Prague Journal of English Studies

Volume 6, No. 1, 2017

ISSN: 1804-8722 (print)
'2,10.1515/pjes-2017-0001 ISSN: 2336-2685 (online)

A Woman Traveller in the Moorish Sanctum:

A Look at Emily Keene, Shareefa of Wazzan’s
My Life Story

Lahoucine Aammari

Emily Keene’s My Life Story (1911) is a unique travel account as it is written by an

Englishwoman, which puts the travelogue in the ambit of female travel narratives.
She married a Moorish notable, Sidi Al-Hadj Abd al-Salam, the Shareef of Wazzan,
spending, hence, more than four decades amongst the Moors in pre-protectorate
Morocco or the “Land of the Furthest West”. For more than four decades, Keene
managed to live on the cusp of two starkly different cultures, civilizations, religions and
societies. Keene was fascinated by the atavistic Moroccan customs and the metaphysical
world of the Moors. e man she married epitomized these purely aspired elements.
Keene was mesmerized and enchanted by the Moors, their culture and traditions,
but at the same time she adhered to her own culture, moving, hence, between two
acutely different identities. As an Englishwoman in the Moorish sanctum, Keene
was virtually seen by most of the Moors as a Christian from “Bilad al-Nassara” or an
“Abode of Disbelief ”.

Keywords
Travel Writing; Emily Keene; Shareef of Wazzan; the Moors; Oriental desire;
ambivalence; identity

Introduction

Travel literature is an interdisciplinary genre that, recently, has become

an important area of study; it is currently a flourishing literary field:
ubiquitous, highly popular, and, most importantly perhaps, unavoidable.
It is a characteristically rich source and a vast archive for investigating and
exploring many issues and archetypal themes and their inter-relationships. In
his introduction to his groundbreaking Culture and Imperialism (1993), Edward
W. Said elucidates the intrinsic relationship between culture and empire.

9
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

Said focuses mainly on some metropolitan cultural forms such as novels and
travelogues which are quintessentially unquestionable in western culture in
the formation of imperial attitudes, references and experiences. He dwells
upon how such genres (fictional and otherwise) relentlessly contributed to
energizing the myth of empire in the era of full-blown empire, and how some
novelists, dramatists, travel writers and painters, etc., regard themselves as the
emissaries of civilization as a subterfuge for hegemony and empire. In this
vein, travel writing as a discourse is closely intertwined with the signifying
practices of imperialist discourse, postcolonialism and many other contested
issues besides. According to Julia Kuehn and Paul Smethurst, “‘[t]ravel’
would henceforth provide a rich source of metaphor in theory-based critical
practice. Indeed, it supplied much of the lexicon: displacement, (re-)location,
(de-)territorialization, mapping, topology, boundaries, space, place, mobility
and so on” (1-2).
Michael Kowaleswski, a pundit and an erudite scholar in the field of
travel writing, points out that one of the main features of travel literature
lies in its fluidity and openness. He also demonstrates that this genre resists
specific, perhaps essentialist, forms of definition on account of its impressively
heterogeneous character (43). In the main, travel writing has acquired a new
relevance and prestige as a genre that can vociferously proffer important
insights into the oen fraught encounters and interactions taking place
between cultures because most of all journeys and travels are an encounter,
and sometimes a confrontation, with what is usually termed alterity; all travel
requires us to negotiate a complex and sometimes unsettling interplay between
alterity and identity, difference and similarity.
“Travel book” is a very loose generic label, and has always embraced
a bewilderingly diverse range of material. is is especially the case as one
moves back in time to consider travel writing in its earlier manifestations.
Concurrently, and partly as a result of a discursive heterogeneity, travel writing
has always sustained a complex and confusing relationship with a number of
closely related and oen overlapping branches of the humanities and social
sciences (Jonathan Raban 253-254). e term can also expose transactions
of cultural and political power, helping us thus to demystify imperialism, its
aermath and the effects it wreaked upon weak people and many an issue
besides.
In the 1970s and 80s, the burgeoning of scholarly and academic interest
in travel writing increased spectacularly; scholars and students working in

10
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

several different disciplines found the genre relevant to a broad gamut of

cultural, political and historical debates.
Travel writing and postcolonial studies are common bedfellows. e
first is a staple source for the second. Postcolonialism has many aims,
the commonest of which is to comprehend and contest the insidious and
deleterious consequences of the vast European colonialism of the nineteenth
and early twentieth century as an overarching, transhistorical practice, and to
decipher and critique travelogues’ longer ideological implications and their
imperialist undertone (Gregory 9; Campbell 261). Postcolonial critics have
thus sought to understand the process that first created, and now perpetuates
the inequalities and conflicts between Self and Other, West and Orient, and
they have also concerned themselves with intriguing questions germane to
how cultures portray each other and how they interact (ompson 3).
is article is premised upon the analysis of a British woman traveller’s,
Emily Keene’s travel account, My Life Story (1911), travel writing which
is interdisciplinary par excellence on the grounds that it brings into focus
anthropological, sociological, historical, political, cultural and religious issues.
Some of the latter are shed light upon in this article. First, the understanding
of the historico-social context under which this travel text was produced is
important, and it helps us to lay bare the traveller’s background. e way
Emily Keene represents her husband, who can be seen as the personification
of the Moorish character, the space the Shareefa and Shareef live in as the
signifier of the Self and the Other and of identity, her cultural encounters
with the Moors, their culture and traditions, and this Other’s perspectival
gaze towards a Christian woman in the land of Muslims are all issues that
are approached in this article.

About Emily Keene, her Marriage and her Account

Emily Keene, or the Shareefa of Wazzan, paid a visit to Morocco in the 1870s.
Before her marriage, “Emily was the British daughter of John Keene, the
governor of Surrey County Prison, and Emma Wharen, who claimed to be the
descendant of the archbishop of Canterbury” (Chaouch 276). She sojourned
to Morocco in 1872, at the age of twenty-one, as a governess to the famous
American millionaire of Greek origin, Ion Perdicaris, and his wife Ellen. e
reasons that prodded her to travel to Morocco indicate that she wanted to

11
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

escape from the stifling Victorian social and cultural values. e traveller
tried to avoid and dispose of the atmosphere of ennui and angst which was
so predominant in the late nineteenth century or specifically the fin de siècle
malaise. Emily Keene, like many travellers of the late nineteenth century, was
a belated traveller – though the writer was not a “traveller” in the strict sense
of the term – who sought the atavistic, the new and the arcane amongst the
Moors, who were perceived as the Oriental other and settled in a far-flung
and exotic place reminiscent of that of the Arabian Nights.
Once in Tangier, she drew the attention of a Moroccan notable, the Shareef
of Wazzan, who was so infatuated with her manners and beauty that he made
every attempt to win her love, leading to a marriage that lasted more than four
decades. Emily Keene married the Shareef of Wazzan, the leader of a sanctuary
in Wazzan, a sacred city which was regarded as a virtually verboten space for
Christians in precolonial Morocco. e word “Shareef” refers to a person
whose descent is claimed to be from the Prophet, and it is a denomination
which is saturated with esteem and even sanctity. Hence, Emily, a British
woman who had herself become part and parcel of a Moorish harem, won
the high rank of “Shareefa of Wazzan”. It was the outset of a new life in the
Moorish Empire that continued more than 70 years. Aer her husband died in
1892, Emily paid some visits to her homeland, England, where she published
her account, My Life Story (1911), recording what she experienced and saw
during her stay among the Moors.
When Emily first landed in Tangier, she did not expect at all that her life
would be changed upside down when she fell under the allure of the leader
of one of the greatest Moroccan lodges in the Morocco of the second half of
the nineteenth century. Emily’s impression of this notable was imbued with
haziness and fascination:

Who, then, was this man who has fascinated me? I used to meet him
coming from town, or returning to the mountain, where I was staying with
friends, and at length I learnt that it was the Grand Shareef of Wazzan,
but that did not convey much to me. I made a closer acquaintance at
some musical soirées, which he attended. I certainly thought I liked him,
he was so different from the few other Moors I had met. (Emily, Shareefa
of Wazzan 4)

e Shareef’s marriage was regarded as normal by the other Shareefs (or

“Shorfa”) of Wazzan because he had already departed from the bosom of

12
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

the Wazzan sanctuary to Tangier aer divorcing his wives because of his
Christian predilections. e last Shereef had alienated many of his followers.
It appears that he imbibed Western ideas, and had contracted the habit of
drinking, which the faithful forgave but could not overlook. As a result, he
was looked at with suspicion: “e Shareef continued these good offices for
some time aer his father’s death, and on the last occasion he was detained for
many months against his will, and became aware of a plot to constitute him
a State prisoner, his European predilections being looked upon as dangerous
to the welfare of the Empire” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 14). e Shareef’s
proclivities were accounted by different travellers, envoys and correspondents
who journeyed into Morocco at the end of the nineteenth century and who
managed to reach the city of Wazzan and meet the Wazzani notable.1
At the beginning, Emily refused the marriage on religious grounds, stressing
that it “was a difficult matter, and family opposition was strong on all sides”
(Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 1), but in the end she accepted because “life
would be impossible without him” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 5). With the
presence of her parents and under the eyes of John Drummond Hay, Emily’s
marriage took place at last under her conditions: the Shareef promised that
he would not marry again. In his Morocco as It is. With an Account of Sir Charles
Euan Smith’s Recent Mission to Fez (1893), Stephen Bonsal, a British traveller
and the correspondent of an American newspaper, gives an image of the
Shareefa by remarking that Emily was a very intelligent woman. On marrying
the Moorish saint, she had the good sense to include in the marriage contract
a clause to the effect that if the Shereef should at any time aerwards take to
his ample bosom a new wife, he would have to pay her, and again with each
repetition of his infidelity, a forfeit of twenty thousand dollars (Bonsal 168).
Also, she had the right to abide by her religion, to live in a coastal town,
to proffer her children suitable education, to benefit from her country’s
protection and to be buried in her homeland, Britain. Besides, she agreed
that her children would follow the religion of their father, Islam.

An Englishwoman amongst the Marabouts

Aer her marriage, Emily moved to settle in the sanctuary or “Zawiya” wherein
she discovered a new life. e Shareef’s abode was a shrine for many pilgrims
who flocked to be assisted with various troubles and problems. ese people
regarded the Shareef with awe and respect to the degree of sanctity. It was

13
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

in the sanctuary, where Emily “saw the litigant, the deserted wife, the sick,
the barren woman, all seeking consolation by blessings” (Emily, Shareefa of
Wazzan 6). Besides, the Shareef of Wazzan was an “homme-fétiche”, a fetish-
man, a healing totem, rather than a political leader.
e Marabouts’ sanctum was very strange to Emily at first, but she made
up her mind to learn their language in order to understand their culture, way
of life and customs. She managed to learn to speak the Tangerine dialect well.
Emily Keene had a very different perspective towards the Moorish topos;
this unique standpoint can be attributed to the fact that she did not have
any colonial enterprise during her settlement in Western Barbary. Quite the
contrary, she desired a far-flung space, the Moorish space as an embodiment
of something she was shorn of. She sought the atavistic, the fantastic and the
mysterious, and she felt that she was able to receive that during her settlement
in the sanctuary; she found what she wanted: peace, self-respect, placidity
and quietude. is religious brotherhood at the time had great social, cultural
and spiritual/religious authority.
roughout Moroccan history, a sanctuary has been a shrine for a host
of people who seek spiritual purification or other aims – at the end of the
nineteenth century, for instance, many criminals and those who shunned
paying taxes or committed a kind of peculation or embezzlement headed for
the sanctuary as a haven against an unbearable dungeon or the cruelty of the
local governors or “Qaids”. Emily Keene always showed her humanitarian
aid to those people who sought a remedy from different ailments because
the Moors regarded her as a powerful physician who could purify them from
various types of ailments. Indeed, during her stay among the Moroccans, Emily
was energetic and active, as she did her best to convince the Moors to cure
themselves and acquire medicine from a Christian and proffered them various
kinds of help. For Emily, the people considered her quite an authority on
their different ailments, particularly those of infants. She received her medical
knowledge from many medical men and missionaries that lived in or visited
Tangier and other Moroccan cities to spread their medical evangelization. She
demonstrated that she was able to increase her little pharmacy, and had the
satisfaction that many an infant had possibly had its sufferings assuaged by
timely aid. Men and women from all parts flocked to her once it became known
she had a medicine chest, and through practice she gained a certain amount
of knowledge. With the advent of medical missions, Emily endeavoured to
convince the people to patronize them, feeling sure they would obtain much
better advice than she could offer them (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 74).

14
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

Getting cured by a Christian at the time was a common verboten act among
the Moors, for they thought that the purpose of the Christians was to poison
and wipe out Muslims: “At first this method was very difficult, and many
a bottle of medicine or box of pills was brought to me to assure the owner that
it contained no poison, as they had been told that the object of the Christians
was to annihilate all Mohammedans” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 74). is
kind of suspicion and distrust towards Christians and the latter’s detrimental
purposes in the “Land of the Moors” reached their pinnacle at the turn of the
nineteenth century. As a conspicuous example in this vein is what happened
to Dr Émile Mauchamp, a physician, secret agent and amateur ethnographer
of the French government, in 1907, who was beaten to death by a Muslim
mob in the Moroccan city of Marrakesh. Aer clubbing him to death and
crushing his head, the crowd dragged the naked corpse of Mauchamp by the
neck through the city streets on a rope. is gruesome spectacle served as
one pretext, among others, for the French invasion of Oujda in 1907 and the
establishment of a French protectorate in Morocco in 1912. At his funeral,
the French Minister of Foreign Affairs eulogized Mauchamp as “civilization’s
martyr” to a fanatical Islamic hatred of science.
In this vein, from most of the Moors’ standpoint, the Shareef personified
the traditional indigenous systems of healing which were predicated upon
saintly healing in contradistinction to Emily’s practices which were scientific
and rational. ese Moors looked at her as a Christian whose main purpose
was to poison Muslims and taint their healing practices. So, we have a kind
of contested binary construct between tradition and modernity, Occident
and Orient, nature and culture. Most Moroccan pilgrims looked distrustfully
at Emily and they regarded her as a Christian from “Bilad Al-Nasara” or an
“Abode of Disbelief”. ey envisioned her as a person embodying some
traits that went against their Shareef’s. In this respect, we can posit that these
Moroccans considered saintly healing as a social ritual rather than “real”
medicine for “real” diseases.

The Shareef of Wazzan: “he was so different from the

few other Moors”

When Emily Keene talks about the Shareef of Wazzan, she does not spare
any effort to show her admiration and fascination because simply “he was
so different from the few other Moors”, and he was very intelligent indeed.

15
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

Regardless of the fact that the Shereef was the leader of a very influential
lodge in Morocco of the second half of the nineteenth century, he did not stop
manifesting his European predilections and desire for all that was European.
Al Hadj Abdesalam’s European interests were nothing new; when he was a boy
he was constantly criticized by his father because of his “liberal views” and he
totally ignored his position as the future “Khalifate” of the sanctuary. When
he became the leader of the lodge, he almost le “the House of Surety” (Dar
Damana) to settle in Tangier because the latter was seen as the personification
of European life. e Shareef was extremely liberal and he did not stop his
wife from eating food that was forbidden in Islam; he went with her to do her
prayers in the church. Besides, the Shareef was also different because of both
the material and spiritual power he possessed: “e position that he occupied
was similar to that held by the Popes when they enjoyed the temporal power,
but with an added sanctity derived from his descent as a Shareef” (Graham
ix).
Most critics who are interested in the history of Moroccan lodges – either
Moroccan critics or foreign ones – agree on the idea that one should delve
into the main roots by returning back to the movement of mysticism that
penetrated Moroccan society starting from the twelh century. Mysticism
had appeared in the Near East as a reaction to the secularized direction Islam
had taken over the years. It first appeared as asceticism. By the time it had
reached Morocco, it had already begun to produce a number of men (not
Shorfa) claiming to have become one with Allah and thus possessing a spiritual
power. is was the essence of mysticism. Initially, in both the Near East and
Morocco, this Islamic “reformation” was associated with intellectual centres
and produced a number of scholarly works on the nature of the world and of
God. is mysticism flourished with the downfall of the Watasiyin dynasty,
a fact which caused a great transformation in the religious history of this
people in favour of a popular mysticism, the main component of which is
submission and acquiescence.
Baraka, a kind of blessing or divine power, means a supernatural power
facilitating beneficent and miraculous acts. is spiritual power was initially
associated with sacred men, “Shorfa”. In the succeeding years of Arab decline,
Morocco was settled by a number of these sacred men. Most Moroccans
would submit themselves to their rule. For many Berbers, even though not
completely affected by Islam, the spiritual power possessed by these men was
immediately respected. “Compromised” Muslims though they were, Islam was
now a part of their culture. ey selected those aspects of it which provided

16
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

them with new means for coping with their daily lives. e blessing associated
with these sacred men was complementary to honour, and this blessing could
be achieved only by the Marabout or the Shareef. is was an attribute which
some could obtain without the other: there is the “baraka” of the Marabout
and the “baraka” of the Sultan. e lodge contributed directly or otherwise
in rooting the main symbolic bases of Makhzen. To borrow Pierre Bourdieu’s
own words, the symbolic and capital powers the Sultan possessed prodded
an array of pretenders, saints and Mahdis to challenge the Sultan for power.
e numerous religious brotherhoods were more powerful than the Sultan
and were true directors of Muslim souls and sorts of theocratic states. e
Sultan of Morocco could not do without the support of the “Shorfa”. Some
of the latter even gave the sultan a kind of public investiture, like the Shareef
of Wazzan himself.2
Emily Keene was moving away from the centre and its culture which was
a corollary of a civilization that only produced anarchy and philistinism. At
the end of the nineteenth century, there was an escape to the fantastic, the
imaginative, and, in turn, the non-western. In an article called “Late Victorian
to Modernist: 1880-1930”, Bernard Bergonzi writes: “In fiction, the fin de siècle
mood of withdrawal from everyday reality and the pursuit of a higher world
of myth and art and imagination led to a taste for fictional romances” (356).
In this manner, the world the traveller reports on will oen be foreign, but as
Barbara Korte writes in her English Travel Writing from Pilgrimages to Postcolonial
Explorations, “the traveller’s own country may equally be the object of his
or her investigation. Accounts of travel let us participate in acts of (inter)
cultural perception and cultural construction, in processes of understanding
and misunderstanding” (5).
e representation of the other or the desire for this other is a desire for
self-recognition and self-realization on the part of the traveller. e travelling
first-person narrator not only looks at those who inhabit the places through
which he or she passes, but views them in ways that throw light on his or
her own anxieties and desires and of the home culture. Keene moves then to
Morocco, a far-flung space that is regarded as a place like the one depicted
in the Arabian Nights.
Emily married the Shareef because he was an archetype of spirituality and
the purification of the self from all of those taints. He was the spiritual leader
that she tried to follow and hold as a model. Also, the house he lived in was
very symbolic. She saw that the Shareef was a much respected person among
the Moors, for always they came to his abode to seek a kind of blessing for

17
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

whatever problem they had. She saw that people cooperated and helped each
other. ey were a symbol of solidarity and symbiosis. Emily Keene married
the Shareef and she aspired through him to become familiar with those who
surrounded him and to get in contact with them. She saw how people came
and kissed the Shareef, seeking a kind of remedy for their problems. In his
A Visit to Wazzan: e Sacred City of Morocco, Robert Spence Watson succinctly
described that ambience when he wrote, “the people waiting there all came
forward and kissed the clothes of the Cherif and Cherifa” (67). Keene did her
best to utilize that important occasion because via the Shareef’s personality
she managed to accomplish what she wanted: to be respected by the Moors as
the Other. She exemplified this when she rode out for the first time aer her
marriage, people crowded round the mounting-stone to kiss her husband’s
hand or garments, pushing by her to do so, whereupon the Shareef said,
through his secretary, that whoever ignored Emily must ignore him (Emily
Keene 4).
Emily found what she was looking for in her husband. e Moorish notable
had a penchant for what was Western and he always showed his predilections
for the Europeans way of life. In his travelogue, An Adventure in Morocco,
Gerhard Rohlfs, a German traveller who claimed to be the first foreigner to
meet the Shareef, was surprised by the notable’s Western culture, devoting
the sixth chapter of his account to describe him succinctly (Rohlfs 95). In
addition to this, the Moorish notable told the traveller that if the occasion
was offered to him, he would not spare any effort to Europeanize Morocco:
“e Sultan and his grandees, and the doctors of the law”, said Sidi, “will not
hear of progress and improvement, and for that reason we were beaten by the
Spaniards. If only I could do so, I would introduce all the Christians have,
or, at all events, a good legislature and a regular army” (Rohlfs 98).
Notwithstanding most of the Moors looked at the notable with suspicion
because of his European garb and tendencies, there were some Moroccans who
always sought a kind of “baraka”: men, women, children, wayfarers, all came
and vied with each other to touch their “Sidi”, to kiss him on his feet, burnoose
or just his horse, to swallow his saliva and to walk in his footprints.
roughout her travel account, Emily Keene was in support of her husband,
and she tried to confirm his European leanings and why he shunned “the
House of Surety” in Wazzan aer his father’s death and preferred to settle in
Tangier. He gradually deserted the Court when he perceived it was probable
that one day he might find himself constituted a State prisoner on account
of his European leanings (Emily Keene 140). e relationship between the

18
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

Shareef and Makhzan grew extremely intense and the idea of assassination
obsessed him a great deal. e relationship with the Court exacerbated when
the Shareef raised a regiment of his retainers, put them into uniform, and
drilled them with the aid of some Spanish prisoners he had at Wazzan. ese
proceedings caused great commotion at Court, and were assigned to other
reasons than mere amusement.
Only later on did the Shareef discover his illusionary project and withdraw
the idea completely; “Later on in life the Shareef, yielding to certain propositions
made by Europeans, was inclined to entertain the idea of making some attempt
to secure secular power, but aer mature reflection he rejected the project
as impracticable” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 105). e relationship became
aggravated between Hassan I and the Shareef. e latter felt that his life was
in jeopardy, resorting hence to receiving French protection in 1884 under the
aegis of the French Plenipotentiary Ordéga, a fact that enraged the Moorish
Sultan and the scholars of Fez, bringing about much enmity for the Shareef.
is event irritated the Moroccan Sultan Hassan I (1874-1894). On January
20, 1874, Mohamed Bargash, the Moroccan deputy in Tangier, sent a letter
to the British Representative, John Drummond Hay, stating that “[w]e have
been informed that Sherif Sidi al-Hadj Abd al-Salam has married an English
woman. We must inform you that in so doing the said woman has become
Moroccan and her requests can only be judged in the light of Muslim shari’a”
(Khalid Ben-Sghir 329).
As a British woman, Emily found herself in a dilemma on the grounds
of her husband’s becoming a French protégé, as she did not know what the
British reaction towards the Shareef’s step would be. e Shorfa of Wazzan
had strong ties with the British plenipotentiary, John Drummond Hay, since
the Hispano-Moroccan Tetouan (1860). Since then, the Shareef of Wazzan
had been one of the religious leaders on whom the Makhzan had relied,
in coordination with Hay, in solving the problem of the expansion of the
borders of Melilla, a Moroccan outpost, occupied by the Spanish, and of
assuaging the pressures-cum-threats made by the French against the Makhzan
in Moroccan-Algerian borders. His followers were numerous, scattered along
a great part of Northern Africa. e Shorfa have, in years gone by, exercised
immense influence among their followers, and their presence did more to
bring turbulent tribes under subjection than the presence of an army. On
this account, they were sought by the Sultans and the French in times of
difficulties. It was undoubtedly for the purpose of securing his good offices
that the French Government granted him protection.

19
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

In his Memoir, John Drummond Hay states that he received reliable reports
that the Shareef of Wazzan wished to arm his followers to confront any attempt
by the Makhzan to contain them. In addition to shirking the gouging taxes, the
Shareef had also declared that his acceptance of French protection stemmed
from his firm conviction that Morocco must become a part of France and that
he was prepared to do everything in his power to achieve that end.

Emily’s Encounter with an Ambivalent Reality

Emily made up her mind to marry the Shareef of Wazzan because of his religious
position amongst the Moors. She managed to link between two different and
acute worlds, that of Christendom and Islam; still, she encountered a reality
wherein the indigenous people looked at her with suspicion. Although the
people respect her due to her husband’s position, they practically regard her
as a strange person in their land; Emily was viewed with jaundiced eyes as
an outsider as well as an insider. To exemplify, while Emily was taking care
of her first baby in the European manner, an old Moorish Wazzani woman
who had been in the service of the Shorfa of Wazzan was shocked by the way
Emily dressed her new-born baby saying, “Oh, Sidi, Sidi, do come at once;
the Christians are killing your son!” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 18).
Emily’s husband showed a penchant for what was English and he nursed
a strong desire and predilection for Western ways of life and dress. Emily
managed to live in a world where there was a strong implicit resistance, and
the Moors saw all Christians as a threat to their existence; they adopted an
extremist view by thinking that she was there for the sake of corrupting the
Shareef, a sacred descendant of the prophet. Emily’s stay in Morocco lasted
more than forty years and she adapted herself to the different and almost
unusual circumstances around her.
Emily was truly faced by two acutely different stark realities. She was
immersed in the world of the Moors, their culture and religion on the one
hand, but on the other, she found it difficult to adapt herself to certain mores
because of the misgivings that some Moors harboured towards her. In his
introduction to Emily’s account, Samuel Levy Bensusan claims that

On one side were the Moors, naturally jealous at the entrance of a foreigner
into the native life. Upon the other were the Europeans, all striving to enlist
her husband on their side, for in those days the French were working by

20
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

degrees towards that position in Morocco which they have since attained.
(ix)

Keene’s Movement between Two Identities

Emily viewed Moorish clothes as a form of cultural resistance to her

Europeanness, a mode of self-fashioning through which she constituted her
desired image: the other mesmerized in herself. For Ali Behdad, the belated
Orientalism of travellers like Emily Keene vacillates between “an insatiable
search for a counter-experience in the Orient and the melancholic discovery of
its impossibility; they are, as a result, discursively diffracted and ideologically
split” (Behdad 15). Her shi between donning English clothes and Moorish
ones is evocative of her unstable and unsteady search for a wholly unified
identity and personality in a stifling Victorian context. e clothes she dresses
in are of paramount importance; they are not only an embodiment of identity,
but they are also a desire to be the other; her masquerade in Moorish clothes
is significant as she strips herself of the British identity, albeit ephemerally,
to achieve her desire as an Englishwoman who searched for the exotic and
the fantastic.
Clothes are the conspicuous signs of social and cultural identity; they
also personify the symbolic power that the Shareef claims to possess. Hence,
attiring oneself in Moorish garb poses the problem of identity for the traveller;
to wear Moorish clothes is both a way of renouncing one’s identity and
a form of conversion to the other’s imaginary. More than a dialectic, Emily’s
relation to mimesis and alterity, identification and difference, is an unremitting
movement between these two terms. Identification is simultaneously alienating
and confrontational as Homi Bhabha puts it. To deal with this threat, the
subject can adopt the Other’s identity through which she can accomplish
several aims and tasks. Put otherwise, by donning Moorish dress, which she
highly enjoys, Keene crosses cultural bridges, violates national barriers, and
denies difference by becoming artificially Other. Unlike many other British
travellers who crossed the Strait, journeyed into Barbary as a virtually verboten
space and clad themselves in Moorish clothes for strategic reasons, Emily
Keene possessed a strong longing to be like the Other, a longing which can
be rendered as “a desire for the Orient”, to use Ali Behdad’s phrase (14).3 Her
relationship with the Moors includes involvement and indulgence, a kind of
giving of oneself over to the experience of the Oriental journey. For Emily,

21
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

an understanding of the other could be attained and achieved only through

“immersion”, a whole-hearted participation in the Other and its culture:
“Continual daily visits from one or the other were rather inconvenient, as
they came at all hours, so I suggested that every Friday I would be at home.
I felt rather strange in my European dress, so I decided to have some native
costumes for these occasions” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 91).
e desire for the Orient, as Behdad points out, is “a hybrid force that
posits uncertainty in the Orientalist’s consciousness and enables possibilities
of dialogic articulation because it propagates different identity effects and
ideological positions” (30). We can say that Emily settled on the cusp of two
different cultures, and she engaged, therefore, in a kind of self-parody and
self-irony as a strategy of self-protection and self-presentation. For Mary Louise
Pratt, the European relations with the Other are characterized by parody and
self-parody. ese European relations with the Other are governed by a desire
for reciprocity and exchange; estrangement and repulsion are represented as
completely mutual and equally irrational on both sides. is discourse does
not explicitly seek a unified, authoritative speaking subject. e subject here is
split simply by virtue of relating itself as both protagonist and narrator, and it
tends to split itself even further. e self sees, it sees itself seeing, it sees itself
being seen, and always it parodies itself/and the Other (Pratt 105).
Aer spending about twenty-five years among the Moors and aer her
husband’s demise, Emily made the decision to revisit her motherland, England.
She felt that something was missing and that she was a stranger in a strange
land; people looked different to her, rushing hither and thither for dear
life’s sake, absorbed in the material life of the West which was far removed
from that of the Orient. us, for a few days she “felt a stranger in a strange
land” (Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan 287). Aer a holiday of three months,
she returned with far different impressions of her native land, than she had
hitherto treasured up. Her impressions were pleasant in a way, but she could
not eradicate the feeling that something was missing. Still, Keene wrote that
she managed to surmount all the difficulty of living on the borderline of two
different cultures:

I suppose I expected to take up the thread of existence where I le it,

which naturally was an impossibility in every sense of the word, but the
impression remained all the same. Neither did I realise until this journey
how different my mode of life is to the generality of Europeans, yet I have
preserved to an extraordinary extent the manners and customs habitual

22
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

to an Englishwoman, and I have trained numbers to respect them, so that

many of the natives do to the best of their ability. I still try to meet them
as far as it is possible in their manners and customs, and in all the years
I have lived in Morocco, we have never clashed, so deferential are they to
my wishes. (289)

At the end of her account, as a last word, Keene wrote that she did not advise
anyone to follow in her footsteps, but at the same time she demonstrated that
she had not a single regret, and she hoped that her forty years of residence
among the Moors could have some benign influence on the future. Emily
Keene died in Tangier in 1943.

Conclusion

Emily Keene’s travel account is a paradigmatic illustration and product of

the meeting between two cultures. Emily headed towards the “Land of the
Sunset” at the turn of the nineteenth century. She felt that there was something
absent which she tried to fill, and it was precisely this primordial absence that
motivated the subject’s quest for Oriental paradise, the search for a beyond that
always lay somewhere she was not. Her husband, a Shareef and a Marabout,
was the epitome of otherness that mesmerized her during her stay amongst
the Moors for more than four decades. Some of the Moroccan pilgrims,
whose shrine was the Shareef’s, looked at Emily with distrust because they
saw in her a Christian woman whose main purpose was either to taint their
relationship with their saintly man, whose Western proclivities had grown
substantially, or to vie with them, and to possess the Shareef’s divine power.
Still, during her stay among the Moroccans, Keene managed to live on the
edge of two different cultures and identities, succeeding virtually in building
bridges between the East and the West. Her constant and eager search for
the fascinating strange, the pristine and the atavistic, and something outside
the common British modes of life, prodded her to become artificially Other
with an adherence to her own culture.

23
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

Notes
1. As examples of these travellers and envoys, we can mention, inter alia, Arthur Leared,
Stephen Bonsal, Walter Harris, Lawrence Harris, Robert Spence Watson, John
Drummond Hay, Philip Durham Trotter, Robert Cunninghame Grahame, Budgett
Meakin and Donald Mackenzie.
2. e notes about the original roots of religious sanctuaries in Morocco and their function
that I subsume within this section are not for the sake of historicity, but rather to shed
some lights upon the patchy relations that existed between the leaders of some lodges
and the central government (the Makhzan = the Sultan). Because of his “strange”
tendencies, the Shareef of Wazzan was looked at with suspicion and distrust.
3. A desire for the Orient (Le désir de l’Orient) is an expression firstly used by the French
traveller, Gérard de Nerval, in his travel book Voyage en Orient. 2 vols. Paris: Garnier –
Flammaration, 1980.

Works Cited
Arata, Stephen. Fictions of Loss in the Victorian Fin de Siècle. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1996. Print.
Ashcro, Bill. Postcolonial Transformation. London: Routledge, 2001. Print.
Behdad, Ali. Belated Travellers: Orientalism in the Age of Colonial Dissolution.
Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 1994. Print.
Ben-Sghir, Khalid. Britain and Morocco during the Embassy of John Drummond
Hay, 1845-1886. Trans. Malcolm Williams and Gavin Waterson. London:
Routledge Curzon, 2005. Print.
Bergonzi, Bernard. “Late Victorian to Modernist: 1880-1930.” In An Outline of
English Literature. Ed. Pat Rogers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998:
pp. 347-391. Print.
Bhabha, Homi. e Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Print.
Bongie, Chris. Exotic Memories: Literature, Colonialism and the Fin de Siècle.
Stanford: Stanford UP, 1991. Print.
Bourdieu, Pierre. Language and Symbolic Power. Trans. Gino Raymond and
Matthew Adamson. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Print.
Bourqia, Rahma. Adawla wa Sulta wa Lmoujtamaa. Beirut: Dar Taliaa, 1991.
Print.
Brooks, L.A.E. A Memoir of Sir John Drummond Hay: Sometime the Minister at
the Court of Morocco Based on His Journal and Correspondence. London: John
Murray Albemarle Street, 1896. Print.
Campbell, Mary Baine. e Witness and the Other World: Exotic European Travel
Writing 400-1600. London: Cornell University Press, 1980. Print.

24
 A WOMAN TRAVELLER IN THE MOORISH SANCTUM

Chaouch, Khalid. “When East Meets West in Emily Keene’s My Life Story
(1911).” In Middle Ground: Journal of Literary and Cultural Encounters, issue 5
(2013): pp. 277-296. Print.
Emily, Shareefa of Wazzan. My Life Story. Ed. Samuel Levy Bensusan. (ird
Impression). London: Edward Arnold, 1912. Print.
Graham, R.B. Cunninghame. “Preface.” My Life Story. Ed. Bensusan Samauel
Levy. London: Edward Arnold, 1912.
Gregory, Derek. Geographical Imaginations. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. Print.
Hagopian, Elaine C. “e Status and Role of the Marabout in Pre-Protectorate
Morocco.” Ethnology, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Jan., 1964). Print.
Hulme, Peter and Tim Youngs, eds. e Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing.
Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2002. Print.
Korte, Barbara. English Travel Writing from Pilgrimages to Postcolonial Explorations.
Trans. C. Matthias. Houndmills: Palgrave, 2000. Print.
Kowaleswski, Michael, ed. Temperamental Journeys: Essays on the Modern
Literature of Travel. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992. Print.
Kuehen, Julia and Paul Smethurst, eds. New Directions in Travel Writing Studies.
London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Print.
---. eds. Travel Writing, Form, and Empire: e Poetics and Politics of Mobility.
London: Routledge, 2009. Print.
Parry, Benita. Postcolonial Studies: A Materialist Critique. London: Routledge,
2004. Print.
Pratt, Marry Louis. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London:
Routledge, 1992. Print.
Raban, Jonathan. For Love & Money: Writing – Reading – Travelling 1968-1987.
London: Picador, 1988. Print.
Rohlfs, G.F. Adventures in Morocco and Journeys through the Oases of Draa and
Tafilelt. London: S. Low, Marston, Low, & Searl, 1874. (Available online
<http:/www.archive.org./details/adventuresinmor01rohlgoog>)
Said, Edward. Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient. London: Routledge,
1978. Print.
---. Culture and Imperialism. London: Vintage Books, 1993. Print.
Spurr, David. e Rhetoric of Empire: Colonial Discourse in Travel Writing and
Imperial Administration. London: Duke UP, 1993. Print.
ompson, Carl. Travel Writing. London: Routledge, 2011. Print.
Watson, Robert Spence. A Visit to Wazzan: e Sacred City of Morocco. London:
Macmillan and Co., 1880. Print.

25
LAHOUCINE AAMMARI

Acknowledgements
I owe a debt of gratitude to my supervisor, Dr Moulay Lmustapha Mamaoui,
for his unstinting remarks and constructive feedback. Many thanks also to
Dr Khalid Chaouch for his encouragement.

LAHOUCINE AAMMARI is a teacher and PhD candidate, working on

British travellers’ accounts of Morocco (1860-1945). He is currently affiliated
with Interactions in Literature, Culture and Society, University of Sultan Moulay
Slimane, Béni-Mellal, Morocco. His primary academic research interests are
focused on the novel, cultural studies, colonial discourse analysis, postcolonial
theory and the travel narrative. He is the author of a book entitled e Image
of Morocco in British Travel Accounts.
ammarielho@gmail.com

26