take rebirths according of concern to him. In this world, everything con-
to their own karmic causes, but he usually cares tinues to exist, changing all the time. Even the so-
nothing for such a theory, but desires to live longer called soul of a man is changing in accordance
and die as painlessly as possible. with his own physical, verbal, and mental karma
In spite of the facts discussed above, the con- which can be also classified into good, bad, and
cept of parinirvāṇa seems to have brought morally neutral karma. As Buddhist philosophers
a terrible misunderstanding to the intelligentsia have been following the theory, “anātmanaḥ
of European countries in the nineteenth century: sarvadharmāḥ” (= everything of this world is
Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Hegel, etc. Each of not unchanging, and it is possible for everyone
them, according to their own viewpoints, ear- to change one’s destiny with the purification of
nestly read several books written by the oriental- karmic life just from now on), they have never
ists and other writers who were still unskilled and wished to use the term soul (ātman) which could
immature to study Buddhist thoughts and could be misunderstood as a metaphysical substance
not translate the sūtras into French, German, and beyond human knowledge. However, they could
English in a proper way. Without having enough not help recognizing something like a soul (called
time to meet and discuss with Buddhist “pudgala” by Nikāya Buddhists) as the remaining
people about their faith, the Europeans jumped power of one’s karma to be taken over from this
carelessly to the conclusion that Buddhists were life to the next one, in order to take an ethical
nothing but the nihilists who ultimately have responsibility of reaping as one has sown.
a faith in “anéantissement” (dissolution of one’s Though the Buddha is believed to have
soul; annihilation), probably just like a weak, dissolved all of his karmic remains leading to the
faint, and even demential state of human parinirvāṇa, it does not mean that he ultimately
Parinirvāna 865
˙

aimed at attaining the state of “nothingness.” middle path” in English, but we should not
Actually he often admonished that we should not misunderstand it as “intentionally getting
be inclined to have a threefold desire (taṇhā; back on track at the middle path” because
strong desires as if craving for water), for it is such adherence to “the middle path” is not
truly the cause of all sufferings (Skt.: duḥkha, truly “the middle path” any more. One after
Pāli: dukkha), classified as the first of the Four another, a human being is seized with all kinds
Noble Truth (duḥkha-āryasatya): of feelings every moment and is also captured
by the ideal of Buddhism. Even after he may
1. Kāma-taṇhā: Desires caused by the senses of achieve one goal, it is advised that he should
eyes, ears, nose, tongue, and skin, or delusion not hesitate to do away with an old method
worrying one’s body and mind. It means that whenever facing a new situation, as if a raft
one should not indulge in such desires but had must be left behind every time reaching ashore
better watch all of them for keeping a peaceful to rescue the drifters in the process of human
mind. It is not a denial of human life itself. life: birth, aging, illness, and passing away
2. Bhava-taṇhā: “Bhava,” in this context, means from this world. No attachments even to the
“heavenly beings” superior to human beings in Buddha and his teachings (Buddha-Dharma)
the world of saṃsāra. Taking a rebirth in the are the most important for a Buddhist to gain
heaven blessed with long life and good plea- the perfect liberty of mind, and to grasp the
sures was an object of yearning for non- points of daily practice, just as told in the
Buddhist people. This type of life is still self- Vajracchedikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra, one of
centered and full of earthly desires, and Bud- the early sūtras of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
dhists do not wish to become such heavenly
beings, but strive to attain the Buddhahood for On the basis of the argument mentioned above,
altruistic purposes. the concept of “parinirvāṇa” evidently does not
3. Vibhava-taṇhā: “Vibhava” means “nonexis- belong to the essential elements of Buddhism, but
tence” and “nothingness.” Among the contem- just admires the last moment of the Buddha’s
poraries of Śākyamuṇi Buddha, there were not lifetime. It goes without saying that Buddhism is
a few ascetics who regarded “nothingness” as neither a pessimism nor a nihilism nor a faith in
the realm of ideal peace of one’s soul (ātman) self-destruction, but it is always oriented toward
similar to the eternal sleep, and even the present life to be fully active every moment. P
recommended fasting to death. In Buddhism, When someone asks whether the Buddha may
this is also taken as self-centered to ignore continue to exist after the parinirvāṇa, there are
one’s own mission in this life. several ways of response. Here are two examples
Before Śākyamuṇi became the Buddha, for the moment:
he saw this kind of people striving for “noth-
ingness” and completely abandoned asceti- 1. Never to answer such a question, just like the
cism, decided to take foods offered by Buddha himself made no answer. (See the for-
a young lady named Sujātā from Uruvelā to mer paragraph referring to the Cūḷa-
get back his physical strength, and finally Māluṅkyāputta-suttanta in the Majjhima
reached the Awakened state of mind in Nikāya 7–63.)
the “śamatha-vipaśyanā” meditation already 2. Not to respond from a metaphysical viewpoint,
mentioned in the former paragraph of this but to explain from the aspect of causality by
article. referring to the words of the Prajñāpāramitā-
4. All of (1)–(3) are the extremes of “existence” hṛdaya-sūtra: “anutpannā aniruddhā” meaning
and “nothingness.” They are nothing but “All phenomena are always generated not from
a delusion of human mind. Being detached nothingness but from something causal, and
from the two extremes is often called they will never come to nothing and will
“madhyamā-pratipad.” It is translated as “the never continue to exist without changing for
866 Parinirvāna
˙

ever: In other words, all phenomena continue commemoration of his great life and teachings.
to exist forever, keep on changing Though it contained his bones and ashes (= Bud-
every moment.” This sort of idea on “śūnyatā” dha śarī ra), the semicircular stūpa was
(Non-Substantiality) may look so abstract, worshipped as the living Buddha and the symbol
unstable, and undependable for those who of his Dharma rather than as a tomb around which
need to hold the steady support of their faith people could only grieve for his death. Monks and
in Buddhism. Naturally Mahāyāna Buddhists nuns of the Buddhist community took the initia-
in India had come to believe that the historical tive in carrying out the plan to build many more
Buddha (= Śākyamuṇi) was an avatāra (= stūpas under the patronage of contemporary
incarnation) of the eternal Dharma (= dynasty (e.g., the Mauryan King Aśoka in the
nirmāna-kāya), and eventually personified the third century, B.C.), which can be proved by not
Dharma itself (= dharma-kāya) which had a few inscriptions of donors who positively took
been existing from everlasting and preaching part in the construction work of a stūpa, which
forever. And the sambhoga-kāya like the were discovered in Sāñcī and Bhārhut, etc.
Amitābha Buddha, who had already kept his In the history of Indian Buddhism, the
vow to relieve all the people from sufferings, parinirvāṇa had become the seeds (= bī jā) to
was described as the savior having the eternal sprout the eternal life of the Buddha-Dharma
life. Here we must be careful not to misunder- essential for the Buddhist faith to carry through
stand these three kinds of kāya (= body of the generations. It is an accepted fact that Buddhists
Buddha) as substantial, but should interpret the succeeded in sowing the good seed of activating
eternal Dharma not ontologically but practi- their spiritual life, turning around the sayings; “As
cally only for the purpose of living a better a man sows, so he shall reap” to briefly explain the
karmic life as long as one’s karma may be law of causation. Above all, the sects of
positively changed in any way. In this sense, Mahāyāna Buddhism, as well as those of Nikāya
the state of “parinirvāṇa” can be regarded just Buddhism, strived to make their faith everlasting
as a temporal event of the vast stream of the and gradually divinized and viewed the historical
great river named the Buddha-Dharma, Buddha as superhuman. Thus the yearning for
although Śākyamuṇi Buddha as a human “eternity” and “divinity” is also found in the Bud-
being certainly died at the age of 80 and was dhist thoughts, although its true meaning must
cremated at Kuśinagara. Here it is worthy to reside in another realm of philosophy quite differ-
note that the Buddha-Dharma is not an inven- ent from Christian faith in the “eternal life” and
tion of the Buddha himself but the eternal Law the “resurrection,” for example.
to be awakened by the great human being (to In conclusion, scholars of Buddhism had better
be called “Buddha,” “the Awakened One”). hold of many more aspects of “parinirvāṇa”
The Law should continue to exist all the time, thoughtfully in order to avoid misunderstanding
no matter whether the Buddha may appear in its meaning: “As the term parinirvāṇa can be
this world or not. However, the Law cannot be literally translated as the perfect dissolution of
well realized by human beings, as long as the one’s life free from the world of rebirth, Buddhism
Buddha does not preach it to other people. should be longing for death, after all” which may
Since there is an essential connection between still happen to non-Buddhists who have never
the Buddha’s life and the eternity of the tried to study Buddhism in a proper way
Dharma itself, there is no wonder that Bud- probably because they need to protect themselves
dhists came to believe in the eternal life of the from the realm of other religions so that their
Buddha himself in later periods. culture may not get into an identity crisis. Even
if so, it must be an intellectual dishonesty for such
In fact, the historical event of parinirvāṇa, just people to look over the books on Buddhism of
after the death of the Buddha Śākyamuṇi, took the uneven quality and start making an image of Bud-
visual form of the “stūpa” built in dhism which is already distorted by their
Pārśvanātha (Jainism) 867

intentional or hasty value judgment toward

Buddhist philosophy and culture which look so Pārśvanātha (Jainism)
strange or mysterious to their own eyes.
Everyone cannot help thinking about others Gregory M. Clines
within the framework of his own standpoint, but Committee on the Study of Religion, Harvard
he will be able to know more about the truth by University, Cambridge, MA, USA
taking time enough to approach it from multifac-
eted viewpoints. The original meaning of
“parinirvāṇa” also can be evolved and deepened Synonyms
within the range of Buddhist thoughts streaming
from the philosophy of Indian religions. Pārśva

Cross-References Definition

▶ Nirvāṇa In Jainism, Pārśvanātha was the 23rd and penul-

▶ Stūpa timate Tīrthaṅkara (ford maker) of the current
world age.

References
Introduction to Pārśvanātha
1. Droit R-P (1997) Le Cult du Néant: Les Philosophes et
le Bouddha. Éditions du Seuil, Paris
Along with the 24th Tīrthaṅkara, Vardhamāna
2. Hirakawa A (1963) The Rise of Mahāyāna Buddhism
and its Relationship to the Worship of Stūpas. Memoirs Mahāvīra, Pārśvanātha is one of only two
of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko (The Tīrthaṅkaras believed to have been a historical
Oriental Library) No.22. The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo individual. Scholarly consensus dates
3. Hirakawa A (1990) A History of Indian Buddhism.
Pārśvanātha to sometime between the eighth and
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
4. Mizuno K (1985) The Life of Śākyamuṇi Buddha seventh centuries B.C.E. Scholars also believe the
(Shakuson no shougai). Shunjusha, Tokyo (Japanese parents of Mahāvīra to have been lay followers of
edition) Pārśvanātha, and while the direct relationship P
5. Nakamura H (1980) Mahāparinibbāna-Suttanta. Iwanami
Shoten, Tokyo (Japanese translation and commentary)
between Pārśvanātha and Mahāvīra is difficult to
6. Rhys Davids TW, Estlin Carpenter J (eds) (1947) The trace (as will be shown below), it is widely
Dīgha Nikāya. The Pāli Text Society, London believed that Mahāvīra originally took initiation
7. Tanaka K (2004, 2012) Comparative Religion – Many within Pārśvanātha’s ascetic lineage. In iconogra-
Views of “Life” on Earth– (Hikaku Shūkyougaku
phy, Pārśvanātha’s emblem is the cobra or snake,
–Inochi no Tankyū –). Hokuju Shuppan, Tokyo (Japa-
nese edition) his complexion is blue-black or blue-green, and
his attendant deities are Dharaṇendra and
Padmāvatī. Unlike icons of other Tīrthaṅkaras,
which are for the most part identifiable only by
Parivrājaka either the emblems carved into the icon’s base or
the attendant deities who usually flank the
▶ Śramaṇa Tīrthaṅkara, icons of Pārśvanātha are immediately
recognizable by the snake-hood parasol that
covers his head (explained in more detail
below). According to copious Jain biographical
Pārśva literature, Pārśvanātha was born in Banāras to
King Aśvasena and his wife, Queen Vāma.
▶ Pārśvanātha (Jainism) Pārśvanātha is one of only two Tīrthaṅkaras to
868 Pārśvanātha (Jainism)

hail from Banāras, the other being the seventh of court of the righteous King Aravinda. He has
the present world age, Supārśvanātha. According one brother, named Kamaṭha, and both young
to the eighth-century Uttarapurāṇa of the men marry beautiful women. Though accom-
Digambara monk Guṇabhadra, Pārśvanātha was plished in the various arts of a Brahman,
physically attractive, with an eternally youthful Marubhūti decides to renounce the world and
appearance and a body marked by auspicious take up religious mendicancy. His wife is unable
signs, foreshadowing his future as either a to bear the celibate lifestyle forced upon her by her
great emperor (cakravartin) or religious husband’s renunciation, and she has an affair with
ascetic. Guṇabhadra gives his height as nine her brother-in-law, Kamaṭha. When Marubhūti
ratnis (cubits), which translates roughly to 13½ finds out about the affair, he informs the king,
ft. Pārśvanātha renounced the world at age 30, and who then exiles Kamaṭha and parades him mock-
his complete life span was 100 years. Along with ingly through the city riding an ass. Enraged,
19 out of the 23 other Jain Tīrthaṅkaras of this Kamaṭha goes to the forest and practices extreme
world age, Pārśvanātha attained nirvāṇa (final asceticism. Marubhūti, now desirous of his
liberation from the world of rebirth) on Mount brother’s forgiveness for the pain he has caused
Śikhar (also called Mount Sammeta) in the mod- him, goes to Kamaṭha. But when Marubhūti, bow-
ern-day state of Jharkhand. Today, Mount Śikhar ing in front of his brother, asks for forgiveness,
is a major pilgrimage site for both Digambara and Kamaṭha, still angry over the embarrassment his
Śvetāmbara Jains, though in recent years a dispute brother has caused him, hurls a rock at
over control of the site has broken out between the Marubhūti’s head, killing him.
two sects. Among modern-day Jains, Pārśvanātha Marubhūti is then reborn as an elephant wan-
is one of the most popular Tīrthaṅkaras in terms of dering the forest. King Aravinda, who since
being an object of worship and veneration. He is Marubhūti’s death has himself become
venerated as the Tīrthaṅkara who removes obsta- a renunciant, eventually converts the elephant to
cles and is the most popular Tīrthaṅkara in terms the correct faith of Jainism, and the elephant
of number of icons in temples throughout India. becomes as devout a Jain layman as an elephant
His attendant goddess, Padmāvatī, has also can be. Kamaṭha, upon dying, is reborn as
enjoyed popularity among Jain worshippers as a poisonous snake. Once, desirous of water from
being especially powerful and active in the a nearby pond, the elephant Marubhūti becomes
world. This is especially true in Karnataka, trapped in the thick mud on the bank. Kamaṭha, as
where Padmāvatī has also come to be associated the snake, is also by the pond and takes the oppor-
with Tīrthaṅkaras other than Pārśvanātha. tunity to again kill his former brother, this time by
Thought to be a curer of snakebites and biting him repeatedly with his extremely poison-
a goddess of wealth and beauty, in Karnataka ous fangs. The elephant (again, who will eventu-
she is oftentimes worshipped independently on ally be born as Pārśva) is then reborn in one of the
Fridays ([1], pp. 213–214). many Jain heavens, while the snake, upon his own
death, is reborn in one of the many hells.
Upon completion of his time in heaven, the
The Previous Lives of Pārśva future Pārśva is reborn in the land of Tilakā as
a Vidyādhara (semidivine demigod) prince named
Both the Uttarapurāṇa (The Later Tale) of Karaṇavega. In time, he again decides to take
Guṇabhadra and Hemacandra’s Triṣaṣṭiś renunciation and religious wandering. At the
alākāpuruṣacaritra (The Lives of Sixty-Three same time, Kamaṭha is again reborn as a snake,
Illustrious Persons [2, 3]) give extensive accounts though this time a giant python. Again, Kamaṭha
of Pārśvanātha and his nine previous lives before is responsible for the death of his former brother,
being born to Queen Vāma and King Aśvasena. In this time by swallowing him whole while the
the first accounted birth, the eventual Tīrthaṅkara prince is meditating. The Vidyādhara prince is
is born as a Brahman named Marubhūti in the then once again reborn in heaven, while the
Pārśvanātha (Jainism) 869

python, which later burns to death in a forest fire, a lion, the goddess Śrī, a garland, the moon, the
is again reborn in hell. sun, a flag or banner, a water pot, a lotus lake, an
At the end of his life in heaven, the future ocean of milk, a divine palace, a heap of jewels,
Pārśva descends and is reborn as Vajranābha, and a fire. Pārśva was born on the tenth day of the
the son of King Vajravīrya. Again, Vajranābha dark fortnight of the month of Pauṣ (mid-
rejects worldly pleasures and takes up a life of December to mid-January). Fifty-six goddesses
asceticism, wandering the Jvalana Mountain. helped Queen Vāma with the birth, and soon
Kamaṭha is also reborn on that mountain as afterward the Kings of the Gods (Indras)
a hunter named Kuraṅgaka. One day, brought the child to the top of Mount Meru for
Kuraṅgaka, dressed in tiger skins, stumbles his postpartum bath and ablution (abhiṣeka). In
upon Vajranābha practicing contemplation and, time, Pārśva grew to become a magnificent child,
because of his enmity from previous births, handsome and adept at the martial arts. In adult-
shoots Vajranābha, killing him with a single hood, he defeated in battle King Yavana of
arrow. Vajranābha is reborn as a god in the Kaliṅga and married the princess Prabhāvatī.
Graiveyika heaven, while Kuraṅgaka is reborn According to Hemacandra’s Triṣaṣṭiś
in the seventh level of hell. alākāpuruṣacaritra, Pārśva once saved a snake
In his eighth birth, Vajranābha falls from the from a five-fire sacrifice being performed by
Graiveyika heaven and enters into the womb of Kaṭha, who was in fact Pārśva’s former brother
Sudarśanā, the wife of King Kuliśabāhu of Kamaṭha [2, vol. 5, 392]. Upon his death, Kaṭha
Purāṇapura. Upon his birth, he is given the name was reborn a demon named Meghamālin, while
Suvarṇabāhu among great joy and festivities. He the snake whom Pārśva saved became a divine
eventually meets the Tīrthaṅkara Jagannātha, who snake king named Dharaṇendra. According to
convinces him to renounce the world. Again, Guṇabhadra’s Uttarapurāṇa, Pārśva actually
Suvarṇabāhu finally meets his end while dedi- saved two snakes, a male and a female, from
cated to asceticism at the hands (or literally being cut by Kaṭha as he was unconsciously
paws) of his former brother, who has since been chopping wood for his fire sacrifice ([3], p. 22,
reborn as a vicious lion. In his penultimate round verse 103).
of rebirth, the future Pārśva is again reborn in the Pārśva lived the life of a prince until age 30,
tenth level of heaven, while the lion Kamaṭha when he was inspired to take renunciation upon
again descends into hell. seeing an image of his predecessor, Neminātha. P
As a wandering mendicant, Pārśva practiced
extreme asceticism and fasting. Once, in an
The Life of Pārśva attempt to disrupt Pārśva from his meditation,
the demon Meghamālin created a terrible storm
As mentioned before, Lord Pārśvanātha was born that rained down upon the renunciant. Pārśva,
to King Aśvasena and his wife, Queen Vāma. unmoved, continued his practice. In the mean-
Like all the Tīrthaṅkaras, Pārśvanātha was born time, Dharaṇendra, the serpent king whom Pārśva
into a Kṣatriya, or kingly caste, family. His name, had saved in his previous life, came to Pārśva’s
“Pārśva,” which literally means, “to the side,” was aid, shielding him from the onslaught with his
given to him after his mother once saw a snake seven hoods. Dharaṇendra then rebuked
creeping at her side one night while she was still Meghamālin (who, again, is Kamaṭha) and finally
pregnant. As is the case with all Tīrthaṅkaras, convinced him to give up his wicked ways and
Pārśva’s mother saw a series of 14 dreams during take shelter with Lord Pārśva. It is because of this
her pregnancy that revealed the birth of either story that Pārśva icons always consist of him
a great emperor (cakravartin) or a great meditating underneath a seven-hooded snake par-
ascetic. Though the specific dreams differ asol, making Pārśva icons instantly recognizable.
between Digambaras and Śvetāmbaras, one com- In Guṇabhadra’s version of the tale, both
mon list, in order, is as follows: an elephant, a bull, Dharaṇendra and his wife Padmāvatī help to
870 Pārśvanātha (Jainism)

shield Pārśva. They, in turn, are Pārśva’s two problem has been to explain that sexual absti-
assistant deities ([3], p. 28, verse 140). nence was included in Pārśva’s teaching of
Pārśva attained omniscience while seated nonpossession. Because Mahāvīra preached dur-
under a dhataki tree in the city of his birth, ing a more morally delinquent time than did
Banāras, on the fourth day of the dark half of the Pārśva, it was necessary for him to include for
month of Chaitra (March/April). He had, in total, his followers an additional, specific vow
spent 83 days as an ascetic before achieving omni- prohibiting inappropriate sexual behavior. Fol-
science and spent the next 69 years and 9 months lowers of Pārśva, though, because of their moral
preaching widely. According to the Kalpa Sūtra, uprightness, would have implicitly understood
at the time of his death, Pārśva had accrued avoidance of sexual activity as a natural part of
a following of 164,000 male lay householders, the vow of nonpossession. It is interesting to note
327,000 female lay disciples, 16,000 fellow that Ādinātha (also called Ṛṣabhadeva), the first of
ascetic monks, and 38,000 ascetic nuns ([4], the 24 Tīrthaṅkaras, like Mahāvīra also preached
p. 28). Both of his parents took initiation into his a fivefold system of vows. This is because he was
renunciant order. As mentioned previously, preaching the dharma to followers for the first
Pārśva attained final liberation from the world of time, and it was therefore difficult for them to
rebirth on Mount Śikar at the age of 100. He died understand and an explicit fifth vow was neces-
83,750 years after his predecessor, Neminātha. sary to insure proper religious practice ([4],
pp. 34–35). The intervening 22 Tīrthaṅkaras,
though, between Ādinātha and Mahāvīra, all
The Relationship of Pārśva and Mahāvīra preached a fourfold religious doctrine.
One other difference between Pārśva and
Pārśva lived approximately 250 years before his Mahāvīra concerns monks’ attire in their respec-
successor Mahāvīra, and the renunciant order tive lineages. Monks in Mahāvīra’s lineage wan-
founded by Pārśva was still active during dered naked, while those belonging to Pārśva’s
Mahāvīra’s time. Coupled with the fact that the ascetic order wore clothes. Indeed, similar to the
Ācārāṅga Sūtra explains Mahāvīra’s parents as issue discussed above, Mahāvīra is directly linked
being lay disciples of Pārśva, scholars agree that with the first Tīrthaṅkara of this world age,
Mahāvīra probably originally renounced the Ādinātha, the monks of whose lineage were also
world within Pārśva’s ascetic lineage ([1], p. 30). said to renounce even basic clothing. Pārśva is
In this light, Mahāvīra can be seen as a type of included in the group of the 22 intervening
reformer within an older Jain religious tradition. Tīrthaṅkaras, in whose lineages the monks are
This being the case, there is one major difference all believed to have worn clothing.
between the teachings of Pārśva and those of Teasing out the exact relationship between
Mahāvīra. Pārśva taught a fourfold doctrine of Pārśva and Mahāvīra is an extremely difficult, if
asceticism which included abstention from vio- not impossible task. Biographies of Mahāvīra, for
lence, lying, stealing, and possession. Mahāvīra example, problematize the discussion above about
accepted these four vows and to them added Mahāvīra joining Pārśva’s already extant ascetic
one more: the vow of sexual abstinence lineage by asserting that he in fact renounced the
(brahmacārya). Jain sources have attempted to world alone, accompanied only by gods. There
reconcile this discrepancy between the teachings is no information about his joining an
of Pārśva and Mahāvīra, as Jain dharma is con- already established lineage of monks. The
sidered to be eternal and universal. Tīrthaṅkaras Viyāhapaṇṇatti, the fifth Aṅga of the Jain canon,
are not considered to be formulators of Jain reli- explains that while Mahāvīra spoke well of
gious teachings, but rather messengers of its eter- Pārśva, he acquired followers by converting
nal, unchanging truth. If this is the case, then it is monks from Pārśva’s lineage, a conversion that
problematic that two Tīrthaṅkaras would teach included abandoning Pārśva’s fourfold system of
different doctrines. One way of dealing with this vows and formally adopting Mahāvīra’s fivefold
Pārśvanātha (Jainism) 871

system ([1], p. 32). The history, then, of the rela- Ashadhi, that he would be a pupil of Pārśvanātha
tionship between the penultimate and final during the next time cycle and would then attain
Tīrthaṅkaras of this world age is still a murky liberation. At this point, a divine image of
one, but what is undoubtedly true is that in the Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha appeared to Ashadhi,
minds of most modern Jains, there exists a belief and he worshipped it for the rest of his life.
of some kind of link between the two men, who Upon his death, Ashadhi ascended to heaven,
are both among the most popular of the 24 along with the icon. The icon was also worshipped
Tīrthaṅkaras. by Dharaṇendra and Padmāvatī, the king and
queen of divine serpents. Later, during the present
time cycle and the life of the 22nd Tīrthaṅkara,
Pārśvanātha Icons and Temples Neminātha, his cousin Krishna (famous as an
avatar of Vishnu in Hindu traditions) fought
Icons of the various Tīrthaṅkaras are usually iden- a battle near Śankheśvar with Jarāsandha. At one
tical, identifiable only through by the emblem point, Jarāsandha cast a spell that immobilized
usually carved into the base of the statue or by Krishna’s army; to counteract the spell, Krishna
the individualized guardian deities associated performed a 3-day fast and worshipped
with each Tīrthaṅkara. Icons of Pārśvanātha, Dharaṇendra. Pleased, Dharaṇendra gave the
though, are immediately recognizable from the image of Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha to Krishna,
seven-hooded cobra parasol that shields him. who bathed the image and used to bathing water
Only one other Tīrthaṅkara has enjoyed such indi- to sprinkle over his soldiers, in doing so curing
vidualized iconography: some early icons of their paralysis. Krishna went on to defeat
Ādinātha are identifiable by shoulder-length hair. Jarāsandha in battle and later installed the divine
Though exact dating is difficult, there is evidence image in a temple.
for very early Pārśvanātha icons. One, a standing In more recent history, the Śankheśvar
bronze icon of Pārśvanātha that was found as part Pārśvanātha icon can be traced back to the year
of a larger hoard of bronze statues in 1931 in 1099 C.E., when a man named Sajjana Shah,
Chausa, Bihar, has been dated by Shah to between encouraged by a mendicant, built a Pārśvanātha
the first century B.C.E. and the first century C.E. temple in the town of Śankheśvar. Over the cen-
This date has been challenged, though, with other turies the temple underwent numerous renova-
scholars assigning a date between the late third tions but was eventually destroyed by the P
and early fourth centuries C.E. to the statues. invading Muslim emperor Allauddin Khilji. The
Another Pārśvanātha statue, a 9-in. bronze that is Pārśvanātha icon of the temple was saved from
currently featured as part of the collection at the destruction but later lost. It was not until the
Chhatrapati Shivaji Museum in Bombay, has also seventeenth century that the icon was recovered.
been dated to between 100 B.C.E. and the second According to local history, a monk led a search for
century C.E. ([5], pp. 42–45). the image. Over a period of days, the monk saw
Temples dedicated to Pārśvanātha are among a particular cow empty its udder of milk in the
the most popular and famous Jain temples in same spot every day. Digging up the spot revealed
India, and indeed, geographically associated the icon! A new temple was built to house the icon
Pārśvanātha icons and temples play a major role in 1606 C.E., though it too was later destroyed,
in community and religious identity formation. either by natural calamity or by military cam-
One such example is the Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha paign. Finally, another temple, this one still stand-
Temple in the town of Śankheśvar, in northern ing, was built in 1704 C.E., and later renovated in
Gujarat. The mythological story of the image in 1910 C.E.
the temple begins in a previous time cycle, when The Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha temple is an espe-
the eighth Jina Dāmodara was asked by a Jain cially efficacious pilgrimage site to perform the
layman how he would attain salvation from the aththam tap, the 3-day fast that Krishna performed
world. Dāmodara explained to the man, named in order to defeat Jarāsandha. Pilgrims have
872 Parva

explained that while even a 1-day fast is difficult to ▶ Time (Jainism)

perform in other places, the 3-day fast is easy at ▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism)
Śankheśvar because of the power of the icon. Pauṣ ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
Tenth, the holiday celebrating the birth of Lord
Pārśvanātha, is an especially popular time to
come and fast. The temple is also famous for its References
especially efficacious shrine to Padmāvatī,
Pārśvanātha’s attendant goddess. While 1. Dundas P (2002) The Jains, 2nd edn. Routledge,
London/New York
Tīrthaṅkaras are believed to be completely liber-
2. Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacaritra (1962) The lives of sixty-
ated from the world and unable to interact directly three illustrious persons, 6 vols (trans: Johnson HM).
with human disciples, subsidiary deities like Oriental Institute, Baroda (specifically volume 5)
Padmāvatī are not liberated, and can therefore 3. Bollee W (2008) Acarya Gunabhadra's Parsvacaritam:
life of Parsva. Hindi Granth Karyalay, Mumbai
interact with petitioners in the world. Padmāvatī’s
4. von Glasenapp H (1999) Jainism: an Indian religion of
shrine is oftentimes adorned with garlands of coco- salvation (trans: Shrotri SB). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
nuts, a pan-Indian symbol for prosperity. Orthodox 5. Cort JE (2010) Framing the Jina: narratives of icons and
Jain teaching, though, is clear that no attendant god idols in Jain history. Oxford University Press, New York
6. Cort JE (1988) Pilgrimage to Shankheshvar
or goddess can be worshipped before the
Pārśvanātha. Cent Study World Relig Bull
Tīrthaṅkara image. While Padmāvatī is therefore 14(1):63–72, Harvard Center for the Study of World
very popular among pilgrims, her worship is still Religions, Cambridge
secondary to that of Pārśvanātha ([6], pp. 65–68).
The power of the Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha icon in
Gujarat has led to replications of the icon being
installed in temples throughout India, especially in Parva
areas where there is a sizeable Gujarati Jain pres-
ence. The Śankheśvar Pārśvanātha is just one ▶ Uposatha
example of a larger trend of “replication cults,” in
which especially powerful, place-specific icons are
replicated and distributed outside of their original Pasenadi
geographic area. These replicated icons form
a bridge between the diasporic community and K. T. S. Sarao
the original image, allowing followers to tap into Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
the power of the original icon ([5], p. 186). Indeed, Delhi, Delhi, India
many of these replication cults take as their main
icon some form of Pārśvanātha, serving as another
testament to Pārśvanātha’s popularity among the Synonyms
modern Jain laity.
Agnidatta

Cross-References
Definition
▶ Dharma (Jainism)
▶ Heaven (Jainism) King of Kosala and a contemporary of the
▶ Jina Buddha.
▶ Mount Meru
▶ Omniscience Pasenadi was the king of Kosala and
▶ Rebirth a contemporary of the Buddha. According to
▶ Renunciation T. W. Rhys Davids, Pasenadi was his official
▶ Saṃsāra title, and his personal name was Agnidatta ([7],
Pasenadi 873

p. 10). He was the son of Mahākosala and was p. 136). On one occasion, the Buddha is men-
educated at Takkasilā. His father was so tioned as telling him to eat less ([3], Vol. i, p. 81;
impressed with his qualities that he seems to [5], Vol. iii, p. 264f). He once tried to seduce
have abdicated in Pasenadi’s favor ([5], Vol. i, a married woman by ordering her husband out of
p. 338). He tried to put down bribery and corrup- the town. But the king had a sleepless night and
tion in his court, though he does not appear to was advised by the Brāhmaṇas to order an animal
have been very successful in his attempts ([12], sacrifice. But he abandoned the idea on the advice
Vol. i, p. 109f). As king, he enjoyed the company of the Buddha ([5], Vol. ii, p. 1ff; [12], Vol. i,
of wise men. Quite early in the Buddha’s ministry, p. 111). His devotion and attachment to the Bud-
Pasenadi became his follower and close friend, dha has formed the basis of many legends ([11],
and his devotion to the Buddha lasted till his Vol. ii, p. 120). He frequently visited the Buddha
death ([3], Vol. i, p. 69). According to Tibetan and discussed various matters with him. When the
sources, Pasenadi’s conversion was in the second Buddha went to Tāvatiṃsa, Pasenadi made an
year of the Buddha’s ministry ([9], p. 49). image of him in sandalwood so that he could
He is said to have guarded the reputation of both honor him ([1], Vol. i, p. 1884: xliv). He is
the Buddha and the Saṃgha very zealously and put credited for having built monasteries for the Bud-
down with a firm hand any attempt on the part of dha, Pajāpatī Gotamī, and his teacher Bāvari ([1],
heretics to discredit them ([3], Vol. i, p. 153f; [12], Vol. ii, p. 1884: 2; [2], Vol. ii, p. 15; [5], Vol. iii, p.
Vol. ii, p. 529). Pasenadi was always ready to pay 241ff; [12], p. 580). He organized the celebrated
honor to those who had won the praise of the almsgiving called Asadisadāna (incomparable)
Buddha ([5], Vol. ii, p. 150ff; Vol. iii, p. 2ff; [11], and gave four priceless gifts to the Buddha,
Vol. ii, p. 100). Pasenadi enjoyed discussions on namely, a white parasol, a couch, a stand, and
the Dhamma with the Buddha and leading Bud- a footstool ([5], Vol. iii, pp. 183–186). A Buddha
dhist monks and nuns ([3], Vol. iv, p. 374ff; [11], is said to receive such gifts only once in his
Vol. ii, p. 118ff; Vol. ii, p. 125ff). He once saw lifetime. Three Jātakas, namely, Aditta,
some monks sporting in the river in a way that did Dasabrāhmaṇa, and Sivi, were preached in refer-
not suit them, he ensured that the Buddha was ence to Asadisadāna.
made aware of it ([6], Vol. iv, p. 112). As a true It has been pointed out in the sources that
Buddhist, he also extended his favors to other Pasenadi, in order to associate himself with the
religious orders ([10], Vol. vi, p. 2). It is said that Buddha’s family, sent word to the Sākiyan chiefs P
his alms-halls were always kept open to everyone asking for the hand of one of their daughters. The
desiring food or drink ([10], Vol. ii, p. 6). Pasenadi Sākiyans considered it beneath their dignity to
liked to be the foremost in gifts to the Buddha and accede to such a request. However, as they did
the Saṃgha ([5], Vol. iii, p. 188ff). not want to displease Pasenadi, their overlord,
Pasenadi’s chief consort was Mallikā, daughter they sent him the daughter of a slave woman. By
of a garland maker. He loved her dearly and her, Pasenadi had a son Viḍuḍabha. When
trusted her judgment in all things. When in diffi- Viḍuḍabha came to know of this, he vowed ven-
culty he consulted her, realizing that her wisdom geance, and on becoming the king, he invaded the
was greater than his own ([3], Vol. i, p. 74). On Sākiyan territory and massacred a large number of
one occasion, Pasenadi expressed to the Buddha the Sākyans ([2], Vol. i, p. 133f.; Vol. iv, p. 144ff;
his disappointment that Mallikā should have [5], Vol. i, p. 339ff.). Brahmadatta, who entered
borne him a daughter instead of a son, but the the Saṃgha and became an arahant, was another
Buddha told him that daughter were equally son of Pasenadi ([13], Vol. i, p. 460). The Dulva
good ([3], Vol. i, p. 83). Pasenadi had a sister, says that Jeta, owner of Jetavana, was also
Sumanā, who became a nun and attained Pasenadi’s son ([9], p. 48).
arahantship ([3], Vol. i, p. 97; [14], p. 22). Pasenadi died under tragic circumstances at the
It has been told that the bowl out of which he gates of Rājagaha, waiting for help from
ate was the size of a cartwheel ([12], Vol. i, Ajātasattu against his son Viḍuḍabha who had
874 Passing Away

captured the throne by deceit. Later, Ajātasattu

performed the funeral rites over the king’s body Passing Away
with great pomp ([2], Vol. iv, p. 150ff; [5], Vol. i,
p. 353ff; [11], Vol. ii, p. 118). Kosala Saṃyutta of ▶ Death (Buddhism)
the Saṃyutta Nikāya, consisting of 25 anecdotes,
is devoted to him. The Anāgatavaṃsa declared
Pasenadi a Bodhisattva, who will be the fourth
future Buddha ([4], p. 37). Path of Analysis

▶ Paṭisambhidāmagga
Cross-References

▶ Dhamma
▶ Pajāpati Gotamī Path of Discrimination
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
▶ Saṃgha ▶ Paṭisambhidāmagga
▶ Takkasilā

Pathavı̄
References ˙
1. Beal S (1884) Si-yu-ki: Buddhist record of the Western
▶ Earth (Buddhism)
world, 2 vols. Trübner, London
2. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner,
London
3. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
5 vols. Text Society, London
Paticca Samuppāda
4. Minayeff M (ed) (1886) Anāgata-vaṃsa. Journal of
˙
the Pali Text Society, London, pp 3–53 ▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
5. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the
Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
6. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
7. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. G.P. Paticcasamuppāda
Putnam’s Sons, New York ˙
8. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society,
▶ Causality (Buddhism)
London
9. Rockhill WW (1884) The life of the Buddha and the
early history of his order. Trübner, London
10. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udāna. Pali Text Society,
London
11. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (ed) (1888–1896) The Pātimokkha
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
12. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha- Rajesh Ranjan
ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Saṃyutta Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Department of Pali, Nava Nalanda Mahaviihara
13. Woodward FL (ed) (1940–1959) Paramattha-Dīpanī: (Deemed to be University), Nalanda, Bihar, India
Theragāthā-Aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
Dhammapālācariya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
14. Woodward FL, Hardy E, Muller E, Barua DL et al (eds)
(1891–1977) Paramatthadīpanī, Dhammapālācariya’s
Synonyms
commentary on the Therīgāthā, the Vimānavatthu.
Pali Text Society, London Pāṭimokkha; Prātimokṣa
Pātimokkha 875

Definition Section of the Bhikkhu Bhikkhunī

Pātimokkha Pātimokkha Pātimokkha
A name given to a collection of various precepts 8. Adhikaraṇasamathā 07 07
contained in the Vinaya, called Vibhaṅga, as they dhammā (Ways of 227 311
settling disputes)
were recited in the fortnightly congregation of the
Buddhist order (Uposatha) for the purpose of As all these dhammā pertain to noble conduct
confession. of the members of the saṃgha, a brief perusal is
desirable in order to understand the purpose of
their formulation.
Introduction

The set of rules laid down to regulate the outward

general behavior of the members of the Buddhist First Section
monastic order is known as Pātimokkha. It is so
called because “It is the beginning, the mouth, To begin with, the first section of the dhammā
the source so significant of all meritorious consists of those offenses; after committing any
acts” (ādimetam mukhametaṃ pamukhmetaṃ which, the transgressor is defeated, i.e., becomes
kusalānaṁ dhammānaṁ) ([5]: 2.1, 4; unfit for monk-life. Indulging in sexual inter-
pp. 106–143) which is further interpreted thus in course, taking things not given, depriving any
the Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī – “one who leads meritorious one of life, and speaking about one’s superhuman
life is relieved from the afflictions of purgatory attainments are such offenses which a monk or
lives and so also from self-censure” ([1]: 2). a nun must not commit. Besides, nuns have also to
observe four more restraints annexed to one or
other kind of sexual activities. Now it may, how-
Two Pātimokkha-s ever, be opined in this context that the first three
out of the four dhammā for monks and eight for
With a view to facilitate a brief survey of the nuns had been the principal constituents of the
dhammā of the two Pātimokkha-s, the Bhikkhu concept of sublime conduct (pañcasī la) followed
Pātimokkha comprising 227 dhammā and the by Indian society in general and those opting a life
Bhikkhunī Pātimokkha containing 311, of homelessness in particular since time P
a section-wise list of their numbers, as given immemorial.
below, is desirable:

Section of the Bhikkhu Bhikkhunī Second Section

Pātimokkha Pātimokkha Pātimokkha
1. Pārājikā dhammā 04 08
(Defeat or expulsion) The second section of the dhammā is named
2. Saṅghādisesā dhammā 13 17 Saṅghādisesa. It is so named because a formal
(Suspension) meeting of a competent order is required in the
3. Aniyatā dhammā 02 – beginning (ādi) and so also at the end (sesa), i.e.,
(Indeterminates) at the time of imposing punishment upon the
4. Nissaggiyā Pācittiyā 30 30 transgressor as well as when repealing it after the
dhammā (Forfeiture)
expiry of the period of punishment. The dhammā
5. Pācittiyā dhammā 92 166
(Expiation) contained in this section are 13 for monks and 17
6. Pāṭidesaniyā dhammā 04 08 for nuns. Most of these are concerned with sexual
(Confession) activities but of less serious nature. The rest are as
7. Sekhiyā dhammā 75 75 regards construction of a hut or monastery for
(Rules of training) one’s own use, causing schism in a united
(continued) saṃgha, supporting an irreligious monk and the
876 Pātimokkha

like. The punishments prescribed for this group of Pācittiyā dhammā for monks are 30, each group
offenses are Mānatta and Parivāsa. Mānatta is containing ten dhammā. The dhammā contained
a kind of a fixed probation. As such the transgres- in the first group are related to procurement, main-
sor is debarred form the rights and privileges of tenance, and the use of cloth. So also the first
the order for 6 days. Thus, more or less like the seven dhammā of the second group are strictly
Pārājika, it is temporary suspension from the concerned with procurement, maintenance, and
order. Mānatta is accompanied by Parivāsa if use of silk and the remaining three restraining
the transgressor concealed the offense intention- a monk from accepting money and its transaction
ally. In such a case, it becomes almost impossible in sale and purchase. The third group, Pattavaggo
to ascertain the actual date of commission of the comprises, besides dhammā pertaining to bowl,
offense. As has already been said, all these dhammā as regards medicine, cloth, and other
offenses are requited with temporary withdrawal benefits of the order.
of the rights and privileges of the transgressor Despite the number of the Nissaggiyā Pācittiyā
deserving as a full-fledged member of the Order. dhammā for nuns being the same as that for
monks, i.e., 30, their arrangement in three groups
is a bit different from them. They are as
Third Section follows – (1) Pattavaggo, (2) Cī varavaggo, and
(3) Jātaruparajatavaggo. A perusal of the
The third section of the Bhikkhu Pātimokkha is dhammā of the first two groups leads one to
called Aniyatā (indeterminates) which contains infer that the groups not only bear common titles
only two dhammā as follows. but also their contents, with some necessary
If a monk is seen by a trustworthy female lay- changes in wordings, are almost same. So far as
devotee seated with a woman in a secluded place: the last group, Jātaruparajata group, is
concerned, it is like the dhammā of the
(a) On a convenient sit, the monk commits an Elakavaggo of the Nissaggiyā Pācittiyā for
offense involving defeat, suspension, or expi- monks. It is a conglomeration of miscellaneous
ation, if the monk acknowledges it himself. dhammā as regards procurement of cloth and
(b) Convenient to say lewd words to that woman, accepting money and its transaction.
the monk commits an offense involving sus- Thus, the dhammā of this section pertaining to
pension or expiation. procurement, use, and storage of cloth are suffi-
cient to opine that the procurement of cloth in
How much serious these two dhammā might those days was far more an arduous job than
have been, these involve an offense oscillating procurement of food stuff and other necessities
between defeat and suspension or expiation on of life. This justifies the punishment of expiation
the one hand and between suspension and expia- with forfeiture of the article in respect of which the
tion on the other. It appears, therefore, that these offense is committed.
two dhammā should neither have been compiled
under an independent section just after the second
section, i.e., Saṅghādisesa nor before the fifth Pācittiyā Dhammā for Monks
section, i.e., Pācittiyā, the section on expiation.
Its proper and ideal place would have been at the Arranged in nine groups, each of 10 dhammā with
end of the fifth section. the only exception of the eighth group which
contains 13 dhammā, the Pācittiyā dhammā are
altogether 92 for monks. These groups
Nissaggiyā Pācittiyā Dhammā which are named on the basis of the first
dhammā of the groups occur thus in the
Compiled in three groups, namely, Cī varavaggo, Bhikkhu Pātimokkha – (1) Musāvādavaggo,
Elakavaggo, and Pattavaggo, the Nissaggiyā (2) Bhūtagāmavaggo, (3) Bhikkhunovādavaggo,
Pātimokkha 877

(4) Bhojanavaggo, (5) Acelakavaggo, and 11th) possessing identical dhammā in toto
(6) Surāpānavaggo, (7) Sappāṇakavaggo, and the last (12th) partially different.
(8) Sahadhammikavaggo, and (9) Ratanavaggo. In
order to make the point explicit, the first group may
be taken as an example. Though the maximum Pātidesaniyā Dhammā
number of the dhammā of the group as it begins ˙
with restraining a monk from speaking a lie is Pāṭidesaniyā dhammā are four for monks and
concerning speech, the miscellaneous dhammā eight for nuns. These are minor offenses which
like restraining a monk from sharing a common are requited with simple confession. The first two
cot with a woman and digging the earth himself or of the Pāṭidesaniyā are committed by a monk if
getting it done by anyone else are also contained in he uses food, solid or soft, accepting with his
it. Thus, the title of the groups does not speak own hand from the hand of a nun and on the
exactly the contents of the groups. direction of a nun to give rice or curry, respec-
tively. The third is incurred by a monk if he
accepts food from the families of learners
Pācittiyā Dhammā for Nuns (sekhasammatani kulāni) neither invited before-
hand nor being ill. Likewise, the fourth is com-
Similarly, the Pācittiyā dhammā for nuns, mitted by a monk residing in a dangerous or
being 162 in number, are arranged in 16 frightening monastery not announced before-
groups and named after the first dhammā of each hand if he accepts food with his own hand
group. These vaggas are as noted being not ill.
below – (1) Lasunavaggo, (2) Rattandhavago, It is interesting to note that, opposed to the
(3) Maggavaggo, (4) Tuvaṭṭavaggo, Pāṭidesaniyā dhammā for monks, all of the eight
(5) Cittāgāravaggo, (6) Ārāmavaggo, Pāṭidesaniyā dhammā regarding nuns are
(7) Gabbhinīvaggo, (8) Kumārbhūtavaggo, pertaining to restriction on eating the eight dain-
(9) Chattāgāravaggo, (10) Musāvādavaggo, ties, namely, ghee (sappi), curd, oil, honey, butter,
(11) Bhūtagāmavaggo, (12) Bhojanavaggo, fish, meat, and milk by directing the donor to
(13) Cārittavaggo, (14) Jotivaggo, (15) Diṭṭhivaggo, serve such articles of food. Most likely the pur-
and (16) Dhammikavaggo. All these groups, like the pose behind the imposition of such a restriction
Bhikkhu Pācittiyā dhammā, are formed with 10 has not been taken into account anywhere in the P
dhammā each, except the eighth and the ninth groups Vinaya texts [3].
containing 13 dhammā each. On the basis of the terminology of the Sekhiyā
A comparative appraisal of the two sets of dhammā, the term sekhiyā may in brief be
dhammā perused above leads us to construe that: interpretated as “sikkhā karaniyā’ ti sekhiyā,”
i.e., the custom or practice ought to be observed
(a) The number of such dhammā in both the sets is sekhiyā. Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī explains it as
are not in round number, i.e., 92 and 162. follows – “Ettha ca yasmā vattakhandhake
(b) The first group of dhammā of the Pācittiyā for vuttavattānipi tathā sikhitabbattā sekhiyāneva
monks is as regards false speech, whereas the honti” [1], i.e., these are so called because these
first group of dhammā in case of nuns is are ought to be observed like the customs (vattani)
pertaining to eating garlic, and these groups laid down in the Vattakhandhaka (refers to the
are accordingly named as Musāvādavaggo eighth Khandhaka of the Cullavagga; see [4]).
and Lasunavaggo. Thus, Sekhiyā dhammā are rules regarding good
(c) Out of 16 groups of the Pācittiyā dhammā for manners enforced upon the members of the
nuns, only 3 groups, i.e., vaggas 10, 11, and saṃgha, and therefore, not requited with any
12 share common titles with the first, second, type of punishment.
and fourth groups of the Pācittiyā dhammā for Arranged in seven groups named after the first
monks, respectively, the first two groups (10th dhammā of the group, six groups from the
878 Pātimokkha

beginning having 10 dhammā each and the last In this regard, it is to be borne in mind that all
group 15 dhammā, the total number of such the ways are not equally effective to the disposal
dhammā are thus 75 which are operative to the of the disputes under reference. Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī
monks and nuns alike. specially makes a mention as to whichever way/
ways would be operative to whichever dispute.
The same may be produced in a tabular form as
Adhikaranasamathā noted under:
˙
The Adhikaraṇasamathā formed with two (a) Vivādādhikaraṇa – Sammukhavinaya,
terms – Adhikaraṇa and Samathā – is the last Yebhuyyasikā
section of the Dhammā of the Pātimokkha, the (b) Anuvādādhikaraṇa – Sammukhavinaya,
former term meaning a dispute and the latter Sativinaya, Amulhavinaya, Tassapāpiyyasikaya
conveying its settlement or disposal. Unlike the (c) Āpattādhikaraṇa – Sammukhavinaya,
five sections of offenses proper along with their Paṭiññātakaraṇa, and Tiṇavatthāraka
punishments and the last but one section, i.e., the (d) Kiccādhikaraṇa – Sammukhavinaya
Sekhiyā which lay down laws of good conduct to
be observed, this section refers to four types of
dispute together with seven ways of their disposal Conclusions
or settlement. A dispute may be caused because of
four reasons, namely, vivāda (contention), As remarked before, some of the aforesaid sec-
anuvāda (censure), āpatti (offense), and kicca tions, for one reason or the other, seem
(the manner of putting up an agenda at formal unjustifiably included in the Pātimokkha. For
meeting of the order). Named after their respective instance, the offenses enlisted in the third section
reasons of bringing about these disputes, these are ought not to be treated as a separate section for
named as below: they belong, according to the circumstances, to
Pārājika, Sanghādisesa, or Pācittiyā section.
(a) Vivādadhikaraṇa (wrong representation of Similarly, the restraints belonging to the seventh
a legal matter) section, i.e., Sekhiyā can never come on
(b) Anuvādādhikaraṇa (censure) the category of offenses as neither of the follies
(c) Āpattādhikaraṇa (offense) is retributed with any punishment or expiation. As
(d) Kiccādhikaraṇai (the manner of putting up an such, Pachow aptly remarks that the violation of
agenda at formal meeting of the order) any of them by a Bhikkhu is not considered to be
a criminal act but simply bad manners [2]. Like-
An adhikaraṇa (a legal matter), to whatever wise, the last section the Adhikaraṇasamathā
category it may belong, is resolved by a duly gives different methods for the settlement of
appointed Saṅgha. The session of the Saṅgha is a disputed issue of the Order. Now what may be
regulated by the rules of Adhikaraṇasamathā, i.e., inferred is that out of the eight sections, only five,
ways of settlement of a dispute which are seven in namely, Pārājika, Saṅghādisesa, Nissaggiyā
number – Sammukhavinaya (a verdict in the pres- Pācittiyā, Pācittiyā, and Pāṭidesaniyā are separate
ence), Sativinaya (a verdict of innocence), sections of what is called transgressions and expi-
Amulhavinaya (a verdict of past insanity), ations in the proper sense of the term.
Paṭiňňātakaraṇa (a verdict to be carried out on There is another point that draws one’s atten-
acknowledgement), Yebhuyyasikā (the verdict of tion. The collective name of the first group of the
the majority), Tasspāpiyyasikā (a verdict for spe- Vinaya texts is Vibhaṅga, though the chronologi-
cial depravity), and Tiṇṇavāttharaka (a verdict of cal history of formation of the Buddhist order is
covering up with grass). contained in the Khandhaka where information as
Patisambhidā 879
˙

regards the enlightenment of the Buddha under In the light of the foregoing discussion,
Bo-tree on the bank of the Nerañjara, the forma- enjoining upon the monks to recite the Pātimokkha
tion of the order of monks by turning the wheel of in their fortnightly congregation (Uposatha) at the
the Dhammā to the Pañcavaggiyā, his quondam very inception of the formation of the Order of
colleagues at Isipatana, so on and so forth are monks, however, does not appear in consonance
vividly recorded. The Vibhaṅga consists of two with the history of the formulation of the Dhammā
closely connected texts, namely, Bhikkhu of the Pātimokkha which were formulated by the
Vibhaṅga and Bhikkhunī Vibhaṅga. Both these lord himself after his sojourn at about seven differ-
texts are considered to be extensive treatises on ent places beginning at Verañjā till his return there-
the Pātimokkha rules giving the occasion for the from to Vesālī via Payāgatittha and Vārāṇasī. The
formulation of each rule, with some explanation process, which began with the promulgation of
or illustration of various terms employed in the Pārājikā dhammā at Vesali, persisted till the fram-
wording of the rules concerned. Some of such ing of Sekhiyā dhammā at Sāvatthi. So far as
illustrations conform to the rule formulated, the place of formation of Adhikaraṇasamathā
while some other form exception to them. These dhammā is concerned, the Vibhaṅga is mum. So
two texts, therefore, suitably called Sutta also are Samantapāsādikā and Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī .
Vibhaṅga, very likely Sutta implying a rule and
Vibhaṅga its exegetic delineation. It is important
Cross-References
to note that these texts in the manuscripts are
generally known as Pārājika and Pācittiya,
▶ Bimbisāra
respectively.
▶ Saṃgha
Similarly Khandhaka is the collective name of
▶ Uposatha
the second collection of the Vinaya texts which
comprises two texts, the Mahāvagga and the
Cullavagga. Out of these two texts, the former References
traces the history of the origins of the order of
monks from its very inception, while the latter 1. Maskel D (ed) (1981) Kaṅkhāvitaraṇī. Pali Text Soci-
refers to the formation of the order of nuns. The ety, London
2. Pachow W (1955) A comparative study of the
Mahāvagga says that the Buddha, on the sugges- Pātimokkha. Visvabharati, Santiniketan
tion of the Magadhan king Bimbisāra, enjoined 3. Rhys Davids TW, Oldenberg H (trans) (1965) Vinaya P
upon the monks to recite the Dhammā first which texts, Part I. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
was instantaneously replaced by the lord himself 4. Tiwari M et al (eds) (1956) Cullavagga, Nalanda
Devanāgarī Pāli series. Navanalanda Mahavihara,
with the recital of the Pātimokkha. Thus, the Nalanda
recital of the Pātimokkha which started with the 5. Tiwari M et al (eds) (1956) Mahāvagga, Nalanda
formation of the order of monks persisted as an Devanāgarī Pāli series. Navanalanda Mahavihara, Nalanda
essential feature of the fortnightly gathering of
monks (Uposatha) which was known as
Pātimokkhauddesa or simply Suttuddesa as
Pātimokkha
another epithet for it being Pātimokkhasuttaṁ as ˙
well. Opposed to it, as the order of nuns was
▶ Pātimokkha
constituted considerably late, the compilation of
the Bhikkhunī Pātimokkha would have followed
subsequently. Nevertheless, these are invariably
referred to as Ubhayāni Pātimokkhāni, as if those Patisambhidā
were compiled simultaneously in quick ˙
succession. ▶ Paṭisambhidāmagga
880 Patisambhidāmagga
˙

Yuganandhavagga (Coupling Section), and

Patisambhidāmagga Paññāvagga (Knowledge Section). Each of these
˙ vaggas is further divided into ten kathās.
K. T. S. Sarao It has been suggested that the purpose of the
Department of Buddhist Studies, Paṭisambhidāmagga may have been the first but
University of Delhi, Delhi, India not very successful attempt to systematize the
Abhidhamma in the form of a handbook ([2],
p. 126; [3], p. 60). If so, it could be a forerunner
Synonyms
of both the Vimuttimagga and the Visuddhimagga
([3], p. 60). In contrast to these later texts, which
Path of analysis; Path of discrimination;
are well organized and composed with great care,
Paṭisambhidā; Way of comprehension
the Paṭisambhidāmagga appears rather to be
patched together ([3], p. 60). According to the
Definition Dīpavaṃsa, the Paṭisambhidāmagga was rejected
by the Mahāsaṃghikas at the Second Buddhist
The Paṭisambhidāmagga is the 12th book of the Council (V.37). According to Hinüber, as the
Khuddaka Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka of Pāli Paṭisambhidāmagga gives an orthodox interpreta-
Tipiṭaka. tion of canonical Theravāda literature, it is easy to
understand why it could not possibly have
The Paṭisambhidāmagga, twelfth book of the been accepted by any other school ([3], p. 60).
Khuddaka Nikāya, is the only Abhidhamma text Not only is the treatment of the various subjects in
that is part of the Khuddaka Nikāya. According to the Paṭisambhidāmagga essentially scholastic in
Hinüber, it has found its way into the Khuddaka character, but whole passages are taken verbatim
Nikāya probably because it was composed rather from the Vinaya Piṭaka, and the Dīgha, Aṅguttara,
late to be included in the Abhidhamma Piṭaka, and Saṃyutta Nikāyas of the Sutta Piṭaka, while
which was already closed, while the end of the a general acquaintance with the early Buddhist
Khuddaka Nikāya always remained open for addi- legends is assumed (see [5], p. 285). However,
tions ([3], p. 60). In content, the Paṭisamb- according to Warder, the overall form of the book
hidāmagga is generally viewed as a supplement as well as the title suggest that at least the present
to the Vibhaṅga, and it has been suggested that arrangement of the discussions is not entirely
it is most likely that before the development casual and that the work sets out in systematic
of the extant Abhidhamma Piṭaka, order the way to enlightenment ([10], p. 299).
the Paṭisambhidāmagga existed as one of the The earliest portions of the Paṭisamb-
Abhidhamma treatises. In the style of a true hidāmagga were dated by A.K. Warder to between
Abhidhamma text, its first vagga begins with 237 B.C.E. and 100 B.C.E., with some additions
a mātikā (table of contents) containing 73 differ- possibly made as late as the fifth century C.E.
ent facets of ñāṇa (knowledge) and thereafter ([10], pp. 299–302). However, according to
detailed elucidation on them. The second vagga, Erich Frauwallner, the Paṭisambhidāmagga was
however, starts with a series of queries to be most probably composed in the second century
replied in the subsequent text, which, however, C.E. ([2], pp. 124–127). But L.S. Cousins dis-
is not a dialogue. Like the Niddesa, the composi- agrees with the late dating as it represents an
tion of the Paṭisambhidāmagga is ascribed to earlier stage of development of thought than
Sāriputta. It consists of 30 kathās (discussions or Theravāda canonical Abhidhamma treatises ([1],
treatises) on different topics, of which the first, on p. 155). According to Noa Ronkin, to judge from
knowledge, makes up about a third of the entire the Paṭisambhidāmagga’s method of explaining
book. The book is divided into three vaggas the dhammas, it is in all likelihood “a transitional
(sections): Mahāvagga (Great Section), text residing somewhere in between the suttas and
Patthāna 881
˙˙

the aṭṭhakathā. It introduces new concepts and References

ideas that depart from the Nikāya outlook, while
at the same time its method of explaining these 1. Cousins LS (1998) Review of Oskar von Hinüber’s
a handbook of Pāli literature, 1966, Walter de Gruyter,
concepts and ideas is not yet as consolidated as
Berlin. Bull Sch Orient Afr Stud 61(1):155–156
that of the commentaries, and ideas themselves 2. Frauwallner E (1972) Abhidbarma-Studien IV. Der
are not fully worked out, or indeed are still latent” Abhidharma der anderen Schulen. Wien Z Kunde
([8], pp. 91–92). Süd-asiens 16:95–152
3. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
According to J.P. McDermott, the most signif-
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
icant contribution of the Paṭisambhidāmagga is in 4. Joshi CV (trans) (1933–1947) The
its analysis of the four discriminations (I.I.416- Saddhammappakāsinī: commentary on the Paṭisamb-
433; II.VI) as well as the description of the hidāmagga, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
5. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
Buddha’s miracle of the double appearance
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
(I.I.592-595) which appears to be the first such 6. McDermott JP (1996) Paṭisambhidāmagga. In: Potter
description in Pāli literature ([6], p. 219). A.K. KH (ed) Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies, vol VII.
Warder is of the view that the Paṭisambhidāmagga Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 219–264
7. Ñaṇamoli B (trans) (1982) The path of discrimination
may be considered as a record of various discus-
(Paṭisambhidāmagga), with an intro. by A.K. Warder.
sions which had taken place in the Theravāda Pali Text Society, London
school, in which agreed doctrine, supplementary 8. Ronkin N (2005) Early Buddhist metaphysics: the
to what was found in the Tipiṭaka at that time, was making of a philosophical tradition. RoutledgeCurzon,
London
noted and handed down ([10], p. 299). According
9. Taylor AC (ed) (1979) Paṭisambhidāmagga [Com-
to him, if the Buddha were to sit at some quiet bined vol]. Pali Text Society, London
place and write “a single book setting out his 10. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd rev edn.
doctrine fully, then it might be thought he would Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
11. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
have produced some such book as this. . . To
(trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
answer the need in an age of highly organised Delhi
‘monasteries’ and ‘schools’ for a more academic
type of textbook than the old Tipiṭaka Sutta,
works such as the Paṭisambhidāmagga were com-
piled” ([10], p. 302). Thus, “What is really new in Patthāna
the. . . book is that a considerable step has been ˙˙ P
taken. . . towards a single all-embracing account K. T. S. Sarao
in which, ideally, everything [the Buddha] was Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
recorded to have said should find its proper Delhi, Delhi, India
place” ([10], p. 301–302).
A commentary of the Paṭisambhidāmagga,
known as the Saddhammappakāsiṇī, was pre-
pared by Mahānāma, a Sri Lankan Buddhist elder. Synonyms

Book of Causal Relationships; Book of Causes;

Cross-References Jñāna-prasthāna; Mahā-Pakaraṇa; Paṭṭhāna-
Pakaraṇa
▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya
▶ Sāriputta Definition
▶ Tipiṭaka
▶ Vibhaṅga It is the last of the seven books of the
▶ Visuddhimagga Abhidhamma Piṭaka.
882 Patthāna
˙˙

The Paṭṭhāna is the seventh and last book of the 1. Hetu (Condition, Causal Relation)
Abhidhamma Piṭaka. It may be described as 2. Ārammaṇa (Object (presented to mind))
“the book of causal relationships.” It consists of 3. Adhipati (Dominance)
three divisions, i.e., Eka, Duka, and Tī ka. The 4. Anantara (Contiguity)
whole of this book deals in great detail with the 5. Samanta (Immediate Contiguity)
22 tī kas (group of three’s) and 100 couplets dukas 6. Sahajāta (Co-nascence)
(group of two’s) with reference to the 24 paccayas 7. Aññamañña (Reciprocity)
or modes of relations which are assumed between 8. Nissaya (Dependence)
phenomena (dhammā), psychological, and mate- 9. Upanissaya (Sufficing dependence)
rial: causal relationship, relationship of the subject 10. Purejāta (Antecedence)
and object, reciprocity, dependence, co-nascence, 11. Pacchājāta (Consequence)
coexistence, contiguity, antecedence, and so on. 12. Āsevana (Habitual recurrence)
The book primarily drives the point home that 13. Kamma (Action)
with the sole exception of Nirvāṇa which is abso- 14. Vipāka (Result)
lute, there is nothing which is not relative in one 15. Āhāra (Support)
way or another, i.e., which is not related to another 16. Indriya (Control, Faculty)
thing in one of the 24 modes. Each reality in one’s 17. Jhāna
life can only arise because of a concurrence of 18. Magga (Path, Means)
various conditions which operate in a very complex 19. Sampayutta (Association)
way. These conditions are not abstractions but are 20. Vippayutta (Dissociation)
functional in one’s daily life all the time. What one 21. Atthi (Presence)
takes for one’s mind and one’s body are mere 22. Natthi (Absence)
elements which come into being because of the 23. Vigata (Abeyance)
associated conditions. As pointed out by Hinüber, 24. Avigata (Continuance)
“It is easy to see that the number of possibilities that
opens up here is almost limitless” ([1], p. 75). Traditionally it has been assumed that apart
The Paṭṭhāna is an enormous and by far the from the 24 Tīkas and the 100 Dukas which
longest single text not only of the Abhidhamma were preached by the Buddha himself, another
Piṭaka but among all the texts of the Tipiṭaka. Its 42 Dukas were added by the Buddha’s chief dis-
Commentary, the Pañcappakaraṇaṭṭhakathā, was ciple, Sāriputta ([3]: 9.23–26; see [1], p. 75).
apparently written by Buddhaghosa at the request Talking about the primary purpose behind the
of a monk known as Culla Buddhaghosa. The title composition of the Paṭṭhāna, Hinüber has pointed
the Paṭṭhāna is explained in this commentary as out that it has been recognized in tradition that the
the basis for all the other Abhidhamma texts ([8]: Saṅgīti Suttanta (no. 33) and the Dasuttara
9.27) because the 24 tīkas and the 100 dukas are Suttanta (no. 34) of the Dīgha Nikāya together
considered to be the mātikā (tabulated summaries) with the Aṅguttara Nikāya form the basis of the
for all the Abhidhamma texts ([3]: 9.20–22; see Paṭṭhāna. “The text is thought to facilitate the use
[1], p. 75). However, as pointed out by Hinüber, of the Suttantas for Abhidhamma specialists and
this is contrary to the historical development ([1], this is the purpose usually ascribed to Paṭṭhāna by
p. 75). the tradition” ([3]: 9.27–29; see [1], p. 75).
The whole of the Paṭṭhāna is in its entirety The structure of Paṭṭhāna is not easy to follow
devoted, first, to an investigation into the follow- and has not been examined sufficiently enough till
ing 24 modes in which x is paccaya to y and, date ([1], p. 75). Its “chapters are very difficult to
second, into demonstrating how, in material as understand, since they consist mostly of numerals.
well as psychological phenomena, every type of Since the enumeration chapters of the Paṭṭhāna list
paccaya and groups of paccayas obtain (see [8], arithmetically the numbers ofanswers to each
p. x): question, the exposition of this subject is very
Perfection of Understanding 883

susceptible to presentation by charts” ([6], p. 107). 7. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1906) The Dukapaṭṭhāna. Pāli
C.A.F. Rhys Davids, while writing a general sur- Text Society, London
8. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1921, 1922, 1923).
vey of the work on the Paṭṭhāna and other texts of Tikapaṭṭhāna together with Buddhaghosa’s Commen-
the Abhidhamma Piṭaka by her and her colleagues tary from the Pañcappakaraṇaṭṭhakathā, 3 vols. Pāli
spanning many years, said somewhat resignedly: Text Society, London
“As we leave this house of cloistered lives, of 9. Rhys Davids CAF (1923) The Abhidhamma Piṭaka
and commentaries. J R Asiatic Soc Great Britain Irel
a closed tradition, ofa past dominating presentand (New Ser) 55(2):243–250
future, we have a sense of rooms, swept and 10. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
garnished clean and tidy, of sealed windows, of (trans: Sarma VS), rev edn., vol 2. Motilal
drawn blinds, of no outlooktowards the dawn” Banarsidass, Delhi
([9], p. 250). Despite her skepticism about the
value of the Paṭṭhāna, a work of pure scholasti-
cism and “being practically nothing more than
a huge series of logical exercises in the correlating Patthāna-Pakarana
of terms, to be acquired, originally, by oral teach-
˙˙ ˙
ing” ([7], p. xi), C.A.F. Rhys Davids recommends ▶ Paṭṭhāna
that the Paṭṭhāna is “well worth the study of the
historian of Buddhist ideas, and of logical and
philosophical ideas in general. It is the one notable
constructive contribution to knowledge in the Pausadha
Abhidhamma” ([7], p. v).
▶ Uposatha

Cross-References

▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
Perfect Wisdom
▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
▶ Buddhaghosa
▶ Prajñāpāramitā
▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī
▶ Dīgha Nikāya P
▶ Sāriputta
▶ Tipiṭaka
Perfection

References ▶ Pāramitā

1. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.

Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
2. Law BC (1983) A history of Pāli literature, reprint,
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi Perfection of Insight
3. Müller E (ed) (1979) The Atthasālinī: Buddhaghosa’s
commentary on the Dhammasaṅgṇī, rev edn. Pāli Text ▶ Prajñāpāramitā
Society, London
4. Nārada U (trans) (1969, 1981) Conditional relations,
2 vols. Pāli Text Society, London
5. Nārada U (1979) Guide to conditional relations. Part I.
Pāli Text Society, London
6. Norman KR (1983) A history of Indian literature: Pāli
Perfection of Understanding
literature, vol VII, Fasc. 2. Otto Harrassowitz,
Wiesbaden ▶ Prajñāpāramitā
884 Perfection of Wisdom

anti-Buddhist crusades of Kumārila Bhaṭṭa and

Perfection of Wisdom Śaṃkarācārya, and an attempt by brāhmaṇas not
only to burn the pavilion where Xuanzang was to
▶ Prajñāpāramitā be honored by king Harṣavardhana but also to kill
pro-Buddhist Harṣavardhana himself ([6], p. 179)
are given as important instances in support of such
a hypothesis. The description of the Buddha in
Periodic Bleeding some of the Purāṇas as a grand seducer who
brought the asuras to their ruin and the view in
▶ Menstruation (Buddhism) the Yajñavalkya that a bhikkhu in yellow robes is
an ill omen are further quoted as examples of the
contempt in which the Buddhists were held by the
brāhmaṇas. Examples have also been cited of
Persecution (Buddhism) Brāhmaṇical temples which were originally Bud-
dhist shrines [39]. Some scholars have also
K. T. S. Sarao referred to “the philosophical plunder of Bud-
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of dhism” by Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism which
Delhi, Delhi, India was accompanied by “mean-spirited ridicule”
([20], p. 11). Thus, it has been pointed out that it
is not uncommon to find Buddhists being referred
Definition to as “outcastes” (vasalaka) and “devils/demons”
(daitya, dānava) ([20], p. 10). Instances of the
Did the Buddhists in India experience discrimina- legacy of communal hatred against the Buddhists
tion and harassment at the hands of Brāhmaṇical- have also been cited from presented day practices
Hindus and their kings? in different parts of India. For instance, it has been
pointed out that the modern Telugu words lanja
dibbalu, which refer to mounds of earth
Allegations of Persecution containing Buddhist archaeological ruins, literally
mean “prostitute hill” ([20], p. 10). Similarly, one
It is alleged by some scholars that some of the is reminded of a practice at the Thiruvadigai tem-
ancient Indian kings and the brāhmaṇas as ple in Cuddalore (Tamil Nadu) where apparently
a priestly community despised the Buddhists and during the annual temple festival, the temple ele-
such a “hostile attitude was vigorously sustained phant knocks the Buddha sculpture, kept in one of
till Buddhism was overpowered in India and the corners, thrice with its trunk to symbolize the
disappeared from the land of its birth” ([25], victory of Śaivism over Buddhism ([1]: 2004).
p. 311). Some have even claimed that religious
tolerance was alien to pre-British India and that
there is sufficient actual or circumstantial evi- Views Favoring Patronage and Support
dence testifying to the destruction of monasteries to Buddhism
by the brāhmaṇas and the creation by them of
special militias aimed at intimidating the Buddhist As opposed to the above stated instance and views
monks and the laity ([49], pp. 1–36). Traditional expressed in support of persecution of Buddhism,
doctrinal controversies between learned also there is no dearth of examples of brāhmaṇas
brāhmaṇas and Buddhist teachers, it is sometimes and Brāhmaṇical-Hindu kings extending support
pointed out, turned into ordeals where the latter in various forms, especially material support, to
might be killed or exiled or obliged to convert. Buddhist institutions. If some brāhmaṇas were
Attack on Aṅgulimāla by a frenzied mob, the detractors of Buddhism, some of the best sup-
murders of Moggallāna and Āryadeva, porters of Buddhism were also brāhmaṇas. In
Persecution (Buddhism) 885

fact, over a quarter of the Buddhist monks and reliable evidence of any spirit of fanatical fury or
nuns mentioned in the Vinaya and Sutta Piṭaka fierce hatred in the sources. It was quite typical in
came from the Brāhmaṇa caste ([42], p. 69). Over India for holy persons to be surrounded by men
40% of the leading monks (theras) and nuns and women of diverse religious backgrounds.
(therī s) mentioned in texts such as the Vinaya
Piṭaka, Theragāthā, and Therīgāthā also belonged
to the Brāhmaṇa caste ([42], p. 127). The Buddha Critique of the Views Supporting
made respectful reference to brāhmaṇas who Persecution
observed their vows in contradistinction to those
who were mere brāhmaṇas by birth, and he In connection with Xuanzang’s story that the
classed the worthy samaṇas with the Brāhmanas. brāhmaṇas of Kanauja had set fire to the pavilion
The Dhammapada devotes a full chapter entitled built for the reception of the Chinese pilgrim and
Brāhmaṇavagga (vs. 383–423) detailing qualities that they even made an attempt on the life of the
of a Brāhmaṇa leaving no doubt that the word king, it may be said that king Harṣavardhana also
Brāhmaṇa was held in high esteem by the Bud- hardly respected the principles of tolerance and
dha. “[I]n dozens of Suttas, meetings of liberty of speech. During the debate organized on
brāhmaṇas and Buddha or his disciples and the following day, he is said to have threatened to
missionaries. . . almost always seem to be marked cut off the tongue of anyone who would dare
by courtesy on both sides. No meetings are oppose the distinguished guest ([6], p. 179). Sim-
recorded in the early Pāli texts or Brāhmaṇical ilarly, the statement in the Kerala-Utpatti that the
texts about Śākyans condemning the tenets of Buddhists were driven out of Kerala by Kumārila
ancient Brāhmaṇism or about brāhmaṇas censur- Bhaṭṭa does not appear to be correct. As pointed
ing the Bauddha heterodoxy” ([26], Vol. V.II, out by R. C. Mitra, “It appears very probable that
p. 1004). As far as the Brāhmaṇical followers the name of Kumārila, like that of the more emi-
were concerned, to them, Buddhism was a mere nent Saṃkara after him, was devised by later
sect within the Brāhmaṇical system. According to zealots as a plausible human agency with whom
a tradition, Āryadeva, the pupil of Nāgārajuna, to associate the tradition of a heresy-hunt simply
was murdered by one of the fanatical pupils of because these authors fashioned the new philoso-
a teacher whom Āryadeva had defeated in phy in vindication of orthodoxy which seemed to
a debate. Āryadeva had asked his disciples to have knocked the bottom out of the Buddhist P
forgive the killer. The murder of Moggallāna (sup- defence” ([34], p. 128). The writings of Kumārila
posedly committed at the behest of Niganṭhas), do not reflect any anti-Buddhist frenzy. In fact,
described only in the Dhammapadaṭṭhakathā, “he regards the Buddhist system of thought as
was an individual act of crime. Similarly, the authoritative. . . and. . . allows it the merit of hav-
assault on Aṅgulimāla had no religious motive ing curbed extreme attachment to sensuous
behind it. As put by R. C. Mitra, “[t]he attitude objects. He does not seem to be shocked by its
of the Hindus might have graduated from cold to opposition to the Veda, only he puts it in the same
scorching contempt, but a policy of harrying the category with the Sāṃkhya, the Yoga, the
Buddhists out with fire and sword sounds like Pañcarātra and the Pāśupata” ([34], p. 128). In
a myth” ([34], p. 20). “While isolated instances the exposition of his own philosophy, Kumārila
of actual violence by Hindu zealots doubtless did admits the validity of the Vijñānavāda doctrine
occur, these were probably not sufficient in num- and his respect for the Buddha only stops short
ber or impact to seriously cripple the groups of the recognition of the Avatārahood of the Bud-
towards which they were directed” ([22], p. 83). dha ([34], p. 129).
Though some aspects of the philosophy of Bud- It cannot be denied that the archaeological
dhism, especially its atheism and their dress or records at Nāgārjunakoṇḍā appear to point toward
shaven-heads, may have often been the subjects destruction which is hard to explain as the van-
of insensitive ridicule, it is not possible to find dalism of treasure seekers. The local tradition
886 Persecution (Buddhism)

ascribes the destruction of this place to ([13], p. 29). There is no doubt that he made
Śaṃkarācārya, and the adjoining lands are still in efforts to fortify his kind of Brāhmaṇical-
the possession of those monks who owe alle- Hinduism by enrolling missionaries in its defense
giance to the Order of Śaṃkarācārya. However, and organizing them into corporate monastic
apropos allegations of anti-Buddhist actions of schools under the central direction of the Grand
Śaṃkarācārya, it may, on the whole, be said that Abbot of Śringerī. But the legend of his having
spurious scandals are often an inevitable penalty preached and led a bloody crusade against the
of supreme eminence. The relationship of Buddhists cannot be sustained. Called hidden
Śaṃkarācārya to Buddhism has been the subject Buddhist (pracchana bauddha) by some,
of considerable debate since ancient times. If Śaṃkarācārya may not have been exactly
some have hailed him as the arch critic of Bud- a bosom pal, still no special animosity is betrayed
dhism and the principal architect of its downfall in against the Buddhists in the writings attributed to
India, there have been others who have described him. It is also important to remember that Bud-
him as a Buddhist in disguise (see [38], p. 255). dhism was in decline much before Śaṃkarācārya
When Śaṃkarācārya came north to the intellectual arrived on the scene. Moreover, Śaṃkarācārya
centers there, he borrowed many of the ideas that refuted not just the Buddhists but also most of
had been formulated by Buddhist philosophers of the other schools of Indian philosophy. But none
the past ([11], pp. 239–240). In his exposition that of these other schools seems to have suffered any
the world is an illusion, Śaṃkarācārya borrowed visible damage as a result. In any case, Tāranātha
arguments from Mādhyamaka and Yogācāra, himself points out that both Kumārila and
though he disagreed with them on some matters Śaṃkarācārya finally met their match in
([11], p. 248). Śaṃkarācārya was the spiritual a Buddhist monk and were routed in the intellec-
grandson of Gauḍapāda. Gauḍapāda’s ideas were tual wrestling that ensued ([28], pp. 231–233).
“a synthesis of Vedantism and Buddhism” ([14], In a well-documented study, it has been shown
p. 3). In fact, Gauḍapāda’s thinking often coin- that over 40 important Buddhist thinkers from the
cides so exactly with some aspects of Mahāyāna eighth to the first quarter of the thirteenth century
Buddhist philosophy that there are some who lived in India ([27], p. 166). However, during the
believe that he himself was a Buddhist. For same period, Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism had just
instance, S. N. Dasgupta even thinks that since about half a dozen thinkers of comparable repute.
Gauḍapāda flourished after the advent of all the It seems that though these five centuries were
great Buddhist teachers, including Aśvaghoṣa, a sun-set period for Buddhism, yet the few surviv-
Nāgārjuna, Asaṅga, and Vasubandhu, “there is ing Buddhist mahāvihāras due to the particular
sufficient evidence in his kārikās for thinking attention that they paid to academic and intellec-
that he was possibly himself a Buddhist, and tual work, succeeded in producing quite a few
considered that the teachings of the Upanishads thinkers of substance. However, compared to
tallied with those of Buddha” ([12], p. 423). this, Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism during the same
Dasgupta further points out that “Gauḍapāda period appears to have been greatly agrarianized
assimilated all the Buddhist Śūnyavāda and by the Bhakti Movement and was rather focusing
Vijñānavāda teachings, and thought that these on displacing Buddhism from the sociopolitical
held good of the ultimate truth preached by the pedestal, leaving the path of wisdom
Upaniṣads. It is immaterial whether he was (jñānamārga) almost entirely to Buddhism. “To
a Hindu or a Buddhist, so long as we are sure have had not more than half a dozen thinkers
that he had the highest respect for the Buddha and during a period of almost 500 years does not
for the teachings which he believed to be his” speak very highly of Ācārya Śaṃkara’s Digvijaya,
([12], p. 429). “Advaita-Vedanta of Śankara with so loudly proclaimed not only by his disciples but
its colorless Brahman contradicting all the empir- also others, in the Indian tradition” ([27], p. 166).
ical realities is in its turn the culmination of the Thus, it is difficult to believe that Śaṃkarācārya’s
evolution of the Upanishadic Buddhistic thought” views spread rapidly during his life time (c. 800
Persecution (Buddhism) 887

C.E.) with his far-flung maṭhas serving bad light. For instance, the Siddhas are expected
as radiation points. For instance, although to be served in heaven by Hari as gatekeeper.
Alberuni (fl. 1030) studied a mass of Sanskrit There are images in which Indra always serves
literature with access to learned brāhmaṇa infor- to bear the parasol, and Gaṇeśa is at the feet of
mants, he makes no reference to Śaṃkarācārya Vighnāṭaka ([8], pp. 62–163). However, such
([19], pp. 78–88). If Śaṃkarācārya’s views had examples should not be stressed too far. It cannot
not reached northern India in any strength by the be said with certainty that similes such as these
eleventh century, they are, of course, likely to smack of any sectarian disdain. They are
have spread more slowly, so as to obtain wide more reflective of the period’s peculiar fondness
acceptance some time before the seventeenth cen- for grandiloquence and extravagant exaggeration
tury ([19], p. 79). than anything else.
The absence of one single truth in
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism created sufficient space
There Was No Continued and Organized for plurality of modes of faith in god and afterlife,
Persecution including the denial of god’s existence. Thus, the
tolerance of divergent views is integral to
Religious persecution of a limited and temporary Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism, and it may be said that
character was not really a terra incognita, partic- in spite of some stray incidents resulting from the
ularly in the south. But Indian history does not heat of sectarian rivalry here and there, there are
bear out the fact of a continued and organized no reliable examples of any purposive and
persecution as the state policy of a dynasty in sustained persecution much less a crusade.
a measure sufficient to exterminate an established As pointed out by Murti, “polemic
faith. Had the Buddha been hated by the (parapakṣanirākaraṇa) is an integral part of
Brāhmaṇical society, the same society would not each (Indian) system. It is an evidence of the
have accepted him as an incarnation of Viṣṇu. The maturity not only of one system, but of several
Garuḍa Purāṇa (i.202) invokes the Buddha as an contemporary ones from which it is differentiated.
incarnation of Viṣṇu for the protection of the In spite of the heroic language used, polemics
world from sinners and not for deluding asuras does not mean that rival systems are refuted out
to their ruin as in the Viṣṇu, Agni, or other early of existence; they are only differentiated from
Purāṇas. The Varāha Purāṇa also refers to the each other.... Philosophical schools have attained P
Buddha as an incarnation in no deprecating their fullness because of criticism and opposition”
sense, but he is adored simply as the god of beauty ([36], p. 8). Buddhism had neither been conceived
(i.39–48). Superior contempt is the distinctively by the Buddha as a proselytizing religion nor had
Hindu method of persecution. Purāṇas such as the it attained any numerical success to the extent that
Viṣṇu, Vāyu, and Matsya mention the Buddha as it may have posed any danger to the survival of
the grand seducer. The Yajñavalkya considers the Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism as a religion. The Bud-
sight of a monk with yellow robes as an execrable dhist challenge to thought was answered primarily
augury (i.273). But this kind of attitude was not on an intellectual plane, and on the whole, it is not
always one sided, and some scholars have gone so easy to find any example of Brāhmaṇical hostility
far as to say that Buddhism was much more toward Buddhist lay supporters in India. More-
unfriendly toward Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism than over, Indian Buddhism attempted to seek space
the other way round. It is no secret that the Bud- within space rather than carving out its own space
dhists “criticized severely the doctrines of the to the exclusion of others. In this sense, Buddhism
Hindus, attacked their caste system, insulted the did not pose any danger to Brāhmaṇical-Hindu-
Hindu gods, and, in fact, did everything that is far ism. However, Brāhmaṇical-brāhmaṇas as
from being friendly” ([5], p. 15). In fact, there is a priestly class did feel threatened by Buddhism
sufficient evidence to prove that the Buddhists from the time of king Aśoka onward when insti-
tried to show different Brāhmaṇical deities in tutional Buddhism acquired the character of
888 Persecution (Buddhism)

a pan-Indian religion with significant sociopoliti- responsible for following deliberate and system-
cal clout whereby the Buddha rose to the status of atic policies of persecution against the followers
the most popular religious figure. The of Buddhism. On the basis of the testimony of
Brāhmaṇical-brāhmaṇas, as a priestly class with these texts, it has been alleged that the actions of
sociopolitical vested interest, came up with well- these two kings particularly contributed toward
thought out two-pronged agenda for its own sur- the decline of Buddhism in India ([3],
vival. One, they became designedly agreeable and pp. 405–406; [5], p. 193; [9], pp. 166–167).
assimilative toward those issues in Buddhist welt- Puṣyamitra Śuṅga (circa 184–148 B.C.E.) is gen-
anschauung which had become socioreligiously erally regarded as the symbol and leader of the
commonsensical. A trend toward assimilation of Brāhmaṇical revival that took place when the
Buddhism by Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism appears to dynasty of the Mauryas, the alleged supporters
have begun during the Gupta period. Kane has of non-Brāhmaṇical faiths, was brought to an
suggested that the Purāṇic practices and religious end by him. After seizing the throne, Puṣyamitra
rites undermined the power and prestige of Bud- is alleged to have reestablished the sacrificial cer-
dhism and weaned away large sections of the emonies of Vedic Brāhmaṇism ([18], p. 215).
supporters from the attractive features of Bud- Haraprasad Sastri has pointed out that the various
dhism by securing to them in the reorientated policies of Aśoka had destroyed the reputation of
Hindu faith the same benefits, social and spiritual, the brāhmaṇas and such actions, coming from
as promised by Buddhism ([26], Vol. V.II, a śūdra king, were particularly resented by the
pp. 913–914). In his opinion, the Purāṇas played brāhmaṇas ([43], pp. 259–262). It is further
a substantial role in bringing about the decline and alleged that Aśoka had acted against Brāhmaṇism
disappearance of Buddhism by emphasizing and by not only “showing up the false gods” who had
assimilating some of the principles and doctrines been till then worshipped in Jambudvīpa but the
of the Buddha ([26], Vol. V.II, pp. 913–914). propagation of Buddhism during the reign of the
Slowly and steadily, the Buddha was assimilated Mauryas had also disturbed the Brāhmaṇical
into the pantheon of Viṣṇu, and the Bhakti Move- social and religious order ([19], p. 258; [43],
ment contributed significantly by providing pp. 259–262). The end of the dynasty of the
a congenial environment for such Mauryas at the hands of Puṣyamitra Śuṅga is
a development. Secondly, began to, slowly and seen as a victory of anti-Buddhist Brāhmaṇical
steadily, but systematically, subvert institutional forces which had been silently at work. Thus, it
Buddhism. As suggested by Ronald Inden, this is has been suggested that other than destroying
clearly visible in the shifting of the theories and Buddhist monasteries and stūpas and killing Bud-
political orientation of kingship from Buddhist to dhist monks, Puṣyamitra Śuṅga caused greater
Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva rationales ([21], pp. 41–91). damage to Buddhism by letting unfavorable
From the eighth century onward the Brāhmaṇical- forces loose against it ([3], pp. 405–406; [9],
Hindu gods, Viṣṇu and Śiva, usurped the place of pp. 166–167).
the Buddha as the supreme, imperial deities ([21], The different texts that talk about Puṣyamitra
p. 67). The Buddha lost his position to both Viṣṇu Śuṅga’s anti-Buddhist activities, such as
and Śiva as the iṣṭa-devatā of the royalty. In the destroying Buddhist institutions and offering
end, the assimilation of the Buddha into dināra gold coins as rewards for the heads of
Brāhmaṇical-Hinduism was so comprehensive monks, are the Divyāvadāna (and its constituent,
that the Buddha lost all cultic veneration. the Aśokāvadāna) ([35], pp. 133–135; [48],
p. 282), the Vibhāṣā ([29], p. 387), the
Śāriputraparipṛcchā ([29], pp. 389–391), the
Pusyamitra Śūṅga Āryamañjuśrī mūlakalpa ([24], pp. 18–19), and
˙ Tāranātha ([29], p. 121). On the basis of archaeo-
A large number of Buddhist texts hold kings such logical information available from Sāñcī stūpa,
as Puṣyamitra Śuṅga and Śaśāṅka particularly Ghositārāma of Kauśāmbī, and Deorkothar
Persecution (Buddhism) 889

stupa, it has also been suggested that some of the instance, can at the earliest be dated to two centu-
destruction can be traced to Puṣyamitra Śuṅga ries after Puṣyamitra’s death. It is more likely that
from these places ([18], pp. 215–217; [32], the Divyāvadāna legend is a Buddhist version of
p. 38; [33]). Puṣyamitra’s attack on the Mauryas and reflects
Many Indologists have expressed skepticism the fact that, with the declining influence of Bud-
about the truthfulness of the Buddhist legends dhism at the Śuṅga imperial court, Buddhist mon-
alleging the persecution of Buddhism by uments and institutions would naturally receive
Puṣyamitra Śuṅga ([15], p. 48; [23], less royal attention. Moreover, the source itself
pp. 257–265; [29], p. 392; [34], p. 125; [40], in this instance being Buddhist would naturally
p. 355; [47], p. 200). Raychaudhury, for instance, exaggerate the wickedness of anti-Buddhists
points out that the ban on animal sacrifices did not ([47], p. 200). Further, dī nāra coins (Roman
necessarily entail antagonism toward the denarius gold coins) were not prevalent at the
brāhmaṇas for the simple reason that the time of the Śuṅgas. The earliest period during
Brāhmaṇical literature itself stresses ahiṃsā and which these coins came into circulation in India
mentions the futility of laying great stress on was the first century C.E. Most interestingly, this
sacrifices alone. Apropos the śūdra origin of the legend of persecution in which a dī nāra is offered
Mauryas, apart from the fact that the Mauryas are as an award for the head of a monk is first related
mentioned as kṣatriyas in the Divyāvadāna, in the Aśokāvadāna ([35], pp. 67–68) in connec-
Raychaudhury has pointed out that the Purāṇa tion with the persecution of the Jainas and the
statement that all kings succeeding Mahāpadma Ājīvikas by Aśoka and most clearly appears to
Nanda will be of śūdra origin implies that Nanda be a fabrication. To say that Aśoka, whose devo-
kings after Mahāpadma were śūdras and not the tion to all religious sects is undeniable through his
Mauryas because if it referred to succeeding edicts, persecuted the Nirgranthas or the Ājīvikas
dynasties, then even the Śuṅgas and Kaṇvas is simply absurd and so is the story of Puṣyamitra.
would have to be listed as śūdras ([40], p. 354). Thus, “the carbon-copy allegation against
Some of the Mauryan officials were not only Puṣyamitra may very reasonably be dismissed as
concerned specifically with safeguarding the sectarian propaganda” [16]. There is, in fact, no
rights and welfare of the brāhmaṇas, but some of concrete evidence to show that any of the
the Mauryan kings themselves were also fol- Mauryan kings discriminated against
lowers of Brāhmaṇism. Aśoka’s frequent exhor- Brāhmaṇism. Aśoka, the most popular Mauryan P
tations in his edicts for showing due respect king, did not appear to have any vulgar ambition
to brāhmaṇas and śramaṇas hardly point to his of exalting his own religion “by showing up the
being anti-Brāhmaṇical in outlook ([47], p. 200). false gods” of Brāhmaṇism. Thus, the hypothesis
Further, as pointed out by Lamotte, there are so of a Brāhmaṇical persecution under Puṣyamitra
many contradictions in the textual information loses much of its raison d’être ([34], p. 126; [40],
that to judge from the documents, “Puṣyamitra p. 349).
must be acquitted through lack of proof” ([29], The policy of Puṣyamitra appears to have been
p. 392). Agreeing with Lamotte, D. Devahuti also tolerant enough for the simple reason that if he
feels that the account of Puṣyamitra’s sudden were anti-Buddhist, he would have dismissed his
destruction with all his army, after his promulga- Buddhist ministers. What is more, the court of
tion at Śākala of a law promising dī nāras for the Puṣyamitra’s son was graced by Bhagavatī
heads of Buddhist monks slain by his subjects, “is Kauśikī, a Buddhist nun. In addition to this,
manifestly false” ([15], p. 48). there is overwhelming evidence to show that Bud-
The testimony of the Buddhist legends also dhism actually prospered during the reign of the
appears doubtful on various other counts. The Śuṅga kings. And it has actually been argued that
earliest of the texts that mention these legends archaeological evidence casts doubt on the claims
are chronologically far removed from the Śuṅgas. made by Buddhist texts that the Śuṅgas perse-
The traditional narrative in the Divyāvadāna, for cuted the Buddhists ([47], p. 200). An
890 Persecution (Buddhism)

archaeological study of the celebrated stūpa at Śaśāṅka

Sāñcī proves that it was enlarged and encased in
its present covering during the Śuṅga period ([2], The other king who is blamed for committing
p. 160). The Aśokan pillar near it appears to have atrocities on Buddhists and Buddhist institutions
been willfully destroyed, but this event may have is Śaśāṅka (circa 603–620 C.E.), a ruler from
occurred at a much later date ([32], p. 90). The northwestern Bengal. Xuanzang, in his work
Bhārhut Buddhist Pillar Inscription of the time of Xiyuji, accuses Śaśāṅka of indulging in many
the Śuṅgas actually records some additions to the acts of oppression against Buddhism ([30], pp.
Buddhist monuments “during the supremacy of 142–143, 192, 226–227, 246, 249). Apart from
the Śuṅgas” ([46], p. 87). this, Āryamañjuśrī mūlakalpa also supports the
It may not be possible to deny the fact that tradition of Śaśāṅka’s hostility toward Buddhism
Puṣyamitra showed no favor to the Buddhists, ([24], pp. 49–50).
but it is not certain that he persecuted them. The The evidence for the anti-Buddhist policy of
only thing that can be said with certainty on the Śaśāṅka has been evaluated by modern scholars
basis of the stories told in Buddhist texts about quite vigorously. Some scholars have indicated
Puṣyamitra is that he might have withdrawn royal that Śaśāṅka was one of the rare rulers of ancient
patronage from the Buddhist institutions ([18], India who followed a policy of persecution
pp. 210–211). This change of circumstance against the Buddhists, and thus, “it will not be
under his reign might have led to discontent justifiable to exculpate Śaśāṅka from his cruel
among the Buddhists. It seems that as actions” ([4], pp. 154–156; [10], p. 189). How-
a consequence of this shifting of patronage from ever, it has been suggested that to consider
Buddhism to Brāhmaṇism, the Buddhists became Śaśāṅka a persecutor of Buddhism would amount
politically active against him and sided with his to simplistic understanding of history ([15], p. 48;
enemies, the Indo-Greeks. “The Greek struggle [34], p. 127; [45], p. 259). The stories of persecu-
with Puṣyamitra gave the Buddhists the prospect tion of Buddhism by Śaśāṅka cannot really be
of renewed influence. . . What may be sensed is given credence without an independent testimony,
that strategic reasons made some Greeks the pro- because they rest upon “the sole evidence of Bud-
moters of Buddhism and some Buddhists sup- dhist writers who cannot, by any means, be
porters of the Greeks” ([44], p. 141). This might regarded as unbiased or unprejudiced, at least in
have incited him to put them down with a heavy any matter which either concerned Śaśāṅka or
hand. Thus, if in some parts of Puṣyamitra’s king- adversely affected Buddhism” ([31], p. 67). It is
dom, a few monasteries were at all pillaged, it also pointed out in support of this opinion that the
must be seen as a political move rather than flourishing condition of Buddhism in the capital
a religious one. Moreover, in such cases, the com- city of Śaśāṅka, as described by Xuanzang ([30],
plicity of the local governors also cannot be ruled p. 303), is hardly compatible with the view that he
out. Jayaswal has referred to another interesting was a religious bigot and a cruel persecutor of
aspect of the declaration made by Puṣyamitra Buddhism. At the root of Śaśāṅka’s ill feeling
([23], p. 263). It was made at Śākala, the capital toward Buddhism was probably the fact that the
and base of Menander, setting a price of 100 Buddhists of these places in Magadha and else-
dī nāras on the head of every Buddhist monk. where entered into some sort of conspiracy with
The fact that such a fervid declaration was made Harṣavardhana against him, and therefore he
not only at a place which was far removed from wanted to punish them ([4], pp. 154–156). More-
the center of the Śuṅga regime but also in over, as pointed out by B. P. Sinha, the Buddhists
the capital city of his archenemies, points to rea- through their numerous monasteries and seats of
sons motivated by political considerations. Thus, learning exercised sufficient leverage in the poli-
it would be fair to say that where the Buddhists did tics of Magadha, and “[t]he uprooting of the
not or could not ally themselves with the invading Bodhi Tree may have been an economic move
Indo-Greeks, Puṣyamitra did not beleaguer them. against the Buddhist hierarchy of Magadha, as
Persecution (Buddhism) 891

presents from all over the Buddhist world were 3. Bagchi PC (1921) Decline of Buddhism and its causes.
offered at the Bodhi Tree” ([45], pp. 259–260). In: Sir Asutosh Mukerjee silver jubilee volumes, III.
Calcutta University, Calcutta, pp 405–406
The impressions of a foreign religious scholar like 4. Basak RG (1967) The history of north-eastern India
Xuanzang, perceiving in these acts of Śaśāṅka extending from the foundation of the Gupta Empire to
a deliberate policy to destroy Buddhism, are not the rise of the Pāla dynasty of Bengal: C.A.D.
surprising. Buddhist authors of later times, too, 320–760, 2nd rev & enl edn. Sambodhi Publications,
Calcutta
appear to have consciously or unconsciously seen 5. Basham AL (1988) The vehicle of the thunderbolt
religious fanaticism in the actions of Śaśāṅka. and the decline of Buddhism in India. In: Embree
Thus, the motives of Śaśāṅka seem to have been AT (edited & revised) Sources of Indian tradition:
both misunderstood and exaggerated, according from the beginning to 1800, 2nd edn, vol 2. Penguin
Books
to Sinha ([45], pp. 259–260). Moreover, as 6. Beal S (tran) (1911) Life of Hieun-Tsiang by the
pointed out by Mitra, all of Śaśāṅka’s persecuting Shaman Hwui Li. K. Paul, Trench & Trübner, London
acts being confined outside the limits of his own 7. Bhattacharyya B (1929) A peep into the later
kingdom, it may be argued that his object was not Buddhism. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst Poona
5(part III):1–24
so much to extirpate Buddhist heresy as to take the 8. Bhattacharyya B (1958) The Indian Buddhist iconog-
wind out of the sails of his own Buddhist subjects raphy: mainly based on the Sādhanamālā and other
by destroying the sacred tree at Bodhagayā cognate tantric texts of rituals, 2nd rev and enl edn.
([34], p. 127). Xuanzang’s story has also been Firma K. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta
9. Chakravartty G (1994) BJP-RSS and distortion of
questioned by D. Devahuti who points out that history. In: Lahiri P (ed) Selected writings on commu-
the story of Śaśāṅka’s death immediately after the nalism. People’s Publishing House, New Delhi,
desecration of the Buddha image is most suspect pp 161–172
because it is just such an episode as Xuanzang 10. Chatterji GS (1950) Harṣavardhana (in Hindi).
Hiṇdustānī Ekaḍemī, Allahabad
would introduce in order to create effect. More- 11. Collins R (2000) The sociology of philosophies:
over, Devahuti suspects that as the legend a global theory of intellectual change. Harvard Uni-
of Puṣyamitra was almost certainly known versity Press, Cambridge, MA
to Xuanzang, as it exists in more than one 12. Dasgupta SN (1922) A history of Indian philosophy,
vol I. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Chinese version, he had Puṣyamitra’s fate in 13. Dasgupta SB (1962) Obscure religious cults, 2nd
mind when he wrote of a similar curse on Śaśāṅka rev edn. Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta
([15], p. 48). 14. DasGupta RK (2003) Vedanta in Bengal. The Rama-
krishna Mission, Kolkata P
15. Devahuti D (1998) Harsha: a political study, third
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▶ Decline of Indian Buddhism pushyamitra
▶ Mādhyamika 17. Ghosh NN (1945) Did Puṣyamitra Śuṅga persecute the
▶ Mahāyāna Buddhists? In: Bhandarkar DR et al (eds) B.C. Law,
vol I. Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona,
▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga
pp 210–217
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) 18. Ghoshal UN (1957) Studies in Indian History and
▶ Yogācāra Culture. Orient Longmans, Bombay
19. Habib I (1996) Medieval popular monotheism and
its humanism: the historical setting. Soc Sci
21(3–4):78–88
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Petavatthu 893

unhappy ghosts whose relatives indulge in the

Petavatthu pious act of giving alms to the monks. If the living
relatives of the ghosts do not provide help by
K. T. S. Sarao offering dakkhiṇā in the form of material goods
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of including food, clothes, and drinks, the ghosts
Delhi, Delhi, India suffer unremittingly of hunger and other depriva-
tions. The importance of the Petavatthu, which is
clearly addressed to the laity, lies in the fact that it
Definition is an important source for folk religion. In the
popular form of Theravāda Buddhism, as illus-
The Petavatthu is the seventh book of the trated in the stories of the Petavatthu, giving
Khuddaka Nikāya of the Sutta Piṭaka of Pāli alms is considered as an important part of
Tipiṭaka. petakicca (duty towards the ghosts). The ordinary
individual is not so much interested in nibbāna or
The Petavatthu contains 51 stories in verse of fundamental realities as such but is seeker after
persons who due to the consequences of their good things of earthly life revolving around the
unwholesome deeds are reborn into the miserable basic needs and desire for the same in the next life.
realm (yoni) of the petas (Sk, pretas). A peta is He believes that if he gives away generously of
a spirit/ghost of a dead person. It wanders about in food and drink while during this earthly existence,
the vicinity of the earth feeling hungry, restless, he will be entitled to enjoy the same in the next
and tortured all the time. The only way for a peta life. The Petavatthu also appears to indicate that
to come out of such an existence is either by the needs of the petas are similar to those of
means of the offering of alms to monks or human beings. However, a peta cannot directly
dakkhiṇā (Sk, dakṣiṇā, sacrificial gift) by his liv- take anything either voluntarily offered by his
ing relatives leading to his moving into a higher living relatives or for that matter by force or
category of a yakkha (Sk, yakṣa) or after his deceit. Only when a gift is made to a human
exhaustion of the kammaphala (fruit of evil being and its merit transferred to the peta can
deeds), he may shift into another form of existence a peta receive its benefits. Interestingly, the petas
as a human or even a deva. According to the Sri of the Petavatthu are not any kind of evil spirits.
Lankan chronicle the Mahāvaṃsa, the Petavatthu As pointed out by B.C. Law, “the character of the P
was taught by Mahinda to King petas. . . appears generally to have undergone
Devānaṃpiyatissa’s queen Anulā and her com- a change for the better in their spirit life. Their
panions on the day of his arrival in Anurādhapura hunger and thirst, their miseries and sufferings,
([2]: xiv.58). It has a commentary called the the bitter experiences for past misconduct seem to
Petavatthu Aṭṭhakathā written by Dhammapāla. have rubbed off their angularities, softened their
The vatthus (stories) of the Petavatthu have temper, chastened their mind. . . One hardly finds
been put together into four vaggas (chapters), them doing ill to others, they are too much pressed
viz., Uraga Vagga (12 stories), Ubbari Vagga (13 down with the burden of their own miseries to
stories), Cūḷa Vagga (ten stories), and Mahā think of or to get any opportunity for doing mis-
Vagga (16 stories). The primary focus of these chief to others” ([7], pp. 262–263).
stories is the functioning of the retributive karma Though different portions of the Petavatthu
and merit-making and merit transfer. The stories belong to different periods, the text as a whole
point out that giving alms to monks benefits those belongs to the youngest layer of the Pāli Tipiṭaka
([5], p. 51; [9], p. 96). The Pāli tradition itself
considers some of the vatthus (stories) as young
Electronic supplementary material The online version
that were added to the collection only during the
of this chapter (doi:10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2_305)
contains supplementary material, which is available to second council ([5], p. 51). Talking about the date
authorized users. of the Petavatthu, Winternitz points out that in the
894 Philosophical Idealism (Buddhism)

Petavatthu ([1]: IV.3) a king, Piṅgalaka by name, References

occurs, who, according to the Petavatthu
aṭṭhakathā, ruled in Surat 200 years after the Bud- 1. Gehman HS (trans) (1974) Petavatthu: stories of the
departed, the minor anthologies of the Pāli Canon,
dha. Thus, even the commentator of a later time
Part IV, new edn. Pali Text Society, London
pushes this text to a period considerably removed 2. Geiger W, Bode MH (trans) (1912) The Mahāvaṃsa or
from the time of the Buddha’s life. Further, the Great Chronicle of Ceylon. Pali Text Society,
Winternitz points out that even if one admits that London
3. Hardy E (ed) (1894) Petavatthu commentary
the notion of hell, as mentioned in the Petavatthu,
Paramatthadīpanī IV. Pali Text Society, London
had already existed in ancient Buddhism side by 4. Hardy E (1899) Eine Buddhistische Bearbeitunge der
side with the arahant and nibbāna ideals, the Kṛṣṇa-Sage. Z Deutsch Morgenl Ges 53:25–50
Petavatthu cannot be considered to be very old 5. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
(see [9], pp. 96–97). E. Hardy was of the opinion
6. Jayawickrama NA (ed) (1977) The Vimānavatthu and
that the Petavatthu could have borrowed material the Petavatthu, new edn. Pali Text Society, London
useful for its purposes from other works of the 7. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
Khuddaka Nikāya such as the Jātakas ([4], vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
8. Masefield P, Jayawickrama NA (trans) (1989) Elucida-
pp. 25–50), though, in Winternitz’s opinion, the
tion of the intrinsic meaning, so named the commentary
opposite of this could also be true ([9], p. 97 fn.1). on the Vimāna Stories. Pali Text Society, Oxford
B.C. Law has suggested that as there are allusions 9. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian Literature
to King Aśoka in it, the Petavatthu, as we now (trans: Sarma VS) rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
have it, is a post-Mauryan or post-Aśokan compi-
lation ([7], p. 37).
Commenting on the literary value of the
Petavatthu, Winternitz finds it as “highly
displeasing” and “fortunately not so voluminous” Philosophical Idealism (Buddhism)
a work ([9], p. 96). The doctrine of Kamma is
explained through examples “most inartistically” ▶ Idealism (Buddhism)
in the “stereotyped” small stories of the Petavatthu
in which “what is poetical is only the metrical form”
([9], p. 96). However, according to B.C. Law,
though some stories in the Petavatthu “may seem Philosophy
puerile and even absurd, [they] have served to
restrain a believer in the words of the Buddha, ▶ Mysticism (Buddhism)
from straying away from the path of virtue, in his
body, or his word or his action and have made him
practice charity and ahiṃsā towards all living crea-
tures” ([7], pp. 262–263). Philosophy (Buddhism)

Madhumita Chattopadhyay
Cross-References Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
▶ Arahant
▶ Aśoka
▶ Jātaka Synonyms
▶ Kamma
▶ Khuddaka Nikāya Basic tenets of Buddhism; Fundamental doctrines
▶ Tipiṭaka of Buddhism; Short overview of Buddhism
Philosophy (Buddhism) 895

Definition results. Only those belonging to the Brāhmaṇa

class were eligible to perform such rites. Accord-
The basic doctrines preached by Lord Buddha ingly, they were thought of as the highest class or
regarding the nature of reality. caste and the rest of the society people were
divided into three other classes or castes in accor-
dance with hierarchy, namely, the kṣatriya, the
Buddhist Philosophy vaiśya, and the śūdra. The śūdras were considered
to be the lowest among all and had to serve the
Of the different schools of Indian philosophy other three higher castes. They were refused any
which has gained popularity even in the twenty- right to study the Vedas or perform any sacrifice.
first century throughout the different countries, Thus, there was a hierarchy prevalent in the soci-
Buddhism is the most important one. No other ety and this was completely determined by birth
school has drawn attraction of so many people and not by other factors. In this background, when
outside India. The simple reason for this is that Lord Buddha came, the first thing he did was
Buddhism properly understood is a way of life removal of this class discrimination among peo-
and not a dogma which it has refused to become ple. He showed that neither sacrifice nor total
from the very beginning. That is why even after surrender to any transcendental deity is the way
the lapse of so many years, its message is as to liberation. Liberation is attainable through
pure and appealing today as it was more than knowledge and this knowledge is open to all.
2,500 years ago. This idea brought about a revolution in that soci-
Buddhism as a Religion: The different reli- etal setup and was at the root of the popularity of
gions may be subdivided under two heads – one Buddhism.
based on the revelation of a seer, a saint who is The knowledge that Buddha regarded as the
accepted as an authority and who is sent from the only way to liberation was not analytical knowl-
heavens for the welfare of mankind and the other edge. Logic and analysis did not play any signif-
is based on the teachings and doctrines regarding icant role in Buddhism. The preference was
the fundamental facts of human life and existence. always for practical techniques of self-transforma-
Buddhism as a religion is to be placed in the tion. They held that truth is not simply a matter of
second category for nowhere in his teachings logic and reason; truth is a matter of realization
Buddha made any claim to be a spiritual guru which requires a great deal of inner upliftment P
deriving his authority from any external beyond analytical reasoning. As such in Buddhist
agency. He has regarded himself to be a guide, tradition, philosophy has been mainly meditative
a ferryman who himself attaining the goal, wants in character. Basic objective of the Buddhist
to show others the way for such a destination. teaching is to present before the people the
Properly speaking, Buddhism as a philosophical means of shaping and conditioning one’s own
system is nothing but scheme of life which if character so that by their own effort, they are
followed properly would lead its adherents to able to attain a high level of psychological sophis-
spiritual happiness, which is the ultimate goal of tication. Such sophistication will enable them to
all religions. get rid of the evil roots like desire, intention, etc.,
Social Background: Buddhism as a religion which are responsible for the pains and sufferings
flourished at a time when the whole society was of worldly existence. As such philosophy in the
suffering from the disease of social discrimination Buddhist tradition is considered from two aspects
among its members. In those days, performing – samatha (calming) and vipassana (contempla-
rites and rituals was considered to be the only tion). Any concept which does not deal with such
way to please the Gods and Goddesses for their practical aspects of life is not considered to fall
favor and grace to avert evils and get the desired within philosophy in Buddhist tradition.
896 Philosophy (Buddhism)

Texts of Buddhism: Generally, the teachings of The first truth holds that life is full of misery
Lord Buddha were oral in character; he used to and pain. Birth, old age, disease, death, sorrow,
deliver his teachings through conversation. And grief, wish, despair, in short all that is born of
for this, he preferred to use the local dialect, attachment is misery. The essential conditions of
namely, Pāli. Later on, they were recorded by his life, human and subhuman, are without exception
most intimate disciples in the form of three bas- full of misery. Apparently such a statement is
kets, known as Tripiṭakas. These three canonical thought to be wrong because of the presence of
works are named Vinaya-piṭaka, Sutta-piṭaka, and different sources of pleasure in human life. But for
Abhidhamma-piṭaka. Of these, the first deals Buddha and also for some other Indian thinkers,
chiefly with rules of conduct, the second contains such worldly pleasures are felt only by the short-
sermons with parables, and the third deals with sighted persons. The far-sighted persons can feel
different philosophical problems. All these three the transitoriness of such pleasure, the despair felt
contain information regarding the early philoso- at their loss, and even before their loss, the con-
phy of Buddhism. stant anxiety of losing them makes such pleasures
Core Doctrines of Buddhism: The chief lose their charm and turn them into another type of
essence of Buddhist philosophical thinking has suffering. So it cannot but be admitted that life is
been identified by Mādhavācārya in his suffering. However, admission of suffering in all
Sarvadarśanasaṁgraha [1] as “everything is suf- aspects of life does not turn Buddhism to be
fering, everything is momentary and everything is a pessimistic philosophy. The reason is that con-
free of permanent essence.” That is, the doctrine cern of Buddha was not simply the recognition of
of suffering, the doctrine of momentariness the presence of suffering in human life, but at the
(kṣaṇikatva), and the doctrine of no-self same time to find a remedy for it. This remedy
(nairātmya) constitute the fundamental doctrines cannot be found unless the causes of suffering are
of Buddhism. Other issues discussed by the Bud- known. So the second noble truth is about the
dhist thinkers are all related to these fundamental causes of suffering. The cause of human suffering
three. Since the main aim of Lord Buddha’s teach- has been explained by Buddha in the light of his
ing centered around the removal of suffering, it is doctrine of causation which is technically known
better to start with the doctrine of four noble truths as Pratī tyasamutpāda or the doctrine of depen-
which deals mainly with suffering, its causes, and dent origination. According to this doctrine,
the cessation of suffering. everything in this world is dependent on some-
The Four Noble Truths (Āryasatya): The four thing else for its existence. So life’s suffering,
noble truths are: (1) There is suffering. (2) There is namely, old age, death, despair, etc. (known as
a cause of suffering. (3) There is a cessation of jarāmaraṇa), occurs because there is birth (jāti).
suffering. (4) There is a way leading to the cessa- If a man was not born he would not suffer. Birth
tion of suffering [2]. There are several alternative (jāti) again has its cause, namely, the desire to be
senses for the use of the expression “Noble” [3]. born (bhava); it is a blind tendency,
These are: (1) The noble ones penetrate them and a predisposition to be born that gives rise to
so they are regarded as noble. (2) The noble truths birth. This will to be born is due to the mental
are the Noble One’s truths. In Buddhism, the clinging (upādāna) or grasping the objects of the
Perfect One is regarded as the Noble One. So the world. This clinging again is due to the thirst
Truths taught by them are Noble. (3) They are (taṇhā) or craving to enjoy the objects of the
noble because of the nobleness implied by their world. But man cannot have craving or thirst to
discovery. It is owing to the discovery of these enjoy the objects unless he had past experiences of
truths that the Perfect One is fully enlightened. the objects. So previous experience tinged with
(4) The Noble Truths are noble because they are some pleasant feelings, known as vedanā in Bud-
not unreal, not deceptive, not misleading. The real dhist philosophy, is the cause of the thirst. But
infallibility character constitutes the nobleness of such sense-experience could not occur unless
these truths. there was sense-object contact (sparśa); such
Philosophy (Buddhism) 897

sense-object contact would not arise had there cessation of suffering is a stage which can be
been the absence of the six sense organs attained in this very life if certain conditions are
(ṣaḍāyatana), namely, the five physical organs fulfilled. When one has been able to control one’s
and one manas or internal organ. These sense passions completely and contemplated constantly
organs are dependent for their existence on the on truth, one will be able to attain perfect wisdom
mind-body organism (nāmarūpa) which consti- which will enable him to overcome the fetters that
tutes the physical perceptible being of a man. bound one to this worldly existence. He will then
But this organism could not develop in the be free or a liberated person. He is said to become
mother’s embryo without some initial conscious- an Arhat.
ness (vijñāna). This initial consciousness can The Buddhists do not stop merely by pointing
occur in the mother’s embryo because of the out that there is a stage free from suffering. They
impressions (saṁskāra) of past existences. The also have said that there is a way which can lead
last state of the past life contains in one to this stage. This is what the fourth noble
a concentrated form the impressions of the past truth says, namely, that there is a path to liberation
deeds done by him which are responsible for his and this path consists of eightfold steps, for which
rebirth in the present life. But such impressions it is known as aṣṭāngika mārga or eightfold
are due to ignorance (avidyā). It is only because means. These eightfold means consists of the fol-
man does not have proper knowledge of the pain- lowing eight things, namely, right views
ful, transitory nature of objects that he wants to (sammādiṭṭhi), right resolve (sammā sankappa),
take birth again in this world. So all the sufferings right speech (sammāvācā), right conduct (sammā
of human beings are causally linked with some kammanta), right livelihood (sammā ājī va), right
other factors and the root cause of all is ignorance. effort (sammā vāyāma), right mindfulness
Since there are 12 links in the causal chain this is (sammā sati), and right concentration (sammā
known as dvādaśanidāna; again as it provides an samādhi). The essential point about this eightfold
explanation of the existence in this world, it is means is that this path gives importance to the
known as bhavacakra or wheel of existence. Of harmonious cultivation of conduct (śī la), concen-
these 12 links, ignorance (avidyā) and impression tration (samādhi), and knowledge (prajñā). One
(saṁskāra) belong to the past life, while con- starts with right views, a mere intellectual appre-
sciousness (vijñāna), mind-body organism hension of the fourfold truths. But since old habits
(nāmarūpa), six sense organs (ṣaḍāyatana), con- of thinking still continue, a conflict between the P
tact (sparśa), feeling (vedanā), thirst (taṇhā), good and the bad occurs in his mind. The seven
mental clinging (upādāna), and will to be born steps starting from right resolve, aim at resolving
(bhava) belong to the present life; rebirth (jāti), this conflict. Repeated contemplation of what is
old age, and other sufferings belong to the future true and good, training of the will and emotion,
life. Thus the bhavacakra or wheel of existence ultimately enable the individual to attain a state in
indicates that the present life is determined by the which thought, will, and emotion are all thor-
past life and the present life determines the future. oughly cultured and purified in the light of truth.
It also implies that the cycle of birth and death Perfect wisdom, perfect goodness, and perfect
does not presuppose a permanent self, nor does it equanimity are attained at this stage, leading to
depend upon the intervention of any transcenden- the complete cessation of all kinds of suffering.
tal deity. Doctrine of Causality: Basic to the analysis of
The third noble truth holds that there is the four noble truths stands the theory of causa-
a cessation of suffering. The third noble truth tion. In fact, in the entire Buddhist framework, the
actually follows from the second one. The second theory of causation has a very important position.
truth has identified the causes of suffering. So if It is in terms of this theory that the doctrine of
these causes are eliminated, it will be possible to momentariness, their no-soul theory, their theory
reach a stage which is completely free from all of reality, etc., have been developed. For them the
sufferings. Thus, the Buddhists point out that the real is that which can produce something
898 Philosophy (Buddhism)

(arthakriyākāritvaṁ sat). This capacity to pro- character being dependent on something else for
duce something, in their language its origination. This view, as Buddha himself
arthakriyākāritva, means nothing but the capacity makes clear, avoids the two extremes, on the one
to produce, to create. Again, it has been said that, hand eternalism or the theory that some entity
that which is real is momentary. Therefore, it is exists eternally independent of everything else
evident that for any Buddhist, the doctrine of and nihilism that something existing can be anni-
causation is the most fundamental one. This hilated. The doctrine of pratī tyasamutpāda
doctrine has the technical appellation teaches us that everything that exists is dependent
pratītyasamutpāda. According to some, the on something else for its existence and that thing
expression pratī tyasamutpāda [4] is comprised in turn does not perish without leaving some
of two constituents – pratī tya and samutpāda. effect. This doctrine is of so much importance in
Of them the first word pratī tya is derived out of the whole Buddhist philosophy that Lord Buddha
the prefix prati and the root “i” and the suffix lyap. regards it as dhamma – “He who sees the
The root “i” means to go and “prati” being a prefix paṭiccasamuppāda sees the dhamma, and he
has its potentiality of changing the meaning of the who sees the dhamma sees the
root. Therefore, in the present context, it is sup- paṭiccasamuppāda” [5].
posed to mean depending. The whole word Doctrine of Momentariness: Another impor-
pratītya means attainment by depending and tant doctrine which constitutes the pillar-stone of
samutpāda means origination. Therefore, the Buddhist philosophy is the doctrine of momentar-
whole expression pratī tyasamutpāda will mean iness or kṣaṇikatva also known as the doctrine of
the origination of existent objects depending on universal flux, namely, that everything in the uni-
something, namely, the causes and the conditions. verse is momentary, that is, is in a process of
There is a second interpretation of the term continual change. The transitoriness of all the
according to which “iti” means “going” or objects of the world is admitted in the Upaniṣads
destroying. That which passes through this going also; but the Upaniṣads recognize that behind this
process or process of destruction is itya. Prati is constant change, there is a permanent reality. So
used to mean vī psā or repetition, that is, covering change, though it is there, is not absolute. But the
each case. Accordingly, the term pratī tya will Buddhists deny this. They hold that all existence
mean each object which can be destroyed; is momentary. Permanent existence, they argue, is
samutpāda means origination. Therefore, the a contradiction in terms. Their argument is based
entire term will signify the origination of objects on their definition of existence (sattā). Existence
destroyed as such. The Buddhist commentators is the causal efficiency to produce an action or an
prefer the first interpretation rather than the sec- event. A seed, for example, causes the shoot and
ond one, as the use of the term pratī tya in the its capacity as a seed to produce the shoot must
sense of repetition does not apply to all cases. The manifest itself at once. The Buddhists hold that
real intention of the term pratī tyasamutpāda is to a thing should be capable of producing something
signify the sense “being relative to something.” and yet should not produce it or do so only bit by
So though the term pratī tyasamutpāda is com- bit is inconceivable. So, it has to be admitted that
posed of two constituents, they are not to be whatever capacity a thing has is at once and fully
taken in isolation; they rather form one single manifested; and since a thing exists only when it
unit and convey the sense – (1) this being so, acts, it must be momentary. This causal efficiency
that arises (asmin sati idaṁ bhavati) or (2) this is exercisable either in succession or simultaneity
being produced that will be produced (asyotpādād and as simultaneity and succession are incompat-
idam utpadyate). In short, the Buddhists want to ible with the notion of any permanent entity,
emphasize that nothing is produced at random, causal efficiency is restricted to momentary
nor is the existent reality produced neither from entities alone. So, there cannot be any
a unique cause nor from a variety of causes. On permanent entity in the universe, everything is
the contrary, everything in the world has a relative momentary [6].
Philosophy (Buddhism) 899

Doctrine of No-self: Another fundamental doc- unbroken succession of the different flames. As
trine of Buddhist philosophy is the doctrine of no- from one flame another flame is lighted, there is
self or Nairātmyavāda, according to which there a causal connection between the two. Similarly,
is no self and persons are not ultimately real. In the the end-state of this life will cause the beginning
Anattalakkhanasutta of Mahāvagga, it has been of another state in the next life. Rebirth is there-
pointed out that the physical being, as well as the fore not transmigration that is passing of the same
states of feeling, perceiving and thinking, voli- soul from one body to another, but is the occur-
tions and activities, and even consciousness itself, rence of a new life by the present. The conception
is everchanging and impermanent, causing unrest of soul or self is thus replaced here by an unbroken
or suffering. Hence, there cannot be an eternal stream of consciousness. The present state of con-
permanent being called ātmā or attā. It is a mere sciousness derives its character from the previous
conceit to say “I am this” or “This is mine.” The one and the future state of consciousness from the
sakkāyadiṭṭhi or the belief that individual exis- present state. Thus there is a continuous flow of
tence is an absolute reality involving the existence consciousness from one birth to another or from
of an eternal soul is often denounced as heresy. To childhood to old age in the same birth. Just as in
speak of an individual called by such and such a stream the water is continuously changing, still it
a name is mere convention. The doctrine of the is said that it is the same river, similarly each state
Eternal as it is taught for instance in the of consciousness is different from the other, but
Kaṭhopaniṣad or Bhagavadgī tā or in the the convention is to say that it is the same person.
Sāṁkhya system cannot be admitted. The doc- Memory, rebirth, and the notion of karma thus can
trine of Ucchedavāda or the doctrine of annihila- be explained well in Buddhism even without
tion is also not justified. According to the admitting anything permanent [7].
Buddhists, all kinds of speculation and erroneous Doctrine of Middle Path: The fundamental
views about an eternal self are to be rejected. The principle of Buddhist philosophy consists in the
self or ego in the conventional sense, however, is Middle Path which is the way to the realization of
not denied. It is not denied that there is a self the ultimate end. This doctrine of Middle Path has
which thinks, speaks, feels, acts, and experiences both philosophical as well as ethical significance.
the results of karma or actions in the course of Philosophically it meant avoidance of certain
rebirth. Only to believe that this self is an absolute extreme assertions, which were present in Bud-
reality, eternal, and everlasting is declared to be an dha’s time, such as “the world is eternal,” “the P
utterly erroneous view. Hence, it is possible to world is not eternal,” “the soul is identical with the
speak in the conventional sense of knowing body,” and “the soul is not identical with the
one’s self or of controlling and restraining one’s body,” etc. Ethically, it stood for the avoidance
self and of man’s being responsible for his own of extreme self-indulgence on the one hand and
deeds. Though denying the continuity of an iden- the extreme self-mortification on the other. The
tical substance in man Buddha does not deny the middle path is recommended not merely because
continuity of the stream of successive states that it lies in the middle between worldly pleasures and
compose his life. Life is an unbroken series of ascetic self-torture but because there lies the right
states: Each of these states depends on the condi- or perfect path for realizing the ideal in accor-
tion just preceding and gives rise to the one just dance with truth. Buddha explained the impor-
succeeding it. The continuity of the life-series thus tance of the Middle Path with the help of the
can be explained in terms of the causal connection simile of a lute. Just as sweet notes can be
that exists among the different states. The Bud- obtained only when it is tuned neither too high
dhists try to explain this continuity with the simile nor too low, in the same way the goal is reached
of a burning lamp. The flame of each moment is only when the two extremes are avoided. The
dependent on its own conditions and is different Middle Path is the eightfold means (aṣṭāngika
from the flame of another moment which is depen- mārga), consisting of right understanding, right
dent on other conditions of its own. Yet there is an speech, right livelihood, right action, right
900 Philosophy (Buddhism)

exercise, right memory, right concentration, and questions, one metaphysical concerning the exis-
right determination. This eightfold means is con- tence of external objects and the other epistemo-
sidered to provide a way of escape from suffering. logical concerning the knowledge of those
The way includes all aspects of the seeker’s train- external objects. The questions may be formulated
ing, physical, mental, and intellectual. Thus it is thus: (1) Is there any reality at all? (2) How can
a threefold scheme of moral training, consisting of this reality be known? As regards the first question
the practices of virtues and the avoidance of vices, two answers are possible, namely, that there is an
the practice of meditation and the development of external reality independent of the mind and there
wisdom. It is by following the Middle Path that is no reality independent of mind. Those who
one can attain the ultimate aim of Buddhism [8]. offer the first answer are known as the Realists.
Schools and Sects of Buddhism: Even during In Buddhist philosophy, the Vaibhāsikas and the
the lifetime of Buddha there were some people Sautrāntikas are considered as realists. On the
who did not accept his authority and tried to create other hand, both the Yogācāra and the
divisions among his disciples by demanding more Mādhyamika schools of thinkers believe that
strict life for the aspirants of Nirvāṇa. Lord Bud- there can be no object external to the mind. That
dha did not select anyone as the main proponent of is, both of them are supporters of Idealism. How-
his doctrine after his death, rather told his disciple ever, there is a difference between these two ide-
Ānanda that the dharma and the Vinaya would be alist schools of Buddhism. The Mādhyamikas
the supreme authority after his death. Since Bud- hold that there is no reality, mental or nonmental.
dha always used to preach his doctrines orally and So ultimately it has to be said that everything is śū
those words were not recorded during his lifetime, nya. On the other hand, the Yogācāras hold that
so about a century after his death, differences only mind and its ideas alone are real. The
arose among the monks about the actual words nonmental or the material world is all devoid of
of Lord Buddha and their interpretation. Some reality. Since this school believes in the existence
monks made efforts to bring in relaxation of the of vijñānas, they are also known as
stringent rules observed by the monks. The monks Vijñānavādins. As the Mādhyamika philosophers
who deviated from the original practices were do not believe in the existence of anything neither
later called Mahāsāṃghikas while the orthodox mental nor nonmental, they are known as
monks were distinguished as the Theravādins Śūnyavādins. For those who believe in the reality
(Sthaviravādins). This process of interpreting of external objects, the question arises –how can
Buddha’s teachings in a new way continued, and this reality be known? This question can be
according to the difference in interpretation, there answered in two ways – this external reality is
arose different sects. This went on multiplying till directly known or this reality is known through
the number of sects became 18 in the second and inference. The Vaibhāsika thinkers believe that
third centuries after his passing away. Among the the external reality is directly perceived, but the
different sects, mention may be made Sautrāntikas believe that external objects are not
of Mahī sāsaka, Vātsī putrī ya, Haimavata, directly perceived but are known through infer-
Dharmaguptika, Kashyapī ya, Sarvāstivādin, ence. Thus, there are four main schools
Bahuśrutī ya, Caityaka, and others, and all of representing four important philosophical
them had different subsects [9]. The basic differ- standpoints.
ence among all these sects and subsects was on On the basis of religious beliefs and practices,
ethico-religious issues as well as metaphysical Buddhism is divided into two main schools
speculations. However, the Buddhist and non- known as Hī nayāna and Mahāyāna. These two
Buddhist thinkers mention the following as the schools differ from each other regarding the fol-
main schools of Buddhism, namely, the lowing fundamental points. First, the Hīnayāna
Sautrāntikas, the Vaibhāsikas, the Mādhyamikas, school is conservative while the Mahāyāna school
and the Yogācāras. This classification into four is catholic and progressive. Secondly, the former
schools was made mainly on the basis of two believes that Buddha was a human being who
Philosophy (Buddhism) 901

attained the state of enlightenment by his effort. As of mind. To such a straightforward doctrine it has
a human being, he was born and he also died. On added a moral and spiritual dimension. This con-
the other hand, the Mahāyāna thinkers believe Lord stitutes the basic reason for its popularity both as
Buddha as eternal, transcendental, and absolute, a religious and a philosophical movement.
who can save all beings by his triple body. Thirdly,
the former believes in one Buddha, the historical
person while the latter believes in an infinite num- Cross-References
ber of Bodhisattvas who take the vow to attain
perfection and liberation of all. Lastly, the former ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
aims at individual liberation while the latter admits ▶ Ahimsa
that it is possible for all to attain liberation because ▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
all have Buddha-nature and desire for liberation. In ▶ Anicca
spite of this difference, the two schools resemble on ▶ Ariya Saccāni
certain important points. First, both admit that ▶ Atheism (Buddhism)
enlightenment is the goal of Buddhism. Buddhism ▶ Avijjā
aims at removal of ignorance and achievement of ▶ Bodhicitta
enlightenment. Secondly, the world is without ▶ Bodhisattva
beginning or end. All phenomena are subject to ▶ Brahmavihāra
the law of causation. There is no first cause. ▶ Dhammapada
Thirdly, all is transitory, is in impermanent flow ▶ Duḥkha
and flux. There is no being, only becoming. ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
Fourthly, there is no permanent ego or self. Trans- ▶ Evil (Buddhism)
migration is due to karma. Actions in empirical life ▶ Good (Buddhism)
produce karma. Lastly, ignorance is the cause of ▶ Idealism (Buddhism)
suffering and such ignorance can be destroyed ▶ Jarā-maraṇa
through following the Eightfold Noble Path and ▶ Justice
attaining the perfections (pāramitā). ▶ Kamma
Concluding Remarks: While winding up the ▶ Karuṇā
whole discussion, a few points may be taken ▶ Khandha
note of which have attracted the modern mind ▶ Kilesa (Kleśa) P
toward Buddhism throughout the world even ▶ Knowledge
after 2,550 years of his birth. The reason is that ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
in spite of its religious aspect, Buddhism as ▶ Mādhyamika
a philosophy tackles the basic concerns of ▶ Mahāsāṅghika
human beings in a manner which is intellectually ▶ Mahāyāna
acceptable to all scientific minded persons. The ▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā
core doctrines of Buddhism are not at all exotic, ▶ Memory (Buddhism)
nor are they influenced by cultural factors specific ▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
to any region. The Buddhists simply analyze and ▶ Nāgārjuna
dismantle the mechanisms of happiness and suf- ▶ Pañcaśīla
fering. Where does suffering come from, what are ▶ Paññā
its causes, how can it be remedied? These are the ▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
basic worries of any human being. Through inves- ▶ Prajñāpāramitā
tigation and contemplation, Buddhism provides ▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
answer to all these questions. As such Buddhism ▶ Reality (Buddhism)
has always been looked at as a rather unadulter- ▶ Rebirth
ated and straightforward doctrine capable of being ▶ Saṃgha
accepted by any rational being with a critical bent ▶ Saṃsāra
902 Phra Uppakhuta

▶ Saṃskāra Definition
▶ Sarvāstivāda
▶ Sautrāntika A devotional act of journeying to a sacred spot.
▶ Sthaviravāda
▶ Tathāgata
▶ Truth (Buddhism) Introduction
▶ Vaibhāṣika
▶ Vasubandhu Pilgrimage appears to have come into vogue in
▶ Yogācāra India earlier than elsewhere in the world and
forms an integral part of all its major religious
traditions. There are indications that the people of
References Indus civilization may have been practicing pil-
grimage as early as 2500 B.C.E. Later, this practice
1. Cowell EB, Gough AE (1997) Sarvadarśanasaṃgraha was adopted by the different Indic religions, and
of Mādhavācārya: Sanskrit text-English translation-
Buddhism injected a new meaning into the institu-
notes, 3rd edn. Parimal, Delhi
2. Hiriyanna M (2009) Outlines of Indian philosophy. tion of pilgrimage. After his Enlightenment at
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Reprint Bodhagayā, the Buddha spent the remaining 45
3. Ñāṇamoli B (1991) The path of purification: years of his earthly life in travel and advised his
Visuddhimagga. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
4. Garfield JL (1995) The fundamental wisdom of the
disciples to be wanderers. Within a short time after
middle way. Oxford University Press, New York his death, lay devotees and members of the Order
5. Bapat PV (1997) 2500 years of Buddhism. Ministry of were making pilgrimages to the places associated
Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, with his life. Later, the stūpas (burial monuments)
Delhi
of prominent Buddhist personalities also became
6. Mookerjee SK (1993) The Buddhist philosophy of uni-
versal flux. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Reprint the centers of pilgrimage.
7. Siderits M (2007) Buddhism as philosophy: an intro-
duction. Ashgate, Great Britain
8. Stcherbatsky Th (1991) The central conception of Bud-
dhism. Sri Satguru, Delhi, Indian Reprint
Aśoka’s Contribution
9. Dutta N (1970) Buddhist sects in India. Firma K.L.
Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta Emperor Aśoka in the third century B.C.E. made
significant contribution to the tradition of pilgrim-
age. His religious fervor coupled with the force of
his imperial patronage initiated and sanctioned
Phra Uppakhuta
both a sacred geography and a pilgrimage practice
▶ Upagupta in India. He mentions in his Rock Edict VIII that
unlike the kings of the past who went on tours
of pleasure, he decided to go on pilgrimages
(Dhammayātā). Aśoka is also credited with pop-
Pilgrimage (Buddhism) ularizing relic worship through the redistribution
of the Buddha’s bodily relics, which were origi-
K. T. S. Sarao nally enshrined in eight stūpas. He is said to
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of have built 84,000 stūpas called Dharmarājikas
Delhi, Delhi, India for this purpose. The stūpa with relics enshrined
eventually became the central feature of virtually
every Buddhist pilgrimage site within the Indian
Synonyms subcontinent. Other relics giving rise to pilgrim-
age sites, as historically recorded, are
Dhammayātā; Dharmayātrā; Tīrthayātrā; the Buddha’s tooth relics, hair relics, begging
Titthayātā bowl, and belt.
Pilgrimage (Buddhism) 903

The most important places of pilgrimage The Mahāparinirvāṇa Stūpa marks the spot
directly associated with the Buddha are located where the Buddha passed away. The temple con-
in the Gaṅgā plains of northern India and southern tains a 6-m long statue of the Buddha in
Nepal, in the area which was known as parinirvana posture (lying on one side).
Majjhimadesa (Sk. Madhyadeśa) at the Buddha’s In the later commentarial tradition, four other
time. This is the region where Gautama Buddha sites are also raised to a special status because
lived and taught. In the Mahāparinibbāna Buddha had performed a certain miracle there.
Suttanta of the Dī gha Nikāya, the Buddha tells All the eight sites are collectively known as the
his chief disciple, Ānanda, that there are four Asṭamahāprātihāryas (the Eight Great Miracles).
places which a devout person should The last four of these eight places where certain
visit and look upon with reverence ([18], p. miraculous events are reported to have occurred
153). These four places, which became known are as follows.
as the Caturamahāprātihāṣryas (the Four Great 5. Sāvatthī
Wonders), are the following. Sāvatthī (Sk. Śrāvastī) is the place of the “Illusion
of the Twins” (yamakaprātihārya) or the “Great
1. Lumbinī Illusion” (mahāprātihārya) where at the Jetavana
Lumbinī (Nepal) was the place where Queen monastery the Buddha showed his supernatural
Maya gave birth to Siddhārtha Gautama. King abilities in the performance of miracles. The Bud-
Aśoka’s Rummindei pillar inscription mentions dha spent much of his monastic life in Śrāvastī,
him as having visited this place in c. 250 B.C.E. the Buddha’s main Rains Retreat where he gave
Apart from the pillar, this site now has many discourses and engaged in debates.
monasteries, a tank where the nāgas (water 6. Rājagaha
dragons) gave the Buddha his first holy bath, and Rājagaha (Sk. Rājagṛha, present-day Rājgīr) is the
the Māyādevī temple which stands on the exact place where the Buddha had subdued the wild
spot where Siddhārtha was born. elephant, Nālāgiri, through friendliness when
2. Bodhagayā Devadatta had plotted to get him killed. The Bud-
This was the place where the buddha-to-be dha spent several months meditating and
defeated Māra (māravijaya) and attained Enlight- preaching at Rajgir, converting Bimbisāra, the
enment under the pipal tree (the bodhi tree in the king of Magadha, and many others to Buddhism
present day Mahābodhi temple). As the most including Jīvaka (the king’s physician), Śāriputra, P
important Buddhist site, Bodhagayā is the pri- and Maudgalyāyana who were to become impor-
mary pilgrimage destination for Buddhists. Exten- tant and influential disciples. Aśoka erected
sively restored during the nineteenth century, the a pillar to mark his visit to Rājgīr, and accounts
brick tower of the Mahābodhi temple overlooks of the city, monasteries, and shrines appear in the
Bodhagayā. journals of the Chinese pilgrims Faxian and
3. Sāranātha Xuanzang.
Located on the outskirts of Vārāṇasī, Sāranātha is 7. Saṃkissā
the place where the Buddha delivered his first Saṃkissā (Sk. Sāṃkāśya) is the place where the
sermon known as the Turning of the Wheel of the Buddha descended to Earth from the Trāyastriṃśa
Dharma (Dharmacakraparavartana) at the Deer heaven (devarohaṇa) where he stayed for 3
Park (Ṛṣipatana Mṛgadāva). The Dhamekh Stūpa months teaching his mother the Abhidharma.
that exists today was built from bricks during the A shrine marked the spot where the Buddha’s
fifth to sixth centuries C.E. and stands on the site of foot first touched the ground, and Aśoka also
earlier structures. erected a pillar with an elephant capital to mark
4. Kusinārā this holy place.
Kusinārā (Sk. Kuśinagara), capital of the Malla 8. Vesālī
kingdom, was the place where the Buddha Vesālī (Sk. Vaiśālī) is the place where the Buddha
entered his final extinction (Mahāparinirvāṇa). had received an offering of honey from a monkey
904 Pilgrimage (Buddhism)

at the Monkey’s Pond. Vaishali was the capital of Meaning of Pilgrimage

the Vajjian Republic of ancient India. The Buddha
made several visits to Vesālī for the purpose of In India, pilgrimage is known as tī rthayātrā (Pāli
preaching to the monastic community (saṃgha) titthayātrā). It means a devotional act of journey-
and setting down many instructions and rules ing (yātrā) to a sacred spot (tī rtha). The primary
(sūtras). importance of a tī rtha lies in the fact that it is
much more than a physical and topographical
Other than the above stated site. It is always a special point of the earth’s
aṣṭamahāprātihārya, other important places of surface endowed with a powerful mystique ([5],
Buddhist pilgrimage are the following: p. 3) and a focal point of energy imbued with
sacred visions, spiritual dimensions, and healing
Kapilavatthu powers. A tī rtha serves a two-way purpose by
Kapilavatthu (Sk. Kapilavastu) was the native city acting as a threshold between the earth (human
of the Buddha and royal capital of the Śākyas, world) and the heaven (the world of the gods).
where he spent the first 29 years of his life. First, a tī rtha works as a gateway for the down-
Sāñcī ward descent of various divine beings. These
Sāñcī (Sanchi) is a complex of monasteries, descending divinities are the well-known
stupas, and temples dating from the third cen- avatāras and bodhisattvas. Second, a tī rtha acts
tury B.C.E. to the eleventh century C.E. as a door opened by an avatāra or a bodhisattva
Although there is no known link to the Bud- through which men and women may ascend in
dha, the relics of his two chief disciples, their prayers and rites. In other words, the full
Śāriputra and Mudgalyāyana, together with meaning of the term tīrtha is that it is a spiritual
the remains of later teachers were enshrined ford where heaven and earth meet and from where
here. a spiritual person crosses the ocean of Saṃsāra
Nālandā (unending cycle of birth, death, and rebirth) and
The Buddha visited Nālandā many times, and reaches the distant shore of nirvāṇa (Pāli nibbāna)
Aśoka also came here to worship at the caitya or mokṣa depending upon his/her religious incli-
of Sāriputra and ordered that a temple be nation. Thus, tī rthas are perceived as sin-
constructed over the existing shrine. Nālandā destroying localities ([3], p. 36). Thus, religiously
became the most renowned monastic univer- speaking, pilgrimage is a transaction, an invest-
sity in ancient India, allegedly accommodating ment in the future ([15], p. 2).
10,000 scholars and more than 1,000 teachers.
It was an important destination for scholars
who came to study the invaluable collection Origin of Pilgrimage Centers
of manuscripts till the twelfth century.
Ajanṭā, Amarāvatī, Ellorā, and Nāgārjunakoṇḍa How did the various tī rthas come into origin and
are the other important pilgrimage sites in grow into prominence? Since prehistoric times,
India. In the Himalayas, particularly monaster- Indians have viewed, among other things, water
ies of Hemis, Alchi, Lamayuru, Chemrey, bodies, mountains, and river fords to be the
Shey, Spituk, and Thiksey in Ladakh; Rumtek, abodes of divine beings and/or spirits. With the
Enchey, Pemayangtse, Phensang, and Photong passage of time, different religious traditions
in Sikkim; Dhankar and Tabo in Himachal developed various myths and legends through
Pradesh; and Bomdila and Tawang in their association with these spots and with the
Arunachal Pradesh attract a large number of great acts and appearances of various divine
Buddhist pilgrims. McLeod Ganj beings and/or spirits who had/have been dwelling
(Dharamsala), the headquarters of H.H. Dalai there. Just as a field of the magnetic force is
Lama, is also now an important center of Bud- formed around a magnet, similarly there is formed
dhist pilgrimage. a field of spiritual vibrations in those places where
Pilgrimage (Buddhism) 905

sages had lived and did tapas ([17], p. 5). Some of The most striking feature of pilgrimage as
these divine beings and spirits also grew into great a physical act is the movement of pilgrim in
heroic characters. In other words, it may be said earthly space. Of course, if the pilgrimage spot is
that a tī rtha is a place where one or more divinities closer to the residence of the pilgrim, the move-
or heroic personalities were born, died, or ment shall be short term and short distance. But it
performed some superhuman deed, or a shrine is perceived that the merit earned from the pil-
where a particular deity had already signified it grimage would be greater if the same pilgrimage
to be its pleasure to perform miracles. Saintly spot is farther from the residence of the pilgrim
individuals who lead exemplary lives imbue and even better if it is littered with geographical
their environments with holiness flowing from features operating as physical obstructions. The
their spiritual practices. The devotees of these various geographical features, besides bringing
saintly personalities continue to derive spiritual merit to the pilgrim, are viewed as providing
inspiration even after their death. They do so by protection by warding off hostile forces. Interest-
visiting those places which were associated with ingly, the merit accrued from pilgrimage gets
the saintly personalities. As time goes by, many enhanced if besides the long distance and time
folktales about the lives of these personalities taken, it involves undergoing and overcoming
metamorphose into legends, and sometimes even life-threatening situations. Thus, the arduous jour-
miracles are reported. Thus, more and more pil- ney and the accompanying hardships and perils
grims are drawn to these spots from far and wide. undergone by a pilgrim on the way bring corre-
Large gatherings of people throughout the year spondingly greater reward. In other words, the
venerate Bodhgaya where the Buddha attained spiritual and physical endurance presented by
Enlightenment. It goes without saying that pil- the journey is perceived as directly proportional
grimage has permeated the lives of the Indian to merit-making and the alleviation of sin. Thus,
people to such an extent that it continues to affect mishaps, extremities of weather (including
the lives of most of them either directly or subzero temperatures, snow storms, bitter cold,
indirectly. and blazing sun), bad roads, devastating land-
slides, avalanches, flooding, torrential rains, tur-
bulent rivers, swept away bridges, hunger and
Salient Features of Pilgrimage thirst, dangerous passes over high ranges, and
occasional attacks by bandits and wild animals P
Most of the pilgrims take a short break, of a few are generally seen as enhancing the value and
days to a few weeks, from their normal daily merits of pilgrimage. Both the vitality and vulner-
affairs and return to those affairs following the ability of the traveler give the journey the charac-
completion of their pilgrimage. Others however, ter of an initiation. . . the self-inflicted pain to gain
spend many years, perhaps all the remaining time entrance into a new physical and metaphysical
of their lives, wandering to the thousands of purification ([13], p. 99). In other words, natural
sacred sites across India. These lifetime pilgrims and man-made hardships are perceived as instru-
generally fall into two distinct groups: first and ments that help in cleansing the mind and the body
quite visible, the sadhus (renunciatory ascetics) of a pilgrim. Thus, for obvious reasons a genuine
who are members of numerous different semi- pilgrim is expected to choose a more prolonged
monastic orders, and second, the elderly men and arduous route. In the classical Christian pil-
and women who, having completed the responsi- grimage, hardships and ordeals suffered during
bilities of raising and supporting children, have pilgrimage were considered so important that
chosen to lead their final years visiting the shrines sometimes pilgrims carried stones on their backs.
of the deities. At the shrines, pilgrims find not It is believed that death while on pilgrimage
only free or inexpensive lodgings and food but brings one the highest merit. Moreover, a pilgrim
also the companionship of other wandering is also supposed to accept hardships uncomplain-
pilgrims. ingly. Hence, walking is considered more
906 Pilgrimage (Buddhism)

meritorious than riding an animal or journeying in parikramā is considered a violation of the spirit
a vehicle to the holy spot. In other words, it is of pilgrimage. Unless the pilgrim is physically
more like, say, scaling a mountain, where you infirm, riding an animal, it is believed, reduces
would lose all the charm (read “merit” for pilgrim- the degree of merit. Most sources seem to agree
age) if you were dropped on top by helicopter than that the animal gets a share in the merit earned by
climbing in the usual fashion. Thus, it is not the pilgrim who rides it. A pilgrim is also expected
surprising that considerable distance and to perform acts of charity. Indians are expected to
extremely difficult accessibility have played an avoid the use of leather garments and shoes. Dur-
important role in making shrines such as Mt ing and while preparing for the pilgrimage, the
Kailash classical pilgrimage destinations. H. sadhus have to fast. At all the halting points on
Tichy, a German, met a bunch of emaciated Sri route to the shrine, the pilgrims are expected to
Lankans who had been traveling for over 3 years rise early in the morning for the first upāsanā.
on their way to Mt Kailash ([15], p. 46). Of Before going to sleep, they are also expected to
course, in the present times different types of offer the evening upāsanā. All pilgrims are
facilities have made it much easier for pilgrims expected to avoid liquor and refrain from eating
to reach the holy spots. Thus, if one were to meat as well as vegetables that smell, such as
compare the modern pilgrims with those of yes- garlic and onions. But nowadays not many pil-
teryears, it may be said that with distances short- grims observe such taboos.
ened by modern transportation, the commitment
of pilgrims has correspondingly diminished. And
so has the merit, it seems! The pilgrims of the past Timing
used to arrive slowly, traveling on foot from the
farthest reaches of the region. Some used to pros- Timing is an important, if not paramount, aspect
trate all the way in a supreme act of devotion, of pilgrimage. Though some of the tī rthas are
measuring the entire holy path with the length of visited by pilgrims throughout the year, visits on
their bodies. Such a practice is known as ṣaṣṭāṅga special days or occasions are supposed to carry
daṇḍa pradakṣiṇā to the Indians, and the Tibetans more merit. Thus, paying a visit to a shrine on the
call it kiang khor or kiang chak, that is, the method day of a holy festival or in a particular year
of successive prostration on the entire circuit, each enhances the religious experience because on
prostration beginning where the preceding one such occasions the concerned shrine is charged
ended. However, in the present times most of the with greater divine significance and energy.
pilgrims get themselves transported in vehicles Hence, it is believed that merit earned as a result
like clothes in a suitcase, neither seeing nor hear- of the Kailash pilgrimage performed during
ing anything other than the noise of the vehicles a kumbh or horse-year (for instance, the year
carrying them to their destinations. In such 2002) is 12 times more than in another year. The
a situation, spiritual interest gets a backseat, if holy shrines at Kailash and Manasarovar offer
not ignored altogether. even greater indulgence or remission from sin if
visited on the 15th of the 4th month, which is
a very important day in the Buddhist calendar.
Moral and Ethical Aspect

Pilgrimage also has its moral and ethical aspect. Ritual Bathing
Thus, during the period of the pilgrimage,
a pilgrim is expected to perform austerities Ritual bathing is an integral part of Indian pilgrim-
(dhutaṅgas), follow a code of conduct regarding age though for the Tibetans it does not seem to
food and dress, and perform various rituals includ- hold much importance. Since prehistoric times,
ing daily upāsanā and bath. Riding an animal on Indians have viewed water as containing purifica-
the way to the tīrtha or while performing the tory qualities. Almost all Indian pilgrims make it
Pilgrimage (Buddhism) 907

a point to have a ritual bath in the freezing waters liberation. Nonetheless, the potential for enlight-
of Manasarovar. They believe that such a bath enment, which, according to Buddhist belief, all
brings both spiritual and physical healing. The sentient beings possess, is activated by the mere
medicinal, magical, and supernatural properties sight of Kailash.
of the waters of this lake are valued so much The Vinaya Piṭaka, a Buddhist text of fifth
that almost all the returning pilgrims undergo century B.C.E., considers parikramā, prostra-
enormous hardships in carrying home some quan- tions, and making offerings during pilgrimage as
tity of the holy water. In fact, the most precious spiritually significant. And if this is done on cer-
thing that pilgrims bring with them from tain auspicious days, the merit thus gained is
a pilgrimage is the holy water for consumption believed to be a hundred or even a thousand
and anointing. times greater. However, it may be interesting to
ask if guides and porters earn individual merit
and/or get a share in the merit earned by the
Circumambulation pilgrim whose goods they transport on the
parikramā. Porters, pony herders, and guides cer-
Parikramā is another important component of tainly do not go around the holy object with spir-
pilgrimage. It is a religious practice of high antiq- ituality in mind. Same could be said of the
uity in India which is performed by passing clock- adventure tourists. Some of the sources seem to
wise around a person of reverence or holy object. give the impression that if reverence is lacking
It is called pradakṣiṇā (to go round keeping the then nothing is gained by mere circling, and thus,
object of reverence on the right). This practice is a porter or a guide who does the parikramā for
equally old in Tibet where it is known as korā. money does not get any merit from it. However,
Unlike Hindus, Jainas, and Buddhists, the Tibetan this does not seem to apply to the substitutes hired
Bönpos do the kora anticlockwise. For the Tibetan to perform the arduous journey for the indolent or
pilgrims, the ritual kora of Mt Kailash is the the ill. In such a case, the religious merit earned is
central activity of their pilgrimage. In strict con- shared between the sponsor and he who actually
trast to this, for the Indian pilgrims the primary walks along the path, provided, of course, the
intention of their visit to a tī rtha is to venerate the latter has undertaken the job as a pilgrim. But, to
sacred place and to receive the darśan of the deity. earn full merit, we are told, there can be no
The term darśan means seeing and/or having substitution. P
a spiritual communion with a deity. This deity Parikramā by prostration is a powerful way of
may be resident in the form of an image, statue, showing devotion. It is believed that the merit
or icon in a temple’s inner sanctum or in an open- earned through parikramā by prostration is
air shrine. The image of the deity may be either an many times more than the same done on foot.
iconic or an aniconic form symbolizing the deity. Pilgrims are not allowed to skip difficult parts,
In fact, in many well-known shrines, no statues of like frozen ground or streams. Interestingly, most
the deities are found but only aniconic blocks of religious traditions recognize proxy in pilgrimage.
stone or such other material. The rituals followed Where someone is unable to undertake the jour-
by the Tibetans while doing the korā are prostra- ney for reasons of illness, frailty, or otherwise he
tions, offerings, and the recitation of mantra, dur- is permitted to arrange with someone else to per-
ing which they follow the instructions prescribed form the journey on his behalf. Thus, proxy pil-
by the pilgrimage treatises. Failure to do the grims are sent. In some cases, Tibetans would
parikramā due to inclement weather or bad health carry a ribbon-decorated sheep as a proxy for
is not really viewed by the Indian pilgrims as a family member left behind. The Indo-Tibetan
resulting in incomplete pilgrimage. Tibetan pil- religious traditions also recognize a share in as
grims believe that it is only by doing the well as transfer of merit earned through the per-
parikramā of Mt Kailash that they could hope to formance of pilgrimage. Thus, Indian pilgrims
attain spiritual purification leading to the ultimate perform yajñas, offer ritual giving (dāna), and
908 Pilgrimage (Buddhism)

take dips in the cold waters of the Manasarovar in future sins, thus saving them from torments in hell
the name of relatives and friends, both deceased through a better rebirth or even a place in heaven.
and living. Many monks undertake the vows of abandonment
by formally renouncing all ties and embracing
pilgrimage as a full-time occupation. For such
Why Do People Go on Pilgrimage? and other spiritual pilgrims, the rewards refer to
the journey from ignorance to Enlightenment and
Though people of all religions go on pilgrimage to culminating in liberation from the Saṃsāric cycle
wipe out sins, many of them believe that the deity of birth, death, and rebirth.
or deities who reside in the tī rthas are able to In some cases, very different urges and incen-
fulfill their wishes. Thus, arduous journeys are tives for pilgrimage seem to be at work. Thus,
undertaken to seek encouragement, solace, guid- some pilgrims nowadays consider pilgrimage as
ance, or inspiration. Many Indian pilgrims travel an excuse for a spring excursion. It offers them the
to their deities to ask for supernatural aid to end chance to get away from reality, break the routine,
a spate of bad luck or for curing an illness. Others and to experience some level of freedom from
go to seek their deity’s assistance in the fulfillment domestic constraints, meet new people, and inter-
of long-held dreams. Some unmarried women go act with new cultures. Apart from escapism, the
seeking a husband and the jobless a job. Some experience of moving into an unfamiliar environ-
others go seeking a male heir. After securing ment certainly inspires feelings of great anticipa-
a victory in an election or getting charge of tion and emotion among some pilgrims.
a coveted ministry, many politicians in India are Pilgrimage offers a chance for reflection and
known to go on pilgrimage for thanksgiving. revaluation of life in a way not normally possible
Some pilgrims go to discharge a religious obliga- in domestic routine. Pilgrimage may also offer
tion because of a prior vow to make a pilgrimage a quest for adventure and psychological healing,
if the deity granted a wish. Some go on pilgrimage not to speak of spiritual purification. There are
to say their thanks for the extra assistance that some places one goes not only to rest or to slow
their deity rendered them in fulfilling wishes and the march of time or to contemplate the power of
dreams. Poverty appears to have been an impor- nature but to make a pilgrimage into inner self.
tant cause for inspiring pilgrimage. In times of When you travel, you experience, in a very spiri-
hardship, the help or forgiveness of a deity is tual way, the act of rebirth. You confront
often invoked and a promise is made that completely new situations, the day passes more
a pilgrimage would be undertaken to the invoked slowly, and on most journeys, you do not even
god/goddess/saint’s shrine for the favor. Thus, in understand the language the people speak. . . and
the belief that various natural as well as unnatural you accept any small favor from the gods with
calamities could be a physical manifestation of great delight, as if it were an episode you would
divine wrath, people go on pilgrimage to beg remember for the rest of your life [4]. Thus,
forgiveness or indeed to offer thanks for having whereas for some, pilgrimage is an inspiring and
come through difficulties. uplifting experience, for others it is introspective
Pilgrimage also carries penitential signifi- and humbling. The ever present dangers and
cance. A large number of people go on pilgrimage struggles of modern life also seem to persuade
to seek forgiveness for a moral or ethical sin or quite a few persons to go on pilgrimage. However,
legal crime. The purpose of penitential pilgrimage pilgrimage is not always undertaken for the best of
is for the salvation of transgressors even for sal- motives. Thus, even when begun in good faith, at
vation of the soul/being of their victims if the times pilgrimage is known to have degraded into
crime has been murder. This means that the resi- occasions of vice. In the pre-1959 period, bandits
dent deity is seen as having the power to grant in western Tibet used to commit robberies and
forgiveness to pilgrims for their past, present, and murder innocent people believing that in the end
Pilgrimage (Buddhism) 909

a few rounds of the holy Kailash would absolve such as market vendors, souvenir sellers, hostel
them of all their ugly karma. In India, notorious and hotel workers, transporters, and pony owners.
gangsters and criminals are known to go on pil-
grimage to evade arrest. Moreover, in the present
times, the terms “pilgrim” and “pilgrimage” have Cross-References
come to acquire a somewhat devalued meaning
and are often applied in a secular context. For ▶ Ajanta
example, fans of a political leader may choose to ▶ Amaravati
visit his grave and call it a pilgrimage! ▶ Bhājā
Common masses have always believed that to ▶ Bodhagayā
receive or assist a pilgrim is to share in the merit ▶ Kailash
and virtue of his journey. Thus, Hindu-Buddhist ▶ Kapilavatthu
practices of charity (maitrī, karuṇā) and alms- ▶ Kārle
giving (bhikṣā) invented a method of participating ▶ Kusinārā
in the merits of a pilgrimage for those unable to ▶ Lumbinī
take part in it. Thus, both secular and religious ▶ Manasarovar
organizations providing support to pilgrims in ▶ Nālandā
various forms have existed in the Indo-Tibetan ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
region since ancient times. For instance, inns ▶ Sāñcī
came into existence in India as early as the third ▶ Sārnāth
century B.C.E. Further, monastic institutions have ▶ Sāvatthī
always provided not only food and shelter to ▶ Vesālī
roving monks and nuns, but have also acted as
open houses to all types and classes of pilgrims,
including the poor and foreigners. Interestingly, References
pilgrims are also known to have indulged in merit-
enhancing activities while on pilgrimage, for 1. Bharati SA (1963) Pilgrimage in the Indian tradition.
Hist Relig 3(1):135–167
example, acting as postmen carrying letters from
2. Buffetrille K (1998) Reflections on pilgrimages to
place to place as they went. sacred mountains, lakes and caves. In: McKay A (ed)
Pilgrimage holds significant economic impor- Pilgrimage in Tibet. Curzon Press, Richmond, Surrey, P
tance as it gives boost to various commercial pp 18–34
3. Chan V (1994) Tibet handbook: a pilgrimage guide.
activities. The high mobility of people in the con-
Moon, Chico
text of pilgrimage, the scale at which it takes 4. Coehlo P (1995) The pilgrimage, reprint. Harper, San
place, as well as the vast distances covered by Francisco
the pilgrims all contribute to the likelihood of 5. Dowman K (1988) The power-places of central Tibet:
the Pilgrim’s guide. Routeledge and Kegan Paul,
trade. Thus, not only material and spiritual goals
London
of many pilgrims coincided and still do, but 6. Eck DL (1981) India’s Tirthas: “Crossings” in sacred
tī rthas and maṇḍī s (trading fairs) also often over- geography. Hist Relig 20.4
lap. The economic existence of numerous lay 7. Ganhar JN (1973) Jammu shrines and pilgrimages.
Ganhar, New Delhi
travelers also revolves around business activities
8. Hamsa BS (nd) The Holy mountain: being the story of
at pilgrimage sites. Many transporters, pony a pilgrimage to Lake Manas and of initiation on Mount
herders, horsemen, porters, and guides earn their Kailash in Tibet. Faber and Faber, London
livelihood by working for the pilgrims; thus, their 9. Hedin S (1925) My life as an explorer, reprint.
Kodansha International, New York
avocation is a matter of interest to the government.
10. Hopper S (2002) To be a pilgrim. Sutton Publishing,
There are others whose commercial enterprise Phoenix Mill
means that they play a vital role in what could 11. Jha M (ed) (1985) Dimensions of pilgrimage: an
fairly be described as the pilgrimage industry, anthropological perspective. Inter-India, New Delhi
910 Pīlūzhénāfo

12. Jha M (ed) (1995) Pilgrimage: concepts, themes, Pindola Bhāradvāja is the Example of
issues and methodology. Inter-India, New Delhi ˙˙
a Monk who worked hard with
13. Lemaire T (1970) Filosofie van het landscap. Ambo,
Baarn Phenomenal Sincerity to become an
14. Madan TN (ed) (1981) Way of life: king, householder, Arahant
renouncer, studies in honour of Louis Dumont. Vikas,
New Delhi Piṇḍola Bhāradvāja is the example of a monk who
15. McKay A (ed) (1998) Pilgrimage in Tibet. Curzon
Press, Richmond, Surrey eventually became an arahant capable of answer-
16. Morinis EA (1984) Pilgrimage in the Hindu tradition. ing any question put to him by any monk who had
Oxford University Press, Delhi doubts about the path and the fruit [1]. His pro-
17. Pranavananda S (1949) KailÈs-MÈnasarovar. S.P. gress to arahanthood was very slow but sure. He
League, Calcutta
18. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (2000) The dia- became so confident of the Dhamma that he could
logues of the Buddha, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, roar like a lion. The Buddha declared him first
Delhi, reprint among his disciples who could roar like a lion [2].
19. Sarao KTS (2009) Pilgrimage to Kailash: the Indian He also is the example of the qualitative
route. Aryan Books International, Delhi
20. Sarao KTS (2010) Urban centres and urbanisation as change that he brought out in his life by walking
reflected in the Pāli Vinaya and Sutta Piṭakas, 3rd on the Noble Eightfold Path. He was definitely
rev edn. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi very sincere and honest and he had the gift of
21. Singh SP (1995) Origin and growth of the institution working hard with phenomenal sincerity.
of pilgrimage. In: Dubey DP (ed) Pilgrimage studies:
sacred places, sacred traditions. The Society of Pil-
grimage Studies, Allahabad, pp 9–21
22. Snellgrove D (1981) Himalayan pilgrimage. Pindola Bhāradvā Had Joined the
Shambala, Boston ˙˙
Buddha’s Order Out of Greed
23. Thapar R (1981) The householder and the renouncer in
the Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions. In: Madan
TN (ed) Way of life: king, householder, renouncer, He had joined the Buddhist Order for gaining gifts
studies in honour of Louis Dumont. Vikas, New and favors, which were given by people to the
Delhi, pp 299–320 monks who had joined the Buddha’s Order. He
24. Turner V (1973) The center out there: Pilgrims’ goal.
Hist Relig 12:191–230 was very greedy, so greedy that his alms bowl
made of dried gourd was larger than any monk’s
alms bowl.
He needed a bag to keep his alms bowl, which
a monk was allowed to keep. But the Buddha did
Pīlūzhénāfo not allow him to have one until his alms bowl was
worn down by the constant touch of his body [3].
▶ Vairocana Because he was very greedy and intemperate in
diet, the Buddha remonstrated him. After this
there was a great qualitative change in him. This
is clear from what the Buddha says about him in
Pindolabhāradvāja his praise in the Udāna. Piṇḍola is a forest
˙˙ dweller, he eats what he gets in his alms bowl,
Angraj Chaudhary he wears rag robes and has only three of them, he
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, is contented with what he gets, and he is a real
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India recluse who likes solitude, wants to be far away
from the madding crowd, has ardent energy, prac-
tices hard ascetic life, and is given to higher
Definition thought [4].
The Buddha underlines other qualities of
Piṇḍola Bhāradvāja was the first among the Bud- Piṇḍola Bhāradvāja. He said that Piṇḍola had
dha’s disciples to roar like a lion. greatly developed three faculties. They were the
Pipal 911

faculty of mindfulness, faculty of concentration, Piṇḍola was the son of King Uden’s priest. His
and faculty of wisdom [5]. gotta was Bhāradvāja, so he was called Piṇḍola
That Piṇḍola had understood the teaching of Bhāradvāja. Some commentator says that he was
the Buddha very thoroughly is clear from what he very greedy for food so he was called Piṇḍola
says to King Udena, who asked him why is it that [11]. But this does not sound logical. He must
young bhikkhus do not feel like enjoying sensual have been named as a child. So how could he
pleasures and lead a pure and holy life. The Bud- have been named Piṇḍola at that age? It is possible
dha, according to Piṇḍola, is one who knows and that his name as a child would have been different
sees, i.e., he has direct knowledge and he is fully and when people saw his greed for food he was
enlightened. He teaches monks to regard women given this name.
old enough to be their mothers as mothers, old Piṇḍola used to take siesta in Udena’s park at
enough to be their sisters as sisters, and old Kosambi. One day Uden’s women who were
enough to be their daughters as daughters. They there to wait upon him left Udena sleeping and
train their minds in this way to give up rāga (all went to Piṇḍola Bhāradvāja to listen to his
kinds of desire) and, as a result, are able to lead preachings.
a holy life. Besides he also asks them to review When Udena rose from his sleep, he found the
their bodies and meditate on the impurities there women absent. When he saw that they were lis-
to develop nonattachment and also asks them to tening to Piṇḍola’s preaching, he was very angry
keep their sense faculties guarded so that evil with him. He ordered his men to put a nest of
unwholesome defilements of greed and aversion red ants on his body to teach him a lesson. But
do not arise in them [6]. Piṇḍola disappeared from there and returned to
He was endowed with other qualities also. Sāvatth [12].
According to the Apadāna, he lived in a forest
with predacious animals without fear. He
achieved tranquillity, became free from the sub- References
stratum of rebirth, and annihilated all his cankers
or taints knowing them thoroughly. In other 1. AA. 1.154 (Unless otherwise mentioned all books
referred to here are published by Vipassana Research
words, he had a direct knowledge of them with
Institute, Dhammagiri in 1998)
bhāvanāmayā paññā. He attained four 2. S. Mahāvagga 3.299
paṭisambhidās [7] and eight vimokkhas [8]. He 3. Ud A p. 204; Also see DPPN, p 202 P
had also realized the six abhiññās (higher knowl- 4. Meghiya vaggo, Piṇḍola Sutta, p 116
5. AA 1.155
edges or apperceptions) [9].
6. S. Salāyatanasaṃyutta, 2.117
The Buddha remonstrated Piṇḍola on two 7. There are four paṭisambhidās viz. Attha paṭisambhidā
occasions: one when he was greedy for food and (analytical knowledge of the true meaning), Dhamma
second when he performed a miracle to bring paṭisambhidā (analytical knowledge of the Law).
Nirutti paṭisambhidā (analytical knowledge of lan-
down a bowl made of sandalwood and placed on
guage) and Paṭibhāna paṭisambhidā (analytical knowl-
a high pole by a seṭṭhi of Rajagir by performing edge of ready wit)
a miracle [10]. The Buddha was not happy as 8. There are 8 vimokkhās namely four rūpāvacara jhānas
Piṇḍola had performed a miracle for getting and four arūpāvacara jhānas
9. Apadāna 1.47
a very cheap thing. He flew in the sky and had
10. Cv p. 229; Ap.A1.311; Therag A 1.265; Jat. A 4.235
brought the bowl. It was like performing a miracle 11. Sāratthadīpanī Ṭīkā 3.351;AA1.153
to cross a river in flood when one could do it by 12. S Salāyatana vagga A 3.38
paying a few coins to the ferryman. The Buddha
asked him not to perform such miracles for cheap
things.
The Buddha was so unhappy about it that he Pipal
asked the monks to ground the sandalwood alms
bowl into sandal paste. ▶ Bodhi Tree
912 Pippali Kassapa

between denominations within the religious sys-

Pippali Kassapa tems on the other hand.
Occasionally, religious pluralism is used as
▶ Kassapa a synonym for interfaith dialogue which refers to
dialogical engagement between different religious
communities for the purposes of reducing con-
flicts among them and to accomplish collectively
Pitakas agreed upon desirable objectives. Such an
˙ engagement requires that the aficionados of dif-
▶ Tipiṭaka ferent religious systems adopt an attitude of
inclusivism seeking an open-ended dialogue
rather than having a mind-set of exclusivism
whereby an attempt is made to proselytize fol-
Pluralism (Buddhism) lowers of other religions. As pointed out by
Hans Küng in his lecture on 31 March 2005 at
K. T. S. Sarao the opening of the Exhibit on the World’s Reli-
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of gions at Santa Clara University, “There will be no
Delhi, Delhi, India peace among the nations without peace among the
religions. There will be no peace among the reli-
gions without dialogue among the religions.”
Synonyms Interestingly, nowadays some people challenge
the desirability or even the possibility of belonging
Interfaith dialogue; Religious diversity to just one religion for life, and it is not uncommon
to come across people who feel happy belonging
to more than one religious tradition. In fact, in East
Definition Asia, where boundaries between different reli-
gious traditions are more permeable, this has
A worldview that considers all religious belief been happening for centuries. For instance, in Tai-
systems as equally valid and promotes their har- wan it is quite usual to see the same person owing
monious coexistence. allegiance to both a Dao and a Buddhist temple.
Similarly, the practice of a Shinto wedding and
Religious pluralism is a worldview that considers Buddhist funeral in the same family is not consid-
all religious belief systems as equally valid and ered unusual in Japan. In India, Jaina-Hindu wed-
promotes their harmonious coexistence. As each dings are quite common, and many Hindus do not
human being is endowed with uniqueness, variety consider it odd to visit Sikh, Buddhist, and Jain
is considered as healthy and desirable from the places of worship. In the West, a growing number
perspective of religious pluralism. Thus religious of people these days feel perfectly at home prac-
pluralism recognizes that one’s religion is not the ticing vipassanā and some even calling themselves
only and exclusive source of truth and it not only as Christian-Buddhist.
promotes commonness, cooperation, and better Buddhists does not regard the existence of
understanding between different religions but it other religions as a hindrance to worldly progress
also acknowledges the “otherness of others.” The and peace. Buddhism is a religion that not only
underlying spirit of religious pluralism is that it follows the motto living and letting live but also
requires cooperation than competition between promotes the ideal of happiness and welfare of
different religious belief systems. It also necessi- maximum number of people (bahujanahitāya
tates legal, social, and theological changes to bahujanasukhāya, [9], Vol. I, p. 21). In the
overcome the causes that lead to conflicts between Caṅkī Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya, the Buddha
different religious systems on the one hand and points out that “it is not proper for a wise man to
Poems of Early Buddhist Nuns 913

who preserves truth to come to the definite con- all religions, an aim that everyone must try to find,
clusion: ‘Only this is true, anything else is is to foster tolerance, altruism and love” (accessed
wrong’” ([6], p. 780). Similarly, in the Sutta- on 04 Sept 2013 at http://art-tibet.org/buddhism.
Nipāta, the Buddha says that “To be attached to html).
one view and to look down upon others’ views as
inferior– this the wise men call a fetter” ([8],
Cross-References
p. 798). Not only the inherent value of life itself
but also the interdependence and reciprocity of
▶ Aśoka
human and other forms of life are a fundamental
▶ Karma
Buddhist belief. Thus, nature and humanity on the
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
one hand and humans among themselves on the
▶ Rebirth
other are seen as mutually obligated to each other.
A living entity can neither isolate itself from this
causal nexus nor have an essence of its own. Bud-
References
dhism also believes that all living beings are born
again and again across species depending upon 1. Kalupahana DJ (1976) Buddhist philosophy:
their karma and are hence interrelated a historical analysis. University Press of Hawaii,
inextricably. In other words, according to the Honolulu
2. King WL (1984) In the hope of Nibbāna: an essay in
Buddhist doctrines of Dependent Arising
Theravāda Buddhist ethics. Open Court Publishing,
(paṭiccasamuppāda), Karma and Rebirth, harming Lasalle
any living being means harming oneself. Thus, 3. Murti TRV (1960) The central philosophy of Bud-
from the Buddhist perspective all the humans, dhism: a study of the Mādhyamika system, 2nd edn.
Unwin Paperbacks, London, p 1980
irrespective of the religious systems that they
4. Lamb C, Bryant MD (1999) Introduction. In: Lamb C,
belong to, are kith and kin. As a modern Buddhist Bryant MD (eds) Religious conversion: contemporary
scholar has pointed out “Buddhism is not a religion practices and controversies. Cassell, London
which strengthens itself by persecuting others. 5. Musser D, Sunderland D (2005) War or words:
interreligious dialogue as an instrument of peace.
Because it has loving-kindness as its basis, it can
The Pilgrim Press, Cleveland
establish in strength the principle of Justice, Liberty 6. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (eds) (1995) The middle length
and Equality to ensure peace and prosperity to all discourses of the Buddha: a new translation of the
living beings” ([2], p. 262). Majjhima Nikāya. Wisdom Publications, Boston P
7. Nikam NA, McKeon R (eds and trans) (1959) The
King Aśoka who ruled in India in the third
edicts of Asoka. University of Chicago Press, Chicago
century B.C.E. is a good example of a ruler who 8. Norman KR (1992) (trans) The group of discourses
practiced religious pluralism in his policies. In his (Sutta-Nipāta), 2nd edn (trans: Introduction and
Major Rock Edict no. VII, he declares, “All faiths notes). Pali Text Society, Oxford
9. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭaka,
may exist in all places as all seek self-control and
5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
purity of mind.” Further, in his Major Rock Edict 10. Smock D (ed) (2002) Interfaith dialogue and peace-
no. XII, he says, “The Beloved of the Gods, the building. US Institute of Peace Press, Washington, DC
king Piyadassi, honors all faiths and both
religioux and laymen. . . one should honor another
man’s sect, for by doing so one increases the
Poems of Early Buddhist Monks
influence of one’s own faith and benefits that of
the other man.” The XIVth Dalai Lama, who has
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
done a great deal of interfaith work throughout his
life, believes that just as one food will not appeal
to everybody, one religion or one set of beliefs
will not satisfy everyone’s needs. Therefore, it is Poems of Early Buddhist Nuns
greatly beneficial that a variety of different reli-
gions exist. According to him, “common aim of ▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā
914 Points of Controversy

reality: the patronage it enjoyed from urban elites

Points of Controversy such as the famous merchant Anāthapiṇḍaka who
bought the park Jetavana for the Buddha suggests
▶ Kathāvatthu that Buddhism represented an alternative ideolog-
ical mode to the primitive Brāhmaṇical norms and
forged a close connection with new institutional
formations which Brahmanism condemned and
Politics (Buddhism) repudiated. The Brāhmaṇical tradition was critical
of the urban spirit of the Gangetic valley of the
Pankaj Mohan sixth–fifth centuries B.C.E. understandably
Faculty of International Korean Studies, The because such urban features as advanced agricul-
Academy of Korean Studies, Gyeonggi-do, tural technology specialized crafts and trade
South Korea guilds and the new social elite who controlled
them possessed the potential to disturb the line-
age-based social order dominated by Brahmans. It
Synonyms is apparent that the Brāhmaṇical orthodoxy
resisted the forces of social and political change
Rājanīti in order to preserve its configurations of status and
power, while Buddhism came to terms with them.
It not only authenticated the enhanced social sta-
Definition tus of wealthy merchants but also accepted newly
emergent occupational groups including courte-
Buddhist view of kingship and the practice of sans and physicians.
conducting political affairs. The socially and politically engaged nature of
early Buddhism is also attested in the support it
received from the first aggressive monarchical
Introduction states of Magadha and Kosala. King Ajātaśatru
of Magadha lent munificent patronage to Buddha
At the turn of the twentieth century, Max Weber during his visit to Rājagṛha (present Rajgir), and
described Buddhism as a transcendental and apo- subsequent to the parinirvāṇa of the Buddha, he
litical system of belief. However, a close look at sponsored the first Buddhist council at Rājagṛha.
the history of Buddhism in India and beyond King Prasenajit of Kosala also sought to
reveals that this faith was closely related to the project and publicize his personal relationship
political and social developments of the times. with Śākyamuni Buddha, apparently to gain
Rulers across Asia channeled the versatile a political advantage over the rival monarchical
resources of Buddhist symbolism to legitimize states of the times. He is quoted as saying that the
their political agenda and reinforce the sacred Lord Buddha was a Kosalan and so was he.
character of monarchical institution and besides,
integrated Buddhism inextricably within their
countries’ political structures. Buddhist Political Thought
The rise of Buddhism in early India was linked
to the formation of monarchical states and the Although B. G. Gokhale pointed out three stages
emergence of urban centers. The age of the Bud- over which the political ideology of Buddhism
dha saw unprecedented changes in the material developed, two such strands are clearly notice-
milieu of the northern India. Intensive agriculture able. First was the theory of mahāsammatta
with the use of iron implements and the conse- (Great Elect), reflecting Buddha’s nostalgia for
quent increase in surplus production led to urban tribal republicanism and second, the theory of an
growth. Buddhism recognized the new social overarching principle of dhamma, that is,
Politics (Buddhism) 915

dhamma as undergirding the political philosophy cakravartin in such ancient Indian texts (the
of a cakravartin (wheel-turning universal ruler). Purāṇas and the Upaniṣads) is portrayed as
According to the theory of mahasammatta a sage ruler possessing seven gems, including
(Great Elect), in the times of the decline of public a wheel of divine attributes which rolls on
morality and the attendant need for the reorgani- unhindered and unchallenged over the earth. Its
zation of society, an assembly of people was con- ever-onward movement symbolizes the ceremo-
vened to select on the principle of unanimity the nial conquests of its possessor (the cakravartin)
strongest and the finest person in the society as the over all the lands where it goes. The seven trea-
leader. The chosen leader was entrusted with the sures (Sanskrit: saptaratna) of a cakravartin in the
task to perform judicial tasks of reward and pun- pre-Buddhist texts include cakra (wheel), ratha
ishment, and in return for his services, he received (chariot), maṇi (gem), bharya (women), nidhi
part of the produce at the time of harvest. He was (wealth), rāṣṭra (people), and gaja (elephant).
called raja (king) because he brought happiness to These seven treasures of a cakravartin represent
the people and Kṣatriya (protector) because he seven constituents of the ancient Indian polity,
protected their fields. and as the constituents and requirements of state
The age of the Buddha coincided with the age power changed, the seven treasures too underwent
of transition from small tribal republics to aggres- modification. Kauṭilya, whose theories of state-
sive monarchies. Apparently, the world of Bud- craft are believed to have undergirded the admin-
dhism was ambivalent and skeptical toward these istrative organization of the Mauryan Empire,
new political patterns. The Buddha described conceived of the state as a body of seven organs
kings as poisonous snakes, as robbers who vio- (saptāṅga). They included the ruler (svāmi),
lated people’s property, and asked his followers to councilors or ministers (amātya), the state
stay away from the domain of monarchical (janapada), the fortified seat of the government
authority. Serving soldiers were not allowed to (durga), machinery of control and coercion
join the saṃgha, and monks were forbidden to (danda), and ally/allies (mitra). The Arthashastra
watch military parades. of Kautilya mentions the word cakravartin ksetra
However, with the increasing growth of cen- (the realm of a cakravartin), which denotes the
tralized monarchical power, Buddhism could no entire Indian subcontinent stretching from the
longer evade the inevitable – a grudging recogni- Himalayas to the Indian Ocean, that a king should
tion of the “necessary evil” of monarchy. It bring under his sway. P
revised its initial principle of “tribal republican- This dhammiko dhammarāja, a cakravartin
ism” and formulated the Buddhist version of king, possesses seven gems, including a wheel
“cakravartin.” Cakravartin symbolized normative of divine attributes, and the whole universe sub-
kingship, an upholder of the dhamma (dhammiko mits to his moral strength. The Buddhist
dhammarāja). Evidently, Buddhism sought to “cakravartin” was a revised version of the concept
inject into political institutions its sacred concep- of cakravartin that existed in the pre-Buddhist
tions and world view encapsulated in the term period.
dhamma. Cakravartin is mentioned in a number of places
The origin of the concept of the cakravartin can in the Dīgha Nikāya, and a comparatively detailed
be traced to pre-Buddhist India. It was inspired, discussion is provided in several subsequent texts.
perhaps, by such Vedic rituals of royalty as According to these texts, a cakravartin is gener-
rajsuya and Asvamedha (horse sacrifice) wherein ously endowed with physical strength and attri-
a powerful ruler established his ceremonial sover- butes and commands universal respect for his
eignty over the whole land by letting loose his virtues. His kingdom enjoys peace and prosperity,
horse. The horse was followed by the rolling and he possesses the seven treasures of wheel,
chariot wheels of the army, and its unbridled horse, jewel, wife, gahapati, and parinayaka (gen-
advance signified the authentication of its owner’s eral of the army). The texts describe in detail the
claim to sovereignty over the entire earth. The function and significance of the seven treasures.
916 Politics (Buddhism)

Seven is the number of totality. Cakra has been deference to the sanctity of the place. Aśoka’s
variously interpreted as a symbol of the cosmos, political philosophy which he called dhamma is
a solar disk, and the wheel of a war chariot. In not identical with the Buddhist teachings, but it is
many ancient societies, the cakra symbolized the doubtless influenced by Buddhism. Dhamma,
cosmic sphere, and kings proclaimed their pivotal Aśoka explained in his pillar Edict II, consists of
position in it by investing the architecture of their causing no ill, doing good to all, sympathy, benev-
capital cities with cosmic significance. olence, truth, and purity. Dhamma meant obser-
It appears that Buddhism retained the vance of such principles as non-slaughter and
original meaning of the Brāhmaṇical concept of noninjury of living beings, obedience to parents
cakravartin as cosmic sovereign but adapted it to and elders, reverence for teachers, and kindness to
its own values by imbuing it with a strong moral slaves. One can hear the echo of the Buddhist text,
element. The cakravartin king of the Pali canons is Dhammapada, in these edicts.
paired with the Buddha as his secular counterpart In the Buddhist hagiography, Aśoka was hailed
and conqueror of the universe not by arms but by as a cakravartin, apparently because his initiatives
force of righteousness. He is generously endowed led to the widespread popularity of Buddhism
with the ten rājadharmas of liberality, good con- within India and beyond its borders and because
duct, nonattachment, straightforwardness, mild- his empire realized the political unification of
ness, austerity, non-anger, noninjury, patience, India. The Buddhist world borrowed Aśoka’s
and forbearance. He protects his subjects and pro- ideals and ideas to give the Vedic notion of
vides for those who are weak and destitute. His cakravartin a systematic structure. The
compassion is not confined to humankind but cakravartin ideal was redefined, apparently so as
flows beyond for the well-being of even birds to accommodate, within the Buddhist hermeneu-
and beasts. tic, the military aspirations of monarchs.
According to the new definition which can be
found in Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakoṣa, there
King Aśoka as a Cakravartin are four kinds of cakravartin – gold-wheel, sil-
ver-wheel, bronze-wheel, and iron-wheel, the
The concept of cakravartin underwent several last one also called balacakravartin (Armed
revisions in later centuries, beginning with Cakravartin) because of his inability to forsake
Aśoka when he realized earlier imperial ideals brute force. A gold-wheel cakravartin brought all
and his conquest touched the limit of the land in the four quarters of the universe under his suzer-
the Indian subcontinent. The conversion of Aśoka ainty, but the jurisdiction of the other three types
to Buddhism was indeed one of the most impor- of cakravartin covered comparatively lesser areas
tant events in the history of the religion, for in descending order.
through his efforts, Buddhism spread beyond the Aśoka is credited in his Buddhist hagiogra-
borders of India. Aśoka seems to have been phies with building 84,000 stūpas all over
attracted toward Buddhism because, unlike Brah- Jambudvīpa. Legends about Aśokan stupas
manism, it was not enmeshed in elaborate and became so popular that Tang China claimed 20
expensive rituals and possessed a broader social of them within its own borders. Indeed, several
consciousness. The nightmare of the Kaliṅga war, “Aśoka monasteries” were built by Chinese rulers
in which myriads of human lives were lost, com- in the early history of Buddhism but were retro-
pelled Aśoka to redefine his political strategies. spectively attributed to Aśoka. Eric Zurcher has
He declared that in the future, he would pursue the correctly noted that the Buddhist ideal of
conquest through Dhamma. The event doubtless cakravartin bore close resemblance with China’s
intensified his belief in Buddhist values, as is own tradition of sage-kings whose rule of “All
evidenced by his subsequent visits to important Under Heaven” (tianxia) was legitimated by
Buddhist sites such as Sarnath and Lumbini and heavenly mandate. The fabricated “discovery” of
by his reducing the tax burden at Lumbinī in the remains of Aśokan stupas in China was
Politics (Buddhism) 917

proclaimed as a portent of heaven’s pleasure at the is underpinned with a strong political message
benevolent rule of the emperor. that devout monarchs could be assured of heav-
According to the Korean historical text, the enly protection for their kingdoms, while those
Samguk yusa one such stupa existed within the who persecuted Buddhism and extended support
territory of the ancient Korean state of Koguryo. to heterodox faiths (rivals of Buddhism) invited
Japan too claimed one stone stupa in Sekitoji rebellion, crushing defeat in war, and natural
temple in Shiga prefecture as a genuine Aśoka calamities. It is apparent that a skeleton Sanskrit
stūpa. The myth was not confined to stupas, for text was composed in central Asia or North China
though Buddha statues are post-Aśokan phenom- by an Indian monk who was conversant with the
ena, many tales were manufactured in China autocratic character of Chinese politics in the
about statues of the Buddha believed to have northern dynasties and also with the challenges
been cast by Aśoka or in some instances by his which Buddhism faced there. It was subsequently
daughter, Saṃgharakṣita. given its current elaborate form when it was trans-
lated into Chinese.
Buddhism was lavishly patronized by states in
Development of Political Thought in the central Asia and Northeast Asia because it intro-
Mahāyānic Buddhist World duced several new concepts, including the theo-
ries of karma and “Buddha nature”
With the rise of powerful Kuṣāṇa states whose (tathāgatagarbha doctrine), which doubtless facil-
rulers styled themselves as “devaputra” (Son of itated the preservation of the social and political
Heaven) and the import of foreign ideas and insti- order of the state. The theory of karma could be
tutions, the Buddhist recognition of the king’s seen as justifying social hierarchy and the related
status as god-incarnate became less ambiguous. practice of institutionalized discrimination by
In the Mahāyānic text Suvarṇa Prabhāsottam suggesting that low status in the hierarchical
Sūtra, the god Brahmā declares that king called social structure came from demerits (bad
the son of gods because a king enters his mother’s karma) earned by individuals in their past lives.
womb by the authority of the great gods, and Early Buddhist texts explain karma as a natural
although he is born or he dies in the world of law determining the consequence of human
mortals, he rises from the gods. volition.
When Buddhism reached China, the existing The doctrine of karma, therefore, became P
Mahāyāna scriptures written in India were not a persuasive explanation of failure and suffering,
adequate to meet the challenges the religion including human inequality, which was deter-
faced both in the realms of metaphysical specula- mined by birth and beyond human control.
tion and practical exigencies. As a result, several When He Shangzhi, an official of the Southern
apocryphal texts appeared. The Renwang jing Song Dynasty, suggested to Emperor Wen
surpassed all other apocryphal texts in terms of (424–453) that propagation of Buddhism would
political influence and appeal to the state in the facilitate the cultivation of good manners and
Buddhist world of East Asia in the early medieval customs in the people, he meant that faith in the
times, perhaps, because it addressed the central Buddhist doctrine of karma would bring into
concern of rulers and attempted to establish focus the concept of individual responsibility. It
a mutually empowering link between the sacred would make people realize that their social status,
and profane domains. The sutra appears to have however low, and their obligations to the state,
been inspired by the belief that monarchical sup- however exorbitant, derived exclusively from
port was crucial to the longevity of Buddhism, and their own sins, past and present.
this realization was made more acute during the The doctrine of karma also suggested to people
millenarian nightmare of the late fifth century that the possibility of improving the nature and condi-
manifested itself in the persecution of Buddhism tion of their existence, present and future, by
in the Northern Wei in mid-fifth century. The sutra being “virtuous” and obeying the law of the
918 Politics (Buddhism)

land. It is remarkable that when the king of the before him). The statement of a non-Han ruler of
ancient Korean kingdom of Paekche advised the the Northern Wei that “since Buddha is
court of Yamato Japan to embrace Buddhism, he a barbarian god and we are barbarians, the Buddha
emphasized the doctrine of karma as an outstand- is naturally our god” needs to be placed within this
ing feature of Buddhism, writing to him that the political context. A significant adaptation of the
Buddhist doctrine was the most excellent, hard to Buddhist political philosophy also appeared in the
explain, hard to comprehend, and its ability to north in the fifth century. An influential monk
“create religious merit and retribution without Faguo argued that the ruling emperor was the
measure and without bounds.” Tathāgata of today, and in worshipping the
Buddhism and royalty forged a mutually emperor, the laity and the monastic community
empowering relationship in the central Asian worshipped the Buddha. Unlike South China
states on the Silk Road and beyond in East Asia. where the monastic community maintained its
In the oasis states on the Silk Road, Buddha was autonomy vis-a-vis state and monks and nuns
given the epithet of “all knowing wise, the god of were exempted from bowing before the emperor,
gods, Buddha king,” and the rulers proclaimed the Buddhist church in the north was subjugated
themselves as “King of Kings” and “Sacred to the interests of the rulers.
Lord” because “their respect and honor toward
the Buddha was expressed in the same literary
styles as respect and honor for the worldly Political Uses of Maitreya Symbolism
power of the king.” The “Household Bodhisattva”
ideal was expressed in these oasis states in the The rulers of the central Asian states invoked the
form of frescoes which still exist. notion of cakravartin and lent immense authority
Buddhism succeeded in expanding its appeal to the Maitreya, the future Buddha.
and influence in China because of the limitation of Vijayasambhava and Vijayavirya, two rulers of
Confucianism. Confucianism had become so Khotan in the first century C.E., were considered
inextricably embedded in the political institutions to be incarnations of Maitreya. The popularity of
of Han China that when the dynasty fell in 220 C. the Maitreya cult is also evident in the cave paint-
E., Confucianism, its underpinning ideology, also ings of Kizil in present-day Xinjiang. The
lost credence and credibility. After the disintegra- Maitreya cult spread to the Dunhuang area and
tion of Han dynasty, China was divided into non- further to North China whose rulers invoked the
Han northern states and native southern China. ideal of the cakravartin and Maitreya in order to
During this “period of disunity,” Buddhism emphasize the divine element of royalty. Appar-
became a force of cohesion. As a system of belief ently, the symbolic significance of Maitreya added
common to the ruling elites and the common a Messianic dimension to the institution of
masses and the so-called “barbarian” regimes kingship.
north and the Han states of the south, it emerged The interface between royalty and the Maitreya
as a significant force of unity and cultural integra- cult is more convincingly evidenced in the con-
tion in Chinese society. temporary iconographical and epigraphical data.
Nonetheless, the emperors of the northern A votary inscription engraved on a Maitreya
dynasties belonging to the Turkic race turned to statue (dated 443) in North China reads that it
Buddhism for legitimation with greater ingenuity was made with the prayer that the crown prince,
and imaginative appeal than their Han counter- his (benefactor’s) parents, and all sentient beings
parts in the south because the political philosophy may take part in the Three Assemblies of Maitreya
of Buddhism conformed to their own tradition of when he descends to earth. The nuanced political
“ordained by Heaven” (corresponding closely to symbolism of the Maitreya cult is identifiable
the doctrine of cakravartin or the universal ruler, even in the cave temples of Longmen and
possessing distinctive physical marks of greatness Yungang. It is believed that five cave temples at
and a divine wheel which appears mysteriously Yungang (numbered 16–20) were built in honor of
Politics (Buddhism) 919

five past and present Northern Wei emperors and raised a rebellion in Yizhou (together with Li
the Maitreya statue, installed in cave 17, was Guibo and other commoners), he gave the slogan
dedicated to the reigning Emperor Wencheng. “The New Buddha will make an advent, Old
Furthermore, a cave temple of seven emperors Devils will be wiped out.” In 524, a group of
built during the Northern Wei era contains statues believers in Wucheng county holding white para-
of six past Buddhas and Shakyamuni Buddha of sol and clad in white clothes raised similar attempt
the present era, each representing past emperors of to express their grievances against moral decline
the dynasty. And, interestingly, in the center of the and material discomfort and articulate their vision
temple stands a huge Maitreya statue (also called of a just and peaceful world. Xinfo (new Buddha)
Manusi Buddha or Human Buddha), which is and Mongwang (shining king) which contempo-
a likely representation of Xiaowen, the reigning rary rebellions invoked as their source of inspira-
emperor. The significance of the cult of Maitreya tion have a clear resonance of Yueguang. The fact
was apparently manipulated by rulers along the that Buddhism got increasingly enmeshed into
Silk Road to bolster their claim of sacrality and millennial aspirations in the sixth century is evi-
emphasize their role as saviors. dent in the decree of Emperor Wu of the Northern
The period witnessing the rise of the Maitreya Zhou in the years 574–577 who declared that
cult in China was also the age when an eschato- “Buddhism must be suppressed because it prac-
logical belief in the “end of the dharma (Chinese: ticed unfilial conduct, wasted wealth and insti-
mofa)” embedded itself in the popular conscious- gated rebellion.” In the first state suppression of
ness. Both the trends, perhaps, dialectically 446, Buddhism was not openly criticized for sub-
interpenetratied and influenced each other. In versive acts against the state. The imperial edict
this period of social convulsion, the dividing line had noted that Buddhism taught “the equality and
between Buddhism and Daoism became increas- unity of all classes, withdrawal from society,
ingly faint, and as has been suggested by Anna exemption from taxation, and celibacy.” As
Seidal, the Daoist belief in the appearance of noted earlier, Yueguang tongzi seems to have
a “divine redeemer” and the Buddhist vision of originated in the lower section of the Chinese
a messiah converged. This process led to an alter- society, but its growing popularity compelled the
ation in the character of the future Buddha, monastic elites to acknowledge its value. The fact
Maitreya, who was originally to descend in the that Narendrayasas, an Indian monk in Sui China,
domain of a cakravartin marking “the peaceful inserted a prophesy in one of his translations in P
golden age of the next kalpa’s apogee.” Maitreya 583 to the effect that Yueguang will be
was now recast as an “apocalyptic hero” and was reincarnated as a powerful ruler of the Great Sui
now envisioned as a savior who would make his and patronize and propagate Buddhism with great
advent in the period of chaos and cataclysm. It devotion suggests the pervasive influence of the
was this Buddhist-Daoist synthesis and conflu- new bodhisattva on the Chinese mind.
ence of messianic expectations and apocalyptic When Buddhism spread to the ancient Korean
fears that led the popular imagination to create state of Silla, the Silla royalty in the sixth century
a new Bodhisattva, Candraprabha kumara (Chi- discerned immense political possibilities in the
nese: Yueguang tongzi). Maitreyan symbolism – king as cakravartin and
In the sixth century when the cult of Yueguang Bodhisattva – in conformity with the tradition of
was widespread in China, many popular distur- the Chinese state of Northern Wei. King
bances and uprisings sought to manipulate its Chinhung of Silla (r. 534–576) promoted the
symbolic significance. Yueguang became synon- Maitreya cult centered on Yueguang symbolism
ymous with Maitreya, and the people now turned among the Silla youth by creating Hwarang, an
to this savior messiah with the hope that the cli- order of the aristocratic youth of Silla, and in so
mate of decline and despair would soon be doing, he was successful in blunting the millenar-
replaced by justice and happiness. When Monk ian edge of Maitreya cult. By projecting the scions
Fajing, calling himself Dacheng (Mahayana), of Silla nobility as the Maitreya-incarnate, King
920 Politics (Buddhism)

Chinhung was also able to harness the Cross-References

significance of Maitreya as a force of national
cohesion and a source of political dynamism in ▶ Ajātaśatru
the times of political upheaval and uncertainty. ▶ Ambedkar
The symbolism of Maitreya and the notion of ▶ Aśoka
bodhisattva kingship during the reign of ▶ Cakra
King Chinhung served as an ideological under- ▶ Dhamma
pinning of the consolidation of royal power and ▶ Dīgha Nikāya
supported his ambitious campaigns of peninsular ▶ Karma
conquest. ▶ Lumbinī
Based on these traditional resources, Bud- ▶ Magadha
dhism developed a more nuanced and sophisti- ▶ Parinirvāṇa
cated program of political action in the modern ▶ Vasubandhu
times. The two Nobel laureates of Asia, Dalai
Lama and Aung San Suu Kyi, and interestingly,
the responses to them by the political establish-
ments have sought to appropriate the theoretical
References
resources of Buddhism for legitimatory functions. 1. Basham AL (1954) The wonder that was India: a study
Aung San Suu Kyi has declared herself to be an of the culture of the Indian subcontinent before the
inheritor of the legacy of her father Aung San who coming of the Muslims. Sidgwick and Jackson,
was a devout Buddhist. Furthermore, in her first London
2. Chakravarti U (1987) The social dimensions of early
open letter addressed to Thura U Kyaw Htin, Buddhism. Oxford University Press, Delhi/Oxford
secretary of the Council of State in Burma, she 3. Erdösy G (1995) City states of North India and Paki-
made it clear that her campaign for democratiza- stan at the time of the Buddha. In: Allchin FR (ed) The
tion of Burma accorded with the advice of the archaeology of early historic South Asia: the emer-
gence of cities and states. Cambridge University Press,
Venerable Sayadaws (Buddhist Abbots) of the Cambridge/New York
Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee. China has 4. Gernet J (1995) Buddhism in Chinese Society: an
sought to legitimize its rule over Tibet in the economic history from the fifth to the tenth centuries
Buddhist terms by sponsoring the enthronement (English trans: Franciscus Verellen). Columbia Uni-
versity Press, New York
of the 11th Panchen Lama amid colored banners 5. Gokhale BG (1966–1967) Early Buddhist kingship.
inscribed with the slogan “huguo anmin” (protect J Asian Stud 26(11)
the country and comfort the people). The Burmese 6. Gokhale BG (1969) The early Buddhist view of the
government’s importation of Buddha’s relic from state. J Am Orient Soc 89(4)
7. Gonda J (1966) Ancient Indian kingship from the
China and organization of festivity and jubilation religious point of view. Brill, Leiden
may be cited as a counterresponse of Aung San 8. Liu X (1988) Ancient India and ancient China: trade
Suu Kyi’s political legitimacy from the Buddhist and religious exchanges A.D. 1–600. Oxford Univer-
perspective. The followers of Ambedkar in India, sity Press, Oxford/New York
9. Matthews B (1993) Buddhism under a military
attempting to integrate the dalit (down-trodden) regime: the Iron Heel in Burma. Asian Survey 3(4)
section of Indian society within the orbit of Bud- 10. Mohan P (2001) Maitreya cult in early Shilla: focusing
dhism and various political parties owing their on Hwarang in Maitreya-Dynasty. Seoul J Korean
allegiance to Ambedkar’s philosophy, the visibil- Stud 14
11. Mohan P (2003) Buddhist kingship in sixth century
ity of Soka Gakkai, primarily a Buddhist sect, on Korea. J Orient Soc Aust 35
the political landscape of Japan and the formation 12. Nattier J (1991) Once upon a future time: studies in
of Jathika Hela Urumaya (National heritage a Buddhist prophecy of decline. Asian Humanities
party), a political party in Sri Lanka founded and Press, Berkeley
13. Orzech CD (1998) Politics and transcendent wisdom:
run by Buddhist monks, may be cited to illustrate the scripture for humane kings in the creation of Chi-
the ever-increasing linkage between Buddhism nese Buddhism. The Pennsylvania State University,
and politics in contemporary Asia. University Park
Polygamy (Buddhism) 921

14. Reynolds F (1972) The two wheels of Dhamma: Definition

a study of early Buddhism. In: Obeyesekere G, Reyn-
olds F, Smith B (eds) The two wheels of Dhamma:
essays on the Theravada tradition in India and Ceylon. Polygamy can be most succinctly defined as any
American Academy of Religion, Chambersburg form of marriage in which a person has more than
15. Seidel A (1990) Chronicles of Taoist studies in the one spouse or having the grilling relationship with
West 1950–1990. Cahiers d’Extreme-Asie 5 different females at one time. In social anthropol-
16. Seneviratne A (ed) (1994) King Aśoka and Buddhism:
historical and literary studies. Buddhist Publication ogy, sociobiology, and sociology, polygamy is
Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka referred as a practice of a person making him-
17. Sponberg A, Hardcare H (eds) (1988) Maitreya, the self/herself available for two or more spouses to
future Buddha. Cambridge University Press, Cam- mate with.
bridge/New York
18. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka: a study
and translation of the Aśokāvadana. Princeton Univer-
sity Press, Princeton Connotations of the Term
19. Tambiah SJ (1976) World conqueror and world
renouncer: a study of Buddhism and polity in Thailand
against a historical background. Cambridge University Polygamy exists in three specific forms: polyg-
Press, Cambridge, UK yny, polyandry, and group marriage. Under polyg-
20. Thapar R (1973) Aśoka and the decline of the yny, a man is either married to or involved in
Mauryas, 2nd edn. Oxford University Press, Bombay grilling relationship with a number of different
21. Trainor K (1997) Relics, ritual and representation in
Buddhism: rematerializing the Sri Lankan Theravada females at one time. This is the most common
tradition. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge form of polygamy. Polyandry is a breeding prac-
22. Warder AK (1970) Indian Buddhism. Motilal tice where a woman has more than one male
Banarsidass, Delhi grilling partner simultaneously. In the case of
23. Wright A (1959) Buddhism in Chinese history.
Stanford University Press, Stanford group marriage, the family unit consists of multi-
24. Wright A (1990) Studies in Chinese Buddhism. Yale ple husbands and multiple wives.
University Press, Yale Historically, all these three practices have been
25. Zürcher E (1959) The Buddhist conquest of China. found, but polygyny is by far the most common
Brill, Leiden
26. Zurcher E (1982) Prince moonlight: Messianism form referred. Confusion arises when the broad
and eschatology in early medieval Buddhism. term “polygamy” is used instead of a specific form
T’oung-Pao 68 of polygamy which is being referred to. Here, the
term polygamy is discussed with reference to P
Buddhism.
Polyandry

▶ Polygamy (Buddhism) Polygamy and Buddhism

Buddhist texts are broadly silent on the subject of

monogamy or polygamy; the Buddhist laity is,
Polygamy (Buddhism) however, advised to confine themselves to one
wife. The Buddha did not lay rules on married
Jagbir Singh life but gave necessary advice on how to live
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of a congenial married life. Such inferences can be
Delhi, Delhi, India gathered from His sermons that it is wise and
advisable to remain faithful to one wife and not
to be sensual enough to indulge in extramarital
Synonyms affairs. The Buddha realized that one of the main
causes of man’s downfall is his involvement with
Bigamy; Concubinage; Group marriage; Polyan- other women. Gotama himself, as a prince, was
dry; Polygyny brought up surrounded by concubines and
922 Polygamy (Buddhism)

dancing girls. This indicates that it was not the Buddha was explicit about His followers
expected that young men would lead a life of respecting the laws of a country, if those laws
much restraint. As a matter of fact, polygamy were beneficial to all [3].
was common in the contemporary society. For In Buddhist and pre-Buddhist India, monog-
instance, Ambapāli, the courtesan from whom amy was the established system of marriage. The
the Buddha accepted gifts, was a person of the western commentators on Buddhist scriptures
same consequence [1]. Therefore, after consider- have fallen into the common error about Buddhist
ing the frailties of human nature, the Buddha marriage when they try to represent marriage in
advised His followers to refrain from committing Buddhist India as polygamous. They have misun-
adultery or sexual misconduct in one of His pre- derstood the Pāli words for “girl,” “maid,”
cepts. Five precepts, the fundamental code of “woman,” “housekeeper,” and “queen” as mean-
Buddhist ethics, contain an admonishment of sex- ing wife. The result is that they give in some
ual misconduct. Though what constitutes such instances 500 or 600, or even 16,000, wives to
misconduct from a Buddhist perspective varies a king. In Pāli scriptures “mehesika” is the word
widely depending on the local culture. used for the wife of a king, for she is the head of
It is said in the Parābhava Sutta that “not to be the household women, and “bhojinī ” is a woman
contented with one’s own wife and to be seen with attendant or a lady of the court [7].
harlots and the wives of others – this is a cause of At the time of the Buddha, women were
one’s downfall. Going to women who are dear enjoying freedom; therefore, they could not have
unto others as their own lives – this is a cause of possibly given room for polygamy as the recog-
the decline just as the moon during the waning nized form of marriage. The Buddhist scriptures
half. Being past one’s youth, to take a young abound in instances have shown the independent
wife and to be unable to sleep for jealousy of spirit of women. Pabhāvati, the queen of Kusā,
her – this is a cause of one’s downfall” [2]. In went back with her retinue to her parents when she
other words, if a married man goes to another did not like to live with her ugly-faced husband
woman out of wedlock, that could become the (Kusā Jātaka). In another instance, the daughter
cause of his own downfall and he would have to of a rich noble man was prepared to go back to her
face numerous other problems and disturbances parents when her father-in-law tried to impose his
[3]. Other fragments in the Buddhist scripture can views of religion on her. Ultimately he gave in to
be found that seem to treat polygamy unfavorably, his daughter-in-law (Dhammapada Aṭṭhakathā-
leading some authors to conclude that Buddhism Visākhā) [7].
generally does not approve of it [4] or alterna- Women could not marry more than one man at
tively if it is tolerated, then in a subordinate mar- a time nor marry twice in her life as a general rule,
ital model [5]. though there were exceptions. For example,
Sigālovāda Sutta of the Dī gha Nikāya according to the story mentioned in Nakkhatta
describes the respect that one should give to Jātaka (no. 49), the bride was given in marriage
one’s spouse. In this Sutra Buddha advises Sigāla, to another bridegroom on the failure of the
a lay boy, that husband and wife should be faithful selected bridegroom’s coming to the bride’s
towards each other to lead a happy married life house on the appointed day. When the first bride-
[6]. The Buddha’s way of teaching is just to groom came, he was told that the girl could not be
explain the situation and the consequences. Peo- married twice over. It was not the custom for
ple can think for themselves as to why certain a wedded wife to take another mate even if she
things are good and certain things are bad. The was not loved by her husband [8]. But there are
Buddha did not lay down rules for the lay people instances in which married women who were
about number of wife or wives a man should or either kidnapped or seduced were kept as wives.
should not have. However, if the laws of a country However, some examples of polyandry and
stipulate that marriages must be monogamous, polygyny are found in Buddhist literature. The
then such laws must be complied with, because case of polyandry occurs in Kuṇāla Jātaka
Polygamy (Buddhism) 923

(Jātaka no. 536) in which Princess Kaṇhā was Emperors, government officials, and rich mer-
allowed to have at a time five husbands selected chants had up to hundreds of concubines after
by her in a Swayamvara assembly. While marrying their first wives [11].
a woman does not generally appear to have However, in some polygamous Buddhist
taken more than one husband, a man appears to populations, the practice is based on a cultural
have married more than one woman. In the foundation. This has made Buddhist Tibet home
Vimānavatthu commentary, Bhaddā being to the largest and most flourishing polyandrous
a barren woman told her husband to marry her community in the world today. Tibetans typically
sister Subbhaddā. The husband did so. In the practice fraternal polyandry where brothers
Babbu Jātaka (no. 137), there is reference of become husbands to a common wife but also
a wife who delayed in coming back to her hus- allow polyandry of father and sons who some-
band’s house from her father’s house and the times combine to have one wife in common.
husband took a second wife [9]. Among peasants, this helps prevent the division
of precious family lands; among nomadic herds-
men, it meant that the wife was not left alone when
In Modern Perspective one of the husbands was away. Another reason for
polyandry is that the mountainous terrain makes
For Buddhists, like the Hindus, there is a strong some of the farmland difficult to cultivate, requir-
division between the religious and the legal foun- ing more physical strength. Women take multiple
dations for polygamy on one side and its cultural husbands because they are strong and able to help
foundations on the other. Legally, there is no to tend the land. In such marriage, the power and
ground for polygamy in most Buddhist countries, influence were considerable [10]. This is a unique
although it has been customary for rich men to phenomenon not found elsewhere in the world.
have more than one wife or concubines. For Indeed every form of marriage appears to be per-
example, in Malaysia about 30 % of the popula- missible according to the cultural diversity of the
tion is Chinese and primarily Buddhist. Buddhist area [12]. Presently, in rural Thailand, marriages
Malaysians had a tradition to engage in polygamy. are almost entirely monogamous. A few well-to-
The government tried to control it by amending do farmers might have more than one wife, and
the marriage law and abolishing polygamy for this is more common in urban areas. If a second
non-Muslims. But the practice did not disappear wife is taken, the first must give permission and is P
but simply took another form. Today, a Chinese considered senior to the second. Both are usually
man can be married only to one wife legally in provided with their own living quarters to manage
Malaysia but can then marry a second one by independently [13]. In premodern Japan, polyg-
performing the traditional tea ceremony through amy was a recognized form of marriage, but the
which they were married according to the custom- 1868 Meiji code recognized monogamy as a rule
ary laws of the Chinese community [10]. As cul- [14].
tural practice overrules religions and legal codes, There is no doubt that polygamy was a part of
therefore a dual society with respect to polygamy different communities, but there is a need to
is created, i.e., formal and informal. understand the reasons behind the adaptation of
Technically, since the Han Dynasty, Chinese polygamy. Anthropologists have suggested that
men could have only one wife. However, in Chi- polygamy was followed to:
nese history, it was common for rich Chinese men
to have a wife and various concubines. Polygyny 1. Increase the probability of children, particu-
is a by-product of the tradition of emphasis on larly when a wife is barren or gives birth to
procreation and the continuity of the father’s fam- female children only
ily name. Before the establishment of the People’s 2. Increase the labor supply within a kinship
Republic of China, it was lawful to have a wife network
and multiple concubines within Chinese marriage. 3. Deal with the “problem” of surplus women
924 Polygyny

4. Expand the range of a man’s alliances so he is 13. Hanks LM, Hanks JR (1963) Thailand: equality
able to maintain or acquire a position of between the sexes. In: Ward BE (ed) Women in new
Asia. UNESCO, Paris
leadership 14. MayKovich MK (1979) The Japanese family. In: Das
5. Perhaps provide sexual satisfaction to men, MS, Bardis PD (eds) The family in Asia. Allen and
particularly in societies with lengthy postpar- Unwin, London
tum sexual taboos [15] 15. Macfarlane A (1986) Marriage and love in England,
1300–1840. Basil Blackwell, Oxford; Mair L (1971)
Marriage. Penguin, Harmondsworth/Middlesex
The Buddha did not discuss any particular
form of marriage. However, among the Buddhists
of a certain cultural and social milieu the practice
of polygamy was followed. Cases of polygamy
Polygyny
can also be traced in modern time in different
Buddhist countries where people are more
▶ Polygamy (Buddhism)
concerned with the tradition and customs, rather
than religious and legal codes. Thus, polygamy
can be referred in the context of Buddhism only in
indirect ways. Popular Buddhism

▶ Folklore (Buddhism)
Cross-References

▶ Jātaka
Posaha

▶ Uposatha
References

1. Walshe MOC (1986) Buddhism and sex. Buddhist

Publication Society “Wheel” No. 225, Kandy
2. Thera N (tr) (1985) Everyman’s ethics: four discourses Prajāpatī
by the Buddha. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
3. Sri Dhammananda K (1995) A happy married life: ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī
a Buddhist perspective. The Buddhist Missionary
Society, Kuala Lumpur/Berkeley
4. Tachibana S (1992) The ethics of Buddhism.
Routledge, New York/London
5. Harvey BP (2003) An introduction to Buddhist ethics: Prajāpatī Gautamī
foundations, values, and issues. Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge
6. Sinha SDJ (1987) Buddhist rules for the laity. Singa-
▶ Pajāpati Gotamī
pore Buddhist Meditation Centre, Singapore
7. De Zoysa AP (1955) Indian culture in the days of the
Buddha. M.D. Gunasena, Colombo
8. Fausbōll (1880) Rhys Davids TW (tr) Kanhadīpāyana ^japati Gautami
Pra
Jātaka, Jātaka, vol IV. Trtfbner, London
9. Law BC (1981) Women in Buddhist literature.
Indological Book House, Sonarpur, Varanasi ▶ Pajāpati Gotamī
10. Zeitzen MK (2008) Polygamy: a cross cultural analy-
sis. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication
Data, New York
11. http://wimvincken.18.forumer.com. Accessed 15 Dec
2012
Prajñā
12. Bell C (1928) The people of Tibet. The Clarendon
Press, Oxford ▶ Paññā
Prajñāpāramitā 925

The beginnings of Prajñāpāramitā discourses

Prajñāpāramitā in South Asia emerge out of mainstream forms of
early Buddhism. Within early discourses among
James B. Apple the various Indian Buddhist ordination lineages
Department of Religious Studies, (nikāya), the Indic term prajñā (Pali, paññā;
University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada Tibetan shes rab; Japanese hannya), signified
a higher type of knowledge based on analysis.
The word prajñā is made up of the nominalized
verbal root “jña,” which signifies “knowing,
Synonyms
knowledge, perception,” and the nominal prefix
“pra,” which signifies “superior” ([1], p. 209)
Mother of the Buddhas; Perfect wisdom; Perfec-
Hence the word prajñā may literally be rendered
tion of insight; Perfection of understanding;
as “insight” or “discernment.” The concept of
Perfection of wisdom
prajñā, and its related cognitive states, was central
to all the various early Buddhist groups. Within
such groups, prajñā was primarily understood as
Definition a complete comprehension (abhisamaya) of the
nature and aspects of conditioned existence
The perfection of wisdom or insight in Mahāyāna (saṃsāra), the forces that govern the conditioned
forms of Buddhism that is worshipped as (karma), the method of becoming liberated from
a feminine deity and embodied in a vast corpus the contaminated and conditioned (mārga), and
of Buddhist scriptures. the means form actualizing the reality of the
The Prajñāpāramitā (“Perfection of Insight” unconditioned (nirvāṇa).
or “Perfection of Discernment,” commonly
known as the “Perfection of Wisdom”) is a vast
and complex corpus of literature that initially The Beginnings and Development of
developed in South Asian forms of Buddhism. Prajñāpāramitā
As a genre of literature, the Prajñāpāramitā is
comprised of subtle teachings, techniques, and At some time in early Buddhist history, possibly
practices, which eventually come to be affiliated around the time of King Aśoka’s reign (268–233 P
with invocation rituals and visualizations. In its B.C.E), ordination lineages (nikāya) with
earliest formulations, Prajñāpāramitā was con- a particular preoccupation with prajñā most likely
comitant with a boundless and luminous composed mnemonic lists of categories (mātṛkā)
nonconceptual state of awareness. for memorization and analysis of the Buddha’s
Prajñāpāramitā was also construed as teachings (dharma) ([2], pp. 511–514). Dis-
a feminine force, the “mother of the Buddhas” courses that focused on categorical lists of topics
(Sanskrit sarvabuddhamātā), and became subject to analytical discernment (prajñā)
a hypostatized deity. The communities that were developed into the Abhidharma literature as well
devoted to Prajñāpāramitā were comprised of as the Prajñāpāramitā. Early Prajñāpāramitā
diverse interrelated groups within Indian Bud- discourses asserted the excellence or perfection
dhist traditions that cultivated this literature for (pāramitā) of prajñā in relation to a luminous
over the course of a thousand years in South Asia. nonconceptual mind that attains an omniscient
These traditions later spread into Central, East, cognition synonymous with Buddhahood.
and Southeast Asia. Contemporary indigenous The early discourses also assert that one courses
Buddhist traditions that preserve and cultivate in the Prajñāpāramitā while practicing
the literature and practices related to a concentration (samādhi) that does not grasp at
Prajñāpāramitā are primarily found in Nepal, anything at all (sarvadharmāparigṛhī ta) ([3],
Tibet, and Japan. pp. 80, 81). This may signify that the discourses
926 Prajñāpāramitā

on Prajñāpāramitā may go back to practices Prajñāpāramitā has been theorized to be the

among bhiḳsus who dwell without strife Aṣṭasāhasrikā (8,000 verse) Prajñāpāramitā [8].
(araṇavihārin) and who avoid conceptional deter- The earliest extant edition of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā is
minations, as embodied in the figure of the preserved in the Chinese translation of the Indo-
Buddha’s disciple Subhūti ([4], p. 72). scythian translator Lokakṣema, the Daoxing
The exact geographical region for the begin- Banruo Jing 道行般若經 in 179 C.E. [9]
nings of the Prajñāpāramitā literature and its A significant development in modern Buddhist
practices in India is unknown. Edward Conze Studies is a recently discovered Gāndhārī
(1904–1979), the foremost modern scholar on manuscript dating to the first century which
Prajñāpāramitā, advocated for the origins of the appears to be a Gāndhārī Prajñāpāramitā (G.
Prajñāpāramitā among early monastic lineages prañaparamida) that compares in form and con-
of the Mahāsaṃghikas in Southern India, in the tent with Lokakṣema’s translation [10, 11]. Frag-
Andhra country on the Kṛṣṇā river ([5], pp. 10, ments of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā have also been
11). Étienne Lamotte (1903–1983), an eminent recovered from Bāmiyān which date back to the
Belgian Indologist, argued for the origins of the Kuṣāṇa period. An initial study of these manu-
Prajñāpāramitā in northwest South Asia and scripts indicates that the Aṣṭasāhasrikā existed in
Central Asia ([6], p. 386). The idea of the multiple recensions at an early stage in its history
Prajñāpāramitā having its beginnings in the [12]. During the following 200 years after the
south is indicated in several Mahāyāna Buddhist initial development of the Prajñāpāramitā, the
scriptures. The Aṣṭasahāsrikā (8,000 verse) basic text of the Aṣṭasāhasrikā was expanded in
Prajñāpāramitā (p. 225) states that “after the varying lengths comprising a textual family that
passing away of the Tathāgata” the perfection of scholars call the “Larger Prajñāpāramitā”
wisdom will “proceed to the South.” Also the consisting of redactions of size ranging from the
Mañjuśrī mūlatantra specifies four regions for Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā (18,000 verse) and Pañcaviṃś
the recitation of various Mahāyāna Sūtras with atisāhasrika (25,000 verse) up to the
the Prajñāpāramitā to be recited in the South Śatasāhasrikā (100,000 verse) Prajñāpāramitā
([5], p. 11]. This theory of the southern origin of [13].
the Prajñāpāramitā is complementary to the tra- The subsequent 200 years of Prajñāpāramitā
ditional Mahāyāna Buddhist historical accounts development, lasting until about 500 C.E.,
followed by indigenous Buddhist scholars. They consisted of a period of contraction in which the
trace the origins of the Prajñāpāramitā scriptures basic ideas of Prajñāpāramitā were distilled into
to the second major cycle of teachings taught by shorter sūtras on the one hand, and versified sum-
the Buddha himself in the fifth or sixth century maries on the other. The best known among such
B.C.E. These scriptures are said to have been lost smaller sūtras are the Vajracchedikā (commonly
in India until they were rediscovered by the leg- “Diamond sūtra”) and the Prajñāpāramitāhr: daya
endary mystic sage Nāgārjuna in about the first (commonly “Heart sūtra”). The Vajracchedikā,
century C.E. in southern India [7]. perhaps dating from the early third century, has
been translated and studied in nine published edi-
tions. The earliest preserved Indic manuscripts
The Prajñāpāramitā Literature date from the sixth and seventh centuries and
come from Bāmiyān and Northern Pakistan.
Edward Conze distinguished four phases in the The Vajracchedikā was translated into Chinese,
historical development of the Prajñāpāramitā lit- Khotanese, Sogdian, and Tibetan. Kumārajīva’s
erature, stretching over more than a thousand Jingang boruo bolumi jing 金剛般若波羅蜜經
years ([5], pp. 1–25). The first phase lasted from (translated 402 C.E.) is the earliest among the
about 100 B.C.E. to 100 C.E. with the elaboration six extant Chinese translations [14]. The
of a basic root text. The earliest text of the Prajñāpāramitāhṛdaya is one of the most
Prajñāpāramitā 927

cherished of Buddhist scriptures and is recited the goddess and experiencing direct communion
daily among Mahāyāna Buddhists in China, with her. After this third period, around 1200 C.E.,
Tibet, and Japan. The “Heart sūtra” exists in the presence of Prajñāpāramitā as scripture or
a long and short version with Sanskrit religious praxis dissipates due to the institutional
manuscripts preserved from Japan, Tibet, and disappearance of Buddhism from the land of
Nepal [15]. The text was also translated India. The huge corpus of literature on
numerous times into Chinese, Khotanese, Sog- Prajñāpāramitā, ranging from dialectical dis-
dian, Uighur, and Tibetan. The smallest of courses on nonconceptual discernment to the
contracted Prajñāpāramitā scriptures is the invocation of her in the form of a goddess, repre-
Ekākṣarāmātānāma-sarvatathāgata whose doc- sents a complex religious and philosophic ideol-
trinal content consists of just one letter “A.” ogy that forms the basis of a great amount of
Technical digests (śāstra) on Prajñāpāramitā Mahāyāna Buddhist literature.
were also composed during this time
period. Two of the more well known
among such commentaries are the Prajñāpāramitā Doctrine
Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra and Abhi-
samayālaṃkāra. The Mahāprajñāpāramitāśā Prajñāpāramitā was the insight or wisdom that
stra, attributed to Nāgārjuna and preserved in constituted Omniscient cognition (sarvajñatā)
Kumārajīva’s Chinese translation, the Dazhidulun and was identified with the end itself, perfect
大智度論, is an enormous commentary on the awakening (saṃbodhi). Prajñāpāramitā was con-
“Larger Prajñāpāramitā” [16]. The most famous sidered to be non-dual (advaya) awareness that
versified summary is the Abhisamayālaṃkāra, the was beyond all thought constructions (vikalpa)
“Ornament for Clear Realization,” which is attrib- permeated with insight that was absolutely pure
uted to the bodhisattva Maitreya [17]. (atyantaviśuddhi), neither born nor extinguished
The final period of Prajñāpāramitā develop- (anutpādānirodha), and imperishable (akṣaya).
ment, from 600 to 1200 C.E., coincided with the Prajñāpāramitā was nirvāṇa, tathatā
emergence of Tantric forms of Buddhism that (“suchness”), luminous citta (“mind”), and
emphasized the ritual use of Prajñāpāramitā buddhatā (“buddhahood”). It was unattainable
texts and cultivated visualizations of (anupalabdha), unthinkable (acintya), and
Prajñāpāramitā as a hypostasized deity with beyond grasp (aparāmr: iṣṭā), yet it was seeing P
attributes. In this period of literature, texts such things just as they are, in their suchness
as the Prajñāpāramitānayasatapañcaśatikā (yathābhūtatā) ([19], pp. 159, 160). In this
(“The 150 methods”) begin to contain Tantric sense, Prajñāpāramitā was generally regarded as
terms like vajra, guhya, and siddhi. The literature exclusively teaching the realization of emptiness
at this time also shows signs of hypostatizing the (śūnyatā), the reality of the essencelessness of
qualities of Prajñāpāramitā into a wisdom god- things (dharmanairatyma) and of people
dess (prajñā). This is evident in the (pudgalanairatyma).
Prajñāpāramitānāmāṣṭaśataka (“The 108 quali- The teaching of the Prajñāpāramitā consisted
ties”) and the Prajñāpāramitāstrotra (“Hymn to in defining the essence of Bodhisattva-hood
the Goddess”) [18]. Texts for constructing through the practices of the six virtues of perfec-
maṇḍalas, like the Prajñāpāramitāmaṇḍalavidhi, tion (pāramitā): (1) dānapāramitā (generosity),
are also prevalent. But in terms of the anthropo- (2) śī lapāramitā (discipline), (3) kṣāntipāramitā
morphic characteristics of the goddess (patience), (4) vī ryapāramitā (effort),
Prajñāpāramitā, the sādhanas preserved in the (5) dhyānapāramitā (concentration), and the
Sādhanamālā and the Tibetan Buddhist canon most important, (6) Prajñāpāramitā (wisdom).
are most important. These are invocation texts The sūtras of the Prajñāpāramitā regarded prajñā
which describe the proper methods for visualizing as the directing principle of the other five virtues.
928 Prajñāpāramitā

For without prajñā, the other five perfections are first meaning of Prajñāpāramitā is the direct
like a group of lost blind people. In this practice sense of the word, whereas the Path and the text
and philosophy, Prajñā was singled out and given are likewise designated by the name
the highest prominence. The denotation of the Prajñāpāramitā, as being the factors bringing
word pāramitā as applied to Prajñā is that “She about the attainment of the highest knowledge
is called pāramitā, because she arrives at the other ([23], p. 7).
shore (pāra) of the ocean of insight, because she This attainment of the highest knowledge as
arrives at the extremity (anta) of all the insights Prajñāpāramitā was considered by the
and attains the summit (niṣṭhāgata)” ([20], p. Abhisamayālaṃkāra and its commentators to
1066). Alternatively, the Tibetan translation of consist of three kinds of omniscience. These
Prajñāpāramitā is shes-rab-kyi pha-rol-tu-phyin three are the omniscient knowledge of all the
pa. Scholars interpret it to mean wisdom (prajñā, objects of the empirical world (sarvajñatā), the
ses-rab) which has gone (Sanskrit ita, Tibetan omniscience in regard to knowing all the paths of
phying pa) to the other (Sanskrit pāram, Tibetan salvation for the benefit of sentient beings
pha-rol) shore; that is, gone away from (mārgajñatā), and the special omniscience of
suffering and imperfection to the other shore of a Buddha, which is the knowledge of all the
perfectly blissful and awakened liberation ([21], aspects of existence as being devoid of an
p. 166). independent separate reality (sarvākārajñatā)
The late Indian Mahāyāna Buddhist scholastic ([24], p. 58).
tradition admitted only two kinds of fundamental The Prajñāpāramitā, as manifesting itself in
interpretations of the Prajñāpāramitā, the these three forms of omniscience, was glorified as
Mādhyamika treatises of Nāgārjuna that eluci- the “mother” (matṛ/yum) of the śrāvakas, Bodhi-
dated the direct subject matter of the sattvas, and Buddhas. The name “mother” is
Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras, the teaching of the emp- given to the three kinds of wisdom, because each
tiness (śūnyatā) of all the elements of existence, of them is like a mother that aids her child (the ś
and the interpretation of the Abhisamayālaṃkāra rāvaka or Bodhisattva) in the realization of the
and its commentators, who found a hidden or desired aim and a mother that fosters the virtuous
implicit meaning (Tibetan sbas-don) in the elements in the spiritual streams of the practi-
Prajñāpāramitā indicating the cognitions and tioners. Prajñāpāramitā was also considered the
realizations (abhisamaya) of ultimate reality and mother of the different spiritual types of practi-
the stages of the path (mārga) leading to the tioners because she is their cause. Just as the
attainment of Buddhahood and final Nirvāṇa mother is one of the two principal causes of
[22]. Along with these two main doctrinal inter- a child, so too is wisdom (prajñā) one of the two
pretations, the Mahāyāna scholastic tradition used chief causes of awakening. The other cause was
the term prajñāpāramita in reference to several skillful means (upāya). Just as a mother must bear
different meanings. These different usages of the child in her womb for ten (lunar) months, the
prajñāpāramitā are stated in Dignāga’s traditional gestation period, so too does wisdom
Prajñāpāramitārthasaṃgraha: (a) the highest nurture the adept along the way through the ten
wisdom personified as the Buddha in his bhūmis, the stages of the bodhisattva path. Here,
dharmakāya aspect, and free from the differenti- in this case, it was the gestation in the mother
ation of subject and object (grāhya-grāhaka); (b) wisdom’s womb that brings about the birth of
the Path leading to the attainment of this wisdom; awakened beings. Therefore, whether viewed as
and (c) the sūtras, or scriptures, containing the a scripture, spiritual state of mind, the goal of
teaching which is conducive to the former two. enlightenment, or emptiness, Prajñāpāramitā in
Sometimes a fourth aspect is added, as essence the Mahāyāna Buddhist scholastic tradition was
(svabhāva, rang bzhin). In this case, the “essen- identified not only as a feminine force but as
tial” Prajñāpāramitā is emptiness, the essence, or a mother, a source that produced Buddhahood
final nature of all phenomena. Of the three, the ([25], p. 185).
Prajñāpāramitā 929

Worship of Prajñāpāramitā the foundation for Prajñāpāramitā to become

a female deity with attributes.
The expansion of the Prajñāpāramitā literature
into texts containing thousands of verses was the
result of the veneration of Prajñāpāramitā as Tantric Developments
a progenitor for the omniscience qualifying
Buddhahood. The merits of worshipping Although Prajñāpāramitā was personified as
Prajñāpāramitā were thought to exceed the ven- a mother, teacher, and guide for giving rise to
eration of a Buddha, Buddha relics, or a reliquary Buddhahood, her iconographic forms did not
monument (stūpa), as she was the real source of develop, as based on written and archeological
a Buddha’s omniscience. Quite early in the devel- evidence, until the seventh century during the
opment of this set of discourses, Prajñāpāramitā sociocultural era of the Pāla dynastic period. Pre-
was not only venerated as subtle Buddhist teach- vious doctrines and qualities of personification
ings, but the Prajñāpāramitā manuscripts them- were incorporated into the ethos of the Buddhist
selves, in the form of books (pustaka), were to be Tantric developments. As previously mentioned,
worshipped as material objects that conferred Prajñāpāramitā was a feminine power and
sanctity [26]. The 8,000-verse Prajñāpāramitā archetype that arose in relation to the Buddha’s
in many places recommends the writing, reading, doctrine of emptiness (śūnyatā) and dependent
reciting, contemplating, copying, and distributing co-arising (pratī tyasaṃutpādā) that presented
of the text as a powerful source of religious merit a non-substantial (niḥsvabhāvatā) and non-
([27], pp. 107, 108, 116, 117, 266, 267). Here, the dichotomous (advaya) view of reality. This view
“sons or daughters of good family” are enjoined to cognized reality as co-emergent and codependent
put up a copy of the Prajñāpāramitā on an altar, with mind, allowing for no polarization of con-
and to pay respect to it, to revere, worship and sciousness and nature or other dichotomies. Faith
adore it, and pay regard and reverence to it with and insight in Prajñāpāramitā meant letting go of
flowers, incense, powders, umbrellas, banners, conceptual thinking and attachment and gaining
bells, and rows of burning lamps ([27], p. 299). meditative cognition of luminous space-like
In this way, practitioners “study it prayerfully and awareness, which was construed as possessing
venerate its visible symbol, the scriptural text, omniscient knowledge and was imperishable.
through traditional modes of worship, thereby These cultural understandings of Prajñāpāramitā P
absorbing its subtle energy more fully and were carried over into the sociocultural develop-
directly, as nourishment is absorbed into the ments of Buddhist Tantra.
bloodstream” ([28], p. 22). In Buddhist Tantrism, Prajñāpāramitā
With the beginnings of the devotion to and represented the prototype and essence of all the
worship of the Prajñāpāramitā texts themselves, female figures in Tantric interplay [30]. In Tantric
the hypostasis of Prajñāpāramitā as a feminine meditations prajñā was explicitly identified with
deity with attributes developed as well. Her char- nirvāṇa and upāya (means) with saṃsāra. Ulti-
acterization as the “Mother of the Buddhas” in the mate reality was described in the Tantras as the
scholastic sense of all-knowledge which produces union (yuganaddha) of wisdom and means. The
Buddhahood carried meaning in the devotional conjunction of means and wisdom was held to be
aspect of her worship. The Prajñāpāramitāstrotra indispensable for obtaining the state of Buddha-
(“Hymn to the Goddess”) described her as having hood. In ritual and meditational practices, prajñā
a faultless body that is unclothed like space and was symbolized by a bell (ghanta), a lotus
that she was like meeting the light of the moon. In (padma), or a sun (sūrya), as well as by the vowels
this praise, Prajñāpāramitā was called the sole of the Sanskrit alphabet (āli). Upāya was symbol-
mother, herself being the single path of liberation ized by a vajra, moon (candra), or Sanskrit con-
([29], pp. 147–149). Personification, together sonants (kāli). In yogic ritual practices involving
with the worship of the texts themselves prepared a female partner, prajñā was identified with
930 Prajñāpāramitā

a yoginī (female yogin). In the union of prajñā (Tibetan lha mo’i mtsan nyid thams cad yongs su
and upāya, it was prajñā which played a dominant rdzogs pa), including a jeweled diadem, bracelets,
role, for even though the state of Buddhahood was and earrings. Prajñāpāramitā was visualized seat-
unattainable without means, it was prajñā that ing in the diamond posture (vajraparyaṅkasthāḥ),
embraced the highest reality of emptiness a posture that represented a level of concentration
(śūnyatā) [31]. In the Tantric texts, a synonym of (samādhi), which, like a diamond that cuts
female prajñā was Nairātmyā (“selflessness”), through all substances, cuts through all delusions
and it was with a female prajñā that a Tantric of dualistic thinking. The symbolism employed in
practitioner, as upāya, united. these sādhana visualizations involved ritual
In Buddhist Tantric meditational practices, dei- gestures (mudrā), attributes, and implements
ties such as Prajñāpāramitā were evoked from that correlated with awakened qualities.
seed-mantras (bī ja) and were mentally cultivated Prajñāpāramitā was often depicted in the ritual
in visible form. Incorporating the philosophy of gesture of teaching (dharmacakramudrā,
śūnyatā from the Prajñāpāramitā literature, Tan- vyākhyānamudrā), which symbolized the “turn-
trists held that one could dissolve one’s individu- ing of the wheel of Dharma,” and expressed the
ality into essencelessness and reconstitute one’s fact that Prajñāpāramitā had the central function
identity as a visualized Buddhist deity empowered of giving exposition to the Buddha’s doctrine. The
with awakened qualities and characteristics. The gesture of argument (vitarkamudrā), with the
idea was that if a practitioner could identify them- hand raised and the ring finger touching the tip
selves with a Tantric deity, they could absorb the of the thumb, was a symbol of the dialectic
empowered forces and characteristics of the deity method of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras to shake
and come closer to awakening. The Tantric the hearer of all logical preconceptions and dual-
meditational liturgies used to perform these prac- istic thinking, allowing insight into
tices were known as sādhanas (Tibetan sgrub nonconceptual (nirvikalpa) and non-dual aware-
thabs, literally “means of achievement”) [32]. ness (advayajñāna). The gesture of fearlessness
The Tantric practitioner who performed these (abhayamudrā), with the arm raised and the palm
rites was called a sādhaka or siddha, “one who turned outward, correlated to two aspects of
has power.” Sādhanas guided a Tantric practi- Prajñāpāramitā. First, Prajñāpāramitā was
tioner’s efforts to imagine magnificent pano- known as the supreme source of protection and,
ramas, to visualize superhuman beings, and to second, the absence of all fear was thought be
perform correct ritual utterances (mantra), ges- a sign that the teachings of Prajñāpāramitā had
tures (mudrā), and other ritual activities with the been understood and cognized. Prajñāpāramitā
aim of achieving Buddhahood. The complex men- was visualized and depicted with numerous attri-
tal, verbal, and physical practices prescribed butes and implements. Foremost was the pan-
constituted a practice known as “deity yoga” Buddhist symbol of the lotus, either in blue
(devatā yoga). The deity yoga practices of (utpala flower) or red (padma) color, that signified
Prajñāpāramitā are mainly preserved in the purity. Next, Prajñāpāramitā often appeared
Sādhanamālā. holding a book (pustaka) of the Prajñāpāramitā
The Sādhanamālā (before 1100 C.E.) has pre- scripture itself. Usually held in the left hand
served nine sādhanas for the invocation of the (vamahaste), the book symbolized the teachings
goddess Prajñāpāramitā and an additional one of the Prajñāpāramitā sūtras [33].
attributed to Kamalaśīla is contained in the Besides cultivating the presence of
Tibetan Buddhist canon. Prajñāpāramitā as Prajñāpāramitā by the means of sādhanas, the
envisioned in these instruction manuals was ethos of the Tantric literature represents
most often golden in color, although she appeared Prajñāpāramitā with an uncompromising attitude
in white as well. She appeared with either two or of respect and veneration of the feminine in
four arms. She was imagined as having one face human form. In this practice, all women were
and all the ornamental characteristics of a goddess considered embodiments of Prajñāpāramitā,
Prajñāpāramitā 931

being emanations of her divine qualities. This Cross-References

form of reverence is found in a statement by the
Tantric siddha Lakṣmī ṅkarā in her Adhvayasiddhi ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
saying: ▶ Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā
One must not denigrate women, ▶ Bodhisattva
In whatever social class they are born, ▶ Mahāyāna
For they are Lady Perfection of Wisdom ▶ Upāya
(Prajñāpāramitā), ▶ Vajrachhedika
Embodied in the phenomenal realm. ([34], p. 39)
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)

Prajñāpāramitā Outside of South Asia

Prajñāpāramitā was cultivated and worshipped in

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this definition, although it is a Middle Indic Māgadhī. The canonical writings belonging to the
language. Śvetāmbara sect of Jains are written in this
Prākrit languages differ from Vedic and San- language.
skrit in several significant linguistic tendencies. Jaina Mahārāṣṭrī is a Prākrit language in which
Simplification of consonant clusters, use of simple later Jain works, epics, commentaries to the
vowels, general simplification of syllabic types, canon, etc., were written. This language owes its
etc., can be seen in Prākrit languages. Morpholog- origin to the Mahārāṣṭrī language of the Marāthā
ically, too, there have been simplifications which country, which is considered as a southern Prākrit.
came gradually with time. It is believed that both Jaina Śaurasenī is also a Prākrit language in
the noun and the verb lost the dual number in the which the Digambara sect of Jains wrote their
initial stages of development of Prākrit languages. scriptures. Actually, this language consists of var-
Also, the system of noun was gradually simplified ious forms of Śaurasenī.
to two cases, an oblique and an absolute. Apabhraṃśa is a later type of Prākrit language,
The verb morphology of the Vedic period was and numerous Jain romances are written by vari-
simplified in Sanskrit and was further cut down in ous prolific writers over many genres.
Prākrit languages. There seems to be a great pro- Mahārāṣṭrī Prākrit was a language in which
pensity to base the whole morphological system Brahmanical lyric love poetry developed. This
of any verb on the present tense. In contrast, in the poetry initially began as a popular form for poetry
Old Indic system, each tense and the passive par- writing, but later on it was adopted and expanded
ticiples showed separate types of formation. by literary men. A good example of a poetry writ-
During the periods between the Old Indic sys- ten in this language is the Sattasai (Seven Hun-
tem and the onset of modern vernaculars, several dred Verses) of Hala (c. 200–450 C.E.). Besides
Prākrit dialects developed. However, only a small poetry, verse epics were also written in this dia-
number of them had a written form, and literatures lect. Pravarasena’s Setu-bandha (Rama’s Bridge;
were written in only a few of them. sixth-century C.E.) and Vakpati’s Gaudavaha
The earliest records of Prākrit literatures are the (The Slaying of the Gauda Prince; eighth-century
inscriptions of the Mauryan emperor Aśoka writ- C.E.) are two examples.
ten around third-century B.C.E. These inscrip- Paiśācī is another dialect of Prākrit languages
tions were written in three main varieties of in which a great novelistic tale Bṛhatkathā (Great
dialect: northwestern, southwestern (Gujarat), Story; before 600 C.E.) was written by Guṇāḍhya. P
and eastern. However, the later writings of the This work is, however, not available, and only
Hīnayāna or the southern school of Buddhists three Sanskrit reworkings of it are found, two of
are chiefly in Pāli. But, the languages used by them have been written as late as eleventh-century
other Buddhist sects and local communities are C.E.
in Prākrits. For instance, extensive fragments of All these Prākrit dialects have been used in the
an anthology of the type of the Dhammapada classical Indian drama. Scholars opine that origi-
written in the northwestern type of Prākrit have nally all the dialects might have been not very far
been found in Ho-t’ien in China (ancient Khotan). apart. In their attempt to be realistic, the dramatists
Buddhist Sanskrit (BS) is a language that came of those periods would have made changes in the
into being due to gradual Sanskritization of an dialect with the passage of time, leading to
original Prākrit language. Hence, this language a number of variations and dialects.
has a similarity with Sanskrit and several impor- As soon as a dialect was begun to be used in
tant Buddhist texts, belonging to both the literature, that particular dialect was cultivated for
Hīnayāna and the Mahāyāna sects are in this centuries as a literary language, generally on the
language. basis of the descriptions laid down by grammar-
Ardhamāgadhī is another Prākrit language, ians. While the Middle Indic languages of the
which is a halfway speech between Śaurasenī, Jains and the Buddhists existed independently,
the upper Gaṅgā valley dialect, and the eastern the Prākrits of the Hindus were mere Prākrit
934 Prākrit

versions of Sanskrit, translated as per the rules laid standardized and started differing from the spoken
by grammarians. vernaculars. Several of the Mahāyāna schools
In short, the Prākrit languages have been used used a type of Prākrit for their voluminous
by Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jain writers. literature.
These languages are also found on numerous This raised a difficulty in philosophical dis-
inscriptions and other nonliterary documents, courses with Brahmanism. As a result, Sanskrit
especially those belonging to the period between came to be used by Buddhists leading to a partial
third-century B.C.E. and fourth-century C.E. Sanskritization of the verse texts and prose written
Scholars of medieval India have used the word in it. No pure examples of this form survive, and
Prākrit in a restricted sense, and they include only their geographical origin or chronology is also not
the four most important literary Prākrits, while known. But Sanskritized versions of these texts
some scholars include the Dravidian languages are found, and the language used in them is called
in the Prākrit group of languages, which have Buddhist Sanskrit which seems to have originated
many borrowed words of Indic languages. But, in a more westerly Prākrit dialect, but it is still to
in general, the Indian scholars include only the be identified whether it was central or west central
Prākrits used by Hindu and Jain writers in their in the Gaṅgā valley. However, it is highly possible
literature and exclude the languages used by Bud- that there might have existed other Prākrits in the
dhist writers. They also sometimes exclude the early centuries of Buddhism literatures than the
Apabhraṃśa dialects. known, Buddhist Sanskrit, Prākrit, and Pāli
The theory generally agreed about the birth of dialects.
Prākrit languages is that the dialects different from Similarly, the Jain canonical texts can be found
Vedic and Sanskrit were existent, while those in various Prākrit languages. The literature of
languages were still in use until roughly the Digambara sect is found in Jain Śaurasenī, while
fifth-century B.C.E. While the two literary lan- that of Śvetāmbara sect is available in two dialects
guages became standardized and their usage of Ardhamāgadhī. Then, there are the later texts
remained unchanged in practice, the newly devel- like the commentaries on the canon and epics like
oping vernacular dialects continued to diverge. Vimala Suri’s Paumacariya that are found in Jain
With the passage of time, spoken languages Mahārāṣṭrī.
became different from the literary languages. In Brahmanical too, several Prākrit languages
These spoken languages were then progressively have been used, perhaps at the end of the pre-
used by writers and thus began the literary culti- Christian era. Subsequently, Mahārāṣṭrī became
vation of Prākrit languages. quite popular and was particularly used in writing
The first literature to be written in Prākrit lan- lyric poetry. This dialect is estimated to have
guages has not yet been ascertained, but the reli- begun to flourish during the third–fourth centuries
gious texts of the Jains and the Buddhists were C.E. Sattasai, the anthology by Hāla, is the most
among the earliest literature written in these lan- significant individual work of this kind.
guages. It is because the Buddha directed that his The classical period of Sanskrit drama begin-
disciples teach in their own vernacular dialects. ning with Kālidāsa used Mahārāṣṭrī in lyric
Thus, during the first few generations after the verses. The epics of the kāvya were also com-
Buddha, many Middle Indic languages came to posed in this dialect. Other important examples
be used in Buddhist preaching. The availability of of literature in this dialect are the Rāvaṇavaha or
religious inscriptions belonging to Emperor Setubandha, the Gauḍavaha, and the last eight
Asoka in several Prākrit dialects is a testimony cantos of the poem Dvyāśraya-mahākāvya, the
to this fact. Kumārapālacarita written by Hemacandra in
Over a period of time, the languages used for twelfth-century C.E. These cantos in Prākrit illus-
teaching also began to be used in literature owing trate the Prākrit section of the grammar in
to the gaining influence of Buddhist centers. Like Hemacandra’s Sanskrit and Prākrit grammar, the
Sanskrit, the teaching dialects also became Siddha-hemaśabdānuśāsana.
Prākrit 935

An important source for gaining information Dating back to the third-century C.E., these are
on Prākrit is the Sanskrit drama. Sanskrit, the the official documents belonging to the Kroraina
literary language that is termed to be par excel- kingdom, and their Prākrit is similar to that found
lence was spoken by educated men such as the in Dhammapada. The original home of this
kings, nobles, and the brahmans. They also sang Prākrit language was the region of Peshawar in
in this language. All others spoke the vernacular northwest India, now in Pakistan. This unnamed
languages, i.e., the Prākrit languages. Again, Prākrit language was the literary and administra-
among the masses, the dialects differed from tive language of the Kuṣāṇa Empire and its central
region to region and also on the basis of caste. Asiatic branches.
As such, in Sanskrit dramas, one can come across Scholars have been able to locate geographical
people speaking different dialects, which would area of some Prākrit languages with a certain
have been their own. degree of accuracy. Śaurasenī dialect was used
Slowly, however, the dialects in the dialogue in the region around the modern day Mathurā in
began to be considered as appropriate, and they Uttar Pradesh. This language was used in the
took rigid form as conventions started to harden. Gangetic doab and extended eastward till the con-
In Sanskrit dramas, one can find that most women, vergence of the rivers Yamunā and the Gaṅgā.
especially belonging to upper caste, speak Westward, it extended till Lahore in modern day
Śaurasenī but sing in Mahārāṣṭrī. Śaurasenī is Pakistan and also to Rajputana and Gujarat.
also spoken by some other characters in the Māgadhī dialect was spoken in the area to the
drama like children and the brahman clown. east of the place where the rivers Yamunā and the
Another vernacular, Māgadhī, is found to be spo- Gaṅgā converge, probably near Banaras or the
ken in the dramas by low-caste men, servants, and modern day Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh. However,
fishermen. There are other vernaculars that also its eastern extent is yet to be ascertained by
appear in the Sanskrit drama. In fact, the appear- scholars.
ance of these vernaculars in the Sanskrit drama Mahārāṣṭrī dialect was spoken in the
gives credence to the theory that Prākrits were the Mahārāṣṭra (the great kingdom) region, south of
spoken languages used by common men in their the river Narmada. In modern times, Marathi is
everyday activities. But, once the forms of dia- spoken in this geographical area.
lects were prescribed according to characters by Paiśācī dialect is estimated to have been spo-
grammarians, it became a rule and the later ken in the Vindhya region south of the Gaṅgā P
dramas were composed adhering to the rule rather valley, but scholars have not located its geograph-
than using the living forms of speech. ical area as precisely as other dialects.
There is also a mention of a Prākrit language Out of the many Prākrit languages, Mahārāṣṭrī
called Paiśācī in works of some grammarians. It is has been described at the greatest length by gram-
believed that Guṇāḍhya’s Bṛhatkathā was com- marians owing to its literary merit. This dialect
posed perhaps around the first or second-century has been described by Vararuci and Hemacandra,
C.E. in this dialect. This work is known through among others. Grammarians sketchily describe
much later reworkings, especially Somadeva’s other Prākrits used in the dramas and also numer-
Kathāsaritsāgara (eleventh-century C.E.), but ous other dialects which do not even appear in the
unfortunately the Paiśācī text has not yet come literature. However, all these descriptions are gen-
to light. erally made as deviations from Mahārāṣṭrī.
Prākrit languages can also be found in Over a period of time, the various Prākrits
nonliterary materials like early coin and stone acquired standard literary form, but the vernacu-
inscriptions (third-century B.C.E. to fourth- lars continued to change and thus slowly diverge
century C.E.). The Aśokan inscriptions, of course, from the standards. Again, the new vernaculars
are the earliest nonliterary inscriptions of Prākrit after sometime acquired literary forms. The best
languages. But, the materials obtained from Niya example of this type is the Apabhraṃśa, which
in Chinese Turkestan are the most interesting. means “downward departure (from speech).” The
936 Prākrit

earliest reference to this language is found in the loss and amalgamation of cases. In some dialects,
seventh-century C.E. dative forms were completely lost, and syntacti-
Western Apabhraṃśa belonged to the same cally the dative merges with the genitive. In fem-
region as the Śaurasenī. It is found in numerous inine stems in ā, the instrumental, genitive, and
texts such as Dhanavāla’s Bhavisattakaha (tenth- locative singular have identical forms. In the
century C.E.), Haribhadra’s Sanatkumāracaritam Apabhraṃśa stage, case declension moved further
(1159 C.E.), and Somaprabha’s toward the modern vernacular system of only two
Kumarapālapratibodha (1195 C.E.). Majority of cases, absolute and oblique. The system of three
the writings in this language are by Jain authors. genders remained intact in early Prākrits, but in
Southern Apabhraṃśa belonged to the same Apabhraṃśa, masculine and neuter genders
region as the Mahārāṣṭrī. Similarly, eastern almost merged. The several declensional types
Apabhraṃśa belonged to the region where of Sanskrit are somewhat decreased in number.
Māgadhī was used. In the consonantal stems, particularly tend to add
The Apabhraṃśa dialects are thus the immedi- vowels and merge with the vocalic declensions.
ate predecessors of the modern languages. These Verb conjugation in Prākrit languages shows
languages existed as late as the twelfth-century even greater departures from the Sanskrit system.
C.E. However, the relations between the modern With some minor exceptions, the Sanskrit conso-
languages and the Apabhraṃśa dialects are not nantal conjugation was replaced in Prākrit by the
very clearly available. conjugation type in which a vowel appears
between the final consonant of the root or stem
and the inflectional suffix. In Middle Indic lan-
Characterization of the Languages guages, the vowel is often -a- as in Sanskrit, but
there has been a great extension of use also of -e-,
The Middle Indic languages depict a progressive which derives from -aya- of the Sanskrit causative
change from the Old Indo-Aryan languages. and denominative conjugations.
(Sanskrit = Sanskrit; Śaurasenī = Śaurasenī; The causative stem, on the other hand, often
Mahārāṣṭrī = Mahārāṣṭrī). had a suffix -ve-, in which v represents Sanskrit p,
Phonetic change is clearly noticeable as the which appears in only a few verbs in Sanskrit
complex consonant clusters of Sanskrit are sim- exceptional remnants of the Sanskrit consonantal
plified, most frequently by assimilations or losses conjugation including the highly irregular enclitic
and sometimes by insertions of vowels, e.g., putra verb “to be,” (e.g., mhi “I am” (< asmi), si you
“son” > putta, ratna “jewel” > Śaurasenī radana, are (< asi)); the third person singular form atthi
Māgadhī ladana. Stop consonants between (< asti) is not enclitic.
vowels were liable to many types of changes. In the Prākrit dialects, very little remains of the
Voiceless stops (k, t, p) remained in Pāli, became past tenses, except such forms as āsī “was, were”
voiced (g, d, v) in some dialects, e.g., Śaurasenī (< āsīt). The present tense has an imperative and
and Apabhraṃśa, but were lost in Mahārāṣṭrī, e.g., an optative. The future tense remains usually
Sanskrit śata “100” > Pāli sata, Śaurasenī sada, formed with a suffix -issa- or -ihi- (< Sanskrit
Mahārāṣṭrī saa. The cumulative effect of all –iṣya-) added to the present stem. Passive stems
changes was to produce words which are very either derive from Sanskrit passive stems, with
far from their Sanskrit origins, e.g., Sanskrit -y- appearing in Mahārāṣṭrī as -jj- (e.g.,
Vāppairāa = Sanskrit Vākpatirāja “king dijjai “it is given” < Sanskrit dī yate), or add
Vākpati”; prākṛta “Prākrit” > Śaurasenī pāuda, a suffix (Śaurasenī -ia-, Mahārāṣṭrī -ijja-) to the
Mahārāṣṭrī pāua. present stem.
Noun morphology becomes simplified with In the Prākrit languages, gerunds, infinitives,
progress of time, e.g., by loss of the dual number. gerundives, and three participles – all survive with
The eight-case system of Sanskrit got reduced by many phonetic and other changes. Most
Pratyeka-Buddha 937

important, however, is the past participle, which is

active in intransitive verbs and passive in transi- Pranidhāna
tive verbs. Syntactically, it occurs most frequently
with an instrumental case of a noun to replace the ▶ Mantra
old past tense and its subject. In fact, this is the
precursor of the peculiar past tense of modern
languages.
Very frequently, the past participle shows Prātimoksa
˙
a suffix Śaurasenī -ida-, Mahārāṣṭrī -ia- (< Sanskrit
-ita-) added to the present stem. This part of the ▶ Pātimokkha
verb system shows more irregularities of form than
any other, because of inheritance of old forms from
Sanskrit, e.g., Śaurasenī gada-, Mahārāṣṭrī gaa- Pratītya Samutpāda
“gone” (< Sanskrit gata-) beside present stem
gacch-; Śaurasenī kida-, Mahārāṣṭrī kaa- “made” ▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
(< Sanskrit kṛta-) beside present stem kar-;
Śaurasenī nāda-, Mahārāṣṭrī ṇāa- “known” (< San-
skrit jñāta-) beside present stem jān-.
Thus, the vocabulary of Prākrit is in general Pratyeka-Buddha
derived from Old Indic languages of Vedic and
Sanskrit, but there are also many words that are Shanker Thapa
not so derivable. These words are called Deśī or Faculty of Buddhist Studies, Lumbini Buddhist
“provincial” words, and the Indian grammarians University, Lumbini Rupandehi, Nepal
have made a list of such words.

Synonyms
Cross-References
Pacceka-Buddha; Solitary Buddha
▶ Dhammapada
▶ Mathurā P
▶ Pāli Definition

Pratyeka-buddha or solitary Buddha is one who

References has attained enlightenment without the benefit of
a teacher, but he does not proclaim this truth to the
1. Banerjee SR (1977) The Eastern School of Prakrit world. Pratyeka-buddha is the Buddhist model of
Grammarians: a linguistic study. Vidyasagar Pustak
spiritual life. He wanders like rhinoceros.
Mandir, Calcutta
2. Bhandarkar RG (1999) Sanskrit and the derived lan-
guage. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi The early Buddhist schools referred to three vehi-
3. Chatterji SK (1953) Introduction to Indo-Aryan. Cal- cles to attain enlightenment, Śrāvakayāna, the
cutta University, Calcutta
vehicle of the Arhat (Pali: Arahant) to be taken
4. Pischel R, Grammar of the Prakrit languages (Eng.
Trans. Jha Subhadra). Motilal Publishers, New York by the greatest number of disciples, and Pratyeka-
5. Sen S (1960) A comparative grammar of middle Indo- buddhayāna, the vehicle of the solitary practi-
Aryan. Deccan College, Poona tioners who attain realization without the help of
6. Winternitz M (1977) A history of Indian literature,
reprint, vol II. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
a spiritual teacher. They do not teach to others,
7. Woolner AC (1996) Introduction to Prakrit, reprint. and the Bodhisattvayāna, the vehicle of the aspi-
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi rants to Buddhahood. Puggalapaññatti, an
938 Pratyeka-Buddha

Abhidhamma text in Pāli canon, mentions about except that the latter attain enlightenment under
the hierarchy of nine individuals with different the guidance of the Buddha. On the contrary,
kinds of attainments thereby providing definition a Pratyeka-buddha gains enlightenment without
of the Pratyeka-buddha. According to it, among outside guidance or support. He is one among
the nine individuals, the first three are three enlightened beings that Buddhism has
Samyaksambuddha, Pratyeka-buddha, and recognized.
Srāvaka. Another classification occurring in the Pratyeka-buddha attains enlightenment with
Pāli commentarial literature speaks of four kinds his own efforts. There is nobody to support him
of Buddhas: the omniscient Buddha, the Pratyeka- in his efforts of attaining enlightenment. Other
buddha, the Four Noble Truths Buddha, and the discourses in the Ekottarikāgama confirm that
learned Buddha. Pratyeka-buddha is one who, Pratyeka-buddhas awaken on their own without
like the Buddha, attained enlightenment without a spiritual guide. He is described as the one who is
the support of a spiritual teacher. In this way, he is enlightened through his own efforts. Thus, he
someone who has thoroughly realized the truth attains the supreme and perfect insight but dies
concerning all dhammas which he had never without proclaiming the truth to the world.
known before. Pratyekabodhisattva lives the life A Pratyeka-buddha is a Buddha living in solitude
of an ascetic and dedicates himself to meditation and does not reveal his knowledge to the world.
practices. The aspirant for Pratyekabodhi has to Pratyeka-buddha may be called a solitary Buddha.
make every effort to reach the goal through the So the Pratyeka-buddhas die without proclaiming
practice of meditation. But he lacks the capacity to the truth they revealed. Because Pratyeka-buddha
teach others. Thus, he does not proclaim the is a Buddha, he is also assigned with a higher
Dharma to the world. A Pratyeka-buddha is place in terms of Buddhist practice and the notion
described as a spiritual personality who is parsi- of enlightenment. The life of a Pratyeka-buddha is
monious of speech and cherishes solitude. solitary who live on alms and reside in mountains
Puggalapaññatti mentions, “What individual is performing behavior (caryā). The historical Bud-
the Pratyeka-buddha? To this world a certain indi- dha himself has enumerated four categories of
vidual awakes by himself to the truths that are not bodily relics of individuals who are worthy to be
heard of before and then he does not attain omni- enshrined in the stūpa. One among them is the
science or mastery of the powers; this individual is Pratyeka-buddha. Thus, Pratyeka-buddhas are
called a Pratyeka-buddha.” A future Pratyeka- worthy of veneration. In regard to enlightenment,
buddha is often mentioned as a disciple of there is no difference between the Arhats and the
a Buddha during one of his former lives. Not Tathāgatas. They are identical without any
being able to become an Arhat at that time, he distinction.
eventually attains Pratyekabodhi. The difference He is devoid of the intention to pass on the
between Samyaksambuddha and Pratyeka-buddha dhamma and lacks the ability to teach although he
is in the attainment of omniscience and the mas- is an enlightened being. They did not teach others
tery over the fruits. The difference between the to obtain the path to Nirvāṇa while they were
Buddhas and Pratyeka-buddhas is the following: alive. On the contrary, Buddha practices and
Pratyeka-buddhas do not bring others to enlight- teaches the dhamma that is good in the beginning,
enment, they do not understand the full range of middle, and the end. All Buddhas, Pratyeka-bud-
the dhamma, and they are not able to formulate dhas, and Arhats had fulfilled all perfections and
dhamma by way of concepts. Samyaksambuddhas entered into Nirvāṇa. The Buddha, Pratyeka-bud-
possess supernatural powers, reach high levels of dha, Arhat, and the universal monarchs rank
meditation, and can influence others indirectly to highest who are worthy of honor and respect.
take up a religious life. Pratyeka-buddha is described as parsimonious of
Pratyeka-buddha is the Buddhist model of spir- speech and cherishes seclusion. Pratyeka-buddha
itual life. He is similar in many respects to Arhats appeared in this world at a time when there was no
Prthivī 939
˙

supreme Buddha. Only in times in which there are 2. Dhammananda KS (2002) What Buddhists believe.
no Buddhas, it is possible to attain Pratyeka- Buddhist Missionary Society, Kuala Lumpur
3. Indaratana Mahathera, E (2002) Vandanā: the album of
buddhahood. Only in this situation, aspirants Pāḷi devotional chanting & hymns. Mahindarama
could attain enlightenment by becoming the Dhamma Publication, Penang
Pratyeka-buddha or Arhat. During the course of 4. Isigili Sutta, Majjhima Nikaya – 116
becoming Pratyeka-buddha, one acquires the seeds 5. Kloppenborg R (2006) The Paccekabuddha: a Buddhist
ascetic a study of the concept of the Paccekabuddha in
of egolessness (anattā bhāvanā). Pali canonical and commentarial literature. Buddhist
It is believed that adaptation of the Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
concept of the Pratyeka-buddha was probably 6. Norman KR (1996/2001) Solitary as a rhinoceros horn.
inspired by the Indian tradition of asceticism. It was In; Collected papers, vol 7. Pali Text Society, Oxford,
pp 33–41
further upheld by the tradition of reverence and 7. Piyadassi T (1999) The book of protection. Buddhist
esteem for ascetics, wandering religious practitioners Publication Society, Kandy
and sages. The tradition of renouncing worldly 8. Rahula W (1996) Gems of Buddhist wisdom. Buddhist
desires for religious pursuit has been one of the Missionary Society, Kuala Lumpur
9. Ven Bhikkhu B (2010) Arahants, Bodhisattvas, and
outstanding features of Indian religious behavior. Buddhas. Access to Insight, 22 Aug 2010
Pratyeka-buddha is one of the three fully
enlightened beings. The other two are Arhat and
the Buddha. However, Pratyeka-buddhas are
mentioned rarely in Buddhist canons. The Isigili
Sutta mentions that Isigili (Rishigiri) Mountain Prausudha
has served as the abode for several Pratyeka-
buddhas. They preceded the Buddhas. It is said ▶ Uposatha
that, at one time, there were 500 Pratyeka-
buddhas who dwelt on the Isigili Mountain, the
abode of Seers.
Problem of Evil

Cross-References ▶ Theodicy
P
▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
▶ Arhat (Sanskrit)
▶ Dhamma Proponents of Non-nature
▶ Enlightenment
▶ Nirvāṇa ▶ Mādhyamika
▶ Omniscience
▶ Pāli
▶ Samyaka Sambodhi
▶ Śrāvaka Proponents of the Middle Way
▶ Stūpa
▶ Tathāgata ▶ Mādhyamika

References

1. Anālayo B (2010) Paccekabuddhas in the Isigili-sutta

Prthivı̄
and its Ekottarika-āgama Parallel. Can J Buddh Stud
˙
6:6–36 ▶ Earth (Buddhism)
940 Psalms of the Brethren

is made up of his thoughts. If a man speaks or acts

Psalms of the Brethren with an evil thought, with a wicked mind, pain
follows him just as the wheel follows the foot of
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā the ox which drives the cart. On the other hand,
happiness follows the man who speaks or acts
with good thoughts, with a pure mind, and never
leaves him like the shadow of the man himself.
Psalms of the Sisters Through these two verses Lord Buddha wanted to
emphasize that mind is the principal element both
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā in the performance and the assessment of human
deeds or actions. It is the mind that rules and
shapes human actions, physical, mental, and ver-
bal. The actions become good or bad in accor-
Psychology (Buddhism) dance with whether they are performed with pure
or impure state of the mind. In short, ordinary
Madhumita Chattopadhyay human life is completely ruled by the mind. The
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, mind to each individual can be his greatest enemy
Kolkata, West Bengal, India or best friend. Whatever harm an enemy can do to
one, or a hater can do by hating, the harm caused
by the misdirected mind is even greater. Neither
Synonyms mother nor father nor any relative can do as much
good to an individual as the well-directed mind
Study of mind or consciousness thus. In the Dhammapada it is said that the mind is
very difficult to see, very delicate and subtle; it
moves and lands whenever it pleases. The wise
Definition one should guard his mind, for the guarded mind
alone can bring happiness. The mind occupies the
Science of the nature, functions, and phenomena central position in Buddhist thought – it is the
of human mind. focal point and at the same time it becomes the
culminating point, the objective being to attain
a pure and liberated mind. In short, the whole
Buddhist Psychology philosophical enterprise of Lord Buddha is
closely connected with the psychological specu-
In his earnest zeal to remove the sufferings of lations and these speculations gave his philosoph-
human beings, Lord Buddha gave much impor- ical opinion a new direction in the form of non-
tance on the mental factors which have a decisive substantiality, anti-essentialism. Hence, Buddhist
role to play in the determination of the worth of psychology occupies an important position in the
human actions. So, though Lord Buddha himself whole philosophical scenario.
did not designate any specific part of his teaching Buddhist psychology differs in certain funda-
as psychological, it is to be admitted that discus- mental respects from Western psychology which
sion on the mental occupies an important position is a more recent development. Western psychol-
in Buddhism. What sequences an individual ogy developed as a branch of medical science. For
faces in life, namely, enjoyment of happiness or example, William James, one of the noted psy-
suffering of pain, are all the results of his/ chologists of modern period was a medical person
her psychological states. This is vividly stated in and he had the opportunity to dissect and analyze
the first two verses of the most important manual the physical structure of human brain. On the
Dhammapada: All that a man is is the result of basis of that analysis, and with the help of intro-
what he has thought – it is founded on his mind; it spection and observation of the behavior of other
Psychology (Buddhism) 941

human beings, William James tried to provide us physical or psychological, but they are not indepen-
with the analysis of consciousness. Buddha, on dent of each other. There is a close affinity and
the other hand did not have any experience of the interdependence of nāma (psychological) and
actual physical structure of the human brain. He rūpa (physical or bodily processes). The conscious
confined himself to the methods of observation processes and corresponding material processes are
and introspection and provided an analysis of only different aspects of the same reality. An indi-
consciousness. vidual is nothing but this nāma-rūpa complex. Thus
Another point of difference between Buddhist in Buddhism it is possible to give a holistic inter-
psychology and modern Western psychology lies pretation of human being without getting involved
in the fact that in the West, starting from the days in a dualistic framework.
of Freud till the present, emphasis has been given As a strong adherent of the doctrine of momen-
on the development of an individual since the tariness, the Buddhists believe that there is no self
childhood period. This is the period when the or soul. But the difficulty arises in accounting for
individual develops into a person. That is, in the the personality of an individual which is believed
West it is assumed that when a child is born he is to persist in him or her throughout life. The dif-
a tabula rasa, a clean slate, and does not have any ferent states, physical as well as mental, may
trace or impression in his mind. So everything that change; but is not there anything changeless
the child acquires during this development stage is amidst all the changing processes to whom the
carried on later in his life and forms his personal- agency is ascribed and by which the question of
ity. In Buddhism, the story is a different one. responsibility can be determined? The Buddhists
A concept like a tabula rasa is completely resolve this problem by their doctrine of causality.
unknown in their philosophical framework. As One moment conditions the next one. So there is
an ardent believer in the doctrine of causality, continuity. Even if it is wrong to believe in any
known technically as pratītyasamutpāda or self, it cannot be denied that actions occur as
paṭiccasamuppāda, they believe that every events in this process. So there is agency, there is
moment conditions the next one. So what is called feeling and there is cognition occurring in the
the present is an effect of the past. Thus each child process. This process, thus, possesses all the
is born with an accumulation of the traces three properties ascribed to the self. Hence, with-
(saṁskāras) of their past lives which have out admitting the existence of a permanent
a profound influence on their development as unchanging self, the Buddhists can explain the P
a person. Thus in Buddhism psychology has notion of a person who is eligible to bear the
a close relationship with its religious beliefs, spe- responsibilities and enjoy the privileges as
cially the belief in rebirth, in the doctrine of a member of the society. Individual is a mind-
karma, etc., which are totally absent in Western body compound (nāmarūpa) and the personality
psychology. or attabhāva is an aggregate of changing mental
In Western psychology a dichotomy is drawn processes. The Buddhists provide a psycho-
between mind and body, the former having con- metaphysical analysis of the human being who
sciousness as its essence while the latter possesses according to them is constituted by fivefold aggre-
extension. Because of this dichotomy, the Western gates or pañcaskandha consisting of the inner and
psychologists face a grave difficulty in providing the outer worlds in all acts of cognition. The
the mind its locus. To avoid this sort of dualism, pañcaskandha or the five aggregates are material
attempt has often been made to explain conscious- form (rūpa), sensation (vedanā), perception
ness as an epiphenomenon or at best as an emer- (saṁjñā), disposition (sankhāra), and intellect or
gent property. But the case is different with the self-consciousness (viññāna). Of these, the first
Buddhists. Within their philosophical framework one, that is, the rūpaskandha, includes the body,
of momentariness and the doctrine of dependent the sense organs, the sensible objects, and sensa-
origination, they try to explain human being as tions. The second aggregate comprises of feel-
a collection of processes. These processes might be ings. There are three kinds of feeling: pleasure,
942 Psychology (Buddhism)

pain, and neutral feeling. Feeling of pleasure persons around him that the music is produced
arises from the enjoyment of the desired object, because the instrument is composed of different
while the feeling of pain arises from parts. He still went on insisting to show the part
the experience of an undesirable one. Neutral that is music. Then he broke the musical instru-
feeling arises from the experience of an object ment into smaller parts, but nowhere did he find
which is neither desired nor undesired. The the music. In a similar man an inquisitive person
saṁjñāskandha includes determinate perceptions may investigate the body, the sensation, the feel-
of objects to which names are attached involving ing, the perception, the dispositions, and the con-
recognition. It does not consist of the mere sensa- sciousness, but nowhere will he find anything that
tion which is devoid of all sorts of determination. can be said as “I,” “mine,” or “I am.” The vī ṇā is
Such indeterminate sensation is included within a functional unit; without proper organization of
the first variety of rūpaskandha. Saṁjñā includes its different parts, there can be no music. Human
cognitive assimilation of sense-impressions and personality is like the music which also is very
cognitive assimilation of ideas by naming. There much dependent on the organization of the parts.
are in fact two stages in such saṁjñā skandha – The emphasis always is on the parts; there is no
one where the sense-impressions are contem- real permanent unity like a soul or a self to identify
plated and the other in which such sense- the individual with. In the Questions of King
impressions are associated with designations. Milinda (Milindapañhā), Nāgasena, a Buddhist
The fourth skandha includes composite mental monk, compares a person with a chariot. Just as
states and synthetic mental activity. All mental the term “chariot” is used to denote the whole
dispositions – intellectual, volitional, or emotional where the parts like the spoke, axles, wheels,
– are saṁskāras. They are compound psychoses. etc., are put together, it is a convention to denote
Elementary psychoses are combined into disposi- the word “being” when the factors are taken
tions which imply synthetic activity. The together. The examples used by the Buddhist
vijñānaskandha includes the intellectual process thinkers to show that there is nothing which can
or self-consciousness. It includes object- be regarded as a person reminds one of the mod-
consciousness and self-cognitions. Feeling, per- ern Western view of the “Ghost in the Machine”
ception, and self-consciousness are inseparable put forwarded by Gilbert Ryle. A human being is
from each other. Vijñāna is awareness of the mind. nothing but a functional organized unit; it is only
The explanation of an individual in terms of the a mass of processes. There is no permanent
five aggregates (pañcaskandha) may be consid- identity.
ered as similar to the analysis of human personal- According to the Buddhists, though an individ-
ity made in Western psychology. In Western ual is composed of five factors, all the factors are
psychology, the word “personality” refers to the not of equal importance. For example, the con-
unity of organized individual traits and processes sciousness factor or viññāna-skandha is the most
which distinguish one person from another. When important one and the other factors are considered
the Buddhists consider an individual as an aggre- to be its seat or locus. The viññāṇa-processes are
gate of five skandha-s, they are actually referring said to create the foundation of a new individual.
to the process character and the function of the The different passages in the Saṁyutta Nikāya
different factors, giving emphasis on the fact that speak of the special role played by viññāna in
there is no real unity behind such processes and the process of rebirth. Depending on the desire
parts. In one of the Nikāya texts, namely, the for and attachment to the body, sensation, dispo-
Saṁyutta Nikāya, this is explained with the anal- sitions, etc., the viññāna processes are placed and
ogy of a string musical instrument called vī ṇā. difference is observed among different individ-
Once a king listened to the music of a vī ṇā for uals. For example, one may long for a particular
the first time and was very much delighted. He body in future or a particular sensation or
was shown the instrument but he wanted to find a particular consciousness in future, that is, there
out the music in the vī ṇā. He was told by the may be a variety of wish and desire for the five
Psychology (Buddhism) 943

personality factors. With reference to such wishes which is a “body” of the five elements
in the present life, changes can be realized in the (pañcaskandha) and that goes to the place of
afterlife. Passages in the Majjhima Nikāya rebirth. Some Buddhists, like the Sthaviravādins,
(Middle Length Discourses of Lord Buddha) indi- do not recognize this intermediary state of exis-
cate that the collecting or building activity goes on tence. According to them, death (cyuti) is imme-
during the present life. So ordinary persons who diately followed by pratisandhiskandha which
want to have a particular collection of body, sen- is constituted by the five subtle elements. This
sation, disposition, consciousness, etc., will be pratisaṁdhiskandha remains inherent in the
conditioned by that collection and by that collec- mind. Thus the mind or the mana-indriya consti-
tion his growth will be determined. On the other tutes the prime condition for the stream of becom-
hand, one who has taken the noble path, who ing. The maraṇabhavacitta or cyuticitta or
wants to reduce and not to accumulate anything death consciousness is transplanted into
additional, who scatters and does not bind, will pratisaṁdhivijñāna when all other conditions are
reduce his accumulations rather than heap up. He matured. This pratisaṁdhicitta functions as a link
will reduce his body, sensations, etc., which will between the maraṇabhavacitta (consciousness at
not be heaped up again. A monk or a bhikkhu who the time of death) and utpattibhavacitta (con-
is possessed of a free mind, vimuttacitta, neither sciousness at next birth). This stream of con-
heaps up nor reduces. Having reduced he remains sciousness is recognized by some schools of
without abandoning and having abandoned he Buddhism as bhavāṇgacitta in the prenatal and
remains without gathering. Thus, the Buddhists postnatal stages. This bhavāṇgacitta has been
recognize three possible phases of human person- conceived as an unmodified, undetermined unit
ality – one of the ordinary men where there is of flowing consciousness (vijñānasantāna).
expansion and growth and which continues as Though the term bhavāṇgacitta does not occur
a preparation for the next life. The effects of the anywhere in the text Abhidharmakośa, it is
actions performed by him are accumulated and his assigned a very important position in other Bud-
personality is changed accordingly; he becomes dhist texts like Aṭṭhaśalinī or Abhidhammat-
more and more involved in this worldly existence. thasaṁgaha and others. It is sine qua non of the
But with the beginning of the Buddhist training, continuity of existence and has been compared to
the whole scenario starts changing. And when the the current of a river. When a being is conceived,
aspirant attains the stage of an Arhat, the effects of Buddhist belief gives him a congenital mind P
his past actions are reduced to the minimum. He simultaneously with the inception of physical
still possesses personality factors but those factors growth, as the result of the past generative act
are in some way empty or unsubstantial and do not ( janaka kamma). That mind at the moment of
bind him to the worldly existences. In this way the conception is but a bare state of subconsciousness,
Buddhist try to account for the differences in the identical with the more adult bhavāṇga con-
personality of an ordinary individual, a disciple, sciousness during dreamless sleep. Vasubandhu
and an Arhat in the framework of their pañca- gives a nice exposition of the mental conscious-
skandha theory. ness (manovijñāna) which exists at the moment of
Denial of any permanent self or soul happens death and rebirth (upapatti). Such a consciousness
to create a problem in the explanation of rebirth at the time of death from one existence to rebirth
and accounting for the punishment/reward of in another existence is characterized by the fol-
actions performed. The Buddhists also have lowing features – (1) rupture (cheda), that is,
solved this issue in their psychology. The state destruction of good states by wrong views;
of existence connecting the previous birth with (2) resumption (pratisaṃdhāra), that is, resump-
the subsequent birth is known as antarābhāva or tion of good states by right views; (3) detachment
intermediate state of existence in the (vairāgya), that is, detachment from the world and
Abhidharmakośa. Between death and rebirth, from other states (like first state of meditation,
there is found this state of intermediary existence etc.) through concentration of mind; (4) loss of
944 Psychology (Buddhism)

detachment on account of improper states about it to the function of determining by the

(vairāgyahāni); and (5) death by the cessation of consciousness turning toward impression at the
the functions of the five sense organs (cyuti) and mind-door. The eating of the fruit is like the active
rebirth (upapatti) of those with adverse thoughts. operation of apperceptive consciousness occupy-
As the whole process is due to wrong views or ing seven mental moments. The swallowing of the
adverse thoughts, those who have been able to last remnants left in the mouth represents the
overcome them, such as those who are in higher function of registering. The man’s falling asleep
stages of trance like asaṃjñisamāpatti or again resembles the subsiding of the mind into the
nirodhasamāpatti, are not subject to the cycle of stream of being at the end.
death and rebirth. For them death or cyuti takes Thus the Buddhists conceive of consciousness
place either in the heart or in the head. as a stream of flowing existences undergoing
The whole process of the functioning of the states like death, linking states of existence, pre-
mind from the past birth to the formation of sev- natal and postnatal states of next birth, sleep,
eral consciousnesses in the present birth has been senselessness and the trance stages of meditation.
referred to as cittavī thi in the Abhidhamma liter- When consciousness does not arise in a particular
ature. The Pāli word vī thi means road. The term process of thought, there prevails the subcon-
cittavī thi figuratively indicates the road along scious state of mind called the bhavāṅgasota, the
which the mind travels. To illustrate this aspect stream of being. When the different sense organs
of the functioning of mind Buddhaghoṣa offers like eye, ear, etc., come in contact with their
the simile of a man sleeping under a mango tree. respective objects like color, sound, etc., there
A man in deep sleep lies under a mango tree with arises a vibration in the stream of being. This is
his head covered. A wind blows, and stirs the called the arising of mind or consciousness and
branches and a fruit falls down near him by the may be compared to the occurrence of ripples in
stirring thereof. Consequently he awakes, the water of a pond because of strong wind. In
removes his head-covering and sees the fruit. He mentioning the mind, mention is to be made of the
picks it up, examines and comes to the conclusion mental faculties also. The arising of conscious-
about it. He eats it up, swallows the last remnants ness is the assemblage of both. The mental facul-
left in the mouth and again falls asleep. In the ties are nothing but the elements of the mind
simile, the deep sleep is similar to the unperturbed which go to form the consciousness. Just as the
current of the stream of being (bhavāṇga). The crops need a land to grow, the consciousness
striking of the wind is like the past mental moment cannot occur without the objects such as color,
during which the object comes across the stream sound, etc., on which the mind acts. At the same
without perturbing it. The striking of the branches time for the occurrence of consciousness a base is
in the wind is like the past mental moment during needed which serves as its shelter. The sense
which the object comes across the stream without organs like eye, ear, nose, tongue, body and
perturbing it. The striking of the branches by the mind serve as the bases of mind and the mental
wind corresponds to the vibration of the stream of faculties which function in the occurrence of
being. The falling of the mango represents the respective consciousness. On the basis of the con-
cutting off the stream. The waking of the man is tact of the sense-organs with their respective
comparable to the arresting of attention by the objects, there occur five different consciousnesses
consciousness turning to impressions at the five like visual consciousness, etc., each of which
sense-doors, the seeing of the fruit to the function has a specific object of its own. The function of
of the visual consciousness, and the picking of it these consciousnesses is to be aware of the
to the act of receiving by the recipient conscious- objects. In each of such consciousness, there are
ness. The examination of the fruit corresponds to three phases in this process, origination (uppāda),
the momentary examination by the investigating development (sthiti) and dissolution (bhaṇga).
consciousness and the coming to the conclusion Each of these is called an instant (khaṅa); three
Psychology (Buddhism) 945

such instants make one mental moment vitarka, stands for the initial stage of concentra-
(cittakhaṅa). tion, a process of positing, implying examination
In Buddhist psychology, the mental faculties or leading to judgment and decision. It may be
the caitasika-s play important roles in determining regarded as a process mediating between the
the nature of consciousness. These mental facul- already present and prepared content of the par-
ties are roughly classified into four categories – ticular or general attitude of the individual and the
universal (sabba citta sādhāraṇa), distinctive new content. Insofar as vitakka precedes every act
(pakī ṇṇaka), immoral (akuśala), and moral of the more subtle discursive reasoning, it is some-
(śobhana). As the name suggests, the first variety thing robust like the beating of the bell; ensuing
of mental faculties consists of those that are pre- subtler activity is called the vicāra which denotes
sent in all consciousnesses. No consciousness, the steadily moving reflection, the quiet and seri-
mundane or supra-mundane, can arise without ous consideration and study of that which has
them. Being necessary for the occurrence of any been brought into the circle of interest by the
form of consciousness, these mental faculties are gross vitarka. It is by this activity that all details
called universal. As distinguished from them, the are taken in and all coexistent events and pro-
second variety of mental faculties is regarded as cesses of the psyche are activated and involved.
distinctive or pakī ṇṇaka in the sense that these While vitarka and vicāra refer to the cognitive
mental faculties lie scattered in both moral and aspect in the process of concentration, the two
immoral consciousness. The moral and immoral events, prī ti and sukha, point to the emotive
mental faculties occur, respectively, in moral and aspect which is never absent in any of the mental
immoral consciousness, but these distinctive men- processes though individuals are apt to overlook
tal faculties are manifested in both of them and underrate its importance because of the more
irrespective of their division. However, they are intellectual orientation of the mental life. Of the
not present in all consciousnesses like the univer- two, prī ti stresses the perceptible bodily processes
sal ones. That is why they are considered as and thus comes closer to sensation while sukha is
a separate variety. The third variety of mental differentiated from it as a feeling of pleasure
faculties consists of those that defile, debase, and which imparts itself to both the function patterns
degenerate the mind. They play dominant roles in and to the whole attitude of the individual. It is out
the origination of immoral consciousness. Greed of the blending of the cognitive processes as
(lobha), hatred (doṣa), envy (issā), conceit expressed by vitarka and vicāra and of the emo- P
(māna), dullness (moha), misconception (diṭṭhi) tive process as pointed out by prī ti and sukha that
are some such immoral mental faculties which are concentration in the proper sense of the term is
either direct cause or indirect cause of immoral possible. Concentration combines both the cogni-
consciousness, since some of them create tive and the emotive aspects of the mental pro-
a hindrance before the mind, making it unable to cesses and hence is called “one-objectedness”
realize the true nature of objects, or they poison inasmuch as it does not allow of being distracted
the mind by creating attractions and attachments and torn away from its goal. Concentration or
or by bringing in ill feelings toward others. As cittasya ekāggatā means that one’s whole being
contrasted with such immoral mental faculties, and whole mental process is directed toward one
there are moral or beautiful (śobhana) mental object (ekagga), thus it is another term for absorp-
faculties which remove the ill thoughts of the tion through concentration (samādhi). This con-
mind and bring in such good thoughts that pave centration is the highest goal of human life for it is
the way to the right path. through this concentration that one can attain the
In addition to all these, in the Pāli state of Nibbāṇa.
Abhidhamma tradition, five function-events are There are two classes of consciousness arising
mentioned. These are vitarka, vicāra, prī ti, with the concomitance of mental faculties,
sukha, and cittaikāgratā. The first of these terms, namely, mundane (lokī ya) and supra-mundane
946 Psychology (Buddhism)

(lokuttara). The consciousness that arises having free from all misconceptions. (2) Sakadāgāmī
Nibbāṇa as the object is called supra-mundane magga citta or consciousness relating to the path
(lokuttara), and other varieties of consciousness of once-returning. When one has attained the first
are regarded as mundane or lokī ya. This mundane stage of consciousness one’s mind is bent toward
consciousness is again classified into three types enlightenment. One, then, is on the noble eight-
known as kāmāvacāra (concerned with sensual fold path standing for moral perfection, mental
objects), rūpāvacāra (concerned with forms), development, and insight. Such a person then
and arūpāvacāra (concerned with the formless). reaches the second stage of the realization of
Consciousness which arises in the realm of sen- Nibbāṇa in the depth of meditation. This is called
sual desire grasping sight, sound, etc., as its sakadāgāmī magga citta that is the path of once-
object, is called kāmāvacāra citta. The returning. That is, by attaining this stage one is
rūpāvacāra citta and the arūpāvacāra citta, on reborn on this earth once only, no further rebirth
the other hand, are attained through the practices will happen thereafter. The progressive cultiva-
of meditation and controlling the sensual desires. tion of the noble eightfold path leads one to the
They are known as supra-normal consciousness or third stage of the realization of Nibbāṇa. When
mahaggata citta. this stage is attained, the sensual desire and the ill
In short, the kāma consciousness can be will are completely removed. This stage is
transformed into rūpa consciousness and the described as the stage of (3) anāgāmi magga
rūpa consciousness into the arūpa or formless citta or consciousness relating to the path of
one. This transformation is necessary for never-returning. It is so designated because one
a distinct development of the mind required for who has attained it is not expected to return to the
spiritual upliftment of the individual. Whatever mundane world of sensual desires any more. At
spiritual upgradation these rūpa consciousness the first stage of meditation, misconceptions and
and arūpa consciousness bring about in the men- evil thoughts are destroyed while in the third stage
tal life of an individual, they are not able to put an of meditation the fetters of sensual desire and ill
end to all the sufferings of the individual or reduce will are shattered completely; other fetters like the
their span of life. The consciousness which does ego-sense or ignorance are weakened but are not
away with the worldly cycle of birth and death and completely removed. That is why such a person
leads the individual to the blissful state of after his death takes birth in the Brahmaloka in
Nibbāṇa, a state completely free from all types accordance with his stage of meditation. Just as
of suffering, is known as supra-mundane con- with the arrival of dawn the dark sky shines with
sciousness (lokuttara citta).The promotion of the the rays of the morning sun, the mind promoted to
mind from the mundane stage to the supra- the fourth stage of meditation after cultivating the
mundane one is an ineffable one. eightfold noble paths to its optimum form finds
Just as the kāma consciousness is transformed itself in the full glory of light of the supreme
to the rūpa consciousness and the rūpa conscious- Nibbāṇa. No darkness of any form remains any-
ness to the arūpa one through the practices of where in the person. He is free from fetters of all
meditation, similarly having Nibbāṇa as its object sorts. This unfettered free supra-mundane con-
the rūpa consciousness or the mundane one sciousness is regarded as (4) Arahatta magga
develops into the supra-mundane one through citta. It is the stage of consciousness in which all
a process of the mind known as magga citta. the ara or the cycles of existence are destroyed.
Magga citta is a citta or consciousness which is This is the acme of spiritual development and the
the path or means to Nibbāṇa. The Buddhists highest attainment of life.
recognize four varieties of such magga citta: In short, the Buddhists recognize three
(1) Sotāpatti magga citta or consciousness relat- degrees of consciousness – the subconscious, the
ing to the path of attaining the stream. This is the conscious and, the super-conscious. Subcon-
attainment of the first stage when the mind is made sciousness is concerned with desire (kāma), the
Pu Xian and Bian ji 947

material (rūpa), or the immaterial (arūpa). Nor- ▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)

mal consciousness (kāmacitta) is concerned with ▶ Sakadāgāmin
objects of desire. Super-normal consciousness is ▶ Saṃsāra
sublime. It is concerned with the material ▶ Senses (Buddhism)
(rūpaloka), the immaterial (arūpaloka), or the ▶ Sthaviravāda
supra-mundane (lokuttara).
Another important aspect of Buddhist psychol-
ogy is their emphasis on the cultivation of certain References
good qualities of the mind which enable a man to
rise above his selfish nature and develop a feeling 1. Aung SZ (1910) Compendium of philosophy (revised and
edited by Mrs Rhys Davids). Pali Text Society, Oxford
for the world at large. In the Buddhist framework,
2. Brahmachari S (1990) An introduction to
these feelings are compassion (karuṇā), friendliness Abhidhamma. Barua, Calcutta
(mettā), appreciation (muditā), and equanimity 3. Chaudhuri S (1976) Analytical study of the
(upekkhā), altogether these are known as Abhidharmakośa. Sanskrit College, Calcutta
4. Johansson REA (1979) The dynamic psychology of
Brahmavihāra. The cultivation of these qualities
Buddhism. Curzon Press, Sri Lanka
removes the immoral feelings like hatred, enmity, 5. Nāṇmoli B (1991) The path of purification:
etc., which generally create a distance between one Viśuddhimagga. Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy
individual and another. Thus in their psychological 6. Pettifor E (1996) Buddhist psychology. In:
Psybernetica. Winter
discussion the Buddhists did not confine them-
7. Poussin LV (1991) Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam (trans:
selves to the mere analysis of the function of mind Pruden LM). Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley
but also extended it to the moral sphere so that all 8. Radhakrishnan S (ed.) (1999) The Dhammapada, with
people can lead a good moral life which will be introductory essays, Pāli texts, English translations
and notes, 4th impression. Oxford University Press,
beneficial to the society at large.
New Delhi
9. Ryle G (1984) The concept of mind. Penguin Books
Ltd, Middlesex, England, Reprint 1980
Cross-References 10. Sinha JN (1999) Indian philosophy. Matilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
11. Nanamoli B, Bodhi B (1995) The Middle length
▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) discourses of the Buddha, Buddhist Publication soci-
▶ Antarābhava ety, Kandy, Sri Lanka
▶ Āsavas (Āśravas) 12. Rhys Davids CAF (1996) A Buddhist manual of P
psychological ethics. Munshiram Monoharlal Pub.
▶ Avijjā
Pvt Ltd, New Delhi, Indian edition
▶ Bhāvanā 13. Gyatso GK (2002) Understanding the mind. Motilal
▶ Brahmavihāra Benarsidas Pub. Pvt Ltd, Indian Edition, Delhi
▶ Dhammapada 14. Nyanaponika Thera (1998) Abhidhamma studies:
Buddhist explorations of consciousness and time.
▶ Dhyāna
Buddhist Pub. society, Kandy, Sri Lanka
▶ Enlightenment
▶ Kamma
▶ Karuṇā
▶ Kilesa (Kleśa) Psychophysical Aspects of Existence
▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
▶ Majjhima Nikāya ▶ Khandha
▶ Metta
▶ Mind (Buddhism)
▶ Muditā
▶ Nāma-rūpa Pu Xian and Bian ji
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) ▶ Samantabhadra
948 Pudgala (Puggala)
˙

nirvāṇa. The split between the Puḍgalavādins and

Pudgala (Puggala) the Sthaviravādins occurred in the third century B.
˙ C.E and the Puḍgalavādins flourished until the
Ana Bajželj eleventh century C.E. During their time, they
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, represented one of the leading traditions of Indian
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia Buddhism and according to the Chinese Buddhist
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem pilgrim Xuanzang the supporters of the
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel Sāṃmitīya branch were the second largest group
besides the adherents of Mahāyāna during the
seventh century C.E., which means that at that
Synonyms time they constituted about a quarter of the
whole Indian monastic community. However,
Individual; Individuality; Person; Person (Bud- nearly all of their texts have been lost with the
dhism); Personhood; Self decline of Buddhism in India and consequently
the remaining evidence is very scarce. Due to the
fragmentary and somewhat ambiguous nature of
Definition the textual sources, a great deal of the doctrine of
puḍgala remains uncertain and difficult to recon-
(1) A person, self, or an individual. (2) Person- struct. Their teaching has been nevertheless partly
hood, the central concept of the doctrine of retrieved from the preserved translations (mostly
Puḍgalavāda, developed by various streams of Chinese) and the accounts of their tradition in the
early Buddhism in India, such as the literature of other branches of Buddhism. Still, for
Vātsīputrīyas, the Dharmottarīyas, the the time being every restoration of Puḍgalavāda
Bhadrāyanīyas, the Sāṃmitīyas, and the and the contentious notion of puḍgala remains
Ṣaṇṇāgārikas. indefinite and to some extent speculative. Accord-
ingly, scholarly reconstructions of the doctrine of
puḍgala tend to differ quite substantially.
The notion of a person(hood) in The adherents of the doctrine of puḍgala
Buddhism accepted the existence of impersonal psychophys-
ical elements of existence or dharmas proposed by
One of the essential tenets of Buddhist philosophy other Buddhist traditions but they additionally
is the notion of no-self (anātman), which pro- introduced a positive notion of personhood
claims concepts such as self, personality, and (puḍgala) that they claimed to be true and ulti-
individuality as untrue and fabricated. This fun- mate. The Puḍgalavādins maintained that their
damental principle was challenged by certain teaching was not merely consistent with the orig-
groups of early Indian Buddhism, which are inal teaching of the Buddha but that their interpre-
sometimes referred to as the Puḍgalavādins or tation was the most credible of all. They based
the Personalists, meaning those who advocate their arguments on the references to the “person-
the doctrine (vāda) of puḍgala. The earliest hood” in the Suttas. Other Buddhist traditions
Puḍgalavādins were the Vātsīputrīyas that were understood these occurrences of the word puḍgala
followed by the Bhadrāyanīyas, the as only conventional references to the five aggre-
Dharmottarīyas, the Sāṃmitīyas, and the gates of form (skt. rūpa), feelings (skt. vedanā),
Ṣaṇṇāgārikas. Of these five, the Vātsīputrīyas cognition (skt. saṃjña), volitions (skt. saṃskāra),
and the Sāṃmitīyas were the most prominent. and consciousness (skt. vijñāna). Declaring that
The Pāli canon, the Chinese Saṃyuktāgama, and the expression “personhood” has no real referent,
the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra document they discarded all affirmative conceptions of indi-
that Vātsīputra or Vacchagotta was a wanderer, viduality as conflicting with the fundamental
who spoke to the Buddha, converted, and attained Buddhist principle of anātman. Conversely,
Pudgala (Puggala) 949
˙

Puḍgalavādins declared personhood to be real, it may be ascribed ultimate existence as it does not
although they did not consider it to be absolutely exist merely as a mental construct. So, despite
unchanging like ātman of the Upaniṣads. As they their contention that the notion of puḍgala is con-
admitted the reality of the aggregates in addition ventional and indeterminable, the Puḍgalavādins
to puḍgala, this allowed them to develop a unique granted it truth and ultimacy. Puḍgalas are there-
position on the concept of puḍgala that would fore conventional when considering their reliance
distinguish their doctrine of personhood from the upon the five skandhas and ultimate when regard-
doctrine of a changeless self. Regarding the rela- ing that they exist by themselves apart from being
tionship between puḍgala and the five skandhas, conceived on the basis of clusters of skandhas
they insisted that puḍgala is a substratum for the ([4], pp. 20, 21).
skandhas but does not contain the aggregates and According to Puḍgalavāda persons therefore
similarly, they do not contain puḍgala. For that exist but they are not identical with their
reason they concluded that it cannot be asserted psychophysical structure. The Vasubandhu’s
that one is either the same or different person over Abhidharmakośa clarifies this uncertain nature
time. Puḍgala is therefore neither identical with of puḍgala and its ambiguous relationship with
the conditioned aggregates (as it does not discon- the aggregates to a certain degree by comparing
tinue when they cease) nor entirely different from the latter to the relationship between fire and fuel,
them, for it is not identical with the unconditioned a metaphor Puḍgalavādins used to represent their
ultimate reality (as it shares certain traits with the perplexing doctrine. Just as fire relies on the fuel
caused, for example, the enjoyment of happiness but cannot be reduced to it, so also puḍgala con-
and unhappiness). It is these views of complete tinues to be supported by the skandhas although it
identity with or difference from the aggregates does not contain them nor can it be classified as
that, according to the Puḍgalavādins, represent any single one of them or all of them combined.
two of the three wrong views, the third one This analogy indicates the continuity of fire
being the view that there is no self. Certain textual although it does seem to imply that the fire van-
sources illustrate that due to the ambiguous nature ishes completely once there is no more fuel. How-
of puḍgala, the Puḍgalavādins claimed that it is ever, concerning the status of the person in
impossible to attribute any predicates to it (e.g., parinirvāṇa, Puḍgalavāda maintains that they can
whether it is eternal or non-eternal, conceptual or not be said to exist nor to not exist. Upon the
substantial, etc.). Hence, they concluded that the cessation of the aggregates puḍgala therefore P
nature of puḍgala is inexplicable (avaktavya), seems to vanish into nirvāṇa but does not become
which does not necessarily mean that it is not non-existent. Priestley illuminates this confusing
possible to conceive of what puḍgala is but statement by examining the relationship between
rather that it is impossible for it to be explained the skandhas, puḍgala and nirvāṇa. He suggests
as either identical or different in relation to the that the Puḍgalavādins may have placed puḍgala
five aggregates. One is thought to be aware of into a separate category that is distinguished from
one’s own existence by means of perception that both nirvāṇa as the sole uncreated dharma on the
is inexplicable and that accompanies one’s ordi- one hand and the created dharmas of past, present
nary perception of an object. Its inexplicability and future on the other. Neither of the three
means that this incidental perception is neither (aggregates, puḍgala and nirvāṇa) can be consid-
the same nor different from the perception of ered to be identical with one another ([7], p. 194).
an object. However, in Kathāvatthu the Puḍgalavādin holds
This implies that even though puḍgalas are that these three are not completely different either.
considered to be conventional realities their inex- In fact, it seems as if the notion of puḍgala takes
plicability distinguishes them from the rest of the part in all three categories of truths that
conventional realities ([4], p. 11). Accordingly, Puḍgalavāda proposes, the practical truth (as
due to the fact that the notion of puḍgala cannot a person functioning in the world), the
be reduced to any other constituents of existence, characteristical truth (as a person being sustained
950 Pudgala (Puggala)
˙

by the five skandhas) and the ultimate truth Thus, Puḍgalavāda concurs with the Buddhist
(as a person who has attained parinirvāṇa) ([7], teaching of no-self if self is understood as some-
p. 212). thing either identical with the aggregates or
Resembling fuel supporting fire, the five aggre- entirely independent of them. This refutation of
gates therefore sustain puḍgala and allow it to be self evidently does not exclude the Puḍgalavāda
identifiable by reference to them. Here the imper- concept of puḍgala and the intricate relationship
manence of the skandhas allots puḍgala an imper- between the five aggregates, puḍgala and nirvāṇa
manent status as well. However, once the five sheds light on the tradition’s contention that due to
skandhas come to an end, puḍgala does not its subtle nature puḍgala is indeterminate ([7],
cease with them but continues its life in p. 195). Even though the notion of self is
parinirvāṇa even though its existential status accepted, all dharmas (created and uncreated) are
becomes ambiguous. According to Priestley, the considered to be selfless and yet there is no self to
fire metaphor calls for a careful reading and seems be found apart from them as persons do not
to imply a specific notion of fire as something that have separate identities. According to the
can be discerned from its particular manifestations Puḍgalavādins, the path to liberation from the
and which persists despite the eventual extinction endless cycles of rebirths is attained through the
of its specific appearances ([7], pp. 191–198). realization that there are no independently identi-
Similarly, a particular manifestation of puḍgala fiable selves even though they ultimately exist
relies on the fuel of the five skandhas and Priestley ([4], p. 28).
suggests that what is manifested, is nirvāṇa as The Puḍgalavāda doctrine of personhood
a selfless reality, the worldly appearance of seems to have advanced as a response to the fairly
which is puḍgala ([7], p. 195). In the fire analogy, impersonal doctrines of dharmas that other early
nirvāṇa would therefore not be represented by the Buddhist school developed. The Puḍgalavādins
burning fire but by the extinction of the fiery maintained that merely dharmas could not suffi-
saṃsāric cycle and its returning to its infinite ciently explain the working of the karmic law and
persisting non-burning essence ([7], p. 223). the cycle of rebirths for it is persons and not
Priestley introduces a useful analogy of puḍgala fleeting dharmas that receive the karmic retribu-
being like the image of the sky as one may see it tion and eventually attain liberation from saṃsāra.
from the window, where nirvāṇa represents the Similarly, compassion and kindness may only be
sky and the aggregates symbolize the window attributed to actual individuals and not inanimate
([7], p. 197). This comparison of the self as collections of dharmas without a foundation. Con-
a finite representation of the selfless infinite eluci- sequently, the Puḍgalavādins insisted that
dates how puḍgala may be considered as perma- a certain notion of personhood is necessary for
nent in regard to what it is the manifestation of and the Buddhist doctrine to be comprehensible ([7],
impermanent in relation to its individual appear- p. 211).
ance that arises, is maintained by and ceases with
the five aggregates. This would also imply that
puḍgalas as a matter of fact are substantial Cross-References
(although not separate substances) but remain
indeterminate in relation to the skandhas. Priest- ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
ley does, however, acknowledge that extending ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
the fire analogy to the topic of the relationship ▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
between pudgalas and nirvāṇa is somewhat spec- ▶ Ātman
ulative and Duerlinger suggests that Priestley’s ▶ Causality (Buddhism)
reconstruction of Puḍgalavāda comes to ▶ Death (Buddhism)
resemble the Vedic doctrine more than the ▶ Enlightenment (Buddhism)
Buddhist ([4], p. 64). ▶ Kathāvatthu
Pudgalavādins 951

▶ Khandha
▶ Liberation (Buddhism) Pudgalavādins
▶ Mahāsāṅghika
▶ Nāma-Rūpa Leonard C. D. C. Priestley
▶ Parinirvāṇa Department of East Asian Studies and Centre for
▶ Person (Buddhism) South Asian Studies, University of Toronto,
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) Richmond Hill, ON, Canada
▶ Pudgalavādins
▶ Saṃkhāra
▶ Saṃskāra
Synonyms
▶ Sarvāstivāda
▶ Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma
Personalists
▶ Sautrāntika
▶ Soul
▶ Sthaviravāda
▶ Theravāda Definition
▶ Vaibhāṣika
▶ Vasubandhu Buddhists who affirmed the reality of the person
▶ Vijñāna or self.
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
The Pudgalavādins were early Buddhists
(Śrāvakayāna) who maintained the reality of the
self (ātman) or person (pudgala), which they held
References to be neither the same as the five skandhas or
1. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes bouddhiques du petit
aggregates (body, feeling, ideation, volition, and
vehicule. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris consciousness) nor different from them. They
2. Conze E (1959) Buddhist scriptures. Harmondsworth, were naturally regarded with suspicion by other
Penguin (192–197: a variety of selections from the 9th Buddhists, since they seemed to deny one of the
ch. of Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāṣya trans-
fundamental tenets of Buddhism, the doctrine of
lated from Tibetan into English)
3. Dube SN (1990) Genesis and development of non-self (anātman). Yet their presence could not P
pudgalavāda. J Dep Buddh Stud 14:93–97 be ignored: two of the Pudgalavādin schools, the
4. Duerlinger J (2003) Indian Buddhist theories of per- Vātsīputrīya and the Sāṃmitīya, were influential
sons: Vasubandhu’s “Refutation of the Theory of
in India for at least half a millenium, and the
a Self”. RoutledgeCourzon, London/New York
5. Dutt N (1970) Buddhist sects in India. Firma K. L. Chinese pilgrim Xuánzàng, who traveled widely
Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta (207–213: section on in India in the seventh century, reported that
puḍgala) roughly a quarter of the monastic population at
6. Dutt N (1971) The Sammitīyas and their puggalavāda.
that time was Sāṃmitīya [1].
Mahābodhi, 79:129–136
7. Priestley LCDC (1999) Pudgalavāda Buddhism: the The Vātsīputrīya was among the earliest of the
reality of the indeterminate self. Centre for South Asia Śrāvakayāna schools to appear, separating from
Studies, University of Toronto, Toronto the Sthaviras about two centuries after the
8. Schayer S (1931–1932) Kamalaśīla’s Kritik des
Buddha’s Parinirvana. From the Vātsīputrīya
Pudgalavāda. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 8:68–93
9. Stcherbatsky TH (1919) Soul theory of the Buddhists. sprang four other schools: the Dharmottarīya,
Bulletin de l’Academie des Sciences de Russie 1919: the Bhadrayāṇīya, the Sāṃmitīya, and the
823–854, 937–958 (includes the 9th ch. of Ṣaṇnagarika. The Sāṃmitīya later divided into
Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhaṣya translated
from Tibetan into English)
the Avantaka and the Kaurukulaka. Of these
10. Thien Chau T (1999) The literature of the personalists schools, the Vātsīputrīya and the Sāṃmitīya
of early Buddhism. Motilal Barnasidass, Delhi seem to have been by far the most important.
952 Pudgalavādins

But the Pudgalavādins were never numerous least which was not easy to explain in this way:
outside of India, and when Buddhism disappeared “The Bearer of the Burden” (Bhārahārasutta).
in its homeland, there was no longer a living tra- There, the Buddha says that the burden is the five
dition to preserve their literature. The Mahāyāna aggregates of appropriation and the bearer of the
found it useful to translate many works of the burden is the person. If “person” is simply
Sarvāstivāda into Chinese, but only a few of the a conventional term for the five aggregates, in
Pudgalavāda. The result is that the sources for the what sense are the aggregates supposed to be the
study of this important branch of Buddhism are bearer of themselves? In the Abhidharmako-
extremely limited. Only three Pudgalavādin śabhāṣya, Vasubandhu explains that the burden
works have survived, and these only in Chinese and the bearer of it are not the same aggregates but
translations: the Āśrayaprajñapti or earlier and later aggregates in the same series:
Upādāyaprajñapti (Yīshuō lùn), translated as “Those aggregates which are earlier lead to the
A Treatise of the Sāṃmitīya School (Sānmídǐbù injury of those aggregates which are later, and so
lùn) and accordingly often referred to as the they are called the burden and the bearer of the
Sāṃmitīyanikāyaśāstra; the Tridharmakhaṇḍaka, burden; for ‘burden’ is used in the sense of injury.”
in two translations, the Sānfǎdù lùn and the Sì In other words, what one has been (and done)
ēhánmù chāojiě; and the Vinayadvāviṃśativyakti causes injury to what one is; a sentient being bears
(Lǜ èrshíèr míngliǎo lùn). There is also the burden of its own karma. The explanation is
material quoted from Sāṃmitīya sources in reasonable (given Vasubandhu’s convictions), but
Daśabalaśrīmitra’s Saṃskrtāsaṃskrtaviniścaya, hardly obvious. The Pudgalavādins accept the sutra
which survives in a Tibetan translation. Only the as simply saying what it seems to say.
first two of these works contain discussions of the But what sort of being was this indeterminate
self or person. What can be learned from these person or self supposed to be? According to the
sources may be supplemented with information Upādāyaprajñapti and the Tridharmakhaṇḍaka in
from several brief histories of the development of its two versions, they thought of it as existing in
the schools, and from critiques of the Pudgalavāda three modes: conceived (or designated) according
such as Vasubandhu’s in his Abhidharmako- to the basis, according to approach, and according
śabhāṣya; but the latter obviously have to be to cessation. The first of these is the person con-
used with caution. ceived according to its present aggregates. The
It has to be remembered that the Pudgalavādins second, though explained somewhat differently
did not regard themselves as heterodox. In holding in the three sources, seems in general to be the
that the self was real, they believed that they were person conceived indirectly according to who the
not denying the doctrine of non-self, but person was in the past or will be in the future, or
interpreting it correctly: the aggregates are not the according to the aggregates by which the person is
self, and there is no self apart from them. The self is identified in the present. The third is the person
thus neither the same as the aggregates nor entirely conceived as having attained Parinirvana. The
different from them. For schools like the Theravāda first of these three is evidently primary.
and the Sarvāstivāda, this indeterminacy of the self In what sense did they understand the person
in relation to the aggregates was proof of its unreal- so conceived to be real? The easiest and in some
ity; for the Pudgalavādins, it defined the nature of ways the most attractive interpretation is that they
the real self. saw the self very much as their opponents did, as
They regarded themselves as orthodox because the five aggregates taken together as a whole, but
their position was founded upon the sutras. They differed from them in regarding this whole as not
pointed out that the Buddha often spoke in terms of reducible to its constituents (neither the same as
a person or self; their opponents argued that in these the aggregates nor different from them) and in that
cases the Buddha was only speaking convention- sense real.
ally, as a convenient and customary way of referring But there are serious difficulties with this inter-
to the five aggregates. But there was one sutra at pretation. In the first place, it is not supported by the
Pudgalavādins 953

analogy which the Pudgalavādins evidently pre- eternal, for the person is certainly subject to
ferred in explaining their doctrine. They say that change right up to the time of Parinirvana.
the person is related to the aggregates as a fire is to According to Bhāvaviveka (Bhavya) in his
its fuel. Their opponents regard the aggregates as Tarkajvālā, “The Vātsīputrīyas say that (Nirvana)
the constituents of a conceptual entity known con- has the nature of both existence and non-exis-
ventionally as a person or self. But the logs that a fire tence; for as there is no body, faculty or thought
depends on are not the constituents of the fire. The in Nirvana, it is non-existence; but as the supreme,
fire is not simply the logs taken together as a whole; everlasting joy is there, it is existence.”
otherwise, a stack of wood could be called a fire. Now the unshakeable joy would seem to be an
A further problem is that the Pudgalavādins essential feature of Nirvana, and would thus have
deny that the person is nonexistent even in been attained by the Buddha, or perhaps more
Parinirvana. In the Kathāvatthu, the Pudgalavādin accurately, realized, even while he was alive, at
says initially that the person is existent in the time of his enlightenment. And Nirvana is
Parinirvana (literally, “in the Goal”), but then agreed by all the schools to be uncreated
denies that the person is either eternal or annihi- (asaṃskrta), so it was not brought into existence
lated, which seems to be equivalent to describing when the Buddha attained it. The unshakeable joy
it as neither existent nor nonexistent. Now, if the cannot be something extraneous to his being; oth-
person were unreal, this could mean simply that to erwise, he would attain it only to lose it again at
describe it as either existent or nonexistent in death, when his aggregates all pass away. It must
Parinirvana is ultimately meaningless, just as it be something not identifiable with the aggregates
is even while the person is alive. But if a person which was mysteriously present in his being
consisting of the aggregates is supposed to be real, throughout his life and all previous lives. And
it can be meaningfully described as existent while this something, Nirvana present within the limits
alive, and then ought to be simply nonexistent in of the five aggregates as if reflected there, would
Parinirvana, when its constituent aggregates have be the pudgala, the person.
passed away and no further aggregates arise. The From the limited evidence available, it is impos-
Pudgalavādins understand the person to be some- sible to be sure that this is how the Pudgalavādins
thing which in Parinirvana, when there is no lon- thought about it, but it seems by far the most plau-
ger anything for it to consist of, is still not actually sible interpretation of such evidence as there is. To
nonexistent, and may even be described (perhaps confirm that such an interpretation is not P
loosely) as existent. The nature of such a person is unbuddhist, it is only necessary to look at
certainly mysterious; but it is clearly not that of a passage in the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra
a whole consisting of the five aggregates. in which the Buddha explains to Pūrṇa (as he does
How then is it to be understood? A passage in the in the Pali canon to Vacchagotta) that the Buddha
Upādāyaprajñapti sheds a little light on the matter: after death is like a fire that has been extinguished;
he is not to be found anywhere at all. But instead of
When one gains Nirvana without residue (i.e.
Parinirvana), then the unshakeable joy is attained.
saying simply that after death he is “deep, immea-
But if the person were eternal, it would have neither surable, unfathomable as the great ocean,” as in his
birth nor death, like Nirvana; its body, having nei- explanation to Vacchagotta, he says,
ther birth nor death, would not change; its wisdom,
whatever the realm in which it lived, also would not Son of good family, the Tathāgata has extinguished
change. . .. It would also have neither bondage nor his impermanent physical form (and the other
liberation. aggregates) up to impermanent consciousness, and
so his body is eternal. If his body is eternal, it is
impossible to say that there is any east, west, south
The “unshakeable joy” must be joy for the or north for him.
person who attains Parinirvana (otherwise how is
it relevant?), and that certainly seems to imply that This is not to say that the Pudgalavādins had
the person is in some sense still existent. But the a doctrine of an “eternal body,” but only that such
author denies that it follows that the person is a doctrine is consistent with what seems to have
954 Puggalapaññatti

been their understanding of the relationship between Definition

the Buddha (and other persons) and Nirvana. And it
is by no means impossible, of course, that the devel- The Puggalapaññatti is the fourth book of the
opment of the Mahāyāna doctrine of the eternal Abhidhamma Piṭaka.
body or Dharmakāya of the Buddha owed some-
thing to the traditions of the Pudgalavādins. The Puggalapaññatti is the fourth of the seven
books of the Abhidhamma Piṭaka. It is, however,
generally considered to be the earliest of the
Cross-References Abhidhamma books (see [9], p. 188). The mātikā
(table of contents) of the Puggalapaññatti speci-
▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) fied six paññattis, i.e., group (khandha), locus
▶ Anātman (ayatana), element (dhātu), truth (sacca), faculty
▶ Ātman (indriya), and person (puggala). Of these six, the
▶ Bhāvaviveka last one is the subject matter of the text wherein
▶ Decline of Indian Buddhism the different types of puggala are arranged in
▶ Kathāvatthu groups from one to ten. S. Z. Aung while
▶ Mahāyāna discussing the word paññatti points out that this
▶ Majjhima Nikāya word might be used for both name-and-notion and
▶ Parinirvāṇa term-and-concept and that it covers a great range
▶ Puḍgala (Puggala) of concepts or ideas ([1], p. 264). According to the
▶ Sarvāstivāda Pañcappakaraṇa–aṭṭhakathā, the commentary of
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya the Puggalapaññatti, the word paññatti means
▶ Śrāvaka “explanation,” “preaching,” “pointing out,”
▶ Sthaviravāda “establishing,” “showing,” and “exposition.”
▶ Theravāda The six paññattis amount to so many (a) designa-
▶ Vasubandhu tions, (b) indications, (c) expositions, (d) affirma-
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) tions, and (e) depositions (paññāpanā, desanā,
pakāsanā, ṭhapanā, and nikkhipanā) ([6], p. 329).
The compiler of the Puggalapaññatti follows
References
the methodology of the Aṅguttara Nikāya in
1. Lamotte É (1958) Histoire du Bouddhisme indien. grouping human types first under one term, then
Institut Orientaliste, Louvain under two, and so on up to ten. The book is most
2. Priestley LCDC (1999) Pudgalavāda Buddhism: the closely allied to the texts of the Sutta Piṭaka in
reality of the indeterminate self. Centre for South
terms of not only the treatment of the subject
Asian Studies, University of Toronto, Toronto
matter but also with regard to materials. Several
of its sections can be seen almost entirely in the
analogous sections of the Aṅguttara Nikāya as
Puggalapaññatti well as the Saṅgī ti Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya
(see [3], p. 70; [6], p. 330; [8], p. 102; [10],
K. T. S. Sarao p. 290; [11], p. 162). As pointed out by
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Winternitz, some of the chapters of the
Delhi, Delhi, India Puggalapaññatti “read exactly like Suttas in one
of the Nikāyas and stand out favourably from their
Synonyms environment” ([11], p. 162). But Hinüber feels
that the borrowing has not been done mechani-
A designation of human types; Concept of cally and that the “rembered orality” “prevalent in
a person; Description of human individuals; the Suttantas. . . has been given up in favour of the
Prajñapti-pada style adequate for a treatise on philosophy” ([3],
Puggalapaññatti 955

p. 70). In any case, there is general agreement that one of the dhammas, but was a mere concept
despite its presence in the Abhidhamma Piṭaka, the (paññatti). It was therefore not correct for it to
Puggalapaññatti owes much, in both form and con- be included in the Vibhaṅga, which dealt with the
tent, to the Sutta Piṭaka ([8], p. 102). Moreover, its real dhammas which existed, but it was made into
“non-metaphysical nature. . . is emphasised by the a text by itself. The title “the concept of a person”
fact that in it puggala is not used in the sense of shows that to the Theravādins the subject was
“underlying personality” (that is almost synony- unreal” ([8], p. 103).
mous with attā), which is found in the Kathāvatthu
and the Milindapañha, but simply in the sense of
“person, individual”” ([8], p. 102). Cross-References
It is difficult to date this text though it “can be
said with certainty that it was written after the ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
nikāyas” ([6], p. 328). “The redactor of ▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
Puggalapaññatti limited his efforts to a collection ▶ Dhamma
of material from other parts of the canon without ▶ Dīgha Nikāya
developing any ideas of his own on the concept of ▶ Kathāvatthu
person. Therefore, it is impossible to relate ▶ Puggalapaññatti
Puggalapaññatti to the history of philosophical ▶ Saṃgha
ideas and to other Abhidhamma texts in order to ▶ Sutta Piṭaka
arrive at a relative date. Moreover, there is no ▶ Theravāda
parallel text in any other Buddhist school. . .. Con-
sequently, Puggalapaññatti seems to be a typical
Theravāda creation not belonging to the common References
stock of Abhidhamma texts” ([3], p. 70).
Commenting on the literary merits of this text, 1. Aung Shwe Zan, Rhys Davids CAF (trans)
(1910) Compendium of philosophy. Pali Text Society,
Winternitz has pointed out that in this book one
London
only rarely comes across “passages of undeniable 2. Aung Shwe Zan, Rhys Davids CAF (trans)
literary value. Generally speaking, even the para- (1915) Points of controversy or subjects of discourse,
bles are as barren and as tedious as the remaining being a translation of the Kathāvatthu from the
Abhidhammapiṭaka. Pali Text Society, London P
parts of the book, the object of which is to classify
3. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
individuals according to their ethical qualities” Walter de Gruyter, Berlin
([11], p. 163). 4. Landsberg G, Rhys Davids CAF (eds)
From a Buddhist perspective, the puggala does (1972) Puggala-paññatti-Aṭṭhakathā, combined
reprint with corrections. Pali Text Society, London,
not have a real existence and is only convention-
pp 170–254
ally true (sammuti sacca) as against being ulti- 5. Law BC (trans) (1924) A designation of human types.
mately true (paramattha sacca). Thus, the Pali Text Society, London
puggala not ultimately real ([2], pp. 8–9) and it 6. Law BC (1983) A history of Pali literature, reprint,
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi
is incorrect to say that the puggala is conditioned
7. Morris R (ed) (1972) Puggala-Paññatti, combined
([2], p. 65). However, the Puggalavādins (Person- reprint with corrections. Pali Text Society, London,
alists) disputed such an understanding of the pp 1–94
puggala and this must have led to disputes in the 8. Norman KR (1983) A history of Indian literature: Pāli
literature, vol VII, Fasc. 2. Otto Harrassowitz,
Buddhist saṃgha. K.R. Norman has suggested Wiesbaden
that the Puggalapaññatti “probably represents the 9. Rhys Davids TW (1903) Buddhist India. Unwin,
results of the disputes which took place in early London
Buddhism about the nature of the “person”, and 10. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd rev edn.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
which are referred to in the first section of the
11. Winternitz M (1983) History of Indian literature
Kathāvatthu. The Theravādins came to the con- (trans: Sarma VS), rev edn, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
clusion that the puggala had no reality, was not Delhi
956 Punarāvrtti
˙

Punarāvrtti Purgatory
˙
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) ▶ Hell (Buddhism)

Punarbhava Pūrna Kāśyapa

˙
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra,
India
Punarjanman

▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
Definition

Ājī vaka, Akiriyāvādi, one of the six well-known

Śrāmaṇic thinkers, learned, well-known ascetics,
Punarjīvātu and acclaimed philosophers.

▶ Rebirth (Buddhism)
Akriyāvādi Buddha’s Opponent

There is no detailed information available

Punarutpatti representing his thoughts and life. It is through
scattered references available in different works,
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) like Sūtra-kṛtāṅga, a Jaina work and Buddhist
sources, viz. Brahmajāla-sutta (i.e., first part),
Sāmañnaphala-sutta (i.e., second part) of the
Dīgha-Nikāya, and Visuddhi-magga of
Puñña Buddhaghoṣa that one comes to know about
Pūraṇa Kassapa. He was Ājīvaka (died approxi-
▶ Good (Buddhism) mately in 530 B.C.), indifferent to moral-distinc-
▶ Responsibility (Buddhism) tions, believer in in-action, and indeterminism
(Pali-Akiriyāvādi/Sk. Akriyāvādin), whose views
were (indirectly) rejected by the Buddha.
At the time of the Buddha, many prominent
Pupphavatī intellectuals were not believing in the Vedic tradi-
tion, and following their own independent modes
▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism) of thinking and living (like Śrāmaṇic)
a wandering mode of life. Among the six [1]
well-known Śrāmaṇic thinkers, viz. (Pali)
Pūraṇa-kassapa/(Sk.) Pūrṇa-kāśyapa was
Pure Land the advocate of the doctrine of in-action
(Sk. Akriyāvāda). The remaining five were phys-
▶ Sukhāvatī icalist/materialist (Sk. Bhautikavādī ) and nihilist
Pūrna Kāśyapa 957
˙

(Sk. Ucchedavādī ) Ajita-keśa-kaṁbalī, Pakudha- A dialogue between Magadha-Nareśa (king)

kaccāyana who was defender of the in-action/ Ajāta-śatru and the Buddha in the
null-effect theory (Sk. Akṛtatāvāda), Makkhali- Sāmaññaphala-sutta [4] too throws light on the
gosāla who was advocate of fatalism (Sk. views of Pūraṇa Kassapa. All are equal to do what
Daivavāda), Sañjaya-belaṭṭhi-putta who was they want and free to find out their own happiness,
upholder of skepticism (Sk. Vikṣapavāda) and without obeying eternal (Vedic) rules and regula-
uncertainty (Sk. Aniścitatāvāda), and Nigaṇṭha- tions, which bring in hierarchy and discrimina-
nāṭa-putta who was promoter of and believer in tion. There is nothing like right and wrong, good
the four sacrifices for renunciation of the world and bad, moral and immoral, etc. which can be
and recluse of self (Sk. Caturyāmasaṁvara) and called as quality to be attached to self. When there
of pluralism (Sk. Anekāntavāda). is no possibility to establish essential co-relation
In the Sāmañnaphala-sutta of the Dī gha- between what you do and in return what you get in
Nikāya, [2] one comes across a reference that this world itself, then why to think of its correla-
Kosala king Prasenajita once challenged the cre- tion in the other world (Sk. Paraloka). It is non-
dentials of the Buddha, and informed him that in sensical to hope for rewards and punishments
front of learned people, well-known ascetics, and (Sk. Karma-phala) in terms of happiness and
acclaimed philosophers like Pūrṇa-kāśyapa, how pain (Sk. Sukha-Duḥkha) of good or bad actions
can you, who is not yet ordained, beginner of (Sk. Satkṛtya-Duṣkṛtya) respectively in this
spiritual carrier, young by age, and novice by world, or else trans-world (Sk. Paraloka) place-
practice be compared? On the basis of this, it is ment in terms of heaven (Sk. Svagra) and hell (Sk.
inferred that all of them (mentioned above) must Naraka) after death. His theory of action and
be Buddha’s senior contemporaries – both by age retribution of their results is based on the doctrine
and knowledge. The Buddha rejected all these of passivity of soul (Sk. Niḥṣkriya), which is said
prevalent theories and asserted an independent to be a unique contribution of Pūraṇa Kassapa.
novel alternative. According to Buddhaghoṣa, [5] Pūraṇa-
According to the Brahmajāla-sutta of the kassapa was not a believer in the relation between
Dīgha-Nikāya, [3] Pūraṇa Kassapa advocated action and its results and consequences. For, the
a view that all that one does are physical actions, traditional action theory is based on eternality of
which body performs and not self. Hence, they are Self (Ātman) and its identity as a doer (Kartā) and
not (voluntarily performed moral) actions at all. enjoyer/sufferer (Bhoktā). However, according to P
So, neither good/righteous action (Sk. Satkṛtya) Pūraṇa-kassapa, Self (Ātman) does not get
brings in merits/reward (Sk. Puṇya), nor bad/ill- affected by present actions. So, do things freely
action/crime (Sk. Duṣkṛtya) derives sin (Sk. according to your will. If life and events in it are
Pāpa). By killing/injury /murder or stealing/ all predetermined, then present world and one’s
theft/robbery, violence, barbaric act like rape, state of affair in it is only manifestation of the past
or using other’s property, women and wealth, deeds. Entire world and life at present is not pos-
unlawfully taking away things, etc., no sin sible to be changed, it is predestined. Obviously,
(Pāpa) can be attached to self (Sk. Ātman). No one has to passively look at it. If at all one has any
one by performing scared fire (Sk. Yajña), sacri- freedom, then it is restrictive only to shape the
fice/ charity (Sk. Dāna), self-mortification, future, and not the present. But who is going to
renouncing world (Sk. Tapas) by controlling guarantee about future? Hence, present life is to be
instincts and passions or following rules strictly accepted as it is. The only alternative left before
(Sk. Saṁyama) can amass piousness (Sk. Puñya). one is to passively submit oneself to whatever
He denied determinate /essential relation between happens, or else enjoy the present without both-
action and its fruits – a moral theory of causation ering about their implications. There simply is no
(Sk. Kriyā-phala), and hence is known as point in being moral and social.
Akriyāvādin (or an opponent of Kriyāvāda – in- Why things happen at a particular time and
action theory). place? There is no answer and proper reasoning
958 Puspamitra
˙

for it. It is futile to find out co-relation between (Ārya-Satya), by criticizing Pūraṇa-kassapa indi-
what happens and why it happens. Nothing in this rectly, and consequently emphasizing on the need
world can be predicted and determined rationally. of morality, accountability, and social
There is nothing like causality (Sk. Kārya- responsibility.
kāraṇa-vāda) or intentionality (hence Ahetu-
vāda), either in human life or in the outside
world. Events and happenings in the world can Cross-References
be explained only on the basis of un-intentional-
ity/indeterminism (Sk. Ahetu-vāda). Things ▶ Buddhaghosa
happen abruptly by chance, accident, and contin- ▶ Dī gha Nikāya
gency, in an indeterminate manner. Hence, it is ▶ Kuśala-akuśala
better not to do things, and expect that their results ▶ Śramaṇa
could be reaped and enjoyed. ▶ Uccheda-vāda
Buddha understood the ebb and flow in such ▶ Visuddhimagga
dogmatic understanding, and drew a lesson of
futility of entertaining them. He was neither inter-
ested in metaphysical things and speculations, nor References
in blind rituals. But so too anarchy in thoughts can
lead to chaos in facts of life in the society and 1. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 38–41
morality – individual and social – gets dragged in
2. Kasyapa BJ (ed) (1961) Digh-Nikaya. Pali Text Publi-
it, which the Buddha wanted to avoid. He was not cation Board, Bihar Govt, Nalanda
willing to accept dictates of the Supernatural pow- 3. Walsh M (1995) The long discourse of the Buddha:
ers (like God) over morality, by making man a translation of the Dī gha-Nikāya (1. Brahmajāla-
sutta, pp 67–90 and 2. Sāmañnaphala-sutta,
inactive. He was neither a promoter of licentious-
pp 91–109). Wisdom, Boston
ness (like Ājī vakas, Lokāyatas, or Cārvākas), nor 4. Winternitz M (1993) Sāmañnaphala-sutta (i.e. the sec-
that of authoritarianism (of the Vedic traditions). ond sutta) of the Dī gha-Nikāya. History of Indian liter-
He rejected all kinds of extremes and dogmas, like ature, vol II. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 36, 191
5. Buddhaghosa, Revanta Dhamma (ed) (1969–1972)
eternalism and nihilism, hedonism, and self-mor-
Visuddhi-magga, vols I, II, III. Varanaseya Sanskrit
tification. Rather, he insisted on the self-conscious Vishwavidyalaya, Varanasi
righteous actions and insisted on the need of allo-
cation of responsibility to organize society in
a moral way. That is why he made a distinction
between right-wrong/wholesome-unwholesome Puspamitra
actions (Pali-Kusala-Akusala-Kamma), and ˙
emphasized on following the Eightfold-path ▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga
(Pali-Aṭṭaṅgika-Magga) [both in terms of pre-
scription of sacca (in Sanskrit Satya – correct/
true) and prohibition of micchā (in Sanskrit
mithyā – false/illicit)] by all – monks-nuns on Pusyamitra Śuṅga
the one hand, and laity (men and women) on the ˙
other. According to the Buddha, before doing K. T. S. Sarao
action itself, one has to be cautious and careful Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
about its results and consequences. Even with Delhi, Delhi, India
regard to nonvoluntary, nondeliberate, and un-
intended actions one is responsible, if it causes
harm to others. Innocence does not allow one to Synonyms
be irresponsible or immoral. Thus, Buddha gave
a new alternative theory of the Four Noble Truths Gomimukhya; Gomiṣaṇḍa; Puṣpamitra
Pusyamitra Śuṅga 959
˙

Definition Menander (King Milinda of the Milindapañha).

After the toppling of the Mauryan Empire by the
Founder of the Śuṅga dynasty (circa 184–178 B. Śuṅgas, the Greco-Bactrians expanded into India,
C.E.) who is sometimes accused of having perse- where they founded the Indo-Greek kingdom.
cuted the Buddhists. Even though the Śuṅgas were in control of some
of the important centers of power, they do not
appear to have had either the strength or the
Introduction resources to recover the whole of the Mauryan
empire, despite the fact that Puṣyamitra’s two aś
Puṣyamitra Śuṅga (ruled circa 184–148 B.C.E.) vamedha yajñas suggest that they tried it ([23],
who was the commander in chief of the last pp. 16, 110). Under such a state of political affairs,
Mauryan king, Bṛhadratha, assassinated his mas- it was not surprising that the new power of the
ter, captured power, and laid foundations of the Greco-Bactrians should invade and occupy parts
Śuṅga dynasty ([26], pp. 30–31). He is generally of the outlying provinces of the Mauryan Empire.
regarded as the symbol and leader of the revival of Having consolidated their power, the Greco-
Brāhmaṇical Hinduism that is said to have taken Bactrians attacked the Punjab and, still later,
place after the dynasty of the Mauryas, the alleged appear to have made occasional incursions deeper
supporters of non-Brāhmaṇical faiths, was into the Gaṅgā valley ([23], pp. 17, 110). Being
brought to an end. His large empire with its capital surrounded by hostile powers such as the Greco-
at Pāṭaliputra included the cities of Ayodhyā, Bactrians, the Śuṅgas, particularly Puṣyamitra,
Vidiśā, and Vidarbha (Berar) and extended up to must have felt very insecure.
river Narmadā in the south. The accounts in the Aś
okāvadāna, the Divyāvadāna, and Tāranātha’s
History of Buddhism also portray him as being Allegations of Persecution of the
the master of Jālaṃdhar and Śākala in the Punjab. Buddhists
Though Pāṇini connects the Śuṅgas with the well-
known brāhmaṇa gotra Bhāradvāja, the Purāṇas After seizing power, Puṣyamitra is alleged to have
mention Puṣyamitra as a brāhmaṇa of the Śuṅga run the affairs of his kingdom with the help of his
clan ([10], p. 46). There is also a reference to contemporary brāhmaṇa scholars such as Manu
his son Agnimitra as being from the Naimbika (the author of the Manusmṛti) and Patañjali (the P
family of the Kāśyapa lineage in Kālidāsa’s author of the Mahābhāṣya) and reestablished the
Mālavikāgnimitra ([11], Act I). sacrificial ceremonies of Vedic Brāhmaṇism (see
[8], p. 215). As animal sacrifices and old Vedic
rituals were completely discouraged by the
Pusyamitra’s Difficulties Mauryan rulers who were followers of heterodox
˙ faiths such as Buddhism and Jainism, his perfor-
It appears that the Śuṅgas were surrounded by mance of two aśvamedha yajñas is viewed as
many hostile powers and fought wars with the an anti-Buddhist activity of a king who was
Andhras, Kaliṅgas, Yavanas/Yonas (Indo- a fundamentalist brāhmaṇa (see [13], p. 203).
Greeks), and probably the kingdoms of Pañcāla Haraprasad Sastri has suggested that Aśoka’s
and Mathurā (which may not have been under actions such as discouraging animal sacrifices
Puṣyamitra’s rule) ([20], pp. 47–48; [23], were a direct attack on brāhmaṇas who derived
pp. 110, 267). Puṣyamitra himself fought at least most of their power and prestige through the per-
three major wars. One of these wars was fought formance of sacrifices and by acting as intermedi-
against Yajñasena, the king of Vidarbha, who had aries between the people and the gods ([28],
remained loyal to the Mauryan dynasty after the pp. 259–262). Sastri further maintains that the
coup d’état. He fought the other two wars against dhamma-mahāmattas (superintendents of
the Yavanas, in all probability against King Dharma) employed by Aśoka for the propagation
960 Pusyamitra Śuṅga
˙

of his policies, destroyed the reputation of the Set out for the Kukkuṭārāma [monastery at
brāhmaṇas and such actions, coming from Pāṭaliputra]. . . [where he]. . . slaughtered the
monks and destroyed the residence of the saṃgha.
a śūdra king, were particularly resented by the Applying such methods (on the way), he arrived in
brāhmaṇas ([28], pp. 259–262). It is further Śākala [Sialkot in the Pakistani Punjab]. (Here) he
alleged that Aśoka had acted against Brāhmaṇism issued the edict: “Whoever brings me the head of
by “showing up the false gods” who had been till a śramaṇa, I shall reward him with a dīnāra [a gold
piece].” . . . [Then in]. . . Koṣṭhaka. . .. Yakṣa
then worshipped in Jambudvīpa. Further, the Kṛmiśa, having seized an enormous mountain,
propagation of Buddhism during the reign of the crushed king Puṣyamitra along with his army. . .
Mauryas is alleged to have disturbed the Thus, King Puṣyamitra got killed and the Maurya
Brāhmaṇical social and religious order ([9], p. dynasty ended. ([22], pp. 133–135; [34], p. 282)
258). Thus, the end of the dynasty of the Mauryas
at the hands of Puṣyamitra Śuṅga is seen as
a victory of anti-Buddhist Brāhmaṇical forces The Vibhāsā
which had been silently at work. In other words, ˙
it is generally held that after the end of the This Sarvāstivādin-Vaibhāṣika text dated in the
Mauryan rule, Buddhism not only lost the royal second century C.E. points out that Puṣyamitra
favors that it had enjoyed under kings such as “a brāhmaṇa king. . . set fire to the Sūtras,
Aśoka, but, as a result of the persecution by destroyed Stūpas, razed Saṃghārāmas and mas-
Puṣyamitra Śuṅga, it is alleged, Buddhism also sacred Bhikṣus. . . . Gradually destroying the Law
lost most of what it had gained earlier. Other than of the Buddha, he reached the Bodhi tree. The
destroying Buddhist monastic institutions and deity of that tree, named Ti yü (Satyavāk) . . .
personally ordering the killing of Buddhist killed him and slew his army” (quoted from [16],
monks, Puṣyamitra Śuṅga is also accused of hav- p. 387).
ing caused greater damage to Buddhism by letting
loose unfavorable forces against it. In support of
such a hypothesis, P.C. Bagchi has forcefully
pointed out that Puṣyamitra’s behavior was inim- The Śāriputrapariprcchā
˙
ical toward the Buddhists and that their persecu-
tion took place at his hands ([2], pp. 405–406). It This Mahāsāṃghika text translated into Chinese
has been further suggested that even if the atroc- between 317 and 420 C.E. mentions that in
ities and massacres perpetrated by Puṣyamitra as Pāṭaliputra
mentioned in the Divyāvadāna and elsewhere are By means of a decree, he summoned the seven
exaggerated, “the acute hostility and tensions assemblies; bhikṣus, bhikṣuṇīs, śrāmṇeras and
śrāmṇerīs, śikṣamāṇas, śramaṇas and śramaṇīs
between Pushyamitra and the monks cannot be assembled [and]. . . put them all to death, great and
denied” ([4], pp. 166–167). small indiscriminately. Blood flowed in streams.
These above-stated allegations against The king destroyed more than eight hundred
Puṣyamitra are based upon the testimony of the saṃghārāmas and stūpas. . .. Five hundred Arhats
went up to Nan shan (Dakṣiṇāgiri) where they took
following texts and archaeological material. refuge, and since the mountains and valleys [in that
place] were deserted and steep, the army could not
reach them. That is why the king, fearing that they
The Divyāvadāna and the Aśokāvadāna would not be annihilated, proposed rewards and
appealed to all the kingdoms, saying: “If I obtain
a head [of a religious), I will give three thousand
The most important and perhaps the earliest ref- pieces of gold as a reward.” . . . Puṣyamitra then
erence is from the Divyāvadāna (and its constitu- went to the Ya ch’ih t’a “Stūpa of the Tooth”
ent the Aśokāvadāna). This Sarvāstivādin text of (Daṃṣṭrā-stūpa?). [Here]. . . Yakṣa Kṛmiśa . . .
grasping a huge mountain in his hand, crushed the
the second century C.E. says that after being king and his four army units with it, and they all
advised by one of his brāhmaṇa priests, died in an instant. (Reproduced from Ė. Lamotte,
Puṣyamitra pp. 389–391)
Pusyamitra Śuṅga 961
˙

The Āryamañjuśrīmūlakalpa second century B.C.E. is also attributed to the

Śuṅgas ([11], Act I). G.R. Sharma who was respon-
This early medieval text says that “In the Low Age sible for most of the excavation work at Kauśāmbī
(yugādhame) there will be a king, the chief was inclined to connect this phenomenon with the
Gomimukhya [Puṣyamitra Śuṅga], destroyer of persecution of Buddhism by Puṣyamitra ([24], p.
my religion (śāsanāntadhāpako mama). . . . he 294). Similarly, the Deorkothar stūpas, located
the fool, the wicked, will destroy vihāras and between Sāñcī and Bhārhut, are also said to have
venerable relics (dhātuvara) and kill monks of suffered destruction under the Śuṅga rulers. It has
good conduct. . . . he will die, being killed along been alleged that “[t]he exposed remains at
with his officers (sarāṣtrā) and his animal family Deorkothar bear evidence of deliberate destruction
by the fall of a mountain rock” ([14], pp. 530–541. datable to his reign. The three-tiered railing is dam-
English translation based on [16], p. 391). aged; railing pillars lie broken to smithereens on
stone flooring. Twenty pieces of pillar have been
recovered, each fragment itself fractured. The site
Tāranātha offers no indication of natural destruction” [19].

This well-known Tibetan Buddhist historian men-

tions that “the brāhmaṇa king Puṣyamitra, along Skepticism About the Truthfulness of
with other tī rthikas-s, started war and thus burnt the Buddhist Legends
down numerous Buddhist monasteries from the
madhyadeśa to Jalandhara. They also killed However, many leading scholars including H.C.
a number of vastly learned monks. As a result, Raychaudhury ([27], pp. 354–355), R.C. Mitra
within 5 years, the doctrine was extinct in the ([21], p. 125), É. Lamotte ([16], p. 392), K.P.
north” ([15], p. 121). Jayaswal ([12], pp. 257–265), R.S. Tripathi
([33], p. 187), Romila Thapar ([32],
pp. 198–201), and D. Devahuti ([5], p. 48) have
Archaeological Evidence expressed serious doubts about the truthfulness of
the Buddhist legends regarding the persecution of
It has been suggested by some scholars that archae- Buddhism by Puṣyamitra Śuṅga. Raychaudhury,
ological evidence available from different sites also for instance, points out that the ban on animal P
suggests that Puṣyamitra targeted Buddhist places sacrifices did not necessarily entail antagonism
of worship. For instance, according to John Mar- toward the brāhmaṇas for the simple reason that
shall, there is evidence of some damage done to the the Brāhmaṇical literary texts, such as the
Buddhist establishments at Takṣaśilā at about the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (iii.17.4), themselves advo-
time when he was the ruler [17]. Marshall further cate ahiṃsā and mention the futility of violent
points out that the Sāñcī stūpa was vandalized sacrifices. Aśoka did not ban only those animals
during the second century B.C.E. before it was which were sacrificed in yajñas but even others as
rebuilt later on a larger scale, suggesting the possi- clear from the list given in his Major Rock Edict
bility that the original brick stūpa built by Aśoka no. 1. Thus, the ban was not exactly on those
was destroyed by Puṣyamitra and then restored by animals which were sacrificed (see [32], p. 250).
his successor Agnimitra ([18], p. 38). Similarly, it It is reasonable to presume that though Puṣyamitra
has been pointed out that the gateway of Bhārhut may have been staunch adherent of orthodox
was built not during the reign of Puṣyamitra but his Brāhmaṇism, he was not as intolerant as portrayed
successors who followed a more tolerant policy in some of the Buddhist texts. Apropos the śūdra
toward Buddhism as compared to Puṣyamitra origin of the Mauryas, apart from the fact that the
who was a leader of Brāhmaṇic reaction ([8], Mauryas are mentioned as kṣatriyas in the
pp. 215–217). The destruction and burning of the Divyāvadāna, Raychaudhury has pointed out
great monastery of Ghositārāma at Kauśāmbī in the that the Purāṇa statement that all kings
962 Pusyamitra Śuṅga
˙

succeeding Mahāpadma Nanda will be of śūdra kings of the later period were hardly in a position
origin implies that Nanda kings after Mahāpadma to defend themselves, it did not need a revolution
were śūdras and not the Mauryas because if it to depose Bṛhadratha” ([32], p. 201). The fact that
referred to succeeding dynasties, then even the he was assassinated while he was reviewing the
Śuṅgas and Kaṇvas would have to be listed as army does not indicate a great revolution. On the
śūdras ([27], p. 354). In fact, not only that some of contrary, it points rather strongly to a palace coup
the dhamma-mahāmattas were concerned specif- d’état which took place because by this time, the
ically with safeguarding the rights and welfare of organization of the state had sunk so low that
the brāhmaṇas, but some of the Mauryan kings subordinate officials were happy to work under
themselves were also followers of Brāhmaṇism. anyone who could give them assurance of a more
For instance, Jalauka was not only a zealous Śaiva competent administration ([32], p. 201). More-
and an open supporter of Brāhmaṇism, but he was over, had it been a great Brāhmaṇical revolution,
also quite unfriendly toward Buddhism ([25], Puṣyamitra would have received the assistance of
Vol. I, pp. 108–152; [27], p. 354). R.C. Mitra other neighboring kings such as the descendants
feels that, “The tales of persecution by Puṣyamitra of Subhāgasena from the northwest ([32], p. 201).
as recorded in the Divyāvadāna and by Tāranātha It is also important to notice that the earliest of
bear marks of evident absurdity” ([21], p. 125). As the texts that mention these legends are chrono-
pointed out by Lamotte, “The only point over logically far removed from the Śuṅgas. The tradi-
which the sources concur is the destruction of tional narrative in the Divyāvadāna, for instance,
the Kukkuṭārāma of Pāṭaliputra ‘in the east.’ If can at the earliest be dated to two centuries after
there was an encounter between Puṣyamitra and Puṣyamitra’s death. It is more likely that the
. . . Kṛmiśa, it is not known exactly where it took Divyāvadāna legend is a Buddhist version of
place: at Sthūlakoṣṭhaka in the Swāt valley, at the Puṣyamitra’s attack on the Mauryas and reflects
Dakṣiṇāvihāra on the heights above Rājagṛha or in the fact that, with the declining influence of Bud-
Avanti at gates of Kaśmīr or in Jālandhar. As for dhism at the Śuṅga imperial court, Buddhist mon-
the death of Puṣyamitra, it is in turn located under uments and institutions would naturally receive
the Bodhi tree at Bodh-Gayā, on the shores of the less royal attention. Moreover, the source itself
Southern Ocean or somewhere ‘in the north.’ To in this instance being Buddhist, it would naturally
judge from the documents, Puṣyamitra must be exaggerate the wickedness of anti-Buddhists
acquitted through lack of proof” ([16], p. 392). ([32], p. 201). Further, dī nāra coins (Roman
Agreeing with Lamotte, D. Devahuti also feels denarius gold coins) were not prevalent at the
that the account of Puṣyamitra’s sudden destruc- time of the Śuṅgas. The earliest period during
tion with all his army, after his promulgation at which these coins came into circulation in India
Śākala of a law promising dī nāras for the heads of was the first century C.E. Most interestingly, this
Buddhist monks slain by his subjects, “is mani- legend of persecution in which a dī nāra is offered
festly false” ([5], p. 48). As suggested by Romila as an award for the head of a monk is first related
Thapar, Sastri’s contention that Aśoka was pow- in the Aśokāvadāna in connection with the perse-
erful enough to keep the brāhmaṇas under control, cution of the Jainas and the Ājīvikas by Aśoka and
but after him a conflict began between his succes- most clearly appears to be a fabrication: “In the
sors and the brāhmaṇas which only ended when city of Puṇḍravardhana [north Bengal], a lay fol-
Puṣyamitra assumed power, and that Puṣyamitra’s lower of Nirgrantha Jñātiputra [Mahāvīra Jaina]
action was the manifestation of a great drew a picture showing Buddha prostrating him-
Brāhmaṇical revolution is also indefensible. self at the feet of the Nirgrantha. . .. When Aśoka
After all, Aśoka’s frequent exhortations in his heard of this, he became merciless. He forced the
edicts for showing due respect to brāhmaṇas and man along with his whole family to enter their
samaṇas hardly point to his being anti- home and burnt it to the ground. He then issued
Brāhmaṇical in outlook ([32], p. 200). “Since the a proclamation that whosoever brought him the
Mauryan empire had shrunk considerably and the head of a Nirgrantha would be rewarded with
Pusyamitra Śuṅga 963
˙

a dīnāra” ([22], pp. 67–68. English translation is during the reign of Sri Lankan king Duṭṭhagāmaṇī
based on [31], p. 232). To say that Aśoka, whose (circa 101–177 B.C.E.) which is synchronous
devotion to all religious sects is undeniable with the later Śuṅga period (see [7], XXIX).
through his edicts, persecuted the Nirgranthas or
the Ājīvikas is simply absurd and so is the story of
Puṣyamitra Śuṅga. Thus, “the carbon-copy alle- Conclusion
gation against Puṣyamitra may very reasonably be
dismissed as sectarian propaganda” [6]. Reliabil- It may not be possible to deny the fact that
ity of the Divyāvadāna is also grievously marred Puṣyamitra Śuṅga showed no favor to the Bud-
by the fact that Puṣyamitra Śuṅga is mentioned as dhists, but it is not certain that he persecuted them
a descendent of Aśoka whereas he did not belong ([8], pp. 210–217). The only thing that can be said
to the Mauryan dynasty of non-Brāhmaṇical with certainty on the basis of the stories told in
background. In fact, this very fact flies in the Buddhist texts about Puṣyamitra is that he might
face of the hypothesis that Puṣyamitra persecuted have withdrawn royal patronage from the Bud-
the Buddhists because he was a brāhmaṇa and dhist institutions. This change of circumstance
represented fundamentalist form of Brāhmaṇism. under his reign might have led to discontent
There is, in fact, no concrete evidence to show among the Buddhists. It seems that as
that any of the Mauryan kings discriminated a consequence of this shifting of patronage from
against Brāhmaṇism. Aśoka, the most popular Buddhism to Brāhmaṇism, the Buddhists became
Mauryan king, did not appear to have any vulgar politically active against him and sided with his
ambition of exalting his own religion “by showing enemies, the Indo-Greeks. “The Greek struggle
up the false gods” of Brāhmaṇism. Thus, the with Puṣyamitra gave the Buddhists the prospect
hypothesis of a Brāhmaṇical persecution under of renewed influence. . . What may be sensed is
Puṣyamitra loses much of its raison d’être ([27], that strategic reasons made some Greeks the pro-
p. 126). The policy of Puṣyamitra Śuṅga appears moters of Buddhism and some Buddhists sup-
to have been tolerant enough for the simple reason porters of the Greeks” ([29], p. 141). This might
that if he were against the Buddhists, he would have incited him to put them down with a heavy
have dismissed his Buddhist ministers. There is hand ([3], p. 99). Thus, if in some parts of
overwhelming evidence to show that Buddhism Puṣyamitra Śuṅga’s kingdom, a few monasteries
actually prospered during the reign of the Śuṅga were at all pillaged, it must be seen as a political P
kings. And it has actually been argued that archae- move rather than a religious one. Moreover, in
ological evidence casts doubt on the claims made such cases, the complicity of the local governors
by Buddhist texts that the Śuṅgas persecuted the also cannot be ruled out. Jayaswal has referred to
Buddhists (see, for instance, [32], p. 200). An another interesting aspect of the declaration made
archaeological study of the celebrated stūpa at by Puṣyamitra Śuṅga setting a price on the head of
Sāñcī proves that it was enlarged and encased in every Buddhist monk ([12], p. 263). It was made
its present covering during the Śuṅga period ([1], at Śākala, the capital city of Menander. The fact
p. 160). The Aśokan pillar near it appears to have that such a fervid declaration was made not only at
been wilfully destroyed, but this event may have a place which was far removed from the center of
occurred at a much later date ([18], p. 90). The the Śuṅga regime but also in the capital city of his
Bhārhut Buddhist Pillar Inscription of the time of archenemies points to reasons motivated by polit-
the Śuṅgas actually records some additions to the ical considerations. After Aśoka’s lavish sponsor-
Buddhist monuments “during the supremacy of ship of Buddhism, it is quite possible that
the Śuṅgas” (Suganaṃ raje. . . dhanabhūtina Buddhist institutions fell on somewhat harder
karitaṅ toranāṃ silā-kaṅmaṅto ca upaṃṇa ([30], times under the Śuṅgas, but persecution is quite
p. 87. See also [18], p. 11)). The Mahāvaṃsa another matter. “Far more than the so-called per-
admits the existence of numerous monasteries in secution by Puṣyamitra, the successes of the
Bihar, Avadha, Malwa, and surrounding areas Viṣṇuite propaganda during the last two centuries
964 Pusyamitra Śuṅga
˙

of the ancient era led the Buddhists into danger, 14. Jayaswal KP (ed and trans) (1934) The text of the
and this was all the more serious in that it was long Mañju-śrī-mūlakalpa: an imperial history of India.
Motilal Banarsidass, Lahore
time before its threat was assessed” ([16], 15. Lama C, Chattopadhyaya A (trans) (1970) Tāranātha’s
pp. 392–393). Thus, it would be fair to say that history of Buddhism in India. Indian Institute of
where the Buddhists did not or could not ally Advanced Study, Simla
themselves with the invading Indo-Greeks, 16. Lamotte É (1988) History of Indian Buddhism: from
the origins to the Śaka Era (trans: Sara Webb-Boin).
Puṣyamitra left them alone. Insitut Orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve
17. Marshall JH (1951) Taxila, vol I. Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, Cambridge
Cross-References 18. Marshall JH (1955) A guide to Sanchi, 3rd edn. Man-
ager of Publications, Delhi
19. Mishra PK (2001) Does newly excavated Buddhist
▶ Aśoka temple provide a missing link? In: Archaeology.
▶ Decline of Indian Buddhism A Publication of the Archaeological Institute of Amer-
▶ Divyāvadāna ica, April 2001. www.archaeology.org/online/news/
deorkothar/. Accessed 15 Apr 2007
▶ Persecution (Buddhism) 20. Mitchiner JE (ed and trans) (2002) The Yuga Purāṇa:
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) critically edited, with an English translation and
a detailed introduction, 2nd rev edn. Asiatic Society,
Kolkata
21. Mitra RC (1954) The decline of Buddhism in India.
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22. Mukhopadhyaya S (ed) (1963) The Aśokāvadāna.
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New Delhi supplemented, 4th rep. with supplement. B.P. Publish-
2. Bagchi PC (1921) Decline of Buddhism and its causes. ing Corporation, Delhi
In: Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee Silver Jubilee, vol III. 24. Negi JS (1958) Groundwork of ancient Indian history.
Calcutta University, Calcutta, pp 405–406 Allahabad University Press, Allahabad
3. Bhattacharyya H et al. (eds) (1953) Cultural heritage 25. Pandit RS (ed) (2001) Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī: the
of India, 2nd enl. and rev edn, vol 2. Ramakrishna saga of the kings of Kaśmīr. Sahitya Akademy, New
Mission Institute of Culture, Calcutta Delhi, Third reprint
4. Chakravartty G (1994) BJP-RSS and distortion of 26. Pargiter FE (1962) Purāṇa texts of the dynasties of the
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pp 161–172 27. Raychaudhury HC (1923) Political history of ancient
5. Devahuti D (1998) Harsha: a political study, 3rd India: from the accession of Parikshit to the extinction
revised edn. Oxford University Press, New Delhi of the Gupta dynasty. University of Calcutta, Calcutta
6. Elst K (2007) Why Pushyamitra was more ‘secular’ 28. Sastri H (1910) Notices. J Asiatic Soc Bengal, Calcutta
than Ashoka? http://koenraadelst.bharatvani.org/print/ LXXIV:259–262
articles/ayodhya/pushyamitra. Accessed 20 Apr 2007 29. Seldeslachts E (2007) Greece, the final frontier? The
7. Geiger W (ed) (1908) The Mahāvaṃsa. Pali Text westward spread of Buddhism. In: Heirman A,
Society, London Bumbacher SP (eds) The spread of Buddhism. E.J.
8. Ghosh NN (1945) Did Puṣyamitra Śuṅga persecute the Brill, Leiden
Buddhists. In: Bhandarkar DR et al. (eds) B.C. Law, 30. Sircar DC (ed) (1965) Select inscriptions bearing on
vol I. Bhandarkar Research Institute, Poona, pp 210–217 Indian history and civilization, 2nd rev. and enl. edn,
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culture. Orient Longmans, Bombay 31. Strong JS (1983) The legend of King Aśoka: a study
10. Hazra KL (1995) The rise and decline of Buddhism in and translation of the Aśokāvadāna. Princeton Univer-
India. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi sity Press, Princeton
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III):257–265. Patna 34. Vaidya PL (ed) (1959) Divyāvadāna. Mithila Institute
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R

Rāga bond) ([1], Vol. i, p. 60; [9], Vol. i, p. 70). How-

ever, according to the Apadānaaṭṭhakathā, the
▶ Kilesa (Kleśa) name Rāhula literally means “little Rāhu,” Rāhu
being the demon who is believed to have caused
eclipses by blocking the sun and the moon ([3],
p. 37). Another account given in the
Rāhula Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya mentions that Rāhula
was given his name in accordance with an eclipse
K. T. S. Sarao of the moon caused by Rahu ([4], p. 119).
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of Seven years after he had left home, the Buddha
Delhi, Delhi, India visited Kapilavastu after attaining Enlightenment
on the invitation of his father. While the Buddha
was having his meal, Rāhula’s mother sent him to
Synonyms the Buddha to ask for his inheritance (dāyajja).
The Buddha remained silent and after having fin-
Rāhula Thera; Rāhulabhadda ished his meal left the palace. Rāhula followed
him and continued to repeating his request till
finally the Buddha told Sāriputta to ordain him.
Definition Moggallāna was appointed his teacher who taught
the kammavācā (rules and ritual regarding admis-
The only son of Gautama Buddha. sion to the saṃgha) to him ([1], Vol. ii, p. 393;
[14], Vol. i, p. 340). Later, the Buddha’s father,
Rāhula was the only son of Siddhārtha Gautama, Suddhodana, and Rāhulamātā complained that the
the buddha-to-be, and his wife Yaśodharā (known boy had been taken away without their permis-
as Bhaddakaccānā or simply Rāhulamātā in the sion. Consequently, the Buddha declared that no
Pāli Canon). Rāhula was born on the day on which one should be ordained without parental consent
his father left the household life ([1], Vol. i, p. 60; ([9], Vol. i, p. 98f; [10], Vol. i, p. 82f). The Buddha
[17], Vol. i, p. 82). It is said that as soon as the took keen interest in Rāhula’s moral and spiritual
news of Rāhula’s birth was brought to Siddhārtha, education. He constantly (abhinhovādavasena)
he decided to renounce the world then and there as preached many suttas to Rāhula for his guidance
he saw in the birth of a son, a new bond tying him ([17], Vol. i, p. 145). When Rāhula was 7 years
to the life of a householder (“Rāhulajāto, old, the Buddha preached to him the Ambalaṭṭhika
bandhanaṃ jātaṃ” the word rāhula meaning Rāhulovāda Sutta as a warning that he should
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
966 Rāhula

never lie, even in fun. Rāhula used to accompany declared by the Buddha as the foremost among
the Buddha on his begging rounds, and occasion- those of his disciples who were eager for training
ally he would also accompany Sāriputta on his (sikkhākāmānaṃ) ([8], Vol. i, p. 24). A story in the
begging rounds. Rāhula was present when Vinaya refers to Rāhula’s complete scrupulous-
Sāriputta’s mother roundly abused the latter for ness toward observing the rules. According to
having left her ([9], Vol. iv, p. 164f). When Rāhula the story, one evening when he arrived at the
was 7 years old, the Buddha preached to him the gates of Badarikārāma at Kosambī, he was told
Ambalaṭṭhika Rāhulovāda Sutta as a warning that that a new rule had been laid down according to
he should never lie, even in fun. Rāhula often used which no novice was allowed to sleep under the
to accompany the Buddha, and sometimes same roof as a fully ordained monk. As he was
Sāriputta, on their begging rounds. Rāhula was unable to find any resting place which did not
present when Sāriputta’s mother roundly abused violate this rule, he spent the night in the Buddha’s
the latter for having left her ([9], Vol. iv, p. 164f). jakes. However, when the Buddha found him
Rāhula is said to have been himself eager to get there the next morning, he modified the rule ([1],
instructed by his teachers as well as the Buddha. He Vol. i, p. 161f; [10], Vol. iii, p. 16). On another
used to get up early in the morning and, taking occasion, Rāhula spent the night in the open, in
a handful of sand, used to express a wish: “May front of the Buddha’s cell as he found no place in
I have today as many words of counsel from my which to sleep because monks who had arrived
teachers as there are here grains of sand!” The late had taken his sleeping place. Māra, seeing
monks often spoke of Rāhula’s zealousness him there, tried unsuccessfully to frighten him
and obedience, and once the Buddha, aware of by assuming the form of a huge elephant. This
the subject of their talk, went among them and incident took place 8 years after Rāhula had
related the Tipallatthamiga and the Tittira Jātakas attained arahantship ([9], Vol. iv, p. 69f).
([1], Vol. iii, p. 64ff; Vol. i, p. 160ff) to show them In numerous Jātakas, Rāhula is mentioned as
that in his previous births also Rāhula was equally having been the bodhisatta’s son. The Apadāna
obedient. says that in many births Uppalavannā and
Three important suttas, namely, the Mahā Rāhula were born of the same parents (ekasmiṃ
Rāhulovāda Sutta ([16], Vol. i, pp. 420–426), sambhave) and had similar inclinations
Cūla Rāhulovāda Sutta ([15], Vol. iii, (samānacchandamānasā) ([6], Vol. ii, p. 551).
pp. 277–280; this sutta is also found in the During the time of Padumuttara Buddha, Rāhula
Saṃyutta Nikāya ([2], Vol. iv, p. 105ff) where it was born as a rich householder at Haṃsavatī,
is called the Rāhula Sutta), and the Ambalaṭṭhika who, realizing the vanity of riches, gave all away
Rāhulovāda Sutta ([15], Vol. i, pp. 414–420), to the poor and ascetics. As a result, he was born in
were preached by the Buddha directly to Rāhula. the Nāga world as Pathavindhara. It was in this
In the Mahā Rāhulovāda Sutta, the Buddha tells birth that he had expressed a wish that he might be
Rāhula about anattā and the latter two suttas born as the son of a future buddha. In the time of
formed the topics for Rāhula’s meditation Kassapa Buddha also, Rāhula was born as
(vipassanā). The Cūla Rāhulovāda Sutta was Pathavindhara, the eldest son of King Kiki, later
preached by the Buddha when he learnt that becoming his viceroy. During this birth, he built
Rāhula’s mind was ripe for final attainment, and 500 residences for the monks ([14], Vol. i, p. 341;
after hearing this discourse, Rāhula became an [17], Vol. i, p. 141ff; [18], Vol. ii, p. 722).
arahant. The Ambalaṭṭhika Rāhulovāda Sutta, in According to the Apadāna, Rāhula gave
which the Buddha warns against the use lies, was Padumuttara Buddha a carpet (santhara), as
preached to Rāhula when he was only 7 years old a result of which, 21 kalpas (eons) ago, he was
([17], Vol. ii, p. 636). born as a khattiya named Vimala in Renuvatī ([6],
According to the Paramatthajotikā, Rāhula Vol. i, p. 60f).
never lay on a bed for 12 years ([13], Vol. iii, Four verses uttered by Rāhula are included in
p. 736). In the assembly of monks, he was the Theragāthā ([11], pp. 295–298), and the
Rājagŗha 967

Milindapañha also contains several stanzas attrib- 12. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
uted to Rāhula ([15], p. 413). Rāhula was known (1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī:
Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya,
to his friends as Rāhulabhadda (Rāhula, the 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Lucky) which he himself justified by saying that 13. Smith H (1916–1918) Sutta-Nipāta commentary being
he deserved the title because he was twice blessed Paramatthajotikā II, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
in being the son of the Buddha and an arahant ([9], 14. Trenckner V (ed) (1880) The Milindapañho. Williams
and Norgate, London
Vol. i, p. 124; [11], p. 295f; [15], p. 410; [18], Vol. 15. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (1888–1896) The Majjhima
i, p. 537). Rāhula is said to have died before the Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
Buddha, Moggallāna, and Sāriputta ([12], Vol. ii, 16. Walleser H, Kopp H (eds) (1924–1956)
p. 549; [18], Vol. iii, p. 172). Aśoka built a stūpa in Manorathapūraṇī: Buddhaghosa’s commentary on
the Aṅguttara Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society,
his honor to be particularly worshipped by nov- London
ices ([5], p. 281). 17. Woods JH, Kosambi D, Horner IB (eds) (1922–1938)
Papañcasūdanī: Majjhimanikāyaṭṭhakathā of
Buddhaghosācariya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
18. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha-
Cross-References ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosa’s commentary on the
Saṃyutta Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
▶ Arahant
▶ Aśoka
▶ Buddha Śākyamuni
▶ Jātaka
▶ Moggallāna Rāhula Thera
▶ Śāriputra
▶ Thera- and Therīgāthā ▶ Rāhula

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968 Rājagŗha

Definition A short distance to the south, the Rajgir hills

open to form a wide valley, with northern and
The city that was the earliest known capital of the southern entrances (Fig. 1). The town is identified
kingdom of Magadha. Both Mahāvīra and the with five hills that encircle this valley; unfortu-
Buddha spent much time here, and it was an nately, different sources have different lists, and
important early center for Buddhism. these are impossible to reconcile. The Pāli Canon
list, found in the Isigili Sutta of the Majjhima
Nikāya, is Vebhāra, Pāṇḍava, Vepulla, Gijjhakūta
Introduction (Sanskrit Gŗdhakūta), and Isigili. The most impor-
tant hill in Buddhist sacred geography is
Rajgir lies at 25 0’N: 85 26’E to the southeast of Gŗdhakūta (Vulture Peak); a number of Mahāyana
Patna (ancient Pāṭaliputra). It is the oldest-known texts, including the Lotus Sūtra, were reportedly
capital of Magadha, the kingdom that would delivered there, and Xuanzang saw a stūpa on the
evolve into the Mauryan Empire. In the absence spot where it had been preached.
of all but a few small-scale excavations, its origins Today, the hills have what appear to be the Jain
as a town and as a capital are unclear, although it names of Vaibhāra and Vipula, flanking the north
has legendary beginnings. Jain sources refer to passage; Ratnagiri to the northeast; and Udaya
predecessor capitals that are otherwise unknown. and Soṇagiri flanking the southern exit.
The Mahābharāta recounts the story of King Gŗdhakūta has been identified with Chhaṭhāgiri,
Jarāsandha, who imprisoned many other kings in a small peak close to Ratna, on which are terraces
his capital (here called Girivrāja) until Kŗs‚ ṇa, of the Gupta period and some caves. Close by is
Arjuna, and Bhīma defeated him and set the the Japanese-built Shanti Stupa, opened in 1969.
kings free. The name (Giri = mountain) shows Xuanzang identified this valley as Old Rajgir,
a strong association with the local topography. abandoned for the new town to the north under
Rājagŗha (House of the King) accurately denotes King Bimbisāra. Faxian suggested Bimbisāra’s
its political functions. son as the author of the move. Whoever is respon-
sible, it should be noted that the present landscape
suggests settlement outside the hills and religious
Topography structures within; and Francis Buchanan in 1811
was quick to point out how hot and flooded the
The present town lies on the edge of a large plain would be ([2], p. 204).
earthen embankment, roughly pentagonal in
shape and with a c. 5-km circuit. A rectangular
stone wall with semicircular bastions lies in its Archaeology
southwest corner. To the west of the embankment,
opposite the main gate, is the area’s largest stupa, However, the oldest settlement evidence, from the
identified by the Chinese pilgrim Faxian (who late second to the early first millennium BCE,
visited in 405) with one of the 84,000 founded comes from the Jāradevī Mound just inside the
by Aśoka. Carbon 14 suggests dates for the North Gate. In addition, the so-called Inner Forti-
embankment of the later first millennium BCE, fication (Fig. 2), which encloses an area of the
although medieval bricks and a local folk tale plain in the shape of a boot and which is associ-
suggest the stone wall was refortified under the ated with an outer ditch, would seem to constitute
Afghan king Sher Shah. The interior of this city is a defensive structure (though also a flood barrier)
largely unknown although the pilgrim Xuanzang, ([3], p. 263). Ceramics from the early to mid-first
who visited in the seventh century, suggested millennium BCE are embedded in it. Enclosing
there were two monasteries there for Chinese a much larger area is the Outer Fortification,
pilgrims. a stone rubble wall that runs from Old Rajgir up
Rājagŗha 969

Rājagŗha, Fig. 1 Map from Marshall survey [7]

Rājagŗha, Fig. 2 The inner fortification with Ratnagiri in the background [photograph by author]
970 Rājagŗha

to Giriak at the eastern edge of the Rajgir hills they were contemporaries of the Buddha, who
(Fig. 1). visited Bimbisāra both before and after his
Giriak itself has a history going back to the Enlightenment – Bodh Gaya and Rajgir are sepa-
Early Historic, as evidenced by ceramics includ- rated by the Jethian valley and a short walking
ing Northern Black Polished Ware and the distance. It was Bimbisāra who donated the first
terracotta ring wells typical of the period. They monastery site to the Saṅgha – Veḷuvana (Sanskrit
are to be found at the base of the Daktar English Veṇuvana) Garden. The royal physician Jīvaka
mound, which runs for 500 m next to the also donated a site and by the time Buddha had
Panchana river, and the site was a large one at finished his ministry the Saṅgha was in possession
least into the early centuries CE. Both Rajgir and of numerous sites. Although Śrāvastī became
Giriak have connections south to the Chota Nag- more of a headquarters later, Rājagaha remained
pur Plateau, with its rich resources of timber and extremely significant. When Buddha set out for
minerals; and this is the probable explanation for his journey to Kuśināgara, he recited what seems
the siting of the capital so far in the south of to be a set list (repeated twice in the Vinaya) of
Magadha. It also underlines the fact that Giriak significant place names: Gijjhakūṭa, Corapapāta
should be considered an integral part of the Rajgir (Robber’s Cliff), Sattapaṇṇi Cave, the
complex. On Giriak hill itself is a monastery and Jīvakamrāvana (Jīvaka’s Mango Grove), and so
stūpa complex, visible for miles around, described on (Dī gha Nikāya 16.3.41–43).
by Xuanzang as the Wild Goose Stūpa. The city was soon after abandoned as a capital
If it were complete, the stone wall would be by Ajataśātru or his grandson for Paṭalipūtra;
about 35 km. long; however, it is quite incomplete however, it is assumed one of the original relic
on both the northern and southern sides. It is stūpas is located somewhere in the town. It is now
assumed to be a defensive structure ([4], pp. identified with a small earthen mound first exca-
464–466); however, only on either side of the vated by Marshall ([7], p. 95), but there is no
passages (the North and South Gates) are there corroborating evidence. The First Buddhist Coun-
bastions that give it a military character (there are cil, where 500 arhats recited for 6 months to
also some freestanding watchtowers). In a number establish the Sutta and Vinaya Piṭaka, was held
of sections, the walls are quite indefensible; and in at the Sattapaṇṇi Cave.
others, the path of the walls has no defensive
meaning (for instance, the Zigzag Wall running
from the base to the top of Ratnagiri). Whatever Sacred Geography and Archaeology
the age of the Outer Fortification, it has an asso-
ciation with the religious structures on the tops of Modern Buddhist sacred geography, and the
the hills, now Jain, earlier Buddhist. Given that agenda of most archaeological work, was set by
parts of this complex are identified as roads, it is Faxian (337–422) and Xuanzang (596–664).
likely that it was used primarily as They gave similar lists of places that were impor-
a communication route, at least in the medieval tant for Buddha’s biography, although details
period. In fact, they were used as pathways by vary.
Jains in the nineteenth century to access their Both emphasized the Sattapaṇṇi Cave, first
temples, and local tribespeople referred to them identified by James Beglar with a cave on the
as Jarāsandha’s Staircase ([1], p. 240). north slope of Vaibhāra. It has an artificial plat-
form built up in front of it and as such is probably
an example of an archaic type of ascetic residence.
Buddhist Sites The Pippala Cave, mentioned in the Canon and by
both monks, has been variously identified due to
Both Bimbisāra and his son were responsible for ambiguities in translations of the Chinese between
Magadha’s expansion; and coincidentally, “house” and “cave.” Opinion (e.g., [1], pp. 89–90)
Rājagŗha 971

has settled on a watchtower on the western side of though it is most likely a medieval Buddhist
the North Gate; but even if this was the structure vihāra, the name has stuck.
identified as Pippala by the monks, there is noth- In the center of Old Rajgir is Maṇiyār Māṭh,
ing remotely religious about it. a temple located under a mound that had a Jain
The Elephant Stūpa marks the point where Bud- shrine on top. Archaeology has identified
dha tamed the mad elephant Nālagiri, who attacked a circular building with associated platforms and
him at the instigation of Devadatta and Ajataśātru. a construction history going back to the second
This event was the one that gave Rajgir its place as century BCE if not before. By the sixth century,
one of the eight most sacred sites in Buddhist a series of terracotta plaques around the outside of
pilgrimage, a status established by the later first the circular structure portrayed nāgas and nāgīs, as
millennium CE. The most physically imposing well as Hindu deities; this, plus a many-headed jar
stūpa is on the north slope of Vipula hill. A more similar to one used on serpent rites in Bengal,
likely location might be Bālarāma’s Temple, which a second-century CE image of the nāga
has evidence of being a decayed stūpa and is just Maṇibhādhra, and the dedication of the Jain
inside Old Rajgir near the North Gate. shrine to the same deity, suggests a serpent cult
The Jīvakamrāvaṇa, identified by both monks that at some point was brahmanized. Further
as located near Ratnagiri, has been excavated and south, a Gupta temple has recently been excavated
proved to be an archaic monastery, with apsidal by the Archaeological Survey of India; and a shell
halls, and dating to the third to second centuries script, which is as yet undecipherable, has been
BCE. found close to the South Gate. Nearby cart ruts,
The archaeologist John Marshall, during his worn into the rock, are now “Bimbisāra’s Chariot
survey of 1905–1906, made a number of identifi- Tracks.”
cations, including the Kaḷanda Tank and the At the base of both Vaibhāra and Vipula, faults
Veṇuvana Monastery (a Japanese Veṇuvana is in the rock have created a series of hot and cold
now located there). These identifications are not springs (kuṇḍs). These are the main focus of
necessarily firm, but they have become fixed in Hindu pilgrimage to the site, although Xuanzang
modern tourist and Buddhist ideas of the site ([5], connected them to the four past Buddhas.
pp. 213–217). However, one is sacred to the Sikhs and another
There are other features of the modern site not to Muslims. The most prominent modern
mentioned by the monks. The Son-Bhāndār Cave, buildings are Jain temples on the hills, the Jains
on the west side of Old Rajgir, was once two caves having taken over many old Buddhist sites.
with crude carvings of Jain Tīrthāņkaras and Many Buddhist images are now in worship as
a large Jain sculpture that has since been lost. An Hindu deities; thus, a continuity of belief is R
inscription claiming it as a Jain cave from the established.
fourth to fifth centuries CE may be correct; how-
ever, one of the caves has a high polish inside that
may indicate a Mauryan date. Cross-References
A survey by V.H. Jackson in 1914–1915 found
a number of stone structures on the valley floor, ▶ Ajātaśatru
suggesting a history of occupation that is now ▶ Asoka
largely lost. However, he identified a rectangular ▶ Buddhist Councils
stone building with cells, towers at each corner, ▶ Devadatta
and a manacle or ring. Bimbisāra was imprisoned ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
by his son and starved; however, he could view ▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
the Buddha on Gŗdhakūta from a window. Based ▶ Magadha
on the manacle and the view of Chhaṭhagiri, Jack- ▶ Monastery
son called it Bimbisāra’s jail ([6], p. 269); and ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
972 Rājanīti

References According to the Dasaratha Jātaka (no. 461) of the

Jātaka-book ([2], pp. 1–12, 13–17; [3]:
1. Broadley AM (1872) The Buddhistic remains of Bihar. iv.123–130; [1]: iv.78–82), the Buddha was born
J Asiatic Soc Bengal 41:209–312
as Rāma in one of his previous births, i.e., as
2. Buchanan F (1936) An account of the districts of Bihar
and Patna in 1811–1812. Bihar and Orissa Research a bodhisatta (Sk: bodhisattva). In the Dasaratha
Society, Patna Jātaka, Rāma Paṇḍita (Rāma the Wise) is shown
3. Chakrabarti DK (1976) Rajagriha: an early historic site as a righteous king and also as a person who had
in Eastern India. World Archaeology 7:261–268
conquered sorrow and was not affected by eight
4. Cunningham A (1924) Cunningham’s ancient geogra-
phy of India. Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co, Calcutta conditions of this world (gain and loss, fame and
5. Harding R (2010) Cunningham, Marshall and the dishonor, praise and blame, bliss and woe) ([1]:
Monks: an early historic city as a Buddhist landscape. iv.78 fn.2). Thus, when he received the news of
In: Guha S (ed) The Marshall Albums: photography and
the death of his father, he neither showed any
archaeology. Mapin and Alkazi Collection, New Delhi,
pp 202–227 emotions nor did he feel sorrowful.
6. Jackson VH (1917) Notes on old Rajagriha. Archaeo- According to the story told in the Dasaratha
logical survey of India Annual report 1913–14:265–271 Jātaka, Dasaratha who ruled righteously at
7. Marshall J et al (1909) Rājagŗha and its remains.
Bārāṇasī had 16,000 wives. His chief queen bore
Archaeological survey of India annual report
1905–06:86–106 him two sons called Rāma Paṇḍita (Rāma the
Wise) and Lakkhaṇa Kumāra and a daughter
called Sītā Devī. After giving birth to these three
children, the chief queen died and Dasaratha
Rājanīti raised another queen to the status of chief queen.
She bore him a son who was named Bharata
▶ Politics (Buddhism) Kumāra. The king was so pleased that he offered
the queen a boon and asked her to choose. Though
she accepted the offer, she put it off for the time
being. When Bharat Kumar was seven, she
Rāma Pandita reminded Dasaratha of his promise and asked
˙˙ him to give the kingdom to her son. The king
▶ Rāma, Indian Buddhism would not give her this gift and she kept on
nagging him about it day after day. The king
thought to himself: “Women are ungrateful and
treacherous. This woman might use a forged letter
Rāma, Indian Buddhism or a treacherous bribe to get my sons murdered”
([1]: iv.79). So he called astrologers and asked
K. T. S. Sarao them to calculate the time of his death for him.
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of They calculated it to 12 years thenceforth. In the
Delhi, Delhi, India light of this, he commanded Rāma Paṇḍita and
Lakkhaṇa Kumāra to go to some neighboring
country or the forest and return only after 12
Synonyms years to avoid any mischief that might befall
them. The two sons made a promise to follow
Rāma Paṇḍita their father’s advice. Sītā Devī also insisted on
accompanying her brothers. So the three took
leave of their father and went away from Bārāṇasī.
Definition They found a suitable place in the Himālaya and
built a hermitage there. Here Lakkhaṇa Kumāra
The Buddha in one of his previous births when he and Sītā Devī took care of Rāma Paṇḍita as he was
lived as Rāma, the son of King Dasaratha. like father to them.
Rāmāyana, Indian Buddhism 973
˙

The grieving King Dasaratha died in the ninth Rāma’s battle with Rāvaṇa and many episodes
year and the queen gave orders that Bharata narrated in Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa are mentioned in
Kumāra be crowned as the king. However, the the later Pāli chronicles, such as the Cūḷavaṃsa
courtiers and Bharata Kumāra refused to oblige ([4]: lxiv.42; lxviii.20; lxxv.59; lxxxiii.46, 69, 88).
her. Bharata Kumāra declared that he would go Interestingly, some of the ruling princes of South-
and fetch Rāma Paṇḍita from the forest and would east Asia and Sri Lanka claimed descent from
crown him as the king. He pitched his camp not Rāma. King Jagatipāla (1047–51 C.E.) of Sri
far away from the hermitage and approached Lanka is one such example. He came from
Rāma Paṇḍita with a few courtiers, and at a time Ayojjhā (Sk: Ayodhyā) and declared Lord Rāma
when Lakkhaṇa Kumāra and Sītā Devī were away to be his ancestor. Having killed King
in woods gathering fruit, Bharata Kumāra told Vikkamapaṇḍu, he ruled in Rohaṇa until his own
him weepingly all that had occurred in the king- death at the hands of the Coḷas ([4]: lvi.13f). King
dom. Rāma Paṇḍita being immune to emotions Jagatipāla’s daughter called Līlāvatī later became
gave a discourse to Bharata Kumar and the the queen of King Vijayabāhu I ([4]: lix.23f).
accompanying courtiers on the doctrine of imper-
manence and they lost all their grief. Now Bharata
Kumāra begged Rāma Paṇḍita to accept the King- Cross-References
dom of Bārāṇasī. But he refused saying that he
could do so only at the end of 12 years as otherwise ▶ Bārāṇasī
it would amount to disobedience to their father’s ▶ Bodhisattva
command. However, when Bharata Kumar asked ▶ Jātaka
as to who would carry on the government all this ▶ Rāmāyaṇa, Indian Buddhism
while, he gave him his straw slippers and said:
“Until I come, these slippers shall do it” ([1]:
iv.81). Then Lakkhaṇa Kumāra, Sītā, and Bharata References
Kumāra returned to Bārāṇasī with the slippers.
1. Cowell EW, Chalmers R, Francis HT, Neil RA, Rouse
Henceforth, the kingdom was ruled by the straw WHD (trans) (1895–1907) The Jātaka or the stories of
slippers for 3 years. Whenever justice had to be the Buddha’s former births. Cambridge University
delivered, the courtiers would place the slippers on Press, Cambridge
the royal throne. If the slippers stayed quiet, the 2. Fausböll V (ed and trans) (1971) Dasaratha-Jātaka,
being the Buddhist story of King Rāma, vol 6. Trübner,
decision was deemed as correct. However, if the London
slippers beat upon each other, then the sign was 3. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, vol 6. Luzac,
viewed as an indication that the decision was London
4. Geiger W, Rickmers CM (trans) (1929–1930) The R
wrong and the case was reexamined.
Cūlavaṃsa: being the more recent part of the
At the end of 3 years, Rāma Paṇḍita returned to Mahāvaṃsa, vol 2. Pali Text Society, London
Bārāṇasī and took his seat in the royal park. On
hearing of the news of his arrival, Lakkhaṇa and
Bharata Kumāra came to receive him at the park
along with the courtiers. Sītā Devī was made the Rāmāyana, Indian Buddhism
chief queen and then both Rāma Paṇḍita and Sītā ˙
were given the ceremonial sprinkling. Thereafter, K. T. S. Sarao
riding a magnificent chariot and making Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
a ceremonial right-wise circuit, Rāma Paṇḍita Delhi, Delhi, India
entered the city of Bārāṇasī. He reigned righ-
teously for 16,000 years and Sītā’s devotion to
him became legendary ([2]: iv.559, 560; [4]: Synonyms
lxxiii.137). At the end of his reign, he went to
heaven. Dasaratha Jātaka
974 Rāmāyana, Indian Buddhism
˙

Definition the forest and return only after 12 years to avoid

any mischief that might befall them. The two sons
The story of Rāma Paṇḍita. made a promise to follow their father’s advice. Sītā
Devī also insisted on accompanying her brothers.
The story of Rāma is known as the Dasaratha So the three took leave of their father and went
Jātaka in Indian Buddhism. It is jātaka no. 461 of away from Bārāṇasī weeping. They found
the Jātaka book in the Khuddaka Nikāya of the Pāli a suitable place in the Himālaya which was well
Tipiṭaka ([2], pp. 1–12, 13–17; [3]: iv.123–130; [1]: watered and where wild fruits were available in
iv.78–82). As per the Jātaka book, this story was abundance. The three built a hermitage here and
told by Śākyamuni Buddha in the Jetavana at Lakkhaṇa Kumāra and Sītā Devī took care of
Śrāvastī. The backdrop to the story provided in the Rāma Paṇḍita as he was like father to them.
Jātaka book is that a landowner was overwhelmed King Dasaratha died in the 9th year. The queen
with sorrow due to his father’s death and conse- gave orders that Bharata Kumāra be crowned as the
quently had neglected his duties. When the Buddha king. However, the courtiers and Bharata Kumāra
learned of this, he went to the landowner’s house to refused to oblige her. Bharata Kumāra declared that
allay his sorrow and consoled him saying that wise he would go and fetch Rāma Paṇḍita from the forest
men in the past who were aware of the eight condi- and would crown him as the king. He pitched his
tions of this world (gain and loss, fame and dis- camp not far away from the hermitage and
honor, praise and blame, bliss and woe) did not approached Rāma Paṇḍita with a few courtiers and
feel miserable at a father’s death ([1]: iv.78 fn.2). at a time when Lakkhaṇa Kumāra and Sītā Devī
Then on being requested by the landowner, the were away in woods gathering fruit, Bharata Kumāra
Buddha told him a story of the past. told him weepingly all that had occurred in the king-
The Buddha told him that once a great king dom. Rāma Paṇḍita being immune to emotions gave
called Dasaratha ruled righteously at Bārāṇasī. He a discourse to Bharata Kumar and the accompanying
had 16,000 wives. His chief queen (jeṭṭhikā courtiers on the doctrine of impermanence and they
aggamahesī ) bore him two sons called Rāma lost all their grief. Now Bharata Kumāra begged
Paṇḍita (Rāma the Wise) and Lakkhaṇa Kumāra Rāma Paṇḍita to accept the Kingdom of Bārāṇasī:
and a daughter called Sītā Devī. After giving birth
Brother,” said Rāma, “take Lakkhaṇa and Sītā with
to these three children, the chief queen died and you, and administer the kingdom yourselves.” “No,
Dasaratha raised another queen to the status of my lord, you take it.” “Brother, my father commanded
chief queen. The king loved her dearly and in me to receive the kingdom at the end of twelve years.
If I go now, I shall not carry out his bidding. After
time she gave birth to a son who was named
three more years I will come.” “Who will carry on the
Bharata Kumāra. The king was so pleased that government all that time?” “You do it.” “I will not.”
he offered the queen a boon (vara) and asked her “Then until I come, these slippers shall do it,” said
to choose. Though she accepted the offer, she put Rāma, and doffing his slippers of straw he gave them
to his brother. So these three persons took the slippers,
it off for the time being.
and bidding the wise man farewell, went to Benares
When Bharat Kumar was seven, she reminded with their great crowd of followers. ([1]: iv.81)
Dasaratha of his promise and asked him to give the
kingdom to her son. The king would not give her The kingdom was ruled by the straw slippers
this gift and she kept on nagging him about it day for 3 years. Whenever justice had to be delivered,
after day. The king thought to himself: “Women are the courtiers would place the slippers on the royal
ungrateful and treacherous. This woman might use throne. If the slippers stayed quiet, the decision
a forged letter or a treacherous bribe to get my sons was deemed as correct. However, if the slippers
murdered” ([1]: iv.79). So he called astrologers and beat upon each other, then the sign was viewed as
asked them to tell him the time of his death. They an indication that the decision was wrong and the
told him that he would live for another 12 years. So case was reexamined.
he told his sons, Rāma Paṇḍita and Lakkhaṇa When 3 years were over, Rāma Paṇḍita came
Kumāra, to go to some neighboring country or to Bārāṇasī and took his seat in a park. When the
Ratnagiri 975

princes heard of this, they came to the park along the Buddha’s former births. Cambridge University
with the courtiers. They made Sītā Devī the chief Press, Cambridge
2. Fausböll V (ed and trans) (1971) Dasaratha-Jātaka,
queen (aggamahesī ) and then both were given the being the Buddhist story of King Rāma, vol 6. Trübner,
ceremonial sprinkling. Thereafter, riding London
a magnificent chariot and making a ceremonial 3. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, vol 6. Luzac,
right-wise circuit, Rāma Paṇḍita entered the city. London
4. Gombrich R (1985) The Vessantara Jātaka, the
Thereafter he reigned righteously for 16,000 years Rāmāyaṇa and the Dasaratha Jātaka. J Am Orient Soc
and at the end of his reign went to heaven. 105(3):427–443
At the end of the discourse, the Buddha iden- 5. Jacobi H (1960) The Rāmāyaṇa (trans: Ghosal SN).
tified the characters in the story as follows: King Oriental Institute, Baroda
6. Sadasivan SN (2000) A social history of India. A.P.H
Suddhodana was King Dasaratha, Rāhulamātā Publishing, New Delhi
was Sītā Devī, Ānanda was Bharata Kumāra,
and the Buddha himself was Rāma Paṇḍita.
Though some scholars have suggested that the
Dasaratha Jātaka is older than Vālmīki’s Ramma
Rāmāyaṇa (e.g., [6], p. 258), mostly it is agreed
that the Dasaratha Jātaka is not the most ancient ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
story but a later distortion (see [5], pp. 64–67; [4],
pp. 433–434). In fact, Richard Gombrich goes so
far as to call the Dasaratha Jātaka “a tissue of
arbitrary events and even non sequiturs” ([4], Rammaka
p. 434) which is “not a genuine story” ([4],
p. 436). According to him, the Dasaratha Jātaka ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
“is a (perhaps intentionally) garbled story which
cannot be taken seriously as an early version of
the Rāma legend, let alone as proving that early
Buddhists let brothers marry sisters” ([4],
Rammanagara
pp. 427–437). Interestingly, in the Southeast
Asian countries such as Laos, Thailand, and Cam- ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)
bodia where Theravāda Buddhism is followed,
none of the many versions of the Rāmāyaṇa
including the Khmer Reamker, the Lao Phra Lak Rammavatī
Phra Lam, and the Thai Ramakien is a variant of R
the Dasaratha Jātaka. ▶ Vārāṇasī (Buddhism)

Cross-References
Ratnagiri
▶ Bārāṇasī
Claudine Bautze-Picron
▶ Jātaka
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
▶ Ramma
(CNRS), UMR 7528 ‘Mondes Iranien et Indien’,
▶ Śrāvastī
Paris, France

References
Synonyms
1. Cowell EW, Chalmers R, Francis HT, Neil RA, Rouse
WHD (trans) (1895–1907) The Jātaka or the stories of Ratnāgiri
976 Ratnagiri

Definition the region, favoring the Buddhist community

([1], p. 44).
Monastic site

Ratnagiri is a site in Orissa (lat. 20 38’ N.; long. Architecture, Stūpas
86 20’ E.) situated very closely to two other
contemporary sites, Udayagiri and Lalitagiri, The Archaeological Survey of India has led exten-
all three constituting a major Buddhist nucleus sive excavations and restored the monuments of
from the eighth up to the late twelfth century or Ratnagiri. The main monument (monument 1) at
early thirteenth century. This region is associ- Ratnagiri was a stūpa built in bricks on the top of
ated with the Puṣpagiri monastery known from the hillock before the ninth or tenth century on an
Buddhist historical sources, but no archaeologi- earlier one perhaps originally erected during the
cal or epigraphic evidence would sustain the Gupta period. The hemispheric dome, now
identification of this monastery with one of the destroyed, rested then on a square medhi or plinth
three sites. Inscribed seals locally found reveal, measuring nearly 4.20 m in height and 14.50 in
however, that Ratnagiri was a “great monastery” length; the platform is basically of the triratha
or mahāvihāra ([5], p. 226). Although it is dif- type, i.e., the front surface of each side shows
ficult to ascertain a date for the earliest phase of one projection in the center with two side surfaces
these sites – the Gupta period being a possibility setting thus back from it. Moreover, each one of
([1], p. 46; [5], p. 227) – it is evidently between these three surfaces or rathas has been divided in
the eighth and the twelfth centuries that these two, thus making a total of six rathas on each side.
sites knew their peak of activity. Royal patron- At a later period, the monument was restored and
age during the rule of the Śailodbhavas in the the square base with its projections disappeared
seventh and of the early Bhaumakaras in the within a structure, circular from the bottom ([6],
eighth century seems to have been active in Vol. 1, pp. 25–151) (Fig. 1).

Ratnagiri, Fig. 1 Main stūpa (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

Ratnagiri 977

Ratnagiri, Fig. 2 Group of stūpas, those in the foreground with images of the Tārā, Hevajra and Ṣaḍakṣarī Lokeśvara
(Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

A large number of smaller stūpas (or caityas) Buddhist sites, but some sites, Ratnagiri or
of different sizes were erected all around the cen- Bodhgaya for instance, evidently attracted more
tral monument. Some were constructed and only the attention of private donors, probably monks
their lower level survived while many others were but perhaps also lay persons, who financed the
carved out of a single piece of stone. The mono- carving of images and stūpas in honor of the
lithic stūpas of Ratnagiri present the classical Buddha, the site, the monument, or the institution.
structure of the monument with a high pedestal Structural stūpas could eventually fulfill their fun-
supporting the hemispheric part which can be damental function which was to hide relics; seals R
plain and only adorned with flat bands or contains inscribed with dhāraṇī s, “magic verses,” were,
one or four niches with images of various deities for instance, found in the core of the stūpa 2, but
of the late Buddhist pantheon either carved out of also in monastery 1 ([1], pp. 46, 67).
the monoliths or fixed within their niches. The Beside the fact that these small caityas were
square pavilion or harmikā which surmounts the produced and offered as a gesture of devotion,
monument and protects the pole with umbrellas those having images in their niches were probably
arising out of it is usually an added element which also understood to be small shrines (Fig. 2).
has been lost in the course of time. In the absence
of inscriptions, it is rather difficult to propose
a proper explanation justifying the presence of The Monasteries
such a large number of small caityas in Ratnagiri;
a similar situation is encountered at Bodhgaya, the Two monasteries were constructed at Ratnagiri
site where Śākyamuni reached his spiritual around the seventh and eighth centuries. Both,
enlightenment and became, thus, Buddha. True, like another one erected at Udayagiri ([1], p. 75),
such monuments are found in practically all have a square ground plan with an inner courtyard
978 Ratnagiri

Ratnagiri, Fig. 3 View of the façade of monastery 1 (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

on which the monastic cells open. Both monaster- ([1], p. 49; [4], p. 371; [6], Vol. 1, p. 155)
ies are open to the south whereas the one in (Figs. 3 and 4).
Udayagiri is directed to the north. Monuments The doorways to the monastery and the shrine
are built in bricks but stone has been massively were framed by a sculpted ornamentation of high
used for covering the courtyard or for ornamental quality showing groups of attendants at ground
purposes – being used for door frames for level, or characters such as Bodhisattvas or
instance. Images carved in stone could also be nāgarājas, “serpent-kings,” and a similar struc-
inserted in niches distributed in some walls. ture is observed at the monastery of Udayagiri.
Monastery 1 is the most important of them. It is Lakṣmī watered by two elephants is carved on the
the largest dwelling site built north of the great lintel, retaining thus a position which she has
stūpa; it measures nearly 55 m long and has an since the very beginning of Indian art, protecting
impressive entrance made up of two porches, one the gate and symbolizing the welfare brought by
to the outside and one in the direction of the the sacred place. As mentioned above, the façade
courtyard. The inner courtyard, nearly 27 m in of the shrine was completely renewed in Period II
width, has a pillared veranda running in front of through a very ornamental screen which has been
the cells which are distributed on two levels. rebuilt by the excavators in the western part
A shrine has been inserted in the middle of the of the courtyard, thus not at its original position
rear row of cells, reproducing, thus, a ground plan (Figs. 5 and 6).
which probably traces its origin at Ajaṇṭā ([6],
Vol. 1, pp. 152–245). The monastery underwent
a thorough restoration named “Period II” by Iconography, Images, or Richness
Debala Mitra who excavated the site; this period
which has been variously dated between the tenth Sculptures were inserted in niches distributed
and the eleventh centuries saw, for instance, the around the main entrance to the courtyard, on
façade of the shrine being completely renewed the outer wall or on the side walls of the inner
Ratnagiri 979

Ratnagiri, Fig. 4 Entrance to monastery 1 (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

Ratnagiri, Fig. 5 View of the façade of the shrine, monastery 1 (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)
980 Ratnagiri

Ratnagiri, Fig. 6 Screen initially built in front of the shrine, monastery 1 (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

porch where Hārītī and Pāñcika face each other, The Buddha
an iconographic program which traces its origin in
Maharashtra where it is observed at Ajaṇṭā, The images installed in the shrine of Monastery 1
Aurangabad, or Ellora. Two further images of illustrate likewise an iconographic program which
Jambhala, god of richness, are displayed on either traces its source in Maharashtra, showing the
side of the door frame; Jambhala is the Buddhist Buddha displaying the gesture of enlightenment,
echo to the Hindu Kubera and evolved out of i.e., touching the earth with the right hand
Pāñcika, showing also deep closeness to the two (bhūmisparśamudrā) and being flanked by
earlier “treasures of the lotus and the conch” Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapāni. This is also the
(padma and śaṅkhanidhis) that were a common main image of the Buddha to be depicted and
motif at Ajaṇṭā and other sites of Maharashtra. worshipped in Eastern India up to the end of the
This iconography is here deeply rooted into the twelfth century, showing the importance which
belief that richness and fertility were brought by Bodhgaya, the site of enlightenment, had at that
the nature or by gods and goddesses, as seen in the period, being a place where monks from all over
exquisitely carved foliated volutes intermingled South Asia and the Asian world were converging.
with dwarfs, the row of lotus petals and that of The image which used to stand in the shrine of
pearls which frame the entrance, or in the presence Monastery 2 shows the Buddha standing and
of Lakṣmī, the two portly male figures outside and displaying the gesture of generosity, the right
Hārītī and Pāñcika inside. This iconography pro- hand open toward the devotees who stand or
tects the threshold between the profane and sacred kneel at his feet. This image stands in a tradition
spaces, at the same time it clearly refers to the inaugurated in Orissa in the sixth century at
sacred space, here the monastery, as a place which Lalitagiri and which through its style and iconog-
is the source of (spiritual) richness. raphy relates to practically contemporary images at
Ratnagiri 981

Ratnagiri, Fig. 7 Shrine of monastery 1 (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

Sarnath and Ajaṇṭā where they were all present on

the façades of monuments 19 and 29. The same
type of image can be seen at Udayagiri (Figs. 7, 8,
and 9).

Mandalas
˙˙
The triad which stands in the shrine of Monastery R
1 reflects esoteric tendencies which emerged in
Maharashtra, in sites like Ellora and Nasik in the
sixth and seventh centuries, the central Buddha,
symbol of the buddhakula (“family of the bud-
dha”), being surrounded by Vajrapāni at his
proper left, symbol of the vajrakula (“family of
the thunder or vajra”), and Avalokiteśvara at his
proper right, image of the padmakula (“family of
the lotus or padma”).
Another esoteric aspect which arose within the
context of Maharashtra before finding its way in
Orissa is the maṇḍala where the Buddha is
surrounded by eight Bodhisattvas. In Orissa, the
Bodhisattvas can not only be depicted around the Ratnagiri, Fig. 8 Shrine of monastery 2 (Photo # Ken
Buddha on a single image but also by the objects Ishikawa)
982 Ratnagiri

Ratnagiri, Fig. 9 Rock-cut images at Udayagiri (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

of eight stelas forming a group. Among them, four

act as main Bodhisattvas, i.e., Avalokiteśvara,
Vajrapāni, Maitreya and Mañjuśrī, and occupy
positions which are close to the central Buddha
whereas the four remaining ones have a
rather “secondary” position, these are
Samantabhadra, Kṣitigarbha, Ākāśagarbha, and
Sarvanivaraṇaviṣkambhin. The group can also
be seen distributed around Avalokiteśvara who is
then depicted twice. Both topics, the triad or the
group of eight Bodhisattvas form either the basic
structure of a maṇḍala mentioned in the
Mahāvairocanasūtra or a maṇḍala as such [2, 3]
(Fig. 10).

Bodhisattvas and Female Images

Beside belonging to the groups of eight Bodhi-

sattvas, Avalokiteśvara is the most commonly met
character who presents various aspects, he can be
two-armed and standing under a tree in his Ratnagiri, Fig. 10 Avalokiteśvara being surrounded by
Cintāmaṇi Lokeśvara form, be depicted meditating eight Bodhisattvas, two of them being depicted in the
on the sufferings of the universe in his pedestal, Udayagiri (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)
Ratnagiri 983

Ratnagiri, Fig. 11 Four-armed Avalokiteśvara Ratnagiri, Fig. 12 Aṣṭamahābhaya Tārā, Ratnagiri

(Amoghapāśa Lokeśvara) accompanied by the Tārā, (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)
Bhṛkuṭī, and Hayagrīva, and two further female seated
images in the upper part, near monastery 1, Ratnagiri
(Photo # Ken Ishikawa)
of the development noted in Maharashtra from the
sixth to the early eighth century, much attention is
Cintāmaṇicakra Lokeśvara form, or be four-armed paid to the representation of the female in iconog-
in his Ṣaḍakṣarī Lokeśvara aspect for instance. A raphy. This increasing importance is also
common form encountered at Ratnagiri shows him portrayed by the fact that the Tārā who is the
four-armed, displaying the gesture of generosity image par excellence of compassion and generos-
with the right hand and holding a specific set of ity for all beings inherits Avalokiteśvara’s func- R
attributes, i.e., the padma, the water flask tion of protecting devotees from dangers
(kamaṇḍalu), the rosary (akṣamālā), and the encountered while traveling (lion, wild elephant,
noose (pāśa) to which this form owes its name: snake, fire, shipwreck, robbers, imprisonment,
Amoghapāśa Lokeśvara. These forms are described threaten of death) – this function being earlier
in sādhanas or “propitiations,” texts describing illustrated by images of the Bodhisattva in the
very precisely images to be mentally visualized excavated sites of Maharashtra (Ajaṇṭā, Auranga-
with which the adept or sādhaka identifies himself. bad, Kanheri). Acting as such, she is named
These texts, written at different periods, were com- Aṣṭamahābhaya Tārā. Besides, the Tārā is also,
piled during the eleventh/twelfth century in the in company of Bhṛkuṭī, an attendant to
Sādhanamālā which constitutes a precious source Avalokiteśvara, as already observed at an earlier
for identifying contemporary images from all over period in Ellora.
Eastern India (Fig. 11). Another main female deity to be depicted is
Numerous images of Bodhisattvas show them Mārīcī, the “Sun Goddess,” who symbolizes the
standing and often accompanied by two female light which pervaded the universe when
attendants. As a matter of fact, and also in the line Śākyamuni reached enlightenment and who is
984 Ratnagiri

Ratnagiri, Fig. 13 Mārīcī, Ratnagiri (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)

depicted riding her chariot pulled by seven wild

sows (Figs. 12 and 13).
Beside such large images of Bodhisattvas,
a number of sculptures were recovered illustrating
characters belonging to the late Buddhist pan-
theon of the “way of the Vajra” or Vajrayāna.
Wrathful characters, known as krodha, are intro-
duced, such as Hayagrīva who becomes a faithful
attendant of Avalokiteśvara. Such images, mostly
dating back to the eleventh century, were often
integrated in the small caityas distributed in the
site. In this context, Hevajra, a supreme aspect of
the Buddha, is often depicted in his most tradi-
tional aspect. He is seen dancing on a corpse and
holding the vajra in the upraised right hand and
the skull (kapāla) in the left hand while retaining
in his left arm his third attribute, i.e., the
khaṭvāṅga. Details cannot always be clearly visi-
ble in the small images inserted in the caityas, but
mention must be made that his hair stands on end,
his facial features show wide open eyes and fangs
in the open mouth whereas a long garland of heads
hangs from his shoulders. Beside the philosophi- Ratnagiri, Fig. 14 Caitya with image of Hevajra in its
cal background of such images like Mārīcī and niche (Photo # Ken Ishikawa)
Reality (Buddhism) 985

Hevajra, one cannot fail to suggest them also to be

images of violence illustrating the reaction of the Rāyagiha (Ardhamagadhi)
Buddhist community confronted at that period
by a tragic historical situation, progressively los- ▶ Rājagŗha
ing the royal patronage and being reduced to the
sole walls of the monastery, whereas the Hindu
temple was gaining in importance and power
(Fig. 14).
Ṛddhi

▶ Iddhi
Cross-References

▶ Ajaṇṭā
▶ Aurangabad
▶ Avalokiteśvara
Reality (Buddhism)
▶ Ellora
▶ Stūpa
Ana Bajželj
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
References Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
1. Bandyopadhaya B (2004) Buddhist centres of Orissa,
Lalitagiri, Ratnagiri and Udayagiri. Sundeep
Prakashan, New Delhi
2. Bautze-Picron C (1997) Le groupe des huit Grands Abbreviations
Bodhisatva en Inde: genèse et développement. In:
Eilenberg N, Subhadradis Diskul MC, Brown RL
(eds) Living a life in accord with Dhamma: papers in M Majjhima-nikāya
honour of professor Jean Boisselier on his eightieth S Samyutta-nikāya
birthday. Silpakorn University, Bangkok, pp 1–55 Sn Sutta-nipāta
3. Bautze-Picron C (2000) Nāsik: the late Mahāyāna caves
2, 15, 20 & 23–24. In: Taddei M, De Marco G (eds)
South Asian archaeology 1997, Proceedings of the Synonyms
fourteenth international conference of the European
association of South Asian Archaeologists, held in the The state of the true existence of things; The way R
Istituto Italiano per l’Africa el’Oriente, Palazzo
things really are; What there is
Brancaccio, Rome, 7–14 July 1997. Istituto Italiano
per l’Africa e l’Oriente, Rome III, pp 1201–1227
4. Donaldson T (2001) Iconography of the Buddhist
sculpture of Orissa. Indira Gandhi National centre for
the Arts/Abhinav Publications, New Delhi Definition
5. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
Calcutta The Buddhist conception of reality is based on the
6. Mitra D (1983) Ratnagiri (1958–61). Archaeological
Survey of India, New Delhi
way one experiences the world. Rather than
developing abstract theories on the true nature of
things, the Buddhist endeavor to explain reality is
primarily aimed at transforming the lives of prac-
ticing individuals. The Buddhist articulation of
Ratnāgiri reality therefore goes hand in hand with the prac-
tical path that leads one, who has realized the way
▶ Ratnagiri things truly are, to enlightenment.
986 Reality (Buddhism)

The Buddhist View of Reality 1. Life is marked with unsatisfactoriness

(Skt. duḥkha).
The notion of reality that Buddhism puts forward 2. There is a cause (Skt. samudaya) for unsatis-
is primarily experiential reality, the analysis of factoriness, namely, craving (Skt. tṛṣṇā).
which begins with the experience of human suf- 3. There is an end (Skt. nirodha) to unsatisfacto-
fering. The Buddha is said to have renounced the riness and craving, namely, nirvāṇa.
world upon seeing a sick man, an old man, a dead 4. There is a path (Skt. mārga) leading to the
man, and an ascetic. These encounters inspired cessation of unsatisfactoriness, namely, the
him to start searching for a path that would lead noble eighthfold path.
to release from affliction. Upon the attainment of
enlightenment, he realized the true nature of real- The four truths are frequently compared to
ity, the paradigmatic exposition of which is a medical diagnosis: the recognition of a disease,
referred to as the four noble truths or catvāri the identification of its cause, the determination of
ārya-satyāni, a term also variously translated as its curability, and the description of the treatment
“the truths of the noble one(s),” “the truths for leading to the cure. While the first two noble truths
a noble one,” or “the ennobling realities.” These analyze the nature of reality as unsatisfactory, the
truths represent the core of the Buddhist doctrine, third noble truth asserts the possibility of the end
but ought not to be taken as dogmas. In fact, the of unsatisfactoriness, and the fourth noble truth
Sanskrit word for truth is satya, which is derived outlines the way to this goal. Even though the
from the verbal root √as-, meaning “to be.” The Buddha takes the role of a doctor in this analogy,
term satya may then literally be translated as “that the Buddhist doctrine maintains that everyone
which stands in relation to being,” “that which has must tread the way to the cure on their own,
being,” “that which is real,” “that which is actual,” since all beings are ultimately individually
or “that which expresses the nature of things as responsible for their unsatisfactoriness.
they really are.” The four noble truths are there- The first teaching of the Buddha pronounces
fore not propositional truths. On the contrary, that the first noble truth ought to be understood,
they are considered to be universal truths or the second abandoned, the third realized, and the
realities that can be unconditionally asserted. fourth cultivated.
Hence, all the other aspects of the Buddhist The first noble truth is the truth of unsatisfac-
doctrine in one way or another build on the toriness. It is articulated as follows:
basic structure of the noble truths and articulate
the implications that follow from them. Accord- (a) Birth, old age, sickness, and death are duḥkha.
ingly, these truths represent the foundation of all (b) Sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief, and despair
later Buddhist deliberations on the nature of are duḥkha.
reality. Here, the four noble truths will be (c) Union with what is displeasing, separation
outlined as the basic assertions about the nature from what is pleasing, and not to get what
of reality. Additionally, later developments of one wants are duḥkha.
certain aspects of the doctrine of the four noble (d) In short, the five aggregates subject to cling-
truths will be indicated. The Buddha explained ing are duḥkha.
the nature of reality through the lens of these
four truths during his first sermon at As noted, the statement that life is unsatisfac-
Sārnāth that took place after his attainment of tory is not a value judgment but a truth statement.
enlightenment. This teaching is described in the In other words, the recognition of reality as unsat-
discourse titled The Setting in Motion of the isfactory is not aimed at proving that life is
Wheel of the Dharma or the Dharmacakra- unpleasant, but at exposing the fundamental fact
pravartana-sūtra (Pāli Dhammacakkappavattana- of empirical existence and most importantly
sutta) (S V 420 ff.). The four noble truths are the explaining its nature. The term duḥkha is nor-
following: mally translated as suffering but in actual fact
Reality (Buddhism) 987

has numerous nuances and essentially refers to all constituents or factors of existence. The five are
kinds of unsatisfactoriness and unease. The first form (Skt. rūpa), feelings (Skt. vedanā), cognition
noble truth illustrates the character of duḥkha with (Skt. saṃjñā), volitions (Skt. saṃskāra), and con-
several descriptions. Besides sorrow, lamentation, sciousness (Skt. vijñāna). They are considered to
pain, grief, and despair, the four phenomena of be causally conditioned and, as noted, indepen-
birth, old age, sickness, and death are enumerated dent of any kind of underlying permanent sub-
as examples of unsatisfactory experiences. It is stance. However, even though they are
self-evident why the events of old age, sickness, impersonal, they are normally grasped at and are
and death may lead to anguish and distress. Apart identified as “mine,” “I,” and “my self” (M
from being physically and mentally painful, they I 138–139), and due to their impermanent nature,
also reflect discomfort at losing something pleas- such clinging unavoidably generates unsatisfac-
ant, e.g., youthfulness, health, and life. Further- tory relations. The skandha analysis reveals the
more, birth is considered to be unsatisfactory more subtle nuance of the term duḥkha. If the
since it is at birth that one starts to grasp at things. whole range of physical and mental factors of
The Buddha recognized that craving (Skt. tṛṣṇā) experience is considered to be duḥkha, this
eventually leads to attachment (Skt. upādāna), this means that the most common translation of the
being the origin of unsatisfactoriness. When a term as suffering leaves out a large spectrum of its
relation of attachment is established, changes in implications. It is not simply unpleasant experi-
the character of the relation often result in unre- ences that are duḥkha, but all conditioned phe-
quited yearning that leads to mental unease, such nomena, including pleasant experiences. This
as sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief, and despair. feature of reality is bound to the impermanence
The discourses classify duḥkha into three types, of experiential events and their impossibility to
namely, duḥkha as physical pain, duḥkha due to ever be enduringly satisfactory. It corresponds to
change, and duḥkha of conditioned phenomena (S one of the three marks (Skt. trilakṣaṇa) of depen-
IV 259). The first two have already been clarified. dent existence. The three are impermanence
The third refers to states of happiness and content- (Skt. anityā), unsatisfactoriness (Skt. duḥkha),
ment as imperfect states that are merely condition- and non-self (Skt. anātman). The last is supposed
ally satisfactory. to follow from the realization of the first two.
Further, it is said that “union with what is From the realization that reality is essentially
displeasing,” “separation from what is pleasing,” impermanent and therefore unsatisfactory follows
and “not to get what one wants” are unsatisfac- an insight into the last mark of conditioned exis-
tory. Unsatisfactoriness is therefore defined as tence, namely, the selfless nature of the five aggre-
a non-fulfilled want or a lack that one will sooner gates. In other words, as all the five aggregates are R
or later experience throughout one’s life, even realized to be impermanent and unsatisfactory
though one may normally be contented and continua, what is normally considered to be
happy. This corresponds to the abovementioned a person is comprehended to actually be empty
experience of unease when change occurs in the (Skt. śūnya) of an independent and permanent self
relation of attachment. (S II 66–68). Besides the skandha scheme, there
Lastly, the first noble truth explains the five are two other common models to analyze human
aggregates subject to clinging (Skt. upādāna- experience. One is the classification of the 12
skandha) as unsatisfactory. The Buddhist doctrine spheres (Skt. āyatana), namely, the six senses
refutes the notion of an abiding self that undergoes (the sixth being the mind), and their respective
experience. By critically analyzing the human sense objects, and the other the classification of
experience, the Buddha upheld that what is nor- the 18 elements (Skt. dhātu), which includes the
mally considered to be a self is merely a constant six senses, their corresponding objects, and the six
flux of the five aggregates (Skt. skandha). These respective kinds of consciousness.
are groups of phenomena that represent continu- The apprehension of the universal nature of
ously changing fundamental psychophysical unsatisfactoriness, expounded with the first
988 Reality (Buddhism)

noble truth, is tightly linked to the second noble links (Skt. nidāna) are (1) ignorance
truth that recognizes the origin (Skt. samudaya) of (Skt. avidyā), (2) volitions (Skt. saṃskāra),
unsatisfactoriness and thereby the foundation of (3) consciousness (Skt. vijñāna), (4) name-and-
the human predicament. This is formulated as form (Skt. nāma-rūpa), (5) six sense spheres
follows: (Skt. ṣad-āyatana), (6) contact (Skt. sparśa),
(7) feelings (Skt. vedanā), (8) craving
(a) Craving (Skt. tṛṣṇā), accompanied by delight (Skt. tṛṣṇā), (9) grasping (Skt. upādāna),
and attachment, leads to renewed existence. (10) becoming (Skt. bhava), (11) birth (Skt. jāti),
(b) The objects of craving are sensual pleasures, and (12) old age and death (Skt. jarā-maraṇa).
existence, and nonexistence. This scheme represents the basic law of condi-
tionality, namely, that phenomena arise in depen-
Tṛṣṇā literally means thirst and refers to crav- dence upon certain conditions – if A exists,
ings. Since no phenomenon lasts in the essentially B arises. From this follows that with the elimina-
impermanent reality, any wish to prolong a certain tion of these same conditions, the conditioned
experience is bound to inevitably lead to unsatis- phenomena also cease to exist – if A does not
factoriness; craving can never be lastingly satis- exist, B does not arise. Early Buddhism used this
fied. The first part of the second noble truth states model of causal interdependence of various phe-
that craving leads to renewed existence. On a large nomena to explain the arising of duḥkha, the
scale, craving can be seen as the ultimate expla- operation of personality, as well as the functioning
nation of why beings are continually born and die of the karmic law and the doctrine of rebirth,
and are reborn and redie. Renewed existence in without resting on the notion of a permanent
the beginningless cycle of rebirths (Skt. saṃsāra) self. Volitions as karmic forces are said to condi-
is stimulated by the principle of craving which tion consciousness and thus present a key link in
creates karmic influences that guide the five the operation of rebirth. If at the moment of death
aggregates throughout life and determine their the karmic impetus of volitional activity is not
postmortem fate. On a more subtle level, craving discontinued, the flow of consciousness carries
is the source that brings forth renewed existence on into another life. This passage from one form
all the time. Every thought, word, or deed caused of existence to the next is compared to the passing
by craving forms new conditions that perpetuate of a flame from one candle to the next. Accord-
and affect the future existence. ingly, it is said that the person in the previous life
Even though the Buddha refuted the notion of and the person in the next life are neither
a persistent identity, he therefore did not reject the completely alike nor entirely different. The two
doctrine of saṃsāra and the empirical continuity are conditionally interconnected through con-
within it. This approach is regarded to be the sciousness and karmic impulses. Thus, whereas
middle path (Skt. madhyamā pratipad) between the fivefold aggregate formula represents the
eternalism (Skt. śāśvata-vāda), i.e., the idea that static model of personality, the model of depen-
the self survives death, on the one hand, and dent origination represents a dynamic illustration
annihilationism (Skt. uccheda-vāda), i.e., the of how the aggregates function and condition one
idea that material death is the definite end of life, another from one life to the next.
on the other. The former corresponds to the view Further, the chain of dependent origination
of the Upaniṣads and the latter to the view of the demonstrates that craving leads to attachment
Indian materialists. The two standpoints were and this relation, as the second noble truth high-
rejected by the Buddha since they both remain lights, is regarded to be the locus of the inception
rooted in the notion of the self. of duḥkha. The Buddhist doctrine names four
The Buddhist doctrine maps out the continuity types of attachments, namely, attachment to the
of existence within the framework of the cycle of objects of sense desire, attachment to views,
rebirths with a 12-fold scheme of dependent orig- attachment to precepts and vows, and attachment
ination (Skt. pratītya-samutpāda). The twelve to the doctrine of the self. It is important to note
Reality (Buddhism) 989

that it is not the objects of craving that are the The fire does not become extinct by blowing out
source of suffering. The conditioned phenomena but rather by the running out of fuel. Hence,
are characterized only with unsatisfactoriness and nirvāṇa is defined as the overcoming of the three
not suffering, the latter being the result of an root poisons or fiery defilements (Skt. kleśa),
unenlightened experience of them. What deter- namely, greed (Skt. rāga), hatred (Skt. dveṣa),
mines a relationship to a certain object to be and delusion (Skt. moha). Since it is reached by
a relationship of suffering is therefore one’s men- transcending all factors of existence that are con-
tal attitude. In other words, although duḥkha is ditioned and subject to birth and death, nirvāṇa is
considered to be a universal fact, craving arising referred to as the “unconditioned,” “unmade,”
from it rests on personal reactions of ignorant “unconstructed,” “unborn,” “unbecome,” and
worldlings to the intrinsically unsatisfactory “deathless.” Nirvāṇa is thus not a metaphysical
nature of reality. The first factor on the 12-linked concept but an event. This is indicated in refer-
chain of dependent origination is, as noted, igno- ences to persons who have attained it as those who
rance, which is evidently the fundamental under- have nirvāṇa-ed. The term is therefore used as
lying condition behind craving and thus the main a verb, meaning “to be extinguished.” The attain-
factor perpetuating saṃsāra. The term ignorance ment of nirvāṇa during one’s life is named
refers to not knowing things as they really are, i.e., “nirvāṇa with a remainder” (Skt. sopadhiśeṣa-
not knowing the true nature of reality. nirvāṇa) and nirvāṇa at death “nirvāṇa without
The last part of the second noble truth enumer- a remainder” (Skt. nirupadhiśeṣa-
ates three different objects of craving, namely, nirvāṇa). A person who has attained the former
sensual pleasures, existence, and nonexistence. remains in the framework of the five aggregates
Craving for sensual pleasures may arise in relation and continues to undergo pleasant and unpleasant
to any of the six senses and their corresponding experiences, whereas for the latter the aggregates
objects. Both craving for existence and craving for discontinue and with them these experiences as
nonexistence derive from the attachment to well. Nevertheless, nirvāṇa is not regarded to be
the sense of self. Craving for existence refers to mere annihilation (S III 109–112). When asked
the urge for the protection of the ego and the the question of what happens to the Tathāgata
prolongation of life of the self after death. Craving (the name the Buddha used when referring to
for nonexistence, on the other hand, finds glad- himself) after death (does he exist; does he not
ness in the idea of death as the definite end of exist; does he, both, exist and not exist; or does he
the self. neither exist nor not exist), the Buddha did not
The third noble truth is stated as follows: The answer (S IV 373–400). This is firstly because
cessation of duḥkha lies in the cessation of such questions are not deemed conducive to the R
craving. advancement on the path toward enlightenment
The logic behind it is that if craving results in (M I 426–431). For this reason, the early Buddhist
duḥkha, then it must also hold that when craving discourses shy away from philosophical specula-
is completely rooted out, then there is no more tion and instead focus on the explanation of
duḥkha. This is possible by transforming the the practical path toward enlightenment. Next,
essential factor behind craving, namely, igno- the notions of existence and nonexistence, as
rance. Only by seeing things as they truly are noted, are both considered to rely on the false
and clearly comprehending how one is condi- doctrine of an enduring self. Additionally, once
tioned may craving and therefore duḥkha be all the factors of existence have been transcended,
completely eradicated. The complete ending of one may not continue to be referred to in terms of
duḥkha is termed enlightenment or nirvāṇa, and conventional categories, just as if compared
a person who has attained it, a “worthy one” or an to a flame, once extinguished, an arhat can no
arhat. Nirvāṇa literally means the extinguishment longer be regarded in terms of a flame (Sn 1074,
of a lamp or a fire (the fire of duḥkha) and the 1076). Hence, nirvāṇa is also known as the
conditions that bring it about (the fuel of duḥkha). “unelaborated.”
990 Reality (Buddhism)

Unlike the Theravāda tradition, Mahāyāna “suchness” or “thusness”, i.e., the way things
Buddhism maintained that the flux of life pro- really are, in contrast with the fabricated notions
cesses need not be completely transcended in of reality. It must be noted, however, that the
order for the attainment of the complete cessation Mādhyamika distinction between the two levels
of duḥkha to take place. This doctrine was of reality is not ontological. Emptiness is not some
supported by a particular notion of reality, devel- substantive reality but merely a statement of the
oped within the tradition of Mahāyāna Buddhism, fact that everything is empty of independent
called Mādhyamika or the school of the “middle existence. The fact of being empty therefore
way.” It was already the Abhidharma schools that applies to the notion of emptiness as well, and
insisted on the distinction between substantial this is put into a formulation “emptiness of emp-
existence (Skt. dravya-sat) and nominal existence tiness.” From this follows that in the light of
(Skt. prajñapti-sat). This led them to distinguish emptiness, even saṃsāra and nirvāṇa cannot be
between fundamental elements of existence differentiated. In fact, the very notion that there is
(Skt. dharma) and secondarily fabricated concep- a distinction between them is still a product of
tual wholes. They deemed the former, namely, the a dichotomizing mind that does not realize that
mental and material constituents of existence, to the seemed difference is its own feature and not
represent the ultimate level of reality, or in other a feature of reality. In line with these conclusions
words, that which really exists. The latter, i.e., the came the Mahāyāna development of practical
concepts of second-order entities (such as per- goals, considered to be more perfect than leaving
sons, trees, chairs), were claimed to represent the cycle of rebirths. The notion of the arhat as the
merely the conventional categories that are highest ideal was replaced by the ideal of the
projected onto the reality of dharmas as primary bodhisattva (lit. buddha-to-be), a practitioner that
level psychophysical events. The adherents of renounces the release from saṃsāra in order to
Mādhyamika radicalized this reductionist tech- help other living beings.
nique of the Abhidharma and applied the notion The other main branch of Mahāyāna
of non-self to the whole of reality, including the Buddhism, namely, Yogācāra or Vijñānavāda,
dharmas. They achieved this by universalizing the maintained that nirvāṇa lays in the realization
doctrine of dependent origination into a general that the objects of experience can never be distin-
scheme of conditionality, termed emptiness guished from the process of experience itself. In
(Skt. śūnyatā). This means that for Mādhyamika other words, the experiencing subject and the
all of reality is empty of independent existence or object of experience are inseparable. The errone-
own-being (Skt. svabhāva), since the arising of ous notion of duality is thus considered to be
every constituent of reality depends on some con- superimposed upon the true nature of things,
ditioning factor other than itself. This branch of which is their interdependence (i.e., emptiness).
Buddhism also reformulated the doctrine of the The Yogācārins concluded that the fundamental
two levels of reality that was implied in the and only reality must be consciousness
Abhidharmic distinction between nominal and (Skt. vijñāna), which is also the prime factor
substantial existence. It articulated the notions of upon which all experience depends. They postu-
the conventional (Skt. saṃvṛti) level of reality on lated eight levels of consciousness. Six of them
the one hand and the ultimate or absolute are types of consciousness that arise with the
(Skt. paramārtha) level of reality on the other. contact between sense organs (i.e., the five sense
The former is the everyday reality of subject- organs and the mind) and their corresponding
object dualisms and the latter the reality that high- objects. The seventh type of consciousness is
lights these dichotomies as superimposed upon the coordinating faculty of the mind
the real picture of reality as mutual relativity of (Skt. manas), and the eighth is termed the store-
all there is. Mahāyāna Buddhism uses various consciousness (Skt. ālaya-vijñāna) in which kar-
terms to refer to the ultimate reality, a common mic seeds of past actions are accumulated. The
one being tathatā, which literally means fruition of these seeds taints the true picture of
Reality (Buddhism) 991

reality and thus prevents one from seeing it as it wisdom (Skt. prajñā, 1–2), morality (Skt. śīla,
really is, i.e., empty of independent existence. 3–5), and meditative cultivation (Skt. samādhi,
Yogācāra therefore adopted the Mādhyamika 6–8). The eight factors are not to be taken as
notion of emptiness and included it in an consecutive steps on the path to enlightenment,
expanded model of three levels of reality or three but rather different aspects of development
realms of experience. These are as follows: needed to reach this goal. Right view refers to
the clear comprehension of reality as expounded
1. The “constructed aspect” (Skt. parikalpita- in the four noble truths, where holding this view
svabhāva), which refers to the incorrect reified ought to be without attachment. In accordance
understanding of the world as comprised of with the insight into the nature of reality, the
subjects and objects next factor of right intention implies a mind free
2. The “dependent aspect” (Skt. paratantra- from lust, ill-will, and cruelty. Right speech is
svabhāva), which refers to the Mādhyamika speech without lies, gossip, slander, etc., and cor-
understanding of reality as empty of indepen- responds to the fourth of the five moral precepts
dent existence (Skt. pañca-śīla) of Buddhism. Right action cor-
3. The “perfected aspect” (Skt. pariniṣpanna- responds to the first three of the five precepts,
svabhāva), referring to the Yogācāra under- namely, restraint from killing living beings, steal-
standing of reality, according to which there ing, and misconduct in matters of sensual plea-
is one inherently existing thing, namely, the sures. Right livelihood refers to a way of living
continuously transforming consciousness, that avoids causing harm to living beings, be they
devoid of the secondary projections of the human or animal. Right effort means an endeavor
first aspect. to foster wholesome states of mind. Right mind-
fulness refers to being always mindful of the
According to the Yogācāra, enlightenment is nature of one’s experience, namely, the arising
achieved by clearing the store-consciousness of and passing away of psychophysical phenomena.
all the seeds and thereby attaining an insight into Right concentration refers to the training of the
the true nature of reality. Saṃsāra and nirvāṇa are mind to focus attention on an object, necessary to
therefore again considered to be merely two ways achieve the four meditational trances
of being oriented toward the same reality, namely, (Skt. dhyāna). These are highly refined states of
the constant flow of consciousness events. mental collectedness, tranquility, and calm during
The fourth noble truth outlines the way leading which attention is entirely absorbed in the object.
to the “cure” in the form of the noble eightfold
path (Skt. ārya-aṣṭaṅgika-mārga). This path is R
referred to as the middle way of the appropriate Cross-References
practical life, which avoids the extremes of
indulging in sensual pleasures on the one hand ▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
and self-mortification on the other. Its eight- ▶ Anicca
dimensional delineation entails the development ▶ Dukkha
of various factors (Skt. aṅga) that are defined as ▶ Middle Way (Buddhism)
“right” or “perfect” (Skt. samyak). These are ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
(1) right view (Skt. samyag-dṛṣṭi), (2) right inten- ▶ Truth (Buddhism)
tion (Skt. samyak-saṃkalpa), (3) right speech
(Skt. samyag-vāc), (4) right action (Skt. samyak-
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42. Stcherbatsky T (1994) The central conception of Bud- Jain Doctrine of Reality
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43. Warder AK (1956) On the relationships between early
Buddhism and other contemporary systems. Bull Sch Jain authors have answered the question of “what
Orient Afr Stud 18(1):43–63 there is” with a doctrine of the nature of existence
44. Warder AK (1970) Indian Buddhism. Motilal (Skt. sat) as well as the description of the basic
Banarsidass, Delhi mechanism of bondage (Skt. bandha) and liberation
45. Williams P (1981) On the Abhidharma ontology.
J Indian Philos 9:227–257 (Skt. mokṣa) of living beings. They describe exis-
46. Williams P (1991) On the interpretation of tence as the character (Skt. lakṣaṇa) of substance and
Madhyamaka thought. J Indian Philos 19:191–218 so understand substance as that which exists (Sas
47. Williams P (2009) Mahāyāna Buddhism. The doc- 5.29, cf. [2], p. 155). Substances (Skt. dravya) are
trinal foundations. Routledge, London/New York
said to be infinite (Skt. ananta) in number and they
are described as sharing the same basic structure.
They all possess the essential qualities (Skt. guṇa),
which are permanent and coexist with the sub-
stances they qualify, and the accidental qualities or
Reality (Jainism)
modes (Skt. paryāya), which are continually arising
and passing away. While substances always possess
Ana Bajželj
their essential qualities, they are then also invariably
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
changing; they are permanent, yet at the same time
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
constantly in transformation (Skt. pariṇāma) (cf. [5],
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
pp. 75–88). This dynamic makeup of substances
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
agrees with the Jain definition of existence as con-
stituted of origination (Skt. utpāda), cessation (Skt.
vyaya), and persistence (Skt. dhrauvya), that is, as
Abbreviations enduring through modification (Tas 5.29, cf. [5], p.
135). Existence is therefore multifaceted or non-
Sas Sarvārtha-siddhi one-sided (Skt. anekānta).
Tas Tattvārtha-sūtra This specific kind of ontology, which is some-
times referred to as permanence in change, has
allowed Jain authors to distinguish their doctrine
Synonyms
from those that accepted permanence as the only
real, from those that completely rejected the real-
The state of the true existence of things; The way
ity of permanence in favor of change, as well as R
things really are; What there is
from those which subordinated one to the other
([4], p. 123). Jains consider alternative views of
reality to be only partial or one-sided (Skt. ekānta)
Definition truths about reality, which are a result of the kar-
mic obscuration of the capacity of knowing that is
Jain doctrine of reality is grounded in the exposi- inherent to all living beings. They claim that only
tion of the plurality of existing substances and an omniscient being (Skt. kevalin) possesses
the description of the dynamic relationship immediate, unobscured, and fully reliable knowl-
between the living and the material substances as edge of reality in all its complexity. The knowl-
the basis of both the entrapment in and release edge of the omniscient has thus served Jains as
from the cycle of rebirths. As it is also the case a source of and continuous support for all the
with many other Indian religious traditions, various aspects of their descriptions of reality.
Jainism considers knowledge of reality to be one The Jain teaching on the nature of existence
of the essential factors in the attainment of categorizes all substances into two basic types,
liberation. that is, living (Skt. jīva) and nonliving (Skt.
994 Reality (Jainism)

ajīva). Jīvas, which are sometimes translated as Nonliving substances are classified into
selves or souls, possess many qualities, the main material and immaterial kinds. Matter (Skt.
ones of which are consciousness (Skt. caitanya), pudgala) is the only kind of substance that
bliss (Skt. sukha), and energy (Skt. vīrya). These belongs to the first class and it is described as
distinguish them from the rest of the substantial a nonliving substance with form (Skt. rūpi-
world, and with regard to the particular modal ajīva). It exists in the form of innumerable indi-
modifications of their qualities, jīvas can also be visible particles (Skt. parama-aṇu), which are
distinguished from one another. Their modes may eternal, and their aggregates (Skt. skandha),
arise either in relation to external causes or inde- which are impermanent. Material particles pos-
pendently of any exterior factors, but only the sess four basic qualities of color (Skt. varṇa),
independently arisen modes are considered to be taste (Skt. rasa), smell (Skt. gandha), and palpa-
perfect. Jīvas have been infinite in number since bility (Skt. sparśa). These continually undergo
beginningless times and their number remains transformations, and just like modes of jīvas,
constant; it neither grows nor diminishes with modes of matter may also arise either in depen-
time. They are divided into those that are trapped dence to or independently of external condi-
in the cycle of recurring rebirths (Skt. saṃsāra) tions. Due to the varying degrees of
and those that have attained liberation (Skt. palpability, material particles are attracted to
mokṣa) from it; the first occupy bodies and the one another and thus form aggregates; different
second are disembodied. Jīvas are immaterial in combinations of material particles result in
nature, but are, nevertheless, regarded to be exten- diverse aggregates of various sizes. In the form
sive substances (Skt. asti-kāya), which means that of aggregates, matter can occupy a numerable or
they are able to occupy numerous space points an innumerable number of space points and is
(Skt. pradeśa). They are said to adapt to the bodies therefore also considered to be an extensive
they come to inhabit just as a lamp shines only kind of substance. It pervades all of cosmic
inside the room in which it is located. This space, beyond which, like jīvas, it cannot exist.
adaptation to diverse kinds of bodies in no way The function of matter is said to be providing
affects their essential nature; all jīvas are said to the body, speech, mind, and breath, as well as
possess an innumerable (Skt. asaṃkhyeya) num- bringing pleasure, pain, life, and death to jīvas.
ber of space points and this number stays the The immaterial nonliving kinds of substances
same, regardless of how large or small the body are referred to as nonliving substances without
they occupy is. Due to such adaptability, they are form (Skt. arūpi-ajīva). They are space (Skt.
compared to a piece of cloth, which may be folded ākāśa), medium of motion (Skt. dharma), medium
in many different ways while still remaining the of rest (Skt. adharma), and time (Skt. kāla). Space,
same piece of cloth ([3], p. 102). The existence of medium of motion, and medium of rest are single
jīvas is restricted to cosmos (Skt. loka) and they and unified substances. Space is the only sub-
cannot exist in acosmic space (Skt. aloka-ākāśa); stance of all that occupies an infinite number of
the border of cosmos thus also determines the space points and is thus infinitely extensive. Its
largest size any jīva may extend to. Whether function is said to be allowing the immersion (Skt.
inhabiting a body or being free of it, jīvas are avagāha) of the other substances. Not all of it is,
then never all-pervasive. Even upon attaining however, inhabited by them. Even though the
liberation, they retain a certain size, which is substance of space is one, it is “divided” into
sometimes said to be slightly smaller than the two parts, that is, the cosmic portion, where all
size of the last body they occupied. They also the other substances may be found, and the
remain individual throughout both their embodied acosmic portion, where only empty space exists.
and liberated lives, and once liberated, they never Like all the other substances, space also
enter the cycle of rebirths again. Jain authors have, undergoes transformations, but unlike modes of
furthermore, identified jīvas as having a specific jīvas and matter, its modes always arise indepen-
function of offering service to one another. dently of any external factors.
Reality (Jainism) 995

Medium of motion (Skt. dharma) and medium accept time as a substance, understand it to be
of rest (Skt. adharma) are substances which are dynamic in nature like the rest of the substances,
unique to the Jain tradition. They are both exten- and they identify the continually changing modes of
sive in nature, but in contrast with the substance of time as moments (Skt. samaya).
space, which extends over an infinite number of Jain authors developed their doctrine of exis-
space points, they extend over an innumerable tence in view of their soteriological goal of liber-
number thereof. In fact, it is their border that ation; only by clearly understanding the nature of
delineates the boundary of cosmic space and no the saṃsāric entrapment was it deemed possible to
substance other than space may exist beyond achieve release from it. They recognized that the
them. This is so because of their specific substances of space, medium of motion, medium
functions. The medium of motion allows motion of rest, and time are the background stage for the
and the medium of rest enables rest; only where drama that occurs in the relationship between
they are present is it possible to move and rest. jīvas and matter. As noted, it is the substance of
However, they do not act as direct causes of matter which provides the material dimension of
motion and rest but perform merely as auxiliary non-liberated jīvas as well as participates in the
or instrumental causes (Skt. nimitta-kāraṇa) of arising of pleasure, pain, life, and death, and this is
them. This function of theirs also bears no conse- the basis of the distinct karmic theory proposed by
quences on their own being; the medium of the Jain tradition. This theory, which identifies
motion does not cause itself to move and the karma as material, distinguishes two kinds of
medium of rest itself to rest. These characteristics material aggregates, namely, those that may be
are often described with metaphors. The medium karmically bound and those that may not be so.
of motion is likened to a body of water, which Under certain conditions, which arise when
allows fish to swim in it, while neither causing the bodily, verbal, and mental activities of jīvas are
fish nor itself to move. The medium of rest is, informed by passions (Skt. kaṣāya), karmically
similarly, compared to earth or a shade of a tree, bondable material aggregates flow to jīvas and
which enables rest, but neither causes themselves adhere to them like dust sticks to moist ground.
nor anything else to come to rest. Like modes of This is the basic mechanism of karmic bondage.
space, modes of medium of motion and medium Jain doctrine speaks of eight principle kinds of
of rest only arise independently of any exterior karmic matter that bind jīvas, four are destructive
conditions. (Skt. ghātiyā) and four nondestructive (Skt.
Jain authors are divided regarding the inclu- aghātiyā). The destructive kinds of karmic matter
sion of time in the list of substances. Digambaras obstruct, obscure, and defile the essential qualities
unanimously consider it to be substantial in nature of jīvas by disabling them from fully manifesting. R
and deem its inclusion among substances neces- As long as the arising modes of jīvas are exter-
sary in order to account for the occurrence of nally affected by them, they are thus considered to
change in the world, whereas Śvetāmbaras disagree be imperfect and impure. Since the cycle of
over this issue and some of them do not distinguish rebirths is beginningless, jīvas have always been
time from the modes of other substances. in an impure state and there is no living being, not
Digambara authors propose the existence of an innu- even among those who have achieved liberation,
merable number of time particles (Skt. kāla-aṇu), who has not been subject to the destructive effects
which pervade the entire cosmos and each of which of karma. The nondestructive kinds of karmic mat-
occupies precisely one space point. Their nature is ter do not pollute jīvas’ qualities, but merely bring
such that they cannot form clusters and remain about the nature, conditions, and experience of
always separated in their space points, like a heap particular embodiments of jīvas. In order to achieve
of unjoined jewels. Due to this, time is regarded as liberation, the inflow of new karmic matter must be
the only non-extensive substance. Rather than prevented and the old karmic matter must be
speaking of time particles, some Śvetāmbara authors removed, and Jain practice has been oriented
propose a unitary theory of time. All theories, which towards the accomplishment of both. It is possible
996 Rebirth

to perfect the modal manifestations of all qualities ▶ Nayavāda

by the complete removal of destructive karmic ▶ Omniscience
matter while still being bound by nondestructive ▶ Philosophy
karma and thus remaining in an embodied state. In ▶ Rebirth
order to achieve actual liberation, nondestructive ▶ Relativity (Jainism)
karmic matter must then also run its course. Upon ▶ Saṃsāra
its attainment, jīva detaches itself from the body ▶ Self (Jainism)
and rises up to the very top edge of the cosmos ▶ Syādvāda (Jainism)
where it forever remains in a perfected and motion- ▶ Time (Jainism)
less state. ▶ Truth (Jainism)
These basic features of reality, which take
account of existence as a plurality of eternal yet
forever changing substances as well as the mech- References
anisms of continuity and discontinuity of karmic
bondage, have been gradually systematized and 1. Dundas P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, London/
New York
classified into fundamental principles of reality or
2. Jain SA (tr) (1992) Reality: English translation of Shri
reals. These are commonly termed tattvas (liter- Pujyapada’s Sarvarthasiddhi. Jwalamalini Trust,
ally thusness) or padārthas (literally meaning/ Madras
object of the word). A list of the basic principles, 3. Jaini PS (1998) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi
which captures all of the abovementioned aspects
4. Padmarajiah YJ (1963) A comparative study of the
of the Jain theory of reality, is the following: Jaina theories of reality and knowledge. Jain Sahitya
(1) living substance (Skt. jīva), (2) nonliving sub- Vikas Mandal, Bombay
stance (Skt. ajīva), (3) karmic influx (Skt. āsrava), 5. Tatia N (tr) (2011) Tattvārtha sūtra: that which is. Yale
University Press, New Haven/London
(4) binding of karma (Skt. bandha), (5) stopping
of karmic influx (Skt. saṃvara), (6) disjointing of
bound karma (Skt. nirjarā), and liberation (Skt.
mokṣa) ([1], p. 96). Some authors have added
the principles of inauspicious (Skt. pāpa) and aus- Rebirth
picious (Skt. puṇya) kinds of karma to the list.
Knowledge of these basic principles is considered ▶ Kamma
instrumental in the attainment of liberation. The
path to achieving liberation is described with
a three-fold formula, namely, proper faith/insight
(Skt. samyag-darśana), proper knowledge (Skt.
samyag-jñāna), and proper conduct (Skt.
Rebirth (Buddhism)
samyak-cāritra). Proper faith/insight, that is, the
Ana Bajželj
first step towards liberation, is described as faith in
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts,
the doctrine of the tīrthaṅkaras and insight into the
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia
basic principles of reality.
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel
Cross-References

▶ Dharma (Jainism) Synonyms

▶ Dravya (Jainism)
▶ Jainism (Yakṣa) Bhavacakra; Punarāvṛtti; Punarbhava;
▶ Jīva (Jainism) Punarjanman; Punarjīvātu; Punarutpatti;
▶ Karma (Jainism) Saṃsāra; Wheel of life
Rebirth (Buddhism) 997

Definition Buddhist teaching is termed the doctrine of no-self

(anātman). The Buddha holds that what is com-
Rebirth is an eschatological notion that denotes monly considered to be a self is nothing more than
a continuation of life after death. According to the a continually changing web of interactions between
Buddhist doctrine the cycle of rebirths has no the five basic factors of existence, namely, aggre-
beginning and is maintained by ignorance, crav- gates (skandha). These are form (rūpa), feelings
ing, attachment, and the fruition of the karmic (vedanā), cognition (saṃjña), volitions (saṃskāra),
forces that determine the nature of future exis- and consciousness (vijñāṇa). Other common
tences. One may attain release from the endless schemes of analyzing the basic constituents of
succession of births and deaths by extinguishing beings are the twelve spheres (āyatana), namely,
the factors that fuel its persistence. the six senses (including the mind) and their
corresponding sense objects, as well as the eighteen
elements (dhātu), namely, the six senses, their
The Continuation of Life After Death respective sense objects, and the six corresponding
According to the Buddhist Doctrine types of consciousness. According to the Buddhist
doctrine, there is therefore no primary substance
According to Buddhism death is not the annihila- that remains the same throughout the changing of
tion of life as it is, but is merely a transitory its secondary qualities. On the contrary, the only
state incessantly followed by rebirths in existing things are the qualities themselves, which
a beginningless succession. This pattern of pro- are causally interlinked and ceaselessly changing.
gression is referred to as saṃsāra. The doctrine of Whereas the five skandhas represent the “now” of
the cyclical chain of rebirths that pertains to all experience, Buddhism explains the selfless tempo-
forms of existence is one of the basic elements of ral continuity of birth, existence, death, rebirth, and
the Indian religious paradigm. It is shared by most redeath with the doctrine of dependent origination
Indian religions and only repudiated by the mate- (pratītya samutpāda). Its basic postulate is that
rialists who, on the contrary, claim that death is the phenomena arise when conditioned by particular
definitive end of life. The idea of rebirth is present factors, and hence if those factors are eliminated,
in a number of diverse religious traditions around the phenomena do not arise. Apart from explaining
the world but it is the Indian tradition that the empirical continuity and the functioning of
ethicized the eschatology of rebirth by linking it personality over time, the scheme of dependent
to the theory of karma. In accordance with the origination also explains the conditions that bring
karmic principle, one’s actions have a significant about the arising of unsatisfactoriness (duḥkha).
bearing on one’s future existence and likewise, Buddhism considers the latter to be one of R
one’s present state is largely an outcome of one’s the three marks of dependent existence, besides
past doings. impermanence (anityā) and no-self. Since
Despite striking similarities, there is an element according to the Buddhist doctrine reality is consid-
in the Buddhist tradition that fundamentally differs ered to be essentially impermanent and selfless,
from the other Indian traditions that also accept the craving and clinging to certain phenomena inevita-
theory of rebirth. The majority of them postulate bly result in nonfulfillment and, consequently,
that after death the living substance (ātman, jīva, unsatisfactoriness.
etc.) reincarnates into a new physical body. How- The pattern of dependent origination is nor-
ever, for Buddhists, rebirth is not equivalent to mally depicted in a scheme, comprised of several
reincarnation as they maintain that there is nothing links (nidānas) that successively condition one
that persists throughout the arising of new births. In another. There are diverse formulations of it, how-
other words, there is no such thing as a permanent ever, the standard rendering has the following
soul or an individual entity that exists behind the twelve links: (1) ignorance (avidyā), (2) volitions
modifications of different existences and that would (saṃskāra), (3) consciousness (vijñāna),
re-incarnate after passing away. This feature of the (4) name-form (nāma-rūpa), (5) six sense spheres
998 Rebirth (Buddhism)

(ṣadāyatana), (6) contact (sparśa), (7) feelings of previous factors and craving for more of sought
(vedanā), (8) craving (tṛṣṇā), (9) grasping for experience leads to a new birth, old age, and
(upādāna), (10) becoming (bhava), (11) birth death, which constitute links eleven and twelve.
(jāti), and (12) old age and death (jarāmaraṇa). The doctrine of dependent origination is con-
The implications of individual links and relations sidered to be the middle way between the
between them have been variously understood. eternalist idea that the self survives death, a view
There is, however, a prevalent reading put forward pertaining to the Upaniṣads, and the
by Buddhaghosa and Vasubandhu. Their interpre- annihilationist idea that death is a complete cessa-
tation maintains that the twelve links relate to tion of life, held by the Indian materialists. The
three successive existences, where links 1 and 2 notion of a selfless empirical continuity, illus-
correspond to the past life, links 3–10 to the pre- trated with the scheme of dependent origination,
sent life, and links 11 and 12 to the future life. The avoids both extreme viewpoints. Here, the conti-
first link is ignorance, referring to the delusion nuity of one life passing into another is considered
regarding the true nature of reality. Due to the to be akin to the continuity during an individual
fact that one has not observed the Buddha’s teach- lifetime. Accordingly, since there is no persisting
ing in order to attain the insight into the way agent behind this process, the reborn being is
things really are, volitions as karmic forces con- thought to be neither exactly the same as nor
tinue to be effective. They in turn condition con- entirely different from the previous one, the rela-
sciousness to arise in the mother’s womb and thus tionship between them being like the one between
present the main link by which consciousness a condition and its effect. In other words, two
passes onto another life. Functioning as a bridge conditionally linked beings are like two moments
between different modes of existence, the contin- of existence in the continuity of a single life span.
uous stream of consciousness performs as means They are not the same, since they are essentially
of transmitting karmic forces from one form of changing and have changed from one instant to
existence into the next. Despite facilitating basic the next, nor are they different, since they belong
continuity between successive existences, con- to the same causal linkage of events. This process
sciousness remains essentially transient and inces- is compared to a flame passing from one candle to
santly perishing. However, its instants are the next. The relationship between the two flames
causally connected and this basic conditionality is equally neither one of complete identity nor one
allows karmic seeds to pass from one life to the of complete difference.
next without interruption. The next link in the Some schools of Buddhism proposed an inter-
change of dependent origination is name-form, mediate period (antarābhava) between death and
which is an umbrella term for the five aggregates, rebirth, in order to account for the continuance of
that is, the modality of person’s existence in the existence amid two lives. This doctrine was
world. After that follow the links of the six sense supported by the Sarvāstivāda, Sautrāntika,
spheres and contact, referring to the way one Sāṃmitīya, Dārṣṭāntika, and Pūrvaśaila schools
experiences the world, namely, contacting it of early Buddhism, which, however, did not
through the six senses. Conditioned by the previ- agree on the proper interpretation of this idea.
ous links is one’s response to the sensory experi- Nevertheless, Vasubandhu’s rendition in his
ence, that is, a feeling, which may be pleasant, Abhidharmakośabhāṣya from the fifth century
unpleasant, or neutral. This fairly quickly leads to C.E. came to be considered a standard understand-
a habitual craving for more of an appealing kind ing of the notion. He explains that the transitional
of feeling, which sooner or later develops into period between two lives consists of seven short
a clinging to specific stimuli that bring about the segments, which do not last longer than a week
experience one seeks. These habits shape one’s each, thereby making the duration of the interme-
way of being and come to represent how one diate period no longer than seven weeks. The
exists in the world. This tenth link of “becoming” being that exists during this interval is described
is the last link of the present life. The momentum as an entity that arises between death in the
Rebirth (Buddhism) 999

previous life and birth in the next form of exis- are rather deemed to be natural effects of particu-
tence. This entity survives on odors and is thus lar types of actions. None of the different rebirths,
called a gandharva, literally meaning “that which no matter how pleasant or horrid, is, however,
eats scents.” The form of the gandharva is similar everlasting and eventually the potency of good
to the shape of beings in the realm of its next or bad accrued karma is exhausted and beings
existence. It has subtle but functional senses and are reborn again. Since the cycle of rebirths is
may only be seen by beings of its kind and beings regarded to be beginningless, everyone has sup-
with divine eyes. It is composed of subtle forms of posedly had innumerable previous lives. This
the five aggregates. Rebirth takes place when the means that every human being has passed through
gandharva sets eyes on its future parents during all the possible realms of rebirth.
a sexual intercourse and the emotional aspect of The term for a domain of rebirth is gati, which
its mind thrusts it into the next life. The gender it literally means “manner of going.” Buddhism dis-
takes on is the gender of the parent it is repulsed tinguishes between six different modes of
by, or in other words, the opposite gender of the saṃsāric existence or, in other words, six diverse
one it is attracted to. This intense experience of domains into which a being can be reborn. These
repulsion and attraction results in the coming are realms of humans (manuṣya), animals
together of the mind, the blood, and the semen, (tiryañca), hungry ghosts (preta), gods (deva),
which combine in the mother’s womb. Once con- semi-gods (asura), and hell beings (naraka). Ordi-
ception occurs, the five aggregates become narily, people are able to perceive only the first
denser, thereby forming a new life. At the same two kinds of beings. Occasionally, hungry ghosts
time the gandharva passes away. Even though the too may be perceived of as hovering between the
idea of a transitional phase between lives received shadows, since these beings are thought to inhabit
a noteworthy support among various Buddhist the dim margins of the human realm. The last
branches, it was opposed by many schools of three forms of existence, however, are invisible
early Buddhism, namely, the Theravāda, to the human eye. There is an old tradition of
Vibhajyavāda, Mahāsāṅghika, and the representing the sixfold model in a form of the
Mahīśāsaka schools. Still, the notion was later so-called “wheel of life” (bhavacakra), a round
adopted and further developed by the Mahāyāna diagram, in which three of the six realms are
tradition. allocated in the upper part of the circle and the
As noted, the Buddhist doctrine of rebirth is other three in its lower part. The lower realms of
tightly related to the doctrine of karmic retribu- animals, hungry ghosts, and hell beings are con-
tion, the idea that executed deeds have inevitable sidered to be unfortunate realms of rebirth. In
future echoes in the form of karmic fruit (phala), contrast, the upper realms are those of gods, R
which correspond to the nature of the already semi-gods, and human beings, and are regarded
performed actions. This means that the progres- to be fairly fortunate domains to be reborn into.
sion of rebirths is not arbitrary but follows an The outer rim of the “wheel of life” diagram
ordering principle, according to which the nature normally depicts the twelve links of the chain of
of the next rebirth is determined by the moral dependent origination, thus indicating the condi-
quality of one’s past actions. The karmic law is tioned continuity of the cycles of existences. The
not effective in the present or subsequent life only, middle of the diagram additionally portrays
but extends over several existences. This a cockerel, a pig, and a snake, representing the
governing law is thought of as a natural law, fundamental causes of saṃsāric migration,
since it does not have a purpose nor is it managed namely, greed (rāga), delusion (moha), and hatred
by anyone. Its operation follows a simple causal (dveṣa), respectively. Actions bound with greed
logic that wholesome actions condition pleasant are thought to result in a rebirth in the realm of the
and unwholesome unpleasant reverberations. Dif- hungry ghosts, those with delusion in the animal
ferent types of rebirths are hence not understood realm, and those with hatred in hell. On the other
as rewards or punishments for the past actions, but hand, moral actions bound with generosity and
1000 Rebirth (Buddhism)

kindness are thought to lead to a rebirth in the C.E. the splitting up of the heavenly realm
human or divine form. amounted to twenty-six divisions, hierarchically
Of the six domains of rebirth, animals are pre- arranged from less to more sublime. Gods are
dominantly driven by impulses and lack reason by thought to live for a very long time, their life
which they could be able to recognize their situa- span increasing with the levels. However, even
tion and learn the way out of it. They undergo gods are considered to be mortal and eventually
suffering by being prey targets, either of humans must be reborn.
or other animals. Plants do not belong to this The next realm of rebirth is the sphere of the
category, even though they are considered to pos- semi-gods. These are greedy warrior-like beings
sess a basic form of consciousness, that is, being who are dominated by aggression, hatred, and
sensitive to touch. craving for power. Early models of saṃsāric
Hungry ghosts are beings which are, due to domains are only fivefold and are short of the
their previous lives of greed and selfishness, semi-godly realm which was added later on,
condemned to a life of constant frustration. perhaps in order for the domains to add up to
Although there are a variety of different kinds of an even number, that could be depicted more
hungry ghosts, they are frequently depicted as easily.
having bloated stomachs and very small mouths, Lastly, there is the human domain. This realm
as to where they can never satisfy their insatiable is considered to be the most auspicious destination
urges of hunger. As noted, they live on the mar- to be reborn into, even more than the heavenly
gins of the human world due to their deep earthly domain, since it is here that beings may gain
attachments. a clear insight into suffering that is needed in
Hell beings exist in extremely hot or cold areas order for the cycle of rebirths to discontinue.
in which they endure painful experiences, such as This is so because the ratio between pleasure and
being burnt, frozen, cut up, eaten, etc. This con- pain is suitable enough to inspire beings to step
tinues until the bad karma, which they had accu- onto the path toward realization. Furthermore,
mulated throughout their previous lives, is spent. humans possess reason needed to comprehend
Hells are manifold and each rebirth in hell is their predicament and understand the teaching of
considered to reflect the nature of the bad deeds the Buddha, which teaches the way out of
that have led to it. All lower forms of existence saṃsāra. To be born as a human being is thus
primarily only bear the outcomes of their previous regarded to be a rare opportunity which ought to
actions and are mainly not able to affect the nature be grasped.
of their present actions. However, eventually the Taking into account the splitting of the heav-
unwholesome karma is used up and the conse- enly domain, there are all together thirty-one pos-
quences of some previous wholesome actions sible domains of rebirth. These different abodes of
lead them to a rebirth in more auspicious realms. existence are frequently put forward in another
In opposition to the lower domains of exis- model of three tiers. In this scheme, human beings
tence, life is very pleasant in the heavenly realm. populate the earthly realm, also known as the
Its denizens are gods that were born there due to “realm of sense-desire” (kāmāvacara). This
the good karma they had formerly accrued. They sphere of existence contains all the forms of exis-
mainly enjoy the wholesome karmic conse- tence that are below the seventh heavenly layer.
quences. Like the realm of hell, the heavenly Beings that exist in the “realm of the sense-desire”
realm is also multilayered. The top five heavenly evaluate perceived objects according to whether
tiers are called the pure abodes. These are the they desire them or not. Gods that populate this
domain of the so-called nonreturners (anāgamin), realm are referred to as devas. From this coarse
namely, human beings who are on their way to level of existence up, matter is considered to
attain nirvāṇa and will never be reborn in the increasingly thin out until it ultimately
human realm again. Around the fifth century diminishes.
Rebirth (Buddhism) 1001

The next sphere up from the “realm of sense- unwholesome act is sufficient to generate
desire” is the domain spanning from the seventh unwholesome karmic seeds. In contrast, letting
heavenly layer up, containing eleven further godly go of such thoughts generates wholesome karmic
domains. It is called the “realm of pure form” forces. Hence, even though the accrued karma
(rūpāvacara). Together with the levels increases may affect the nature of one’s attitude, it does
the subtlety and calmness of their nature. Deni- not determine the present volitional tendency. In
zens of the domain of “pure form” are gods, other words, the choice of intention at a particular
commonly named brahmās, who telepathically moment is a free choice. This freedom of inten-
interact. In contrast with the “realm of sense- tion, which is necessary for the karmic forces to
desire,” these beings, who lack senses of smell, terminate, may be exercised with least difficulty in
taste, and touch, do not perceive objects according the human realm.
to their desirability but conceive them in their pure Once this possibility of choice is
form. Nevertheless, they are still not free from comprehended and the working of the mechanism
other various kinds of clinging. of the succession of rebirths understood, it is
The uppermost sphere, which includes the four logical for one to endeavor to be reborn in one
final heavenly layers, is the “realm of formless- of the upper realms of existence. However, to
ness” or the “formless realm” (arūpāvacara). As a Buddhist, it is ultimately undesirable to remain
the name suggest, beings in these highest domains in the cyclical continuity of births and deaths as
possess no form, since they consist of pure mental every subsequent existence merely prolongs the
energy. The gods inhabiting the last four layers are experience of unsatisfactoriness (duḥkha). For
considered to perceive phenomena in four differ- that reason, Buddhism outlines a path of salvation,
ent ways, the subtlety of apprehension increasing suggesting soteriological techniques that help
with each domain. On the twenty-eighth level of practitioners in the search for a way out of saṃsāra
the heavenly realm gods conceive everything as and assist others to equally do so. This is done by
infinite space, on the twenty-ninth as infinite con- the attainment of enlightenment or nirvāṇa by
sciousness, and on the thirtieth as nothingness. which the fuel that maintains the fire of duḥkha
The thirty-first level is a level where all the previ- is extinguished. Once an insight into the true
ous conceptions have been surpassed and is there- nature of things as an antidote to ignorance is
fore referred to as the level of “neither perception realized, all the links of the mechanism of depen-
nor non-perception.” dent origination come to an end. A person who
Within these numerous realms of rebirth, the attains nirvāṇa is called a “worthy one” or an
nature of one’s character, outlook on the world, as arhat.
well as events that occur in one’s lives are greatly Mahāyāna Buddhism, however, holds that R
influenced by the accumulated karma. However, a release from the continuous cycles of exis-
despite the fact that various forms of existence are tence is neither necessary for the cessation of
significantly regulated by the karmic law, life is duḥkha nor is it the highest goal a practitioner
still not deemed to be deterministic in nature. may attain. This Buddhist tradition thus posits
A particular factor of individual existence, that the ideal of the bodhisattva, namely, a being
according to the Buddhist teaching affects the who attains nirvāṇa but postpones the final
nature of karmic seeds, is volitions that accom- release from saṃsāra in order to help other
pany the acts of body, speech, and mind. This living beings.
significance of volitions is indicated in the fact Some interpreters of Buddhism have attempted
that they represent the second link in the depen- to dismiss the doctrine of rebirth, either regarding
dent origination scheme. It is thus not deeds them- it to be a metaphor for the changing mental states
selves that produce karmic forces, but the or an unimportant and even inauthentic element of
wholesome and unwholesome intentions behind the Buddhist doctrine. However, the idea of
them. This means that actively contemplating an a karmically conditioned continuity of existences
1002 Rebirth (Buddhism)

is undoubtedly such an essential part of the Bud- ▶ Soul

dhist doctrine that its elimination would render ▶ Theravāda
much of the remaining doctrine incomplete. ▶ Transcendental Virtues
▶ Vasubandhu
▶ Vijñāna
Cross-References

▶ Anattā (Buddhism)
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▶ Person (Buddhism) dhism. Luzac Oriental, London
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) 14. Hamilton S (1997) The dependent nature of the phe-
nomenal world. In: Dhammajoti KL et al (eds) Recent
▶ Reality (Buddhism) researches in Buddhist studies. Y. Karunadasa Felici-
▶ Saṃkhāra tation Committee/Chi Ying Foundation, Colombo/
▶ Saṃskāra Hong Kong, pp 276–291
▶ Sarvāstivāda 15. Harvey P (2004) The selfless mind: personality, con-
sciousness and Nirvāṇa in early Buddhism.
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▶ Sentient Beings 16. Jayasuriya WF (1963) The psychology and philoso-
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17. Johansson REA (1985) The dynamic psychology of Definition

early Buddhism. Curzon, London
18. Marasinghe MMJ (1974) Gods in early Buddhism.
University of Sri Lanka, Vidyalankara The Buddha proposed a dynamic model of reality
19. Matthews B (1983) Craving and salvation. A study in that avoids the extremes of eternalism and
Buddhist soteriology. Canadian Corporation for Stud- annihilationism. This middle approach is termed
ies in Religion, Waterloo the doctrine of dependent origination, a scheme that
20. McDermott JP (1973) Nibbāna as a reward for
Kamma. J Am Orient Soc 93:344–347 describes the arising of phenomena of experience in
21. McDermott JP (1980) Karma and rebirth in early Bud- relation to specific conditions. The Mādhyamika
dhism. In: O’Flaherty WD (ed) Karma and rebirth in tradition applied this model of conditionality to all
classical Indian traditions. University of California of reality, which resulted in the proposition of uni-
Press, Berkeley
22. McDermott JP (1984) Development in the early Buddhist versal relativity of all things and the exposition of the
concept of Kamma/Karma. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi theory of two truths, the distinction between which
23. Mittal KK (1990) Various perspectives on karma and was considered to be relative to one’s orientation.
rebirth. J Dep Buddh Stud 14:1–16
24. Obeyesekere G (1980) The rebirth eschatology and its
transformations: a contribution to the sociology of
early Buddhism. In: O’Flaherty WD (ed) Karma and The Buddhist Notion of Relativity
rebirth in classical Indian traditions. University of
California Press, Berkeley, pp 137–164 The Buddhist ontological theory draws a middle
25. Perez-Remon J (1981) Self and non-self in early Bud-
dhism. Mouton, Paris/New York path (madhyamā pratipad) between eternalism
26. Saddhatissa H (1969) Concept of rebirth in Buddhism. (śāśvatavāda) and annihilationism (ucchedavāda),
Mahābodhi 77:135–138 two views that were prominent during the time of
27. Reat NR (1977) Karma and rebirth in the Upaniṣads the Buddha and which he considered to be extreme
and Buddhism. Numen 24:163–185, Fasc. 3
28. Reat NR (1987) Some fundamental concepts of Bud- standpoints that ought to be evaded. Eternalism
dhist psychology. Religion 17:15–28 refers to the brahmanical approach to reality that
29. Wayman A (1974) The intermediate-state dispute in proposed an eternal and permanent substance or
Buddhism. In: Cousins L et al (eds) Buddhist studies in self (ātman) which survives the death of a being.
honour of I. B. Horner. Reidel, Dordrecht, pp 227–237
Conversely, annihilationism, a position held by the
Indian materialists, disavowed the idea of
a changeless essence and maintained that one’s
death is a definitive end of one’s life. The Buddha,
Relativity on the other hand, retained the notion of the con-
tinuity of rebirths (saṃsāra), but discarded the idea
▶ Anekāntavāda (Jainism) that there is an enduring independent entity that R
undergoes these changes. In order to explain the
continuity of existence from one life to the next
without accepting a changeless agent, he proposed
Relativity (Buddhism) a doctrine of dependent origination (pratītya
samutpāda), a notion that experiential events
Ana Bajželj arise in relation to specific conditioning factors.
Department of Philosophy, Faculty of Arts, The standard rendition of the model consists of
University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia twelve links (nidāna). They are as follows: (1) igno-
Polonsky Academy, The Van Leer Jerusalem rance (avidyā), (2) volitions (saṃskāra), (3) con-
Institute, Jerusalem, Israel sciousness (vijñāna), (4) name-form (nāma-rūpa),
(5) six sense spheres (ṣadāyatana), (6) contact
(sparśa), (7) feelings (vedanā), (8) craving (tṛṣṇā),
Synonyms (9) grasping (upādāna), (10) becoming (bhava),
(11) birth (jāti), and (12) old age and death
Emptiness; Śūnyatā (jarāmaraṇa). This scheme demonstrates how
1004 Relativity (Buddhism)

unsatisfactoriness (duḥkha) comes about, and fur- intrinsic nature. In other words, there are no sub-
ther provides a temporal description of the dynamic stantial existents at all. Furthermore, in order to
functioning of the basic components (skandha) of universally apply the method of deconstruction,
personality and an explanation of the working of Nāgārjuna did not spare even emptiness itself.
the karmic law and the cycle of rebirths. Emptiness is hence not considered to be some
One of the traditions of Mahāyāna Buddhism, reified absolute principle, but is like everything
namely, Mādhyamika or the school of “the middle else, also stated to be empty of intrinsic nature.
way,” expanded this scheme into a universal model This reasoning resulted in the notion of emptiness
of relativity, according to which everything arises of emptiness. In fact, emptiness is regarded to be
and ceases in relation to certain conditions that are, nothing more than a clear comprehension that
in turn, again conditioned by other factors. The nothing exists independently. In view of this, the
pioneer of Mādhyamika is regarded to be only proper way to use the notion of emptiness is
Nāgārjuna, a Buddhist monk who lived in the to employ it as an adjective (i.e., This room is
second century C.E. Nāgārjuna maintained that empty.), rather than a substantive (i.e., There is
there is no persistent ontological support for the emptiness independent of the room.). To sum up,
continuously changing world; on the contrary, all Nāgārjuna maintained that there are no uncondi-
components of reality are connected and mutually tioned phenomena and no absolute self-
interdependent. This means that subjects and the established existents. Consequently, for him, the
objective world around them do not exist indepen- only acceptable discourse on the nature of reality
dently, but conversely completely depend upon is one of nonaffirmative nature, since both the
other factors for their existence. Phenomena are notion of existence (bhāva) as well as the notion
therefore neither intrinsically existent nor nonexis- of nonexistence (abhāva) depend on the idea of
tent; they rather exist interdependently, lacking independent existence (svabhāva), and are hence
intrinsic nature. This absence of independent exis- considered to be erroneous. This position thus
tence (svabhāva) is referred to as emptiness decried all ontological endeavors which purport
(śūnyatā), meaning that things exist in complete to study what does or does not exist. The notion of
relativity to other things, every event being condi- emptiness was also adopted by the Yogācāra or
tioned by a preceding event. In this manner, Vijñānavāda branch of Mahāyāna Buddhism,
Mādhyamika Buddhism uncompromisingly which included it in its theory of reality as
applied the basic Buddhist notion of no-self to the a continuously changing flow of consciousness
whole of reality and therefore radicalized the (vijñāna), empty of dualisms.
Abhidharma teaching on the emptiness of wholes. The doctrine of emptiness also led to
Various schools of Abhidharma suggested that a reformulation of the theory of two truths,
in order to clearly comprehend reality, it is neces- which was insinuated definitely as early as the
sary to distinguish between nominal existence Abhidharmic exposition of the difference between
(prajñapti sat) and substantial existence (dravya the nominal and the substantial existence. With
sat). In line with this proposition, they argued the Mahāyāna radicalization of the Abhidharmic
that what is real is not the whole world of reductionist approach, there also followed
subjects and objects that are labeled and conceptu- a different articulation of the truth of reality. Two
alized, but rather only the momentary stream of levels of reality or two truths were now proposed,
ever-changing basic constituents of existence this being conventional (saṃvṛti) on the one hand
(dharma). These momentary events were consid- and ultimate (paramārtha) on the other. Entities, as
ered to be substantial existents upon which the one normally understands them, were asserted to
discourse of fabricated concepts is secondarily be real at the conventional level. However, at the
superimposed. ultimate level they were declared to have no
However, according to Nāgārjuna, it is not just independent existence. In accordance with the
the wholes, but also dharmas, that is, the funda- doctrine of emptiness, these two levels were, how-
mental components of existence, that are empty of ever, not deemed to represent separate realities but
Relativity (Jainism) 1005

rather to correspond to two different kinds of 2. Burton D (1999) Emptiness appraised: a critical study
understanding reality, namely, that of of Nāgārjuna’s philosophy. Curzon, Richmond
3. de La Vallée Poussin L (1928) Notes on (1) śū
unenlightened and enlightened beings. The dis- nyatā and (2) the middle path. Indian Hist
tinction between them was thus not regarded to be Q 4:161–168
ontological but cognitive, that is, not representing 4. Garfield J (1995) The fundamental wisdom of the
a particular feature of reality but rather revealing it middle way: Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakākarikā.
Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York
as essentially relative to one’s viewpoint. 5. Gómez LO (1976) Proto-Mādhyamika in the Pāli
canon. Philos East West 26(2):137–165
6. Harris IC (1991) The continuity of Madhyamaka and
Yogācāra in Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism. E.J. Brill,
Cross-References Leiden/New York
7. Huntington CW (2003) The emptiness of emptiness.
An introduction to early Indian Mādhyamika. Motilal
▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka Banarsidass, Delhi
▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) 8. Kalupahana D (1986) The philosophy of the middle
▶ Anattā (Buddhism) way. Mūlamadhyamakakārikā. State University of
▶ Causality (Buddhism) New York Press, Albany
9. King R (1994) Early Yogācāra and its relationship
▶ Dukkha with the Madhyamaka School. Philos East West
▶ Enlightenment 44(4):659–686
▶ Idealism (Buddhism) 10. Mansfield V (1990) Relativity in Maādhyamika
▶ Insight Buddhism and modern physics. Philos East West
40(1):59–72
▶ Kamma 11. Priest G (2009) The structure of emptiness. Philos East
▶ Karma West 59:467–480
▶ Khandha 12. Robinson RH (1972) Did Nāgārjuna really refute
▶ Mādhyamika all philosophical views? Philos East West 22(3):
325–330
▶ Mahāyāna 13. Tatia N (1995) The non-absolutistic view and the
▶ Majjhimā Paṭipadā middle way (anekānta and madhyamā pratipad).
▶ Materialism (Buddhism) Indian Int J Buddh Stud 5(1):1–21
▶ Nāgārjuna 14. Westerhoff J (2007) The Madhyamaka concept of
Svabhāva: ontological and cognitive aspects. Asian
▶ Nāma-Rūpa Philos 17(1):17–45
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda 15. Williams DM (1974) The translation and interpreta-
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism) tion of the twelve terms in the Paṭiccasamuppāda.
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) Numen 21:35–63, Fasc. 1
16. Williams P (1991) On the interpretation of
▶ Reality (Buddhism) Madhyamaka thought. J Indian Philos 19:191–218
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) R
▶ Saṃkhāra
▶ Saṃskāra
▶ Soul
▶ Śūnya Relativity (Jainism)
▶ Śūnyatā
▶ Vijñāna Wm. Andrew Schwartz
▶ Vijñānavāda Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA,
▶ Yogācāra USA

References

1. Berger DL (2001) The special meaning of the middle

Synonyms
way: the Mādhyamika critique of Indian ontologies of
identity and difference. J Dharma 26:282–310 Anekāntavāda; Nayavāda; Syādvāda
1006 Relativity (Jainism)

Definition non-being, are all characteristic of reality. These

contradictory characteristics are synthesized in
The Jain doctrine of relativity consists of three Jainism, when understood as being asserted in
different “relativity” doctrines – anekāntavāda, different senses and from different perspectives,
nayavāda, and syādvāda. In short, these three which seek to capture the many-sided nature of
doctrines, when brought together, insist that real- reality. In this way, they are all true, but only
ity can be approached from a variety of different partially so. Such relativity should not be con-
but correct perspectives. fused with relativism, by which there is no abso-
lute. On the contrary, Jainism does affirm an
absolute perspective, attained and passed down
Anekāntavāda by the omniscient jiva of Mahavira.
A common example used to explain this doc-
Anekāntavāda is the Jain metaphysical doctrine of trine is the ancient Indic story of the blind men and
relativity and non-one-sidedness (see entry on the elephant (Fig. 1). As the stories goes: There
“▶ Anekāntavāda”). According to this doctrine, were six blind men who were brought before the
reality is complex, multifaceted, and many-sided. king and asked to describe an elephant. One man,
Furthermore, entities are endowed with innumer- holding onto a leg, describes the elephant as being
able characteristics. As such, reality cannot be like a tree trunk. A second man, holding onto an
reduced to a single concept or characteristic [1]. ear, disagrees and suggests that the elephant is like
The many-sided nature of reality is a metaphysical a fan. A third man trips and falls into the side of the
relativity. The world is made up of mutually elephant and argues that the elephant is like a wall.
dependent and interconnected parts. According A fourth man, holding on to the tail, retorts that the
to Jain scripture, “Existence is characterized by elephant is like a rope. The fifth man, grabbing
origination, disappearance (destruction) and per- a tusk, describes the elephant as similar to a spear.
manence” (Tattvārthasūtra 5.30). Unlike other Finally, the sixth man, holding onto the trunk,
schools of Indian thought that affirm imperma- describes the elephant like a giant snake. They
nence or permanence as the absolute nature of continue to argue about their differing perspectives,
reality (Buddhism and Advaita, respectively), until the king (who was watching this spectacle)
Jainism says yes to both – though this “yes” is interjects. He explains that each of the men was
conditional. It’s both-and, not either-or. In Jain- holding onto a part of the enormous elephant and
ism, permanence and impermanence, being and that, ultimately, each of them was partially right.

Relativity (Jainism),
Fig. 1 The elephant and
the blind men (From http://
www.jainworld.com/
literature/story25.htm)
Relativity (Jainism) 1007

The elephant, as a symbolic representation of Although there are innumerable nayas from
the world, depicts the many-sided nature of real- which reality can be known, Jain epistemology
ity. Most strictly, anekāntavāda is a doctrine about formally includes seven basic viewpoints that can
the elephant. Nayavāda, on the other hand, is be taken with respect to a given object. These
a doctrine about the blind men. seven nayas are the following:

1. Naigama: the undifferentiated

Nayavāda 2. Samgraha: the general
3. Vyavahara: the practical
Nayavāda is the Jain epistemological doctrine of 4. Rjusutra: the clearly manifest
the relativity of standpoints (see entry on 5. Sabda: the verbal
“▶ Nayavāda”). According to this doctrine, real- 6. Samabhirudha: the subtle
ity can be approached from a variety of perspec- 7. Evambhuta: the “thus-happened”
tives (nayas). Since reality is many-sided, there
are many ways to approach reality (via the many “The first three. . .are standpoints from which
sides). From the metaphysical doctrine of to investigate the thing itself, whereas the
a complex reality with innumerable attributes remaining four are standpoints from which to
flows an epistemology which considers investigate the modifications that things undergo”
knowledge of an object incomplete insofar as it [4]. In other words, these nayas refer to the differ-
fails to account for the many-sided nature of that ent kinds of standpoints from which reality can be
object. The term naya is used to refer to “stand- known.
points.” These standpoints (or perspectives) rep- To be clear, this perspectivism is not to be
resent the many ways that one can approach confused with relativism. These different valid
reality. perspectives are not validated by virtue of their
Inferred from this epistemology is that the full- being a perspective. If so, it would become an
ness of “truth” is the summation of all nayas. As “agree to disagree” sort of relativism, whereby
H.R. Kapadia writes, “Every judgment that we each person is allowed to have their own opinion,
pass in daily life is true only in reference to the and all opinions are valid because they are nothing
standpoint occupied and that aspect of the object more than opinion. Rather, nayavāda is a deep
considered” [2]. In that sense, all claims, which epistemology of perspectivism, for which knowl-
are made from single standpoints, are at best par- edge (of this variety) is always bound by one’s
tially true and never absolutely true. Therefore, limited ways of knowing. In philosophical dis-
Jain epistemology (of which nayavāda is only course, this view has been stated in many different R
a piece) encourages the knower to explore alter- ways: There is no objectivity, we have no God's-
native perspectives, in order to formulate a more eye point of view, there is no neutral perspective,
complete understanding of reality. etc., all of which make one thing clear – there are
Naya (knowledge attained from a limited limits to the way humans come to understand. To
standpoint) is contrasted by pramana (knowledge say that there are limits to human knowledge may
attained via the pure soul). Whereas knowledge be mistaken as placing limits on the capacity for
from naya results in one-sided and partial know- knowledge (i.e., the human brain can only hold
ing, knowledge from pramana is pure and abso- a finite amount of data). While this too is true, it is
lute. This kind of knowledge comes when seeing different than the current claim that there are limits
reality from the summation of all standpoints [3]. to the way one comes to know – which is always
Confusing naya for pramana results in ekānta from a particular perspective.
(one-sidedness) and error. In other words, treating Just like the story of the blind men and the
a relative perspective as the absolute perspective elephant, everyone has a particularized engage-
is to fall prey to the error of one-sidedness ment with reality, and this particularity is
(ekānta). a limitation. Therefore, one can only know reality
1008 Relativity (Jainism)

from a limited perspective (one’s own perspec- qualifying assertions as to capture the relative
tive). Insofar as someone is not omniscient, that nature of the claim in question.
someone can only encounter the elephant (the For some, this example of the elephant seems
world, ideas, philosophical notions, etc.) from insufficient. While it may be true that there are
one side at a time. As such, a fuller understanding many sides to elephants and that these blind men
of this complex reality requires that one synthe- are groping at different parts of that large animal,
sizes this plurality of perspectives – bringing is it the case that all assertions can be seen from
together the parts to make a whole. According to many valid perspectives? Can, for example,
Jain relativity, each person has a piece of the something be said to both exist and not exist?
puzzle, that is, reality. In order to see the big Here, it is helpful to consider the sevenfold logic
picture (or at least a bigger picture), the many of syādvāda (saptabhangī ).
perspectives must be brought together in According to the Jain doctrine of syādvāda,
a unified whole. there are seven types of statements – or seven
modes of predication (saptabhangī ). Often used
to describe these seven forms of assertion are
Syādvāda examples of existence:

To help articulate this relativity, Jainism devel- 1. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
oped the doctrine of syādvāda (the dialectical (eva) exists.
doctrine of qualified assertion) (see entry on 2. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
“▶ Syādvāda”). According to the Jain doctrine (eva) does not exist.
of syādvāda, all assertions should be predicated 3. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
with the particle syāt, in this context meaning (eva) exists AND certainly (eva) does not exist
“from a certain perspective.” In doing so, asser- successively.
tions are qualified as conditioned by and relative 4. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
to the perspective of the one doing the asserting. (eva) exists AND certainly (eva) does not exist
Again, using the example of the blind men and simultaneously.
the elephant, each of the blind men commits an 5. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
error when they treat their perspective (e.g., “an (eva) exists AND p certainly (eva) exists and
elephant is like a rope,” “an elephant is like does not exist simultaneously.
a spear,” etc.) as true to the exclusion of the others. 6. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
The reason this happens is that the truths of the (eva) does not exist AND p certainly (eva)
blind men, which are actually relative truths, are exists and does not exist simultaneously.
being asserted as absolute truths, which leaves no 7. From a certain perspective (syāt) p certainly
room for the relative truth of others. But, by fol- (eva) exists and does not exist successively
lowing the Jain doctrine of syādvāda, the relative AND p certainly (eva) exists and does not
nature of the truths can be captured – resulting in exist simultaneously.
the mutual inclusion of a plurality of truth claims.
By predicating the statement, “an elephant is A more abstract formulation of these seven
like a wall” with the particle syāt, the absolute and alternatives includes the following:
exclusive statement becomes “from a certain per-
spective an elephant is like a wall.” And for the 1. Affirmation
blind man who falls into the side of the elephant, 2. Negation
this is certainly true. But, since the statement is 3. Both affirmation and negation successively
now qualified as being “from a certain perspec- 4. Inexpressible (both affirmation and negation
tive,” it no longer excludes the perspectives of the simultaneously)
others. This dialectic of relativity is a means of 5. Affirmation and inexpressible
Relativity (Jainism) 1009

6. Negation and inexpressible the absolute which undermines relativity is rela-

7. Affirmation and negation and inexpressible tivity itself. What results is a paradox that critics
argue results in incoherency.
According to the Jain doctrine of These sorts of questions are part of a larger
anekāntavāda, the multifaceted nature of a thing critique of the Jain position. Consider the example
includes the qualities of both existence and non- of the blind men and the elephant. There are three
existence [5]. Consider the following assertion: elements to the story (at least the version told
“The pen exists.” The first step, in syādvāda, is above): (1) the elephant that represents reality,
to qualify this assertion. So, we add a syāt particle (2) the blind men who represent all men and
to the phrase and we get, “from a certain perspec- women attempting to know reality, and (3) the
tive the pen exists.” This is not too king – the only sighted observer who sees the
problematic. What complicates things a bit more situation of the blind men and recognizes the
is when a contradictory assertion is made, “the many sides of reality. While the doctrine of
pen does not exist.” Again, we qualify the state- nayavāda suggests that all non-omniscient beings
ment and are left with, “from a certain perspective can only know reality from within the confines of
the pen does not exist.” Now, how can both per- limited perspectives, represented by the blind
spectives be valid? One way to makes sense of men, the story seems to suggest that Jains are in
this phenomenon is to distinguish between a privileged position – the position of the king.
“exists” and “exists as.” The pen can be said to This becomes apparent in the application of Jain
exist (qua pen), insofar as it exists as relativity to the disagreement between Buddhism
a pen – meaning, it has the qualities essential for and Advaita Vedanta. Buddhists are considered
being a pen. Likewise, the pen can be said not to advocates of the view that reality is ultimately
exist (qua pot), insofar as it does not exist as impermanent, whereas Advaitins are considered
a pot – meaning, it does not have the essential advocates of the view that reality is ultimately
qualities of a pot. In this way, two seemingly permanent. But, according to Jainism, both are
contradictory assertions regarding the existence only relatively true since the Buddhists and the
and nonexistence of a pen can be mutually inclu- Advaitins are like the blind men – neither sees the
sive and reconciled as both being true (albeit big picture. As such, the Jain position (represented
partially so). by the position of the sighted king) is deemed
a superior position in that it recognizes the one-
sided nature of the Buddhist and Advaitin claims,
Critiques of Jain Relativity as well as the multi-sided nature of reality.
Graham Priest describes the problem like this: R
Despite the above distinctions about assertions “A Jain is committed, presumably, to the view that
being from different perspectives or meant in dif- Jainism is a more accurate perspective of how
ferent senses, there is one critique still facing the things are than are others. If not, why be a Jain
Jain doctrine of relativity today – the critique of rather than a Buddhist or a Hindu? On the other
self-refuting incoherency. In short, the problem hand, Jains hold that reality is multi-faceted, and
can be framed in a single question – is the doctrine no one view completely captures how things are:
of relativity itself relative? If the Jain doctrines of each captures one of the facets. . .This puts Jains
anekāntavāda, syādvāda, and nayavāda are them- in a somewhat awkward position when they argue
selves treated as universals, then they appear to with a Buddhist, Hindu, etc. If they disagree with
run contrary to their own claim that all doctrines such an opponent, they must hold that they are
should be treated as relative attempts at describing right in a way that the opponent is not; but also
a many-sided absolute. If everything is relative, that the opponent is just as right as they are” [6].
then relativity itself is an absolute. But if there is According to Priest, “such tension would seem
an absolute, then everything is not relative. But, to be resolvable in one of only two ways: either
1010 Relativity (Jainism)

with the insistence that all views are not, after all, concepts which are relative attempts at naming
equal, that the Jaina view is privileged in some an absolute truth. Therefore, Kundakunda’s solu-
way, or in a thoroughgoing relativism” [6]. His- tion avoids relativism, insofar as it retains the
torically, the dominant Jain approach has been the existence of an absolute (albeit a transcendent
former, one that embraces the superiority of the one), and it avoids absolutism, insofar as it puts
Jain perspective. This view was championed by the Jain perspective on par with other relative
Hemachandra (eleventh-century Jain thinker) [7], perspectives. In other words, positing the exis-
a view that is criticized on two counts. First, tence of an absolute that is beyond the purview
insofar as the absolute is the doctrine of relativity, of non-omniscient beings is one solution, internal
it seems self-contradictory. And two, insofar as to the Jain tradition, that allows Jains to walk the
other philosophical and theological Jain doctrines line between absolutism and relativism – which is
(doctrines of karma, cosmology, jivas, etc.) are what the Jain doctrine of relativity attempts to do.
posited as definite truths – of an absolute and not
relative nature – they contradict the Jain doctrine
of relativity.
Regarding the absolutization of the principle of Cross-References
relativity, Jain scholar Jeffery D. Long calls this
▶ Anekāntavāda
a logical necessity in order to avoid relativism. He
writes, “The introduction of this absolute perspec- ▶ Jainism (Yakṣa)
▶ Syādvāda
tive [the perspective of the omniscient lords] is
a logical necessity if the error of relativism, which
negates itself by undermining its own validity, is
to be avoided” [8]. What then of the other Jain
References
doctrines? Are the doctrines of karma, the soul,
1. Long JD (2010) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris,
etc., to be understood in a relative or absolute New York, p 117
sense? 2. Kapadia HR (1947) Introduction to Haribhadra Suri’s
One solution has been presented by second- Anekantajayapataka with his own commentary and
Municandra Suri’s supercommentary. Oriental Institute,
century Jain scholar Kundakunda. According to
Baroda, p cxviii
Kundakunda, Jain doctrine itself should not be 3. Koller JM (2000) Syādvāda as the epistemological key
treated as an absolute. Rather, its doctrines to the Jaina middle way metaphysics of Anekāntavāda.
(whether doctrines of the soul, of karma, etc.) Philos East West 50(3):403 (University of Hawai’i
Press)
should be treated as relative truths that simply
4. Koller JM (2000) Syādvāda as the epistemological key
point to a larger truth beyond all words and con- to the Jaina middle way metaphysics of Anekāntavāda.
ceptualization [9]. Although Kundakunda was an Philos East West 50(3):402 (University of Hawai’i
important and revered Jain thinker, this “two Press)
5. Jain P (2000) Saptabhangi: the Jaina theory of seven
truths” doctrine, which treats Jain truth as among
fold predication: a logical analysis. Philos East West
the relative truths of other perspectives, has been 50(3):395 (University of Hawai’i Press)
controversial in the history of Jain thought. Nev- 6. Priest G (2008) Jaina logic: a contemporary perspective.
ertheless, it does serve as a viable response, within Hist Philos Logic 29:275
7. Long JD (2010) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris,
the Jain tradition, to the critique of “absolute
New York, p 163; and Hemachandra, Anyayogavya-
relativity.” vacchedika 30
In essence, Kundakunda identifies the absolute 8. Long JD (2000) Plurality and relativity: whitehead,
perspective as being beyond all words and con- Jainism, and the reconstruction of religious pluralism.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chi-
ceptualization. Insofar as the Jain doctrines are
cago, Chicago
purported by non-omniscient beings, it is neces- 9. Long JD (2010) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris,
sary to do so via the medium of language and New York, p 62
Renunciation 1011

Further Reading Facets of Jain philosophy, religion and culture:

Bhargava D (2000) A few modern interpretations of non- Anekantavada and Syadvada. Jain Vishva Bharati Insti-
absolutism. In: Shah NJ (ed) Jaina theory of multiple tute, Ladnun, Rajasthan
facets of reality and truth (Anekantavada). Motilal Matilal BK (1981) The central philosophy of Jainism:
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 111–117 Anekantavada. L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad
Bharucha F, Kamat RV (1984) Syadvada theory of Jainism Matilal BK (2000) Anekanta: both yes and no. In: Shah NJ
in terms of deviant logic. Indian Philos V 9:181–187 (ed) Jaina theory of multiple facets of reality and truth
Bhattacharya KC (2000) The Jaina theory of Anekanta. In: (Anekantavada). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Shah NJ (ed) Jaina theory of multiple facets of reality Mookerjee S (1978) The Jaina philosophy of non-absolut-
and truth (Anekantavada). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, ism: a critical study of Anekantavada. Motilal
pp 17–31 Banarsidass, Delhi
Bhattacharya KC (1953) Anekantavada. Jaina Atmananda Padmarajiah YJ (1963) A comparative study of the Jaina
Sabha, Bhavnagar theories of reality and knowledge. Jain Sahitya Vikas
Charitrapragya S (2004) Mahavira, Anekantavada and the Mandal, Bombay
world today. In: Sethia T (ed) Ahimsa, Anekanta and Priest G (2008) Jaina logic: a contemporary perspective.
Jainism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 75–84 Hist Philos Logic 29(3):263–278 (Taylor & Francis)
Cort JE (2000) ‘Intellectual Ahimsa’ revisited: Jain toler- Sethia T (ed) (2004) Ahimsa, Anekanta and Jainism.
ance and intolerance of others. Philos East West Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
50(3):324–347 (Hawai’i: University of Hawai’i Press) Shah N (2000) Jaina theory of multiple facets of reality and
Dundas P (2004) Beyond Anekantavada: a Jain approach truth (Anekantavada). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
to religious tolerance. In: Sethia T (ed) Ahimsa, Shah N (ed) (1998) Jaina philosophy and religion. Motilal
Anekanta and Jainism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Banarsidass, Delhi
pp 123–136 Shah SM (1987) The dialectic of knowledge and reality in
Ganeri J (2002) Jaina logic and the philosophical basis of Indian philosophy. Eastern Book Linkers, Delhi
pluralism. Hist Philos Logic 20:267–281 (Taylor & Sharma A (2001) A Jaina perspective on the philosophy of
Francis) religion. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Gopalan S (1991) Jainism as meta-philosophy. Sri Satguru Sinari R (1996) A pragmatist critique of Jain relativism.
Publications, Delhi Philos East West 19(1):59–64 (University of Hawai’i
Haribhadrasuri (1949) Saddarsanasamuccaya. Caukhamba Press)
Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi Tatia N (1951) Studies in Jaina philosophy. P.V. Research
Jain G (ed) (2009) Eternal, quotes from Lord Mahavira. Institute, Varanasi
Deepak Traders, Chennai Vallely A (2004) Anekanta, Ahimsa and the question of
Jain P (2000) Saptabhangi: the Jaina theory of seven fold pluralism. In: Sethia T (ed) Ahimsa, Anekanta and
predication: a logical analysis. Philos East West Jainism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 99–112
50(3):385–399 (University of Hawai’i Press)
Kapadia HR (1947) Introduction to Haribhadra Suri’s
Anekantajayapataka with his own commentary and
Municandra Suri’s supercommentary. Oriental Insti-
tute, Baroda
Koller JM (2000) Syādvāda as the epistemological key to
Religion
the Jaina middle way metaphysics of Anekāntavāda.
Philos East West 50(3):400–407 (University of Hawai’i ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
R
Press)
Koller JM (2004) Why is Anekantavada important. In:
Sethia T (ed) Ahimsa, Anekanta and Jainism. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 85–98
Kulkarni VM (2000) Relativity and absolutism. In: Shah NJ Religious Diversity
(ed) Jaina theory of multiple facets of reality and truth
(Anekantavada). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 61–66
▶ Pluralism (Buddhism)
Kumar JA, Dak TM, Mishra AD (eds) (1996) Facets of Jain
philosophy, religion and culture: Anekantavada and
Syadvada. Jain Vishva Bharati Institute, Ladnun,
Rajasthan
Long JD (2009) Jainism: an introduction. I.B. Tauris, New
York
Renunciation
Mahaprajna A (1996) An introduction: the axioms of non-
absolutism. In: Kumar JA, Dak TM, Mishra AD (eds) ▶ Ordination
1012 Renunciation (Buddhism)

universal suffering and also the path walking on

Renunciation (Buddhism) which one can end one’s suffering forever. And
that meant the greatest good of the suffering peo-
Angraj Chaudhary ple. And that also meant a lot of hard work and
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, a very active life [1].
Nashik, Maharashtra, India

A Tide in Buddha’s Life

Synonyms
Siddhārtha was very sensitive. Often, even amidst
Abhiniṣkramaṇa a lot of pleasures, he would retire to a lonely place
and ponder. Even though he might have seen old
men, diseased men, dead men, and ascetics earlier
Definition as pointed out by other critics, the avalanche came
just before he left home. Why old age? Why
Renunciation is leaving home for a homeless disease? And why death? And what is the answer
life. It precedes ordination. to these fundamental questions? This was actually
Renunciation means leaving home for the moment when the tide came in his thought,
a homeless life. It means leaving the household and he caught it at that moment. As Shakespeare
life and retire. One who renounces home takes has said, “There is a tide in the affairs of man,
ordination and then becomes an ascetic, a sādhu, which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune,
or a wanderer or a bhikkhu. Thus renunciation Omitted, all the voyage of their life is bound in
precedes ordination. shallows and miseries” [2].
There are various causes for renouncing home. Many people do not believe this story of seeing
One may do so because he is jilted by his fiancée these four signs and making the Great Renuncia-
or his love is not reciprocated or he finds worldly tion [3]. They argue that as Siddhārtha was quite
life very troublesome or he finds it too much with grown up, he must have seen several old men (in
him or finds it very difficult or he might have had fact, his parents were quite old), he must have seen
some sad and shattering experience in his life in diseased men, and he must have heard of death.
losing somebody who was his near and dear one Some people must have died in his own family. So
or who might have had some harrowing experi- the story of seeing the four signs and making
ence because of the loss of wealth or loss of name the Great Renunciation does not seem to be true,
and fame or because of poverty or some kind of as it is not logical. It does not appeal to them. But
court case or if he gets unexpected bad treatment such things do happen in life. One event like this
from somebody in his life. seen at a particular moment in life by a sensitive
man can turn the course of his life. At a particular
moment in his life, Siddhārtha felt very much
Buddha’s Renunciation disturbed and troubled when he saw that he was
also subject to old age, disease, and death as others
But the kind of renunciation that is found in Bud- are. Therefore he naturally wanted to know if there
dhism is qualitatively different. It is not related to was any way to get rid of these sufferings. He
any of the causes enumerated above. It is a kind of wanted to make a quest of the deathless and the
spiritual dissatisfaction, which is called “ennui” in peaceful. He also found household life “crowded
French. Siddhārtha left home not to lead a retired and dusty” [4]. In these circumstances he decided
life as many ordinary mortals would do, but he did to leave home to search for the deathless and the
so to find out the cause of universal suffering and peaceful.
its remedy. The cause of his leaving home was Other causes for his renunciation are gross in
very exalted as he wanted to find out the cause of comparison to this great tide that came in his life.
Responsibility (Buddhism) 1013

D.D. Kosambi says that he left home because he This is known as renunciation
saw people fighting for the water of the River (abhinikkhamana), which in the Aṭṭhakathā came
Rohini. They were ready to shed precious blood to be known as the Great Renunciation
for not so precious water. He also reflected that (Mahābhinikkhamana) [9].
“the household life is close and dusty, the home-
less life is free as air” [5]. So he decides to leave
home. But if one thinks a little deeper, he will find Cross-References
it a half-truth. If an ascetic or a monk does not
eradicate the root cause of suffering, he also has to ▶ Renunciation
suffer. So Siddhārtha did not leave home for
a homeless life and adopt an ostrich policy but
he left it to face the problems of life squarely and References
find out their causes to root them out. This cause
to leave home is more meaningful, logical, and 1. M 1. Ariyapariyesanā Sutta or Pāsarāsi Sutta (Unless
otherwise mentioned all books referred to here are
convincing than leaving home to keep himself
published by Vipassana Research Institute,
away from taking part in the fight between the Dhammagiri, in 1998)
Śākyas and the Koliyas. 2. Julius Caesar, pp iv, ii, 269–276
The cause for his renunciation is underlined by 3. Kosambi DD, Buddha B (1996) Jīvana aur Darśana.
Indian Press Pvt Ltd, Allahabad, pp 83–86, Koslyāyana
what he himself says in the Ariyapariyesanā Sutta
A (trans) Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Bhagavāna Buddha
[6]. He left home for making a noble search, not the aur Unakā Dhamma. Taiwan edn. pp 27–29
ignoble one. He says there that if one who is 4. D.1.55 & Walsh M (trans) (1995) The Long Discourses
himself subject to birth, aging, sickness, and of the Buddha. Wisdom Publications, Boston, p 99
5. ibid
death looks for something which is also subject
6. M 1. Ariyapariyesanā Sutta or Pāsarāsi Sutta
to birth, aging, sickness, and death, this is an 7. Ñāṇamoli Bhikkhu, Bodhi Bhikkhu (trans) (1995) The
ignoble search. But if he himself subject to birth, Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom
aging, sickness, and death looks for something Publications, Boston, pp 254–256
8. Mūlapaṇṇāsa Ṭīkā, 2.120
which is not subject to them, then that is a noble
9. DA 2.14
search. He saw everything in the world as
impermanent. All objects of attachment are imper-
manent [7].
Siddhārtha abandoned his great property and
Resolution to Strive for Awakening
left his great circle of relatives, left even the pros-
perity, majesty, and splendor of a wheel-turning
▶ Bodhicitta R
king and renounced his home to live an ascetic life
[8]. What does this mean? It means he abandoned
greed and attachment and greed for wealth and
attachment to his relatives.
Then he discovered the Noble Eightfold Path Responsibility (Buddhism)
while learning in the school of experience. He
walked on it very carefully and sincerely and Asha Mukherjee
discovered the root cause of the universal suffer- Department of Philosophy and Religion,
ing. He also discovered the path walking on which Visva-Bharati Central University, Santiniketan,
one can end one’s suffering and attain peace and WB, India
tranquillity.
It is clear from what he says in the
Ariyapariyesanā Sutta that he shaved off his hair Synonyms
and beard, donned the yellow robe, and went forth
from the homelife into homelessness. Dhamma; Kusala; Puñña; Sīla; Vinaya
1014 Responsibility (Buddhism)

Definition up, the abandonment of, the release from, and

the freedom from attachment and craving. Suffer-
Any act or state or willing which removes suffer- ing is the biggest evil due to the cycle of birth and
ing and leads to nirvāṇa is responsibility. death. “Countless are the births wherein I have
circled and run seeking, but not finding, the
builder of the house; ill is birth again and again”
Introduction [13]. Breaking of the cycle of birth and to get rid
of suffering, one can begin with simple practice of
In Buddhist system of thought, “responsibility” ordinary moralities of everyday life and continue
has an extremely important role to play. Everyone without break to the transcendental state known as
has a responsibility as either a layperson or monk “Nirvāṇa” which can be attained in present life,
toward oneself, responsibilities toward others and responsibility of each person is directed
including all sentient beings, and responsibilities toward this highest goal. It can be achieved
toward the universe at large which is called through the Noble Eightfold Path. The Eightfold
dhamma (in Pali and dharma in Sanskrit), an all- Path consists of the following principles: right
inclusive concept. Responsibilities of everyone belief, to ponder on the reality of matter; right
for the sake of understanding may be divided as aims, knowing four truths (sorrows, development
moral, social, and metaphysical which emerge of sorrows, resistance of sorrows, and the way of
from the understanding of the cosmic order of eradication of sorrows); right speech, not to make
the universe (including the monistic order). false statements; right actions, to realize the right
There are no deontological facets in Buddhism aims into actions; right means of livelihood
in the strong sense of the word like an impersonal with justification; right endeavors for right causes;
categorical imperative as Richard E. Gombrich right mindfulness for the renunciation from all
[6] while examining the duty in Buddhist Pali indulgences; and right meditation to contemplate
scriptures observed. The only central obligation to achieve Nirvāṇa.
or duty one could find is in relation to attainment
of liberation from suffering but not in the sense of
categorical imperative; rather, it is self-imposed Social Responsibility
duty. It is not a command but something emerges
from the understanding of the nature of things as For all members of society, the prime responsibil-
they are. Besides this there are contexts in which ity is to maximize happiness and minimize suffer-
one finds rules, reciprocal duties, and obligations. ing. Due to compassion, social institutions should
The biggest responsibility of everyone toward aim at equity in distribution and opportunity and
oneself is to get liberation from suffering. The minimization of suffering for the least
foundation of Buddha’s teaching is the Four advantaged. The five ethical precepts (pañca-
Noble Truths, the first being “there is suffering”; sī la) for laypersons refraining from killing, steal-
thus anything which has the possibility of leading ing, lying, sexual misconduct, and intoxication
to suffering cannot be good, and any state/action are part of the conception of good. Buddhist con-
or nonaction which reduces suffering is good. The ception of social good can be seen as instrumental
other three truths deal with the cause of suffering, for ensuring the good of individuals. The impor-
the end of suffering, and the path that frees us tant human virtues are generosity, patience,
from suffering. The main problem in Buddhism wisdom, moderation, and nonattachment, and
is how to get rid of suffering. In Buddhism, ceas- these can be achieved by developing the traits of
ing suffering is the only ideal of good life. But the character to cultivate a sense of responsibility
question is, what is suffering? It is that craving toward others not as imperatives but as natural
that leads downward to rebirth, the craving for and spontaneous. Almost similar to Aristotle [1],
feeling, for rebirth. And “ceasing of suffering” one needs to develop moral skill for the develop-
means the utter passionless ceasing, the giving ment of Buddhist virtues and attainment of good.
Responsibility (Buddhism) 1015

Responsibilities and duties are grounded in adultery, and the use of intoxicants (satya,
connectedness, in every relationship, like children ahiṃsā, asteya, aparigrah). Abstaining from
and parents; husband and wife; teacher and pupil; drinks, dance, singing, instrumental music and
servant and workpeople, with means of liveli- visiting shows, abstaining from use of garland,
hood; and friends. Loyalty to one’s friends brings scent, cosmetic ornamenting and decorating,
service and support, freedom from enemies, abstaining from use of high and luxurious beds
a welcome at home, and success in one’s activi- and seats, abstaining from the acceptance of gold
ties. One should live up to one’s promises and and silver. These are the grounds to facilitate the
should regard with friendliness any person that development of morality and social harmony as
has done one a service. A genuine friend is one well as providing germination ground for concen-
who is a help and support always and especially in tration and developing wisdom with pragmatic
need, who is the same in happiness and sorrow, considerations. The duties and obligations emerge
who advises for one’s welfare, and who is sympa- to bring the Buddhist community of monks, lay-
thetic ([16], pp. 137–138). By associating with men, and families together. In early Buddhism,
friends of high moral standard, one gains virtue separation of monks, nuns, and laity is found.
of confidence, morality, charity, and wisdom The monastic life is conceived as necessary for
displayed by the best of one’s associates. One the attainment of nirvāṇa. Laity will have to reach
should lead a balanced life in the sense that neither to the stage of a monk and monk in his future state
one should be unduly elated in favorable time nor to attain nirvāṇa. In Buddhism, besides pañca-
one should be depressed in difficult time. sī la, one also finds ten precepts (daśa-sī la or
Achievement of wisdom lies in total destruction dasakusala); they may seem basically self-cen-
of suffering. tered, but they are to be seen in the wider context
Bodhisattva takes the responsibility or burden of virtues and values such as giving (dāna-sīla)
of all suffering upon himself: and the four unlimited virtues of benevolence
(maı̂tre), compassion (karuṇā), sympathetic joy
At all costs I must bear the burdens of all beings, in
that I do not follow my own inclinations. I have made (muditā), and equanimity (upekṣā). But neither
the vow to save all beings. All beings I must set free. of them can exhaust the description of Buddhist
The whole world of living beings I must rescue, from path toward enlightenment. Five sins (papa) are
the terrors of birth, of old age, of sickness, of death, also mentioned in Mahāyāna Buddhism, and they
and rebirth, of all kinds of moral offence, of all states
of woe, of whole cycle of birth-and-death, of the are killing of bodhisattva or a nun, sacrilege, slan-
jungle of false views, of the loss of whole-some der, and wrong views about teaching, including
dharma, of the concomitants of ignorance,-from all the karmic or natural moral effects of good and
the terrors I must rescue all beings. . . . My endeavors bad deeds. Basically, the wrong viewing rather
do not merely aim at my own deliverance. For, with R
the help of the boat of the thought of all-knowledge, than bad will is the root of all evils.
I must rescue all these beings from the stream of
Samsara. . . . I am resolved to abide in each single
state of woe for numberless aeons; and so I will help Moral Responsibility
all beings to freedom, in all the states of woe that may
be found in any world system whatever.
Whole domestic and social duty, with most com-
Bodhisattva with the help of skills achieved prehensive details, or Vinaya of the houseman is
enters into the trances, and yet he is not reborn discussed in a canon called Siṅgālavādasutta [14].
in the heaven, and he instigates others to do the The entire Sutta is devoted to the outlook and
same. It is the primary responsibility of Bodhi- relations of layman and his surroundings and the
sattva to show the path to others and the persons reciprocal duty resulting therefrom. Anukampanti
should follow the path to get rid of suffering. is the word for the protecting tenderness of the
The first five precepts (pañca-sī la) for the path stronger for the weaker and means vibrating along
to better rebirths or enlightenment for laity and after. Thus the emotional force is even stronger
monks are prohibit killing, stealing, lying, than our compassion or sympathy. And because
1016 Responsibility (Buddhism)

the emotion is other-regarding, a feeling-together sermons which would be relevant for others as
whatever the loved one feels, it is justifiable by well; they were addressed to particular, but they
love from smaller to greater. are universal in character, agent-centered as well
The difference between the duties of house- as a way to lead to liberation which is always the
holder and the recluse (monk) lie not in the facul- same for every person, beginning with personal
ties employed but in the specific ends to which and gradually becoming impersonal, and
they were directed. Both have to acquire the habit transcending the “I-ness” and “my-ness.”
of virtue and practice with a mind-set for higher Buddha refers to the duties of the monks to
life. A high standard of duty is expected regarding spread the dhamma/dharma for the welfare of
one’s family, friends, and associates, and if one is many and the duties of the king to govern
a householder, he must fulfill those duties. Only according to the principles of dhamma as kinship
a moral person should expect and achieve success was the only institution to govern the country.
in his pursuits. First, by his work, elegance, and Buddha tried to humanize the kinship system and
clear mind, he could make himself happy and his gave a moral flavor. The kings are also guided by
parents, wife, children, servants, and workpeople. the duties to rule with principles or righteousness,
Then he could make happy his friends and com- impartiality, and equity. The king should govern
panions, and then he would be able to keep his with the approval and consent of the people was the
property; make suitable offerings to his kin, main axiom to be followed; the king was described
guests, deceased, kings, and monks; institute as mahāsammata as he was selected by the people.
patience and gentleness; and engage in every He was expected to follow the path of
activity that would perfect himself and others. dhamma – moral and cosmic order of the universe.
Householders should not engage in any kind of Buddhism originated in a caste society, and the
trade in weapons, in human beings, in flesh, in Asian societies where Buddhism flourished have
intoxicants, and in poison ([9], vol. III, p. 208). for the most part been hierarchically structured. In
Duties of a wife, a husband, a child, parents, such a structured society, it is natural to have duty-
a student, a teacher, employer, employee, and based discourse rather than right based. Each
householder all are discussed in utmost details. member of the society has a duty toward the
The notion of reciprocity is emphasized always, other – a reciprocal responsibility. Under dharma,
and one can find a fine blending of care and rights. husbands and wives, kings and people, and
Buddhism does not emphasize much on morality teachers and students all have reciprocal respon-
of rights but much more on morality of responsi- sibilities/obligations which can be analyzed and
bility as found in most of the Asian traditions. It is understood in terms of rights and duties, but the
often felt that morality of rights gives rise to fact remains that they are always expressed in the
antagonism between the powerless and the pow- form of duties rather than rights. “A husband
erful; thus it is better to lay emphasis on reciproc- should support his wife” and not as “wives have
ity. The notion of reciprocity is not a relation of a right to be maintained by their husbands.” On
dominance or subordination but for mutual the other hand, the hierarchical structure of the
respect and dignity with respect to other fellow society is also rejected in Buddhism due to the
beings, human as well as other living beings. In doctrine of no self; all individuals are equal. If
Siṅgālavādasutta, Buddha outlines the spirit of there is no self, then there are only individual
caring and fellow feeling relationship in the fam- bodies which are also momentary, changing
ily. But in the life of a monk, he should move every moment.
away from the network of relationship. Buddha
spent 45 years after attaining enlightenment just in
guiding people how to live a good life. He used Metaphysical Responsibility
the analogy of mother’s love for the child as
a paradigm of universal compassion. During the Buddha believed in the doctrine of correlated
discourses, he would select a person and give action, which goes to suggest as existence of law
Responsibility (Buddhism) 1017

and order in the progress of cause and effect. In self, devoid of permanence, and is in flux,
Buddhism, this doctrine is known as a continual denial of sameness at two consecutive
paṭiccasamuppāda, which is meant to illustrate moments. But the principle of continuity says no
the law of the dependent origination of things, in two things are the same, but there is similarity.
Majjhima Nikāya [8]: “If this is, that comes to be, The individual of a particular moment cannot be
from the arising of this that arises; if this is not that independent of one immediately proceeding as
does not come to be, from the ceasing of this that long as one is caused and conditioned by the
ceases.” In the context of Buddha’s enlighten- other. To explain the continuity, Buddha gives
ment, 12 direct and indirect nidānas are men- example of married women – the married
tioned including conditioned by birth, old age woman is not the same as the one who was unmar-
and dying, grief, sorrow, suffering, dejection, ried, but she is not different from the one who was
despair, and all kinds of evil. To get rid of all unmarried.
these evils or ills, one has to get rid of ignorance In Mahāyāna, the Dharmakāya of Buddha is
(avijjā) to stop the habitual tendencies and stop considered to be constituted by Śūnyatā (essence)
the consciousness ([7], vol. IV, pp. 1–2). The root and represented in monistic conception of reality.
of all suffering is avijjā or ignorance from which Mahāyāna lays equal emphasis on Śūnyatā
others follow, and each one of these constitute (Prajñā) and Karuṇā; they are two legs on
a cause for the next following from forming which Mahāyāna stands on the unity of the two.
a chain. Thus destruction of each cause has been If one does not care much for Karuṇā and adheres
said to annual its effect, leading to the cessation of to Śūnyatā alone, then he/she can never have
suffering. The three qualities to be destroyed are access to the right path; nor if one concentrates
known as the three evil roots (hetus) and with on Karuṇā alone, he can attain salvation even in
them the āsavas (sense desires, craving for the thousand births; but the one who is able to mingle
existence, lack of higher knowledge (avijjā), and Śūnyatā with Karuṇā remains neither in bhava
attachment to wrong views) also to be destroyed (samsara) nor in nirvāṇa. Buddha laid much
to attain the goal. Nirvāṇa is the state which is not emphasis on experience and refuses to accept any-
recorded by the five physical senses and is devoid thing which is beyond experience. But he makes
of sensuous happiness; the happiness arising from a distinction between that which can be objectively
the five senses is merely sensuous happiness. experienced and that which can only be transcen-
There are two corollaries of dentally experienced. One is phenomenal and the
paṭiccasamuppāda: “All is impermanent and all other is absolute. Phenomenal reality can be objec-
in the world are devoid of a self.” The world is in tively experienced and communicated, but ultimate
a process of continuous change; nothing remains reality cannot be communicated. Ultimate truth is R
same for two moments. Everything is changing a matter of realization and beyond of logic and
every moment including the individual good and evil. In this sense, Buddhists are both
(unselfness). An individual is not a unity but an positivistic and mystical.
aggregate of the five khandhas (rῡpa, vedanā, The title of the dialogue Dhammapada itself
saññā, saṅkhāra, and viññāṇa), each of which has been interpreted in different ways:
has no substance of itself. But then the problem
arises; if the self or the doer of an act and the Under one interpretation ‘Dhamma’ means reli-
experiencer is not there, then who is responsible gion- the religion taught by Buddha, or the law
which every Buddhist should accept and observe,
for any act? Buddhist does not find any inconsis- under other interpretation ‘dhamma’ is virtue, or the
tency between impermanence and anattā or no realization of the law. ‘Pada’ also has many mean-
self. Individual is a pure product of his deeds, ings as explained in Abhidhana-padipika, it means
and it is in his own hands to continue or to stop place, protection, Nirvāṇa, cause, word, thing por-
tion, foot, footstep. Thus ‘Dhammapada’ may
his miseries. “Karma is one’s own.” It is in his mean ‘footsteps of religion’, ‘The Paths of Reli-
own hands to allow his miseries to continue or to gion’, ‘Footpath of Virtue’ or ‘Path of the Law’
stop them. The whole phenomenal world is not- etc. ([10], pp. iii–iv).
1018 Responsibility (Buddhism)

In the first chapter of Dhammapada, each twin ordained that very day; (2) A bhikṣuṇī must
verses represent good and evil side of actions. spend the rainy season only in a place where
Pain, hatred, hatred by hatred, uncontrolled life there is a bhikṣu; (3) Every half month, the
and looking for pleasure, having robe without bhikṣuṇī must request the exhortation of dharma
cleaning oneself from sin, seeing truth in untruth from the monks, and instructions as to when the
and untruth in truth, passion, mourning for evil fortnightly Uposatha ceremony is to be
doing, and foolishness are evil, but happiness, performed; (4) at the end of the rainy season, the
love, controlled life, cleaning oneself from sin, bhikṣuṇī must report any misdeeds she might
seeing truth in truth and untruth in untruth, have committed, before the bhikṣu Saṃghas as
a well-reflecting mind, rejoicing the purity of well as before the bhikṣuṇī Saṃghas;
mind, a virtuous life which makes one happy in (5) a bhikṣuṇī who has transgressed a Vinaya
this world and in the next, true knowledge, and rule must submit to discipline by both the bhikṣu
priesthood are good ([10], pp. 3–8). and bhikṣuṇī Saṃghas; (6) a bhikṣuṇī must be
The requirement for monks and nuns are ordained by both the bhikṣu and bhikṣuṇī
intended to promote austerity; they have to prac- Saṃghas; (7) a bhikṣuṇī must never abuse or
tice strict celibacy with few specified objects like revile a monk; (8) a bhikṣu may formally admon-
begging bowl and robe. The laity has a special ish a bhikṣuṇī , but she may not admonish him”
duty to support, welcome, and respect the ([15], p. 43). But in spiritual matters women were
saṃgha, and monks and nuns participate and equal to men although a strict hierarchy is clear in
anchorage all works related to saṃgha and temple the above rules and male superiority is
which are not for worshiping God but for paying maintained. Women were not suited for taking
respect to the vanished teachers. The monks and positions of leadership and responsibility in secu-
nuns are supposed to control and meditate and to lar affairs outside the home. Bhikṣuṇī accepted the
teach the doctrines (dhamma) to the laity and rule gladly and disciplined them as Buddhism
faithful and improve themselves through follow- offered a way of life to women which were not
ing the path. The special training consists of mind- available in Indian society at that time. From
fulness where the aspirant attempts to control his/ various sources, the names of bhikṣuṇī s can be
her own motives. The rules for monks are often found who attained high levels such as
context dependent; they are aimed to develop Dhammadinnā, Khemā, Paṭacārā, Buddhamitrā,
a fine moral culture. In a perfect arahant and Maṅjuśrī.
(monk), the ideal moral qualities become second If one does not fulfill one’s responsibility, or
nature, spontaneous, and natural. neglects it, it is considered as evil. After one has
It is not a question of faith but of actively done some evil, he/she has to mourn: “The evil-
taking responsibility for one’s own spiritual vic- doer mourns in this world, and he mourns in both.
tory. Men and women both are advised to fulfill He mourns and suffers when he sees the evil
their social roles and responsibility. Social respon- (result) of his own work” ([10], p. 15).
sibilities such as being respectful and kind to Visuddhimāgga deals with how one can get rid
family members and generous to monks and of the effects of the evil doings; this method is
nuns and avoiding jealousy, ill temper, vengeful- called visuddhi. The evil path and good path are
ness, lust, etc., were for both men and women, and also technical expressions for descending and
they are part of their onward journey. There is ascending scales of worlds through which all
a story about how the first bhikṣuṇī (nun) beings have to travel upward or downward,
saṃghas was founded. Initially, it was not wel- according to their deeds: “An evil deed, like
comed, and even when bhikṣuṇī saṃgha was newly-drawn milk, does not turn (suddenly);
allowed, a bhikṣuṇī had to accept much more smoldering, like fire covered by ashes, it follows
strict eight rules: “(1) that every bhikṣuṇī , even the fool” ([10], p. 71). “Good men indeed walk
if she has been ordained a hundred years, shall rise (warily) under all circumstances; good men speak
and salute every monk, even if he was just not out of a desire for sensual gratification;
Responsibility (Buddhism) 1019

whether touched by happiness or sorrow wise ▶ Four Noble Truths

people never appear elated or depressed” ([10], ▶ Good (Buddhism)
p. 83). “He who is calm, having left behind good ▶ Karma
and evil, free from defilement, having understood
this and the other world, and conquered birth
and death, such a one is called a Samaṇa by
being so” [7]. References
One must note that in Buddhism there are
several different lines along which both specula- 1. Aristotle, Nicomachean ethics in Works of Aristotle
(1925) 9 vols (trans: Ross WD) Oxford Carendon
tion and edifying teachings for conduct run. The
Press
first is one where conduct laid out for the ordinary 2. Bilimoria P, Mohanty JN (eds) (1997) Relativism, suf-
Buddhist layman is found in various Nikāyas. In fering and beyond, essays in memory of Bimal K.
such context, Buddhism does not go away much Matilal, Oxford University Press, Delhi
3. Conze E (1953) Buddhist texts through the ages.
from the current ethics of the day. The second is
Oxford University Press, Oxford
the rules as outward conduct of the members of 4. Conze E (1964) Saṃyutta Nikāya in Buddhist texts
the order laid down in various texts where we find through the ages. Harper Torchbooks, New York
simple incorporation of the Brahman and non- 5. Keown D (1992) The nature of Buddhist ethics.
Macmillan, London
Brahman rules (with in Hinduism) with some
6. Gombrich RE (1978) The duty of a Buddhist
minor changes and additions; the third is according to Pali scripture. In: Doniger W et al (eds)
a system of self-training in higher things pre- The concept of duty in South Asia. Vikas, New Delhi
scribed for members of the order, which also 7. Horner IB (1958) Translation ofMahavagga. In: Book
of the discipline of the Vinaya. Nalanda-Devnagari
cannot be considered as exclusively Buddhist;
Pali Series, Pali Publication Board, Bihar Government
and the last is the method of self-training laid 8. Bhikshu Jagdish K (ed) (1958) Majjhima-Nikāya, Nāl
down for those who have entered upon the Path edn [As the middle length sayings], 3 vols (trans.
of Arahatship, the Eightfold Path, where the Horner IB). PTS, London
9. Morris H, Hardy H (eds) (1959) Aṅguttara Nikāya,
exclusive Buddhist doctrines are to be found.
vols 1–5. Pali Text Society, London, 1885–1900,
But all the four kind of rules of conduct form reprint
a very well-welded consistent whole, and each 10. Max MF (1965) The Dhammapada – a collection of
part plays an important role in the whole. verses, translation from Pāli. Motilal Banarsidass,
Delhi
In later Mahāyāna literature, there is a tendency
11. Diana P (1979) Maharatnakūṭa. In: Women in Bud-
to ascribe sacred properties to the text. The dhism (trans). Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley
essence of the Buddha’s teaching is considered 12. Rhys Davids TW (Mrs) (ed) (2005) Saṃyutta-Nikāya
as being “truth body.” It is interesting to note [The book of the kindred sayings], 5 vols (trans:
R
Woodward FL). Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
that through the mystical experience and cooper-
13. Rhys Davids TW (Mrs) (2007) Dīgha-Nikāya. In:
ative and altruistic considerations, a life of Dialogues of the Buddha, vols 1–3. Motilal
humanistic compassion follows interacting with Banarsidass, Delhi
a mystical worldview. Rabindranath Tagore’s 14. Rhys Davids TW (Mrs) (2007) Singalavadasutta. In:
Dialogues of the Buddha, vol 3. Motilal Banarsidass,
Religion of Man [20] comes very close to such
Delhi
kind of Buddhism – the relation between the indi- 15. Sharma A (2006) Women in Indian religions. Oxford
vidual and the universal; the individual finds University Press, Oxford
meaning in identifying himself/herself with the 16. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics – essence of
Buddhism. George Braziller, New York
universal, the transcendental.
17. Stcherbatsky Th (1961) The central conception of
Buddhism and the meaning of the word ‘Dharma’,
3rd edn, Sushil Gupta, Calcutta
Cross-References 18. Suzuki DT (1963) Outlines of Mahāyāna Buddhism.
Schocken Books, New York
19. Doniger W et al (eds) (1978) The concept of duty in
▶ Dhamma South Asia. Vikas, New Delhi
▶ Evil (Buddhism) 20. Tagore R (1993) Religion of man. Indus, New Delhi
1020 Revelation

Introduction
Revelation
In the history of the world, it is observed that
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) a religion can flourish well in a country or
attain greatest popularity among the country-
men only when that religion receives its patron-
age from the ruler of the country, may be a king
Revelation of the Good Religion in or an army officer or whatever status he may
Laṅkā have. For example, Christianity would not have
attained the form which it has now, unless it
▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra received the active support and patronage of
emperors like Constantine. This happened not
only with Christianity but with all great reli-
gions of the world. Buddhism is no exception in
Righteous War
this regard.
▶ Warfare (Buddhism)
Royal Connection

Rje-btsun Tārānātha The founder of the religion of Buddhism,

Siddhārtha Gautama, came from a royal family
▶ Tāranātha of Kapilavastu and as such was in an advanta-
geous position to win over the royal favor and
patronage. When Siddhārtha attained the stage of
Bodhi and became known as Buddha and founded
Root Language the religion of Buddhism, the popularity of his
religion was not confined to his birthplace or to
▶ Divya-dhvani that royal family only but spread among different
empires. This is evident from the fact that after his
death, there was a craze among the different
emperors to receive the relics after the cremation
Royal Consecration of his body and to erect stūpas for worshipping.
In this regard mention may be made of Ajātasatru
Madhumita Chattopadhyay of Magadha, the Licchavis of Vesāli (Vaiśālī),
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, the Śākyas of Kapilavastu, the Koliyas of
Kolkata, West Bengal, India Rāmagrāma, the Mallas of Pāvā, etc. History
tells that Buddhism could spread so fast during
this period under the royal consecration of many
Synonyms monarchs of this time, among whom mention
must be made of Aśoka, Menander, and Kaniṣka
Royal patronage whose only concern was to follow the religion of
Buddha with great devotion.

Definition
Contribution of Aśoka
Declaration of something as sacred by the king.
Formal dedication by the king of some property or Aśoka Maurya was a religious person and ren-
land to an institution for religious purposes. dered valuable service in the form of working
Royal Consecration 1021

for the spread of Buddhism to different parts of The royal consecration of Buddhism during the
India and abroad and resolving the conflicts aris- reign of this Indo-Greek ruler has been mentioned
ing among the Buddhist saṃghas regarding the in several inscriptions which also refer to the
proper interpretation of Buddha’s teachings [1]. donations received from them.
From the minor pillar edicts of Aśoka found at During the reign of the Kuṣāṇa emperors, espe-
Sārnāth, Kauśāmbi, and Sāñcī, it can be known cially of Kaniṣka (78–101 A.D.), Buddhism
that since the time of the second council, the received much patronage from the royal
atmosphere in the Buddhist saṃgha was not emperors. One important contribution of Kaniṣka
peaceful. There would occur disturbances and is that it was during his reign that the Buddhist
conflicts among the different groups of Buddhists. monks and nuns established the images of the
To resolve the conflicts and put an end to such Buddha and Bodhisattva and worked for the
disturbances, King Aśoka took precautionary advancement of the welfare of Buddhism. On
measures against the unsettled conditions in the the model of Aśoka, Kaniṣka arranged for the
Buddhist saṃgha [2]. He, moreover, convened Fourth Buddhist Council with the aim to reconcile
the Third Buddhist Council with Moggaliputta the opinions of the various sects of Buddhism and
Tissa as the President and under his patronage explain the Vinaya, the Sūtra, and the Abhidharma
the text Kathāvatthu was composed. For texts properly [5]. This Fourth Buddhist Council
preaching Buddhism, Aśoka after this council may be looked upon as one of the most important
sent nine missionaries to nine different coun- events in the history of Buddhism as in this coun-
tries. In his rock edicts II and XIII, mention is cil, Sanskrit was first used as a medium of
made of the names of the countries where the expressing the Buddhist doctrines. This council
missionaries were sent for the purpose of was organized at Kashmir and for this purpose a
Dharmavijaya or spread of Buddhism [3]. monastery was erected there by Kaniṣka to
Aśoka tried to popularize the teachings of accommodate all the monks coming to attend the
Lord Buddha in respect of providing medical council. To make Buddhism popular among ordi-
services to both men and lower animals. His nary people, several statues of Buddha, stūpas,
edicts point out the close connection between and religious buildings were erected in different
the court of Aśoka and several religious insti- parts of his kingdom. From the monasteries and
tutions. His love for Buddhism was so great statues of this period, it is generally believed that
that he wanted to regain its past glory. It was the Sarvāstivāda sect of Buddhism attained prom-
because of his earnest zeal that Buddhism as inence at the time of Kaniṣka.
a religion took its firm roots in different parts of During the rule of the Sātavāhana kings, Bud-
India and spread to foreign countries [4]. dhism reached the zenith of its popularity. From R
several inscriptions it is known that the
Sātavāhana kings established rock-cut caityas,
Contribution of Other Kings stūpas and hall of reception for the Buddhists.
They also donated villages, lands and money
After the fall of the Maurya Empire, the northern, to the monks for the construction of new
western, and central parts of India went under the buildings or renovation of already existing ones.
rules of foreign powers. Among the foreign rulers This is an instance of the royal patronage of these
mention should be made of the Greek king kings.
Menander (probably of the first century) who In the Gupta period traces of patronage to
being a lover of Buddhism adopted Buddhism as Buddhism by the kings can be found from epi-
his personal faith and became a devout follower. graphical sources. From the records of Hiuen
He rendered valuable services for popularizing Tsang, it is known that kings like Chandragupta
Buddhism during his reign. Because of his impor- I, Samudragupta, and Skandagupta of the Gupta
tant contribution to the Buddhist world and his empire revered the three gems – the Buddha, the
pious activities, he was known as Dharmarāja. dhamma, and the saṃgha. During the times of
1022 Royal Patronage

Chandragupta II and Samudragupta, Bodhgayā References

and Sāñcī became famous places of Buddhism.
Samudragupta also built a monastery at Nālandā, 1. Akira H (1998) A history of Indian Buddhism: from
Śākyamuni to early Mahāyāna. Motilal Banarsidass
the great center of Buddhist learning. From the
Publishers, Delhi
seals discovered at the site of Nālandā, it is 2. Hazra KL (2007) Aśoka as depicted in his Edicts.
inferred that other rulers of the Gupta dynasty Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi
were patrons of Buddhism and closely related 3. Barua BM (1968) Aśoka and his inscriptions. New Age
Publishers, Calcutta
with the Buddhist Nālandā University which was
4. Chattopadhyay DP (1997) Tārānātha’s history of Bud-
then growing very fast [6]. In the Gupta age Bud- dhism in India. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi
dhist literary work and art started developing. 5. Bapat PV (1971) 2500 years of Buddhism. Publications
There was a trend for Buddhist logic and critical Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,
Government of India, New Delhi
school of philosophy with Dignāga as the pioneer.
6. Hazra KL (1984) Royal patronage of Buddhism in
During the fourth, fifth, and sixth century A.D., ancient India. D.K. Publications, Delhi
artists used to create beautiful images of Buddha
and Bodhisattva. Such literary and artistic
excellences clearly indicate that Buddhism
received great patronage from the royal families, Royal Patronage
from the noble families, and also from the rich
people. All of them contributed much for patron- ▶ Royal Consecration
izing Buddhism and donate for that sake land,
money, and other assistances according to their
own ability.
Rummendei

Cross-References ▶ Lumbinī

▶ Ajātaśatru
▶ Aśoka
Rummindei
▶ Bimbisāra
▶ Bodhgayā
▶ Lumbinī
▶ Dharmavijaya
▶ Gandhara
▶ Greeks
▶ Kaniṣka Rupadihi visayehi suttu aggo ti saggo
▶ Kingship
▶ Kumārajīva ▶ Heaven (Buddhism)
▶ Monastery
▶ Nālandā
▶ Sanchi
▶ Sārnāth Ryūmō (Japanese)
▶ Stūpa
▶ Vaiśālī ▶ Nāgārjuna
S

Sabar no need to accept śabda as an independent source

of cognition, but reduced it to inference. Śabda or
▶ Tolerance (Jainism) testimony has been defined by the Nyāya thinkers
as the instruction (upadeśaḥ) of a reliable person.
This testimony is admitted as different from sense
perception since the object apprehended by it is
Śabda beyond the reach of the senses nor can it be
regarded as a case of inference, since it does not
Madhumita Chattopadhyay fulfill the three conditions required for a valid
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, inference. But the cognition that is generated by
Kolkata, West Bengal, India testimony with regard to such supernatural objects
as svarga, agnihotra, etc., is free from all sorts of
doubt, and hence has to be admitted as valid. The
Synonyms Buddhists, however, do not accept this view
regarding testimony. Their observation is that
Testimony or verbal cognition there is no real connection between a word and
its object; that is, no word can give us any infor-
mation regarding the reality of an object. The
Definition Buddhist logician Dharmakīrti in his text
Pramāṇavārttikam holds that since words do not
A variety of cognition which arises from the utter- have any inseparable relation (nāntarī yakatva)
ance of words or linguistic signs. with the objects, the words cannot establish the
existence of the objects. They are only expressive
of the intention of the speaker. At the basis of this
Buddhists on Sabda observation lies the main thesis of Buddhist epis-
temology, namely, that one can prove the exis-
The Nyāya as well as the Mīmāṃsā systems of tence of an object on the basis of something else
Indian thought made very detailed analysis of the only if there exists an inseparable relation between
notion of śabda pramāṇa or testimony as a means the two. In the case of āgama, any inseparable
of valid cognition in order to provide rational relation between the word and the object cannot
arguments for justifying the authenticity of the be found. If there were such a relation, the nature
Vedas. The Buddhists, on the other hand, in their of the object could have been ascertained from the
insistence on admitting only two pramāṇas found utterance of the word. But that is not the case.
# Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2017
K.T.S. Sarao, J.D. Long (eds.), Buddhism and Jainism, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-024-0852-2
1024 Śabda

From the mere utterance of the word “fire” no one inference. The statement of a trustworthy person
is able to get fire. Hence, the existence of the (like Buddha and others) can easily be regarded as
object cannot be proved from words. In other reliable with reference to objects which are
words, testimony is not a pramāṇa with regard directly verifiable. Even when the statement refers
to the actual real object. From this, however, it to an object which is not directly verifiable, it can
would be wrong to conclude that śabda or testi- be considered equally as reliable, so long as no
mony does not have any worth. The worth of it contrary results are perceived. Since the knowl-
lies in expressing the intention of the speaker. edge generated by the statements of a trustworthy
These words are produced on the basis of the person reveals the object in an indirect manner,
intention (vivakṣā) of the speaker. Since there Dignāga considers such knowledge to be of infer-
is a causal relation between the words and the ential nature. Dharmakīrti offers two arguments to
intention of the speaker, a necessary relation justify the view of Dignāga. The first justification
(nāntarī yakatābhāva) between them has to be for considering the āgama as a sort of inference
admitted. Thus being inseparably connected, centers round the character of non-disagreement
words can make the intention of the speaker with reality (avisaṁvādaka) which is shared in
known. So words, even though they form an common by the āgama and inference as pramāṇa.
āgama fundamentally cannot provide one with The knowledge of inaccessible objects, though is
any information regarding the reality of the object. produced by the words of a reliable person, does
Dignāga, the master logician of the Buddhist not only inform of the intention of the speaker but
school, has regarded the knowledge based on the informs about the nature of reality also. The sec-
words of a reliable person to be an inference on ond justification that is offered by Dharmakīrti is
the ground that both inference and testimony are that through his own power of perception and
avisaṁvādaka, that is, do not disagree with real- inference a person can apprehend the correctness
ity. He includes it within inference. By regarding ś of the truth concerning the objects to be aban-
abda to be an inference the Buddhist logician doned (namely, suffering) and of the truth of the
wants to recognize the fact that human behaviors object to be attained (namely, the avoidance of
are often dependent on the guidance of such ś suffering) as also of the causes for such suffering
abda. From the āgama a person comes to know and absence of suffering. All of these have been
about the great blessings and the great misfortunes taught by a reliable person, namely, Lord Buddha.
which result or do not result when one performs or These statements are true since they do not dis-
does not perform some act. So when an act, pos- agree with reality. So it can be concluded that the
itive or negative, has to be performed, the ordinary cognition originating from āgama with regard to
individual feels it better to act in the manner as things beyond the grasp of a human being is an
prescribed by the āgama. Taking such practical inference. However, there is a word of caution.
considerations into account Dignāga regarded Since words do not have any inseparable connec-
āgama to be a pramāṇa that is an inference. tion with reality, in the context of āgama as infer-
According to the Buddhists, an āgama or ence the possibility of error cannot be eliminated.
a reliable statement is one (1) whose words are So any inference based on words cannot be
coherent, (2) for which there are means that are authentic. The authenticity of the āgama variety
appropriate for attaining the desired end, and of inference depends on the authenticity of the
(3) which expresses what is useful to a human speaker.
being. The trustworthiness of such āgama state- The question that arises immediately is
ments about perceptible and imperceptible entities concerning an authentic speaker: Is there really
can be determined through the two pramāṇas such a speaker whose words can enable one to
recognized by the Buddhists, namely, perception have valid knowledge about such inaccessible
and inference. The basis of such determination is objects? The Buddhists do not accept the notion
that the information contained in such sentences is of an āptapuruṣa as admitted by the Naiyāyikas
not contradicted by either perception or by nor can they deny the existence of such a person.
Śabda 1025

So they try to prove their existence through an in two different senses, the first one in a purely
argument of the following form: epistemological sense, meaning the source of
valid cognition, and the second sense has a more
1. Ordinary human beings are possessed of vir- general connotation where authority means right
tues and faults which determine the rightness measure. According to Dignāga, Lord Buddha is
and wrongness of their behavior. a means of valid cognition regarding religious
2. All things which are sometimes inferior and authority through his perfection in cause and
sometimes superior must have an opposite. effect, in order to produce reverence. The cause
3. The faults have the quality of becoming infe- here refers to the Buddha’s striving for the welfare
rior and superior. of the world and his being the teacher while effect
4. Therefore, there is an increase and decrease of refers to Buddha’s being the well-gone and his
the faults by the influence from the opposite being the savior. Buddha has perfected and
thing. saved himself, but he has also saved others by
5. The faults are produced from ideas (vikalpa). teaching them the road to ultimate salvation,
6. Therefore, even if a person has the material a road which he himself has traversed. This con-
cause of all faults, these faults are decreased stitutes, according to Dignāga, the condition for
by means of the repeated practice of a certain Buddha’s being a pramāṇa. In the second chapter
virtue of the mind. of the text Pramāṇavārttika Dharmakīrti also
7. When this virtue attains a maximum, the faults offers arguments to prove that the doctrines of
are bound to be completely destroyed. Lord Buddha are pramāṇa. For Dharmakīrti ś
8. Therefore, it is quite possible that a person free abda or testimony refers to words used in
from faults exists. a coherent meaningful sentence which teaches
suitable means and expresses what is useful to
The question that arises immediately is, even man. Coherently formulated sentences which
though a person is free from faults at present, how refer to practicable methods to gain something
can it be ascertained that he will remain so after- and which disclose a desirable human goal, can
ward also. The answer that the Buddhists offer is communicate knowledge of objects really helpful
that the person who has once made himself free to the hearer, even though such sentences do not
from faults cannot fall prey to faults later. Their reveal particular objects themselves as direct per-
argument is as follows: First he has given up all ception does. The teachings of Lord Buddha con-
the faults, secondly he is free from the suffering stitute trustworthy knowledge and reveal to the
which is connected with the actual occurrence of hearers objects that were not known before. Bud-
anger, etc., or with future existence, and thirdly he dha has pointed out to others the facts of the useful
does not shrink from the taste of felicity in the things that are to be realized and informed them of
perfect calmness. Moreover, all kinds of faults the truths which were so far unknown to them. S
originate from the notions of “I,” “mine,” etc., Further Buddha does not deceive others with
(satkāyadṛṣṭi) which arise because of nescience. regard to the ultimate goals of human aspiration.
So long as such nescience exists in human beings Since his words are nondeceptive in character and
there is attachment to the self which is the root provide new information, he can be considered as
cause of all hatred, anger, and other faults. Hence a source of valid cognition. The trustworthiness of
for the person who has set himself free from the Buddha is proved to the extent to which a person
nescience through the repeated practice of no-self, really acquires for himself the objects taught by
there is no possibility that these defects will arise him. With regard to objects which are accessible
once again in him. to perception and inference, the teachings of Bud-
Dignāga in the introductory verse of his dha are found to be trustworthy when the hearer
Pramāṇasamuccaya has regarded Buddha as finds the objects producing desired results. On the
pramāṇabhūta, a pramāṇa on religious matters. other hand, with regard to objects which are
It seems that Dignāga is using the word pramāṇa imperceptible, the trustworthiness of his teachings
1026 Sacred Biography (Buddhism)

is inferred from his trustworthiness regarding per- 4. Yaita H (1987) Dharmakirti on the authority of Bud-
ceptible matters. Thus Dharmakīrti limits the dhist scriptures (Agama): an annotated translation of the
Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti, adv 213–217. J Nanto Soc
scope of scripturally based inferences to cases Buddh Stud 58:1–57
where the objects are radically inaccessible and 5. Yaita H (1988) Dharmakīrti on the person free
hence beyond the range of ordinary ratiocination. from faults: an annotated translation of the
By such limitation he is able to preserve infer- Pramāṇavārttikasvavṛtti, adv 218–223. Nanto Bukkyo
Kenkyukai II:433–445
ences to be objectively grounded and at the same 6. Hayes RP (1988) Dinnaga on the Interpretation of
time show his difference from the Mīmāṁsā and Signs, Studies of classical India 8, Dordrecht: Kluwer
Sāṁkhya schools that cite scriptural passages as Academic Press
a means of proof even in the context of ordinary 7. Kajiyama Y (1966) An introduction to Buddhist Phi-
losophy, Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters, Kyoto
properties like the impermanence of sound. University, Kyoto
Hence, according to the Buddhists, testimony or 8. Hattori M (1968) Dinnaga on Perception, being the
śabda can be considered as an inference when it is Pratyaksa paricchedah of Dinnaga’s Pramanasamuccaya
applied to radically inaccessible objects. It is from the Sanskrit Fragnents and the Tibetan versions,
Cambridge: Hervard University Press
a special indirect case of inference because of
the fact that it turns on inductive generalization
presupposing the correctness of direct perception
or ordinary inferences. In a nutshell, the Bud-
dhist’s view is that there is no need to postulate
Sacred Biography (Buddhism)
śabda as a separate means of knowledge; it is to be
▶ Hagiography (Buddhism)
considered as a special variety of inference.

Cross-References Saddharmapundrīka Sūtra

˙˙
▶ Dharmakīrti (c. A.D. 600–660) Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore
▶ Dignāga Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in
▶ Knowledge (Buddhism) Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and
▶ Logic (Buddhism) Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra,
▶ Mantra India
▶ Omniscience
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
Synonyms

The Lotus Sūtra

References

1. Chattopadhyay M (2007) Walking along the paths of

Buddhist epistemology. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi Definition
2. Dharmakīrti (1989) The Pramāṇavārttika of Acārya
Dharmakīrti with the commentaries Svopajñavṛtti of Mahāyāna-Buddhist text, one of the Vaipulya-
the author and Pramāṇavārttikavṛtti of
sūtras, sacred Nava-dharmas (nine-texts) of the
Manorathanandin, ed. Pandeya RC. Motilal
Banarsidass, Delhi Nepālese Buddhism
3. Van Bijlert, Vittorio A (1989) Epistemology and spiri-
tual authority: the development of epistemology and
logic in the old Nyāya and the Buddhist school of Lotus of the Right Mode to Live Life
epistemology with an annotated translation of
Dharmakīrti’s Pramāṇavārttika-II(Pramāṇasiddhi), vv
1–7, WSTB 20. Arbeitskreis fur Tibetische und It is a Mahāyāna-Buddhist text [1] originated in
Buddhistische Studien, Vienna India, having popularity and high respect all over
Saddharmapundrīka Sūtra 1027
˙˙

the world among the practitioners of Buddhism, Buddhism is not only meant for intellectuals,
especially followers of Tendai sect in China and nor for strict practitioners, but it is a means to
Nirchiren sect in Japan. It is translated into Euro- attain Nirvāṇa to all, without any kind of
pean languages like French, German, English, and discrimination – rich and poor, men and women,
is also available in Tibetan translated form by children and age-old, belonging to any religion
Surendrabodhi as well as Chinese along with six and region, etc. Naturally very few Bhikkhus, who
commentaries. It is one among the sacred Nava- were following Vinaya with extreme austerities
dharmas (nine-texts) of the Nepalese Buddhism alone are entitled to attain Nirvāṇa, a belief pre-
venerated with devotion and known as a part of dominant among the followers of early Bud-
the Vaipulya-sūtras. It consists of 27 chapters dhism, was required to be altered by new version
(Parivratas). that all can attain Nirvāṇa, and to give hope and
It is a mixed form of writing - combination of popularize the thoughts of the Buddha. Expansion
verse and prose. The First part is prose and it is cannot be made unless inclusive and accommoda-
then followed by verses. Verses present summary tive framework is adopted, and that task was
of the proceeding portion in details. “Lotus” is undertaken by some such works in the initial
a symbol of purity and perfection, because it orig- stages of Mahāyāna Buddhism and Saddharma-
inates in mud but not defiled by mud, just like the puṇḍarī ka-sūtra was one among them.
Buddha, who was born as a human being in this A lay-person is not able to understand and
world but he was above the worldly affairs. digest highly philosophical thoughts; rather, she/
“Lotus” seeds/fruits are ripped is indicated when he is most of the time governed by emotions,
it is blossomed, same is the case with the Buddha, instincts, and passions. But if she/he is convinced
when he had realization of the Bodhi (ultimate by telling the stories and dialogues, by giving
truth/enlightenment), then only he started beautiful similes and parables, she/he can under-
preaching the truth on request of the interested stand doctrines of Buddhism [3]. And, exactly this
ones. It is “Puṇḍarī ka (white-lotus)” clean and new mode of presentation is adopted by the
simple truth, taught by the Buddha having various Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra. At that time,
petals of (chapters) of the doctrines exposing its people were interested in attaining the highest
natural beauty and glory. It is “lotus” of moral hues enlightenment by faith and trying to seek compas-
and colors attracting those bees to suck the honey sion (Karuṇā) of the Buddha and Bodhisattvas;
readily available, like the Buddha’s thoughts dis- hence, emphasis is on devotion to the Buddha.
tributing sweet honey to all kinds of devotees They were worshiping, by using whatever
without any discrimination. was available with them – externally or
Historically it is an important text [2] where potentially – the relics, erecting Stūpas, scribbling
paradigm shift from Hī nayāna to Mahāyāna is pictures, constructing images and idols of the
noticeable, or a mode of synthesizing the three Buddha. By using devotion as a means one can S
Yānas into one, viz., Śrāvaka-yāna, Pratyeka- attain the Buddha-hood: This was their belief. In
buddha-yāna, and Bodhisattva-yāna into Bud- this context, especially Upāsakas, Upāsikas and
dha-yāna. It is seen that there was a need to Śrāvakas believed in the compassion of the Bud-
synchronize and systematize the differences of dha, that he is the only survivor and final solace to
opinion and respectively various strands taken all kinds of problems they are facing and hence
by the exponents of them from early Buddhist surrender to him unconditionally. Faith and reason
tradition, and by transcending the limitations or can go together which is the backbone of
by bracketing the internal contradictions, an inclu- Mahāyāna Buddhism: This is elaborated in this
sive model of understanding teaching of the Bud- work. Even though one is living in a house, which
dha is insightfully articulated and put forth by the is set on fire of craving and ignorance, one can
Mahāyāna. In such a context, perhaps, it was survive and successfully lead a life, provided
important to confront the problems originated Buddha pours his grace. Thus, he is physician
that are faced by the then followers of Buddhism. and protector, to provide medicine to our spiritual
1028 Saddharmapundrīka Sūtra
˙˙

illness. So by using whatever is good, it is essen- and he taught it to others, and further it is pre-
tial to obtain his grace [4]. served by his followers; and (III) Saṁbhoga-kāya
Although one (any human being) is born as (enjoyment through creative embodiment) – The
human a being and is distinctively different, if images one imagines and creates through the
one uses the present life as a chance, one can inborn potentialities and gets manifested in arche-
morally and spiritually progress. All human type-forms are embodiments for joy and happi-
beings have at least two assets and they are ness for years together for all. In the early
endowed with certain capacities as skillful Buddhist literature, one can at the most trace the
means to develop – Prajñā (wisdom) and Karuṇā former two but the last one is a unique contribu-
(compassion). If everybody uses these two assets tion of this text.
skillfully, each one can become perfect and attain It is believed by the followers that even by
the Nirvāṇa (emancipation). It is this thought that reading or worshiping this text, one can get
is used and expanded in this book. That is why enlightenment (Bodhi) and attain Nirvāṇa
through this book, it is learnt that Buddhist arts (emancipation).
and crafts were used as a means to attain perfec-
tion and tranquility. There is a glorification of the
Buddha and his preachers in the form of Bodhi- Cross-References
sattvas, which appear to be endowed with strange
and mystical powers. It also speaks of Dhārinī s ▶ Bhikkhunī
(mystical-spells) to overcome difficulties faced, ▶ Bodhi
and when one is surrounded by annoying states ▶ Bodhisattva
of affairs. Some scholars [5] have attempted to ▶ Dhāraṇī
find out similarities of the present text with Brah- ▶ Dharma
manical texts like Brāhmaṇa-graṅthas, Atharva- ▶ Hī nayāna
veda, etc. on the one hand and Christian legends ▶ Karuṇā
on the other. ▶ Mahāyāna
When this work originated, perhaps, due to the ▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
passage of time, people were finding it difficult to ▶ Nirvāṇa
correlate themselves with the Buddha. In order to ▶ Prajñā
establish the proximity and make Buddha’s ▶ Pratyeka-Buddha
thoughts relevant even in changing circumstances ▶ Śrāvaka
and situations, it was, perhaps, felt essential to ▶ Stūpa
find out new ways and means. Mahāyāna Bud- ▶ Tri-kāya
dhism provides that skillful-bridge by creating ▶ Upāsaka
a new idea of Saṁbhoga-kāya (emergence of the ▶ Vinaya
Buddha from time-to-time). In the early Buddhist
texts, one never comes across the idea of Tri-kāya.
However, in the Saddharma-Puṇḍarī ka-Sūtra, References
for the first time, perhaps, it is articulated and
expounded. The Buddha or reality is manifested 1. Vaidya PL (ed) (1960) Saddharma-Puṇḍarika-Sūtra.
in three different ways (Kāyas – bodies/forms/ Mithila Institute, Darbhanga
2. Obermiller E (1999) Bu-Ston: the history of Buddhism
modes of existence): (I) Nirmāṇa-kāya (human in India and Tibet. Sri Sadguru Publications, Delhi
form of embodiment) The Buddha actually 3. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
lived as a human being in this world – i.e., his Banarsidass, Delhi
spatiotemporal emergence in this world, (II) 4. Sangharakshita (1987) A survey of Buddhism: its doc-
trines and methods through ages. Tharpa Publications,
Dharma-kāya (thoughts/doctrines as an embodi- London
ment of truth) – Thoughts of the Buddha emerged 5. Winternitz M (1993) History of Indian literature, vol II.
through his enlightenment and realization of truth Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 290–297, 367, 397
Sakadāgāmin 1029

in early Buddhism. A sakadāgāmin has thereby

Sadharana become a “once-returner,” in the sense of being
one who “returns,” āgāmin, only “once,” sakid,
▶ Nigoda more to be reborn in the sensual world before
reaching final liberation and thereby freedom
from any rebirth.

Sadharmachakra Prāvartana
Mahāvihāra The Once-returner

▶ Sārnāth In early Buddhist thought, the scheme of the four

levels of awakening reflects the gradual eradica-
tion of the fetters, saṃyojana, that are considered
to be what binds an unawakened worldling to
Sadhu continued existence in the cycle of saṃsāra.
A stream-enterer, who has gained the first level
▶ Śramaṇa of awakening, has eradicated three of these fetters.
These three are the fetter of personality view,
sakkāyadiṭṭhi, in the sense of the notion of
a permanent self, the fetter of doubt, vicikicchā,
Sagga in particular doubt regarding the nature of what is
wholesome and what is unwholesome, and the
▶ Heaven (Buddhism) fetter of dogmatic clinging to rules and vows,
sī labbataparāmāsa, as in themselves sufficient
for reaching liberation.
The next two fetters to be overcome are sensual
Sahishnutaa lust, kāmarāga, and ill will, vyāpāda. In regard to
their overcoming, a once-returner has already
▶ Tolerance (Jainism) made substantial progress, since he or she has
considerably weakened both. Their complete
eradication, however, is only accomplished with
the next and third level of awakening, the attain-
Sakadāgāmin ment of non-return, anāgāmin, whereby one will
no longer return to be born in the sensual world.
Bhikkhu Anālayo The realization of once-return requires the S
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of development of insight, vipassanā, and tranquil-
Hamburg, Balve, Germany ity, samatha, a meditative development of the
mind that needs to be based on a firm foundation
in moral conduct. To proceed from stream-entry to
Synonyms once-return and from there to the higher stages of
awakening calls for contemplating the five aggre-
Once-returner; Sakṛdāgāmin (Sanskrit) gates affected by clinging as impermanent, unsat-
isfactory, and devoid of a self ([2], Vol. III,
p. 168). These five aggregates are according to
Definition early Buddhism the chief constituents of an indi-
vidual, comprising the aggregates of bodily form,
The sakadāgāmin is one who has reached the feeling, perception, volitions, and consciousness.
second of the four levels of awakening recognized The above contemplation therefore implies that all
1030 Sakadāgāmin

aspects of subjective experience should be seen as to attain absorption, jhāna, however, is not going
constantly changing, as therefore unable to pro- to return to “this world” in the next life ([3],
vide lasting satisfaction, and as therewith not fit to Vol. II, p. 126). Such a one will be reborn in
be considered as a permanent self. Indeed, if one a higher heavenly sphere beyond the sensuous
takes anything to be permanent or satisfactory or field, namely, in the fine-material or immaterial
a self, or else if one does not regard Nirvāṇa as heavenly worlds, the rūpaloka and arūpaloka.
happiness, then one is incapable of gaining once- This certainly does not mean that all once-
return or any of the other levels of awakening ([3], returners are bereft of deeper levels of concentra-
Vol. III, p. 442). tion. But if all once-returners were at the same
The development of insight for the attainment time also able to attain absorption, the concept of
of once-return comes into being through having a “once-returner” would be superfluous, since not
had association with superior persons, having a single once-returner would ever return “to this
heard the Dharma, having attended wisely, and world.” Hence, the very expression “once-return”
having practiced in accordance with the Dharma shows that the development of concentration up to
([2], Vol. V, p. 410). The most basic requirement the level of absorption attainment cannot be
for the gaining of once-return, however, is the a requirement for gaining this level of awakening.
existence of a Buddha, since due to his teaching Some once-returners may, however, develop
the path to once-return and to the other stages of deep levels of concentration and even gain the
awakening is revealed to humanity ([3], Vol. I, immaterial attainments, arūpa samāpatti, where
p. 23). according to early Buddhist meditation theory the
Although a once-returner has made substantial deeply concentrated mind perceives merely
progress when compared to a stream-enterer or boundless space, or boundless consciousness, or
even an unawakened worldling, he or she has nothingness, or else reaches such depth of con-
not yet fully realized the Buddha’s teaching ([1], centration that perception as such appears almost
Vol. II, p. 252). This is only accomplished by absent. Such a once-returner could then be reck-
those who have gained the highest level of awak- oned a “body witness,” kāyasakkhin, in the sense
ening: the arahants. An arahant has also fully of having directly witnessed these profound expe-
developed five mental faculties, indriya, that are riences ([3], Vol. I, p. 120). If, however, the fac-
of central importance for progress along the ulty of confidence or faith should have been
early Buddhist path to deliverance. These are predominant during progress along the path,
confidence or faith, energy, mindfulness, concen- then the resulting once-returner is “freed by con-
tration, and wisdom. A once-returner has devel- fidence” or “freed by faith,” saddhāvimutta. In
oped these five mental faculties only to some case wisdom was foremost, then such a type of
degree ([2], Vol. V, p. 202). once-returner belongs to those who have “attained
Some discourses indicate that, unlike a non- to view,” diṭṭhipatta.
returner, a once-returner has only completed the A discourse reports how differences between
training in morality, but not necessarily in concen- once-returners, who emphasized different quali-
tration ([3], Vol. I, p. 232 and [3], Vol. IV, p. 380). ties during their progress on the path, caused
This suggests that, in order to become a once- some confusion in the mind of a lay disciple.
returner, concentration does not need to be devel- The father of this lay disciple had lived
oped up to the level of absorption, jhāna. This a celibate life, while the uncle had not done so,
much can also be deduced from a once-returner’s yet the Buddha declared both to have passed away
level of rebirth. A once-returner is so called as once-returners ([3], Vol. III, p. 347). According
because he or she will be reborn once again in to the explanation given in this discourse, both
“this world,” the kāmaloka, which according to had been able to gain the same level of awakening
early Buddhist cosmology comprises the human because the uncle’s stronger wisdom had compen-
world and the lower celestial spheres. Someone sated for his comparatively less developed moral
who has developed concentration up to the ability conduct.
Sallekhanā (Jainism) 1031

This passage also shows that the gain of once-

return is not the sole domain of monastics. In fact, Sāketa
other discourses report that many lay followers
had reached this level of awakening ([1], Vol. II, ▶ Ayodhyā (Buddhism)
p. 93 and [1], Vol. II, p. 218). Gender also has no
say in these matters, since women are most cer-
tainly capable of gaining once-return, just as they
are able to attain any of the other stages of awak- Sakrdāgāmin
ening ([3], Vol. IV, p. 276). A discourse records ˙
that even some women from the harem of ▶ Sakadāgāmin
a king had been able to become once-returners
([4], p. 79).
The gaining of once-return is reckoned in
early Buddhism as one of the supreme fruits of Śāliputra
living the celibate life ([2], Vol. V, p. 26). In fact,
it is for the sake of this and the other stages of ▶ Sāriputta
awakening that such a life should be lived under
the Buddha ([1], Vol. I, p. 156). A monk who
gains once-return will be able to reach the
other shore just like a young ox will be able to Sallekhanā (Jainism)
cross the Ganges ([5], Vol. I, p. 226). Among
unawakened mankind, whose predicament is Whitny M. Braun
comparable to being immersed in water, the Center for Jain Studies, Claremont Lincoln
once-returner is one who emerges from the University, Claremont, CA, USA
water and is in the process of crossing over
([3], Vol. IV, p. 12).
Synonyms

Anasana; Samadhi-marana; Santhara

Cross-References

▶ Anāgāmin
Definition
▶ Arahant
▶ Insight
The centuries-old ritual of fasting combined with
▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
meditation unique to Jain dharma in which the S
▶ Sotāpanna
adherent gradually and systematically reduces
their food consumption until death.

References
Introduction
1. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
2. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Sallekhana is considered by Jains, both
Pali Text Society, Oxford Swetambara and Digambara, to be the ideal
3. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara method of meeting death [1]. In Jain dharma,
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London Sallekhana embraces death voluntarily and is the
4. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udāna. Pali Text Society,
London
ultimate act of ahimsa or nonviolence, which pre-
5. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The vents the practitioner from accruing karma [2].
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London The origin and precise definition of the word
1032 Sallekhanā (Jainism)

Sallekhana are unclear, but the most commonly Please instruct me sir. I have come forward to
accepted definition is “properly thinning out the seek. . .Sallekhana, (the vow of) which will remain
in force as long as I live. I am free of all doubts and
passions of the body” [3, 4]. anxieties in this matter. I renounce, from now until
the moment of my last breath, food and drink of all
kinds. [3]
The Rationale of Sallekhana Assuming that permission is granted, the per-
son either decides independently or consults with
The concept of ahimsa is at the core of the Jain
their physician as to the approximate amount of
faith. Each Jain throughout their life should ide-
time he or she has left to live and then develops
ally avoid thoughts that give rise to passions or
a program of fasting prescribing the gradual
violence. The existential goal is to avoid the accu-
decrease in the amount of food and drink they
mulation of karma by practicing ahimsa through-
consume to coincide with the level of rigor that
out one’s life. Karma prevents the soul or jiva
has taken in their vow of Sallekhana [9].
from separating from the physical form and
According to Jain teaching, a member of the
achieving ultimate liberation or moksa which is
laity who accepts this vow should give up all
understood as the permanent release from the
personal relationships, friendships, and posses-
cycle of birth and death [2]. Accumulated karma
sions as well as both physical and emotional
will also influence the physical form and
attachments of any form to this life [10]. They
circumstances in which the soul may manifest in
forgive relatives, companions, friends, enemies,
the next life [5]. Thus, when a Jain reaches the end
and servants or acquaintances and should ask for
of their life, they can opt to take the vow of
the pardon of all the sins and suffering he or she
Sallekhana and in doing so endeavor toward
committed or caused in his or her lifetime. They
either achieving liberation or improving the phys-
then discuss honestly with their guru all the sins,
ical form their jiva will next inhabit. A Jain can do
including sinful acts that they asked others to
this by striving to practice the ultimate form of
commit, as well as the acts of sins they encour-
aparigraha or nonpossession by (a) giving up all
aged others around them to commit. During the
of their worldly possessions, including possession
period of this vow, the adherent should eliminate
of their own body, and (b) gradually reducing their
from their mind all the grief, fear, regret, affection,
consumption of other jivas in the form of food and
hatred, prejudice, and other passions to the fullest
drink [5]. Ultimately, Sallekhana brings about the
extent [11].
end of life through the rejection of life-sustaining
The vow can be taken in three different forms
elements such as food and water.
representing three different levels of rigor.

1. The longest vow of Sallekhana is 12 years in

The Ritual duration.
2. The medium vow is 1 year in duration.
The decision to take the vow of Sallekhana is open 3. The short vow is anything up to 6 months in
to both lay Jains and ascetics who foresee that the duration [7].
end of their life is very near due to either old age,
senility, mental illness, terminal illness, severe The process of Sallekhana is meant to be
famine, attack from an enemy or a wild animal, a gradual one. Initially, the adherent should grad-
or in some cases loss of chastity [6–8]. Any Jain ually reduce food consumption until they only
who is faced with any of the aforementioned survive on liquids and then downgrade slowly
conditions can approach their guru or spiritual from drinking only milk to drinking only juice
mentor and express their wish to take the vow of and finally water. Ultimately, they will give up
Sallekhana. They do so by saying the words: water as well and experience a complete and
Sallekhanā (Jainism) 1033

total fast. During this process, the adherent should with Jains from around the country traveling to
also give up all the passions they once had as they pay their respects to the adherent. However, since
are considered mental weaknesses, and they 2006, the High Court of Rajasthan in Jaipur has
should become engrossed in their meditation been deliberating over a public interest litigation
without paying attention to their physical body. filed by human rights activists seeking to have
There are five transgressions the adherent is Sallekhana classified as “suicide” and thus illegal
advised to avoid, which are: under the Indian constitution. Further, the legal
argument against Sallekhana posits that because
1. Wishing to postpone death women are statistically more likely to engage in
2. Wishing death would come sooner the practice, it is inherently misogynistic and akin
3. Fearing death to the Hindu ritual of widow self-immolation
4. Thinking of friends and relatives at the time of known as Sati which has been illegal in India
death since 1829 [9], though there is no evidence in
5. Hoping for some sort of reward after death classical Jain teaching to suggest the presence of
[3, 7] misogyny or gender bias.
Debate over the legality of Sallekhana stems
It is recommended that a person who has taken from the argument over whether or not the ritual,
the vow of Sallekhana select a place to sit for the which is in essence voluntary death, is by defini-
fast where legal authorities do not object to such tion suicide. Jain teaching argues that Sallekhana
a vow. Ideally, it should be a place where other is not suicide as suicide implies an act of instant
people do not visit and are unlikely to interfere violence directed toward oneself due to grief,
with the process. Traditionally, a person taking depression, emotional imbalance, or perhaps the
Sallekhana should find a quiet place in the forest, expectation of fame. However, Sallekhana is seen
preferably under a tree, and then focus on nothing as the ultimate act of nonviolence because it is not
and nothingness and allow themselves to be over- instigated by any of the aforementioned motives
taken by the natural forces around them, their body nor does it result in the destruction of jivas [13].
reclaimed, and their soul released for either rein- According to the sadhus and sadhvis, who are
carnation or released into the cosmos if it has male and female mendicants, as well as Jain
attained liberation or moksa [12]. The translations scholars, Sallekhana is a pleasant death freely
of the original texts say that in order for Sallekhana chosen by the adherent. The practitioner leaves
to commence properly, the person must sit in silent the world without a care or concern, and a great
meditation and bear all discomfort [12]. It says that euphoria is experienced followed by a peaceful
if insects and vermin bite him, he must not defend death. Many eyewitness accounts tell of the
himself or rub the wound because that would inter- Sallekhana adherent laughing and smiling during
fere with natural process [3]. the final stages of their death. Opponents of S
Sallekhana counter that this perceived euphoria
is simply a physiological response to the body
Sallekhana in India Today being deprived of nutrition [9].

In India today, Sallekhana most commonly takes

place in an ashram or holy place, however, Directives Against Sallekhana
because it is sanctioned as a religious death, and
it is technically acceptable to perform Sallekhana While Sallekhana is encouraged in Jain teaching
in the home, in a monastery, or in the wilderness. and is put forth as the most noble method of
In most current cases, the process of Sallekhana is reaching the end of one’s life, there are clear and
a more public event than described in the sutras, definite directives against the adoption of this vow.
1034 Samadhi-Marana

If one is a productive member of society or a sadhu Diaspora communities because of fear of possible
or sadhvi who is still fully capable of studying the legal interference [9].
Jain scriptures, then Sallekhana is not permitted
[14]. A classic example of this is the story of
the great Jain sadhu and scholar Acharya Cross-References
Samantabhadra. He suffered from a chronic and
incurable disease which some say was leprosy. ▶ Ahiṃsā (Jainism)
He wished to take the vow of Sallekhana due to ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
the impossibility of living a life in accordance with ▶ Karma (Jainism)
the religious restrictions placed on a sadhu. He
approached his guru for permission. His guru told
him that because he was of such great intelligence References
and capable of significant scholarship, he must live
on and contribute to Jain literature and deal 1. Jain J (1999) Religion and culture of the Jains, 4th edn.
Bharatiya Jnanpith Publishing, Delhi
with whatever hardships might confront him.
2. Glasenapp H (1991) Doctrine of Karman in Jain phi-
Permission to die was denied, and Acharya losophy. P. V. Research Institute, Varanasi
Samantabhadra wrote several works before he ulti- 3. Jaini P (1979) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal
mately died as a result of Sallekhana years later. Banarsidass, Delhi
4. Varni J (1999) Saman suttam. Bhagwan Mahavir
Today, he is regarded as one of the greatest minds
Memorial Samiti, New Delhi
in the history of Jain philosophy [3, 15]. 5. Babb L (1994) The great choice: worldly values in
a Jain ritual culture. Hist Relig 34:23
6. Sogani K (2005) Jainism: ethico-special perspective.
Jaina Vidya Samsthana Publishing, Rajasthan
Alternatives to Sallekhana 7. Tukol T (1976) Sallekhana is not suicide. Lalbhai
Dalpatbhai Institute, Ahmedabad
For Jains who fear that they may die an accidental 8. Vallely A (2002) Guardians of the transcendent: an
death or possibly pass away in their sleep before ethnography of a Jain ascetic community. University
of Toronto Press, Toronto
ever being able to take the vow of Sallekhana,
9. Braun W (2008) Sallekhana: the ethicality and legality
there is a prayer ritual known as Pratikramana. of religious suicide by starvation in the Jain religious
This prayer ritual allows for the practitioner of the community. Int J Med Law 27(4):913–924
faith to express remorse for the acts of himsa 10. Laidlaw J (1995) Riches and renunciation: religion,
economy and society among the Jains. Clarendon,
committed while they were awake and the acts
Oxford
of himsa they may commit in their sleep. The 11. Laidlaw J (2005) A life worth leaving: fasting to death
evening ritual, known specifically as Devasi as telos of a Jain religious life. Econ Soc 34:178–200
Pratikramana, may be performed before bedtime 12. Choudhury P (1956) Jainism in Bihar. Indu Roy
Choudhury, Patna
and ostensibly serves to allow the person to
13. Chapple C (2002) Jainism and ecology: nonviolence
express their desire to strive toward ahimsa, in the web of life. Harvard University Press for the
divine consciousness, and liberation [3]. Center for the Study of World Religions, Cambridge,
MA
14. Jain C (2004) Selections from the Jaina Law. Jaina
Vidya Samsthana, Rajasthan
Demographics 15. Roy A (1984) A history of the Jainas. Gitanjali Pub-
lishing House, New Delhi
Sallekhana has rarely been documented outside of 16. Davis D (1990) Old and thin. Second Opin 15:6
India. However, an increasing number of aging
members of Jain Diaspora communities are seek-
ing to practice the ritual in their adopted home-
lands [9]. There have been documented cases in Samadhi-Marana
the United States [16]. However, accurate records
are not publicly kept in India or within the ▶ Sallekhanā (Jainism)
Samantabhadra 1035

principal Bodhisattva. In the Avataṃsaka Sūtra,

Samantabhadra “the Buddhas of ten directions describe the Bodhi-
sattva Samantabhadra as present in all lands, sit-
Ram Kumar Rana ting on a Jeweled Lotus Throne, beheld by all. He
Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts, manifests all psychic powers, and is able to enter
University of Delhi, Delhi, India infinite meditations. The Samantabhadra always
fill the universe, With various bodies flowing
everywhere, With concentration, psychic power,
Synonyms skill and strength, In a universal voice teaching
extensively without hindrance” [7].
Fugen (Japanese); Kuntu Zangpo (Tibetan); Based on the above, Samantabhadra is not an
Pu Xian and Bian ji (Chinese); Viśvabhadra ordinary Bodhisattva, but a being of cosmic pro-
portions and implications. He symbolizes the
practices and merits of all Bodhisattvas which
Definition must be fulfilled in order to attain Buddhahood.
His vows and practices exemplify the ideal course
Samantabhadra, the patron of the Lotus Sūtra, is of conduct for the Buddhists. This course of con-
a celestial Bodhisattva of Eastern region in duct is exemplified by the pilgrimage of youth
Mahāyāna Buddhism associated with Buddhist Sudhana in the final chapters of Avataṃsaka
practices and meditation. Sūtra (Bhadracarīpraṇidhāna) [6]. The result is
the knowledge of, and the merging into, the uni-
verse of identity and interdependence, which is
Preliminary the experience of the perfectly enlightened
Buddhas. One must, in a sense, become
The word Samanta signifies Universally Samantabhadra in order to truly take up the
Extending or General whereas Bhadra means Bodhisattva way.
Great Virtue or Sage [5]. Samantabhadra, there- The Gaṇḍavyūha Sūtra prescribes the exten-
fore means Universal Virtue or Universal sive worship and makes offerings to the innu-
Worthy, which is derived from these words. merable Buddha’s of the ten directions whom the
Samantabhadra also represents the principle of devotees visualize face to face through the power
universal love or compassion. He is also of Samantabhadra’s vows, with deep faith and
known as the Bodhisattva of Great Activity. understanding. Among all, the offerings of the
Samantabhadra is a Bodhisattva in Mahāyāna Dharma are paramount, which include the offer-
Buddhism associated with Buddhist practice ing of following all the Buddha’s instructions, of
and meditation. He is the patron of the Lotus benefiting all sentient beings, of embracing and S
Sūtra and, according to the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, sustaining all sentient beings, of taking upon
made the ten great vows which are the basis of oneself the sufferings of others, of vigorously
a Bodhisattva. In China, Samantabhadra is known fostering the root of merit, of swerving not from
as Pu Xian (Universal Worthy) and Bian ji (Uni- the Bodhisattva’s duty, and of never departing
versal Fortune), and is also associated with fun- from the thought of Enlightenment [1]. There
damental principle (Ch. Li), whereas the upon, the Bodhisattva resolves: “I will never
Bodhisattva Mañjuśri is associated with wisdom abandon, but continue to practice, this vast,
(Ch. Zhi) [5]. great and supreme offering without cessation in
Samantabhadra in the Avataṃsaka Sūtra: bodily, vocal, and mental deeds without wari-
One of the primary scriptural sources for ness” [1].
Samantabhadra is the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, vener- In the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, the Buddha states
ated as one of the most important scriptures of that Samantabhadra made ten great vows in his
Mahāyāna Buddhism in China, where he is the path to attain Buddhahood [6]:
1036 Samantabhadra

1. To pay homage to all Buddhas organs. When the purity of his repentance is
2. To praise all the Buddhas achieved, the Samantabhadra will appear before
3. To make abundant offerings (i.e., give him and accompany him all the time, even in his
generously) dream continuously preaching in the Law [2].
4. To repent misdeeds and evil Karmas The Samantabhadra, abiding before him, will
5. To rejoice in others’ merits and virtues also teach and explain to him all karmas and
6. To request the Buddhas to continue teaching environments of his former lives, and will cause
7. To request the Buddhas to remain in the world him to confess all the sins he committed in the
8. To follow the teachings of the Buddhas at all course of his innumerable past lives. This would
times lead him to the contemplation of the revelation of
9. To accommodate and benefit all living beings the Buddha to the men. Then by the power of this
10. To transfer all merits and virtues to benefit all contemplation and by the adornment of the
beings preaching of the Samantabhadra, the follower
will obtain the purity of the six organs, he will
The ten vows constitute the most important feel the joy of body and mind, and freedom from
practices extolled in the popular Mahāyāna Sūtras evil thoughts. Consequently, he will devote him-
and have become a common practice in East self all the more to this Law. Such six laws are the
Asian Buddhism, particularly the tenth vow, aspiration to Buddhahood and are the ones that
with many Buddhists traditionally dedicating beget the Bodhisattvas before the Buddhas, if
their merit and good works to all beings during they confess their previous sins and repent six
Buddhist liturgies. organs sincerely. The devotees are exhorted
The Samantabhadra Bodhisattva Dhyāna to observe the law of meditating on the
Sūtra: The Samantabhadra Bodhisattva Dhyāna Samantabhadra, and discriminate and explain it
Sūtra introduces the true nature of Samantabhadra widely to all the gods and men of the universe. So
as boundless in the size of his body, boundless in that after the extinction of the Buddha, all his
the sound of his voice, and boundless in the form disciples obediently follow the Buddha’s
of his image. Desiring to come to this world, he words and practice repentance; in such case all
makes use of his free transcendental powers and these practitioners are doing the work of
shrinks his stature to the small size (of a human Samantabhadra and those who practice in this
being). Because the people in Jambudvipa have manner see neither evil aspects nor the retribu-
the three heavy hindrances, by his wisdom power tion of evil karmas. Having received the sixfold
he appears transformed as mounted on a white laws, next he must zealously practice the
elephant [2]. unhindered brahma-conduct; raise the mind of
A kind of visualization of Samantabhadra and universally saving all living beings [2].
countless Buddhas is also described in this Sūtra This Sūtra also illustrates that “The
which prescribes practitioners to focus their minds Samantabhadra was born in the eastern Pure
uninterruptedly on the Great vehicle for a day or Wonder Land” [2]. He is usually depicted on
three times for 7 days. Then they will be able to a six-tusked, seven-legged magical snowy white
visualize Samantabhadra taking time according to elephant holding a wish-fulfilling gem and a book
the magnitude of the impediment of their Karmic of the Dharma (Lotus Sūtra). Here, the elephant
burdens ranging from 7 days, one birth, two symbolizes practice and awareness, while the six
births, to the three births [2]. The practitioner has tusks represent overcoming attachment to the six
to begin with a resolve to see Samantabhadra on senses. They also represent the Six Perfections in
the basis of his previous blessings than he should which the Bodhisattva pursues his spiritual culti-
pray Samantabhadra to reveal himself. Having vation to attain enlightenment also to save other
done this, the followers should pay homage to sentient beings.
the Buddhas in all directions and the law of repen- The Lotus Sūtra: Samantabhadra also plays an
tance which includes the purification of six sense important role in the Lotus Sūtra, another
Samantabhadra 1037

important Sūtra in Mahāyāna Buddhism, in which the Avataṃsaka Sūtra as their basic instruction,
his role as the Dharma Protector and Propagator of Samantabhadra and Mañjuśri flank Vairocana
the Lotus Sūtra are discussed [7]. In this Sūtra, the Buddha, the principle Buddha of this particular
chapter on Samantabhadra opens with arrival of Sūtra. Samantabhadra has other identities in the
Samantabhadra along with equally endowed Tang Dynasty Tantric School of Buddhism, which
countless Bodhisattvas, and other beings from was popular and influential in few metropolitan
the eastern direction arrive dramatically on the centers of the eighth and ninth centuries, as Pu
Vulture peak to pay homage to the Śākyamuni Xian Yan Ming (Samantabhadra Who Lengthens
Buddha and to listen to the preaching of the Life span). Samantabhadra is believed by many
Lotus Sūtra and accept it [8]. Chinese Buddhists to have resided at Mt. E Mei of
In the presence of the Buddha, Samantabhadra Si Chuan Province [5].
makes a vow to protect and guard all those who In Esoteric Buddhism: In Esoteric Buddhism,
accept and uphold this sūtra. Not only this, he Samantabhadra is also known as Vajradhara and
assured for them freedom from decline and any Viśvabhadra [5], the different names represent
harm from all sorts of evil beings. Samantabhadra different attributes and essence qualities,
also promises to help the person(s) who accepts, lineages of Sadhanā, and esoteric transmission.
upholds, reads, and recites the Lotus Sūtra prop- Samantabhadra appears in the Vajrayāna tantric
erly so that they can gain insight and acquire text the Kunjed Gyalpo Tantra as the Primordial
Samādhis and Dharanis of repetition and the Ādi Buddha, the “embodiment” (Sanskrit: kaya)
Dharma sounds expedient. Further, if the practi- or “field” (Sanskrit: Kṣetra) of “timeless aware-
tioner recites the sūtra for 21 days then ness, gnosis” (Sanskrit: Jñāna) awakened since
Samantabhadra manifests himself riding on his from the time immemorial. Therefore, in Tibetan
six-tusked white elephant surrounded by innu- Buddhism the Nyingma, or “Old Translation”
merable Bodhisattvas before that person to preach school, the Śākya, and the Bon schools view
and instruct him the Law for his benefit and joy. Samantabhadra as the Primordial Buddha. In
He also gives a Dharani capable of protecting him the Nyingma school of Tibetan Buddhism,
from all possible harms physical as well as spiri- Vajrayāna, Samantabhadra is considered a
tual. So, Samantabhadra bears responsibility to Primordial Buddha, who is the embodiment of
guard and protect Lotus Sūtra as well as the dev- enlightenment or ultimate reality (Dharmakāya)
otees who copy it, make others to copy, accept, in indivisible Yab-yum union with his consort
uphold, read, recite, and memorize this sūtra cor- Samantabhadri [4]. However, the Kagyu and
rectly and practice as prescribed in the Lotus Gelug schools use Vajradhara to represent the
Sūtra. This resolution is further strengthened by Primordial Buddha.
the vow the Samantabhadra has taken to employ In short, Samantabhadra embodies all the vir-
his transcendental powers to guard and protect tues extolled in the Mahayana Tradition; physi- S
Lotus Sūtra, and Śākyamuni Buddha promises to cally he is beyond the limits of time and space, and
use his transcendental powers to guard and protect he is described in an Esoteric tradition as the unity
those who accept and uphold the name of Bodhi- of awareness, appearances, and emptiness, the
sattva Samantabhadra [8]. For this reason, in nature of mind, and natural clarity with unceasing
Japan, Samantabhadra (Jap. Fugen) is worshipped compassion. This is how the Samantabhadra is
as the patron and protector of their favorite text, known from the very beginning [3].
the Lotus Sūtra, particularly by the Tendai, Shin-
gon, and Nichiren sects.
In Mahāyāna Buddhism: Unlike his more pop- Cross-References
ular counterpart Mañjuśri, Samantabhadra is only
rarely depicted alone and is usually found in ▶ Bodhisattva
a trinity on the right side of Śākyamuni, riding ▶ Mañjuśrī
on a white elephant. In those traditions that accept ▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
1038 Samatha

References that are considered detrimental to deeper concen-

tration. A standard listing of such conditions
1. Chang GCC (1972) The Buddhist teachings of totality: speaks of five “hindrances,” nī varaṇa, which are
the philosophy of Hua Yen Buddhism. G. Allen,
sensual desire, ill will, sloth-and-torpor, restless-
London
2. Kato B, Tamura Y, Miyasaka K (tr) (1975) There three ness-and-worry, and doubt.
fold lotus sutra. Weather Hill/Kosei, New York/Tokyo After their successful removal, the attainment
3. Khyentse D (1990) Introduction: the significance of this of absorption, jhāna, becomes possible. Such
biography. In: Palmo AJ (Eugenie de Jong; translator);
attainment can take place based on mindfulness
Nyingpo Y et al (compiler) (2004) The great image: the
life story of Vairochana the translator. Shambala, of breathing, or else by developing the mental
Boston attitudes of loving kindness, compassion, sympa-
4. Rinpoche D, Dorje JY (1991) The Nyingma School of thetic joy, and equanimity, just to mention some
Tibetan Buddhism: its fundamentals and history, vol 2.
out of the range of possible meditation practices
Wisdom, Boston
5. Soothhill WE, Hodous L (2005) A dictionary of that can lead to absorption attainment.
Chinese Buddhist terms. Munshiram Manoharlal, Systematic deepening of concentration in this
New Delhi way proceeds through a series of four absorptions,
6. T10, No. 293
experiences of deep mental tranquility where the
7. T9, No. 262
8. Watson B (tr) (1993) The lotus sutra. Sri Satguru, Delhi meditating subject and the object employed for
meditation are experienced as merging with each
other. The standard descriptions qualify the first
absorption as aloof from any type of sensual dis-
traction and being accompanied by spiritual forms
Samatha of rapture, pīti, and happiness, sukha, that are the
result of such aloofness. The first absorption is an
Bhikkhu Anālayo
experience of unification of the mind, which is
Center for Buddhist Studies, University of maintained with the help of initial and sustained
Hamburg, Balve, Germany
application of the mind, vitakka and vicāra. The
degree of unification and inner pervasion with
rapture and happiness experienced at this point
Synonyms is, according to the early Buddhist discourses,
comparable to mixing bath powder with water
Calm; Śamatha (Sanskrit); Tranquility for the purpose of taking a bath, where all the
powder is thoroughly permeated and mixed with
the water ([1], Vol. I, p. 74).
Definition With further deepening of concentration, initial
and sustained application of the mind fall away
In conjunction with insight, vipassanā, samatha and the mind remains effortlessly stable and uni-
as mental calm or tranquility is a central aspect of fied. At this point, the experience of rapture and
the systematic cultivation of the mind in happiness is not only based on aloofness from
Buddhism. sensuality, but additionally born of the inner con-
fidence and stability that result from the depth of
concentration, once the second absorption has
Tranquility been reached. The aloofness and stability of such
concentration accompanied by intense inner rap-
In early Buddhist meditation theory, to develop ture and happiness finds an illustration in the
samatha means to “settle” the mind, in the sense image of a lake on top of a mountain which is
of making it steady, quiet, and concentrated. The fed by spring water welling up from within.
development of samatha requires in particular the Eventually rapture, pī ti, fades away and only
overcoming of certain mental states or conditions happiness, sukha, remains. A sense of balance and
Samatha 1039

inner clarity pervades this experience which by reached, which is based on the notion of “bound-
way of further deepening of concentration has less consciousness.” At this point, not only matter
become the attainment of the third absorption. is left behind, but also space.
The discourses compare the degree to which the Attending to this refined experience of bound-
whole experience at this stage is one of being less consciousness as something that is insubstan-
immersed in happiness and profound concentra- tial in every respect, the notion of “nothingness”
tion with the example of lotus flowers that are can become the basis for attaining the third imma-
completely immersed in water. terial attainment. By now, not only matter and
Once even the subtle happiness of the third space, but even the notion of the experiencing
absorption is left behind, the fourth absorption mind is being transcended.
can be attained, which transcends the dichotomy Still another step can be taken at this point.
of pleasure and displeasure, being firmly and This requires letting go of any notion at all,
unshakably established in equanimity and deeply whereby the fourth immaterial attainment of
stable concentration. The inner purity of this expe- “neither-perception-nor-non-perception” can be
rience and its total withdrawal from the outer reached. At this stage, the experience is so subtle
world finds an illustration in the image of that it is no longer possible to say whether there is
a person who is completely wrapped up in perception or not.
a white cloth, from head to toe. Progress through the four immaterial attain-
Based on the attainment of the fourth absorp- ments thus takes place by a sublimation of the
tion, according to early Buddhist meditation the- object of meditation, based on the depth of con-
ory the mind has acquired such inner power and centration reached with the fourth absorption. In
ability that the development of various supernat- other words, the development of the four absorp-
ural abilities and powers becomes possible. These tions depicts a deepening of concentration with
include telepathic knowledge of the minds of any meditation object, whereas the four immate-
others and the recollection of one’s own past rial attainments are based on a specific progressive
lives, just to mention two examples. refinement of the meditation object.
Alternatively, based on the fourth absorption Within the context of the noble eightfold path,
the immaterial attainments can be developed, pro- which succinctly describes what from an early
found experiences of mental tranquility that tran- Buddhist perspective is required for progress to
scend any experience related to what is material. liberation, the development of samatha by way of
Experiencing these requires going beyond the the four absorptions has its place under the head-
object of meditation, which formed the basis for ing of “right concentration.” Such right concen-
the progress through the four absorptions, and tration needs to be developed in cooperation with
which now is replaced by a set of progressively rightly directed view, intentions, speech, action,
subtler notions. livelihood, effort, and mindfulness. S
With the first of these immaterial attainments, The development of samatha leads to a high
the former meditation object, which due to the degree of mastery over the mind and thereby
unification of the mind during absorption has forms a basis for the development of insight,
become an all embracing experience, is refined vipassanā. When insight is developed by a calm
by being replaced with the notion of “boundless and steady mind, such insight will be able to
space.” In other words, the boundlessness of the penetrate into the deeper regions of the mind and
former object remains, but the object itself is thereby bring about true inner change.
allowed to disappear, whereby the experience of While vipassanā has the purpose of leading to
matter is fully left behind. the destruction of ignorance, the practice of tran-
The next step requires turning attention back to quility is reckoned to be specifically aimed at the
the mind that, by being absorbed in the notion of abandoning of passion ([2], Vol. I, p. 61). This,
boundless space, has become boundless itself. In however, does not mean that these two aspects of
this way, the second immaterial attainment can be meditation represent two different paths leading to
1040 Samatha

two different goals. The above distinction only no fixed pattern to be followed in this respect. One
intends to draw attention to the specific task or type of practitioner may have gained mental tran-
quality of these two interdependent aspects of quility but is not yet endowed with the higher
Buddhist meditation. wisdom of insight, while another may be endowed
The experience of deep stages of concentration with the higher wisdom of insight without having
is one of intense pleasure and happiness, brought gained mental tranquility ([2], Vol. II, p. 92). In
about by purely mental means, which eclipses any both cases, an effort should be made to develop
pleasure arising in dependence on material what is still lacking. Some may practice insight
objects. In this way the development of samatha first and then develop tranquility, others may build
can become a powerful antidote to sensual desires, up mental tranquility right at the outset and only
by divesting them of their former attraction. then turn to insight, and still others may develop
Even though samatha on its own would not be both in conjunction ([2], Vol. II, p. 157).
able to lead to awakening, it thus does have an According to early Buddhist meditation theory,
important function to perform for progress toward any of these approaches is capable of leading to
that aim. Hence, the path leading to the uncondi- liberation, if eventually insight and tranquility are
tioned requires both samatha and vipassanā ([3], both brought into being. Thus, there appears to be
Vol. IV, p. 359), both have to be developed as no fixed rule, according to which the development
integral parts of the noble eightfold path. To bor- of one of these two meditative qualities inevitably
row from a poetic image found in the discourses, has to precede the other. Much rather, the task
mental tranquility and insight are a “swift pair of appears to be one of developing both in harmoni-
messengers,” capable of carrying the message of ous cooperation. As a stanza proclaims:
Nirvāṇa along the road of the noble eightfold path There is no meditative absorption for those without
([3], Vol. IV, p. 195). wisdom,
The basic difference between samatha and There is no wisdom without meditation,
vipassanā can be illustrated with the help of mind- Those who have meditative absorption and
wisdom,
fulness of breathing, since this meditation practice Are close to Nirvāṇa ([4], 372).
can be developed in both modes. The difference
here depends on what angle is taken when observ-
ing the breath, since emphasis on various phe- Cross-References
nomena related to the process of breathing stays
in the realm of variegated sensory experience and ▶ Ānāpānasati
thus is more geared toward the development of ▶ Bhāvanā
insight, while emphasis on just mentally knowing ▶ Dhyāna/Jhāna
the presence of the breath leads to a unitary type of ▶ Iddhi
experience and is thus capable of producing deep- ▶ Insight
ening levels of mental tranquility. ▶ Liberation (Buddhism)
In the early Buddhist discourses, the terms ▶ Meditation
samatha and vipassanā seldom occur alone and ▶ Metta
most often are found together. This conveys the ▶ Muditā
impression that their relationship should be one of
coexistence and cooperation. A calm mind sup-
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10. Griffiths PJ (1983) Buddhist Jhāna, a form-critical
study. Religion 13:55–68 a detailed description of the samavasaraṇa, both
11. Gunaratana H (1996) The path of serenity and insight, as a cosmological event and an architectural mar-
an explanation of the Buddhist Jhānas. Motilal, Delhi vel. In this account, the samavasaraṇa arena is
12. Shankman R (2008) The experience of Samādhi, an constructed by multiple devas, often atop a large
in-depth exploration of Buddhist meditation.
Shambala, Boston mound, immediately after a tīrthaṅkara attains
13. Stuart-Fox M (1989) Jhāna and Buddhist scholasti- omniscience. The structure itself is an elaborate
cism. J Int Assoc Buddh Stud 12(2):79–110 and highly precise architectural design meant to
ensure the seamless arrival of innumerable and
diverse guests, a receptive state of listening and
collective harmony throughout the tīrthaṅkara’s
Śamatha message, and the peaceful departure of all. It
disappears after the speech concludes ([3],
▶ Samatha p. 117).
The samavasaraṇa consists of four circular
(or rarely, square) layers. The base of the assembly
is the widest, surrounded by a tall wall and cov-
Samavasarana (Jainism) ering an area of 12 km2 that was prepared by the
˙ devas specifically for the occasion. Gates are
Brianne Donaldson embellished with Jain motifs such as umbrellas,
Claremont School of Theology, Claremont, CA, crocodiles, and svastikas and strategically placed
USA at the four cardinal points of the circular structure S
to ensure guest’s unimpeded movement and visual
access to the Jina located at the apex of the
Definition samavasaraṇa under a sacred Aśoka tree.
The tree provides refuge for the tīrthaṅkara in
Samavasaraṇa (also Samosaraṇa) refers to the the tradition of a forest sanctuary. It also mimics
“the coming together” of the great assembly of the shelter designs of traditional Buddhist and Jain
people, gods (devas), and animals of that occurs shrines (caitya-gṛha) that offer a covered space for
when a great Jain teacher, called a tīrthaṅkara, pilgrims to visit a stūpa or reliquary. The Aśoka
achieves kevala-jñāna. Kevala-jñāna is often tree, native to India and renowned for its medici-
translated as omniscience. However, it is more nal properties, is said to have sheltered Mahāvīra
accurately described as the moment in which when he renounced the world. Some commentar-
a jīva, meaning the immanent life force within ies describe an inner chamber beneath the tree
every living entity experiences its true nature made of crystal and gems that reflect all the
1042 Samavasarana (Jainism)
˙

entities in the universe, akin to the Jina’s omni- The speech of the tīrthaṅkara is characterized
science. Below the branches, the tīrthaṅkara sits by unique attributes. Not only is it amplified to
on a soft cushion. The body of the Jina is often reach the ears of all five-sensed creatures in the
depicted as four-sided, having been replicated universe, but it also emanates as a monolingual,
three times, either by devas or by a self-replicating divine sound (divya-dhvani) that is transformed
power, so that four images of the omniscient into the language or communicative mode of each
teacher face each of the cardinal directions. The listener. The message is believed to instruct
terms pratimā-sarvatobhadrikā and caumukha (deśanā-labdhi) a listener on the soul’s potential
designates an image that is auspicious on all four for right knowledge and inspire a renewed com-
sides ([9], p. 20). mitment to spiritual practices, full or partial renun-
Surrounding the tīrthaṅkara on the second ciation, virtuous conduct, nonviolence, and
level are the gaṇadharas, or disciples, who are a fresh reception of the sūtras, texts, and spiritual
venerated leaders of ascetic communities, teachings of the ācāryas, even among animals.
followed by omniscient ascetics who have not The Aupapātika Sūtra within the Śvetāmbara
yet achieved karmic liberation. Other highly canon, one of many explanatory āgamas elucidat-
developed monastics join the audience, followed ing the original 12 Jain aṅgas, includes narratives
by female ascetics, male and female devas, and to the laity regarding devas and Mahāvīra’s
lay men and women. Each group enters serenely preaching that figure significantly in later ideas
by paying homage to the enlightened teacher of the samavasaraṇa, becoming an important fea-
through salutation and circumambulation. Five- ture of Jain art and temple architecture.
sensed animals such as fish, reptiles, birds, and Sculptors, painters, artisans, architects, and
mammals fill the third level, coexisting without temple builders were given creative license to
any animosity between one another or with represent the samavasaraṇa as long as they
humans. The samavasaraṇa is considered to be maintained the central design elements, most spe-
an event of such rare inspiration that ascetics, cifically the Jina in the center, preferably in
laypeople, animals, and gods are encouraged to a seated position ([8], p. 231). As a flat painting,
come in spite of great distance. Hence, the fourth the samavasaraṇa might be confused with
and lowest level is reserved for the celestial vehi- a maṇḍala, but the presence of a four-faced
cles and any mode of transport used to travel to the teacher in the center and three concentric rings
event. Crowds of people and animals also gather of people, animals, and vehicles will always
peacefully and orderly around the periphery of the reveal the image to be of the Jain assembly.
structure, calmed and transfixed by the presence of Metal, marble, or handmade replicas of the lay-
the all-perceiving Jina. ered auditorium are also found in many Jain tem-
The appearance of the tīrthaṅkara sitting in the ples including a bronze recreation thought to be
samavasaraṇa is considered one of the most auspi- over 400 years old in the Neminātha temple in
cious acts of beauty, humility, wisdom, and truth Ghogha, India. At Mount Śatruñjaya in Gujarat,
that any creature can witness. It is captured in the a sacred Śvetāmbara pilgrimage site, visitors can
opening line of the Namaskāra-mantra that honors gaze on large panels decorated with circular
those Jinas, also called arhats, who have overcome depictions of samavasaraṇa. At Pāvāpurī in
anger, ego, deceit, and greed and who possessed Bihar, the location of Mahāvīra’s death and liber-
certain karmic impressions that enabled their spir- ation circa 527 B.C.E., visitors can find an older
itual leadership. The tīrthaṅkara’s sermon begins and newer samavasaraṇa shrine near the main
with an acknowledgment of the mokṣa-mārga, the mandir, or temple.
central Jain affirmation that the “three-jewel” path In some cases, temple architecture itself
of right knowledge, right perception, and right reflects the symbols, staircases, and hospitable
action leads to liberation. levels of the assembly arena. One primary
Same-Sex Desire 1043

example of this is the māna-stambha columns that References

stand before Digambara temples. These “pillars of
pride” are thought to destroy conceit in those who 1. Balbir N (1994) An investigation of the textual sources
on the samavasaraṇa. In: Bruhn K, Balbir N, Bautze
gaze on them. Each is topped with four faces of
J (eds) Festschrift Klaus Bruhn. Verlag für
the Jina seated in samavasaraṇa. Orientalistische Fachpublikationen, Reinbek
Although the samavasaraṇa is said to be a 2. Caillat C (1999) Traces of a “trifunctional” structure in
refuge of equality and welcome for all, the Jaina tradition? Approach Jaina Stud Philos Logic
Ritual Symb 11:60
Vijayadharmasūri, a revered ācārya of the
3. Cort J (2010) Framing the Jina: Narratives of Icons and
Śvetāmbara Tapā Gaccha subsect, composed Idols in Jain History. Oxford University Press, New
a collection of responses in the seventeenth cen- York.
tury addressing various aspects of the assembly 4. Dundas P (2004) Beyond anekāntavāda: a Jain
approach to religious tolerance. In: Sethia T (ed)
hall. In his commentary, he points out that female
Ahimsā, Anekānta and Jainism. Motilal Banarsidass,
ascetics and divine beings must stand while male Delhi
human and divine beings sit as a sign of traditional 5. Harini MR (2005) Jaina paintings. Jaina archaeological
(and persistent) gender hierarchy ([4], p. 123). heritage of Tamilnadu, (Lucknow: Bharatvarshiy
Digambar Jain Mahasbha, 2005) p 68
Jain scholar Paul Dundas has further demon-
6. Hegewald J (2007) Meru, Samavasarana and
strated that, according to Vijayadharmasūri’s Siihhasana: the recurrence of three-tiered structures in
responses, some of the 363 types of heretics Jaina cosmology, mythology and ritual. In:
established by medieval Jainism may also be Bhattacharya G, Mitra GMM, Sinha S (eds) Kalhār
(white water-lily): studies in art, iconography, architec-
excluded from the assembly ([4], p. 124). This
ture, and archaeology of India and Bangladesh. Kaveri
raises the question whether the samavasaraṇa Books, Delhi
truly represents an inclusive vision wide enough 7. Owen L (2012) Carving devotion in the Jain Caves at
to accommodate diverse viewpoints and species Ellora, vol 41. Brill, Boston
8. Titze K (2001) Jainism: a pictorial guide to the religion
or if it depicts an under-examined vision of phil-
of non-violence. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
osophical, patriarchal, and humanist superiority 9. Tiwari MNP (1995) Jaina iconography: evolution and
latent within Jain dharma. Among devout Jains, appraisal. Studies in Jaina art and iconography and
however, the samavasaraṇa remains a preeminent allied subjects in honour of Dr. UP Shah, p 15
motivating image of personal devotion, spiritual
expansion, and nonviolent coexistence.
At this point in the current time cycle (kāla-
cakra), there are no more samavasaraṇa gather- Samaya
ings expected, as Mahāvīra was the last
tīrthaṅkara of this epoch. However, the holy ▶ Time (Buddhism)
assembly will convene again during the upswing
(utsarpiṇī) of the next time cycle. Additionally, S
Jain cosmography posits the ongoing presence of
20 tīrthaṅkaras in mahāvideha-kṣetra, a geograph- Sambodhī
ical zone separated from our current universe that
remains conducive to the perpetual teaching and ▶ Bodhagayā
gathering of the samavasaraṇa.

Cross-References Same-Sex Desire

▶ Namaskāra Mantra ▶ Homosexuality (Buddhism)
▶ Tīrthaṅkara (Jainism) ▶ Homosexuality (Jainism)
1044 Samgha
˙

forward. However, as time went by, admission to

Samgha the Saṃgha was properly regulated through an
˙ intricate and well-defined procedure that consisted
K. T. S. Sarao of two stages: pabbajjā (“the going forth”) or the
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of lower ordination and upasampadā (ordination) or
Delhi, Delhi, India the higher ordination. One must be at least 8 years
old to be admitted to the pabbajjā. On being admit-
ted one becomes a sāmaṇera (novice) and gets an
Synonyms
upajjhāya (preceptor or spiritual teacher) and an
ācariya (master). In order to become a sāmaṇera,
Sangha; Saṅgha
the prospective candidate shaves one’s beard and
head, puts on the kasāyavattha (yellow/red/orange-
Definition colored robe), prostrates before the upajjhāya, and
declares thrice his faith in the Tisaraṇa (Three
The order of ordained Buddhist monks and nuns. Jewels) consisting of the Buddha, the Dhamma,
and the Saṃgha. Thereafter, the ācariya teaches
The word Saṃgha, derived from saṃ [adj. inde- the ten rules (dasasikhāpadāni) to the sāmaṇera.
clinable prefix implying conjunction and com- As per these ten rules, he is expected to refrain from
pleteness] + √ghan/han [to go (used rarely in stealing, unchastity, lying, taking intoxicants, eat-
classical literature, and when used it is regarded ing food at inappropriate times, entertaining pro-
as a fault of composition)], is a word in Pāli and grams consisting of singing, dancing, music, etc.,
Sanskrit meaning association, assembly, or com- wearing perfume and using decorative accessories,
munity and most commonly refers in Buddhism to sitting on high chairs and sleeping on luxurious
the order of ordained Buddhist monks and nuns beds, and accepting gold and silver. The sāmaṇera
(see [4]). The Saṃgha is the third of the Tisaraṇa becomes a regular member of the Saṃgha, i.e.,
(Three Jewels) in Buddhism, the Buddha, the a bhikkhu (fully ordained monk), only after the
Dhamma, and the Saṃgha. The Saṃgha has upasampadā for which one must be at least
a twofold meaning in Buddhism, i.e., it is not 20 years old. Initially, ordination into the Saṃgha
only an organization of monks and nuns but also took place through the Buddha alone. However,
a confederation that makes them one unified insti- with the expansion of the work of ordination, the
tution. In other words, the Saṃgha is far more Buddha vested the power of ordination in other
than an organized proselytizing institution. bhikkhus and bhikkhunī s.
The foundations of the Saṃgha were laid in an The Buddhist Saṃgha is an order of persons
environment of ancient India’s homeless who live by receiving alms. They must take a vow
almsmen’s community. It was in this type of envi- of poverty, renounce all material possessions, and
ronment that not only provided the basic guiding must not practice any profession in order to make
principles to the Buddhist Saṃgha but also molded profit. They depend upon the munificence of the
its fundamental character in many ways. However, laity for the supply of essentials for sustenance:
with the passage of time, the Saṃgha developed its food, clothing, shelter, and medicines. Initially,
own unique character. Members of the wandering the monks lived at roots of the tress, in grottoes
community took up residence in well-endowed and caves, on hills, in cemeteries, in forests, open
monasteries, and the unitary Saṃgha became plu- spaces, or on straw heaps. A small percentage of
ral. Some of these monasteries became metamor- monks still live like this and are generally known
phosed into well-known centers of learning in the as the araññakas (forest dwellers). However, with
concluding phase and began drawing scholars from the passage of time, as the Saṃgha grew in size as
places located far and wide. well as popularity, influential and rich patrons
Originally, one could enter into the Saṃgha by offered support for the construction of permanent
just responding the Buddha’s call to come residences. As a consequence, majority of the
Samkhāra 1045
˙

monks and nuns began to live in monasteries References

located in the vicinity of human settlements and
became known as the ārāmikas (monastery 1. Horner IB (1938–1966) The book of the discipline
(Vinaya Piṭaka), 6 vols. Pali Text Society, London
dwellers). Originally, the monks were enjoined
2. Prebish C (1975) Buddhist monastic discipline: the
to live only on alms, but in courses of time, the Sanskrit Prātimokṣa Sūtras of the Mahāsaṃghikas and
rule was relaxed and they were allowed to accept Mūlasarvāstivādins. Pennsylvania State University
invitations when extended to a particular Saṃgha Press, University Park
3. Sparham G (2004) Saṅgha. In: Buswell RE (editor-in-
as a body, or to a group of individual monks or
chief) Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmillan Refer-
nuns. Each Saṃgha was defined by a shared rec- ence USA, New York, pp 740–644
itation of the Pātimokkha at the bimonthly 4. https://archive.org/details/EtymologyOfSangha. Accessed
Uposatha (confession ceremony) and an 24 Nov 2014
earmarked sī ma (boundary) established for the
purposes of the different ceremonies such as the
Vassāvāsa (rainy retreat) and the Uposatha.
Samjhanaa
Initially, the general code of behavior followed
by the Buddhists was not much different from the
▶ Education (Jainism)
one followed by other ascetics. However, after the
number of Buddhist monks and nuns grew substan-
tially and it became imperative to have an appropri-
ate code of conduct to control undisciplined Samkhāra
members, the Buddha decided to formulate ˙
a disciplinary code of conduct (Vinaya) in tune Bhikkhu Anālayo
with his own teaching (buddhavacana). Once this Center for Buddhist Studies, University of
process of preparing the code of conduct began, Hamburg, Balve, Germany
revision, emendation, and expansion of these rules
continued till final form in the shape of the Vinaya
Piṭaka was achieved. All aspects of the lives of the Synonyms
bhikkhus and the bhikkhunī s have been dealt with
in the Vinaya Piṭaka. The code of conduct consists Formations; Saṃskāra (Buddhism); Saṃskāra
of matters relating to the probationary period and (Sanskrit)
initiation, training under the ācariya and upajjhāya,
daily chores of life pertaining to food, dress, and
other articles of use, lodgings and the manner of Definition
residing in them, different religious ceremonies
such as the Uposatha, the Vassāvāsa, the Pavāraṇā, The term saṅkhāra combines kāra, “making,” S
and the Kaṭhina, ecclesiastical procedure for the with the prefix saṃ, “together,” and thus has the
imposition of punishment, as well as release from literal sense of a “making together.” Such making
guilt, schism in the Saṃgha, and the procedure for together can convey an active as well as a passive
settling disputes among the members. The bhikkhus sense, representing that which makes together and
and the bhikkhunī s were provided with separate that which is made together.
codes of conduct by the Buddha. In its early Buddhist usage, the term saṅkhāra
thus has three main meanings:

Cross-References • As the fourth of the five aggregates, khandha

• As the second link in the formula of dependent
▶ Bhikkhunī arising, paṭicca samuppāda
▶ Dhamma • As anything conditioned, this being the most
▶ Pātimokkha general sense of the term
1046 Samkhāra
˙

The Aggregate of Saṅkhāras discourses, which represents mainly the volitional

aspect of mental experience. The fact that in
In early Buddhist thought, the individual is ana- descriptions of the aggregates the term saṅkhāra
lyzed into five aggregates affected by clinging, usually occurs in the plural form as well as the
which are bodily form, feeling, perception, inherent nuance of the expression as a referent not
saṅkhāras, and consciousness. The saṅkhāras as only to what “makes together” but also to what “is
the fourth of these five aggregates represent the made together” may have influenced the choice
conative aspect of mental experience and thus of the saṅkhāras as a heading for other mental
stand predominantly for volition. In this role, the factors and qualities.
aggregate of saṅkhāras comprises past, present,
and future volitional formations, be they internal
or external, gross or subtle, inferior or superior, Saṅkhāras in Dependent Arising
(concerned with what is) far or near.
While the aggregates of feeling and conscious- Early Buddhism analyzes the arising of dukkha –
ness relate to the sense doors, the aggregates of a term whose meaning ranges from barely notice-
perception and saṅkhāras relate to the sense able dissatisfaction to outright suffering as inher-
objects, that is, to forms, sounds, smells, tastes, ent features of human existence – with the help of
touches, and mental objects ([1], Vol. III, p. 60). a series of conditions. The standard way of
This suggests that, whereas feeling and conscious- representing these conditions is by way of 12
ness are to some degree more on the inner and links, which begin with ignorance as the root
receptive side of mental experience, perception cause and lead up to the arising of dukkha.
and saṅkhāras reach out to the object, so to say, In the context of this scheme, the saṅkhāras
recognizing it and reacting to it. In short, as an form the second link that leads from the first link
aggregate the saṅkhāras represent that part of the of ignorance, avijjā, to the third link of conscious-
mind which reacts to experience. ness, viññāṇa. According to the traditional inter-
A discourse describes how someone with tele- pretation, saṅkhāras in this context represent the
pathic powers is able to recognize the operation of karmically active volitional formations responsi-
the saṅkhāras in another’s mind ([2], Vol. III, ble for rebirth and continued existence. That is, in
p. 104). According to this passage, once the voli- the context of dependent arising the saṅkhāras are
tional direction of such a saṅkhāra has been recog- the creative principle responsible for various
nized through the exercise of telepathic powers, it forms of existence.
will be possible to predict the type of thought that is The function of the saṅkhāras in the context
about to arise in the other person’s mind. This of rebirth can be seen, for example, in a
indicates that the saṅkhāras as volitional formations discourse which describes how someone
represent the beginning stages of mental activity, endowed with confidence or faith, morality,
the first inclination or tendency that precedes the learning, generosity, and wisdom may have the
arising of thought, whose nature is determined by aspiration to be reborn in a favorable situation as
the directional input provided by the saṅkhāras. a human or in a heavenly realm. If this mental
During later developments of Buddhist philos- aspiration is developed and repeatedly culti-
ophy, the connotations of the term saṅkhāra as an vated, the person in question will indeed be
aggregate expanded until it came to cover a wide reborn in that situation or realm ([3], Vol. III, p.
range of meaning, becoming an umbrella term for 99). That is, repeatedly developing these types
various mental factors. In this way, the saṅkhāras of saṅkhāras is what leads to the particular
came to stand for anything mental apart from the type of rebirth. Another discourse indicates that
other three aggregates of feeling, perception, and an aspiration for a favorable rebirth can
consciousness. also become effective if it is based on the meri-
This goes beyond the implications of the torious deed of giving to recluses and Brahmins
aggregate of saṅkhāras in the early Buddhist ([2], Vol. III, p. 258).
Samkhāra 1047
˙

The importance of one’s mental inclination is An example of the active sense can be found in
again highlighted in another discourse, which a passage which explains that unwholesome
reports a discussion between the Buddha and things arise due to a cause, sasaṅkhārā, not with-
two ascetics who had undertaken the practice of out a cause ([5], Vol. I, p. 82). The same general
adopting the behavior of a dog and a cow, respec- sense recurs in another passage according to
tively ([3], Vol. I, p. 387). The discourse indicates which pain or pleasure arises due to a cause,
that the mental inclination resulting from such sasaṅkhārā ([1], Vol. V, p. 213). In these
a way of practice will simply lead to rebirth as instances, saṅkhāra refers to the presence of
a dog or a cow. The principle behind this is that a “cause” or a “condition.”
saṅkhāras of a particular type will lead to The passive mode of the term saṅkhāras in its
a corresponding type of rebirth. Hence, someone general usage stands for all conditioned phenom-
whose saṅkhāras are similar to those of an animal ena. Examples of this usage can be found in two
will be reborn as an animal. discourses ([2], Vol. II, p. 198 and [1], Vol. III,
In more general terms, if saṅkhāras are of p. 146), which describe the splendor and immense
a harmful nature, for example, they will lead to wealth possessed by a former king, all of which
a rebirth where harmful types of experiences are has changed and passed away. The word used in
predominant. The same principle holds for this context to refer to the former splendor and
saṅkhāras of a wholesome nature, which will wealth is saṅkhāra. A similar usage occurs in
lead to a positive type of rebirth. In this way, another discourse, which describes a worldwide
according to early Buddhism, each living being drought that leads to the drying up of all water and
creates and forms its own character and existence, the destruction of all life, illustrating the imper-
both in past lives and at every moment of present manent nature of all saṅkhāras ([5], Vol. IV,
existence. This continuous process of creating p. 100). Thus, all of existence can be covered by
and forming takes place through the medium of the term saṅkhāra, in the sense of things that are
saṅkhāras. produced through conditions.
The same general usage underlies what
according to tradition was the last instruction
Saṅkhāras in General given by the Buddha before passing away, which
highlights the impermanent nature of all condi-
The term saṅkhāra in its general sense can cover tioned phenomena, vayadhammā saṅkhārā ([2],
all five aggregates. Such a usage occurs in a verse Vol. II, p. 156). This theme recurs in a set of
by a monk, who told a gang of criminals intending stanzas, according to which all saṅkhāras are
to murder him that he was free from fear, since impermanent and unsatisfactory and all dharmas
from his perspective there was no “I” to be killed, are not-self ([6], 277–279).
but only saṅkhāras will pass away ([4], 715). Of all saṅkhāras (in the sense of conditioned S
A similar usage recurs in a verse by a nun ([1], phenomena), the noble eightfold path is the best
Vol. I, p. 135), who in reply to a challenge points ([5], Vol. II, p. 34). This noble eightfold path is
out that the challenger’s notion of a (substantial) a summary of what according to early Buddhism
“being” was mistaken, since in reality there is just is required for progress to liberation, namely,
a heap of saṅkhāras. rightly directed view, intentions, speech, action,
As mentioned above, the term saṅkhāra can livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and concentration.
assume an active as well as a passive sense. In the Although the noble eightfold path is conditioned
case of the more general usage of the term, the and thus takes part in what is covered by the term
active mode underlies occurrences where the saṅkhāra in its widest usage, the goal itself is
expression saṅkhāra represents the cause or con- beyond all saṅkhāras ([6], 154). According to
dition for something, while in the passive mode early Buddhism, Nirvāṇa is neither “formed” nor
the saṅkhāras stand for whatever is a product of “made up” or “conditioned,” but rather is “uncon-
conditions. ditioned,” asaṅkhata ([7], p. 80).
1048 Sammāditthi
˙˙

Thus, only Nirvāṇa lies beyond the range of

saṅkhāras even in their most general sense, being Samsāra (Buddhism)
in fact the “stilling of all saṅkhāras.” Such stilling ˙
of all saṅkhāras, a stanza exclaims, is happiness K. T. S. Sarao
indeed ([6], 368, 381). Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India

Cross-References
Synonyms
▶ Causality (Buddhism)
▶ Khandha Bhavacakka; Bhavacakra; Transmigration
▶ Paṭicca Samuppāda

Definition
References
Nonstop cycle of birth, decay-and-death, rebirth,
1. Feer L (ed) (1888–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols. redecay-and-redeath whose beginning is unknown
Pali Text Society, Oxford and which is characterized by mental and physical
2. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911) The
Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London suffering.
3. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The
Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London In Buddhism, the term saṃsāra (transmigration
4. Alsdorf L, Norman KR (ed) (1966) Thera- and lit. faring on, journeying, circulating, continu-
Therīgāthā. Pali Text Society, London (references are
by stanza) ously flowing [like a river]) refers to the
5. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara nonstop cycle of birth (jāti), decay-and-death
Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London (jarāmaraṇa), rebirth (abhijāti, āgati), and
6. von Hinüber O, Norman KR (eds) (1994) The redecay-and-redeath. This process is also known
Dhammapada. Pali Text Society, London (references
are by stanza) as bhavacakka (Sk, bhavacakra) ([9], pp. 529,
7. Steinthal P (ed) (1885) The Udāna. Pali Text Society, 576) that arises out of avijjā (Sk, avidyā, igno-
London rance) and is characterized by impermanence and
8. Hamilton S (1996) The saṃkhārakkhanda. In: id. Iden- psychophysical suffering (Pāli, dukkha; Sk,
tity and experience, the constitution of the human being
according to early Buddhism. Luzac Oriental, London, duḥkha) ([1], Vol. ii, p. 6). The commencement
pp 66–81 of this process cannot be known with certainty. In
9. Vetter T (2000) Saṅkhāra. In: id. The ‘Khandha Pas- fact, it is viewed as beginningless. As described
sages’ in the Vinayapiṭaka and the four main Nikāyas. by the Buddha to monks in one of the suttas:
Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien,
pp 27–63 “Incalculable is the beginning, brethren, of this
faring on. The earliest point is not revealed of the
running on, fairing on, of beings cloaked in igno-
rance, tied to craving” ([5], Vol. ii, p. 120). Every
living being (jī va) in the universe participates in
Sammāditthi this process of one existence after another (gati
˙˙
bhavābhava cuti upapatti. [8], p. 664) running
▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
into myriads of existences. In the Buddhist view
of saṃsāra, “beings generally rise and fall, and
fall and rise through the various realms, now
experiencing unhappiness, now experiencing hap-
Samsāra piness. This precisely is the nature of saṃsāra:
˙ wandering from life to life with no particular
▶ Rebirth (Buddhism) direction or purpose” ([2], p. 119). The only way
Samsāra (Buddhism) 1049
˙

to escape saṃsāra is through the attainment of realms and three lower realms: the three higher
nibbāna (Sk, nirvāṇa). realms are the realms of the gods, demigods, and
The driving force behind this stream-like con- humans; the three lower realms are the realms of
tinuous flow of existences is determined by the the animals, hungry ghosts, and hell beings. Life
moral consequences of a being’s kamma (Sk, in none of these realms is eternal. Nor is it free
karma, volitional act) of body, speech, and mind from the prospect of suffering. In other words,
in the present existence and in the preceding exis- irrespective of the real, higher or lower,
tences. These moral consequences are called a wandering being cannot escape the sufferings
kammavipāka (fruition of the volitional acts) of birth, death, and rebirth.
([6], Vol. iii, pp. 150, 160) which can occur in The devaloka consists of different heaves
the present existence or in a future existence. It is where the devas lead extremely long lives full
generally postulated that within saṃsāra the of pleasure and abundance. The devas are
effects of good moral actions lead to wholesome overwhelmed with the joys and pleasures so
rebirths, while the effects of bad moral actions much that they constantly remain distracted and
lead inevitably to unwholesome rebirths. Thus, never think to practice the dharma. On exhausting
as pointed out by Damien Keown, “karma func- their good karma, they are reborn in one of the
tions as the elevator that takes people from one other realms. The asuras have pleasure and abun-
floor of the building to another. Good deeds result dance almost as much as the gods, but they suffer
in an upward movement and bad deeds in from jealousy and constant wars among them-
a downward one” ([4], p. 797). selves and with the devas. Animals suffer from
In general, though with some qualification, rebirth being exploited by humans and attacked and eaten
in the lower realms is considered to be the result of by other animals. They generally lead their lives
relatively unwholesome (akuśala/akusala), or bad under constant fear. Hungry ghosts suffer from
(pāpa) karma, while rebirth in the higher realms the extreme hunger and thirst. The lives of the hell
result of relatively wholesome (kuśala/kusala), or
good (puṇya/puñña) karma. Correspondingly, the beings are the worst of all. They have to undergo
lower the realm, the more unpleasant and unhappy extreme forms of suffering for very long periods
one’s condition; the higher the realm the more of time in different hells. The manussaloka is
pleasant, happy, and refined one’s condition. One considered the best realm to attain liberation
should note, however, that this hierarchy does not
constitute a simple ladder which one, as it were, from the saṃsāra. This is so because it is consid-
climbs, passing out at the top into nirvāṇa. ([2], ered as the most appropriate realm for practicing
p. 119) the dharma due to the fact that humans are not
completely distracted by pleasures like the devas
Release from the cycle altogether, nibbāna
or asuras or by extreme suffering like the beings
(Sk, nirvāṇa) can be realized only by those beings
in the lower realms.
who attain correct insight and realization of the
truth of the Buddha’s teachings. S
Cosmologically, the saṃsāra consists of six Cross-References
distinct domains of existence within which living
beings are reborn depending upon their kamma. ▶ Kamma
These six domains of existence are the devaloka
(the deva realm), asuraloka (the realm of the
asuras or demigods), manussaloka (Sk, References
manuṣyaloka, human realm), tiracchānaloka
(Sk, tiryagyoniloka/tiraścayoniloka, animal 1. Feer ML (ed) (1889) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, reprint,
realm), petaloka (Sk, pretaloka, hungry ghost vol 2. Pali Text Society, London
2. Gethin R (1998) Foundations of Buddhism. Oxford
realm or realm of the spirits of the dead), and
University Press, Oxford
niraya (Sk, naraka, the hell realm). These six 3. Halder JR (1977) Early Buddhist mythology.
realms are typically divided into three higher Manohar, Delhi
1050 Samskāra
˙

4. Keown D (2000) Buddhism: a very short introduction. Definition

Oxford University Press, Oxford
5. Rhys Davids CAF, Woodward FH (eds) (1922) The
book of the kindred sayings (Saṃyutta Nikāya), vol 2. The third of the five divisions of the Sutta Piṭaka.
Pali Text Society, London
6. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1911) The The Saṃyutta Nikāya is a Buddhist scripture, the
Dīgha Nikāya, vol 3. Pali Text Society, London third of the five nikāyas (collections) in the Sutta
7. Sadakata A (1997) Buddhist cosmology: philosophy
and origins (trans: Gaynor Sekimori). Kōsei, Tokyo Piṭaka, which in turn is one of the “three baskets”
8. Stede W (ed) (1918) Cullaniddesa. Pali Text Society, (Tipiṭaka). It is one of the basic works in which early
London Indian Buddhist teachings on topics such as suffer-
9. Tin, Pe Maung Tin (trans) (1971) The path of purity, ing, impermanence, selflessness, four noble truths,
being a translation of Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga,
combined reprint. Pali Text Society, London and the eightfold path have been given in detail. It
10. Williams P (2002) Buddhist thought. Taylor & has received its title from the fact that its discourses
Francis, London (suttas) have been grouped together (saṃyutta) in
accordance with their respective subject matters.
According to the tradition, the total number of suttas
in the Saṃyutta Nikāya should be 7,762 ([10],
Vol. i, p. 17). However, the number as given in the
Samskāra
˙ edition of the Pali Text Society comes to only 2,889.
The reason for this ambiguity is that the manuscripts
▶ Saṃkhāra
often just have key words to be worked-out into full-
fledged suttas in the absence of unambiguous guide-
lines as to how this is to be done. As a result, this
kind of manuscript tradition differs entirely from the
Samskāra (Buddhism) one that exists in either the Dīgha Nikāya or the
˙ Aṅguttara Nikāya, where the text is given in full and
▶ Saṃkhāra only occasionally passages repeated verbally have
been left out. The Saṃyutta Nikāya, on the other
hand, can be contracted into a basic minimum and
can then again be expanded by using the key words.
Buddhaghosa wrote a commentary (aṭṭhakathā) on
Samyaka Sambodhi
it called the Sāratthappakāsinī in the fifth century.
The Saṃyutta Nikāya is divided into five main
▶ Bodhi Tree
vaggas consisting of a total of 56 sections, called
saṃyuttas. Each of these 56 saṃyuttas has been
further subdivided into minor vaggas (chapters).
The five main vaggas are as follows:
Samyutta Nikāya
˙ 1. The Sagātha Vagga consisting of 11 saṃyuttas
K. T. S. Sarao contains verses.
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of 2. The Nidāna Vagga consisting of 10 saṃyuttas
Delhi, Delhi, India explains the chain of causation
(paṭiccasamuppāda).
3. The Khandha Vagga consisting of 13
Synonyms saṃyuttas explains the five khandhas.
4. The Saḷāyatana Vagga consisting of 10
Book of the kindred sayings; Collection of saṃyuttas explains the six sense organs with
connected discourses; Mixed Āgama; their objects.
Saṃyuttāgama 5. The Mahā Vagga consisting of 12 saṃyuttas.
Samyutta Nikāya 1051
˙

The suttas in the different saṃyuttas have been substantial differences among themselves. These
put together on the basis of at least three different differences indicate that changes were introduced
criteria. The suttas of a saṃyutta either (1) deal into one another, or both, of the narratives at some
with any specific point or any specific area of the time, but the tradition has not changed since then
Buddhist doctrine or (2) they speak of some cate- for the obvious reason that the texts were preserved
gories of gods, demons or human beings or (3) in by the Dīgha-bhāṇakas and the Saṃyutta-
them some admirable person appears as a hero or bhāṇakas independent of each other ([7], p. 50).
speaker ([12], p. 53). For instance, the Dhātu The suttas of the Saṃyutta Nikāya generally
Saṃyutta (saṃyutta no. 14) contains suttas are much shorter than those of the Dīgha Nikāya
where the Buddha speaks on the dhātus (ele- or the Majjhima Nikāya. The Sagātha Vagga is
ments), while the Bala Saṃyutta (saṃyutta no. totally different from the other vaggas and is
50) is composed of suttas which deal with the rather similar in some respects to the Sutta-Nipāta.
five balas or powers, viz. saddhā (faith), viriya The most important part of this vagga are the
(energy), sati (mindfulness), samādhi (equanim- verses which also occur occasionally elsewhere
ity), and paññā (wisdom). However, this method in the Tipiṭaka. It has been suggested that parts of
is very repetitive. For instance, the 207 suttas of the Sāgatha Vagga appear to be very old, actually
the Saḷāyatana Saṃyutta (saṃyutta no. 35) just well near to the Vedic texts [5].
relate to the six sense organs. It has been The Saṃyutta Nikāya corresponds to the
suggested that most probably this repetitiveness Saṃyukta Āgama found in the Sūtra Piṭakas of
arose due to the fact that there existed a large various Sanskritic early Buddhists schools, frag-
number of suttas on the same subject, collected ments of which survive in Sanskrit and in Tibetan
from different individuals and monasteries, etc., translation. A complete Chinese translation from the
all being of equal religious merit and hence Sarvāstivādin recension, known as the Zá Ahánjī ng
deserving to be included in the collection ([12], (“the Mixed Āgama”), appears in the Chinese Bud-
p. 57). At the same time, it must be recognized that dhist canon. It was translated into Chinese by
this method of arrangement also means that the Baoyun in the years 435–436 C.E. [1].
Saṃyutta Nikāya contains some of the most An examination of the Zá Ahánjī ng shows that it
important tenets of Buddhism. A good example includes a number of sūtras which appear in the
of this is the Sacca Saṃyutta (saṃyutta no. 56). It Aṅguttara Nikāya of the Pāli Tipiṭaka ([8], p. 181).
contains 131 suttas that relate to various aspects of This would seem to indicate that at the time
the Four Noble Truths. Thus, the large number of when the āgamas were collected, the distinction
the suttas is basically the outcome of a practice between the “connected” and the “numerical” clas-
that involved a thorough treatment of the same sifications was not very clearly drawn ([7], p. 54).
topic from all angles in accordance with a fixed A comparison of the Sarvāstivādin, Kāśyapīya, and
pattern to the complete exhaustion of both the Theravādin texts reveals a substantial consistency of S
topic and the reader. As suggested by K.R. Nor- content, although each recension contains sūtras/
man, this type of arrangement, however, repre- suttas not found in the others [4]. On this basis, it
sents an obvious editorial practice, and the has been argued that the remarkable congruence of
existence of a number of the suttas elsewhere in the various recensions suggests that the Saṃyutta
the canon probably indicates a conscious selection Nikāya/Saṃyukta Āgama was the only collection to
of material to group together in this way ([7], be finalized in terms of both structure and content in
p. 50). Further, as the suttas were classified in the pre-sectarian period ([11], pp. 31, 37–52).
two different ways and as some of the saṃyuttas
deal with numerical subjects, there is inevitably an
overlap between the Saṃyutta Nikāya and the Cross-References
Aṅguttara Nikāya in the Pāli canon. Occasionally,
different versions of the same sutta in the Saṃyutta ▶ Aṅguttara Nikāya
Nikāya and within the nikāyas elsewhere show ▶ Buddhaghosa
1052 Samyuttāgama
˙

▶ Buddhist Councils
▶ Dīgha Nikāya Sanchi
▶ Four Noble Truths
▶ Majjhima Nikāya ▶ Sāñcī
▶ Paṭiccasamuppāda
▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
▶ Tipiṭaka
Sāñcī

K. T. S. Sarao
References Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
Delhi, Delhi, India
1. Anālayo B (2007) Mindfulness of breathing
in the Saṃyukta-āgama. Buddh Stud Rev 24(2):
137–150 Synonyms
2. Feer ML (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya, 5 vols.
Pali Text Society, London Boṭaśrī-Parvata; Cetiyagiri; Kākanādaboṭa;
3. von Hinüber O (1996) A handbook of Pāli literature.
Walter de Gruyter, Berlin Kākaṇāva; Kākaṇāya; Kanakheda; Sanchi;
4. Keown D (2004) A dictionary of Buddhism. Oxford Vedisāgiri
University Press, London
5. Lanman ChR (1893) Rigveda V.40 and its Buddhist
parallel. In: Festgruss an Rudolf von Roth zum Definition
Doktor-Jubillaum, 24 August 1893. Stuttgart,
pp 186–190
6. Law BC (1983) A history of Pāli Literature, reprint, A Buddhist monastic complex located in central
vol 1. Indological Book House, Delhi India near Vidiśā.
7. Norman KR (1983) A history of Indian literature: Pāli
literature. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
The monastic complex of Sāñcī (modern spelling:
8. Pande GC (1957) Studies in the origins of Buddhism.
University of Allahabad, Allahabad Sanchi) (lat. 23
290 N and long. 77
450 E)
9. Rhys Davids CAF, Thera SS, Woodward FL (trans) occupies a hilltop at a distance of about 10 km
(1917–1930) The book of the kindred sayings. 5 vols. from the prosperous central Indian town of Vidīṣā
Pali Text Society, London
where major road and river routes crisscross.
10. Rhys Davids TW, Carpentier JE, Stede W (eds)
(1886–1932) The Sumaṅgala-Vilāsinī: Buddhaghosa’s In the ancient sources, this site has been
commentary on the Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols, Pali Text variously mentioned as Cetiyagiri, Kākanaya,
Society, London Kākanādaboṭa, and Boṭa-Śrī-Parvat. Sāñcī is one
11. Sujato B (nd) A history of mindfulness: how insight
of the oldest and most continuously occupied
worsted tranquility in the Sattipaṭṭhāna Sutta. https://
sites.google.com/site/santipada/bhantesujato’swork. extant Buddhist sites in India. Sāñcī’s over 50
Accessed 15 Jan 2012 monuments including stūpas, vihāras, assembly
12. Winternitz M (1983) A history of Indian Literature, halls, temples, and freestanding pillars date from
revised edn (trans) V, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass,
the reign of King Aśoka (third century B.C.E.) to
Srinivasa Sarma, Delhi
13. Woodward FL (ed) (1929–1937) The Sārattha- around 1200 C.E. Sāñcī is particularly significant
ppakāsinī, Buddhaghosas commentary on the as it has almost all types of Buddhist architectural
Saṃyutta Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London forms. Some of these structures were erected on
the foundations of earlier ones. General Taylor,
a British officer, was the first known Western
historian to document in English the existence of
Sāñcī in 1818. The site was looted and ravaged by
Samyuttāgama treasure hunters and amateur archeologists till the
˙ initiation of proper restoration work in 1881. John
▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya Marshall was largely responsible for restoring
Sāñcī 1053

Sāñcī, Fig. 1 The Great Stūpa (Stūpa no. 1)

Sāñcī, Fig. 2 Stūpa no. 3

1054 Sāñcī

most of the structures to their present condition Sāriputta and Moggallāna, is a modern temple
between 1912 and 1919. built in the 1960s to mark the celebrations of
Of the important monuments on the main ter- 2,500 years of Buddhism.
race are Great Stūpa (also known as Stūpa 1) Originally commissioned by King Aśoka (third
(Fig. 1), Stūpa 3 (Fig. 2), Pillar 10 (Aśoka Pillar), century B.C.E.), the Great Stūpa is the oldest stone
Temple 18 (Mauryan apsidal), and Temple 17 structure in India. Aśoka installed by the side of
(fourth century). Temple 17 (Fig. 3), consisting this stūpa, a polished pillar of the Chunar sandstone
of a flat-roofed square sanctum with a portico and with a capital similar to the one at Sārnāth. Built
four pillars, was built during the early Gupta over the relics of the Buddha, the nucleus of this
period and is possibly the earliest extant stone stūpa was a simple hemispherical brick structure.
temple in the Indian subcontinent. Its interior Its construction work was personally supervised by
and three sides of the exterior are plain, but the Aśoka’s wife, Devī, who was the daughter of
front and the pillars are carved quite elegantly. a merchant of Vidiśā. The stūpa was vandalized
Temple 45 (tenth century C.E.) is located in the sometime in the second century B.C.E. It has been
eastern area, and Temple 40 is in the southern suggested by some scholars that Puṣyamitra Śuṅga
area. Begun during Aśoka’s rule, Temple 40 was who overtook the Mauryan kingdom in a coup
enlarged during the Śuṅga period (ca. second to d’état may have been behind this vandalism. How-
first centuries B.C.E.) and again later. Monastery ever, during the reign of later Śuṅga kings, the
51 (Fig. 4) and Stūpa 2 are located on the western stūpa was enlarged with stone slabs to nearly
slope. Cetiyagiri Vihāra, housing the remains of twice its original size. The dome was flattened
near the top and crowned by three superimposed
chatras (parasols) within a square railing. The
dome was set on a high circular drum meant for
circumambulation, which could be accessed via
a double staircase. Copiously carved monumental
gateways (toraṇas) (Fig. 5) facing the cardinal
directions and a stone pathway enclosed by
a balustrade encompassing the entire edifice were
added in the first century B.C.E. With their yakṣī s
(Figs. 6 and 7), the whole of the surface of the
toraṇas is covered with bas-reliefs portraying inci-
dents from the life of the Buddha (such as the Great
Departure: see Figs. 8 and 9) and depictions of the
various Jātaka tales such as Vessantara (Figs. 10
Sāñcī, Fig. 3 Temple 17 and 11), Mahākapi, Chhaddanta, Sāma, and

Sāñcī, Fig. 4 Monastery 51

Sāñcī 1055

Sāñcī, Fig. 5 Temple

no. 18

Sāñcī, Fig. 6 Stūpa no. 2

Sāñcī, Fig. 7 Temple and Monastery no. 45

1056 Sāñcī

Alambusā Jātaka. Four-seated images of the Bud- a sculpture, would often choose their favourite
dha, each under a chatra and facing the four scene from the life of the Buddha and then have
toraṇas against the drum of the stūpa, were the their names inscribed on it, thus, accounting for the
last addition to the stūpa made during the Gupta random repetition of particular episodes on the
period. Although made of stone, the gateways were stūpa. On these stone carvings the Buddha is not
carved and constructed in the manner of wood and depicted as a human figure, but is represented by
were covered with narrative sculptures showing various attributes, such as his footprints, the horse
scenes from the life of the Buddha. There was no on which he left home, or a canopy under the bodhi
direct royal patronage, and the Great Stūpa’s 600 tree at the time of his enlightenment.
short inscriptions in Prakrit show that its patrons Stūpas 2 and 3 were built during the second
almost entirely consisted of monks, nuns, mer- century B.C.E. Stūpa 2 (Fig. 12) yielded the
chants, and commoners. It has been suggested body relics of ten Buddhist therās, including
that devotees, who donated money toward Kaśyapagotra and Majjhima who had been given
the task of spreading Buddhism in the Himalayas.
This stūpa is also noteworthy for its decorative
bas-reliefs, mostly enclosed inside medallions.
Stūpa 3, modeled after Stūpa 1 and located by its
side, is of great sanctity as it contained the relics of
Moggallāna and Sāriputta. The ground balustrade
and a single toraṇa of this stūpa were constructed
during the first century B.C.E. and first century
C.E., respectively. Stūpa 5, built in the sixth cen-
tury C.E., is known for an image of the Buddha
built against its southern face. Stūpas 12, 13, 14,
and 16, with square bases, belong to the sixth and
seventh centuries C.E.
Apart from the Aśokan pillar (Fig. 13), there
are other freestanding stone pillars of which Pillar
25 belongs to the Śuṅga period and Pillars 26 and
35 to the fifth century C.E. Pillar 35, now broken,
had originally on its abacus a standing image of
Vajrapāṇi, now exhibited in the local Museum.
Temple 18 (Fig. 14), a seventh-century apsidal
Sāñcī, Fig. 8 The Great Departure (north toraṇa) sanctuary with a stūpa (now extinct), was

Sāñcī, Fig. 9 The Great Departure (east toraṇa)

Sāñcī 1057

Sāñcī, Fig. 12 Aśokan pillar

Sāñcī, Fig. 10 North gateway (toraṇa)

Sāñcī, Fig. 13 A Yakṣī on the east toraṇa

Sāñcī, Fig. 11 A Yakṣī on the north toraṇa be dated earlier than the sixth century C.E., though
some of them were built over the ruins of earlier
constructed on top of the base of an earlier Śuṅga- ones. The most imposing among these vihāras is
period apsidal hall. Temple 31, which contains Monastery 51, planned in the typical monastic style
a large image of the Buddha, is an oblong-pillared with an open brick-paved courtyard with an
shrine with a flat ceiling. None of the vihāras can enclosing veranda and beyond it an assortment of
1058 Sandha(ka)

Sāñcī, Fig. 14 Vessantara Jātaka

Sāñcī, Fig. 15 Vessantara Jātaka

cells. Monasteries 36, 37, and 38, dateable to the References

seventh century C.E., are almost of the same
design, except on a smaller scale. Monasteries 36 1. Cunningham A (1854) The Bhilsa topes or
Buddhist monuments of Central India. Smith, Elder,
and 37 had central platforms. Monasteries 36 and
London
38 were originally two storied. The remains of 2. Dehejia V (ed) (1966) Unseen presence: the Buddha
Monastery 45 (Fig. 15) belong to two different and Sanchi. Marg, Bombay
periods, the seventh–eighth and tenth–eleventh 3. Dehejia V (1992) Collective and popular bases of early
Buddhist patronage: sacred monuments, 100 BC-AD
centuries C.E. This monastery is noteworthy for
250. In: Miller BS (ed) The powers of art. Oxford
its temple built over the ruins of an earlier temple University Press, Delhi, pp 35–45
which is still standing with the lower part of its 4. Dehejia V (1997) Indian art. Phaidon, London
spire. Monasteries 46 and 47, dated to the eleventh 5. Maisey FC (1892) Sanchi and its remains: a full
description of the ancient buildings, sculptures, and
century C.E. and built on the ruins of earlier mon-
inscriptions. Reprint, Indological Book House,
asteries, belong to one complex. Monastery 46, Delhi, 1972
reachable via Monastery 47, has a courtyard 6. Marshall JH (1936) A guide to Sanchi, 2nd edn. Man-
with cells on three sides. Monastery 47 is a court ager of Publications, Government of India, Delhi
7. Marshall JH (1940) The monuments of Sāñchī.
flanked by a pillared veranda with a small cell and
Probsthain, London
a long room behind it on the south, a covered 8. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Samsad,
colonnade on the west, and a pillared veranda on Calcutta
the north leading to an antechamber and shrine at
the western end and at the back to a corridor with
five cells.
Sāñcī has been listed among the UNESCO
World Heritage Sites since 1989. Sandha(ka)

▶ Homosexuality (Jainism)
Cross-References

▶ Aśoka
▶ Jātaka
▶ Puṣyamitra Śuṅga Sandhi/Samdhi-nirmocana-Sūtra
▶ Stūpa ˙
▶ Vihāra ▶ Sandhinirmocana Sūtra
Sandhinirmocana Sūtra 1059

traditional practitioners and on the other hand

Sandhinirmocana Sūtra the need to conceptually philosophize are the con-
straints under which Mahāyāna-Sūtras seem to be
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore composed. It is in this context that the present text
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in also seems to be written.
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and Originally, it might have been composed, in
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, first or second century, because it attempts to
India provide definitive explanations and systematic
clarifications for contradictory statements from
the earlier Sūtras. It attempts to develop a kind
Synonyms of Buddhist hermeneutic [1], transcending the
apparent paradoxes, which had emerged in the
Sandhi/Saṃdhi-nirmocana-Sūtra; Scripture then intellectual climate. On the one hand, there
unlocking the mysteries; The sutra of the explana- was a need to understand Buddha’s thoughts for-
tion of the profound and secrets meaning mulated in the form of doctrines for common
masses, and on the other, some strict practitioners
of Buddhism stressed on a view that conceptual
Definition understanding is imaginary fabrication (Sk.
Prapaṅca), and hence is ultimately void/meaning-
Mahāyāna Buddhist text, text of the Sūtra litera- less (Sk. Śūnya). It is a Yogācāra text attempting
ture-form, Abhidharma-text, Yogacara-text. to highlight the importance of Yoga essential to be
practiced by all without exception and discrimi-
Sandhi/Saṃdhi-nirmocana-Sūtra, is a Mahāyāna nation for developing virtues through the Perfec-
Buddhist text, and is written in the Sūtra litera- tion of Wisdom (Sk. Prajñā-pāramitā) [2].
ture-form. It consists of mixed-style, having both Further, since Asaṅga (fourth century) has written
verse and prose. It was originally written in San- a commentary on it, it is generally held that it
skrit, which unfortunately is lost. Like many early cannot be later than Asaṅga.
Mahāyāna-Sūtras, it is very difficult to get the Both the Sandhinirmocana-Sūtra and its
exact date of origin and name of author of the Bhāṣya (commentary) by Asaṅga exist in Tibetan
Sandhinirmocana-Sūtra. It is a general consensus [3] and Chinese [4]. The scholars hold a view that
that Mahāyāna-Sūtras were composed, perhaps, the present form of its composition in which it is
in the beginning of the first century, when earlier available in Tibetan and Chinese, seems to have
Buddhism was felt to be restrictive and internal been not earlier than the third century C.E. It is
controversies were attempted to be transcended reported by the historians that this Sūtra was
by articulating such a new more accommodative translated from Sanskrit into Chinese four times S
framework. This new form attempted to reconcile at different periods, though currently complete
two kinds of controversies – one, 18 sects within and reliable versions of its translation in Chinese
early Buddhism, and another, to combat the by Xuanzang and in Tibetan by Woncheuk exist.
charges from external non-Buddhist opponents. Further, it is claimed that Tibetan translation is,
It was an attempt to settle the incompatibilities perhaps, influenced by Chinese version of it. The
due to expansion and adoption of new framework, Sandhinirmocana-Sūtra available in Chinese is
by way of providing clarification and establish- popularly known as “the Sutra of the Explanation
ment of a new transformational format in conso- of the Profound Secrets” and is translated from
nance with the teachings of the Buddha. Hence, Tibetan into English as “Scripture Unlocking the
Sūtra is a transit literature form, which is Mysteries” [5].
attempting to connect early Buddhism with later Etymologically “Sandhi” means “connection,
Buddhism, traditionally known as Hı̄ nayāna with conjoining, combining, union, reconciliation,pffi
Mahāyāna. On the one hand orthodoxy of transition.” “Nirmocana” means “nir þ muc
1060 Sandhinirmocana Sūtra

= to loose, to make free, to liberate from, to of awakening (Sk. Pariniṣpanna). It is absolute

abandon.” It means liberating from conjunction, and ideal reality having its own nature (Sk. Sa-
freedom from union, loosing the bonds of attach- svabhava).
ments, abandoning the ties of alliance. Thus, Ultimate reality or absolute consciousness
“Sandhinirmocana” connotes “making free from itself is not null and void (Sk. Śūnya), but any
the bondage of worldly affairs (Sk. Saṃsāra), expression to communicate its nature is empty
which conjoins man with the world.” It is a text (Sk. Śūnya) and is impossible to communicate
that enables to untie the knots of conceptual con- (Sk. Nirabhilapya). Ultimate reality is beyond
fusions, or provides insights into the modes of thoughts and imagination (Sk. Vijñapti), though
release from the bonds of mundane world it involves consciousness (Sk. Vijñāna). And there
(Saṃsāra) to attain emancipation (Sk. Nirvāṇa). is a difference between content of consciousness
Secondarily, it may mean abandoning the ties of (Sk. Vijñapti) and consciousness (Sk. Vijñāna/
restrictive or delimited understanding of the Citta), the former is causative and the latter is
teachings of the Buddha, emanating from the ear- nominative. Realization of the ultimate reality is
lier (Tripiṭakas-scriptures) and new Sūtra’s free from conceptual construction – characteriza-
(Mādhyamika tradition of Buddhism). It empha- tion and differentiation based on it. It is because of
sizes on practicing Yoga instead of mere attachments on the conventional plane that names
speculative philosophization and conceptual and characteristics are attached to things, objects,
understanding. and entities. Conventional reality/imaginary
It is an attempt to present Abhidharma (that world (Sk. Saṁvṛtti/Vyavahāra-sat) is based on
which leads one toward the highest teaching) tra- experiential reality (Sk. Paratantra), though ulti-
dition of early Buddhism in a novel manner, while mately nothing exists having characteristics/
people were facing dilemmas of understanding true nature (Svabhāva) of its own. It is due to series
nature of the Ultimate reality (Sk. Paramārtha- of consciousness (Sk. Citta-Santati) or the act of
sat). It is a text which for the first time clearly being conscious (Sk. Vijñapti), apparently in the
asserts positively that the Ultimate reality exists, conventional world (Sk. Vyavahāra-sat), traces of
and is of the nature of pure consciousness attachment (Sk. Vāsanās) take the form of char-
(Sk. Citta). It advocates triple-tiered nature of real- acteristics (Sk. Kalpanā). Only on the level of
ity, based on the functions of consciousness. thoughts (Parikalpita), there is repetition of exis-
The conventional world, which one normally tence (Sk. Punarbhava) of continuity/transmigra-
experiences, is dependent upon and determined tion of consciousness (Sk. Santāna), but not on
by subjective sensations (Sk. Vijñapti), that is, the facts as everything is susceptible to change
existence of things/beings in the external world and hence is impermanent (Sk. Anitya). Ulti-
depends on the other/knower (Sk. Paratantra). mately, everything is realized to be empty (Sk.
But the nature of consciousness (Sk. Vijñāna/ Śūnya), having no substantial existence (Sk.
Citta) is dependent on cognition, which is Anātma), however it is real conventionally
a function of consciousness. Both, things cog- (Sk. Parataṅtra).
nized in the world and the cognition of it, could It is essential first to start philosophical inquiry
be explained by the relation of interdependence with the present status of having wrong opinions/
(Sk. Paratantra). illusory ideas (Sk. Parikalpita), in order to arrive
Cognition of existence is explained with the at correct comprehension of the ultimate reality
help of concepts and ideas, which is imaginary (Sk. Pariniṣpanna), and then acquire clarity in
construction or articulation of expression of understanding current trends of ideas and increase
thoughts (Sk. Parikalpita). However, behind profundity. By denying all principles, beliefs, and
experiential world (Sk. Paratantra), ultimate real- characteristics, it is possible to cognize true nature
ity (Sk. Paramārtha-sat/Pariniṣpanna) in the of the ultimate reality. If one starts philosophical
pure form of consciousness (Sk. Vijñāna/Citta) inquiry with nothingness (Sk. Pariniṣpanna) of
exists, which can be realized by the full perfection which the true nature of the ultimate reality is,
Sangītipariyāyapada 1061

then one cannot understand anything. Hence, one ▶ Śūnyatā

gets confused or baffled. The nature of Ultimate ▶ Tathāgata
Reality (Sk. Paramārtha-sat/Tathatā) is incon- ▶ Tripiṭaka
ceivable and beyond expression, nonetheless it is ▶ Vijñāna
to be experienced and realized by developing ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
insight/wisdom (Sk. Prajñā) by oneself. ▶ Yogācāra
In the Sandhinirmocana-Sūtra, great Bodhi-
sattvas question the Buddha about the nature of
consciousness, the character of the ultimate real- References
ity, the stages of the Bodhisattva-yāna, and the
embodiment of the Tathāgata. The Buddha 1. Keenan JP (2000) The scripture on the explication of
underlying meaning [translated from Chinese of Hsiian-
responds with the clear voice of perfect realiza-
Tsang (Taisho Volume 16, Number 676) into English].
tion, illuminating the ten steps (Sk. Daśa-bhumis) Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research
in meditative practices (Sk. Samādhi-Yoga) and 2. Powers J (1995) Wisdom of Buddha: the
views that eliminate obstacles in enlightenment Saṃdhinirmocana-Sūtra [translated from Tibetan into
English]. Dharma, Berkeley
(Sk. Bodhi) [6]. Śūnyatā is a perspective/point of
3. Thomas C (1999) Buddhist yoga: a comprehensive
view to look at reality (Sk. Dṛṣṭi) and by adopting it course [translated from Tibetan into English].
insightfully everybody has to overcome ones own Shambhala, South Asia Editions
illicit understanding or misconceptions by himself. 4. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd revised edn.
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 407–411
By clear and exact comprehension of meaning, one
5. Sutra of the explanation of the profound and
can understand the true nature of reality. secrets meaning, PDF of the Sandhinirmocana-sutra in
Sandhinirmocana-Sūtra is divided into Tibetan
eight parts/sections/chapters (Sk. Parivratas), 6. Sangharakshita MS (1987) A survey of Buddhism: its
doctrines and methods through ages. Tharpa, London
presented in the form of series of dialogues
between the Buddha and various Bodhisattvas.
During these dialogues, the Buddha attempts to
clarify disputed meanings present in the early
Mahāyāna and the early Buddhist schools, and Sangha
ultimately emphasizes on the need to practice
Yoga in the form of Prajñā-pāramitā. ▶ Saṃgha

Cross-References
Saṅgha
▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) S
▶ Anātman ▶ Saṃgha
▶ Asaṅga
▶ Bodhisattva
▶ Citta
▶ Dāsa Saṅgīti
▶ Hī nayāna
▶ Mādhyamika ▶ Buddhist Councils
▶ Mahāyāna
▶ Mahāyāna Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
▶ Nirvāṇa
▶ Paramārtha Sangītipariyāyapada
▶ Prajñāpāramitā
▶ Saṃsāra ▶ Dhammasaṅgaṇī
1062 Sañjaya Belatthiputta
˙˙

In the Brahmajāla-sutta of the Dī gha-Nikāya,

Sañjaya Belatthiputta Sañjaya perhaps has denied the fourfold
˙˙ categorisation of understanding the world,
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore namely, is, is not, neither is-is not, nor is-is not.
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in When one does not have any definite and firm
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and answer to anything, one prefers to be silent over
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, everything. It is a kind of indeterminism and
India Agnosticism, leading toward pluralism. In the
entire world including human life, there is uncer-
tainty and complete chaos. He was sceptical about
Definition trans-world identity, God, and morality.
Nothing is absolutely good or bad, what one
Ájī vaka, holder of Amarāvikkhapavāda, one of calls good becomes bad also. It is not only due to
the six well-known śrāmaṇic thinkers, learned, variation in time, place, context, or individual, but
well-known ascetics and acclaimed philosophers, even simultaneously nothing can be held as good
and senior contemporary of the Buddha. or bad essentially. Everything is contextual and
uncertain. One is often caught in a hopeless and
helpless situation, which cannot be controlled.
Amarāvikkhapavādi Buddhas’ Rather, one is a passive recipient of what happens
Opponent in the life and the world at large. One cannot
create new, nor can apriorily anticipate destruc-
At the time of the Buddha, thinkers were haunted tion. There are neither laws of nature operating
and obsessed by mental unrest. It was a search for exceptionlessly nor is human purpose able to plan
peace, joy, and happiness undertaken by all. They one’s own destiny with certainty, or even God to
realised the futility of speculations and extreme determine without discrimination at his will.
austerity of asceticism, and hence society was Hence, it is better to take things as they happen
denouncing worldly affairs. People were disillu- and live with them passively.
sioned by philosophy, and lost in the fog of mys- No one can ascertain firmly answers to issues
tical religious practices. Enthusiasm was replaced like existence of the other world (Sk. Paraloka),
by vulgarised quibbling and wrangling, with inde- existence of God as a creator, sustainer, or
cisive thoughts. Glorification of Gods and destroyer, relation between actions and reward/
annoyed by injuring multitude of supernatural punishment, etc. Rather, by dealing with such
powers led mankind to disappointment and suf- eternal metaphysical questions, one’s mind gets
fering. This situation culminated into making man diverted from actual facts of life. Sañjaya [2]
sceptic and lost in confusion. denied giving answer to: Is world eternal/non-
Obviously, unending questions and, without eternal, infinite/finite? Whether a perfect man con-
behaving morally, rejecting the social sanctions tinues to exist after death Is there any reward/
and faith was the mode adopted by some punishment – retribution for one’s own right/
people. Amongst them, Sañjaya-Belaṭṭhiputta wrong deed? He preferred silence [3]. Instead of
(/Bolāṭṭhiputra) is prominently known for his responding to and entangling ourselves in such
doctrine of Amarāvikkhapavāda (in Sanskrit unending futile questions, it is better to enjoy the
Vikṣapavāda) (skepticism). He was a senior con- present state of life in which one is placed. By
temporary of the Buddha. He was from Rajagrha, finding out conclusive and convincing answers to
the capital of Magadha. such questions, one is lost in the jungle of ideas
Sañjaya-Belaṭṭhiputta was not only an and loses peace and happiness, as there is no end
upholder of the Vikṣapa-vāda (scepticism, which to such discussion and reflection. That is why it is
diverts mind from metaphysical theories), but also known as eternal unending questions (Pali-
an advocate of Aniścitatā-vāda (uncertainty) [1]. Amarāvikkhepikās).
Sankrityayan, Rahul 1063

Can one be assured that by giving alms, responsibility by his new world order (Pali-
performing rituals, sacrificing things, or by mak- Dhamma). It is because of this reason perhaps,
ing penance one can get happiness in the present Mahā-moggallana and Sāriputta, who were previ-
life or in future, or can one guarantee that those ously disciples of Sañjaya, became, later on, well-
who do wrong deeds are punished and suffer for known disciples of the Buddha [4].
what they do? Hence, everything that happens is
unknown and unknowable from the point of view
of establishing conclusive proof. Cross-References
Similar questions were also put forth to the
Buddha, but he remained silent. This was because, ▶ Aṣṭāṅgamārga
contrarily, the Buddha believed that although ▶ Dhamma
chance and contingency play a vital role in the ▶ Dī gha Nikāya
happenings in the world or human life, there is ▶ God (Buddhism)
a need to be moral. Life is not hopeless and help- ▶ Śī la
less, rather one can plan rightly and follow proper ▶ Śramaṇa
modes of action to build moral character (Sk. śī la) ▶ Nirvāṇa
and emancipate oneself (Sk. Nirvāṇa). There is ▶ Pratī tya Samutpāda
a possibility to develop and hope for betterment
in each one’s life. Like a rationalist or a positivist, References
he was not interested in destroying the common
man’s psychological support derived from the con- 1. Kasyapa BJ (ed) (1961) Dīgha-Nikāya. Pali Text Pub-
cept of God, but that does not mean he advocated lication Board, Bihar Govt, Nalanda
and upheld the metaphysical entity of God, or 2. Walsh M (1995) The long discourse of the Buddha:
a translation of the Dīgha-Nikāya (1. Brahmajāla-
possibility of existence of the other world. sutta-pp 67–90 and 2. Sāmañnaphala-sutta –
Interdependence (Sk. Pratī tya-samutpada) on the pp 91–109). Wisdom, Boston
one hand opens the possibility of explaining pain 3. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
and suffering in human life, and on the other hand Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 38–41
4. Winternitz M (1993) Sāmañnaphala-sutta (i.e. the sec-
the Eightfold path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) articu- ond sutta) of the Dı̄ gha-Nikāya. History of Indian lit-
lates the possibility of its control. The former is erature, vol II. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 36–191
substituting causal determinism by sequential order
of explication of facts, which is a blow given by the
Buddha to the indeterminism advocated by
Sañjaya. But even on the account of the latter, Sankrityayan, Rahul
purposiveness and intentionality is involved,
which too is opposition to uncertainty upheld by K. T. S. Sarao S
Sañjaya. Thus, there is neither complete chaos and Department of Buddhist Studies, University of
disorder, nor absolute/strict determinism. There is Delhi, Delhi, India
a possibility to bring in order and hope for peace in
human life. Rather, even a bad person, if follows
the path laid down by the Buddha, can become Definition
good, like Aṅgulimāla, and emancipate in this
world itself. And this great sense of hope is impor- Indian scholar, linguist, traveller, nationalist, and
tant in human life given by the Buddha. author of more than 150 books. He is particularly
On the background of the collapse of morality known for his contribution to Tibetan Studies and
and disintegration of social order, which
Electronic supplementary material: The online version
Sañjaya upheld and attempted to promote as the
of this chapter (doi:10.1007/978-94-007-1988-0_1879)
nature of reality, contrarily Buddha provided the contains supplementary material, which is available to
foundations of morality, accountability, and authorized users.
1064 Sankrityayan, Rahul

Buddhism, especially his feat in bringing a large Himachal, he went to Tibet at least four times
collection of manuscripts from Tibet, now housed disguised as a Buddhist monk. He also travelled
in the Patna Museum. extensively in Sri Lanka, Soviet Union, Far East,
Iran, Afghanistan, and Western Europe. His
Rahul Sankrityayan, often called mahāpaṇḍita travels earned him the sobriquet as the originator
(great scholar), was one of the most widely “science of travel.” During one of his trips to
travelled scholars of India, who spent 45 years of Tibet, this polymath managed (in the guise of
his life on travel and away from home. He became a Buddhist monk) to travel to Tibet thrice, bring-
a Buddhist monk and eventually moved towards ing back with him 1619 valuable manuscripts and
Marxist Socialism. He was arrested and jailed for thankha paintings preserved there employing 16
nearly 3 years for his anti-British writings and mules to bring these to India and translating many
speeches. of them en route. A special section of the Patna
Rahul Sankrityayan was born Kedarnath Museum houses these manuscripts and paintings
Pandey on 9 April 1893 to an Orthodox Hindu and is named after Sankrityayan.
Bhūmihār-Brāhmaṇa family in Pandha village of Sankrityayan was married when very young and
Azamgarh district in Uttar Pradesh. He was the never came to know anything of his child-wife
eldest of five brothers and one sister. As his (though she is said to have been in the crowd that
mother died early, he was brought up by his came to see him when he visited his village after
grandmother. Though he received formal educa- 34 years). Although he did not have any formal
tion only up to grade eight in his village pāṭhaśālā education, in view of his knowledge and command
through the medium of Urdu language, over the subject, University of Leningrad
Sankrityayan later learned and mastered many appointed him Professor of Indology in
languages (as many as 34 according to his biog- 1937–1938 and again in 1947–1948. Accepting
rapher Machwe). However, he mostly wrote in an invitation for teaching Buddhism at Leningrad
Hindi. He picked up his wanderlust from his University during his stay in Soviet Russia
maternal grandfather, Ram Sharan Pathak, who a second time, he met and got married to Ellena
was an ex-soldier and had impressed young Narvertovna Kozerovskaya and had a son (Igor)
Kedarnath with his tales of adventure. He points with her. Ellena and Igor were denied exit visa by
out in his autobiography that reading a couplet of the Communist authority to accompany
Ismael Meruthiin grade three Urdu-book (Śair kar Sankrityayan to India when the latter completed
duniyā kī ghāfil zindgānī fir kahāṅ, zindagī gar his assignment. Later in India, Sankrityayan got
kuchh rahī to naujavānī phir kahāṅ) added fuel to married to Dr Kamalā (1920–2009) of Indo-
this fire to wander. At age 9, he ran away from Nepalese origin and with her had a daughter (Jayā
home in order to see the world. After having gone Pathak) and a son (Professor Jeta Sankrityayan of
to Calcutta via Varanasi, he later returned and North Bengal University). In the 1950s, he
completed his middle school. accepted a teaching job at a Sri Lankan University
He lived as a Vaiṣṇava sañnyāsī from 1914 till and was made a Tripiṭakācāriya. While in Sri
1930 and was known as Damodar Svāmī . Later, Lanka, he suffered seriously from diabetes, high
he took up the name Rahul after converting to blood pressure, and a mild stroke. After returning
Buddhism in 1930. Between 1921 and 1927, he to Darjeeling, he was struck by a second stroke in
participated in the freedom movement. As 1961 and lost his memory as a result. His wife took
a result, he was arrested and spent some time in him to Russia in 1962 for treatment, but there was
the prisons at Buxar and HazariBagh. Between the no improvement. He was brought back to Darjee-
years 1936 and 1944, he actively participated in ling where he breathed his last on 14 April 1963.
peasant movement and spent 29 months in jail Sankrityayan was an Indologist, a multilingual
(1940–42) for being a member of the Communist linguist, a Marxist theoretician, and a creative
Party of India. Besides extensive travels within writer of varied interest. One of his most famous
the Himalayas especially Ladakh and northern books is Volgā se Gaṅgā in which historical
Santati 1065

elements are remarkably interwoven with fiction

whereby he provides an account of the migration
of Āryans from the steppes of Eurasia to the
regions around Volga River and thence across
the Hindu Kush into the India subcontinent.
Merī jī van-yātrā, an autobiography in five
lengthy volumes, offers a captivating account of
his life. His other important books, running into
a total of about 50,000 pages, include Baudh Darś
an, Darshan Digdarshan, Ghumakkar Shastra,
Ghumakkar Swami, Kanaila ki Katha, Kinnar
desh mein, Lhasa ki or, Madhya Asia kā Itihās,
Mahamanav Buddha, Manava Samaj, Mansik
Sankrityayan, Rahul, Fig. 1 Commemorative Stamp on
Gulami, Rgvedic Arya, Sāmyavād hī kyoṅ,
Rāhul Sankrityayan
Sūdkhor kī Maut, Tibbat mein Baudh Dharm,
Tumhārī Kṣāyā, and Vaigyānik Bhautikvād.
Born a Brāhmaṇa, Kedarnath Pandey’s peripa- him by issuing a commemorative stamp on him
tetic life took him from being an orthodox Hindu (Fig. 1).
sañnyāsī to an Ārya Samājist proselytizer, to
becoming a Buddhist monk and then a dedicated
Marxist. He was drawn to the rationality of Bud- References
dhism while studying it as an Ārya Samājist pros-
1. Ahir DC (1993) Himalayan Buddhism, past and pre-
elytizer primarily with the aim of discrediting it sent: Mahapandit Rahul Sankrityayan centenary
but becoming a Buddhist monk in Sri Lanka and volume. Sri Satguru Publications, New Delhi
acquiring the name by which he became known. 2. Gaeffke P (1978) Hindi literature in the twentieth cen-
tury. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden
His visits to the Soviet Union converted his
3. Machwe P (1978) Rahul Sankrityayan. Sahitya
Congress socialism into fully fledged commu- Akademi, New Delhi
nism. Sankrityayan felt that despite being 4. Sankritayan R (1951–1967) Merījīvan-yātrā, 5 vols.
a rational modern system of thought that offers ĀdhunikPustak Bhavan, Kalkattā (vol 1)/KitābMahal,
Ilāhābād (vols 2–5)
a progressive agenda and freedom from moribund
5. Sankrityayan R (1970) Buddhist dialectics. In:
customs, Buddhism did not exactly meet his Sankrityayan R et al (eds) Buddhism: the Marxist
expectations as it remained status-quoist in nature approach. People’s Publishing House, New Delhi,
and was a religion, due to “belief in rebirth, yogic pp 1–8
6. Sharma RS (1993) Rahul Sankrityayan and social
mysticism and some other views.”
change. In: Indian history congress, 1993
He wrote in very simple Hindi so that common 7. Sharma RS (2009) Rethinking India’s past. Oxford S
readers may be able to take advantage of his writ- University Press, New Delhi
ings. He was also aware of the limitations of Hindi
literature and took pains to make up for this short-
coming (Fig. 1). He was awarded the Sahitya
Akademi Award in 1958 for his book Madhya Sannyāsī
Asia kāItihās and the Padma Bhushan by the Gov-
ernment of India in 1963. The Government of India ▶ Śramaṇa
has constituted two awards in his honor, viz., Rahul
Sankrityayan National Award for contribution to
Hindi travel literature and Mahāpanḍit Rāhul
Sānkrityāyan Paryaṭan Puraṣkār for contribution Santati
in the field of travelogue, discovery, and research in
Hindi. In 1993, the Government of India honored ▶ Time (Buddhism)
1066 Santhara

through this practice, he established a strong con-

Santhara nection with the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī and
attained a high level of realization.
▶ Sallekhanā (Jainism) When Śāntideva’s father passed away, the min-
isters of the kingdom wanted to make Śāntideva
the next king, and they prepared for his enthrone-
ment ceremony. But before the ceremony,
Śānti Varnam Śāntideva had a dream indicating that there is no
use to become a king. So he left everything
▶ Śāntideva behind.
He went to the monastic university of Nālandā,
where he became a monk under Paṇḍita
Jayadeva, who gave him the name Śāntideva.
Śāntideva Although directions were given, he studied and
practiced on his own focusing on teachings of the
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore Buddha and putting it into practice. He secretly
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in composed two treatises, viz., the Śī kṣā-
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and samuccaya [Compendium of Trainings] and the
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra, Sūtra-samuccaya [Compendium of Sutras] that
India consolidated the meaning of the Piṭakas.
Although Śāntideva had these great qualities of
realization and renunciation, he remained com-
Synonyms posed and silent in Nālandā, without doing any-
thing outwardly. To the other students, he seemed
Bhusukū; Śānti Varnam; Shyiwa Lha; Zhi ba lha to be the laziest person, so they called him
bhusukū, [one who just eats, sleeps, and goes out
to the toilet (Bhu comes from bhukta, which
Definition means eating. Su comes from susta, which
means sleeping. And kū comes from kuchiwa,
Śāntideva was a Tantric-Buddhist master and which means just walking)]. The contemporary
the author of Śīkṣā-samuccaya and students thought that he was a disgrace and liabil-
Bodhicaryāvatāra. ity to them, because everybody else was studying
and debating, and giving teachings – busy in
Śāntideva was born to King Kalyāṇavarman in the doing something and in contrast Śāntideva was
southern country of Saurāṣṭra (modern Gujarat) doing nothing. They wanted to expel him, but they
[1]. His father was King Kalyāṇa Varnam, and his could not find an excuse, because he had done
given name was Śānti Varnam. A mythical-story is nothing wrong. If you do not do anything, you
in vogue about his life. He had a great faith in the cannot do anything wrong! So he did not break
Mahāyāna teachings, great respect for his teachers, any rules or do anything that was against the law.
and he was diligent in his studies. He was always Since they could not just ask him to go away, they
helpful to the king’s ministers and to all the sub- tried to find a vicious/cunning way to expel.
jects. He was very compassionate to the poor, the Somebody formulated a new rule and made it
sick, and the downtrodden, and used to help them mandatory to all the students to give a teaching.
by giving aid and protection. He also became very So that when his turn will come he will be exposed
learned and skillful in all the arts and sciences. and will run away. They took the permission and
During his youth, he met a wandering Yogī , requested the teachers to execute it. They planned
who gave him the teachings of the extreme aus- and plotted it in such a way that his teacher will
terities to get the (Tī kṣṇa Mañjuśrī Sādhanā), and have to order him to teach, and then he will fail to
Śāntideva 1067

teach. They invited the whole community around He refused their proposal, but settled their differ-
the university to come and listen to Śāntideva. ences and doubts about the work, viz., Bodhicar-
They really wanted to make him run away! yāvatāra, saying that it has 10 chapters and 1,000
Finally, when the time came for him to give the stanzas. Then he told them the location of the two
teaching, Śāntideva just appeared on the throne. other books. Śāntideva had written the texts on
No one saw him arrive or climb onto the thorny- palm leaves and hidden them under the thatched
seat deliberately prepared to make fun of him, and straw-roof in his room. He gave them the reading
they could not find out how he got there. Then transmission and explanations of these texts also.
Śāntideva said, “What kind of teaching should The Bodhicaryāvatāra was written for all
I give? Something that has been given before or beings generally, but especially for the then pre-
something which has never been given before?” sent 500 Paṇḍitas of Nālandā, to show them the
Of course, everybody shouted, “Something new!” genuine path of a Bodhisattva. It is said that there
Śāntideva replied, “I have three modes of teach- were 108 commentaries written on the Bodhicar-
ings, but I will not prefer to present before you the yāvatāra in India.
Śī kṣā-samuccaya (Compendium of Trainings), Śāntideva [2], composed three works, viz., first
which is too long and you will be tired to know he wrote Śī kṣā-samuccaya [3] [Compendium of
the details. So too I will not give the teaching in Trainings], which is an explanation in detail and/
brief form, viz, Sūtra-samuccaya (Compendium or elaboration of teaching of the Buddha, then
of Sūtras), because you will not be able to digest Sūtra-samuccaya [4] [Compendium of Sūtras]
it. Rather taking into consideration the ability of which is citation of extracts in the form of Sūtras
mixed audience, I will give you the Bodhicar- in brief from various (approximately 110) works,
yāvatāra, which is of middle length discourse.” and finally Bodhicaryāvatāra [5], which is
Śāntideva then recited the Bodhicaryūvatāra a middle length mode of preaching the doctrines.
from memory, and it is said that many people The Sūtra-samuccaya does not seem to be
saw Mañjuśrī in the sky above his head as he a separate work, but appears to be a brief com-
recited the text. It is a legend that when Śāntideva mentary on his Śī kṣā-samuccaya only.
reached the thirty fourth verse of the ninth chapter, Śāntideva was, perhaps, interested in
which is said to be the most difficult part of the highlighting the importance of practice, rather
work, he and Mañjuśrī were lifted off the ground, than philosophical aspect of Buddhism [6] that is
and rose up higher and higher into the air until reflected in his works, viz., Śī kṣā-samuccaya and
they disappeared. Afterward, everyone was very Bodhicaryāvatāra. According to all the philo-
impressed! A few Paṇḍitas with extraordinary sophical traditions in general and Buddhism in
memory had written down notes, but when they particular, human birth is a rare opportunity to
tried to compare their notes, there were different purify the Śī la (moral-character) by practicing
opinions on what was said. According to the the Bodhisattva-yāna. To live life as a human S
Paṇḍitas from Kāshmīra, the text had nine chap- being is a golden chance to rise oneself to the
ters and seven hundred stanzas. But a group of status of Bodhisattva in this very life, provided
Paṇḍitas from central India thought it had ten one follows the Six-Pāramitās, viz., Dāna (char-
chapters and one thousand stanzas. In addition, ity), Śī la (moral-character), Kṣānti (peace and
they did not know what Śāntideva meant by these tranquility), Vīrya (brevity), Dhyāna (medita-
two books, i.e., Śī kṣā-samuccaya [Compendium tion), and Prajñā (insightful wisdom) [7]. By
of Trainings] and Sūtra-samuccaya [Compendium constant recollection of the three jewels, viz.,
of Sūtras], which were merely referred to in the Buddha (the exemplar), Dhamma (the way to
teaching. So they searched for Śāntideva all over follow), and Saṁgha (a group of true followers/
India, and after quite some time, they found him at practitioners), one can understand teaching of the
the Stūpa of Sri Dakṣiṇa, in the South. The Buddha, but practicing it in individual life insight-
Nālandā scholars went there and invited fully alone can bring in integrity and perfection.
Śāntideva to come back to Nālandā and teach. Morality is not a matter of theoretical discussion
1068 Śāntideva

on universal abstract principles, but it has some- later on by Dipaṅkar Śrijñāna alias Ātiṣa, espe-
thing to do with performing certain actual cially his Śī kṣā-samuccaya, and held to be a
practices – the ethical codes of conduct – in indi- great Siddha among the 84 Siddhas of Vajrayāna
vidual life. Buddhism [12].
A lay person can start with reverence and faith
to the Buddha and Bodhisattvas, and slowly can
progress with perseverance and consistency to get
Bodhi (enlightenment). Nonetheless, enlighten- Cross-References
ment is not individual selfish goal, rather it is to
be used for the benefit of those who are suffering ▶ Bodhi
in the society. In the Mahāyāna Buddhism, it is ▶ Bodhisattva
living life for the sake of others that is emphasized ▶ Dhamma
and hence use/application of the realization of ▶ Dipaṅkara Śrijñāna
truth is essential. Thus, Bodhi (enlightenment) ▶ Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta
does not become the final goal of life but actually ▶ Mahāyāna
living life selflessly for removing pain and suffer- ▶ Mañjuśrī
ing (Duḥkha) of others – all kinds of living ▶ Nālandā
creatures – in society is the significant purpose ▶ Pāramitās
of life. And while doing this humane-duty, one ▶ Piṭakas
has to find out creative ways and means skillfully ▶ Prajñā
[8] – either hidden in oneself or others – to over- ▶ Śī la
come the problems of life. Obviously, various ▶ Tantric Buddhism
aspects of personality need to be developed, tak-
ing into consideration different problems faced
contextually. In doing service to humanity, one References
has to minimally use his own endowed potential-
ities, viz., Karūṇā (compassion) and Prajñā 1. Chattopadyaya D (ed) (1997) Taranatha’s history of
(wisdom). By using Karuṇā (compassion) and Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
2. Chattopadyaya D (ed) (1997) Taranatha’s history of
Prajñā (wisdom) insightfully, one can follow the
Buddhism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
path of ideal human being (Bodhisattva); and 3. Vaidya PL (ed) (1961) Śīkṣā-samuccaya. The Mithila
gradually become a perfect person or an exemplar. Institute, Darbhanga
As compared to Śī kṣā-samuccaya, it seems 4. Winternitz M (1993) History of Indian literature,
vol II. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Bodhicaryāvatāra is much popular among the
5. Vaidya PL (ed) (1960) Bodhicaryávatára. The Mithila
Western scholars, perhaps, due to its theological/ Institute, Darbhanga’
religious character; and having some apparent 6. Warder AK (2000) Indian Buddhism, 3rd edn. Motilal
similarity with Christen devotion and faith [9]. It Banarsidass, Delhi
7. Obermiller E (1999) Bu-Ston: the history of Buddhism
is because of this reason perhaps Bodhicar-
in India and Tibet. Sri Sadguru Publications, Delhi
yāvatāra is translated into modern European 8. Winternitz M (1993) History of Indian literature,
languages like French, German, English, Italian, vol II. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
etc. Both the above-mentioned works are 9. Nariman JK (1972) Literary history of Sanskrit
Buddhism, 2nd edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
available in Tibetan and Chinese [10]. Śāntideva
10. Sangharakshita (1987) A survey of Buddhism: its
is dated in between Dharmapāla and Sri Harsa, doctrines and methods through ages. Tharpa Publica-
i.e., approximately middle of the seventh tions, London
century C.E. 11. Keith D (1998) Buddhist masters of enchantment: the
lives and legends of the Mahasiddhas. Inner Tradi-
May be due to the mystical story about life and tions, Rochester
works, Śāntideva was known as a Tantric- 12. Sankrityayana RB (1937) 84 Siddhas of Buddhism.
Buddhist [11]. He was followed and referred to Indian Press (in Hindi), Chaukhambha, Varanasi
Sāriputta 1069

perhaps took from the village where he was born.

Saptabhangī Besides him, at least seven members of the family,
including three younger brothers (Cunda, Upasena,
▶ Syādvāda (Jainism) and Revata), three sisters (Cālā, Upacālā, and
Sisupālā), and a nephew (Uparevata), are known
to have joined the Buddhist saṃgha. He was older
than the Buddha and was born on the same day as
Śāradvatīputra Moggallāna. Both Sāriputta and Moggallāna
belonged to rich families and were childhood
▶ Sāriputta friends, their families having maintained an unbro-
ken friendship for seven generations. Once after
having watched a mime play, the two friends real-
ized that the world is impermanent and hence
Sāraṅganāth
decided to give up the lives of householders. Ini-
tially, they became the disciples of Sañjaya
▶ Sārnāth
Belaṭṭhiputta, one of the six famous heretical
teachers of the Buddha’s time. However, having
found no satisfaction under him or many other
Śāriputra teachers, they wandered unsatisfied all over India.
Later, promising that whoever first found what they
▶ Sāriputta were looking for would tell the other, they parted
company.
While wandering about in Rājagaha, Sāriputta
met the Buddhist monk Assaji who converted
Sāriputta him to Buddhism. He became a sotāpanna (entered
the stream to enlightenment) after hearing from
K. T. S. Sarao Assaji a stanza on Paṭiccasamuppāda (Sk:
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of pratī tyasamutpāda, Dependent Arising). Thereaf-
Delhi, Delhi, India ter, he found Moggallāna and repeated before him
the stanza that he heard from Assaji. Moggallāna
also became a sotāpanna. Then the two decided to
Synonyms pay a visit to the Buddha at Veḷuvana. They also
requested Sañjaya, their former teacher,
Śāliputra; Śāradvatīputra; Śāriputra; Sāriputta to accompany them. But he refused. However, 250
Thera; Sārisambhava; Śārisutta; Upatissa disciples of Sañjaya joined them and were ordained S
by the Buddha. Except Sāriputta and Moggallāna,
they all attained arahantship. Moggallāna attained
Definition arahantship on the seventh day after his ordination,
but it was not till a fortnight later that Sāriputta
Chief disciple of the Buddha. became an arahant after hearing the Buddha preach
the Vedānapariggaha Sutta to Dīghanakha at
Sāriputta (Sk: Śāriputra) was the chief disciple Rājagaha.
(aggasāvaka) of Gautama Buddha. He was born On the day that Sāriputta and Moggallāna were
to brāhmaṇa parents called Vaṅganta and ordained, the Buddha declared them to be his
Rūpasāri. It was because of his mother’s name chief disciples. Some monks were upset at the
that he came to be known as Sāriputta (Son of newcomers being shown such an honor. But the
Sāri). His personal name was Upatissa, which he Buddha pointed out that they deserved this due to
1070 Sāriputta

their dedication and resolve in their previous lives. Being the chief disciple, Sāriputta was
The Buddha also pointed out that the other monks entrusted by the Buddha with the task of looking
should follow the examples of these two ideal after matters relating to the welfare of monks. The
disciples. In the Saccavibhaṅga Sutta of the Buddha placed great faith in him and Moggallāna
Majjhima Nikāya, the Buddha thus distinguishes for the purposes of keeping the Buddhist Order
them from the others by saying that “Sāriputta pure. When Devadatta created a schism in the
trains in the fruits of conversion, Moggallāna Buddhist Order and went away with 500 of the
trains in the highest good. Sāriputta can teach monks to Gayāsīsa, the Buddha entrusted the task
and clarify the Four Noble Truths; Moggallāna, to Sāriputta and Moggallāna of winning those
on the other hand, teaches by his psychic marvel.” monks back. They did so successfully. It was
In the Anupada Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya, the quite usual for Sāriputta and Moggallāna to travel
Buddha acclaims Sāriputta as a quintessential together at the head of the monks. When Rāhula,
example of a perfect disciple who had perfected the Buddha’s son, was ordained, Sāriputta was his
himself in virtue, concentration, perception, preceptor and Moggallāna his teacher. Both
patience, and deliverance. However, at the same Moggallāna and Sāriputta not only deeply cared
time, the Buddha did not hesitate in censuring about each other but also had great mutual admi-
Sāriputta whenever needed. For instance, once ration. Sāriputta’s verses (nos. 1179–1181) in
when the Buddha sent away some novices for praise of Moggallāna and Moggallāna’s in praise
making noise, Sāriputta was censured for having of Sāriputta (nos. 1176–1778) in the Theragāthā
misunderstood the purpose behind such a move. are a good example of their respect and admiration
According to one of the Jātaka stories, Sāriputta for each other. Their love for the Buddha was their
had a weakness for meal cakes (piṭṭhakhajjaka); strongest bond, and whenever they were away
however, on realizing that they tended to make from him, they were able to converse with him
him greedy, he took a vow not to eat them ever. through extrasensory means.
Sāriputta was declared by the Buddha as fore- He was a scrupulous follower of the discipline
most among those who possessed wisdom and as rules laid down by the Buddha. Thus, a rule had been
inferior only to himself in wisdom. The Buddha laid down that forbade the eating of garlic by monks,
would often just suggest a topic, and Sāriputta and when Sāriputta was afflicted by an illness and
would give a detailed discourse on it, and hence knew that by eating garlic he could be cured; even
win approval of the Buddha. There are several then he did not violate the rule till permission was
instances in the Pāli Tipiṭaka of Sāriputta given by the Buddha for him to do so. The
instructing and preaching to monks on different Dhammapada Commentary describes how, at the
topics. From time to time, these discourses monastery where Sāriputta lived, he often took
supplemented the Buddha’s own discourses. round of the whole building, arranging things,
Consequently, he became known as cleaning and sweeping the un-swept areas, and fill-
Dhammasenāpati (commander of the Dhamma). ing up empty pots with water, etc. Despite this there
Sāriputta’s special proficiency was in the were occasions when he was criticized by other
Abhidhamma, and the textual order of the monks. For instance, in a story related in the
Abhidhamma is said to have originated with Dhammapada Commentary, Sāriputta was once
him. Perhaps the best known of Sāriputta’s charged with greed and the Buddha had to personally
discourses are the Dasuttara Sutta and the Sangī ti explain to the monks that Sāriputta was innocent. It
Sutta. Mention is also made of special discourses was Sāriputta’s habit to regularly visit sick monks.
the Mahā Rāhulovāda Sutta and the Anāthapiṇ- Moreover, Sāriputta was so enthusiastic in encour-
ḍikovāda Sutta which were preached by Sāriputta aging and recognizing merit in fellow monks that he
to Rāhula and Anāthapiṇḍika, respectively. At the once went around lavishing praise on Devadatta for
end of the discourse, Anāthapiṇḍika is said to his psychic (iddhi) powers, which made it hard for
have remarked that he had never heard such him when subsequently he had to declare, at the
a sermon before. behest of the saṃgha, Devadatta’s wickedness.
Sārisambhava 1071

Sāriputtā’s compassion for the poor and his ▶ Mahāyāna

eagerness to help them are the subject-matter of ▶ Rāhula
several incidents mentioned in the Pāli Tipiṭaka. ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
Sāriputta was also known for the possession of ▶ Saṃyutta Nikāya
boundless patience. This is testified by a story ▶ Sāvatthī
related in the Dhammapada Commentary in ▶ Sotāpanna
which a brāhmaṇa struck him on the head, to test ▶ Theravāda
his patience, as he entered a town for alms. Another ▶ Tipiṭaka
quality for which Sāriputta was known was his ever ▶ Vimalakīrti
willingness to learn from others, however lowly. ▶ Vimalakīrti-Nirdeśa-Sūtra
Sāriputta is identified with various characters in as ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
many as 73 Jātakas. While Śāriputta is depicted
consistently positively in the Theravādin texts, his
References
portrayal in some of the Mahāyāna texts is not so
flattering. For instance, in the Vimalakī rtinirdeśa 1. Fausböll V (ed) (1977–1897) The Jātaka, 6 vols.
Sūtra, Śāriputra is portrayed as someone who was Luzac, London
not able to comprehend the Mahāyāna doctrines 2. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1889) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
easily delivered by Vimalakīrti and others, and is 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
3. Hecker H (1994) Maha-Moggallana. Buddhist Publi-
either reprimanded or overpowered in debate by cation Society, Kandy
a number of discussants. 4. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang dynasty record of
According to the Dhammapada Commentary, the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
when Sāriputta once went to his native village to Translation and Research, Berkeley
5. Ñyānaponika T, Hecker H (2003) Great disciples of
visit his mother, she abused both him and his the Buddha: their lives, their works, their legacy.
companions profusely. She was completely Wisdom, Boston
against the Buddha as all her children had joined 6. Ñyānaponika T (1966) Sāriputta: the marshall of the
the Order and left her desolate in spite of the vast Dhamma. Buddhist Publications Society No. 90/92,
Kandy
wealth which lay her house. However, shortly 7. Norman HC (ed) (1906) The commentary on the
before he died, Sāriputta preached to her, and Dhammapada, 4 vols. Pali Text Society, London
she became a sotāpanna. Sāriputta’s death took 8. Olderberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
place a few months before the Buddha and 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
9. Oldenberg H, Pischel R (eds) (1990) The Thera- and
2 weeks before Moggallāna on the full moon Theīgāthā (with appendices by K.R. Norman &
day of the month of Kattikā. The Saṃyutta Nikāya L. Alsdorf), 2nd edn. Pali Text Society, Oxford
records that he died at Nālagāmaka, his native 10. Thich H-V (1989) A critical study of the life and
village where his body was cremated. Cunda works of Sāriputta Thera. Linh Son Research Institute,
Vietnam
wrapped Sāriputta’s relics in the latter’s water- 11. Trenckner V, Chalmers R (eds) (1888–1896) The S
strainer and took them to Sāvatthī with his beg- Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
ging bowl and outer robe. Xuanzang saw the stūpa
erected over the relics of Sāriputta in the town of
Kālapināka.
Sāriputta Thera

Cross-References ▶ Sāriputta

▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
▶ Anāthapiṇḍika
▶ Devadatta Sārisambhava
▶ Iddhi
▶ Jātaka ▶ Sāriputta
1072 Śārisutta

ascetics from very ancient times, even before the

Śārisutta emergence of the Buddha. Sārnāth enjoys a high
position in the Buddhist world and is one of the four
▶ Sāriputta great places named by Buddha at the time of his
death in the Mahaparinibbāna Sutta ([3], Vol. ii, p.
141). The seed of the Saṃgha was also sown here
with the conversion of Yasa and his 54 friends [4].
Sārnāth

Arvind Kumar Singh Origin of the Names

Department of Buddhist Studies, Faculty of Arts,
University of Delhi, Delhi, India Sārnāth represents the site of the ancient
School of Buddhist Studies and Civilization, Ṛṣipatana or Mrigadāva (variantly Mrigdāya).
Gautam Buddha University, Greater Noida, The first name owes its origin to the fall
UP, India (Patana) of the bodies of 500 Pratyeka-Buddhas
(Ṛṣis) at this place after their attainment of
Nibbāna (isayo ettha nipatanti uppatanti cāti-
Synonyms Isipatanaṃ) [5], while the latter is derived from
the legend that the king of Varanasi, moved by the
Dharmachakrajinavihāra; Isipatana; Khema- spirit of self-sacrifice of Bodhisattva, born as
uyyāna; Migadāya; Sadharmachakra Prāvartana a dear named Nyāgrodha-miga (Banyan Deer),
Mahāvihāra; Sāraṅganāth; Silun or Silulin granted security to the herds of deer to roam freely
in the wood of Sārnāth ([6], Vol. i, p. 145f).
Isipatana Migadāya, associated with Sārnāth, has
Definition been described as the scene of Nandiyavatthu [7].
Mrigadāva meaning “deer park” is the place
Sārnāth (Mrigadāva, Migadāya, Rishipattana, where holy men (Pāli: Isi, Sanskrit: Ṛṣi) fell to
Isipatana) is the Deer Park where Siddhārtha earth. Now the question that calls for solution is
Gautama delivered his first sermon called about “Migadāya” and “Mrigadāva” where
The Turning of the Wheel of the Dhamma “Dāya” means gift and forest but in Childer’s
(Dhammacakkappavattana) which resulted into Pāli Dictionary, it was used in the sense of forest.
the birth of Buddhism [1], and Buddhist Saṃgha No scholar has raised any objection. So, we
was founded by the Buddha with Pañcavaggiyas, inclined to accept that it was Mrigadāva.
yassa, and others. Buddhaghoṣa in his commentary on Mahāpadāna
Sutta says that it was Isipatana Migadāya that
came to be called Dharmachakra Prāvartana
Introduction [7]. The French scholar Senart does not admit
that the name Isipatana comes from Isipatana. He
In Sārnāth, being the spot of Dharmachakra says that besides this name, two other names of the
Prāvartana, a number of temples and monasteries place are known, viz., Ṛṣipatana and Ṛṣivadana.
had been constructed since the age of the Buddha According to the Mahāvastu, this place is also
[2]. The name is applied to an extensive group of known as Ṛṣivadana and also occurs in the Gāthās
Buddhist ruins situated near Vārānasī (Banārasa) of the Lalitavistāra. It-sing and other Chinese
district of Uttara Pradesh in India. The name writers have used the word “Silun” or “Silulin”
Sārnāth probably initially associated with Deer to translate the word “Migadāya” which means
Park but later on associated with Śaiva temple called “the land given to the deer” [7].
to the southeast of the Dhammekha Stūpa. The No antiquarian, whether Foreign or Indian, has
place seems to have been sacred and the resort of yet properly dealt with the age and origin of the
Sārnāth 1073

modern name of Sārnāth. During the sixth century Several other incidents connected with the
B.C.E., it was called Mrigadāva, and Pāli Litera- Buddha, besides the preaching of the first sermon,
ture bears the testimony to this fact. It had also are mentioned as having taken place in Isipatana.
been known by this name during the time of The Buddhist Saṃgha was originated here after
Aśoka and Kaṇiṣka as well as at the time of the the conversion of Yassa and his followers into it
pilgrimage of Faxiang and Xuanzang. When this ([9], Vol. i, p. 15f), the rule which prohibits the
place was devastated by the Mohammedans, the use of sandals made of talipot leaves ([9], Vol. i,
temple of the Sāraṅganāth was not in existence p. 189), the rules forbidding the use of certain
and most probably built here in consequence of kinds of flesh, including human flesh ([9], Vol. i,
the same movement which led to the establish- p. 216ff), and twice Māra visited him ([10], Vol. i,
ment of a holy place at Bodhagayā. The meaning p. 105f). Apart from Dhammacakkappavattana
of Sāraṅganāth is “the lord of deer.” Hence, it Sutta, several other Suttas were preached by the
seems that the Hindus have been worshipping Buddha while staying at Isipatana which are the
the Buddha as Mahādeva Sāraṅganāth [7]. Pañca Sutta ([10], Vol. iii, p. 66f), the Rathakāra
Sārnāth, according to Alexander Cunningham, is or Pacetana Sutta ([11], Vol. i, p. 110f), the two
a contraction of Sāraṅganāth [8]. Owing to the Pāsa Suttas ([10], Vol. i, p. 105f), the Samaya
sanctity thus attached to it, the place continued Sutta ([11], Vol. iii, p. 320ff), the Katuviya Sutta
to be a leading center of Buddhism till the ([11], Vol. i, p. 279f.), a discourse on the
last days of the faith in northern India, under Metteyyapañha of the Parāyana ([11], Vol. iii,
such names as Dharmachakra Vihāra, p. 399f), and the Dhammadinna Sutta ([10],
Saddharmachakra Vihāra, and Saddharmachakra- Vol. v, p. 406f). According to Pāli Literature, it
pravartana Vihāra. is evident that some of the prominent Bhikkhus
According to the Pāli Aṭṭhakathās, in the past, had conversations at Isipatana from time to time,
Isipatana was known by the same name at the time viz., between Sāriputta and Mahākotthita ([10],
of Phussa Buddha, Dhammadassī, and Kassapa, Vol. ii, p. 112f, Vol. iii, p. 167f, Vol. iv, pp. 162f,
who were born here. But more often, Isipatana 384ff) and one between Mahākotthita and Citta-
was known by different names at the time of Hatthisāriputta ([11], Vol. iii, p. 392f), and another
other different Buddhas like in Vipassī's time discourse helps Channa in his difficulties ([10],
known as Khema-uyyāna. It is the custom for all Vol. iii, p. 132f).
Buddhas to go through the air to Isipatana to According to the Mahāvaṃsa, there was a large
preach their first sermon [5]. community of monks at Isipatana in the second
century B.C.E. which is corroborated by the
description found in the Mahāvaṃsa that 12,000
Depiction in Buddhist Literature monks under Dhammasena from Isipatana went to
Sri Lanka at the foundation ceremony of the S
The Buddha after attaining the Bodhi, he left Mahāthūpa in Anurādhapura ([12], Vol. xxix, p.
Uruvelā and traveled to Isipatana to join and 31). Xuanzang [8] found, at Isipatana, 1,500 monks
teach Pañcavaggiya Bhikkhus, who left him in the studying the Hīnayāna. The Divyāvadāna men-
middle when he gave austere penances and came tions Aśoka as intimating to Upagupta his desire
here. The Buddha was of the view that they were to visit the places connected with the Buddha’s
able to understand his Dhamma quickly. It was activities and to erect thūpas there, and his visit is
here that he preached his first sermon, the confirmed by Aśoka’s Rock Edict (No. viii).
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, on the full moon
day of Āsālha ([9], Vol. i, p. 10f). According
to commentaries on Buddhist literature, it is History of Sārnāth
believed that all the Buddhas preached their
first sermon at the Migadāya in Isipatana; it is one According to V. A. Smith, “The history of Indian
of the four avijahitatthānāni (unchanging spots). sculpture from Aśoka to the Mahommedan
1074 Sārnāth

conquest might also illustrated with fair complete- continued to flourish is not definitely known, but
ness from the finds of Sārnāth alone”. The history the evidence of monuments and inscriptions
of Sārnāth begins from the Pāli sources which are proves that it was still thriving at least in the
indicated by the ruins of monuments, and inscrip- twelfth century C.E. and probably owed its
tions found here attest the rule of Aśoka, the downfall to Qutbuddin Aibak, who devastated
Suugas, the Guptas, and later kings [7]. King Benares in 1194 C.E. [14]. Things took a turn
Aśoka visited Sārnāth in 249 B.C.E. and erected for the worse when Muslim hordes overran India
several monuments to mark his pilgrimage, nota- and started their trail of destruction. After the
bly, the Dhamek Stūpa, Dharmarājika Stūpa, diaspora of the Saṃgha in India, Sārnāth became
and the Aśokan pillar surmounted by the famous deserted and was forgotten for about 600 years
Lion Capital, which is now the crest of India. [13].
Archeological excavations have brought to light
about a dozen carved railing pillars ascribable to
the Sunga period. An inscription of King Discovery of Sārnāth
Aśvaghosa, written on the pillar of Aśoka at
Sārnāth, indicates that toward the beginning of In 1794, Sārnāth came to the notice of the world
first century C.E., he exercised control over under tragic circumstances. Jagat Singh, Dewan
Sārnāth [7]. During the reign of King Kaṇiṣka of Raja Chet Singh of Benares, dismantled the
(78 C.E.), Sārnāth was a center of religious activ- famous Dhammarājika Stūpa to collect bricks
ity, and the famous colossal Bodhisattva image and stones for building a market [7]. A stone
with a large parasol was installed by the Bhikkhu box containing green marble casket with human
Bala. Though the Gupta kings did not do anything relics, probably of the Buddha, was found which
directly tending to the improvement of this was thrown into Gaṅgā River by Jagat Singh. So,
place, yet there is no doubt that some of the they were lost forever. This act of vandalism
architectural improvements were affected during would have gone unnoticed. But a report was
their rule [7]. During the Gupta period (fourth to published by Jonathan Duncan in Asiatic
sixth century C.E.), the Dhamek Stūpa was Researches about discovery of Sārnāth due to
encased with carved stones, the Mūlagaṅdhakuṭi which in 1815, Mackenzie began explorations
main shrine was enlarged, and the famous and discovered some more sculptures. In
Preaching Buddha image, a gift of King 1835–1836, Cunningham carried out excavations
Kumāragupta, was added [13]. and recovered over 40 sculptures and carved
In 520 C.E., Sārnāth had its share of destruc- stones. Another tragedy struck when they were
tion during the invasion of the Huns under carted away in his absence together with 60 cart-
Mihirakula. But after the Huns were defeated, loads of stones from the shrines as construction
Sārnāth again flourished under the Buddhist material for two bridges and some buildings in
king, Harṣavardhana (606–647 C.E.), and contin- Benares [13]. Further excavations were continued
ued to be a living shrine under the Pāla kings on and off from 1851 to 1922, which exposed the
(eighth to twelfth century C.E.). The reign of Dhamek Stūpa, the Dhammarājika Stūpa,
Harṣavardhana must have initiated fresh religious Mūlagaṅdhakuṭi, Aśokan Pillar, and the ruins of
activity and restorations of the earlier building at several monasteries [14].
Sārnāth. Xuanzang visited Sārnāth during the time
and left a vivid description of it. The last known
patron of Sārnāth was Queen Kumāradevi, wife of Objects of Worship at Sārnāth
King Govindachandra Gahadwala (1114–1154
C.E.) who built Dhammacakka Jina Vihāra at Chaukhandi: It is an ancient stūpa which com-
Sārnāth, the ruins of which were exposed during memorates the spot where the Buddha met the
excavations in the early twentieth century. For Pancavaggiya Bhikkhus, dating back to fifth cen-
how long after Xuanzang’s visit Sārnāth tury B.C.E., and later enhanced by the addition of
Sārnāth 1075

an octagonal tower constructed to commemorate Aśokan Pillar: It is situated to the west of

the visit of Mughal King Humāyun to Sārnāth Mūlagaṅdhakuṭi under a flat roof and enclosed
in 1588. by railings and surmounted by the famous Lion
Dhamek Stūpa: According to Cunningham, Capital kept at Sārnāth Museum. On the pillar is an
this is remains of an earlier Mauryan Stūpa, prob- inscription called Schism Edict, and it is believed
ably raised by Aśoka on his visit to Sārnāth. that Aśoka issued this to promote harmony among
During the Gupta period, the lower portion was the various Buddhist sects.
encased in stone, having beautiful carvings all Pañcāyatana: To the east of the
round. No bodily relics were found inside this Dhammarājika Stūpa is a sunken shrine under
stūpa, but a slab with Buddha’s creed, a concrete platform made of terra-cotta bricks
“ye dhamma hetuppabhava, etc.” [4] was discov- and modeled to resemble one of the four
ered. According to an inscription of the Pāla square temples of the Gupta period called
king Mahipāla I (1026 C.E.), its original name “Pañcāyatana” believed to be the place
was Dhammacakka Stūpa, and on the basis Dhammacakkappavattana.
of this, the Archeological Survey of India Lion Capital: It is the most magnificent sculp-
claims that this spot marks the site of the first ture of Mauryan art, which once crowned the
sermon [13]. Aśokan Pillar at Deer Park. The abacus has
Dhammarājika Stūpa: The ruins of the a Dhammacakka wheel and four animal, i.e.,
Dharmarājika Stūpa are a short distance north of bull, elephant, horse, and lion, representing four
the Dhamek Stūpa and consist of a circular base of auspicious signs of the Buddha. The four lions
what remained after the wanton act of destruction represent the roar of the Buddha in the four direc-
by Jagat Singh. The original stūpa built by King tions. The Lion Capital is the crest of India and the
Aśoka was enlarged twice during the Gupta Dhammacakka wheel is the emblem of its national
period [8]. The Dhammarājika Stūpa was built flag [2].
by Aśoka to enshrine the bodily relics of the Colossal Bodhisatta Image: This colossal
Buddha at the time of his redistributing the relics standing image is of red sandstone donated by
from the seven original stūpas and enshrining the Bhikkhu Bala during the reign of King
them in a number of other stūpas at different Kanishka and represents the best tradition of
places. However, some scholars are of the opinion Mathurā art.
that the Dhammarājika Stūpa marks the site of the Preaching Buddha Image: The seated Buddha
first sermon [4]. image, in Dhammacakka Mudrā or Preaching
Mūlagaṅdhakuṭi: North of the Dhammarājika Posture, is one of the magnificent creations of
Stūpa are the ruins of it where the Buddha spent Gupta art. This famous sculpture was a gift of
the first rains retreat. According to the King Kumāragupta.
Dhammapada Commentary, it was donated by S
the rich man Nandiya, and as soon as the Buddha
accepted the gift, a celestial mansion arose in Sārnāth School of Buddhist Art
Tavatimsa heaven awaiting its owner,
Nandiya – the area between the ruins of the main With the advent of the Kushāna Dynasty in north
shrine and believed to be the site of the India, Buddhism witnessed a new phase of reli-
Cankamana, the promenade where the Buddha gious and artistic activities. Though Mathurā was
did his walking meditation which is supported the center of this renaissance, Sārnāth also
by the discovery of the famous colossal Bodhi- flourished. The colossal image of Bodhisattva
sattva image installed at this site by Bhikkhu was one of the master pieces of this period. The
Bala [7]. Another modern Mūlagaṅdhakuṭi was ancient relics discovered at Sārnāth serve as an
built by Mahābodhi Society where enshrined ideal school and excellent examples of the various
certain Buddhist relics discovered at Taxilā, styles of art of ancient India [7]. Buddhist art
Nāgārjunikoṇḍa, and Mirpur-khās in Sindh [1]. reflects very faithfully all the important aspects
1076 Sarvabījaka

of Buddhism. Sārnath became a prominent center 6. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas, vol I.
of Buddhist Art during the Gupta period which Trubner, London
7. Bhattacharya BC (1924) The history of Sārnāth or the
marks the golden era of Indian Art. The main Cradle of Buddhism. Pilgrims Publishing, Varanasi
centers of Buddhist art during this period were 8. Beal S (2008) Buddhist records of the Western world,
Mathurā, Sārnāth, and Nālandā. The Buddhist Reprint. Low Price Publication, Delhi
images of Mathurā and Sārnāth are some of the 9. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭaka,
5 vols. Williams and Norgate (PTS), London
best specimens of Indian art, never equaled by any 10. Freer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
art creations of later period. Sārnāth sculpture vols 3. PTS, London
used cream-colored sandstone capable of high 11. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
levels of detail and finish. Speaking of Sārnāth Nikāya, vol IV. PTS, London
12. Gieger W (tr) (1908 & 1912) The Mahāvaṃsa. PTS,
style, Sārnāth Buddha image is quite possibly the London
fifth century Chunār sandstone image of the 13. Chan KS (2001) Buddhist pilgrimage. Buddha
seated Buddha in Dharmachakra Mudrā. Sārnāth Dhamma Education Association, Malaysia
style was active from about 300–700 C.E. It is 14. Annual reports on Sārnāth, 1906–1907, p 68;
1907–1908, p 43; 1914–1915, p 97; 1919–1920,
believed that Xuanzang must have visited Sārnāth p 26; 1921–1922, p 42 of Archaeological Survey of
and seen the seated Buddha, the purest incarnation India, Government of India
of the Gupta ideal in Art [1]. Overall, the Buddha
image developed into a proportional, harmonious,
and refined figure during the Gupta dynasty. This
classical figure had such visual appeal that it
influenced the art of many other countries. Sarvabījaka

▶ Ālaya-vijñāna

Cross-References

▶ Aśoka Sarvajñatā, Sabbaññutā (Pali)

▶ Banaras (Buddhism)
▶ Bodhi Tree ▶ Omniscience
▶ Buddhaghosa
▶ Buddhist Art
▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
▶ Jātaka Sarvāstivāda
▶ Saṃgha
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) Charles Willemen
International Buddhist College, Songkhla,
Thailand
References

1. Bapat PV (1987) 2500 years of Buddhism, Reprint. Definition

Publication Division, Delhi, 1956
2. Ahir DC (1986) Buddhist shrines in India. B. R. Pub-
lishing Corporation, Delhi
Sarvāstivāda is a Buddhist school, “claiming
3. Rhys Davids TW, Rhys Davids CAF (eds) (1899, (
vāda) that everything (sarvam) exists (asti).”
1910 & 1957) Dīgha Nikāya (the dialogues of the Its adherents split from the main Sthaviravāda
Buddha), vols 3. PTS, London trunk during Aśoka’s council, ca. 244 B.C.
4. Mitra D (1971) Buddhist monuments. Sahitya Sansad,
Calcutta
Because a very considerable part of the pri-
5. http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/i_/isip mary literature only exists in the Chinese
atana.htm language, and because the Sarvāstivādins of
Sarvāstivāda 1077

Kaśmīra are traditionally seen as representative of used Sanskrit and established a new “orthodoxy”
all Sarvāstivādins, quite some confusion has in Kaśmīra. The vinaya was abbreviated to ten
existed about the question: Who are the recitations, called Daśabhāṇavāra. Many stories
Sarvāstivādins? Authors such as Paramārtha (avadāna, jātaka) were left out, but the rules were
(499–569 A.D.), who probably is himself respon- not changed [8]. A basic Gandharan abhidharma
sible for the text of the so-called Samayabhedo- text, the Aṣṭagrantha, was rewritten in Sanskrit
paracanacakra, Taishō ed.2033, attributing the and renamed Jñānaprasthāna. Six more texts
text to Vasumitra of the Sarvāstivāda synod of were established, forming an Abhidharmapiṭaka
ca. 170 A.D., lists Sarvāstivāda and Sautrāntika of seven texts, said to be proclaimed by the Bud-
separately, giving the impression that these may dha himself, Buddhabhāṣita [6]. The traditional
be two different schools, nikāyas. Recently Aṣṭagrantha had its commentaries, Vibhāṣās [7].
Sanskrit vinaya texts and other texts of So, the revised text needed a new commentary, the
Sarvāstivādins, based on Central Asian manu- Mahāvibhāṣā, ca. 200 A.D. The new Sanskrit
scripts from Turpan, have been published. In Kāśmīra “orthodoxy” was ever since that time
Gilgit, Sanskrit texts have been found. also known as Vaibhāṣika. The traditional western
Mūlasarvāstivāda literature exists in Sanskrit Sarvāstivādins did not immediately adopt the
(e.g., Udānavarga), in Tibetan (e.g., Vinaya), new “orthodoxy.” They kept believing that only
and in Chinese. the sūtras were Buddha’s word. The term
Sautrāntika just makes sense as opposed to
a Buddhabhāṣita Abhidharmapiṭaka. Kumāralāta,
History author of the Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā, Taishō ed.201, is
the reputed first ācārya, master of Sautrāntikas
During the reign of Aśoka (ca. 264–227 B.C.) (second century A.D.) [14]. He is mentioned in
a Sthaviravāda synod was held in Pāṭaliputra, Dharmatrāta’s Udāna (Taishō ed.212), the sixth
presided over by Maudgalyāyana. The member (aṅga) of a Kṣudrakapiṭaka. He is known
Vātsīputrīya Pudgalavādins, Personalists, had as a Dārṣṭāntika and lived ca. 150 A.D. The old
already split from the main Sthaviravāda trunk, long vinaya with its numerous stories (avadāna,
ca. 280 B.C. [2]. Aśoka’s synod resulted in a split dṛṣṭānta) lived on. Some now believe that the
between Sarvāstivādins and Vibhajyavādins, who term Dārṣṭāntika applies to the western
were declared “orthodox.” Sarvāstivādins had Sarvāstivādins who held on to the long vinaya.
new views. Sarvāstivādins then spread along the Some Sautrāntikas may have adopted the “mod-
Ganges to the Gulf of Bengal, but mainly West to ern” brief vinaya from Kaśmīra. The western
Mathurā and to the Gandharan cultural area. Sarvāstivādins gradually adapted to the new
Upagupta, one of the patriarchs, is linked with “orthodoxy,” as is seen in the commentaries on
Mathurā and with a long vinaya. Madhyāntika is the Aṣṭagrantha and in the commentaries on the S
said to have taken Buddhism to Jibin (northwest- Bactrian Abhidharmahṛdaya [16]. This last text,
ern Indian cultural area, i.e., mainly Gandhāra, but a systematic explanation on how to become an
also Bactria, and from ca. 200 A.D. on also arhat, was composed by Dharmaśreṣṭhin (often
Kaśmīra) in the time of Aśoka. He is also linked wrongly called Dharmaśrī), probably first century
with Mathurā. So, Sarvāstivādins with an ancient B.C [9]. It is the oldest systematic abhidharmic
long vinaya were in the Gandharan cultural area yoga manual. The Abhidharmakośabhāṣya [13]
(Uḍḍiyāna, Swat Valley; Gandhāra; Bactria, West of Vasubandhu (ca. 350–430) is, via the Miś
of the Khyber Pass) before the arrival of the rakābhidharmahṛdaya (early fourth century), an
Kuṣāṇas. A Sarvāstivāda synod of traditionally enlarged Abhidharmahṛdaya. This work of the
500 arhats was held in Kaśmīra ca. 170 A.D., Gandharan Vasubandhu provoked the anger of
a new cultural center. The Kuṣāṇa king Kaniṣka Saṇghabhadra in Kaśmīra [5]. Śrīlāta, a teacher
agreed. They revised existing Gandharan texts of Vasubandhu but not a direct disciple of
and sometimes added new compositions. They Kumāralāta, was also criticized. But as the
1078 Sarvāstivāda

westerners became ever more like the “ortho- their opponents, the Mahāsāṅghikas, for example,
doxy,” between 650 and 700 A.D., that is, Mindfulness of Buddha, Buddhānusmṛti, and
between the presence in India of Xuanzang and Contemplation of emptiness. The Yogācārabhūmi,
of Yijing, the term Mūla (basic, root, original) Taishō ed.1579, of Vasubandhu’s elder brother,
sarvāstivāda appears. Now all Sarvāstivādins Asaṅga, incorporates Madhyamaka emptiness of
were united again. Their language was Sanskrit. Mahāsāṅghika origin in its yoga [12].
Their vinaya was the long one, but it probably had Some now think that Sukhāvatī is an excellent
known a long evolution ever since the early period intermediate existence, that Pure Land
in Mathurā. (Sukhāvatī) Buddhism is of Bactrian Sarvāstivāda
In Central Asia both Gandharan and origin.
Vaibhāṣika Sarvāstivādins were represented. In Much of avadāna literature (Divyāvadāna,
Kumārajīva’s Kuqa (344–413) one encounters etc.) may be said to be Sarvāstivāda.
non-Vaibhāṣikas. In China abhidharma is of west- Recent studies about vinaya offer the original
ern origin, Sautrāntika. Sautrāntikas also had an Indian text of parts of the (Mūla) sarvāstivāda
Abhidharmapiṭaka. Abhidharma is all about vinaya [4].
the dharma (sūtras), which is Buddha’s word. The Sarvāstivāda Dharmapada was used by
This abhidharma was really introduced by the Dārṣṭāntika Dharmatrāta (second century) to
Saṇghadeva (late fourth century), translator of establish an Udāna, the sixth of 12 parts, aṅgas, of
the Aṣṭagrantha and of the Hṛdaya. After the Buddha’s teaching. Later, a Dharmapada was
translation of the Miśraka
in Nanjing in collected again from this Udāna, forming a text
435 A.D., an Abhidharma School appeared in known as Udānavarga of Mūlasarvāstivāda affil-
southern China. It was replaced by a “Kośa” iation [3].
School when Paramārtha’s translation of the Famous non-Vaibhāṣikas from Central India,
Abhidharmakośabhāṣya came out in 568 A.D. influenced by Mahāsāṅghika ideas, are
This development shows that abhidharma in Harivarman (ca. 300 A.D.) and Aśvaghoṣa (ca.
China is Sautrāntika Sarvāstivāda. Xuanzang 100 A.D.) [17].
introduced the Vaibhāṣika abhidharma in the sev- It is important to put Sarvāstivādins in place
enth century, just before it disappeared in India (Central India, Gulf of Bengal, Northwestern
itself. Nālandā was a center of non-Vaibhāṣikas. India, Central Asia, China) and in time (before
Tibet enters the Buddhist world in or after Kaniṣka’s synod). Before ca. 170 one may
Mūlasarvāstivāda times. see old Sautrāntika-Dārṣṭāntika Sarvāstivādins,
and new ones after that time.

Literature
Cross-References
Besides the already mentioned abhidharma liter-
ature [1, 10, 11, 15], it is now known that ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
yogācāra (bhūmi), (stages) in the practice of ▶ Antarābhava
yoga, is the subject of quite a few manuals ▶ Aśvaghoṣa
which are of Sarvāstivāda affiliation, for example, ▶ Buddhist Councils
Saṇgharakṣa’s Yogācārabhūmi (Taishō 606), ▶ Gandhara
translated in Chinese in 284 A.D. The subdivision ▶ Kaniṣka
of all factors, dharmas, in five categories (matter, ▶ Paramārtha
rūpa; thought, citta; factors associated with ▶ Sautrāntika
thought, caitta; factors not associated with ▶ Sthaviravāda
thought, cittaviprayukta; unconditioned factors, ▶ Upagupta
asaṃskṛta) is a Sarvāstivāda view. Western ▶ Vaibhāṣika
Sarvāstivādins often adopted useful ideas of ▶ Vasubandhu
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma 1079

▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
▶ Yijing Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma
▶ Yogācāra
K. L. Dhammajoti
Centre of Buddhist Studies, The University of
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1. Banerjee AC (1957) Sarvāstivāda literature.

K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta Definition
2. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes bouddhiques du petit
véhicule. École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Saigon
3. Bernhard FI (1965), II (1968) Udānavarga. III The Sarvāstivāda system developed for the proper
(1990) Byams pa thub bstan rdzoṅ rtse, with the coop- understanding and true insight into the nature of
eration of Dietz S, ed. Champa Thupten Zongtse. existence.
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Gőttingen
4. Chang Jin-il, Vogel C, Wille K (eds) (2002) Sanskrit-
texte aus dem buddhistischen Kanon:
Neuentdeckungen und Neueditionen IV. Vandenhoeck Historical Origin
& Ruprecht, Gőttingen
5. Cox C (1995) Disputed dharmas: early Buddhist the-
The Abhidharma is a system aiming at
ories on existence. International Institute for Buddhist
Studies, Tokyo a systematic analysis and proper understanding
6. Dhammajoti Bhikkhu KL (2009) Sarvāstivāda of the Buddha’s teachings. Its origin is to be traced
abhidharma, 4th edn. Centre of Buddhist Studies, to the sūtras. However, the term Abhidharma,
The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
7. Enomoto F (1996) A Sanskrit fragment from the
although occurring therein, often alongside
Vibhāṣā discovered in Eastern Turkestan. In: San- abhivinaya, does not refer to the Abhidharma
skrit-texte aus dem buddhistischen Kanon: texts constituting the third piṭaka; for in the
Neuentdeckungen und Neueditionen III. Vandenhoeck sūtras, the meaning of Abhidharma seems to
& Ruprecht, Gőttingen
be “about the dhamma,” or “the profound doc-
8. Finot L (1914) Le Prātimokṣa des Sarvāstivādins, Paris
9. Frauwallner E (1995) Studies in abhidharma literature trines.” The following types of sūtra are particu-
and the origins of Buddhist philosophical systems larly noteworthy as having features which
(trans: Kidd S). SUNY Press, New York contributed to the development of the
10. Gómez L (2005) Sarvāstivāda. In: Jones L (ed) Ency-
abhidhamma/Abhidharma in the later specialized
clopedia of religion, 2nd edn. Macmillan Reference
USA, Gale Virtual Reference Library, Detroit sense:
11. Jaini P (1977) Abhidharmadīpa with
Vibhāṣāprabhāvṛtti. Kashi Jayaswal Research Insti- (a) Those featuring Abhidharma-kathā –
tute, Patna
a solemn dialogue between two monks
12. La Vallée Poussin L de (1988) Abhidharmako-
śabhāsyam, 4 vols (trans: Pruden L). Asia Humanities concerning the spiritual path; others listening S
Press, Berkeley are not permitted to interrupt. An example is
13. Lamotte É I (1966), II (1967), III (1970), IV (1976), the Mahāgosiṅga-sutta (Majjhima, I, 212 ff).
V (1980) Le traité de la grande vertu de sagesse de
(b) Those featuring vedalla (Skt. vaidalya):
Nāgārjuna. Mahāprajñāpāramitopadeśa. Université
Catholique de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, Lou- Derived from √dal meaning to “crack”/
vain-La-Neuve “open,” this feature signifies the extensive
14. Lüders H (1979) Bruchstücke buddhistischer Dramen: unraveling of the profound doctrinal mean-
Bruchstücke der Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā des Kumāralāta.
ings that have been hidden. In form, it consists
Steiner, Wiesbaden
15. Willemen C (2006) The essence of scholasticism. of a question and answer session on doctrinal
Abhidharmahṛdaya. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi matters with a scope apparently broader than
16. Willemen C (2008) Kumārajīva’s explanatory dis- that in abhidhamma-kathā – either between
course about abhidharmic literature. J Int Coll Post-
the Buddha and the fourfold disciples
grad Buddh Stud 12:27–83
17. Willemen C, Dessein B, Cox C (1998) Sarvāstivāda (with others listening) or among the disciples
Buddhist scholasticism. Brill, Leiden themselves. Vedalla-kathā is also sometimes
1080 Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma

juxtaposed to abhidhamma-kathā, as in The Major Abhidharma Texts

Aṅguttara, ii, 107. Cf. Mahā-vedalla-sutta
(Majjhima, i, 293 ff). Like the Theravādins, the Sarvāstivādins too
(c) Those featuring the vibhaṅga (“analysis/ maintain that the Abhidharma was taught by the
exposition”) style – a brief, summarized Buddha himself. But unlike the Theravādins who
teaching is elaborated upon by the Buddha claim that the whole set of their canonical
or a competent disciple. The significance of Abhidhamma texts was authored by the Buddha,
vibhaṅga being the elaboration on brief teach- the Sarvāstivādins ascribe their seven canonical
ings became distinctive at least by the time of texts to individual authors: (1) Dharma-skandha
formation of the nikāya/āgama collections. In by Śāriputra, (2) Saṅgīti-paryāya by
the Madhyamāgama, there are some 35 sūtras Mahākauṣṭhila, (3) Prajñāpti-śāstra by Mahā-
grouped as “*vibhaṅga recitations.” Like- maudgalyāyana, (4) Vijñānakāya by Devaśarman,
wise, there are some 12 suttas grouped under (5) Prakaraṇa-śāstra by Vasumitra,
the Pāli Vibhaṅga-vagga. (6) Jñānaprasthāna by Kātyāyanīputra, and
(d) Those featuring mātṛkā/mātikā – originally, (7) Dhātukāya by Pūrṇa. Of these, the first three
meaning a matrix or list of headings belong to the earlier period, and the rest may be
purporting to systematically summarize the grouped under the later period. The
Buddha’s teaching, e.g., the list of 37 doc- Jñānaprasthāna was upheld as the supreme
trinal topics often known as bodhipakṣya- authority by the Vaibhāṣikas who called it the
dharmas. The term mātṛkā came to be further “body,” in contrast to the other six which were
developed to connote whatever textual basis called the “feet.”
that serves as a standard source. The The Sarvāstivāda school may be said to have
Vaibhāṣikas mention mātṛkā unambiguously been effectively established by Kātyāyanīputra (ca.
as being synonymous with Abhidharma and 150 B.C.) with his Jñānaprasthāna. Eventually the
upadeśa (see below) and cite as mātṛkā the orthodox Sarvāstivādins based in Kaśmīra com-
early Sarvāstivāda canonical texts: the posed the Abhidharma-mahāvibhāṣā, a gigantic
Saṅgī tiparyāya, the Dharma-skandha, and commentary (translated by Xuan Zang into 200
the Prajñapti-śāstra. Many scholars in fact fascicles) on the Jñānaprasthāna, and came to be
believe that Abhidharma evolves from known as the Vaibhāṣikas on account of their
mātṛkā. upholding the sanctioned Sarvāstivāda views in it.
(e) Those featuring upadeśa – an expository or But encyclopedic as this commentary is, its orga-
exegetical discourse. This refers to the last of nization leaves much to be desired as a text for
the twelvefold classification of the Buddha’s a systematic comprehension of the Sarvāstivāda
teachings. Saṃghabhadra explains this as doctrines. This partly results from its structure
follows, equating it with mātṛkā and being dictated by that of the Jñānaprasthāna and
Abhidharma: partly owing to the compilers’ style of branching
off too frequently from one topic to another in
Upadeśa refers to the non-erroneous (aparyasta,
aviparī ta) revealing, answering of objections and
discussing a given doctrinal position. This fact,
ascertainment, of the preceding [eleven] members. coupled with a reaction on the part of some masters
(See § 3) According to some, upadeśa also refers to to its excessive adherence to the Jñānaprasthāna
analytical explanations, in accordance with reason- orthodoxy, led to the subsequent compilations of
ing, given by those who have seen the truth of the
profound meanings of the sūtras, or by other wise
various manuals, culminating in Vasubandhu’s
ones. It is none other than what is called mātṛkā, for, famous Abhidharmakośa-bhāṣya which came to
when the meaning of other sūtras is to be explained, be commented upon by various masters of varying
this serves as the mātṛkā. It is also called degrees of orthodoxy. Vasubandhu (ca. fourth cen-
abhidharma, on account of its being face to face
(abhi) with the characteristics of dharmas, and of its
tury C.E.) states that he, in the main, follows the
being a non-erroneous unraveling of the character- Kaśmīrian Vaibhāṣikas in expounding the
istics of dharmas. ([23], p. 595b). Sarvāstivādin doctrines. However, in many places,
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma 1081

he explicitly favors the doctrinal standpoints of the all dharmas. This is called “dharma-pravicaya.”
Sautrāntikas, a group of masters “who take the This true determination is ultimately achieved
sūtras but not the śāstras as the authority” ([28], when true spiritual insight – as opposed to mere
p. 11). Vasubandhu’s brilliant critique of the intellectual understanding – into the true nature of
Vaibhāṣika doctrines was answered by the equally things is generated in a process known as “direct
brilliant Saṃghabhadra, his contemporary and realization” (abhisamaya).
a staunch Vaibhāṣika, in the *Nyāyānusāra. Other A dharma is an ultimate constituent of
more concise manuals followed, such as reality – or an ultimate real – and is articulately
Skandhila’s Abhidharmāvatāra which aims at defined as “that which sustains its intrinsic char-
expounding the totality of the Sarvāstivāda acteristic (svalakṣaṇa-dhāraṇāḍ dharmaḥ) (see
doctrines in a scheme of eight categories [2], p. 2). Thus, matter (rūpa) is a dharma because
(Padārtha) – five aggregates (skandha) and the it always possesses a unique intrinsic characteris-
three unconditioned (asaṃskṛta) – while steering tic of rūpaṇa/rūpaṇā: the nature of visibility and
clear of sectarian disputations. possessing resistance and susceptibility to gradual
decay. Likewise, sensation (vedanā) is a dharma,
being always a real force uniquely enabling the
fact of sensation; likewise, understanding (prajñā)
Definition, Nature, and Purpose
which uniquely enables the fact of understanding,
etc. Abhidharma investigates into these intrinsic
Although the term Ābhidharmika can refer gener-
characteristics as well as the common characteris-
ally to anyone who specializes in the study and
tics (sāmānya-lakṣaṇa) obtaining among a given
transmission of the Abhidharma doctrines, it
connected group of dharmas. On the basis of this,
is often used specifically to refer to the main-
Abhidharma further examines the mutual inclu-
stream Sarvāstivāda masters. Thus, when the
sion/subsumption (saṃgraha) of dharmas in
Mahāvibhāṣā enumerates the various interpreta-
respect of intrinsic characteristics as well as the
tion of “Abhidharma,” the first is given as that of
causal interaction.
the Ābhidharmikas, followed by other interpreta-
“Dharma-pravicaya” is also the Ābhidharmika
tions ascribed to individual masters – such as
definition for prajñā. This prajñā is a faculty of
Vasumitra and Dharmatrāta – and to other
understanding, i.e., a force which enables our
schools, such as the Dharmaguptaka. This
experience of understanding. In the Sarvāstivāda
Ābhidharmika interpretation is as follows:
system, therefore, prajñā must not be taken to
According to the Ābhidharmikas, it is so called mean exclusively “wisdom,” less still, the wisdom
because (i) it can properly and utterly determine
(vi-niś-√ci) the characteristics of all dharmas; (ii) of an arhat or the Buddha. It denotes the force of
it can properly examine and penetrate the dharmas, understanding that can assume various forms
(iii) it can directly realize (abhi-sam-√i) and realize and admits various levels: an understanding that S
(sākṣāt-√kṛ) with regard to all dharmas; (iv) it can may be either correct or erroneous, pure or
get to the very bottom of the profound nature of
dharmas; (v) through it, the wisdom-eye of the impure, with-outflow (sāsrava) or outflow-free
noble ones comes to be purified; (vi) it is only (anāsrava), strong or weak, etc. In its outflow-
through it that the nature of the dharmas, subtle free form, it is that which properly determines the
from beginningless time, comes to be revealed; nature of dharmas. And at its highest sublimated
(vii) what it expounds is not contradictory to the
nature of the dharmas – one who is extremely well- level, it is the perfect wisdom of the Buddha.
versed with regard to the specific and common The above Ābhidharmika definition of
characteristics in the abhidharma cannot be faulted “Abhidharma” clearly speaks of Abhidharma as
in any way and made to contradict the nature of the true or pure wisdom. In keeping with this
dharmas; (viii) it can refute and defeat all the heret-
ical views. ([3], pp. 4a13–25) Ābhidharmika definition, Vasubandhu gives this
as the definition of “Abhidharma” in the absolute
More succinctly, Abhidharma is the proper sense, i.e., at the level of absolute truth. At the
examination and determination of the nature of conventional truth, however, “Abhidharma” also
1082 Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma

refers to the with-outflow prajñā – derived from p. 595b). In brief, Abhidharma is the explicit
listening, reflection, and cultivation (śruta-cintā- (nī tārtha) and definitive (lākṣaṇika) teachings of
bhāvanā-mayī prajñā) or innately acquired the Buddha, in contrast to the sūtras which are
(upapattipratilambhikā) – which helps to bring generally implicit (neyārtha) and intentional
about the pure (i.e., outflow-free) prajñā. The (ābhiprāyika).
Abhidharma śāstras, too, inasmuch as they
serve as a means or as requisites (saṃbhāra) for
the acquisition of this pure prajñā, are also to be
considered as Abhidharma. The 75 Dharmas Grouped Under Five
The prefix “abhi-” in the above definition of Categories
Abhidharma signifies “facing” or “being face to
face” (abhimukha) which underscores the signifi- In the process of dharma-pravicaya, by thor-
cation of direct realization (abhi = abhisamaya) oughly subjecting the complexity of sentient
into the true nature of dharmas. The definition of experience to a process of analysis – whether
Abhidharma as direct realization and pure prajñā based on direct empirical observation or on
too brings out its soteriological function: While it a deduction of the unique causal efficacy
is true that in the course of development the a particular entity (e.g., a mental force) – the
Abhidharma methodology came to acquire Sarvāstivāda Abhidharmikas arrive at the follow-
a distinctive feature of what might be called ing list of some 75 types of ultimate reals
“scholasticism,” it preserves throughout the cen- (dharma), divided into five fundamental
turies its primacy of spiritual motivation and its categories:
commitment to systematically mapping out the
Buddhist path of emancipation from the unsatis- I. Rūpa (matter, 11):
factoriness (duḥkha) of sentient existence. This
1. Cakṣur-indriya (visual 6. Rūpa-artha (visual
soteriological function from the perspective of faculty) object)
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma is presented; thus: 2. Śrotra-indriya (auditory 7. Śabda-artha
fac) (auditory obj)
Because apart from the examination of dharmas 3. Ghrāṇa-indriya 8. Gandha-artha
(= prajñā = abhidharma), (olfactory fac) (olfactory obj)
there is no excellent means for the appeasement
of the defilements. 4. Jihvā-indriya (gustatory 9. Rasa-artha
And it is on account of the defilements that fac) (gustatory obj)
beings wander in the existence-ocean. 5. Kāya-indriya (tangible 10. Spraṣṭavya-artha
For this reason, therefore, it is said, the fac) (tangible obj)
[abhidharma] is taught by the Master. ([2], p. 2) 11. Avijñapti-rūpa (noninformative matter)

For the Sarvāstivāda Ābhidharmikas, the

II. Citta (thought)
Abhidharma is “the word of Buddha” (Buddha-
III. Caitasika dharmas (thought-concomitants,
vacana) as much as the sūtra and the Vinaya. Nay,
46):
it is sūtra par excellence and indeed the very
authority/criterion for ascertaining the true sūtras
1) Mahābhūmika dharmas (universal dharmas,
(sūtra-pramāṇa) – true teachings of the Buddha.
10):
Saṃghabhadra argues that in the twelvefold divi-
sion of the sūtra-piṭaka (sūtra, geya, vyākaraṇa), 1. Vedanā (sensation) 6. Prajñā (understanding)
upadeśa (“exposition,” the 12th division) repre- 2. Cetanā (volition) 7. Smṛti (mindfulness)
sents the Abhidharma; it serves as the criterion for 3. Saṃjñā (ideation) 8. Manaskāra (mental
non-erroneously unraveling and ascertaining the application)
true meanings of all the other 11 divisions ([23], (continued)
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma 1083

4. Chanda 9. Adhimokṣa (resolve/ IV. Cittaviprayukta saṃskāra dharmas (condi-

(predilection) determination) tionings disjoined from thought, 14):
5. Sparśa (contact) 10. Samādhi (concentration)
1. Prāpti (acquisition) 8. Jāti-lakṣaṇa
(production-
characteristic)
2) Kuśala-mahābhūmika dharmas (skillful uni-
2. Aprāpti 9. Sthiti-lakṣaṇa
versal dharmas, 10): (non-acquisition) (duration-characteristic)
3. Nikāyasabhāga (group 10. Jarā-lakṣaṇa
1. Śraddhā (faith) 6. Apatrāpya (shame) homogeneity) (deterioration-
2. Apramāda (diligence) 7. Alobha (non-greed) characteristic)
3. Praśrabdhi (calm) 8. Adveṣa (non- 4. Āsaṃjñika 11. Anityatā-lakṣaṇa
hatred) (ideationlessness) (impermanence-
4. Upekṣā (equanimity) 9. Avihiṃsā characteristic)
(harmlessness) 5. Āsaṃjñi-samāpatti 12. Nāma-kāya (words)
(ideationless attainment)
5. Hrī (modesty) 10. Vīrya (vigor)
6. Nirodha-samāpatti 13. Pada-kāya (phrases)
(cessation attainment)
3) Kleśa-mahābhūmika dharmas (universal 7. Jī vitendriya (vital 14. Vyañjana-kāya
dharmas of defilement, 6): faculty) (syllables)

1. Moha (delusion) 4. Āśraddhya V. Asaṃskṛta dharmas (unconditioned

(lack of faith)
dharmas, 3):
2. Pramāda (non-diligence) 5. Styāna (torpor)
3. Kauśī dya (slackness) 6. Auddhatya 1. Ākāśa (space)
(restlessness)
2. Pratisaṃkhyā-nirodha (cessation through deliberation)
3. Apratisaṃkhyā-nirodha (cessation independent of
4) Akuśala-mahābhūmika dharmas (unskillful deliberation)
universal dharmas, 2):
I. The totality of rūpa-dharmas comprises (i)
1. Ahrī kya (non- 2. Anapatrāpya the primary matter comprising the four great ele-
modesty) (shamelessness) ments (mahābhūta; “great reals”) – earth
(pṛthivī ), water (ap), fire (tejas), and air (vāyu);
5) Parī ttakleśa-bhūmika dharmas (defilements (ii) 11 derived matter (upādāya-rūpa/
of restricted scope 10): bhautika) – five sense faculties (indriya), five
corresponding objects (artha/viṣaya), and
1. Krodha (anger) 6. Mrakṣa noninformation matter (avijñapti-rūpa). The four
(concealment)
great elements are also subsumed under the
2. Upanāha (enmity) 7. Mātsarya (avarice)
3. Śāṭhya 8. Māyā
objects of touch (spraṣṭavya) together with S
(dissimulation) (deceptiveness) other derived tangibles because their functions
4. Írṣyā (jealousy) 9. Mada (pride) can only be experienced through touch. They
5. Pradāśa (depraved 10. Vihiṃsā have the intrinsic nature of solidity (khara),
opinionatedness) (harmfulness) humidity (sneha), heat (uṣṇatā), and mobility
(ī raṇā), respectively, and perform the functions
6) Aniyata dharmas (indeterminate dharmas, 8): of supporting (dhṛti), cohesion (saṃgraha),
maturation (pakti), and extension (vyūha),
1. Kaukṛtya (remorse) 5. Rāga (greed) respectively. The Sarvāstivāda acknowledges
2. Middha (sleep) 6. Pratigha (hostility) a total of 11 tangibles. The other seven are
3. Vitarka (reasoning) 7. Māna (conceit) smoothness (ślakśṇatva), coarseness (karkaś
4. Vicāra (investigation) 8. Vicikitsā (doubt) atva), heaviness (gurutva), lightness (laghutva),
1084 Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma

coldness (śī ta), hunger (jighatsā), and thirst vow (saṃvāra, “restraint”), e.g., of abstaining
(pipāsā). from killing (2, 8, 205, 208, etc.).
The four great elements exist inseparably from II–III. No thought or thought-concomitant can
one another, being coexistent causes (sahabhū- arise singly; they necessarily arise in conjunction
hetu; see § 6.(4)) one to another. Nevertheless, (saṃprayoga). For instance, any thought neces-
rūpa-dharmas are manifested and experienced in sarily arises with the set of 10 universal thought-
diverse forms on account of the difference in concomitants (sensation, etc.). When a skillful
intensity or substance of one or more of the four thought-concomitant arises, it necessarily does
elements. so together with the thought involved, the set of
Although the so-called derived rūpas are 10 universal dharmas, and the set of 10 skillful
already existing as ontological entities, their aris- universal thought-concomitants (faith, etc.).
ing and functioning are dependent (upādāya) on In a conjunction, the thought and thought-
the great elements. In this sense, the latter are said concomitants (i) arise at the same time, (ii) share
to be their cause. One set of the four great ele- the same basis (āśraya), (iii) take the same cogni-
ments serves as the cause of an atom (paramāṇu) tive object (ālambana), (iv) have the same mode
of the derived rūpa in a fivefold manner: (i) As of activity/understanding (ākāra), and (v) each
generating cause (janana-hetu) – the derived has a singularity of substance (dravya – e.g.,
rūpas arise from them, like a child from the par- a single thought conjoined with a single species
ents. (ii) As reliance cause (niśraya-hetu) – they of sensation, a single species of ideation).
are influenced by them, like a pupil under IV. The category of “conditionings disjoined
a teacher. (iii) As supportive cause (pratiṣṭhā- from thought” represents an Abhidharma devel-
hetu) – they are supported by them. (iv) As opment going beyond the matter–mind dualism of
maintaining cause (upastambha-hetu) – they the Theravāda and other schools. These dharmas
are their cause of non-interruption. (v) As are forces that are neither physical nor mental, but
development cause (upabṛmhaṇa-hetu) – they whose efficacy can exercise in both domains.
are their cause of development ([2], p. 102 f; [3], Their nature and function are best illustrated
p. 663a). with the example of “acquisition” (prāpti), a force
The non-informative (avijñapti) matter is which links a dharma – whether physical or men-
a special type of rūpa, being invisible, nonresis- tal, conditioned or unconditioned – to a sentient
tant, and nonspatialized. Nevertheless, it is said to being. Thus, when, say, a sensual craving arises in
be of the nature of matter since its supporting basis the sentient being, he comes to “possess” this
(āśraya) – the four great elements – is resistant dharma called sensual craving, which has always
matter. In terms of the āyatana classification, it is been existing in the universe, thanks to this force,
subsumed under the dharma-āyatana rather “acquisition,” which as it were ties (like a rope)
than the rūpa-āyatana and is referred to as the craving to him. The acquisition of this craving,
“matter subsumed under the dharma-āyatana” once projected, serially flows on in the person
(dharmāyatana-saṃgṛhī ta-rūpa). This is the even when the craving does not arise
medium of preservation of the karmic efficacy manifestly – e.g., when the person’s mental stream
projected from a momentary bodily or vocal is of a skillful or neutral nature. For this reason, he
karma. It is “noninformative” because it is is continuously possessed of this craving. When,
a karmic action that does not inform us of the as a result of spiritual praxis, the person comes to
mental state of its doer. Once projected, it con- be freed from (to “abandon,” pra-√hā) this crav-
tinues to exist as a series until either the ing, it is not that the dharma called craving as an
corresponding karmic effect is retributed or ontological entity comes to be destroyed, but
when a certain condition is met with – such as rather, that the serial continuity of its acquisition
the person’s death. Eventually, it came to be par- is cut off from him.
ticularly emphasized as the karmic efficacy When one comes to attain Nirvāṇa, it cannot be
projected when one solemnly takes an ordination that the unconditioned dharma arises as an effect
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma 1085

of a path which is conditioned (see below). What one also thereby acquires the cessations
is produced by the path is the acquisition (itself independent of deliberation, of all forms of
a conditioned dharma) of the Nirvāṇa, which unfortunate rebirth (durgati) – one will no
links the latter to the practitioner. longer be reborn in any such unfortunate
V. In the Sarvāstivāda system, the domain of plane of existence.
the unconditioned, just as the domain of the con- 3. Space (ākāsa). This is not to be confounded
ditioned, is pluralistic. There are three types of with conditioned space, called the space ele-
conditioned dharmas: ment (akāśa-dhātu), which is visible in the
openings in windows, doors, cleavages,
1. “Cessation through deliberation etc. Such spaces, though nonobstructive in
(pratisaṃkhyā-nirodha),” namely, through an nature, are nonetheless obstructed by material
effort of understanding (prajnā; pratisaṃkhyā things. The unconditioned space, in contrast, is
is explained as prajñā-viśeṣa) the true nature of beyond space and time and is characterized by
dharmas. For each instance of abandoning being neither obstructive to, nor obstructed
a defilement, there arises a corresponding by, any material thing. Its reality is to be
instance of its cessation (nirodha) which is comprehended from the fact that there exists
a real entity – and not a mere absence of the the conditioned space which accommodates
defilement – contributing to the absolute pre- conditioned things and provides the venues
vention of the defilement’s future arising. for their activities. This does not mean that
There are therefore as many instances of ces- space can exercise any activity, but that it
sation through deliberation as they are serves as a necessary contributing factor –
instances of with-outflow entities to be discon- a “dominant condition” (adhipati-pratyaya) –
nected from. through a sequence of conditionality, making
2. “Cessation independent of deliberation” possible the fact of cognition of things in
(apratisaṃkhyā-nirodha). These are cessations space–time:
acquired without specifically applying any
effort of understanding but simply on account The unconditioned Space has no activity. Neverthe-
less, it can serve as the proximate adhipati-pratyaya
of deficiency in the required conditions for for the various space-elements. These various
a dharma’s arising. For example, when the space-elements can serve as the proximate
present eye and the mental faculty are focusing adhipati-pratyaya for the various Great Elements.
on a particular object giving rise to its visual These various Great Elements can serve as the
proximate adhipati-pratyaya for the resistant
consciousness, it is not possible for any of the derived matters. These resistant derived matters
five sensory consciousness to arise with regard can serve as the proximate adhipati-pratyaya for
to any of the other objects (visibles, sounds, the various mental citta-caitta-dharmas.
etc.) existing in that same moment. There arise If Space were non-existent, such a successive
causal sequence cannot be established. Hence the
S
accordingly the cessations independent of intrinsic nature and characteristic of Space exist,
deliberation of these latter instances of sensory lest there be such a fallacy; they must not be denied.
consciousness by virtue of the deficiency in the ([3], p. 389a)
conditions for their arising. However, these
cessations are not mere absence of conditions; The conditioned dharmas, which arise into
they are in each case a distinct, real entity space–time and their operation therein, are
efficacious in absolutely preventing the possi- described by two terms: (1) saṃskṛta
ble re-arising of the said consciousnesses. (“compounded”), indicating their aspect of being
Besides such mundane occurrences in our causally produced, and (2) saṃskāra (“condition-
daily experience of cognizing sensory ing”), indicating their aspect of being condition-
objects, there are other spiritually significant ing forces that contribute to the arising and
instances, e.g., when through spiritual striving operation of other conditioned dharmas. The
one attains stream-entry (srota-āpatti), unconditioned dharmas are in complete contrast:
1086 Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma

Being transcendent to space and time, they are its own fruit” (*svaphala-ākṣepa-sāmarthya).
neither causally produced nor do they operate as Since this efficacy exists necessarily and uniquely
causes. However, they can serve as “condition qua in every present dharma, it comes to be officially
object” (ālambana-pratyaya) inasmuch as they adopted by the Sarvāstivādins as the criterion for
can be apprehended as cognitive objects. The temporal distinction of conditioned dharmas:
Sarvāstivāda Ābhidharmikas would also concede When a dharma has not yet exercised this
that in some special sense and in conformity to “activity,” it is said to be future; when this activity
worldly parlance, it is permissible to speak of the is being exercised, it is said to be present; and when
unconditioned dharmas as “efficient causes” it has been exercised, it is said to be past. This
(kāraṇa-hetu; see § 6) inasmuch as they do not theory is ascribed to Vasumitra who asserts that
hinder the arising of other dharmas. Although while a dharma’s intrinsic nature remains
not causally produced, the cessation through unchanged always, its temporal distinction is pos-
discernment may also be expediently spoken sible in terms of its three distinctive temporal
as a “disconnection-fruit” (visaṃyoga-phala) “positions/stages” (avasthā) distinguished in
inasmuch as it is acquired (pra-√āp) through the respect of its activity. The Vaibhāṣikas – certainly
efficacy of the noble path – even though it is not Samghabhadra, for one – also advocate
directly produced by it ([2], p. 91). Dharmatrāta’s theory that the same dharma,
though always unchanged in respect of its intrinsic
nature, exists in different “modes” (bhāva) in the
Sarvāstivāda vs. Vibhajyavāda three temporal periods ([23], pp. 632c, 633c).
In this tenet of “all exist,” Saṃghabhadra artic-
The Sarvāstivāda’s fundamental standpoint is that ulates on the nature of the “existent” (sat). He
all the above categories of dharmas – both the defines an existent as “that which is capable of
conditioned and the unconditioned – as unique, serving as the object-domain for generating
ultimate reals exist throughout time. This doctrine a cognition (buddhi)” ([23], p. 621c). Accord-
is expressed by the statement “all exists” (sarvam ingly, any act of cognition at all – be it a true
asti), hence the name of the school, Sarvāstivāda. cognition (as that through spiritual insight), or an
This “all” therefore firstly indicates the reality of imagination, or an illusion, or even a cognition of
each and every ultimate factor that is truly “absence,” etc. – necessarily presupposes an exis-
a “dharma,” i.e., that exists uniquely in its intrin- tent object. These existent objects, of course, may
sic nature (svabhāva) and that uniquely “main- be either relative existents such as a “person” (a
tains its intrinsic characteristic” (svalakṣaṇa- notion derived from a composite comprising
dhāraṇa; see § 3). It further indicates that every the five aggregates: matter, sensation, ideation,
conditioned dharma is existent throughout the conditionings, and consciousness) or absolute
three periods of time, future, present, and past, existents such as matter, sensation, and other
and this fact is expressed by stating that its intrin- dharmas. This Sarvāstivāda doctrine that
sic nature “always exists” (sarvadā asti). But this a notion or concept (prajñapti) is necessarily
tritemporal existence must not be misunderstood based ultimately on some absolute reals came to
as permanent existence – all conditioned dharma importantly influence the epistemological and
necessarily traverses time; the unconditioned ontological doctrines of the subsequent Buddhist
dharmas alone, which transcend temporality, are schools, particularly the Yogācāra.
permanent. This standpoint of Sarvāstivāda (/sarvāstitva)
Although the intrinsic nature of a dharma exists is diametrically opposed by those known as the
always, its “activity” (kāritra) is momentary, being “distinctionists,” Vibhajyavāda, who include the
exercised only in the single present moment. This Sautrāntikas, the Mahāsāṃghikas, and others.
“activity” is defined as a dharma’s efficacy for They hold, in contrast, that only the present – or,
inducing the next moment of its own existence in for some, the present and those karmas that have
its serial continuity. It is its “efficacy for projecting not yet given fruits (adattaphala) – exists; the
Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma 1087

future and the past dharmas do not exist. The their own stage. . .. On account of their being
long-drawn-out controversy on Sarvāstivāda vs. a cause applicable to all defiled dharmas, they
Vibhajyavāda is an extremely important historical are established [as a cause] separate from the
fact that must not be overlooked by any Buddhist homogeneous causes and [also] because they
historian for a proper perspective of the under- are the cause of [defiled dharma-s] belonging
standing of the development of Buddhist thought to other categories [of abandonability] (five
in which its reverberation is continuously seen in categories: (i)–(iv) defilements are
various forms throughout the centuries (both abandonable either through insight into the
within and outside India). four Truths, or (v) through the path of cultiva-
tion) as well, for, through their power, defile-
ments belonging to categories different from
Doctrine of Causality theirs are produced” ([2], p. 89). The
Vaibhāṣikas hold that three defilements are
Another important doctrinal contribution of the universal: doubt (vicikitsā), view (dṛṣṭi), and
Sarvāstivāda is their theory of causality, innovated ignorance (avidyā), which are abandonable by
by Kātyāyanīputra in his Jñānaprasthāna. Prior to insight into unsatisfactoriness, the cause of
this, the Sarvāstivādins had been sharing with unsatisfactoriness, together with their con-
other Buddhists the doctrine of the four condi- joined and coexistent dharmas” ([3], p. 90c;
tions: (1) condition qua cause (hetu-pratyaya), [23], p. 416c).
(2) equal-immediate condition (samanantara- 4. Coexistent cause (sahabhū-hetu). “The co-
pratyaya), (3) condition qua object (ālambana- existent [causes] are those that are reciprocally
pratyaya), and (4) condition of dominance effects. . .. For example: the four Great Elements
(adhipati-pratyaya). are co-existent [causes] mutually among
Kātyāyanīputra proposes for the first time, the themselves; so also, thought and the
doctrine of six causes: dharmas that are thought-accompaniments
(cittānuvartin). . . [The case of the co-existent
1. Efficient cause (kāraṇa-hetu). This is the most cause] is like the staying in position of three
generic cause, either in the sense of a general sticks through their mutual strength/
causal contribution or simply of being support – this establishes the causal
nonobstructive: “A conditioned dharma has relationship (hetuphalabhāva) of the co-exis-
all dharmas, excepting itself, as its efficient tents” ([2], pp. 83–85). Co-nascence is
cause, for, as regards its arising, [these a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for
dharmas] abide in the state of non-obstructive- two or more dharmas to be coexistent causes.
ness” ([2], p. 82). Saṃghabhadra articulates that in brief, this
2. Homogeneous cause (sabhāga-hetu). This causal category obtains in only three cases: S
obtains in the case of a mental series, and “[i] among those that share the same effect; or
among physical matter. “The similar dharmas [ii] that are reciprocally effects; or [iii] where
are the homogeneous causes of dharmas sim- by the force of this, that dharma can arise. Such
ilar [to them], for, e.g., the five skandhas which co-nascent [dharmas] have a cause–effect rela-
are skilful, are [the homogeneous causes] of tionship, [i.e., are coexistent causes]” ([23],
the five skilful skandhas, among themselves. p. 419c).
Likewise the defiled and the non-defined 5. Conjoined cause (saṃprayuktaka-hetu),
five skandhas, [in each case, among a subset of the coexistent causes. As stated
themselves]. . .” ([2], p. 85). above, thought and concomitants necessarily
3. Universal cause (sarvatraga-hetu). “The uni- arise in conjunction (§ 4.II–III). Mental factors,
versal dharmas arisen previously and belong- in their role of contributing to their mutual
ing to a given stage (bhūmi) are the universal arising and operational coordination, are called
causes of later defiled dharmas belonging to “conjoined causes.” Moreover, being so
1088 Sarvāstivāda Abhidharma

conjoined and coordinated, they accomplish nonexistent cannot be causally

the same activity in grasping the same object. efficacious) – although they may belong to differ-
6. Retribution (/maturation) cause (vipāka-hetu). ent time periods with respect to their own tempo-
This is the karmic cause, leading to a ral frame of reference. That is, A may be past or
corresponding karmic fruit – i.e., determining present or future, and B may also be past or pre-
the specific type of rebirth that a sentient being sent or future – but they must coexist, although not
will experience. The fruit is necessarily morally necessarily be co-nascent. To borrow
neutral (avyākṛta); if the retribution cause leads Dharmatrāta’s terminology, they are both existent
to a desirable (iṣṭa) fruit, it is “skillful” (kuśala); but not necessarily of the same “mode of exis-
if it leads to an undesirable (aniṣṭa) fruit, it is tence” (bhāva). Where A and B are necessarily
“unskillful” (akuśala). Neutral and outflow-free co-nascent, i.e., both existing at the same present
dharmas do not yield any retribution fruit. moment, it reduces to the category known as the
coexistent cause. In fact, in the Sarvāstivāda con-
Since the time of the Dharma-skandha, the ception, all dharmas in their essential nature
Sarvāstivādins have held that retribution causes have always been existent; it is only a matter of
and fruits comprise all five skandhas. That is, not inducing their arising through causes and condi-
only thought and the thought-concomitants but tions. This is the fundamental principle
also the matter accompanying thought underlining the Sarvāstivāda doctrine of causal-
(cittānuvṛttaka-rūpa) and the conditionings ity. Past and future dharmas are also endowed
disjoined from thought – the ideationless attain- with efficacies including that of actually giving
ment (asaṃjñī -samāpatti), the cessation attain- an effect, although it is only a present dharma
ment (nirodha-samāpatti), all acquisitions which that has “activity” – the efficacy of establishing
are unskillful, and skillful but with-outflow the specific causal relationship with the dharma
(sāsrava), and the accompanying characteristics to be produced as its effect.
of the conditioned (saṃskṛta-lakṣaṇa) – can con-
stitute retribution causes (cf. [3], pp. 96a–c).
Of the six causes, the coexistent cause is the Cross-References
most important. For the Sarvāstivādins, the fact of
direct perception (pratyakṣa) cannot be established ▶ Abhidhamma Piṭaka
without the type of simultaneous causality ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
represented by the coexistent cause. This is because, ▶ Buddhist History
given that a sensory faculty and its object last only ▶ Causality (Buddhism)
one single moment (a doctrine commonly accepted ▶ Dharma
by all Abhidharma schools with the exception of the ▶ Karma (Buddhism)
Sāṃmitīya, etc.), if the corresponding conscious- ▶ Paññā
ness (qua effect) were to arise in the second moment ▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
(as claimed by the Sautrāntikas and others), it ▶ Psychology (Buddhism)
would not have an existent object. If direct percep- ▶ Sarvāstivāda
tion cannot be established, then inferential knowl- ▶ Sautrāntika
edge too would be impossible – and this would ▶ Sthaviravāda
result in the absolute impossibility of any knowl- ▶ Theravāda
edge of the external world! ▶ Time (Buddhism)
More importantly, the coexistent cause ▶ Tipiṭaka
serves as the only valid paradigm of causation. ▶ Vaibhāṣika
In general, if A causes B, both A and B must be ▶ Vasubandhu
existent at the same time (an utter void or a ▶ Vijñāna
Satipatthāna 1089
˙˙

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6. Cox C (1995) Disputed Dharmas: early Buddhist the- Abhidharmakośa-vyākhyā of Yaśomitra. Tokyo
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Bouddhiques d’après Paramārtha. Mélanges Chinois Buddhist scholasticism. Leiden
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8. Dietz S (1984) Fragmente des Dharmaskandha – Ein
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J Centre Buddh Stud, Sri Lanka II. Colombo Bhikkhu Anālayo
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20. Karunadasa Y (2010) The Theravāda Abhidhamma: Satipaṭṭhāna is a compound of sati, “mindful-
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1090 Satipatthāna
˙˙

“attending” to something with mindfulness. Thus ground among the parallel versions can be found
satipaṭṭhāna is mental presence through in the following three practices:
established sati, in the sense of fully attending to
the current situation. The word satipaṭṭhāna can • Contemplation of the anatomical constitution
then be translated as “establishing of mindful- of the body
ness,” in the sense of a “presence of mindfulness” • Contemplation of the body as made up of
by way of “attending with mindfulness” to what- material elements
ever is happening. • Contemplation of the decay of the body after
Satipaṭṭhāna is the seventh of the factors of the death
noble eightfold path ([1], Vol. IV, p. 371), which
combines the development of mindfulness with This agreement among the parallel versions
rightly directed view, intentions, speech, action, suggests that a central theme of contemplating
livelihood, effort, and concentration. According the body as a satipaṭṭhāna is to gain insight into
to the standard description of the noble eightfold its true nature and constitution.
path, satipaṭṭhāna consists in being mindful of the According to the fairly similar instructions
following four aspects of experience: given in the parallel versions, contemplation of
the anatomical constitution of the body requires
• Body reviewing its various parts, such as its hair, nails,
• Feelings teeth, etc. Such reviewing could take place by way
• Mental states of an internal scanning of the body or else as
• Phenomena a reflective recollection. This exercise can act as
an antidote to conceit and sensual desire. The first
A more detailed exposition of these four can be five anatomical parts mentioned in this listing are
gathered from the Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta ([2], Vol. I, usually taught to Buddhist monks and nuns on their
pp. 55–63, cf. also [3], Vol. II, pp. 290–315) of the day of ordination, no doubt as an encouragement to
Theravāda tradition. The Chinese Āgamas have embark on this particular exercise as a protective
preserved two parallels to the Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta. and supportive practice for their celibate life.
These occur in the Madhyama-āgama, probably Contemplation of the body in terms of the
stemming from a Sarvāstivāda transmission line- elements is in most versions based on the four
age (Taishō 1.582b), and in the Ekottarika-āgama elements of earth, water, fire, and wind, with one
(Taishō 2.568a), whose school affiliation is uncer- Chinese version additionally mentioning space
tain. Comparison of these three versions shows and consciousness. According to the traditional
considerable variations, in particular in relation to explanation, the four elements stand representa-
the first and the fourth area for the development of tive for basic qualities of matter, such as hardness,
mindfulness. cohesion, temperature, and motion. Thus, the
The three parallel versions do, however, agree point of such contemplation is to recognize the
on the basic scheme of four satipaṭṭhānas. This presence of these elements as qualities within the
basic scheme occurs also in numerous discourses body. Undertaking this exercise can lead to insight
elsewhere, which usually mention only the bare into the not-self nature of the body, which is but
outline of this scheme, without going into the a combination of material elements and thereby
details of their possible applications as found in no different from any other manifestation of these
the Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta. elements found elsewhere in nature.
In regard to the various meditations detailed in The third body contemplation found in all par-
each area, one of the Chinese versions describes allel versions directs mindfulness to different stages
a total of 18 body contemplations, against only 6 of a dead body in decay. Undertaking such contem-
types of body contemplations found in the Pāli plation can be based on having seen a rotting
version and only 4 exercises for contemplation of corpse, a vision that can later be recollected and
the body in the other Chinese version. Common applied to one’s own body or that of others,
Satipatthāna 1091
˙˙

understanding that they all share the same nature. the Vibhaṅga, the historically perhaps earliest text
Similar to the contemplation of the anatomical in the canonical Pāli Abhidharma collection ([4],
parts, this exercise can act as an antidote to conceit p. 199). This agreement between the parallel ver-
and sensual desire. It also quite vividly documents sions and the Vibhaṅga throws into relief the
the impermanent nature of the body, whose final importance of abandoning the hindrances and
destination is none other than death. developing the factors of awakening for progress
According to the instructions found in all par- on the path to realization.
allel versions, the second satipaṭṭhāna requires Regarding the first of these two exercises, the
distinguishing feelings according to their affective hindrances are those factors that particularly
quality into pleasant, unpleasant, and neutral obstruct the proper functioning of the mind and
types. Here, the task is to be aware of the affective therewith all attempts at meditation. The standard
input provided by feeling during the early stages listing enumerates sensual desire, ill will, sloth-
of the process of perception, before the onset of and-torpor, restlessness-and-worry, and doubt. In
reactions, projections, and mental elaborations in regard to these five hindrances, the task of
regard to what has been perceived. satipaṭṭhāna is to recognize their presence or
These three types of feelings are moreover their absence and to gain insight into how they
differentiated into worldly, sāmisa, or unworldly, arise and how they can be overcome.
nirāmisa, occurrences. This introduces an ethical The awakening factors are those seven mental
distinction of feelings, aimed at the crucial differ- qualities that have to be brought into being in
ence between worldly feelings caused by “carnal” order to be able to gain awakening. Mindfulness
experiences and unworldly feelings related to constitutes the first and foundational factor in this
renunciation and spiritual practice. set, followed by investigation of phenomena,
The third satipaṭṭhāna of contemplation of the energy, joy, tranquility, and concentration, with
mind covers the presence or absence of unwhole- equanimity as the seventh awakening factor con-
some states of mind, enjoining recognition when- stituting the culmination point of practice. Con-
ever the mind is under the influence of lust, anger, templation of the awakening factors as
delusion, or agitation. The main task here is to a satipaṭṭhāna is to be aware of their presence or
avoid being carried away by any particular train of absence and to be aware of how they can be
thought and instead to clearly recognize the state brought into being and further developed.
of mind underlying this thought. In this way, the Traditional exegesis sets the four satipaṭṭhānas
motivating forces at work in one’s mind are in opposition to the four distortions, vipallāsa,
uncovered and insight into the working mecha- which are to mistake what is unattractive, unsat-
nism of the mind becomes possible. Contempla- isfactory, impermanent, and not-self, for being
tion of the mind also involves recognizing the attractive, satisfactory, permanent, and a self.
presence or absence of higher states of mind, From this perspective, contemplation of the body S
thereby covering experiences that take place dur- has the potential to reveal the absence of bodily
ing more advanced stages of meditation practice. beauty, observation of the true nature of feeling
Concerning the fourth satipaṭṭhāna, what can counter one’s incessant search for fleeting
remains as the unanimously accepted core of practice pleasures, awareness of the succession of states
in the Pāli and Chinese versions are two exercises: of mind can disclose the impermanent nature of all
subjective experience, and contemplation of phe-
• Contemplation of the five hindrances (not fully nomena can reveal that the notion of a permanent
spelled out in one Chinese version) self is nothing but an illusion.
• Contemplation of the seven factors of This presentation points to the main theme that
awakening underlies each of the four satipaṭṭhānas. Although
the corresponding insights are certainly not
The same two contemplations are also the only restricted to one satipaṭṭhāna alone, nevertheless
exercises listed under the fourth satipaṭṭhāna in this particular correlation indicates which
1092 Satipatthāna
˙˙

satipaṭṭhāna is particularly suitable in order to his role as a teacher ([2], Vol. III, p. 221). These
correct a specific distortion. In the end, however, are his balanced attitude toward three situations:
all four satipaṭṭhānas partake of the same essence
and each of them is capable of leading to realiza- • His disciples do not listen to and do not follow
tion, like different gateways leading to the his teachings.
same city. • Some disciples listen and follow his teachings,
According to a set of verses in the others do not.
Satipaṭṭhāna-saṃyutta, these four satipaṭṭhānas • His disciples do listen to and follow his
form the direct path, ekāyano maggo, for crossing teachings.
the flood in past, present, and future times ([1],
Vol. V, p. 168). The Satipaṭṭhāna-sutta uses In each of these cases, the Buddha remains
the same expression in order to introduce mindful and equanimous. This additional set of
satipaṭṭhāna as the direct path for the purification three satipaṭṭhānas thus throws into relief
of beings and for the realization of Nirvāṇa ([2], a central aspect of mindfulness practice in early
Vol. I, p. 55). Another discourse indicates that, Buddhism, namely, clear awareness of what is
whosoever have escaped, are escaping, or will taking place combined with a balanced and
escape from this world, all of them do so by way equanimous attitude.
of well developing the four satipaṭṭhānas ([5],
Vol. V, p. 195).
Satipaṭṭhāna stands, however, in necessary
Cross-References
interdependence with the other factors of the
noble eightfold path, so that it would be
▶ Ānāpānasati
a misunderstanding to believe that by practicing
▶ Bhāvanā
only mindfulness, awakening can be gained.
▶ Insight
Another important requirement for successful
undertaking of satipaṭṭhāna is that such practice
should issue in insight into the arising and passing
away of phenomena. This importance is References
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such insight marks the distinction between mere
Pali Text Society, Oxford
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and full “development,” bhāvanā ([1], Vol. V, Majjhima Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
p. 183). This passage indicates that mere aware- 3. Carpenter JE, Rhys Davids TW (eds) (1890–1911)
The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
ness of the various objects listed under the four
4. Rhys Davids CAF (ed) (1904) The Vibhaṅga. Pali
satipaṭṭhānas may not suffice for the task of Text Society, London
developing penetrative insight. What is addition- 5. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
ally required is to move on to a direct vision of Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
6. Anālayo (2003) Satipaṭṭhāna, the direct path to reali-
their impermanence, to contemplating their aris-
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8. Kuan TF (2008) Mindfulness in early Buddhism.
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In regard to the Buddha, the discourses present ness. Wisdom, Boston
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Sautrāntika 1093

Commentary, on the Jñānaprasthāna, insisted

Satya Vacana that their abhidharma was spoken by the Buddha
himself. Sautrāntikas also had an Abhidhar-
▶ Mantra mapiṭaka, because their treatises, śāstras, taught
“about the dharma (abhidharma).” The
Sautrāntika Udāna, which exists only in Chinese
translation, Chuyao jing, Taishō ed.212, of the
Satyātman Dārṣṭāntika Dharmatrāta (ca. 150 A.D.), also
known as just bhadanta, even mentions the con-
▶ Tathāgatagarbha tents of a fourth Piṭaka, called Kṣudrakapiṭaka,
the contents of which are the Buddha’s teaching in
12 parts, aṅga. The sixth part is called Udāna.
This text also mentions Kumāralāta, the reputed
Sautrāntika first master, mūlācārya, of the Sautrāntikas, who
must have lived in the second century A.D. He was
Charles Willemen from Takṣaśilā in Gandhāra. He wrote the
International Buddhist College, Songkhla, Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā [7]. Its Chinese version,
Thailand Taishō ed.201, has for a long time been erroneously
attributed to Aśvaghoṣa (ca. 100 A.D.),
a Sautrāntika influenced by Mahāsāṅghika
Definition ideas. Much, if not most of the confusion
about the identity of the Sautrāntikas, of
Sautrāntikas are non-Vaibhāṣika Sarvāstivādins Sarvāstivādins, etc., is the result of the
(from the second century on), preceding Sarvāstivāda synod in Kaśmīra, held during
Mūlasarvāstivādins (end of the seventh century). Kaniṣka, ca. 170 A.D. At that occasion an
“orthodoxy,” using Sanskrit and new texts,
The term means: “relying on the sūtras” as the was established. The vinaya was abbreviated
word of the Buddha. Sautrāntikas are a group of to ten recitations, called Daśabhāṇavāra, leav-
Sarvāstivādins who do not believe that the ing out many stories of the traditional long
Abhidharmapiṭaka was proclaimed by the Bud- vinaya. An Abhidharmapiṭaka of seven texts,
dha himself, buddhabhāṣita [10]. The Chinese said to be proclaimed by Buddha himself, was
term is Jingliang, meaning sūtrapramāṇika, tak- established. Some reasons to hold this synod
ing the sūtras as the measure of truth [8, 9]. In were as follows: diversity among Sarvāstivādins
Chinese they are referred to as bu, nikāya. They was too great; rivalry with the Mahāsāṅghikas;
are also known as Saṃkrāntivādins, saying that and establishing Kaśmīra as a new cultural S
the five aggregates, skandhas, pass through exis- center, to the East of the traditional Gandharan
tences [1, 5]. It is now known that the Dārṣṭāntikas cultural area.
(those who use similes, stories, dṛṣṭānta) are
Sautrāntikas. It is likely that the two terms go
together as dharma (Sautrāntika) and vinaya History
(Dārṣṭāntika) [11]. Dārṣṭāntikas use the traditional
long vinaya from Mathurā, with its many stories Sarvāstivādins, “claiming (
vāda) that everything
(avadāna, dṛṣṭānta). The term Sautrāntika makes (sarvam) exists (asti),” split from the main
sense as opposed to the Kaśmīra Vaibhāṣikas, Sthaviravāda trunk during the reign of Aśoka
who appear at the end of the second century (ca. 264–227 B.C.), in Pāṭaliputra, ca. 244 B.C.
A.D., in the time of the Sarvāstivāda synod during This happened during the so-called third council
the reign of king Kaniṣka. Vaibhāṣikas, thus presided over by Maudgalyāyana, who is still
called because of their Mahāvibhāṣā, Great being refuted in the Vaibhāṣika abhidharma
1094 Sautrāntika

(Vijñānakāya). The “orthodox” Sthaviravāda longer. Ever since ca. 200 A.D. they had gradually
group called itself Vibhajyavāda, “Analysts.” adapted to the new “orthodoxy.” This can be seen
Sarvāstivādins then spread East along the Ganges, in the Gandharan Vibhāṣā commentaries on the
but mainly West to Mathurā. Upagupta, one of the Aṣṭagrantha and in the different Abhidhar-
patriarchs, is linked with Mathurā and with the mahṛdaya texts. The Miśrakābhidharmahṛdaya
long vinaya. Madhyāntika, who also had a link of Dharmatrāta (early fourth century) is an
with Mathurā, is said to have taken Buddhism to enlarged
Hṛdaya, and Vasubandhu’s (ca.
the northwestern area, to the Gandharan cultural 350–430 A.D.) Abhidharmakośabhāṣya is based
area, called Jibin in Chinese. Jibin is Uḍḍiyāna on the Miśraka
[6]. The Gandharan Vasubandhu
and Gandhāra, and also Bactria to the West of the had to face the anger of the Vaibhāṣika
Khyber Pass. From ca. 200 A.D. Kaśmīra is part Saṅghabhadra for his Sautrāntika views [3]. It is
of Jibin too [11]. In the Gandharan cultural area in possible to distinguish between old and new
the first century B.C. the two main Sarvāstivāda Dārṣṭāntikas, namely, before and after the
texts were the Gandharan Aṣṭagrantha of Kaśmīra synod. When the Mūlasarvāstivādins
Kātyāyanīputra and the Bactrian Abhidhar- appear, the term Sautrāntika did not immediately
mahṛdaya of Dharmaśreṣṭhin (often erroneously disappear. When Tibet enters the Buddhist world,
called Abhidharmasāra of Dharmaśrī) [4]. When it is in a time of Sautrāntika Mūlasarvāstivādins.
the Vaibhāṣika Sarvāstivādins came into existence In Central Asia both Gandharan and Vaibhāṣika
in the second century A.D. the traditional Sarvāstivādins were represented. In Kuqa one
Sarvāstivādins were called Sautrāntikas. Those sees a Sautrāntika presence in, for example, the
who did not adopt the new shorter vinaya, Daś fifth century, in Kumārajīva’s (344–413 A.D.)
abhāṇavāra, were called Dārṣṭāntikas. It is now time.
possible to call Dharmaśreṣṭhin and Aśvaghoṣa In Jiankang (Nanjing) in southern China
Sautrāntikas, even though the term did not exist abhidharma was Sautrāntika. Saṅghadeva, prob-
in their time. ably of Bactrian origin, introduced the
The western Sarvāstivādins were very hetero- Aṣṭagrantha and the Hṛdaya at the end of the
geneous. All agreed on “everything exists,” but fourth century, but when the Miśraka
was trans-
they had different ideas about what “everything” _
lated by Sanghavarman in 435 A.D., an
or “exists” really meant. “Everything” may mean Abhidharma School was formed. It was replaced
all dharmas, factors, but how many factors are by a “Kośa” School when Paramārtha’s transla-
there (100, 43, 75)? Or does “everything” mean tion of the Kośabhāṣya came out in 568 A.D. In
the aggregates, skandhas? Does “exist” mean China abhidharma is definitely Sautrāntika.
now, in the present only? This is what most seem Xuanzang introduced the Vaibhāṣika abhidharma
to have believed, but there was no agreement in the seventh century, just before it disappeared in
among Sautrāntika Sarvāstivādins [11]. The split India itself. Nālandā was a non-Vaibhāṣika center.
between the Vaibhāṣika and the non-Vaibhāṣika
Sautrāntika Sarvāstivādins lasted until the end of
the seventh century. Between the presence in India Literature
of Xuanzang, middle of the seventh century, and
the presence in India of Yijing, ca. 700 A.D., the Abhidharma literature has already been men-
term Mūlasarvāstivāda appears. They used San- tioned. It is very important to know that
skrit and followed the traditional long vinaya Sautrāntika abhidharma is “practical,” teaches
which by then had undergone quite a long devel- how to become an arhat, how to obtain the
opment. Vaibhāṣikas disappeared. An important superknowledges, abhijñā. For example, the
reason why the western Sarvāstivādins gained the Hṛdaya is a guide book, teaching how to eliminate
upper hand may be the fact that the westerners ignorance, etc. Sautrāntika manuals develop
were hardly different from the Vaibhāṣikas any knowledge, jñāna. Sautrāntikas have a multitude
Sautrāntika 1095

of yoga manuals, often with yogācāra (bhūmi) in Cross-References

the title. The inspiration often comes from
Maitreya, for example, Saṅgharakṣa’s ▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda)
Yogācārabhūmi, translated by Dharmarakṣa in ▶ Antarābhava
284 A.D., Taishō ed.606. The Yogācārabhūmi, ▶ Asaṅga
Taishō ed.1579, of Vasubandhu’s older brother ▶ Aśvaghoṣa
Asaṅga, incorporates Madhyamaka emptiness of ▶ Buddhist Councils
Mahāsāṅghika affiliation in its yoga. It is very ▶ Gandhara
characteristic of non-Vaibhāṣika Sarvāstivādins ▶ Kaniṣka
to use “useful” ideas of their Mahāsāṅghika rivals ▶ Paramārtha
in their own meditative practice. So-called ▶ Pudgalavādins
Yogācāra, Vijñānavāda, as known from ▶ Sarvāstivāda
Vasubandhu’s and Asaṅga’s work, is of ▶ Sthaviravāda
Gandharan Sautrāntika affiliation. Asaṅga, ▶ Upagupta
a Mahīśāsaka monk, continued the Gandharan ▶ Vaibhāṣika
yogācāra tradition. It should be remembered ▶ Vasubandhu
that, as Paramārtha has shown, ever since the ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
first centuries A.D. Mahīśāsakas were doctrinally ▶ Yijing
hardly any different from Sautrāntika ▶ Yogācāra
Sarvāstivādins. Vasubandhu just continued his
Gandharan Sautrāntika tradition.
Recently the idea was put forward that References
Sukhāvatī is an excellent intermediate existence,
antarābhava, that Pure Land Buddhism is of Bac- 1. Bareau A (1955) Les sectes bouddhiques du
petit véhicule. École Française d’Extrême-Orient,
trian Sautrāntika origin.
Saigon
Much of avadāna literature (Divyāvadāna, 2. Bernhard F I (1965), II (1968) Udānavarga III
etc.) may be said to be of Dārṣṭāntika, Sautrāntika (1990) Byams pa thub bstan rdzoṅ rtse, with the coop-
affiliation. eration of Dietz S, ed. Champa Thupten Zongtse.
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Gőttingen
In the second century A.D. the Dārṣṭāntika
3. Dhammajoti Bhikkhu KL (2009) Sarvāstivāda
Dharmatrāta used the Sarvāstivāda Dharmapada abhidharma, 4th edn. Centre of Buddhist Studies,
to establish an Udāna as the sixth part of The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
a Kṣudrakapiṭaka. Later, a Dharmapada was col- 4. Frauwallner E (1995) Studies in abhidharma literature
and the origins of Buddhist philosophical systems
lected from this Udāna again, forming the
(trans: Kidd S). SUNY Press, New York
Mūlasarvāstivāda Udānavarga [2, 12]. 5. Jaini P (1959) The Sautrāntika theory of Bī ja. Bull Sch
The (Jñānakāya) Prodbhūtopadeśa, often Orient Afr Stud 22:236–249 S
called Tattvasiddhiśāstra, Taishō ed.1646, of the 6. La Vallée Poussin L de (1988) Abhidharmako-
śabhāsyam (trans: Pruden L), 4 vols. Asia Humanities
converted brahmin from Central India,
Press, Berkeley
Harivarman (ca. 300 A.D.), a late disciple of 7. Lüders H (1979) Bruchstücke buddhistischer Dramen:
Kumāralāta, is a Sautrāntika work, influenced Bruchstücke der Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā des Kumāralāta.
by Mahāsāṅghika ideas. The other brahmin Steiner, Wiesbaden
8. Singh A (2007) Buddha’s original logical: the
from the same area, Aśvaghoṣa (ca. 100 A.D.),
Sautrāntika analytical philosophy. Eastern Book Cor-
author of the Buddhacarita, may also be poration, Delhi
called a Sautrāntika, influenced by Mahāsāṅghika 9. Skorupski T (2005) Sautrāntika. In: Jones L (ed) Ency-
ideas. clopedia of religion, vol 12, 2nd edn. Macmillan Ref-
erence USA, Gale Virtual Reference Library, Detroit,
Buddhist logic, as seen in the work of Dignāga
pp 8136–8139
(ca. 480–540 A.D.), is of Sautrāntika (Yogācāra) 10. Willemen C, Dessein B, Cox C (1998) Sarvāstivāda
affiliation. Buddhist scholasticism. Brill, Leiden
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11. Willemen C (2008) Kumārajīva’s explanatory dis- once offered food to the Buddhist saṃgha ([14],
course about abhidharmic literature. J Int Coll Post- Vol. iv, pp. 30, 83). Sāvatthī was an entrepot from
grad Buddh Stud 12:27–83
12. Willemen C (1978) The Chinese Udānavarga. where caravans started with as many as 500 cart-
Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques 19. Institut Belge loads of wares on the well-recognized routes that
des Hautes Études Chinoises, Brussels connected this city to various parts of the country
and major commercial centers as far to the south
as Patiṭṭhāna ([5], Vol. iv, p. 350). While a con-
siderable volume of commodity production
Sāvaka within the environs of the city may be assumed,
the more important activity may have been in
▶ Śrāvaka commodity exchange, as the city was very conve-
niently located for the distribution of goods along
the sub-Himālayan highlands on the one hand,
Sāvatthī and the riverine territories to the south. It was
perhaps the most important center of early Bud-
K. T. S. Sarao dhism before the rise of imperial Magadha.
Department of Buddhist Studies, University of A number of celebrated personalities, monks,
Delhi, Delhi, India nuns, laymen, and laywomen were either from
the city or first converted to the faith here (See
[16]: Appendices Va and Vb).
Synonyms Sāvatthī was 30 yojanas from Saṃkassa ([5],
Vol. iv, p. 265). The road from Rājagaha to Sāvatthī
Shravasti; Śrāvastī passed through Vesāli, Setavya, Kapilavatthu,
Kusinārā, Pāvā, and Bhogagāmanagara ([14],
Vol. ii, p. 159f). From Sāvatthī the road went
Definition southwards through Sāketa to Kosambī ([6], Vol.
v, p. 302). Sāketa was six yojanas from Sāvatthī,
Capital city of Kosala at the time of the Buddha. a distance which was once covered by Pasenadi
with seven relays of chariots ([14], Vol. i, p. 88;
Sāvatthī (Sk: Śrāvastī) was the capital city of Vol. iii, p. 211; [19], Vol. i, p. 149). We are also told
Kosala at the time of the Buddha ([14], Vol. iii, of a certain festival being celebrated here ([14],
p. 233). King Pasenadi had a palace here with Vol. iv, p. 179). Monasteries such as Rājakārāma,
some kind of enclosure around it ([19], Vol. i, Pubbārama, and Mahallaka Vihāra were situated
p. 149). The Buddha passed most of his monastic near the city ([13], Vol. ii, p. 183; [14], Vol. iv, p.
life at Sāvatthī. The city was situated on the banks 44; [19], Vol. iii, p. 271). There was also a public
of river Aciravatī (modern Rāptī) on which there rest house in the neighborhood of Sāvatthī ([14],
was a bridge of boats. The river carried a consid- Vol. iv, p. 69). Jetavana, a royal garden which
erable volume of commercial traffic conducted by included Anāthapiṇpiṇḍka’s monastery and an
commercial carriers, and it was also a source of assembly hall and became a favorite retreat of the
livelihood for numerous fishers ([14], Vol. i, Buddha, was situated at a distance of about one
pp. 191, 293; Sn.194). Though Sāvatthī once ran mile to the south of Sāvatthī ([15], Vol. i, p. 178;
short of alms ([14], Vol. iii, p. 64), the Jātakas are [19], Vol. iii, p. 88). Andhavana, the black forest,
full of the glory and richness of Sāvatthī, and the was located at a distance of one gāvuta (league)
fact that it was the home of the greatest merchant from the city ([14], Vol. iii, pp. 37, 64). Of the four
banker, Anāthapiṇḍika, is an indication of the Nikāyas, 871 suttas are said to have been preached
accumulation of mercantile capital in the city at Sāvatthī, 844 of which were in the Jetavana, 23
([5], Vol. iv, pp. 144ff, 236ff; Vol. vi, p. 68). in the Pubbārāma, and 4 in the suburbs ([20],
A certain guild of merchants (pūga) at this city Vol. v, p. xviii). According to C.A.F. Rhys Davids,
Sāvatthī 1097

this city was the earliest emporium for the collec- Cross-References
tion and preservation of the discourses as the Bud-
dha mainly lived at this place ([19], Vol. iv, p. vi). ▶ Anāthapiṇḍika
When Faxian (399–414 C.E.) visited here, he only ▶ Faxian (337–422 C.E.)
saw few inhabitants in Śrāvastī ([3], p. 73). ▶ Kapilavatthu
Xuanzang (629–644 C.E.) saw Śrāvastī in desola- ▶ Kusinārā
tion with derelict vihāras including the ruined ▶ Pasenadi
Jetavana ([12], pp. 165–166). ▶ Rājagaha (Pāli)
Saheṭh-Maheṭh, on the south bank of the Rāptī, ▶ Sāketa
on the borders of the Gonḍā and Bahraich districts ▶ Saṃgha
of Uttar Pradesh, is the modern equivalent of the ▶ Vesālī
ancient site of Sāvatthī ([4], p. 330ff; [17], ▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang)
pp. 133–138). The archaeological records show
that Sāvatthī’s earliest phase, which is pre- References
defense, may be dated to c. 500 B.C.E. ([9],
pp. 2, 47–50). Saheṭh-Maheṭh has two distinct 1. Archaeological Survey of India, Government of India,
sites, 300-m apart, the former representing the New Delhi
2. Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Government
Jetavana and the latter the city proper ([1], Vol. i, of India, New Delhi
pp. 317ff, 330ff; Vol. xi, p. 78fff; [10], p. 286). 3. Beal S (trans) (1869) Travels of Fa-Hien and Sung-Yun:
The site of the city is now represented by Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India (400 A.D. and
a rampart of crescent shape enclosing an area of 518 A.D.). K. Paul, Trench & Trübner, London
4. Cunningham A (1871) Archaeological survey of
about 395 acres. This rampart which may be dated India: four reports 1862-63-64-65, vol I. Govt. Press,
between c. 275–200 B.C.E., circuiting about Simla
5 km, later came to be topped by a burnt-brick 5. Fausböll V (ed) (1877–1897) The Jātakas. Trübner &
wall [18]. It has been suggested that this brick wall Co, London
6. Feer ML (ed) (1884–1898) The Saṃyutta Nikāya,
was thrown up as a protection against an Indo- 5 vols. Text Society, London
Greek invasion during the Śuṅga period ([7], 7. Ghosh A (1973) The city in early historic India. Indian
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sattva sculpture which says that it was set up in the 8. Indian Antiquary, vol xvii, 1888, Calcutta
9. Indian Archaeol Rev, 1858–1859, New Delhi
Jetavana of Sāvatthī, a large number of stūpas, 10. J Asiatic Soc Bengal lxii, Calcutta
temples, and monasteries have been laid bare 11. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London
here ([1], Vol. i, pp. 317ff, 330ff; Vol. xi, 12. Li R (trans) (1996) The great Tang dynasty record of
p. 78ff). On the basis of the Bhārhut relief, the western regions. Numata Center for Buddhist
Translation and Research, Berkeley
depicting the Jetavana scene, showing in it two 13. Morris R, Hardy E (eds) (1885–1900) The Aṅguttara
buildings, the Gandhakuṭi and the Kosambakuṭi, Nikāya, 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London S
were identified with the two brick structures in the 14. Oldenberg H (ed) (1879–1883) The Vinaya Piṭakaṃ,
monastic area ([17], pp. 133–138). Though the 5 vols. Pali Text Society, London
15. Rhys Davids TW, Carpenter JE (eds) (1890–1911)
settlement continued in a weak state for quite The Dīgha Nikāya, 3 vols. Pali Text Society, London
some time, its decline began with the downfall 16. Sarao KTS (2009) Origin and nature of ancient Indian
of Kosala. As indicated by the ruins, the suburb Buddhism. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi
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1098 Savvannutā (Ardhamāgadhī)
˙˙

wrong. Like the physical, chemical, and biologi-

Savvannutā (Ardhamāgadhī) cal laws, it also deals with cause and effect. Here
˙˙ also there is no effect without a cause. And with
▶ Omniscience the disappearance of the cause, the effect
disappears.
But it is a science with a difference. It is a
science, which cannot be observed, experimented
Schools of Early Buddhism and understood by a man who does not live an
ethical life. Devoid of ethics, in other words,
▶ Theravāda without living a virtuous life and without attaining
purity of mind, nobody can fully understand the
laws of nature discovered by the Buddha.
One may call them spiritual laws or psycho-
Science (Buddhism) ethical laws and know them at the intellectual
level, but one cannot understand them in depth.
Angraj Chaudhary The Buddha himself could discover these laws by
Vipassana Research Institute, Dhammagiri, living a pure and ethical life, by making his mind
Igatpuri, Nashik, Maharashtra, India “concentrated, purified, bright, unblemished, rid
of imperfection, malleable, wieldy, steady and
imperturbable” [2]. Because these laws are related
Definition to how mind and matter work together, they can-
not be understood outside of one nor can they be
Science has been defined as “knowledge about the experimented in any lab outside of one’s fathom-
structure and behaviour of the natural and physi- long body, where the veracity of these laws can be
cal world based on facts that you can prove, for proved if the mind of the man making experiment
example by experiments” [1]. Its knowledge is the is purified. For precisely understanding these
physical, chemical, and biological laws, which laws, one has to concentrate one’s mind. And
operate, respectively, in the physical, chemical, how can one’s mind with various defilements be
and biological world. The veracity or otherwise concentrated unless he observes ethical precepts
of these laws discovered by external observation to free his mind from them.
can be proved or disproved by experimenting in As far as the physical, chemical, and other laws
outside labs. are concerned, they have been discovered by per-
The laws propounded by the Buddha, on the sons who were not necessarily absorbed in medi-
other hand, are concerned with how one’s mind tation. They kept on observing what happened in
works, what makes it work, and why it works the nature and why and propounded these laws. Of
way it works. These laws are psycho-ethical. course, some amount of concentration on their
What is the nature of the mind and how it works part must have been there, but leading an ethical
are related to the psychology of the mind, and life to achieve concentration of pure mind was not
what are wholesome and unwholesome actions a necessary condition and was not an absolute
and what are their results are related to ethics. condition for them.
Besides, the laws discovered by them can be
experimented by others in any suitable lab. Nei-
Nature of Buddha’s Science ther the discoverers of the laws nor those who
make experiments to prove their veracity are
The science found in Buddha’s teachings is not required to lead a life of virtue, concentration,
what one generally understands by it. It is and wisdom.
a science in the sense that the laws propounded On the other hand, as the Buddha discovered
here can also be experimented and proved right or the laws like the Law of Dependent Origination,
Science (Buddhism) 1099

or Vedanā paccayā taṇhā (sensation gives rise to own experience. It was the direct experience not
desire) or Pubbe hanati attānaṃ, pacchā hanati of a common man but of a very sensitive and pure
so pare (he first hurts his own self before he hurts man, who was free from defilements such as
others), so a man walking on the path shown by greed, aversion, jealousy, anger, etc., which he
him can verify these laws. These laws will remain had annihilated by practicing Vipassana.
a sealed book to those who do not walk on the path His philosophy, therefore, is not based on
shown by him – the path consisting of sī la, abstractions. It does not speculate on “empty
samādhi, and paññā. Only those who achieve first principles” [3] in the words of Robert N.
purity of mind are capable of verifying and under- Beck – a pragmatic thinker. Buddha’s attitude to
standing these laws. speculative philosophy becomes clear from what
he says to Poṭṭhapāda and Mālunkyaputta [4].
When Poṭṭhapāda put ten questions relating to
Buddha’s Scientific Discoveries Based the world and the soul like “Is the world eternal
on Observation by a Mind Purified and or not eternal, Is the world finite or not finite, Does
Sharpened by Leading an Ethical Life the Tathāgata live after death or not and so on, the
Buddha did not answer these questions. Why?
Buddha’s scientific discoveries are, therefore, Because he called them indeterminate questions.
based on observation by a mind purified and Answering such questions, according to him, is
sharpened by leading an ethical life. All the laws not ‘conducive to the purpose, not conducive to
that he discovered relate to how one’s mind Dhamma, not the way to embark on the holy life,
works, how cravings are caused, where precisely it does not lead to disenchantment, to dispassion,
they arise, and why they cause suffering. If one to cessation, to calm, to higher knowledge, to
knows all these, one can eliminate the causes and enlightenment, to Nibbāna” [5]. Instead he
get rid of suffering. explained the Four Noble Truths because their
One of the constituents of the discovery of enunciation “is conducive to the purpose, condu-
these laws is observation. But this is not an ordi- cive to Dhamma, the way to embark on the holy
nary observation. It is an observation made by life; it leads to disenchantment, to dispassion, to
a man who leads a pure ethical life as said above cessation, to calm, to higher knowledge, to
and who has made his mind so sharp, pointed, and enlightenment, to Nibbāna” [6].
pure that he can observe all the minutest things From this it is clear that the philosophy
that happen within him. He can also understand propounded by the Buddha is not speculative but
how he hurts himself first when he is angry with pragmatic. This is also clear from what he says to
somebody before he hurts him if he enables him- Cūlamālunkyaputta who also like Poṭṭhapāda
self to see what happens inside him when he is wanted to know from him the answer to such
angry with somebody. speculative questions. The Buddha said to S
No great scientist, not even a Nobel laureate, can Mālunkyaputta that to insist on knowing the
understand the laws propounded by the Buddha answer to such questions before one agrees to
unless he walks on the path shown by him and lead the holy life is as foolish and fruitless as
unless he achieves concentration of his mind by a man pierced with a poisoned arrow not agreeing
purifying it. And for this he has to observe precepts. to have the arrow taken out by a surgeon until he
knows all about the arrow and the person who shot
it. What would be the result? The result would be
Buddha’s Philosophy of Suffering Is Not that he would suffer great pain and die, but the
Speculative but Born Out of His Own questions would remain unanswered [7].
Experience The Buddha was a different kind of philoso-
pher. The philosophies propounded by other
The philosophy of suffering propounded by the philosophers are based on logic and reasoning
Buddha is not speculative, but it is born out of his and abstract thinking. They, therefore, may be
1100 Science (Buddhism)

controversial and may not be logical. And cer- One’s desires are never fulfilled because the
tainly they are not useful at all for solving the things one desires are not permanent. They are in
existential problems of human life. a constant state of flux. This realization came to
He was not like Leibnitz nor like Heraclitus. him after practicing meditation. This was a sort of
Leibnitz talks about monad – the indivisible sim- “eureka” for him.
ple entity. But how can this concept of monad For practicing meditation concentration of
enable one to end one’s suffering, which is the mind is a sine qua non. The Buddha realized this
greatest truth and an incontrovertible fact of life? while practicing meditation that so long as the
Heraclitus said that one cannot step twice into the mind is not free from defilements like greed, aver-
same river, and he definitely understood that all sion, jealousy, hatred, etc., it cannot be concen-
things are in a constant state of flux [8]. But this he trated. This was another big discovery. He thus
realized at the intellectual level. Had he, like the concluded that in order to drive out defilements
Buddha, realized it at the experiential level, he from mind observation of precepts (sīla) is neces-
would also have become the Buddha by develop- sary. Gradually he learned that observation of sī la
ing nonattachment to worldly things, which attract helps one to achieve concentration of mind, and
one and cause desire in him. One’s desires are not with the help of this concentration, one realizes
always fulfilled because the things, which one the true nature of the objects of the world.
longs for, are not permanent. Therefore, when When one comes to know the true nature of
they change they cause suffering in him. Had things, ignorance goes away and one begins to see
Heraclitus realized the impermanent nature of their true nature. In other words, true knowledge
things at the experiential level and trained his dawns upon him. He sees the objects of one’s
mind not to long for those impermanent things, attachment impermanent, becomes disillusioned,
he would have definitely gone the Buddha way. and concludes that if the objects he longs for are
The Buddha wanted to grapple with the prob- transient and impermanent, how can they make
lem of suffering which is ubiquitous and univer- him happy? This again was a great realization
sal. Suffering is an existential problem not only of born out of his direct experience.
mankind but also of all living beings. No being is Thus the Buddha concluded that one’s suffer-
free from it. All are subject to different kinds of ing is caused by one’s desires and one has desires
suffering, physical and mental. One who is born is for things the real nature of which one does not
subject to old age, disease, and death. He is also know. There is a built-in dynamo inside every-
separated from the one he likes. This is suffering. body. So long as one is ignorant of the real nature
He also has to live with somebody he does not of the objects of the world, the dynamo within one
like. This is also suffering. He does not get what fueled by desires keeps on generating desires.
he wants. This is also suffering. All these are And multiplication of desires causes endless suf-
sufferings from which nobody is free. The Bud- fering. But once one comes to know the real
dha saw it very sensitively and wanted to find nature of the objects one hankers after, one begins
a way out to end it [9]. to develop nonattachment for them. Practice of
This is from where he started. He started with Vipassana meditation helps him a lot. Whenever
the real problem that faced mankind, with nothing one practices Vipassana one experiences that what
abstract and speculative. He saw the problem fac- arises passes away. Nothing is permanent. So one
ing him starkly. He saw the disease. His effort was experiences impermanence (aniccatā). And what-
to know the cause of the disease and find out its ever is impermanent is dukkha [10]. Thus one
medicine as also how and when to take the med- either reduces one’s desires and reduces one’s
icine to be completely free from the disease. suffering proportionately or completely annihi-
In his spiritual journey he learned from his own lates one’s desires and completely eradicates
experience. While practicing meditation he went one’s suffering.
deep into it and realized that one’s suffering is Practice of Vipassana helps one understand
caused by one’s desires for the things one likes. this law as it had helped the Buddha.
Science (Buddhism) 1101

The Buddha thus realized the cause of suffer- propounded by the Buddha, therefore, is based on
ing. It was then just the second step for him to his direct experience. Anybody who practices
know that suffering can be eliminated by remov- Vipassana can see for himself why craving is
ing its cause which is desire. caused, where suffering arises, and how craving
Thus he propounded the philosophy of suffer- and suffering can be ended.
ing from his own experience. He had realized the The Buddha realized all this at the experiential
great importance of observing moral precepts in level by practicing Vipassana and developing his
concentrating his mind. He had also experienced paññā (insight wisdom or understanding based on
the great role of a concentrated mind in seeing his direct experience).
things sharply and clearly as they are, and by He propounded the Four Noble Truths of suf-
practicing Vipassana, he had seen how cravings fering, viz., suffering, its cause, its cessation, and
are caused and how they can be eliminated. By the way leading to its cessation, and preached
practicing Vipassana, it became clear to him that them to the first five disciples. He explained
“wherever in the world there is anything agreeable three aspects of each truth. One should know the
and pleasurable, there this craving arises and first noble truth. This is the first aspect of the first
establishes itself” [11]. noble truth. The first noble truth of suffering
It did not take the Buddha long to conclude that should be comprehended (pariññeyaṃ). This is
cravings can be eliminated by eliminating the called kicca ñāṇa, i. e., knowledge gained while
cause of cravings. And what is the cause of crav- doing. This is its second aspect. When it is thor-
ings? The agreeable and pleasurable in the world oughly comprehended (pariññātaṃ), it is called
are the causes of cravings. By practicing kata ñāṇa, i.e., knowledge gained when done.
Vipassana he knew that even the most beautiful This is its third aspect. Similarly the rest of the
objects of the world are impermanent. They do not truths should also be known comprehensively.
last forever. The natural question was then why The second noble truth of suffering should be
crave for them? Thus he trained his mind to see abandoned (pahātabbaṃ). This is kicca ñāṇa,
the transitory nature of objects and give up his and when it is completely abandoned (pahīṇaṃ),
craving for them. In this way by practicing it is called kata ñāṇa. The third noble truth should
Vipassana he ended his suffering. It means that be realized (sacchikātabbaṃ). This aspect of this
anybody can end his suffering by practicing truth is kicca ñāṇa, and when it is realized
Vipassana. (sacchikataṃ), it is called kata ñāṇa. The fourth
Because he had realized how suffering is noble truth should be developed (bhāvetabbaṃ).
caused and also because he had realized the role This is called kicca ñāṇa, and when it is developed
of morality (sī la) in eliminating it, so, while (bhāvita), it is called kata ñāṇa [13].
propounding the philosophy of suffering, he The Buddha propounded the philosophy of
ethicized it [12]. He was also a great psychologist. suffering by developing his bhāvanāmayā S
He saw the role of our mind in causing craving; he paññā. Therefore his philosophy of suffering can
also saw how to tame this monkey mind, which be understood by developing bhāvanāmayā
now craves for this object and now for that. paññā for which practice of Vipassana meditation
The Buddha thus propounded his is inevitable.
philosophy of suffering with his bhāvanāmayā
paññā, (experiential wisdom) which is
yathābhūtañāṇadassana (wisdom arising from Requisites Necessary for Practicing
seeing the truth as it is). Bhāvanāmayā paññā Vipassana
means insight wisdom developed at the
experiential level. There is no question of it For practicing Vipassana, the nature of the mind
being false or speculative or abstract. It is experi- has got to be understood. The mind is very fickle
ential knowledge (paññā) with which he saw the and unsteady [14]. This is psychology. And for
cause of suffering. The philosophy of suffering concentrating mind observation of sī la is
1102 Scripture of the Descent into Laṅkā

inevitable. Sī la comes under ethics. When one who live a virtuous life, i.e., who observe sī la,
understands the true nature of the objects of the practice samādhi, and are on the way to develop
world for which one craves, this is metaphysics, paññā [16].
Buddhist metaphysics if one may call it so. Apart
from these, Vipassana also means training one’s
mind to give up the old habit pattern of reacting
to sensations that arise on one’s body. Thus
References
Vipassana is a very comprehensive practice to 1. Hornby AS (2000) Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dic-
know the nature of the mind and nature of reality. tionary. OUP
Besides, it is also an effective tool to train one’s 2. Ñāṇamoli B, Bodhi B (trans) (1995) The Middle
mind to learn to behave in a particular way. Length Discourses of the Buddha. Wisdom Publica-
tions, Boston, p 341
Practicing Vipassana the Buddha propounded 3. Beck RN (1979) Handbook in Social Philosophy.
the Law of Dependent Origination, which Macmillan, New York, p 123
explains how one creates saṅkhāras in ignorance, 4. See the Poṭṭhapāda Sutta in the Dīgha Nikāya and the
how saṅkhāras give rise to consciousness, con- Cūlamālunkya Sutta in the Majjhima Nikāya (Unless
otherwise mentioned all books referred to here are
sciousness to nāma-rūpa, etc., and how bhava published by Vipassana Research Institute,
gives rise to jāti and jāti gives rise to old age, Dhammagiri in 1998)
disease, death, and all sorts of sorrows and suffer- 5. See the Cūlamālunkya Sutta in the Majjhima Nikāya
ing. The Buddha also concluded that as effect has 6. Walsh M (trans) (1995) The Long Discourses of the
Buddha. Wisdom Publications, Boston, pp 164–165
a cause and as it can be eliminated by eliminating 7. See the Cūlamālunkya Sutta in the Majjhima Nikāya
its cause, so suffering can be extirpated by elimi- 8. You cannot step twice into the same river, for fresh
nating cravings [15]. waters are ever flowing in upon you –quoted from the
All the links of paṭiccasamuppāda, each of foot note no 1 on p. no 26 of What the Buddha Taught
by Walpole Rahula
which is a law, can be understood by practicing 9. D.2.228
Vipassana. 10. S.2.21 Yad aniccaṃ taṃ dukkhaṃ, yaṃ dukkhaṃ
tadanattā
11. Walsh M (1995) The Long Discourses of the Buddha.
Wisdom Publications, Boston, p 346
One’s Fathom-Long Body Is the Only 12. Chaudhary A (2013) Ehicisation makes Buddhism
Laboratory Where the Laws Propounded a World Religion. In: Essays on Buddhism and Pali
by the Buddha Can Be Experimented literature, 2nd edn. Eastern Book Linkers, Delhi,
pp 90–96
13. S.3.484
But there is a basic difference between the phys- 14. Dh. verse 33
ical laws and the laws connected with the Four 15. Yaṃ kiñci samudayadhammaṃ sabbaṃ taṃ
Noble Truths. In no other laboratory outside this nirodhadhammaṃ
fathom-long body can it be proved that sensations 16. M1. pp 1–8
cause desire. This will be possible only when one,
who wants to prove it, lives a pure life, practices
Vipassana, and observes one’s sensations, pleas-
ant or unpleasant. He will see that he wants to Scripture of the Descent into Laṅkā
have more of pleasant sensations and none of the
unpleasant ones. The former is craving and the ▶ Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra
latter is aversion. Both are the causes of suffering.
Physical laws can be experimented and proved
in outside laboratories by anybody. He may be of
greedy temperament. He may have several defile-
ments. It does not matter. But the laws relating Scripture Unlocking the Mysteries
to the Four Noble Truths propounded by the
Buddha can be experienced and proved by those ▶ Sandhinirmocana Sūtra
Self (Jainism) 1103

attributes and manifestations, there is no such

Secret clear distinction in the Jain religion. Further still,
different texts categorize the modes and attributes
▶ Mysticism (Buddhism) of the self differently. The self, then, is a concept
that is integrated into a greater philosophical sys-
tem and cosmology, a concept understood only in
relation to its place in the greater system. As a full
exploration of Jain philosophy and cosmology is
Self not possible here, the following exposition will
focus on the self as it relates to the three primary
▶ Jīva (Jainism) subsystems of which it is a part: saṃsāra (the
▶ Puḍgala (Puggala) cycle of rebirth and re-death), mokṣa (liberation),
and the karma (moral law of cause and effect) path
that links them.

Self (Jainism) The Self in Samsāra

˙
Sean Butler The non-liberated self is known as the mundane
Claremont Graduate University, Claremont, CA, self, the self that is embodied and is in saṃsāra.
USA The mundane self is said to be identical with the
body and thus distinct from the “real” self in that
jī va identifies both living substances in the world
Synonyms of saṃsāra and the self/soul that transcends this
existence and is capable of liberation. There are
Ātman; Jī va five types of embodiment of the self: the physical
body, the divine or infernal body, the astral body,
the consummative body, and the karma body. The
Definition mundane self is endowed with the qualities of
remembrance, desire for knowledge, desire for
An unperceivable, eternal entity whose primary activity, desire for movements, and doubt [1]. It
characteristic is sentiency and whose essential is one of an infinite number of selves, it exists
element is knowledge; contrasted with ajī va or independently as a substance, and, according
non-sentient substance. to Kundakunda, the most famous of Jain philoso-
phers, it consists of knowledge, action, and fruit S
[2–6]. The mundane self has four possible
The Ambiguity of the Self in Jainism modes of existence in saṃsāra: hellish exis-
tence, subhuman or animal existence, human
The first thing that one should note when investi- existence, and divine existence. The mundane
gating the Jain notion of the self is that the notion self is thus anchored in saṃsāra by its karmas,
is ambiguous. “Self” might appear in Jain litera- imperceptible matter that attach themselves to the
ture as ātman, jī va, sattva, or jeta, to name only self literally weighing down the self and
a few possible translations. In turn, each of the counteracting the self’s natural tendency to float
above terms has various meanings that a Western up to heaven. The mundane self, which is bound
audience might understand as only loosely corre- by karma, is defiled by its karma which perverts
lated to a distinct concept of self (e.g., ātman its relation to knowledge, perception, feeling,
might mean “breath”). Further, whereas the self belief, age, physicality, status, and power [1, 4,
is often conceptually distinguished from its 7, 8]. It is the goal of the mundane self to
1104 Self (Jainism)

transcend itself through the elimination of karma self takes itself to be the body, the internal self
and achieve liberation. understands that it is distinct from the body, and
the highest self is the liberated, luminous self [11].
These three types of self may be understood in
The Liberated Self terms of a process from outward to inward per-
ception. The least advanced selves on their path to
The liberated self or the real self is the self that is liberation focus their consciousness outward and
free of all karmas. This self is understood as the thus understand the world in terms of bodies and
real or true self because it is purified from the materiality. The self that has progressed in its path
defiling influence of karma and thus is the distinct to liberation to some extent focuses its conscious-
self, unbound to existences other than its own. ness outward but also inward, recognizing that the
The liberated self is said to be pure and perfect soul is distinct from its material incarnation.
existence with infinite consciousness and omni- The liberated self exists outside of saṃsāra, is
science [1, 4, 5, 8, 9]. Though there is some debate free from karmas, and focuses only reflexively
among Jain philosophers today about the omni- on its infinite luminosity. One thus understands
science of the liberated self, it is generally agreed the ambiguity of the self as a relation between the
that the liberated self is omniscient due to the real (liberated) self, karma, and the relative state
inward direction of its consciousness [5, 8]. The of the self in its journey to liberation. Because the
liberated self is two-thirds the size of its last nature of the liberated self is immaterial and free
bodily incarnation and resides in siddha-loka, from karmas, the self that is in saṃsāra must be
the crescent-shaped abode of the enlightened differentiated from the liberated self, and this dif-
beings located at the top of the Jain universe. ferentiation directly relates to the presence of
The essential attributes of the liberated self are karmas. Karmas, thus, make the self dependent
knowledge, faith, energy, and bliss. The liberated on the world around it, perverting the self’s faith
self is immaterial but still substantial and eternal and knowledge which is pure in the liberated,
[3–5, 10]. One should note, however, that the karma-free, state. Thus, the essential attributes of
boundary between the mundane and liberated the liberated self are overpowered or bound by
self is not pristinely clear. Many maintain that karma [1]. The goal of every self is to break free
arhats (sages), Tīrthaṅkaras (fordmakers), Jinas from karma, purifying itself from the defiling
(conquerors), and siddhas (fully liberated beings) influences of karma. It does this through the ces-
are each properly liberated, though not all free of sation of outward action and the inward orienta-
karma (though all free of bad karma) [1, 11]. This tion of faith and perception. Through this process,
distinction is important because it allows for the self transforms through purification to total
omniscient beings to have been embodied in the self-realization [8, 11]. Beginning in a state so
world and deliver what the Jain religion considers bound up with materiality that it is undiffer-
to be the truth(s) about the world and the path to entiable from its material existence, moving
liberation. through a process of right action, faith, and per-
ception, to unadulterated, pure, existence. Each of
these stages and their subprocesses identify the
The Path to Liberation dynamism of the Jain notion of self as a process
reality aiming at liberation.
Much of the ambiguity or seeming inconsistency
in the Jain notion of self becomes more compre-
hensible when viewed from the perspective of its Cross-References
goal of liberation. On its path to liberation, the self
is often divided into three types: the external self, ▶ Dharma (Jainism)
the internal self, and the highest self. The external ▶ Jīva (Jainism)
Senses (Buddhism) 1105

▶ Karma (Jainism) Definition

▶ Omniscience
Special bodily faculties by which sensation is
aroused; bodily organ conveying external stimuli
References to the inner state of the mind.
1. Muniji S (2007) The doctrine of karma and transmi-
gration in Jainism. Sanskar Jain Patrika, Chennai
2. Cort JE (1995) Genres of Jain history. J Indian Philos Buddhist Notion of Sense-organs
23(4):469–506
3. Jain JP (2006) Religion and culture of the Jains.
Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
In their search for finding out the way for remov-
4. Jaini PS (2001) The Jaina path of purification. Motilal ing suffering, the Buddhist philosophers put
Banarsidass, Delhi emphasis on the importance of knowledge regard-
5. Jain SC (2006) Structure and functions of soul in ing the real objects of the world. Though under-
Jainism. Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi
standing or paññā is required for such an aim, they
6. Muniji S (2007) The doctrine of the self in Jainism.
Sanskar Jain Patrika, Chennai believed that it itself is not sufficient. It has to take
7. Glasenapp HV (1942) Doctrine of karman in Jain help of others, for example, the faculties or the
philosophy. PV Research Institute, Varanasi indriyas together with aggregates, bases, ele-
8. Muniji S (2006) Return to self. Sanskar Jain Patrika,
ments, etc. It is out of such belief that the discus-
Chennai
9. Sikdar JC (1991) Jaina theory of reality. PV Research sion of indriya is made in Buddhist literature.
Institute, Varanasi The term “indriya,” the Sanskrit term for sense
10. Umaswami A (2010) Key to reality in Jainism. organs, is derived from the root “idi” signifying
Digambar Jain Trilok Shodh Sansthan, Hastinapur
11. Muniji S (2007) The Jaina pathway to liberation.
supreme authority (paramaiśwarya). Whatever
Sanskar Jain Patrika, Chennai exercises supreme power or authority is called
an indriya. Thus, in general, indriyas signify
adhipati or ruler – they are controlling faculties
in the sense of bringing about action and are
Seniya Bimbisāra controlling faculties in the sense of sovereignty
which is called the dominant influence. There are
▶ Bimbisāra 22 such controlling faculties which include not
only the cognitive faculties but something more
which plays dominant influence on other aspects
of the individual. 22 such controlling faculties are
Sensation
eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, mind, femininity,
▶ Senses (Buddhism) muscularity, vital principle, pleasure-physical,
pain-physical, mental-pleasure, mental-pain, S
equanimity, faith, energy, mindfulness, concentra-
tion, understanding, I-shall-come-to-know-the-
Senses (Buddhism) unknown faculty, final knowledge faculty, and
final knower faculty.
Madhumita Chattopadhyay In support of the view that the sense organs are
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, of supreme power, the Buddhists point out that the
Kolkata, West Bengal, India six sense organs, namely, the visual one or the
auditory one, are the supports of consciousness
(cittāśraya). They are the principal organs of
Synonyms a being (maulam sattvadravyam) who is again
identified as masculine or as feminine on the basis
Faculty; Feeling; Sensation of puruşendriya and strī ndriya. The duration of
1106 Senses (Buddhism)

a being is maintained by the jī vitendriya or the vital directly arise, and the other four organs, namely,
principle. The individual being becomes contami- eye, ear, nose, and tongue, gradually come into
nated (samkleśa) by the faculties of sensation existence. These sense organs, however, last on
sukha, etc. Its purification is prepared (sambhāra) the basis of the vital organ (i.e., the ṣaḍāyatanas
by the five moral qualities, for example, śraddhā, last so long as the vital organ is there). It is through
and is completed by the last three indriyas. In other the five sensations that the ṣaḍāyatanas enjoy. On
words, for the Buddhists, mere predominance is the other hand, the five faculties, namely, faith,
not the mark of an indriya, but predominance force, memory, absorption, and discernment, are
with regard to the constitution, the subdivision, the support of cessation since they are considered
etc., of a living being and with regard to the basis to be the very basis of that ultimate stage. Nirvāṇa
of his volition and cessation is considered to be the is generated for the first time through the organ
predominating feature of indriya. ājñāsyāmī ndriya, for it is the first pure faculty.
Another account of the senses or the indriyas is Nirvāṇa is developed through the second pure
found in Buddhist literature. In this account, inter- organ and is experienced by the third pure organ
pretation of the elements of existence was made ājñātāvī ndriya, for it is through this faculty that
with a view to distinguish between the cognitive one experiences the satisfaction and well-being of
faculties and their corresponding objects. The deliverance.
cognitive faculties are believed to be six and The Buddhists refute the views of the Sāmkhya
their corresponding objects are also believed to philosophers who maintain that voice (vāk), hands
be six in number. These cognitive faculties as well (pāņi), feet (pāda), the anus (pāyu), and the sexual
as the six categories of objects constitute the organs (upastha) are also indriyas since they also
āyatanas. The term āyatana means entrance. It is have predominance over their respective functions
an entrance for consciousness and mental phe- like speaking, taking, walking, excretion, enjoy-
nomena. Consciousness never arises alone, since ment of pleasure and pain, etc. According to the
it is pure sensation without any content. It is Buddhists, voice cannot be regarded as indriya,
always introduced by two elements: a cognitive since it is not the sole predominating factor with
element and a corresponding objective element. regard to words; some sort of training regarding the
Thus, there are doors (dvāra) through which con- operation of the tongue is essential, which is not
sciousness appears, and these doors are the senses. the case with other sense organs like eye,
For example, through the door of vision (caksur- etc. A newborn baby without any instruction can
indriyam-āyatanam) arises the visual conscious- see the form but cannot speak without any training.
ness of color and shape. This classification in So the character of indriya is not satisfied in the case
terms of āyatana is peculiarly a Buddhist one of voice and, hence, cannot be considered an
which covers all objects of cognition into sense indriya. In fact, the Sāṁkhya philosophers regard
objects and nonsensuous ones. the organs of action (karmendriya) to be supra-
An alternative account of indriya has been sensible like the organs of consciousness, while
proposed in the Buddhist text Vibhāşā. There, 14 the Buddhists believe that words are action of the
indriyas as support of transmigration, origin, tongue which is the locus of the organs of taste.
duration, enjoyment of this support are admitted. Similarly, hands and feet cannot be regarded as
The other indriyas have the same function with indriya, for they are not predominant with regard
regard to Nirvāṇa. According to this view, the six to grasping and walking. Grasping and walking are
organs (şaḍāyatanas), starting with the visual simply arousing the hands and feet in a second
sense organ to the sense organ of mind, are the moment in another place and with a new figure.
supports of this repeated existence in this world Moreover, it is a fact that hands and feet are not
since they are the principal organs of a being. It is indispensable for grasping or walking since lizards
through the two sexual organs of masculinity and and the like can perform similar functions of grasp-
femininity that the two organs of touch and mind ing and walking even in the absence of hands and
Sentient Beings 1107

feet. Further, if the hands and the feet were consid- 4. Poussin L (1990) Abhidharmakośabhāşyam (trans:
ered as indriyas, the throat, the teeth, the eyelids, Pruden LM), vol 1. Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley
5. Rhys Davids CAF (1976) The compendium of philos-
and the joints also would have to be accepted as ophy (tr. of the Abhidhammaţţhasangaha). Pali Text
indriyas, since they function respectively with Society, London
regard to swallowing, chewing, opening and clos- 6. Sāmkŗtyāyana R (ed) (1988) Abhidharmakośah:
ing, and folding up, and anything that exercises its Ācārya Vasubandhupraṇītaḥ. Kāśī Vidyāpīth, Varanasi
7. Sastri SD (ed) (1998) The Abhidharmakosa and
action with regard to its effect. Hence, the term Bhasya of Acarya Vasubandhu with Sphutartha com-
“indriya” is reserved for that which possesses mentary of Acarya Yasomitra. Bauddha Bharati,
predominance. Varanasi
The important feature of the Buddhist discus- 8. Chattopadhyay M (2004) Analysis of Indriya: a Bud-
dhist reflection. In: Narasimha Murthy ML, Sadasiva
sion of indriya is the emphasis on the notion of the Murty R (eds) Work culture and efficiency with special
“supreme development of the faculties”. In the reference to indriyas. Rashtriya Sanskrit Vidyapeetha,
other schools of Indian philosophy, it is generally Deemed University, Tirupati
believed that in the ultimate stage of liberation, the
sense organs do not perform their normal function.
That is, one does not see forms with the eyes, nor
does one hear words with the ear, etc. Under this Sentient Beings
interpretation the liberated person will have to be
regarded as blind or as deaf, etc., which no one will Sarah Whylly
accept. So the view of Lord Buddha is that in the Religion Department, Florida State University,
stage of liberation a bhiksu also sees a form with Tallahassee, FL, USA
the eyes or hears a word with the ear, and there also
arises in him the idea of what is agreeable or what is
disagreeable or what is both agreeable and dis- Definition
agreeable, but he does not allow his mind to be
overcome by them. Hence, the teaching of Lord Beings with consciousness or sentience; capable
Buddha toward his disciples is not to shut the sense of subjective experience. In Buddhist thought and
organs but to suppress the defilements of the mind literature it is a being of the five skandhas or
like greed, lust, etc., and try to establish equanimity aggregates that is not enlightened.
of insight.

Characterizations of Sentient Beings in

Cross-References Buddhist Thought

▶ Abhidharma (Theravāda) A sentient being is one that possesses Buddha- S

▶ Knowledge (Buddhism) nature within them. This Buddha-nature is a
▶ Mind (Buddhism) potential which may lead the being to attain
▶ Psychology (Buddhism) enlightenment and reach Buddhahood. However,
sentient beings as such are not yet enlightened.
References These beings are ones in whom the five aggre-
gates are thought to be present. These five aggre-
1. Choudhury S (1996) Analytical study of the gates are form, sensation, perception, categorical
Abhidharmakośa. Sanskrit College, Calcutta or volitional judgments, and consciousness. It is
2. Guenther HV (1999) Philosophy and psychology in the these five aggregates that lead to grasping and
Abhidharma. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
3. Haldar A (2001) Some psychological aspects of early
attachment. Beings of the five aggregates are still
Buddhist philosophy based on Abhidharmakosah of subject to the cycle of samsara and experience
Vasubandhu. Asiatic Society, Kolkata suffering.
1108 Sentient Beings

What Kinds of Beings Are Sentient karma, they bring harm to themselves. Toward
Beings? this end, some Buddhist practitioners are careful
even when they drink water to try to avoid
Ideas regarding which beings are sentient and harming beings which might live in it, while
which are not are varied. Considerations for sen- others confine such observances to the dietary
tience have been made with regard to animals and practice of vegetarianism or veganism [1]. It is
plants in addition to humans and other sorts of sometimes unclear in Buddhist literature to whom
beings such as hungry ghosts, demons, or gods. certain injunctions regarding the treatment of
Although all sentient beings are caught up in other sentient beings are directed. Some rules
samsara, human sentience is viewed as being spe- are meant exclusively for sangha members, others
cial since in humans it is characterized by a greater for laity.
degree of freedom and a greater ability to compre- It should be noted, however, that compassion
hend. Thus, humans are morally and spiritually toward living beings is frequently characterized in
more capable than other sorts of beings. This is Indian Buddhist literature as being the lowest
not to say that other types of beings are not capa- form of compassion of the three types of compas-
ble of morality and do not have freedom – it is sion that exist. This classification involves levels
a matter of degree. There are varying views upon of awareness of the nature of all things. The first
whether or not plants can be considered sentient level is compassion toward living beings. The
beings. There has been some suggestion from second is compassion on the impersonal events
scholars that Pāli Buddhism, particularly early of the world after someone realizes that living
Pāli Buddhism, was at least ambiguous on this beings do not exist. The third level is compassion
question while others claim that Tibetan and Jap- which acts within the universe of emptiness. Thus,
anese forms of Buddhism include plants in sen- the first level or compassion toward living beings
tient beings. That which is non-sentient is part of is a kind of emotion that brings about the motiva-
the background environment, the only possible tion to help others. This level should also contain
exception being plant life, as mentioned earlier. the caveat that this sort of emotion is dependent
upon a view of others as distinction beings. The
second level acknowledges that the lives of people
The Role of Compassion Among Sentient are not separate or distinct identity units. The third
Beings level eradicates a view of life as a thing at all and
acknowledges the emptiness of everything [2].
The position of humans as unique sorts of sentient
beings does not mean that humans should exploit
other sentient beings or dominate them. In fact, The Bodhisattva Vow and Sentient
humans, along with all other sentient beings, are Beings
expected to have compassion toward their fellow
beings. The idea of ahiṃsa is particularly relevant A bodhisattva is any person who, in response to
in the conversation on sentient beings. Ahiṃsa is compassion for all sentient beings, aspires to Bud-
noninjury or nonviolence. The first precept of the dhahood so as to benefit all such beings. This
five Buddhist Precepts is to keep from or avoid person possesses bodhicitta or a wish for enlight-
intentional violence toward or the intentional kill- enment which will be of benefit to all sentient
ing of living beings. Emphasis upon the intention- beings still in samsāra. The bodhisattva is one
ality of an act implies that one might be held less whose sole motivation for all activity is the goal
morally blameworthy or perhaps not blamewor- of benefiting all sentient beings in samsāra.
thy at all in instances where harm is caused but not The bodhisattva takes a vow toward this moti-
intentionally. Not only does one bring harm to vation often called the Bodhisattva Vow or Pre-
another being but, because of the effects of cept. This vow involves committing oneself to
Servants 1109

working for the liberation of all sentient beings of animals as in the cases of King Aśoka or King
from samsāra and to leading them to enlighten- Alaungpaya who attempted to legislate killing
ment for the entirety of samsāra. according to the Buddhist injunctions.

The Concept of Sentient Beings and Cross-References

Buddhist History
▶ Ahimsa
Buddhists have less strict views than other tradi- ▶ Asoka
tions such as Jainism with regard to sentient ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
beings, although the rules governing this treat- ▶ Vegetarianism (Buddhism)
ment vary depending upon the kind of Buddhists ▶ Warfare
involved and the time and place under consider-
ation. Although there is a tradition of vegetarian-
ism in Buddhism, some Buddhists were allowed
References
to eat meat if it was not killed for them in partic-
ular. There have also been injunctions for 1. Findly EB (2002) Borderline beings: plant possibilities
Buddhists to avoid destroying foliage, as sentient in early Buddhism. J Am Orient Soc 122(2):252–263
beings rely upon them for food and shelter. 2. Goodman C (2009) Consequences of compassion.
Oxford University Press, New York
This does not mean that Buddhists have neces-
3. Harvey P (2000) An introduction to Buddhist ethics.
sarily been pacifists. Although nonviolence is Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
a tenet particularly in the Pali Canon, this has 4. Lecso PA (1988) To do no harm: a Buddhist view on
not been evidenced in the historical record. Fre- animal use in research. J Relig Health 27(4):307–312
5. Saddhatissa H (1970) Buddhist ethics: essence of Bud-
quently, war and conflict are viewed as unavoid-
dhism. George Braziller, New York
able aspects of human life and defensive action 6. Spencer RF (1966) Ethical expression in a Burmese
was sometimes viewed as required. However, this Jātaka. J Am Folklore 79(311):278–301
does not mean that war should be waged arbi- 7. Swearer DK (1998) Buddhist virtue, voluntary poverty,
and extensive benevolence. J Relig Ethics
trarily. Attempts at peaceful resolutions are
26(1):71–103
encouraged and the demand for right attitudes
requires that persons cultivate mental tranquility
in order to avoid engaging in violent behaviors.
In the twentieth century, concern arose over
animal research testing that has inspired continued Sentient Substance
debate among some Buddhists. Some Buddhists
take the view that even vaccinations developed ▶ Jīva (Jainism)
S
from animals are to be shunned while others
believe that animal testing allows humans a gain
that is worth the price paid by the suffering of
animals. This view is further qualified by requir- Sepulchral Monument
ing that the benefit to humans needs to be pro-
foundly measurable and that new alternatives for ▶ Cetiya
testing be explored constantly. In earlier times,
objections to the use of animals in ritual sacrifice
or killing animals as part of the halal practice of
the purification of meat were made by Buddhists. Servants
This has translated into laws at certain times
against certain practices considered exploitative ▶ Slaves (Buddhism)
1110 Sgrolma’imgonpo

Sgrolma’imgonpo Shyiwa Lha

▶ Tāranātha ▶ Śāntideva

Shengtian (Chinese) Siddha-loka

▶ Āryadeva ▶ Heaven (Jainism)

Shin Upago Sīla

▶ Upagupta ▶ Good (Buddhism)

▶ Responsibility (Buddhism)

Shingon
Śīla
▶ Vajrayāna (Buddhism)
Mangala Ramchandra Chinchore
Department of Philosophy, Centre for Studies in
Classical Indian Buddhist Philosophy and
Culture, University of Pune, Pune, Maharashtra,
Short Overview of Buddhism
India
▶ Philosophy (Buddhism)
Synonyms

Sk. Śī la-śikṣā/Adhi-śī la,

Shoten (Japanese) Śīla consists of the three factors, namely, right
speech (Sk. Samyak-vāk), right action (Sk.
▶ Āryadeva Samyak-Karmānta), and right livelihood (Sk.
Samyak-Ājī vikā).

Shravasti Definition

▶ Sāvatthī Śī la (Sk.: Śī la-śikṣā/Adhi-śī la) (translated into

English as moral conduct/character) is a part of
the Noble Eightfold Path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga),
which is a way to destroy/control suffering (Sk.
Shuen Shang Duḥkha-nirodha-gāmini-pratipad), the fourth
Noble Truth (Sk. Ārya-satya). Śī la is translated
▶ Xuanzang (Hieun-Tsang) into English as moral conduct/character,
Śīla 1111

personality development facilitative factors, and/ (Sk. Bodhi). But Buddhism does not end by
or virtues convenient in practical life. merely presenting fact-finding analysis, it also
The Buddhist way of life forms three modes of inquires into the possibility of overcoming it by
educating/training/culturing (Sk. Tri-Śikṣā), stipulating concretely certain ways and means to
namely, training/developing moral character (Sk. regulate life. For that, it stresses on conduct,
Śī la-śikṣā/Adhi-śīla), training mind/developing which has to be controlled and channelized by
concentration of consciousness (Sk. Samādhi-ś some codes of moral conduct (Sk. Śī la).
ikṣā/Citta-śikṣā), and developing wisdom and Development of moral conduct/character has
insight (Sk. Prajñā/ Adhi-prajñā), [1] where train- two aspects [4]. One, prohibitive/negative:
ing moral character is given first priority. refraining from certain things already prevalent
as habits or, at present, likely to overpower and
hence need regulating modes and, in future,
Buddhist Character-Building Norms abstaining from attractions, lures, and temptations
of any kind. Second, constructive/positive: they
Śī la is the characteristic mark and fundamental are helpful to develop personality in mundane life
basis of Buddhist ethics. It is not merely ethical and/or insight in spiritual life. Moral character
theory but physical, mental, and verbal modes of (Sk. Śī la) is a stepping-stone toward enlighten-
performing actions and practicing them consistently ment. For enlightenment, first one should have
and conducting conscientiously throughout life. faith in teachings of the Buddha and Buddhist
Whosoever is a follower of Buddhism should way of life, first-hand experience of pain and
observe with his own will certain codes of conduct suffering as the nature of human life and of the
and adopt certain modes of life which are conducive reality correspondingly; and then onwards apply
to building excellence of character and/or develop one’s own in-depth observations by understand-
perfection in personality on the one hand [2] and ing things properly. What is right and what is
correspondingly enable to form a social order and wrong cannot be decided once and for all eter-
peace on the other. These codes are neither author- nally, uniformly, and abstractly in the form of
itative eternal rules nor commandments nor mere theoretical principles. These codes of conduct
theoretical principles. They are formulated by prohibit, refrain, and abstain from doing wrong/
enlightened human beings after experiencing and/ evil acts and inhumane practices on the one hand
or contemplating on life and then, onward, they are and enable to regulate and channelize conduct and
meant to be used with one’s own conviction for the develop ideal personality and virtues and are con-
benefit of all human beings. These vows are com- ducive to the well-being of humanity at large on
monly observable (Sk. Saṁdṛṣṭika), timeless the other.
(Sk. Akālika), verifiable (Sk. Aihipaśyika), fruitful Generally, in Buddhism, it is held that by
(Sk. Anupānāyika), sensed/discovered (Sk. nature one is neither totally good nor completely S
Vedayiyavya), and individually experienced bad, though in the circumstances and situations
(Sk. Pratyātman) by discerning personal insights prevailed and predominated, one behaves
(Sk. Vijñu) [3]. wrongly. But if one is trained, cultured, and nur-
In Buddhism, one can be considered honor- tured in an appropriate way, one can confront
able, gentleman, and excellent (Sk. Ārya) pro- situations courageously, respond to things in the
vided one has good habits, exercises good right way, and regulate behavior in proper direc-
intensions, and uses ethically altruistic means to tion. Buddhism holds that even though the cir-
get freedom from pain and suffering (Sk. cumstances in which one lives are adverse, one
Duḥkha), which is the goal of all human beings. should not be hopeless to bring in change using
To realize the true nature of human beings moral modes of action. It depends by and large
in particular and all sentient beings in general upon how one is trained and develops psycholog-
(i.e., Duḥkha) is, in a sense, enlightenment ical attitude of taking things. Generally, they
1112 Śīla

emphasize on proper/right training of mind, which 4. To refrain from wrong speech, i.e., lying, abus-
takes care of the other two aspects of behavior, ing, harsh words, etc. (Sk. Musāvāda)
namely, bodily and verbal modes of actions. In 5. To refrain from intoxicating drinks and
other words, Buddhism advocates that both bodily drugs that lead to carelessness (Sk.
and verbal actions are regulated by psychological Surāmerayamajjā-pamādatthāna)
states of mind. Although conventionally it is held
that in totality, mind, body, and speech understood Over and above these five precepts/vows/vol-
in depth builds character, according to Buddhism, untary promises (Sk. Pañca-Śīlas), if one wishes
it mainly depends upon the development of psy- to practice a bit more strictly than the usual one,
chological states of mind. The more one dives leading more toward ascetic life, one undertakes
deep into the inner world, the height of spiritual the eight precepts (Sk. Aṣṭa-Śī la ), i.e., three more
growth and/or insightful understanding towards percepts in addition to the above-mentioned five
perfection springs up and blossoms. Thus, proper precepts. One observes a 1-day or a week fast (Sk.
spiritual training (Sk. Adhi-Śikṣā) is important. Uposatha) on the new moon, first quarter moon,
There are certain codes of conduct or modes of full moon, and last quarter moon days living in the
training discovered by the Gautama Buddha and monastery and practicing the eight precepts,
taught to his then prevalent disciples that are later namely:
on used generally for the positive development of
character. They are facilitative to practice Bud- 6. To refrain from eating untimely before sunrise
dhist way of life taking into consideration two and after sunset (Sk. Aparānha-bhojana)
forms of life, stipulated in the form of two sets: 7. To refrain from dancing (Sk. Nṛtya), music/
one for ordained monastic followers (Sk. Bhikṣu- singing (Sk. Saṅgī ta), playing instrumental
saṁgha), namely, monks and nuns (Sk. Bhikṣu- music (Sk. Vādya), and attending entertain-
Bhikṣuṇī ), and another for lay disciples (Sk. ment performances (Sk. Samārādhana)
Puthujana) consisting of householders – men 8. To refrain from wearing perfume/scents and
and women (Sk. Upāsakas-Upāsikās). One using cosmetics (Sk. Gaṅdha-vilepana) and
begins with faith and initiates with reciting three garlands/decorative accessories (Sk. Mālā-
refuges (Sk. Tri-śaraṇas), namely, the Buddha, dhāraṇa)
teachings of Buddhism (Pāli-Dhamma), and the
community of followers (Sk. Saṁgha), as Further, additionally, two more precepts are
a devotional religious regular practice. Accompa- there, thus making it, in total, ten precepts (Sk.
nied with it then is taking the five precepts/vows/ Daśa-Śī la) that are mandatory for all ordained
voluntary promises (Sk. Pañca-Śī la), which are monks and nuns (Sk. Bhikṣu-Bhikṣuṇī ). They are:
common to all, since Buddhism believes that any-
one can get perfection or develop excellence of 9. To refrain from sitting on luxurious high chair
character. Those who are practitioners, they recite or sleeping on luxurious and soft bed, which
them daily to remind promises given by oneself in may cause overindulging in sleep (Sk.
the morning and evening. Any lay person can Uccāsana-mṛduśayyā-śayana)
undertake them voluntarily to facilitate practicing 10. To refrain from accepting gold (Sk. Suvarṇa),
Buddhism. These promises are: silver (Sk. Rajata), and/or money (Sk. Mudrā)

1. To refrain from destroying life of any sentient Over and above these ten precepts/moral
being, i.e., killing excessively living creatures codes, there are 227 rules for ordained monks
(Sk. Pāṇātipāta) (Pāli-Bhikkhus) and 311 for nuns (Pāli-
2. To refrain from taking that which is not given, Bhikkhuṇī ), known as codes of disciplining for
i.e., stealing (Sk. Adinnādanā) release (Pāli- Pātimokkha) and [5] discussed in
3. To refrain from sexual misconduct, i.e., illicit detail in the Vinaya-Piṭaka. It is with reference to
sex (Sk. Kāmesu-micchācāra) practicing these codes strictly or flexibly that there
Śīla 1113

were disputes between Sthaviravādins and understanding (Sk. Prajñā), and further, wisdom
Mahāsāṁghikas of Buddhism. is seen in practicing moral character (Sk. Śīla).
In practicing these codes, one concentrates on Right comprehension and insightful understand-
refraining or abstaining from evil tendencies prev- ing are the indicators of wisdom in behavior [6].
alent within each one by nature, which are likely The three modes of training (Sk. Tri-Śikṣā),
to predominate, and because of which one expe- namely, wisdom/insight (Sk. Prajñā), character/
riences pain and suffering further. Moreover, by morality (Sk. Śī la), and meditation/concentration
observing these promises as daily practices, one (Sk. Samādhi) are also known as precious touch-
attempts to reduce predominance of instincts and stones of perfection/jewels of ideal personality
regulates passions to develop moral virtues, which (Sk. Tri-ratnas). It is, perhaps, because before
lead to perfection or excellence. Here, it is impor- getting introduced or knowing the Buddhist way
tant to note that Buddhist regulations emphasize of life, they are the modes of training (Sk. Adhi/
on individual conduct and concentrate on per- Tri-Śikṣā), but after learning/getting command
sonal/individual aspect of life to be morally over them, they turn out to be the indicators
governed first and, through collection of such of what one has been learnt through practicing
individuals who are observing ethical codes, moral conduct/actual behavior and form virtuous
hope to build a society. These codes are facilita- characteristics of an individual having precious
tive and conducive to practice Buddhist way of jewels of ideal perfection (Sk. Tri-ratnas).
life for any lay person who desires to follow it by Buddhist ethics is based on these Tri-ratnas,
conviction. In the context of Eightfold Path (Sk. which enables one to learn the importance of
Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) in general and right action (Sk. responsibility, accountability, and independence.
Samyak-Karmānta) in particular, Gautama the They are the three aspects of personality that
Buddha has explained five precepts (Sk. Pañca- are interlinked or interdependent. They are not
Śī la) and ten precepts (Sk. Daśa-Śī la), respec- mutually exclusive, but they conjointly form the
tively. Eightfold Path (Sk. Aṣṭāṅgika-mārga) is core of teaching of the Buddha and operate as
nothing else but a way to control/destroy pain indicators of the development of personality.
and suffering (Sk. Duḥkha-nirodha-gāminī - They are the avenues of becoming free from
pratipad) innovatively discovered by the Buddha pain and suffering (Sk. Duḥkha) and mundane
and taught to all his disciples – known and life/world (Sk. Saṁsāra). They are relevant uni-
unknown, universally. versally with regard to all and give hope to all by
In Buddhism, ideal personality could be built reminding the potentiality to attain the state of
from the three avenues provided by the Buddha emancipation (Sk. Nirvāṇa).
and training of spiritual life is insisted, which Śīla consists of positively adopting and
consists of the three modes of training (Sk. Adhi/ observing in practice wholesome actions (Sk.
Tri-Śikṣā), namely, character/morality (Sk. Śīla), Kuśala-Karma) that are associated with motives S
wisdom/insight (Sk. Prajñā), and meditation/con- and intensions. They have creative psychological
centration (Sk. Samādhi). Ideal/perfect moral con- and ethical basis. And, negatively, they make one
duct (Sk. Śī la) is essential for opening the cautious and refrain anybody from doing
possibility of getting insight/developing wisdom unwholesome actions (Sk. Akuśala-Karma),
(Sk. Prajñā) and then only further can one have respectively. For the Hī nayāna tradition of Bud-
meditation/concentration (Sk. Samādhi). Thus, dhism, good actions (Sk. Kuśala-Karmas) are
there is a sequential order of its enumeration those which are free from the three defilements,
(Sk. Anuloma) for the beginners, but for those namely, greed (Sk. Lobha), hate (Sk. Dveṣa), and
who have already developed control over one’s delusion (Sk. Moha). However, in the Mahāyāna
own conduct, it is indicated and can be verified in tradition of Buddhism, it has to be inspired posi-
their practice in converse order (Sk. Pratiloma), tively by compassion (Sk. Karuṇā) and benevo-
excellence in meditation/concentration (Sk. lent love (Sk. Maitrī ) as well [7]. In the
Samādhi) is reflected in the insightful Mahāyāna tradition, positive development of
1114 Śīla-śiksā
˙

virtues and ideal personality development are 4. (1995) Sāmaññaphala-Sutta (Dīgha-Nikāya-II),

stressed more by practicing virtues par excellence Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version-
3). Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri
(Sk. Pāramitās). Freedom to grow and develop is 5. (1995) Pātimokkha, Vinaya-Piṭaka, Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha
ethically based on true independence and equality Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version-3). Vipassana
without any kind of discrimination, but it is Research Institute, Igatpuri
embedded by responsibility and accountability 6. Kasyapa BJ (ed) (1961) Dīgha-Nikāya. Pali Text Pub-
lication Board, Bihar Govt, Nalanda
because, freedom is not to be confused with licen- 7. Vaidya PL (ed) (1961) Śāntīdeva’s Bodhicaryāvatāra
tiousness. On the contrary, in the Hī nayāna tradi- (with Pañjikā of Prajñakaramati). Mithila Institute,
tion, emphasis seems to be on wholesome/ Darbhanga
unwholesome actions (Sk. Kuśala/Akuśala-
Karmas) and the five/ten precepts (Sk. Śīlas –
Pañca or Daśa), respectively. Mahāyānists prefer
to consider virtues par excellence (Sk. Pāramitās) Śīla-śiksā
more and perhaps because of this, in the list of ˙
virtues (Sk. Pāramitās), character/morality (Śīla) ▶ Śī la
gets second enumerative important status.

Cross-References Silulin

▶ Aṣṭāṅgamārga ▶ Sārnāth
▶ Ārya Satyāni
▶ Bodhi
▶ Dharma
▶ Duḥkha Silun
▶ Karma
▶ Karuṇā ▶ Sārnāth
▶ Mahāsāṅghika
▶ Nirvāṇa
▶ Pañca-Śī la
▶ Pāṭimokkha Sin (Buddhism)
▶ Pāramitās
▶ Prajñā Madhumita Chattopadhyay
▶ Saṃsāra Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
▶ Samadhi-Marana Kolkata, West Bengal, India
▶ Upāsaka
▶ Uposatha
Synonyms
References Pāpa, evil action
1. (1995) Majjhima-Nikāya, Tipiṭaka, Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana
edn (CD-ROM Version-3). Vipassana Research Insti-
tute, Igatpuri Definition
2. Deo AN (1901) Bauddha-Dharma-Darsana (in Hindi),
2nd edn. Bihar Rashtrabhasa Parisad, Patna
3. (1995) Khuddakapāṭha, Aṅguttara-Nikāya, Tipiṭaka,
Sin stands for the evil elements that defile the
Chaṭṭha Saṇgāyana edn (CD-ROM Version-3). mind and have a bad effect on the psyche making
Vipassana Research Institute, Igatpuri it difficult to attain the stage of enlightenment.
Sin (Buddhism) 1115

Nature of Sin great sins (mahāpāpa). The Buddhist texts also

consider some acts as root sins. For example, in
The term “sin” does not have any special conno- the Akāsa- garbha sūtra, five root sins have been
tation in Buddhism, as it has in major theistic elaborately discussed. The first one is stealing the
religions like Christianity, Judaism, or Islam. In goods from a stūpa, the second one is showing
all these religions, the general belief is that sins are disrespect or hatred to the dharma or creating any
individual actions which are contrary to the will of hindrance to the moral order, the third one is
God or to the will of the Supreme Being. As disobeying a monk in the form of taking away
Buddhism does not believe in any personal God his saffron robes or sending him to prison or to kill
or any Supreme Being, the word “pāpa, apuñña” him, the fourth one is taking the life of a relative or
or sin stands for the evil elements that defile the a monk or an Arhat, and the fifth one is either
mind and have a deadening effect on the psyche himself following the paths of unrighteousness or
making it difficult for its upliftment. In the to indulge others to do so.
Theravāda tradition, the mind (manas or citta) is Apart from these root sins, other types of sins
considered to be the most important factor in the are also mentioned in the same sūtra, like creating
determination of the moral quality of an action. If divisions in villages, districts, town, or kingdom.
an individual performs or acts with an evil or The text Śikṣāsamuccaya [3] speaks of eight root
wicked mind, suffering follows as the conse- sins which cause the young men and women, the
quence [1]. Accordingly in the different Buddhist Bodhisattvas, to stumble and which destroy the
texts, advice has been given to get rid of all kinds merits they have earned in their past lives. These
of evils or sins. It has been said that greed (lobha), are disrespect shown to Buddhas, laws, ascetics,
attraction (rāga), hatred (dosa), and delusion Pratyekabuddhas, Bodhisattvas, and to those who
(moha) are the sources of all kinds of evil acts uttered the Good Law. It also includes disrespect
[2]. There are ten kinds of evil acts (pāpa): three shown to one’s parents and also to other virtuous
related to the body, namely, killing, stealing, and persons. The Śikṣāsamuccaya refers to the
sexual misconduct; four related to speech (vāk), Suvarṇaprabhāsottama Sūtra where it has been
namely, lying, slandering, and use of harsh words shown that sins may occur in other ways also. For
and frivolous words; and three related to mind example, sins done in one birth might be accumu-
(manas), namely, covetousness, ill will, and false lated in the series of subsequent births with vari-
views. These ten types of acts done with the ous embodiments. Sins may occur also by
body or the speech or thought are evil or pāpa in association with a bad friend or out of fear and
the sense that they bring about undesired result. passion, by fault or delusion. However, sin occur-
The Buddhists believe that a single act of evil has ring in connection with hatred has been regarded
the ability to remove all the merits acquired as the great root sin. This is because sin connected
through the performance of good acts. So it is with hatred makes for the abandonment of people. S
absolutely essential to free one’s mind from all The Upāli–paripṛcchā-sūtra considers sin
sorts of evils ( pāpā cittam nivāraye). To show the connected with delusion (moha) to be similar to
importance of avoidance of evils, the analogy of sin connected with hatred since both of them are
a merchant carrying lots of wealth but small very heinous in nature. In the Sutta-Nipāta [4], it
escorts is given. Just as a merchant with great has been pointed out that the ignorant persons
wealth but small escorts avoids the perilous out of delusion get involved in sins or evil
route or just as a man willing to live avoids poi- actions and also induce others to such sinful
son, similarly, it is the duty of all to shun evil acts. Thus, the main cause of sin can be found
things [1]. in ignorance. Hence, to avoid sins, ignorance is
The Upanisadic seers speak of the acts of steal- to be removed. The Dhammasangāni [5] regard
ing (especially gold), drinking liquor, dishonoring five acts – matricide, parricide, slaying an Arhat,
one’s teacher, and murdering a Brāhmana as the slaying a Buddha, and causing division among
most heinous acts. These are considered to be the priesthood to be five unpardonable sins.
1116 Sineru

However, the Buddhists admit cases where com- Cross-References

mitting an act which is generally considered to
be sinful has not been looked upon as sins. For ▶ Dhammapada
example, the Śikṣāsamuccaya refers to the text ▶ Evil (Buddhism)
Ratnamegha where it has been specifically said ▶ Good (Buddhism)
that the slaying of a man who was intending to ▶ Kilesa (Kleśa)
commit a deadly sin is permissible. The same
idea has been upheld in the Śrāvaka-vinaya
where it has been said that there is no sin in References
the releasing of animals for the sake of pity. In
short, the Buddhists think that such slaying 1. Narada Thera (1978) The Dhammapada: a translation.
though apparently seems to be sinful is not really B.M.S Publication, Colombo
2. Santideva (1995) Santideva: the Bodhicaryavatara
sinful for it actually puts an end to further deadly
(trans: Crosby K, Skilton A). Oxford University Press,
sins. It would be wrong to think that to avoid sin, Oxford
the general recommendation of the Buddhists 3. Santideva (1999) Śikṣāsamuccaya: a compendium
would be to get involved in some other similar of Buddhist doctrine compiled by Santideva
(trans: Bendall C, Rouse WHD). Motilal Banarsidass,
action. Rather, their attitude in this regard would
Delhi
be frank confession of the sin committed. 4. Max Muller F, Fausboll (tr) (1881) Sacred books of the
Depending on the nature of the sin, prescription east: the Dhammapada & Sutta Nipata, vol 10. The
has been made as regards the audience or per- Clarendon Press, Oxford
5. Rhys Davids CAF (2003) Buddhist manual of psycho-
sons before whom the confession has to be
logical ethics. Kessinger, Montana
made. For example, in the Upāli–paripṛcchā-
sūtra, it has been pointed out that confession
for the sin of evil thought is to be made before
one or two persons while committing the five
unpardonable sins require confession in the pres- Sineru
ence of the 35 blessed Buddhas or by calling
upon their names day and night and by engaging ▶ Meru (Buddhism)
in the recitation of the dharma and entering into
meditation. It may, however, not be possible for
all beings, even the multitude of the ascetics and
the Pratyekabuddhas, to recite the names of so- Six Perfections
many blessed Buddhas day and night or get
involved in meditation to purify themselves ▶ Pāramitā
from all the sins committed. Here also, the rec-
ommendation of the Buddhists is to get
acquainted with the sacred books. Moreover, if
through practice, one is able to have an idea of
what is sin and what is not and also of what is Skanda
discipline and what is not and of what is impu-
rity and what is purification, then through that ▶ Khandha
knowledge, one will be able to get rid of the
effects of past evil actions. In short, the Bud-
dhists do not simply stop by pointing to the sins
committed by a person, but at the same time, Skandha
they have suggested ways for the removal of
such sins. ▶ Khandha
Skepticism 1117

skeptics, since they challenge the other sources of

Skepticism knowledge, after accepting the validity of sense-
perception. On the other hand, extreme form
Madhumita Chattopadhyay of skepticism is found in the philosophy of the
Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University, Mādhyamika thinker Nāgārjuna, who has chal-
Kolkata, West Bengal, India lenged the validity of every mode of knowing.
To illustrate how the skeptics work in refuting
the views of others, the arguments offered
Synonyms by Nāgārjuna to refute the possibility of knowl-
edge may be considered in brief. In his
Doubtfulness; Dubiety; Hesitancy; Incredibility Vigrahavyāvartanī , the view of absolute skepti-
cism or extreme skepticism is established with the
help of arguments. From verses 30–51, he tries to
Definition show with different arguments that anything
called pramāṇa does not exist, and hence one
The view that is unconvinced of the truth of cannot speak of the existence of objects
a particular fact or denies the possibility of knowl- apprehended through such pramāṇas. In almost
edge; doctrine of persons who take cynical views all the schools of Indian philosophy, the authority
regarding knowledge. of the pramāṇas is accepted unquestioningly
(though there might be controversy regarding the
nature and number of such pramāṇas) and it is on
Buddhist View on Skepticism the basis of the pramāṇa that objects in the reality
are admitted. The Mādhyamika philosophers
Skepticism is a critical philosophical attitude throw a challenge to this basic assumption, by
questioning the reliability of the knowledge claims questioning the authenticity of the pramāṇas
made by philosophers and others. Skepticism themselves: How are the pramāṇas themselves
unlike dogmatism questions the possibility of established? There can be two answers to this
knowledge either in its general form or in any one question – first, the pramāṇas are established
or other of its accepted varieties. To the skeptic, the without the help of any other pramāṇa or they
ordinarily accepted methods of knowing like per- are established with the help of other pramāṇas.
ception, inferences, etc., appear to be highly ques- In either of the case, one is faced with grave
tionable. They hold that it is a mistake for the consequences. First, if it is said that the pramāṇas
dogmatist to claim to have true knowledge about are established without the help of pramāṇas, then
any entity without examining ways through which the proposition that all objects are established
an object is claimed to be known. through pramāṇas cannot be maintained, since S
In the West, skepticism, starting from the days the pramāṇas or the means of cognition them-
of the Greek period to the modern ages, has been selves are objects (artha). To avoid this conse-
prescribed in different forms. There are some skep- quence, if the second alternative is accepted, that
tics who do not raise doubt on all the ways of is, if it is said that the pramāṇas themselves are
knowing, but only on one or more of them. This established with the help of other pramāṇas, one
type of skepticism is regarded as moderate skepti- gets involved in infinite regress. In that case, there
cism. As contrasted with them, there are others who would not be any beginning of the process. Since
do not admit authenticity of any cognitive method the pramāṇas are established through other
and even challenge the validity of sense-percep- pramāṇas, and those others again through others,
tion. Accordingly, their view is known as “absolute there cannot be any beginning. And when there is
skepticism.” Thus, among the philosophers known no beginning, there cannot be any middle, nor can
to us, the Cārvākas can be regarded as moderate there be an end. Consequently, the statement that
1118 Śı̄la-samādhi-prajñā

the pramāṇas are established through other speak of the pramāṇas as pramāṇas. Nor can the
pramāṇas does not stand. To avoid the fallacy of pramāṇas be established in terms of the prameyas.
infinite regress, if it is said that the pramāṇas are So all these arguments show that the pramāṇas are
themselves established without any pramāṇa, not established by themselves, nor by anything
then that cannot be accepted also. For in the first else, nor by other pramāṇas, nor even by the
place, the position that everything is established prameyas. In short, one cannot speak of pramāṇas
through pramāṇa will not hold. Secondly, there at all. And this holds for all the pramāṇas or
will be discordance, since it is to be said that some sources of knowledge, irrespective of whether the
objects are established through pramāṇas while pramāṇa is perception, inference, comparison, tes-
some objects are not, and the special reason has to timony, or anything else. So, the position holds that
be provided as to why some objects can be knowledge is not possible at all.
established through pramāṇa and some cannot.
But no philosopher has presented such special
Cross-References
reasons. So this alternative is not acceptable.
To save the situation, one may give the analogy
▶ Ajita Keśakambali
of fire and say that just as fire does not require any
▶ Knowledge (Buddhism)
other object to illuminate itself while illuminating
▶ Logic (Buddhism)
others, pramāṇas do not need the help of any other
▶ Mādhyamika
pramāṇa to establish themselves. Nāgārjuna’s
▶ Nāgārjuna
observation here is that such an argument also
cannot be accepted, since it rests on a false propo-
sition. Fire is not illuminated by itself in the way an References
object pot is illuminated. Before being illuminated
by fire, the object pot is first not perceived in 1. Bhattacharyya (Chakrabarti) B (1987) Absolute skepti-
cism: eastern and western. Prajñā, Calcutta
darkness. Then being illuminated by fire, it is per-
2. Bhattacharyya K (1978) The dialectical method of
ceived. Hence, it is said that the pot is illuminated Nāgārjuna. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
by fire. In the same manner, if it is to be said that 3. Vaidya PL (1960) Mulamadhyamakasastra of
fire is illuminated by fire, then it has to be the case Nagarjuna, The Mithila Institute of Post-graduate
Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, Darbhanga
that before being illuminated by fire, fire existed in
darkness and was not perceived, and then it were
illuminated. But such a thing never happens.
Therefore, this assumption that fire illuminates
itself does not stand. There is another problem Śı̄la-samādhi-prajñā
also in this assumption. If it is said that fire illumi-
nates itself just as it illuminates others, it has to be ▶ Ethics (Buddhism)
said that fire can burn itself just as it can burn other
objects, which is also impossible. Accordingly, the
statement that fire illuminates itself as it illuminates
others cannot be admitted. Since the basic state- Slaves (Buddhism)
ment is false, comparison of pramāṇa with fire
does not stand. Those who are in favor of the Madhumita Chattopadhyay
pramāṇa theories may argue that without taking Department of Philosophy, Jadavpur University,
the help of any analogy, it can simply be said that Kolkata, West Bengal, India
the pramāṇas are self-established. That is, the
means of valid cognition are established indepen-
dently of the objects of true cognition. But this Synonyms
view also is not justified. For, in that case there
will be nothing with reference to which one can Dāsa; Servants
Slaves (Buddhism) 1119

Definition kingdoms. At the end of such a war or battle, the

citizens of the defeated kingdom were captured
Slaves are persons born of a low class and and reduced to slavery by the conquerors [3].
purchased through wealth (dhana) for the Another possible reason for slavery was judicial
purpose of getting service in household activities punishment – that is, someone might have been
and other activities where physical labor is deprived of freedom as a kind of judicial punish-
required. ment [4]; another reason was hereditary, that is,
the children of the slaves were considered as
slaves. Apart from all these reasons, there was
Slaves another possibility – someone could opt for slav-
ery out of his own choices.
In the early days of Buddhism, society was The most explicit treatment on slavery is found
divided among four classes of people – the in the Vinaya text [5] in connection with the
khattiya (kṣatriya) or the warrior class, the discussion on the restrictions of ordination.
brāhmaṇa or the priests, the vessa (vaiśya) or There it has been stated categorically that a slave
the ordinary citizens, and the suddas (śūdra) or cannot be ordained as a bhikkhu (dāso na
the people who were engaged in lower profession pabbājetabbo). However, in the Vinaya text, no
or to some acts which were considered to be low explicit reason has been offered for such restric-
vocation (hī nasippāni) [1]. All these people were tion. The probable reason that can be suggested is
free citizens, that is, they could do their works that the bhikkhus were not allowed to be the owner
according to their own will. They could exert of anything. Slaves were considered to be objects
their own wish or choices for choosing owned. Naturally the bhikkhus who were
a particular profession or doing a particular act. prohibited from having anything of their own
In addition to these people, there were some who could not have slaves. And since the slaves did
were not allowed any freedom; this group of peo- not have any freedom of their own, they were
ple was known as the dāsa or the slaves. debarred from ordination, because only persons
Buddhaghosa in his commentary Sumangala- with free choice could opt for becoming
vilāsini defines a slave as antojāta, one who is a bhikkhu. In short, in the Buddhist literature,
born to a low class. In another context of the same slave ownership was not considered to be any-
commentary, a more detailed account of a slave or thing different from ownership of other proper-
a dāsa can be found from which it is clear that ties. In fact, in the Buddhist society, stock
dāsa or slaves are persons purchased by money or description of wealth included ownership of
wealth. The definition is antojāta-dhanakkīta- slaves as also of other properties. And there were
karamarānī ta-samaṃ dāsabyaṇ upagatānaṇ also instances where the gifts offered to Lord
aññataro [2] – that is, slaves are those born of Buddha included slaves, both male and female, S
a low class and are purchased through wealth along with other gift items.
(dhana) for the purpose of getting service and in In spite of the presence of slave systems in
this respect are different from other classes of Buddhist society, it would be wrong to say that
people. From this definition of Buddhaghosa, it slaves were ill-treated as is heard of in other West-
can be said that slaves were persons purchased for ern countries, for example, in the Christian soci-
some money. This account of slaves is also found ety, the life of slave was one of misery and
in the Jātaka stories where it is mentioned that oppression. But in the Buddhist society, slaves
a dāsa was purchased for 700 kahāpaṇas (cur- were household servants and not badly treated.
rency of those days). But this is not the only way The only case of slave oppression recorded in
of obtaining a dāsa or the only reason for some- Buddhist literature is found in the Jātaka stories
one’s being regarded as a dāsa; there were other where a slave girl was let out to work for wages
reasons as well. One possible way was through but had to return home without receiving any
war or battle between two countries or two money [6]. In most cases, the slaves were looked
1120 Smrtyupasthāna
˙

upon as members appointed for doing household

works or as laborers who can offer physical labor Smrtyupasthāna
for daily works. As such in different texts like the ˙
Dīgha Nikāya or the Vinaya texts, the slaves have ▶ Satipaṭṭhāna
been referred to as kammakaro (dāso kammakaro
or dāsa ca kammakarā). It has been repeatedly
advised to the common people to behave well
with the servants. The Sigālovāda Sutta of the Socially Engaged Buddhism
Dīgha Nikāya recommended that a person must
look after his servants in a humanitarian way “by ▶ Engaged Buddhism
arranging their work according to their strength,
by supplying them with food and wages, by
looking after them when they are ill, by sharing
delicacies with them, and by letting them off work Sociology (Buddhism)
at right time.” The dāsas were also advised to be
diligent and honest in return and try to uphold the Renuka Singh
employer’s reputation [7]. Similar advice is found Department of Sociology, Centre for the Study of
in the rock edifices of King Aśoka. In short, the Social Systems, School of Social Sciences,
position of the slaves was not considered to be Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
derogatory in the Buddhist society. This gets con-
firmed by the fact that people of the higher classes
or castes did not feel themselves dishonored or Definition
degraded to call themselves dāsa or servant of
Lord Buddha. Sociology of religion is primarily the study of the
practices, social structures, historical backgrounds,
development, universal themes, and roles of reli-
gion in society; in this context, Buddhism is held as
Cross-References a religion that deals with salvation.
Sociology can be traced back to enlightenment
▶ Engaged Buddhism thought, shortly after the French Revolution, as
▶ Justice a positivist science of society. Its genesis is owed
to various key movements in the philosophies of
science and knowledge [7]. Social analysis in
References a broader sense, however, has origins within the
generic gamut of philosophy and necessarily pre-
1. Kalupahana D (2008) Ethics in early Buddhism. Motilal dates the field. The emergence of modern aca-
Banarsidass, Delhi demic sociology has been catalyzed by factors
2. Rhys Davids TW, Stede W (1975) Pāli-English dictio-
nary. Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, Delhi
such as modernity, capitalism, urbanization,
3. Rhys Davids TW (1911) Buddhist India. T. Fischer rationalization, and secularization, and bears
Unwin, London a particularly strong interest in the emergence of
4. Rhys Davids TW (2001) Dialogues of the Buddha. Low the modern nation state – its constituent institu-
Price Publications, Delhi
5. Rhys Davids TW, Oldenberg H (tr) (1996) Vinaya Texts
tions, its units of socialization, and its means of
(in 3 vols) published in the series Sacred books of the surveillance. A manifest preference of modernity
east, vols 13, 17, 20 (ed. MaxMuller). Motilal over enlightenment then is one of the chief
Banarsidass, Delhi distinguishing features of sociology.
6. Mookerji RK (1958) Local Government in ancient
India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi
Sociology acquired a keen diversified and
7. Harvey P (2000) An introduction to Buddhist ethics. expansionist tendency, in terms of topic as well
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge as of methodology. Such a tendency is attributed
Sociology (Buddhism) 1121

to a protracted opposition to empiricism [7]. His- nineteenth-century nomothetic ambition. Sociol-

tory is wrought with thriving debates marking the ogists of religion have in general been committed
distinction between structure and agency and the to a would-be scientific analysis of the role played
relative supremacy of one over the other. Contem- by religion in the emergence, persistence, and
porary social theorists have tended toward the evolution of social and cultural systems [13].
attempt to reconcile such quagmires. While post- The sociology of religion is primarily the study
modernist trends in recent years have seen a rise in of the practices, social structures, historical back-
highly abstracted theory, new quantitative data grounds, development, universal themes, and
collection methods have also emerged, mostly roles of religion in society [9]. Sociologists of
for dealing with various ethnocentric issues. religion attempt to explain the effects of society
Despite being a derivative of sociology, the on religion and the effects of religion on society,
method of social research has quickly cut itself in other words, their dialectical relationship [2].
a niche in the very heart of social sciences as it has The historical background and, therefore, the
gained the repute of becoming a uniform analyti- respective philosophy and theology of the era,
cal tool across myriad fields of social sciences. and consecutively, the intellectual, scientific, and
This, in turn, has bestowed on social science the eventually the rationalist arguments help to under-
status of an umbrella discipline, with a broad stand the contemporary religious fields [4]. The
gamut, including diverse sciences dealing with trajectory through the functional and positivist
every human phenomenon. approach of th