Letters of John Calvin
Letters of John Calvin
Letters of John Calvin
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LETTERS
OF
JOHN CALVIN
BY
VOL . I.
PHILADELPHIA :
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION ,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.
Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, TREAS.,
in the Clerk's Office ofthe District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
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ADVERTISEMENT .
JOHN CALVIN, the profound scholar, the exact theologian, the en-
lightened statesman, and the eminent Reformer, exerted an influence on
the age in which he lived, which , instead of being diminished by the
lapse of three centuries, must continue and increase while the great
truths, involving the present and future interests of mankind, which
he so lucidly and energetically enforced , shall be incorporated with
human enlightenment and progress . The results of his indefatigable
labours, as published to the world in his Institutes, Commentaries, and
Sermons, are familiar to the students of theology ; but his correspon-
dence, so illustrative of his personal character, and the history of the
times in which he lived , has never, until now, been collected and made
accessible to the public. The Rev. Dr. Jules Bonnet, with the ap-
probation of the French government, has with untiring and enthusias-
tic ardour, explored the hidden archives, and with such gratifying
success, that four volumes of Calvin's Letters are now ready for the
press.
As these Letters were written in Latin and French, it was at once
seen to be important that English and American readers , who most
thoroughly appreciate the character of this distinguished man, should
have easy access to them in their own vernacular. They have accor-
dingly been rendered into English under the immediate inspection of
62.20
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4 ADVERTISEMENT.
It was but a few days before his death , and in the course of one of
the latest conversations handed down to us by Theodore Beza, that
Calvin, pointing with failing hand to his most precious furniture, his
manuscripts, and the archives of the correspondence that, during a
quarter of a century, he had kept up with the most illustrious person-
ages of Europe, requested that these memorials might be carefully
preserved, and that a selection from his letters, made by some of his
friends, should be presented to the Reformed Churches, in token of
the interest and affection of their founder.¹
This request of the dying Reformer, although treasured in the heart
and memory of him who had succeeded to his plans and carried on his
work, received but an imperfect fulfilment in the sixteenth century.
The times were adverse, and the accomplishment of the duty was dif
ficult. The plague, which had broken out for the third time at Ge-
neva, and carried off thousands of victims ; the great disasters, public
and private ; the shock of the painful events that had been occurring
in France from the breaking out of the Civil War to the Massacre of
St. Bartholomew ; even the scruples of friendship, heightened by the
perils that threatened the city of the Reformation itself, all seemed
to conspire against the execution of Calvin's wish. "Without speak-
ing," says Beza, " of the assistance that was indispensable for the ex-
amination of so extensive a correspondence, or of the time required
for so laborious an undertaking, the calamities that befell our city, the
plague that raged for many years, the convulsions of a neighbouring
country, have more than once interrupted the progress of the work .
The selection of the letters also involved great difficulties , at a time
when men were predisposed to judge harshly and unfairly. There are
many things that may be said or written in the familiar intercourse of
sincere and ingenuous friendship, such as Calvin's, which can hardly
be given to the public without inconvenience. We were obliged in
991 These scru-
our work to have respect to persons, times, and places."
ples of an earnest and respectful disciple, anxious to avoid all col-
lision with his contemporaries and at the same time to render justice
to a great name, would be out of place now ; but they were legitimate
in an age of revolutions, when words were swords, and when the war
of opinion, often sanguinary, outlasting its originators, was perpetuated
in their writings .
Still it must be owned, that notwithstanding all these difficulties,
the friends of Calvin did not shrink from the performance of their
duty. Deeply impressed with the importance of the mission intrust-
ed to them, they applied themselves to their task with religious
fidelity. By their care, the originals or the copies of a vast number
of letters addressed to France, England, Germany, and Switzerland,
were collected at Geneva, and added to the precious deposit already
confided to them. The archives of the city of Calvin received this
treasure and preserved it faithfully through the storm that fell upon
the churches of France, destroying or dispersing in foreign lands.
so many pages of their annals. By a remarkable dispensation, Ge-
neva, the holy city of French Protestantism, the seminary of her
ministers, of her doctors, and of her martyrs, after having conferred
upon her, by the hand of Calvin, her creed and her form of worship,
was also to preserve for her the titles of her origin and of her history.
These titles are gloriously inscribed in the noble collection of auto-
graph letters of the Reformer, for which we are indebted to the pious
care of some refugees of the sixteenth century, whose names are almost
lost in the lustre of those of Calvin and Beza, but whose services
cannot be forgotten without ingratitude. Let us at least recall with
a fitting tribute of grateful respect, the names of Jean de Budé,
Laurent de Normandie, and especially of Charles de Jonvillers.
It is to the latter mainly that we must ascribe the honour of the
formation of the magnificent epistolary collection that now adorns
" Ad eam rem unius præcipue Caroli Jonvillæi istarum rerum custodis fidem,
diligentiam, operam denique nobis appositissimam fuisse profitemur."-Advertise-
ment of Bèze to the reader.
It is the collection intitled :-Calvini Epistolæ et Responsa quibus interjectœ
sunt insignium in Ecclesia Dei virorum aliquot etiam Epistolæ, first published
at Geneva, in 1575, reprinted in the following year at Lausanne, and inserted with
some additions in the collection of Calvin's Works, Calvini Opera, tom. ix., edit.
8 PREFACE .
d'Amsterdam, 1671. This latter edition, one of the sources of the work which we
now present to the public, comprises about 420 letters or memoirs, of which 284
are letters of the Reformer.
¹ Das Leben Calvins, 3 vols. in 8vo. Hambourg, 1835-1842.
2 Johannis Calvini, Beza, aliorumque litteræ quædam nondum edita, 1 vol. in
8vo. Leipsic, 1835. Published on the occasion of the Reformation Jubilee at
Geneva.
Histoire de la Réformation en Suisse, 7 vols. in 8vo. Lausanne, 1838.
Petite Chronique Protestante de France, XVI Siècle ; 1 vol. in 8vo. Paris,
1846.
PREFACE. 9
great school of the seventeenth century which could only fight him
with weapons from his own armoury, and which could not surpass him
either in loftiness of thought or in stately majesty of style. The
French letters of Calvin, worthy of the author of the immortal preface
to the " Christian Institutes," contain many admirable passages hith-
erto unknown, and are models of eloquence : they will be found in
this Collection interspersed with the Latin Correspondence from which
they were detached in the original Paris edition , and will present, in
chronological order, a series of moral and religious studies-a genuine
portrait of the Reformer drawn by his own hand, in the original docu-
ments, which we now, for the first time, present to the historian.
The seasonableness of such a publication cannot be denied . The
great debate ever pending between the Papacy and the Reformation
is renewed in our days with fresh vigour in almost all the countries of
Europe. Attack provokes defence ; and in the strife of opinion, the
rights of justice and of truth are too frequently disregarded . While
some rare spirits, enlightened by the study of history, or the attentive
observation of the effect of the dogmas of either religion on the moral
conduct of its votaries, rise superior to the mists of prejudice and form
a judgment which is moulding that of posterity, ' the adepts of a school,
unhappily celebrated as the admirers of excesses which the sincere
disciples of Christianity or of philosophy have alike reproved , have
nought but malediction and insult for the glorious Revolution stamped
by the names of Luther and of Calvin . Never, perhaps, were detrac
tion and outrage let loose with such fury against these great deliverers
of conscience ; never have their intentions been so audaciously mis-
represented, their actions so grossly caricatured. To the falsehoods
of a party that shrinks not from slander, let us oppose the impartial
evidence of history ; let us learn from these great men themselves
what they desired, what they did, what they suffered ; and let us
seek from them alone the secret of the Revolution which they
achieved .
It is only necessary to quote the names of the two illustrious French historians,
M. Guizot and M. Miguet, who in their writings have rendered a respectful homage
to the religious and moral influence of the Reformation. A distinguished writer,
M. Charles de Rémusat, has lately published, under the title of " De la Réforme et du
Protestantisme," an eloquent paper, which might well inaugurate a pera ofjustice
and impartiality in historical writing.
" We need only name " L'Histoire de Calvin," by M. Audin, in itself entirely
devoid of truthfulness, and the fruitful source of calumnious and lying pamphlets
against the memory of the Reformer.
1
12 PREFACE.
P
The Correspondence of Calvin will , we believe, throw a fresh light
upon those grave questions which Modern Science, worthy of the
name, now proposes to herself with a desire for impartial justice which
does her honour. It is by this sentiment that we may venture to say
we have been animated, in the course of the long researches which
have enabled us to offer this collection to the public. Guided solely
by the love of truth, and shrinking from no revelation that was guaran-
tied by authentic documents, we have rejected no sources of informa-
tion, nor omitted any evidence. Our ambition has been to make
Calvin live again in his letters- to shew him as he was, with his
austere and inflexible convictions, which yet were far from intolerant,
in the intercourse of friendship and the freedom of the domestic circle—
with that stern self-sacrifice of his life to duty which alone explains
its power and excuses its errors- with the failings which were the
heritage of his times and those which were peculiar to himself. History,
interrogated in original documents, is not a panegyric ; it throws no
veil over the shortcomings of its heroes, but it remembers that they
are men, and draws lessons alike from their infirmities and from their
greatness.
We cannot close this Preface without offering the tribute of our
sincere gratitude to those friends in England and on the Continent
whose kind encouragement has favoured the publication . And we would
address our first acknowledgments to the Librarians of the Continental
Libraries, who eagerly placed at our disposal the whole MS. collections
committed to their charge. We have pleasure in paying the same
tribute to one of the most distinguished citizens of Geneva, Colonel
Henri Tronchin, who so liberally opened to us the precious documents
that have been transmitted to him through a series of illustrious ances-
tors ; and we regard it as a peculiar privilege to record our obligations,
while at Geneva, to the encouraging kindness of two men eminent in
her sacred literature , M. le Pasteur Gaussen, and to the learned histo-
rian of the Reformation, M. le Docteur Merle d'Aubigné, whose patron-
age, which was given as a matter of course to the publication of
Calvin's Correspondence, has been the means of attracting to us valua-
ble sympathies in the United States, in England, and in that noble
country of Scotland , where the name of Calvin, gloriously associated
with that of Knox, receives an honourable tribute in the labours of a
Society devoted to the translation of his writings. It is with heartfelt
satisfaction that we inscribe on the first page of the collection , and
recall in one grateful thought, the names of the three generous patrons
PREFACE . 13
• Mr. Constable translated only the first two volumes, which were published in
Edinburgh.-EDITOR OF THE BOARD.
CONTENTS .
1528.
LETTER PAGE
I. TO NICHOLAS DUCHEMIN. - Calvin at the University of Orleans-
his early friendships he is recalled to Noyon by the illness of his
father, 25
1529.
II. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.-Calvin in Paris-Nicholas Cop-the two
friends visit a monastery, • 27
III. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.-Thanks to Francis Daniel-salutations to
Melchior Wolmar-various messages, 29
1530.
IV. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.- Domestic intelligence-departure to Italy of
the brother of Francis Daniel , · · 30
1532.
V. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.- Calvin's first work-Commentary on Se-
neca's Treatise, " De Clementia," · 31
VI. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.- Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise,
"De Clementia," to several persons--looks for lodgings in Paris, 32
VII. TO DR. MARTIN BUCER .--Recommendation of a French refugee in
Strasbourg, who had been falsely accused of holding the doctrines
333
of the Anabaptists, • ·
1533.
VIII. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.-Various communications-a new work put
forth, · • 35
IX. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.-The Reformation in Paris-rage of the
Sorbonne satirical Comedy directed against the Queen of Na-
varre-intervention of Francis I.-deliberation of the Four Fa-
culties revocation of the censure pronounced against the book
entitled " The Mirror of the Sinful Soul," • · 36
1534.
X. TO FRANCIS DANIEL - Retirement of Calvin to Angoulême, • 41
XI. TO CHRISTOPHER LIBERTET .- Calvin in Basle- revision of the
Bible of Robert Olivetan-treatise on the Immortality of the
Soul, 42
( 15 )
16 CONTENTS .
1536.
LETTER PAGE
XII. TO FRANCIS DANIEL.- Calvin in Geneva-translation into French
of the " Christian Institutes"-disputation of Lausanne- es-
tablishment of the doctrines of the Reformation in the Pays
de Vaud, 44
1537.
XIII. TO MEGANDER.- Calvin and Caroli encounter each other-
prayers for the dead- the Genevese clergy accused of Arian-
ism-need of a synod, 47
XIV. TO VIRET.-Preaching of the Gospel at Besançon ecclesiastical
intelligence -discouragement of Farel-necessity for the re-
turn of Viret to Geneva, · • · 51
XV. TO SIMON GRYNEE.--The nature of the controversy between
Calvin and Caroli clearly laid open- Synod of Lausanne--
Caroli is condemned , and the teaching of Calvin and Farel
solemnly approved, • • 53
XVI. TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH AT BASLE.- Persecution in
France- request addressed to the Seigneury of Basle in favour
of the faithful of the Church at Nismes, • 58
1538.
XVII. TO LOUIS DU TILLET.--Departure of Louis du Tillet from Geneva
-regret of Calvin-controversy between the two friends re-
garding the character of the Church of Jesus Christ, 60
XVIII. TO HENRY BULLINGER.- State of the Church at Geneva- wish
for the union of the Reformed Churches-mention of Luther, 65
XIX. TO HENRY BULLINGER. -Synod of Zurich- attempt at reconcilia-
tion between the banished ministers and the town of Geneva, 68
XX . TO PETER VIRET.-Arrival of Farel and Calvin at Basle, 69
XXI. TO LOUIS DU TILLET. -Journey of Calvin to Strasbourg - project
of a new Assembly at Zurich- policy of the Bernese- in his
retirement Calvin breathes freely-news from France, • 71
XXII. TO WILLIAM FAREL.-Farel called as minister to the Church of
Neuchatel -sad condition of the Church at Geneva- uncer-
tainty of Calvin- Bucer's urgency to draw him to Strasbourg. 73
XXIII. TO FAREL.-New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to at-
tract Calvin thither the plague at Basle- detail of the death
of a nephew of Farel, • . 77
XXIV. TO FAREL.—Calvin at Strasbourg-negotiations between Bucer
and the Magistrates of Geneva-first preaching of Calvin in
the French Church-Anabaptists of Metz, · • 80
XXV. TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.- Letter of consolation and advice
addressed to the Church at Geneva, deprived of her faithful
pastor-testimonies of his innocence-confidence in God-
trust for the future, • 82
CONTENTS . 17
LETTER PAGE
XXVI. TO FAREL.-Conferences of Basle-absence of the theologians of
Zurich and of Berne-the minister Konzen - complaints
against Bucer-a wish for the establishment of Ecclesiastical
discipline - celebration of the Supper in the French Church
of Strasbourg-the news of Germany and the Netherlands--
question addressed to Melanchthon- domestic affairs, 89
XXVII. TO LOUIS DU TILLET.- Reply to doubts as to the lawfulness of
his call- inward assurance of his calling-declines the kind
offer of Louis du Tillet-appeals to the tribunal of God from
the accusation of schism charged on him by his friend, . 94
XXVIII . TO FAREL.-Death of Courault-Calvin's discouragement and
trust in God-answers a question of Saunier regarding the
Supper—the faithful at Geneva exhorted not to separate from
the new preachers-affectionate advice given to Farel, • 99
1539 .
XXIX. TO FAREL.-Second edition of the " Christian Institutes"-
death of Robert Olivetan-state of religion in Germany-
first lectures of Calvin at Strasbourg, . 104
XXX. TO FAREL.-Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches-
synod of Zurich- Bullinger's distrust of Bucer- parallel be-
tween Luther and Zuingli -Calvin thinks of marrying-news
of Germany-policy of the ecclesiastical Electors- French
Church of Strasbourg-conversion of two Anabaptists, • 107
XXXI. TO BULLINGER.—Excuses his long silence-evidences of brother-
ly affection-justifies Bucer-his desire for the union of the
Church of Zurich with that of Strasbourg, · 112
XXXII. TO FAREL. -Departure of Calvin for the Assembly of Frankfort
-the question of Ecclesiastical property- news of Geneva-
opening of the religious conferences at Frankfort-disposition
of the Roman Catholic princes and Protestants in Germany—
policy of Charles V.- Reformation in England-remarkable
judgment on Henry VIII., . 116
XXXIII. TO FAREL.-Conclusion of the Assembly at Frankfort-attitude
of the Protestant princes-conversations between Calvin and
Melanchthon on ecclesiastical discipline-opinion of the latter
-of Capito-various details, ·€ 128
XXXIV. TO FAREL.-Numerous occupations of Calvin- news of Ger-
many-firmness of the Senate of Strasbourg, · . 132
XXXV. TO FAREL.-Union of the Swiss Churches-first steps for the re-
call of Calvin to Geneva-some details concerning his ministry
and his straitened circumstances- Lutheran ceremonies-the
Church property- renewal of the League of Smalkald--con-
stancy of the German princes-example of fidelity to the cause
of Christ on the part of the town of Strasbourg, . 133
3
18 CONTENTS .
LETTER PAGE
XXXVI. TO FAREL .-Ecclesiastical news of Switzerland-destitution
of the minister Megander-complaints addressed to Bucer
-further projects of marriage on the part of Calvin, • 139
XXXVII. TO THE CHURCH OF GENEVA.-Recommends anew the counsel
of peace and brotherly agreement to the Church of Geneva, 142
XXXVIII. TO FAREL.-Journey of Farel to Strasbourg--scanty remune-
ration of Calvin--sale of his books , 149
XXXIX. To FAREL.- Reconciliation of Farel with Caroli-interces-
sion of the Senate of Strasbourg in favour of the French
Protestants-answer of Calvin to the letter of Cardinal
Sadolet, · • • 150
XL. TO FAREL.- Caroli at Strasbourg-proceedings of Sturm
and Bucer for the reconciliation with Calvin, • · 151
XLI. TO FAREL .-Farther details of the reconciliation of Calvin
with Caroli-the minister Alexander-a lecture of Bucer
-negotiations of the Protestant Princes of Germany--
their answer to Henry VIII.- French translation of the
epistle to Sadolet,. . 157
XLII. TO FAREL.- Caroli-encounter between William du Bellay
and the Constable de Montmorency-preparation for an
approaching Assembly in Germany- negotiations with the
King of England-salutations addressed by Luther to Cal-
vin- hope of an accommodation between the Swiss and
German Churches, • 163
XLIII. TO FAREL.-Persecutions in France-policy of Francis I. and
Charles V. ecclesiastical discipline-university regula-
lations at Strasbourg-illness of Farel, . 168
1540.
XLIV. TO FAREL.-Farther mention of Caroli- discussion with Her-
man the Anabaptist-good understanding of Charles V.
and Francis I.-alarm of the German Princes-some de-
tail of the propositions addressed to Calvin, • 171
XLV. TO FAREL. -Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva-
rigorous application of discipline in his church-news of
Germany, of France, and of England, 175
XLVI. TO FAREL.-Reconciliation of parties at Geneva-insufficiency
of the ministers of that Church- policy of Charles V.—
courageous attitude of the Protestant Princes-favourable
news from England-cruel persecutions in France-ecclesi-
astical discipline in the French Church at Strasbourg, 178
XLVII. TO PETER VIRET.-Excuses for his silence-sad news from
France-repugnance of Calvin to return to Geneva- his
comparative estimate of Capito, Zuingli, Luther, and Eco-
lampadius, . 186
CONTENTS . 19
LETTER PAGE
XLVIII. TO FAREL.-Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau—
symptoms of misunderstanding between Charles V. and Fran-
cis I.-severe judgment of Henry VIII.-evils produced in
the Church by the absence of discipline-various details, • 189
XLIX. TO MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. - Review of the Conferences of Hague-
nau-the state of parties in Germany, . 193
L. TO PETER CAROLI.-Answer to the complaints of Caroli― re-
fuses to grant to him the professorial chair unless he repents
of his past offences, 198
LI. TO VIRET.- Deputations sent to France and into England--the
Edict of Fontainbleau, . 202
LII. TO FAREL.-Sickness of Calvin- preparation for departure to
the Diet at Worms- letter to the Queen of Navarre on be-
half of the faithful persecuted in France, 204
LIII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.-Excuses himself from return-
ing to Geneva by the necessity of his attendance at the Diet
of Worms, . 208
LIV . TO FAREL.-Exposition of the motives which prevent him from
returning to Geneva, • 210
LV. TO THE Seigneury of GENEVA.--Calvin at Worms- he excuses
himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his inability to com-
ply with their request, on account of the mission with which
he had been charged into Germany in the general interests
of the Church, · · 214
LVI. TO FAREL.-Details of the interview of Calvin with the Depu-
ties from Geneva, • 218
LVII. TO NICOLAS PARENT.-Testimony rendered to the French Church
at Strasbourg, and to the pastor in charge of it during the
absence of Calvin-matters of advice, • 220
LVIII. TO NICOLAS PARENT.-Instructions regarding the Supper, and
on various points of Ecclesiastical Discipline, • 222
1541 .
LIX. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.-Calvin sent to the Diet of Ra-
tisbon--he excuses himself on that account from returning at
that moment to Geneva-advices addressed to the magistrates
of that town, • •€ 225
LX. TO FAREL.- Anxiety on account of the Swiss Churches- ap-
proaching departure for Ratisbon- disputes between Berne
and Geneva-calumnies directed against the Vaudois of
Provence, 227
LXI. TO VIRET.- New expression of the repugnances and terrors
which Calvin feels in prospect of his returning to Geneva, . 230
LXII. TO JAMES BERNARD.--Protests his devotedness to the Church
of Geneva--oblivion of past injury, • 234
20 CONTENTS .
LETTER PAGE
LXIII. TO FAREL.-Calvin at Ratisbon- the plague at Strasbourg-
grief of the Reformer-preliminaries of the Diet-the Ger-
man princes—the Italian prelates-Hungary—the Turk—
Poland-state of opinion- inclinations of Charles V.-
stayedness upon God, . 237
LXIV. TO MONSIEUR DE RICHEBOURG.-Consolatory letter on the death
of his son , • •€ 246
LXV. TO FAREL .-Affliction of Calvin- news of the Diet of Ratisbon
-appointment of the theologians charged with the represen-
tation of the two parties their reception by the Emperor-
portrait of Julius Pflug, of Gropper, and of Eck, . •. 253
LXVI. TO FAREL.-Request addressed by the ministers of the Church
of Zurich to those of Strasbourg-Calvin promises to re-
turn to Geneva-message to Viret, . 258
LXVII. TO FAREL.- Results of the Diet of Ratisbon-conferences of
the theologians-original sin-free-will-justification- im-
possibility of agreement in the sacrament of the Supper, • 260
LXVIII. To FAREL.-Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a
connection between the two Churches-formula of concord
-feeling of Calvin on the subject, · 262
LXIX. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH.-The expression
ofhis sentiments in reference to the Church ofGeneva-ready
to return to that town if the Magistrates of Strasbourg con-
sent to it, and if the Seigneury of Berne promise their sup-
port-testimony of respect for the Church of Zurich, · 265
LXX. TO FAREL.-Return of Calvin to Strasbourg-news of the Diet
of Ratisbon-contradictory formulæ presented to the Empe-
ror-reply of Charles V.-letter to the King of France in
favour of his persecuted Protestant subjects, • . 271
LXXI. TO FAREL AND VIRET. - Communication of a letter received
from Bucer-news of Germany- Church of Metz-assurance
given to Viret of his approaching departure for Geneva-
recommendation of two young men, • 274
LXXII. TO VIRET.-Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg-con-
clusion of the Diet at Ratisbon, •. 278
LXXIII. TO FAREL.-Prepares to depart for Geneva self- denial of
Calvin-absolute submission to the will of God, · . 280
LXXIV. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.- Arrival of Calvin at Neu-
chatel-purpose of his going to that town, · · 282
LXXV. TO FAREL.-Calvin at Berne-his interview with one of the
principal magistrates, and with the ministers of that town, 283
LXXVI. To FAREL.- Arrival of Calvin at Geneva- his interview with
the magistrates -draws up a form of Ecclesiastical discip-
line-advises Farel to moderation,. • · 284
LXXVII. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL .-Efforts to pacify the
Church of Neuchatel- instructions given to Viret, · 286
CONTENTS. 21
LETTER PAGE
LXXVIII. TO BUCER.- New details regarding the troubles in the Church
of Neuchatel-proceedings of Viret-sentence pronounc-
ed by the Bernese-the ecclesiastical Statutes of Geneva
-request for prolongation of leave for Viret- testimony
ofrespect and affection for Bucer--approach of the pesti-
lence, · • • 288
LXXIX. To MADAME THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA.-Instructions on the
subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding
scandal, . . 295
LXXX. TO FAREL.-Brotherly exhortations-efforts of Calvin to
draw Viret to Geneva- news of that Church, • • 306
LXXXI . TO FAREL.-The Vaudois of Provence-appeal addressed to
Mathurin Cordier-the Reformation at Paris and Lyons, 308
1542 .
LXXXII. TO FAREL.-Healing of the troubles of the Church at Neu-
chatel- wise counsel given to Farel, • · 311
LXXXIII. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS.- Restoration of the Church of Ge-
neva-wise and moderate behaviour of Calvin- obstacles
to the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline-duty of
the magistrates thereupon - information regarding an
adventurer named Alberg, • 312
LXXXIV. To OSWALD MYCONIUS.-The Reformation at Cologne-
some details on the condition of Germany-efforts of
Calvin to retain Viret at Geneva, • 320
LXXXV . TO THE BRETHREN OF LYONS.-Stay of a Carmelite monk
at Geneva-declaration of motives for refusing to admit
him to the ministry of the Gospel, · 323
LXXXVI. TO FAREL .- Detail of the edifying death of the first Syndic,
Amy Porral, · • • 331
LXXXVII. To VIRET.-Sickness of Idelette de Bure-the beginnings
of the new ministers of the Church of Geneva, • • 335
LXXXVIII. TO BENEDICT TEXTOR .- Divers recommendations, . . 336
LXXXIX. TO FAREL.-Excuses his silence-estimate of the new min-
isters- works and literary productions of Calvin, · 337
XC. TO VIRET.- Proceedings of Castalio- school of Geneva-
criticism on the new ministers-tidings of France-do-
mestic sorrow , • · 340
XCI. TO VIRET.-Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of
Berne-need of maintaining the spiritual independence
of the Church- various directions, • 345
XCII. TO VIRET -Disquietude of Calvin on occasion of the acts
of the Synod of Berne, • . • • 347
XCIII. TO FAREL.-Wishes for the success of the journey under-
taken by Farel to Metz- calumnies of James de Morges, 349
XCIV. TO VIRET.-Origin of the disputes between Calvin and
Castalio, • 350
22 CONTENTS.
LETTER PAGE
XCV. TO VIRET.-Invitation to Viret to come to Geneva - nomina-
tion of a principal of the College of that town, · . 352
XCVI. TO VIRET.- Approval of a letter of Viret to the Seigneuries
of Berne the ecclesiastical property-Italian emigrants at
Geneva-troubles caused by the differences of that town with
Berne, • . 353
XCVII. TO VIRET.-The plague at Geneva-conduct of the ministers
in these circumstances-Italian refugees-the question of the
ecclesiastical property examined , · 357
XCVIII. TO BULLINGER. - Numerous occupations of Calvin- death of
Leo Juda- ravages of the plague in Switzerland, • . 362
XCIX. TO MICHAEL VAROD.- Recommendation of a sick person, . 364
1543.
C. TO MONSIEUR LE CURE DE CERNEX.-Religious controversy oc-
casioned by the plague at Geneva-apologizes for the Refor-
mation, . 364
CI . TO PHILIP MELANCHTHON.- Testimony of respect and of frater-
nal affection- his homage in one of his books- details of his
labours at Geneva―survey of the state of Germany and of
Italy, · 373
CII. TO VIRET.-Ecclesiastical particularities struggles to maintain
the right of excommunication over the ministers, · · 377
CIII. TO CONRAD PELLICAN.-Offer of his services-answers the ac-
cusations directed against Farel-justification of Ochino- in-
troduces two young men, · • 378
CIV. TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.-Calvin at Strasbourg-exposé
of his proceedings with the magistrates of that town for
preaching the Evangel at Metz- the news, . • 381
CV. TO THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. -The preaching
of the Gospel encounters difficulty at Metz-intrigues of Ca-
roli-fraternal exhortations, • 385
CVI. TO VIRET.-Relation of his proceedings at Strasbourg, and
the state of things at Metz, . • 387
CVII. TO THE Seigneury of GeNEVA.— Answer from the Assembly at
Smalkald-prolongation of the stay of Calvin and of Farel
at Strasbourg-preaching of the Evangel at Cologne- war-
like preparations in the Netherlands, . 388
CVIII. TO THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA.- Exposé of the motives
which prevent immediate return to Geneva- Cologne news
and ofthe Netherlands, 391
CIX. TO THE Seigneury oF GENEVA.- New delay in conclusion of
the affair of Metz- Calvin makes arrangements for his re-
turn to Geneva, 393
CX . TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS .--Exhorts him to quit his native
country, and to retire where he can make free profession of
the Gospel, . . 395
CONTENTS. 23
LETTER PAGE
CXI. TO MADAME DE FALAIS .- Christian counsel and exhortations, . 399
CXII. TO MONsieur de Falais. Further exhortation to decide him
on quitting his country, • 401
1544.
CXIII. TO VIRET.-The ministerial office refused to Castalio-the mar-
riage of Bonnivard, Abbot of St. Victor, · · •€ 403
CXIV. TO BULLINGER.- Conclusion of an arrangement between Berne
and Geneva ,. 405
CXV. TO VIRET.-Farther details of the arrangements with the Ber-
nese-recall of the refugees-preparation of several works—
disagreements with Castalio, · ·. 406
CXVI. TO THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL .- Controversy with Chapon-
neau regarding the Divinity of Christ, · 410
CXVII. TO FAREL.-Struggles and difficulties of Calvin at Geneva-
quarrels of the ministers- violent attacks of Castalio- dis-
satisfaction of the deputies from Berne-reappearance of the
plague dangers of the Church, · 416
CXVIII. TO OSWALD MYCONIUS .- Political and military intelligence from
France and Germany, • 421
•
CXIX. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS .- Arrival of Monsieur de Falais at
Cologne the sending of a minister-pious counsels, · 422
CXX. TO MADAME DE FALAIS.-Christian congratulations- hope of a
speedy meeting, • • • 427
CXXI. TO FAREL.-Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacra-
ments between the German and Swiss Churches, 428
CXXII. TO BULLINGER.- New appeal to the Seigneurs of Zurich, in
favour of the Waldenses of Provence-Luther's invectives
against the Swiss Reformer-remarkable judgment in regard
to his character- his injustice pardoned in consideration of the
eminent services rendered by him to the cause of Christ, . 429
1545 .
CXXIII. TO MELANCHTHON.-Explanations relative to the publication of
the book "Against the Nicodemites" -appeal to the autho-
rity of Melanchthon and Luther- troubles arising from eccle-
siastical discords-announcement of the Council of Trent-
policy of Charles V. and of Francis I.-convocation of a
Synod at Melun, · 434
CXXIV. TO LUTHER.- Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings,
of which he desires to obtain his approbation, • 440
CXXV. TO AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE.-Difficulties in the way of a re-
union, and doubts of the efficacy of a General Council under
present circumstances- deplorable state of the Church - mo-
tives which prevented him from going to confer in person
with the German Reformers-his proposals to them, . 442
24 CONTENTS .
LETTER PAGE
CXXVI. TO VIRET.-Intelligence of France and Germany- Synod
of Melun, 447
CXXVII. To VIRET.-Election of new magistrates at Geneva-
struggles of Calvin, 449
CXXVIII. TO VIRET. - Mention of Clement Marot's metrical versions
of the Psalms- persecutions in France, . 450
CXXIX. To OSWALD MYCONIUS .- Discovery of a conspiracy for the
spreading of the plague at Geneva-punishment of the
conspirators, • 452
CXXX. TO THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE .- Calvin vindicates himself
from the charges of having intended to attack her in his
book against the Libertines, · • 453
CXXXI. TO FAREL.- Massacre ofthe Waldenses of Provence- Calvin
entreats the sympathy of the Swiss Churches in their behalf, 458
CXXXII. TO VIRET.-Journey of Calvin to Switzerland-resolutions
of the Diet of Arau in favour of the persecuted brethren
of France, · 460
CXXXIII. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.-Directions for his conduct to-
wards the Emperor Charles V., . • 461
CXXXIV . To JOHN CAVENT .-Consolations on the death of his wife
and mother, • 464
CXXXV. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.-Information regarding a house
to be sold at Geneva, • 465
CXXXVI. TO MELANCHTHON.- He complains of Luther's tyranny, and
affectionately exhorts Melanchthon to manifest greater •
decision and firmness, · 466
CXXXVII. TO BULLINGER.- Defence of the Waldenses of Provence-
artifices of their enemies-oppression of that unfortunate
people, · 469
CXXXVIII. TO THE PASTORS OF SCHAFFHAUSEN.- Calvin exhorts them
to redoubled efforts for the deliverance of their persecut-
ed brethren, · 472
CXXXIX . To OSWALD MYCONIUS.-- Pressing entreaty in behalf of the
Waldenses of Provence, · •. 473
CXL. TO JOACHIM WADIAN.- Excuses for the long silence which
he had observed towards Wadian-allusion to the contro-
versy regarding the Sacraments- lively entreaties in be-
half of the Provençal brethren, . 475
CXLI. TO MONSIEUR DE FALAIS.-Report of the near arrival of M.
de Falais at Geneva- details relative to the acquiring of
a house in that town, . 478
CXLII. To OSWALD MYCONIUS . - Letter of recommendation to
Ochino, 481
CXLIII. TO MADAME DE FALAIS .-Use of affliction-preparation for
the arrival of M. de Falais at Geneva, . • 482
CALVIN'S LETTERS .
' Gerard Chauvin, or Cauvin, father of the Reformer, a man of strict morals,
of good understanding and judgment, which we have on the testimony of Théod.
de Bèze, Calvini Vita. Originally of Pont l'Evêque, he had been promoted, by his
ability, to the office of notary apostolic, secretary to the bishopric, and promoteur
of the Chapter at Noyon. Le Vasseur, " Annales de l' Eglise Cathédrale de Noyon,"
chap. x. p. 1151.
It seems uncertain whether Gerard Chauvin died this year. The letters of
Calvin, so far as yet appears, contain no other allusion to that event, which must
have exercised a desirable influence on his life, in drawing him away from the study
of law to that of theology, in which direction all his own tendencies drew him. See
Théod. de Bèze, Vita Calvini.
Philippe Laurent, librarian of the library at Orleans.
1529.] FRANCIS DANIEL. 27
' Francis Daniel, advocate of Orleans, the fellow-student and friend of Calvin at
the university of that town. (" Quant à Orléans, dit Th. de Bèze, il y avoit bien
desjà quelques personnages, aians connoissance de la vérité, comme entr' autres
François Daniel, advocat, et Nicolas Duchemin, tenant escholiers en pension."—
Hist Eccl. i. 9.) From several letters of the Reformer it appears, ( 1559-1560, ) that
while fully acknowledging the necessity of a reformation of the Church, Francis Daniel
remained inwardly attached to Rome. His two sons, Francis and Peter Daniel, dis-
tinguished themselves in the study of law and literature.
Nicolas Cop, the physician, professor in the College of Sainte Barbe, and friend
of Calvin. In 1533 he became rector of the University of Paris.
28 FRANCIS DANIEL. [1529
' Melchior Wolmar, who was Calvin's master at the University of Bourges, and
the preceptor of Theodore Beza ; called by the Duke of Wurtemberg to the Profes-
30 FRANCIS DANIEL . [1530 .
Calvin despatches copies of the Treatise " De Clementia" to several persons- looks
for lodgings in Paris.
PARIS, [1532.]
Both of your letters have reached me almost on the same
subject, and nearly in the same words. I have attended to
your commission about the Bibles, in procuring which there
was more need of taking some trouble than of money. When I
pack up my things I will put them along with my baggage.
The affair is of that kind which I suppose may be deferred .
until that time. As for the rest, you must help me in your turn .
The Books of Seneca on Clemency are at last printed : they
are at my own cost and labour. The money which has been
expended must now be collected on all hands. Besides, I must
look to it, that my credit stands secure. Do write as soon as
you can, and let me know with what favour or coldness they
have been received, and try also to induce Landrin to lecture.
I send one copy for yourself; will you take charge of the other
five, to be forwarded to Bourges for Le Roy, Pigney, Sucquet,
Brosse, Baratier ? If Sucquet can accept of it for the purpose
of lecturing, his help will be of no small service to me. Adieu .
I have nothing to write to Duchemin, seeing that often as I
have asked he returns no answer, nor shall I set out upon my
journey until he write. What will it matter, if for some days I
1532.] DR. MARTIN BUCER. 33
[PARIS, 1533.]
I send you these collectanea of late events, on this condition ,
that, according to the best of your faith and duty, they may cir-
culate among the friends, whom also you will respectfully salute
for me, except Framberg, whom I have resolved to tame by my
silence, seeing that I have not been able to coax him by gentle-
ness, nor to get anything out of him by scolding. Besides, what
is worse than all, when his brother came hither, he did not even
send me a single greeting by him. I wish you would take
charge of Michael's law suit, if by any means it can be brought
to bear ; but there is need of despatch . For whom, if you do
all that is in your power, I shall have to thank you the same as
if you had done the favour to myself. You will do the office
of interpreter to the sisters, that you may not enjoy your laugh
alone. I send you another Epitome of our Gymnasium, to
which I had resolved to add as an appendix what had been
broken off from those former Commentaries, if time had allowed.
Adieu, my brother and most trusty friend, your brother,
CALVIN.
I need not say that these are troublous times ; they speak
for themselves . Beware of incautiously communicating the
Epitome.
[Lat. orig. autogr.- Library of Berne. Vol. 141 , p. 43.]
' Addressed-To Monsieur my brother and good friend, Monsieur Daniel, Advocate
at Orleans.
36 FRANCIS DANIEL . [1533.
' Megæra. This Megère was an allusion to Gerard Roussel, preacher to the
Queen of Navarre, one of the most zealous missionaries of the Reformation at Paris.
(Megara-Mag. Gerardus.) This information we have from the celebrated John
Sturm, in a letter to Bucer, which shews that the introduction of Megara was a
play upon the name : " Nuper in Gymnasio Navarrico novus quidam . . . rOINTES
Reginam introduxit, quæ se in disciplinam diaboli traderet, una cum sacrifico quem
Megeram appellant, alludens ad nomen Magistri Gerardi."-Letter of Nov. 1533 ,
printed in Strobel, Histoire du Gymnase de Strasbourg, p. 109.
38 FRANCIS DANIEL . [1533.
1 This Lauret is designated, in the letter of Sturm above cited, as a man of great
erudition and of much influence, " homo potens et rex sapientum."
2 The Mirror of a Sinful Soul : a mystical poem, wherein the Queen of Navarre
acknowledges no other Mediator than Jesus Christ, and no other righteousness than
his expiatory death. This book, which first appeared in print at Alençon in 1531,
reprinted in 1533 at Paris, forms part of the poetical collection published under the
title, " Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses, très illustre Reyne de Navarre."
Lyon. 1547. 2 vols. in 8vo.
1533.] FRANCIS DANIEL. 39
against the queen, that mother of all the virtues and of all good
learning. Lastly, that they ought not to take the blame of this
offence upon themselves, lest they should encourage the pre-
sumption of those who were always ready to enter upon any-
thing under cover of the pretext that it was the deed of the
academy to which they had committed them, without the aca-
demy being at all aware of it. It was the opinion of them all
that the act ought to be disavowed. The theologians , canonists,
and physicians, were of the same mind . The rector reported
the decree of his order ; next, the dean of the faculty of medi
cine ; third, the doctor of canon law ; fourth, the faculty of the-
ology. Le Clerc, the parish priest of St. Andrew, had the last
word, on whom the whole mischief was laid, others retiring
from him out of sight. First of all he praised , in lofty expres
sion , the uprightness of the king, the undaunted firmness
with which hitherto he has conducted himself as a protector
of the faith. That there were some busy-bodies who endea-
voured to pervert this excellent person, who also were in league
together for the destruction of the sacred faculty ; that he,
however, entertained the confident expectation that they would
not succeed in their wishes, and that, in opposition to such
firmness as he knew the king to possess. That as regarded
the matter in hand , he was indeed appointed by the decree
of the academy to that office ; that nothing, however, was less
intended by him than to attempt anything against the queen, a
woman so adorned by godly conversation as well as by pure
religion, in proof of which he adduced the reverence with which
she had observed the funeral rites in memory of her deceased
mother ; that he held as forbidden books, both those obscene
productions, -Pantagruel and the Forest of Loves, and others
of the same mint ; that, in the meantime, he had put aside the
book in question as liable to suspicion, because it was published
without the approval of the faculty, in fraud and contravention
of the arrêt, whereby it was prohibited to put forth anything
¹ William Parvi, Bishop of Senlis and confessor of the king. He had translated
into French the Livre d' Heures of Margaret of Valois, suppressing at the same time
from the book a great number of pieces addressed to the Virgin and to the saints.
1534.] FRANCIS DANIEL. 41
DOXOPOLIS, [ 1534.]
Without having anything particular to write I can at any
time play the gossip with you, and so fill up a letter. Yet why
should I intrude upon you with my complainings ? The chief
matter which, in my opinion, is of sufficient interest to be com-
municated to you at present is that I am getting on well, and
taking into account the constitutional weakness and infirmity
which you are well aware of, am also making some progress
in study. Certainly, also, the kindness of my patron may well
quicken the inactivity of the most indolent individual , for it is
such that I clearly understand that it is given for the sake of
letters. So that I must all the more endeavour and earnestly
strive that I be not utterly overwhelmed under the pressure of
so much generous kindness, which somehow constrains me to
exertion . Although, indeed, were I to strain every nerve to the
utmost I could never make any adequate, or even inadequate re-
turn, so great is the amount of obligation which I would have
to encounter. This inducement, therefore, must keep me con-
tinually mindful to cultivate those common pursuits of study
for the sake of which so great a value is put upon me. If
permitted to enjoy in repose such as this-the interval , whether
I am to consider it of my exile or of my retirement, I shall
conclude that I have been very favourably dealt by. But the
Lord, by whose Providence all is foreseen, will look to these
things. I have learned from experience that we cannot see
1
This is the treatise which is entitled, " Psychopannychia, qua refellitur eorum error
qui animas post mortem usque ad ultimum judicium dormire putant.” —Paris, 1534, 8vo.
This treatise, translated into French by Calvin himself, has been inserted, with a
preface of the author, " à un sien amy," in the " Recueil des Opuscules,” p. 1.
* A pseudonyme which Calvin sometimes made use of in his Latin correspondence.
44 FRANCIS DANIEL. [1536.
1 This is the first letter of the Reformer after his settlement at Geneva. Having
left his retreat of Basle in the end of the year 1535, he had made a rapid tour in the
north of Italy, and revisited France, which he had left in the month of July on his
return to Switzerland. Not being able, without danger, to traverse Champagne and
Lorraine, he went back to Basle by the way of Geneva, (August 1536, ) when he was
detained in that town by the entreaties of Farel. Afterwards he accepted the office
of Professor of Theology, and attended the disputation of Lausanne on the 1st of
October, which was followed by the establishment of the Reformation in the Pays
de Vaud, conquered by the Seigneury of Berne from the Duke of Savoy.
1536.] FRANCIS DANIEL . 45
' Calvin had left Noyon accompanied by his brother Antony and his sister Mary,
who went to settle at Basle. Bèze, Calvini Vita.
* The book here referred to is no other than the Institution Chrétienne, first pub-
lished in Latin, ( Basle, 1536, in 8vo. ) Calvin thought of giving a translation of that
work. The first known edition of the Institution Chrétienne in French bears date
1540.
The disputation of Lausanne, in which Farel, Viret, and Calvin took part
began the 24 October, and lasted seven days. The narrative of what took place
may be found in Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation en Suisse, edit. 1836, vol. iv. pp.
161-163.
Edict of July 16, 1536. Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation, vol. iv.; Pièces
Justificatives, No. II.
46 FRANCIS DANIEL. [1536.
whereby the Senate declared, that it was free to every one, and
that without the dread of being called in question , to state what-
ever might concern the matter of disagreement upon the point
of religion. They considered that this was the most likely
method, by which publicly to expose the unskilfulness ofthose
who tryto oppose the Gospel, and that thus they might render of
no avail the triumph arising out of this new authority which
they have accepted at the hand of the Duke of Savoy. Already,
in many places, the idols and altars of Popery have begun to
disappear, and I hope it will not be long before all remaining
superstition shall be effectually cleared away. The Lord grant
that idolatry may be entirely uprooted out of the hearts of all .
I do not describe to you the precise form in which the disputa-
tion presents itself, because it is not easy to do so in a brief
explanation, and also because I trust it will some time or other
be published. To-morrow, if the Lord will , I set out for Berne ,
about which affair you shall hear from me by other letters ; and
I am afraid it will be necessary for me to hasten forward as far
as Basle : which inconvenience, however, I shall endeavour if it
be possible to avoid ; more especially taking into account the
state of my health , and the very unseasonable time of the year.
If those idle bellies with you, who chirp together so sweetly in
the shade, were only as well disposed as they are talkative, they
would instantly flock hither to take on themselves a share of
the labour, to which we must be inadequate, since there are
so few of us. You can hardly believe the small number of
ministers compared with the very many churches which need
pastors. How I wish, seeing the extreme necessity of the
Church, that, however few they may be in number, there were
at least some right-hearted men among you who may be in-
duced to lend a helping hand ! May the Lord preserve you.—
Yours, MARTIANUS LUCANIUS .
XIII.--To MEGANDER.¹
Calvin and Caroli encounter each other-prayers for the dead-the Genevese clergy
accused of Arianism-need of a synod.
' Is this Maurus Museus, a French gentleman, who was converted to the Gospel,
the friend of Bucer and of Ecolampadius ? We are here left to loose conjecture in
the absence of positive testimony.
1537.] VIRET. 51
XIV. To VIRET.'
' Such is the address : To my very dear brother, Viret, Minister of the Church of
Lausanne. The minister, Peter Viret, one of the three great Reformers of French
Switzerland. Born at Orbe in 1511, he completed his education at the University
of Paris, and from the time of his return to his own country, devoted himself to the
preaching of the reformed doctrine, which he spread at Orbe, at Payerne, and at
Granson. Gifted naturally with persuasive genius and eloquence, he was sent by
Farel to Geneva ir 1534, and there held a public disputation against the Dominican
Furbiti. He contributed powerfully to the establishment of the Reformation in that
city. Named two years after (1537 ) Pastor of the Church of Lausanne, he served
that charge until 1538, the period of his destitution by the Senate of Berne, and of
his retirement to Geneva with the more illustrious members of the Vaudois clergy.
Compelled by his weak state of health to leave Switzerland, he removed in 1561 to
the South of France, wrought in the work of the ministry in the churches of Nîmes,
of Lyons, of Orange, and died in 1571, either at Orthes or Pau. The numerous wri-
tings of Viret mentioned by Senebier, Hist. Litt. de Genève, tom. i. pp. 156-159, prove
him to have been an original writer, though rather diffuse, and ingenious and elo-
quent as a moralist.
52 VIRET. [1537.
' Antony Froment, originally from Dauphiny, one of the earlier missionaries of the
Reformation at Geneva. He was nominated pastor of the Parish of Saint Gervais in
1537 ; at a later period he resigned the ministry, was attached as secretary to Bonni-
vard in the work of drawing up the Chronicles of that town and city, and died, leav-
ing behind some curious memoirs on the history of the religious revolution of which
he had been one of the instruments at Geneva. Senebier, Hist. Litt. de Genève, tom.
i. pp. 93 and 150. These memoirs were published in 1855 at Geneva. 1 vol. 4to., by
M. Gustave Revilliod.
1537.] SIMON GRYNEE. 53
The nature of the controversy between Calvin and Caroli clearly laid open- Synod
of Lausanne-Caroli is condemned, and the teaching of Calvin and Farel solemnly
approved.
BERNE, [May 1537.]
Although the tricks and wiles of Satan are altogether mar-
vellous and not easy to believe, those, I mean, by which he
closely assails us in our work, of which we have had some
' Louis du Tillet, senior curate of Claix in Poitou, and fellow-student of Calvin,
then in retirement at Geneva, under the name of Mr. de Hautmont. In the year
following he returned to France. See, in this Collection, three Letters of Calvin to
Louis du Tillet, (1538.)
2 Antoine Saunier, regent of the College of Geneva.
* Simon Grynée, a learned theologian and professor of the belles lettres, the friend
of Erasmus and of Melanchthon, rector of the Academy of Basle. His intercourse
with Calvin dates from the epoch of the first visit of the Reformer to that town,
(1535, 1536. ) They became more intimate when Calvin, banished from Geneva,
returned anew to seek an asylum at Basle, and was hospitably entertained in the
house of Grynée, to whom he dedicated, in testimony of his remembrance, his Com-
mentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, (18th October 1539. ) Two years
afterwards, Simon Grynée died of the plague. His nephew, James Grynée, diseharged
54 SIMON GRYNEE . [1537.
the office of Dean of the Church of Basle, and was the correspondent and friend of
Théodor de Bèze.
The calumnious accusations directed by Caroli against the doctrine of Farel and
of Calvin having spread at Basle, the latter considered it his duty, in a letter to
Grynée, to expose the whole history of the controversy with Caroli, in order to
oppose the entire calumny. See the two letters of Grynée to Calvin.— Simonis
Grynai Epistola. Edit. de Streuber. Basle, 1847, pp. 50-53.
See Note 3, p. 47.
2 In 1536. No copy of this first edition of the Catechism of Calvin is known,
nor of the second, which was published two years later at Basle, (1538. ) The earliest
known edition is that of (1541 ) at Strasbourg. H
1537.] SIMON GRYNEE. 55
That meeting had ended on the 13th May. - See Ruchat, Hist . de la Réf., tom.
v. p. 24.
* These two deputies were Rudolph de Graffenried, Banderet, and Nicolas Zerkinden,
Secretary of State.
One of these ministers was Gaspar Grossmann, (Megander.) See Letter XIII.
p. 47. He had been charged by the seigneury of Berne to draw up the oath which
was to be taken by the ministers, and the order of procedure to be followed in the
Synod.
56 SIMON GRYNEE. [ 1537.
' On the authority of Ruchat, it appears that Caroli did not wait for the deci-
sion of the Lords of Berne, and that he withdrew himself into voluntary exile from
the condemnation with which he was threatened. The act of his desertion was
given to Farel and to Calvin, the 29th of June 1537. (MSS. de Grossmann.
Archives de Berne. ) We shall meet him again in the following letters of the Re-
former.
* See that Confession, ( Calv. Epist. et Responsa,) p. 227.
8
58 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH OF BASLE. [ 1537.
fill you with his Spirit, so that with one mind and heart you
may be enabled to extend the glory of his name.-Yours,
CALVIN .
[Calvin's Latin Correspondence-Amsterdam Edit. , tom. ix. p. 226. ]
brethren, may the Lord Jesus daily enrich you more and more
with the increase of his Spirit .-Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[ Lat. Copy-Library of Geneva. Vol . 106. ]
' Louis du Tillet, curé of Claix in Poitou, canon and archdeacon of Angoulême.
He was the brother of John du Tillet, the celebrated registrar of the Parliament of
Paris, and of that other Du Tillet who became Bishop of Sainte-Brieuc and of Meaux.
Having devoted himself to an ecclesiastical career, his first leanings inclined him
towards the Reformed. With Calvin he became acquainted at the University of
Paris, formed a friendship with him, shared his perils, and received him in 1534 at
Angoulême in his own house. United thenceforth to the young Reformer by a like
faith, he resigned his curacy of Claix to follow him, under the name of Hautmont,
to Strasbourg, to Basle, and into Italy. In August 1536 he was at Geneva, when
Calvin was there retained by the earnest entreaties of Farel. But the struggles to
which the Reformer was thenceforward condemned, were little suited to the mild
and contemplative disposition of Louis du Tillet. A prey to indecision, he secretly
left Geneva and went to Strasbourg, where his anxieties were only put an end to
by his return to the Roman Catholic faith. He wrote to Calvin to inform him of
this change, and to submit to him his scruples regarding the lawfulness of the
ministry in the Reformed Churches. Calvin replied ; and that controversy, free,
sincere, but tempered by respect, marked the later relations between these two men,
at first united and too soon separated by the religious revolution of the sixteenth
century.
Ville Affranchie (Genève.)
3
John du Tillet, brother of Louis, raised at a later period to the honours of the
Episcopate. Accomplished in the knowledge of the ancient languages and in
sacred archæology, he was charged with various scientific missions by Francis I., and
in the course of his travels had visited Geneva.
1538.] LOUIS DU TILLET . 61
themselves too easily, while the others would readily give en-
trance to Jesus Christ, but only by ways wherein he will in
nowise walk. I have never doubted that the eminent persons'
you mention might in some degree have helped, without in-
tending it, to land you in such a conclusion , while in touching
on this point in letters written to me, they concealed it. Cer-
tainly their great learning and piety may well lend authority
to their consultations. But I am well assured that in this
matter, besides substantial grounds, I shall have more colour of
reason than they, if I assume a mask to make myself look like
them . Both the one and the other constrain me by their con-
duct to desire in them greater firmness and constancy. How-
ever high our reputation may be, it is never well to be so very
liberal in bestowing another's property ; and if we must beware
of being bountiful at the expense of men, what caution ought
to be exercised in dispensing the truth of God, which he does.
not commit to our trust that we may lessen it in anything ? I
pray the Lord that himself would give us so much understand-
ing as that we may clearly comprehend that he will not be
served by halves, and as our foolishness would divide his por-
tion, but entirely according to his own will.
If you do acknowledge for churches of God those who hold
us in execration, I cannot help it. But we should be in a
sad plight if it indeed were so. For certainly you cannot give
them this title, unless you hold us to be schismatics, in which
case you will have to consider how your opinion will agree
with the deliverance of our Master, " whatsoever ye shall bind
on earth," &c. If you consider that there always remains some
remnant of the blessing of God, as St. Paul affirms of the
Israelites, you may well understand that I agree with you,
seeing that I have sometimes declared to you that such was my
opinion even as regards the Greek churches. But it does not
follow as a consequence from that, that in the assembly we
are bound to acknowledge the church ; and if we do there
acknowledge her, she will be our church, not that of Jesus
Christ, who marks his own by other tokens, when he says, my
sheep hear my voice ; and St. Paul, when he calls her the
' Bucer and Capito, the Reformers of Strasbourg.
1538.] LOUIS DU TILLET. 63
In the French original : Les sacs mouillés dont nous avons coutume de nous couv-
rir devant les hommes.
2 The opposition which the establishment of the ecclesiastical discipline drawn up
by Farel and Calvin met with at Geneva, became every day more intense and lively.
The newly-elected Syndics made common cause with the malcontents, and already
gave signs of the forthcoming crisis which was to lead the way to the triumph of the
party of the Libertins and the banishment of the Ministers.- Spon, Histoire de Ge-
nève, edit. 1730, tom. i. p. 276.
1538.] HENRY BULLINGER. 65
tion, and so to direct you that you may not go astray in that
slippery path whereon you are, until himself shall have mani-
fested to you his complete deliverance.
You will pardon me ifthis present is very confusedly written,
shortness of time is in part the cause, and partly our troubles,
besides that the argument 'was not very easy to handle.
Your very humble servant and brother,
CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE .'
[Fr. Copy- Imperial Library, Paris MSS. fr. Fonds Baluze, 8069-5.]
State of the Church at Geneva-wish for the union of the Reformed Churches-men-
tion of Luther.
Bullinger left some precious works ; among others a Chronicle which he wrote in
German, Commentaries and Theological Treatises, some of them on important and
remarkable questions, and a vast Correspondence, preserved more especially at Zurich
and at Geneva.
9
66 HENRY BULLINGER. [1538
' Bucer and Capito were at this time engaged in very active negotiations to bring
about a union between the Reformed Churches of Switzerland and those of Germany.
Luther did not oppose himself to this accommodation, and had written, Dec. 1 , 1537,
to the Reformed districts of Switzerland, a letter full of the spirit of tolerance and
conciliation, in which we remark the following passage :-"They can easily advise
with Bucer also and Capito on all these matters, provided we can lay aside all that is
offensive, and in like-minded agreement give room for the leading and guidance of
the Holy Spirit, that we may go forward in pious and brotherly concord. Assuredly,
in so far as we are concerned, and especially as regards myself, casting aside what-
ever may be occasion of offence, I shall embrace you in faith, good will, and with
love."-Hospinian Historia Sacramentaria, tom. ii. p. 276. In another letter to
Capito of the same year, 6th Dec. 1537, he thus expresses himself :-" I write these
things that you may know that our heart is upright and sincere in the hope of agree-
ment ; may the Lord himself complete the work. Amen."- D. M. Luther's Briefe,
edit. De Wette, tom. v. p. 70.
In a letter to Bullinger, written 4th March 1538, at length he renders an evidently
deep-felt homage to the memory of Zuingli and Ecolampadius. " I can freely de-
clare that, after having seen and heard Zuingli at Marbourg, I have considered and
esteemed him as a most excellent man, as also Ecolampadius ; so that their calamity
has well-nigh disheartened me," &c. These sentiments of true generosity seemed
almost to open up an era of reconciliation and of peace between the Churches.
68 HENRY BULLINGER. [1538.
1
Important events had fallen out at Geneva. Expelled from that town (23d
April 1538) for having refused to administer the communion on Easter day, Calvin
and Farel had gone to Berne.- ( Spon, Hist. de Genève, tom. i. p. 276. ) The de-
puties of the Reformed Swiss cantons were met at Zurich to treat about the union
with the Lutheran Church. The two ministers appeared before that assembly and
gave account of their conduct at Geneva. Without intimating any opinion on
the matter at issue, " The Lords deputies resolved to write in friendly terms to
the Genevese, to induce them to support their pastors in the work of re-establishing
and putting their churches on a better footing. They also charged the Bernese to
support that letter by a deputation."-(Ruchat, Histoire de la Réformation en Suisse,
tom. v. p. 84. ) But this double intervention proved ineffectual. The banishment
of the ministers was confirmed, May 26th, by the assembly.
* Peter Konzen, minister of Berne, deputy to the Synod of Zurich. In that as-
sembly he manifested the most hostile sentiments toward Farel and Calvin, whose
conduct at Geneva he disapproved.
1538.] PETER VIRET. 69
In order to testify the conciliatory spirit which animated them, Calvin and
Farel accompanied, within a short distance from Geneva, the deputation which
had been charged to entreat their return . But their solicitations having been re-
jected, they determined to proceed to Basle, where they arrived after a most fatigu-
ing and even perilous journey. See following letter.
John Oporin, Director of the Academy of Basle, one of the most celebrated prin-
ters of that town.
70 PETER VIRET. [1538.
The conclusion of this letter is addressed to the minister Courault, the col-
league of Calvin, expelled along with him from Geneva. He lived in retirement
with Christopher Fabri at Thonon, whence he was called as minister by the Church
of Orhe
1538.] LOUIS DU TILLET. 71
' The first letter of Calvin to du Tillet (Letter xvii. p. 60 ) did not remain
unanswered :-" If my retreat in this country has caused you great annoyance, as
I have understood by your letter of the last of January, I myself have not thought
the less of it, considering the interruption of our accustomed converse and fami-
liarity ... could not produce in you so much disquietude. But what could I
have done, if, having been there two years or thereby, my conscience could never
be at peace on this account, that without a clear call I had retired from a charge
which I ought not to have relinquished without the command of God, whereby I
have been put into a state of languor, such as you have seen, and by reason of
the great unceasing depression of mind which has taken possession of my spirit, I
have for this some time past been useless for everything ?"-Paris MSS. This
letter, written from Paris, ( 10th March, ) did not reach Calvin at all ; it was during
a sojourn to Strasbourg that the Reformer, driven from Geneva, (23d April 1538,)
had retired to Basle, and imparted to his old friend the events which condemned
him to a new exile.
. 2 See Note, p. 60.
8 Bucer and Capito, already mentioned.
72 LOUIS DU TILLET. [1538.
' That town, then independent, and already Reformed, was united by a treaty of
alliance to the Protestant cantons of Switzerland.
2 Probably Geneva.
3The Bernese were the declared opponents of the ecclesiastical discipline which
Farel and Calvin had wished to establish at Geneva, and which appeared to them to
trench upon the right of the civil power. The seigneury of Berne were not disposed
to favour the two banished ministers.
1538.] WILLIAM FAREL. 73
Allusion to the truce concluded, 18th June 1538, between Francis I. and the
Emperor Charles V., and to the approaching conclusion of a general peace, on which
great expectation was founded for the settlement and reformation of the Church.
2 Antony Firmin, minister of the church of St. Thomas at Strasbourg.-See Sculteti
Annales, I. 170, 172.
To my most excellent friend and brother, William Farel, faithful minister ofthe
church at Neuchatel.
William Farel, the most illustrious missionary of the Reformation in French
10
74 WILLIAM FAREL. [1538.
three days. When, after the lapse of five days, I had ceased
to expect him, I began to look about for a messenger. For I
knew that as soon as my silence began to appear to you to be
longer than it ought, you would impute it to carelessness as
well as indolence. But while these were my thoughts, lo, the
messenger presented himself upon the spot, who informed me of
your departure two days before he came away. With regard to
your letter, that elaborate lament over your own clownish sim-
plicity with which you furnished me for Grynée, I have care-
fully complied with. When dinner-time arrived , I told Grynée
that I observed from your letter the rain somewhat had slackened
your wonted speed : whereupon , by your riding at so slow a
pace, Simon remembered that you were a rustic. Thereafter also
I read to him your letter, and added, of my own accord, what ap-
peared to me to be required in the way of serious apology. In re-
gard to him, so little need was there of clearing yourself, that he
would have complied good -humouredly with your infectious
anxiety, ifthe business in which he is now completely immersed
had not stood in the way. How our successors ' are likely to
greater roomfor conjecture than for any meaning which they con-
tain. But as he hoped that erelong I would take my depar-
ture, he advised me to undertake what by and by I might resign
to him. He did not know what might be brought to pass with
you, and I took care closely to conceal that from him. " Are
you not ashamed," said he, " in so great an assemblage to remain
silent ? Would there be no church here vacant for you ?" I
replied, that we had an auditory also in our house at home
which suited us very well. He, forsooth, would have nought
but what was public. Having dined once with us, he wished
to be received at table by Grynée through my introduction .
Excuse was of no avail, but he must urge the proposal with
unseasonable importunity, until Grynée restrained his for-
wardness by checking him aloud. I have satisfied the owner
of the horse ; the rest of your commissions are duly attended
to. Grynée salutes you in the most friendly manner, and en-
treats you to pardon him, on account of his business engage-
ments, that he does not write at present. Oporin also , Stag-
næus, Du Tailly, for the other two have gone from this. May
the Lord preserve and protect you, may your soul prosper in
the strength of his own Spirit.- You will not envy me the
reading of Capito's epistle, which I send you unsealed . Will
you, if you please, return both the letters of Bucer, or care-
fully preserve them, as hereafter we shall have occasion for
them ? Salute not merely with your complaisance, but from
my heart, all our brethren, especially such of them as you
well know are here meant. If you desire that I should write,
arrange that I may have messengers from yourself.- Yours,
CALVIN.
XXIII.-TO FAREL.
New efforts of the ministers of Strasbourg to attract Calvin thither- the plague at
Basle-detail of the death of a nephew of Farel.
myself anew however, since they could not include you. Gry-
née, although with more reserve, that he might not appear to
suggest any thing in this arrangement from a desire to be rid
of the charge of entertaining me, shewed that the bent of his
opinion inclined to the advice they had given. If they wished.
to bind me for a longer period, the determination would not
be so difficult ; but you perceive what they require. I shall
wait for your opinion . To prevent them having immediate
recourse to you, I leave them to suppose that I am detained
here by weighty reasons. They will allow you, indeed , quietly
to go forward in the work of the Lord, but will not suffer both
of us to labour together.
I wish that here I could have ended my letter, that you migh
be spared the hearing of what will be unpleasing to you. But
I shall not hesitate to inform you of what the Lord has done,
who are yourself both learning and teaching others willingly to
submit to his providence. Last Sabbath-day your nephew was
seized with the plague. ' His companion and the goldsmith who
bore testimony to the Gospel at Lyons brought me word imme-
diately. As I had taken some pills to relieve the complaint in
my head, I could not go to him myself. Every thing, however,
which was required for the preservation of his life was both
faithfully and carefully attended to. A woman, acquainted
with both languages, was engaged to sit up with him, and in
some degree accustomed to the care of persons suffering under
such maladies. Not being able to undergo the fatigue of con-
stant attendance herself, she got her son-in-law to assist her.
Grynée visited him frequently ; I did so too as soon as my health
allowed it. When our friend Du Tailly saw that I did not fear,
the danger, he insisted on sharing it with me : we were with
him for a long while yesterday, and as the signs of approach-
ing death were now evident, I imparted spiritual rather than
bodily comfort. He wandered a little in his mind, yet had so
much consciousness of his state as to call me back to his chamber
The pestilence, seven times in the course of this century, made great havoc in
the city of Basle. The plague of 1564 carried off a third part of the population of
the town and suburbs.- See Jean de Muller, Hist. de la Confédération Suisse, tom.
xi. passim, and the Diary of the Physician Platerus, MS. Library of Basle.
1538.] FAREL. 79
Our friends salute you and Michael Mullot, who has stolen
hither for three days during the holidays of his school, to take
counsel along with us. On his return he will intimate that he
does not remain there beyond the time agreed on . After having
heard your last letter, Grynée requested to be informed as
soon as I should have obtained the first opportunity of a mes-
80 FAREL. [1538.
XXIV.-To FAREL.¹
1 Letter without date, but written, as the first words indicate, shortly after the
departure of Calvin from Basle, and his arrival at Strasbourg, (September 1538.)
Earnestly solicited by Bucer and Capito to associate himself in their labours, he had
accepted the charge of Professor of Theology and the ministry of the French Church
in that town.
2 Bucer had entered into correspondence with some of the magistrates of Geneva to
bring about a reconciliation between them and the banished ministers.
1538.] FAREL. 81
The Reformation had extended to Metz in 1523. Two martyrs, Jean le Clerc
and Jean Chatelain, had sealed with their blood the introduction of the Gospel into
that country.- Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. iii. p. 431.
2 Although he had become the minister of a community of exiles, and had en-
gaged in theological works of the greatest importance at Strasbourg, the activity
of Calvin was by no means confined to these objects. But in the midst of the
contending claims on his time and care, his attention was ever turned towards the
Church of which he had been the pastor-towards " these relics of the dispersion,”
whom he exhorted from the depths of his exile, and whom he consoled by his letters.
1538.] THE CHURCH OF GENEVA . 83
The mercy of God our Father, and the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ, be continually multiplied to you by the commu-
nication of the Holy Spirit.
MY BRETHREN, -I have restrained myself from writing to
you until this present, in the hope that the letter of our brother
Farel, who had taken upon him that charge for both, would
prove sufficient ; and also by that means I would take off all
occasion, in so far as was possible, for misrepresentation on the
part of those who are on the lookout for it. That is, in order
that they may not calumniate us by affirming that we pur-
pose, in drawing you closer to ourselves , to retain you in some
degree of partiality toward us. I have been unable, however,
to refrain from writing to you to assure you of the affection
.
with which I do ever regard you, and my remembrance of
you in the Lord, as it is my bounden duty ; neither shall
that fear prevent me which has somewhat withheld me to the
present time, forasmuch as I see right well that the colour
of pretext which the malicious, from the love of detraction ,
might put upon it, would be found utterly frivolous and
vain. God is our witness, and your own consciences before
his judgment-seat, that while we had our conversation among
you, our whole study has been to keep you together in happy
union and concord of agreement. Those who, for the sake of
making and maintaining a faction apart, had separated from
us, have introduced division as well into your Church as into
your town. Discerning the beginnings of that plague from
the commencement, we have faithfully occupied ourselves as
before God whom we serve, to apply the remedy ; where-
fore, an appeal to the past exempts us from all their calum-
nies. And if now, in thus communicating with you, we
afford you some good reason to retain us in your memory,
this ought not to be made a reproach to us ; for our own
.
conscience is well assured Godward, that it has been by him
.
that we have been called to the fellowship of this ministry
among you. For which reason it cannot be in the power of
men to break asunder such a tie ; and as in time bygone we
have been upheld, we hope still by the guidance of our Lord
so to conduct ourselves, that we shall afford no occasion of
84 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1538
XXVI.- To FAREL.
even what you said about Konzen may have passed over
quietly. As for the rest, if you hearken to our friends, you
will endeavour for the future when you meet with him, and
in so far as he shall give you opportunity, to insinuate your-
self into his familiarity : he cannot manage so craftily but that
you may hear many things which it may be of use for us
to know. Himself also will be forced to hear, in his turn,
many things from you, by which his temper will either be in
some small degree softened or subdued . What ought to be
said, what not spoken about at all, and what method of treat-
ment is to be applied in each emergency, it would be absurd
were I to admonish you . From long and close experience, you
yourself know the temper and disposition of the man. The
best defence of our cause is planted in the truth, from which,
should I attempt to draw you away, I could effect nothing.
If we believe the Lord the defender of the innocent, since we
cannot be deprived of the testimony of a good conscience as
in his sight, let us be content with this sole defence . For I
will never advise that we should adopt those underhand, those
wily methods, which are the false refuges of a bad cause.
Nevertheless, we must not let slip the opportunities which,
in entering upon a course of sincere dealing with the con-
science, do not require us to set aside our own reason ; and we
ought to reckon it a great gain to have restored such a man to
many ofthe servants of Christ, from whom, by the false repre-
sentations of the wicked, to the great loss and inconvenience of
the Church, he had become estranged . Lastly, whether you can
thoroughly conciliate him to yourself or them, this, however,
in any event, will be beneficial, if you shew yourself friendly.
It is singular how confidently Sulzer undertakes for Konzen
even yet. For he writes that there is not a doubt but that he
will consent willingly to the Diet, and refer the matter to arbi-
tration, that we may return to an entire agreement. What I
disapprove of in Bucer's method of dealing with this matter is,
that he declares that we have sinned through too much severity ;
he subjoins, it is true, But where shall you find better ? where
more learned ? I would rather that he had been more sparing
of praise, and at the same time have abstained from any charge
92 FAREL. [1538.
In a new letter to Calvin (7th September 1538) Louis du Tillet had thought it
his duty to signalize the events which had recently occurred at Geneva as a pro-
vidential chastening, destined to recall his old friend from the way of schism. " I
am disposed to think, indeed," said he, "that the things which have happened to
you have been brought about and pursued by the evil disposition of persons who
have more care about the aims and ends of this world than consideration of what
is due to God. But what I beseech you take in good part, I believe you have
rather to consider on your part whether our Lord has not meant to warn you
by that to bethink yourself if there has been nothing to reprove in your adminis-
tration, and to humble you in his sight, and that by this means the great gifts and
graces with which our Lord has furnished you may be employed to his glory, to
1538.] LOUIS DU TILLET. 95
the salvation of his elect, and on that account always more and more increased ."-
MSS. of Paris. Calvin replies to that objection, and appeals from " the sentence of
the wise" to the tribunal of God.
96 LOUIS DU TILLET. [1538.
That is to say, in France. Louis du Tillet had advised Calvin to return to that
country, where the profession of the Evangel was interdicted. " I greatly desire
that on your part it might be possible for you to retire hitherward, and that our
Lord had furnished you the means ... but if that cannot be done as yet, I ap-
plaud and appreciate your determination to stop for the present at Basle, without
mixing yourself up in anything else. In waiting upon our Lord you will shew
plainly whitherward you tend."-MSS. of Paris.
These expressions are taken from a letter addressed by Simon Grynée to .
Calvin, to induce him to decide on accepting the ministerial charge at Strasbourg.
Here is the original text, which Calvin quotes from memory :-" Fac esse quod
tuâ unius gravissima culpa res Christi sic labefactæ sint Genevæ, non tamen pia
erit ejusmodi poenitentia, quâ in ista ministrorum qui istic idonei sunt copia, tu istis
dotibus non tibi sed Ecclesiæ ornatus, oblatum ministerium repudies."-Grynai
Epistola, edition of Streuber, p. 55.
13
98 LOUIS DU TILLET. [ 1538.
' Du Tillet had made an offer of money to Calvin in the letter above cited :-
:-
" It is possible that you may be ill provided with money, without which you
cannot live there in a manner becoming you ; but you need not mind about that,
for should you receive nothing elsewhere but from me, if you wish it, God helping,
I will supply enough to meet your necessity, as for the present I have no occasion
for any money, living entirely in the house of my brother . . . But that notwith-
standing, I will find means to furnish you."
1538.] FAREL. 99
to have to say, Nescio ubi sint via Domini, (I know not where
are the ways of the Lord, ) wherefore these temptations are
tried upon me in vain.
One of my companions¹ is now before God to render account
of the cause which has been common to him and me. When
we come thither, it will be known on which side the rashness
and desertion has been. It is thither that I appeal from the
judgments of all the worldly-wise sages, who think their simple
word has weight enough for our condemnation . There, the
angels of God will bear witness who are the schismatics.
After having humbly commended myself to your good- will
I shall entreat our Lord that he would uphold and keep you
in his holy protection , so directing you, that you decline not
-
from his way. Your humble servant and sincere friend,
CHARLES D'ESPEVILLE.
[Fr. Copy-Imperial Library of Paris. Fonds Baluze, 8069-5 . ]
XXVIII.-To FAREL.
As one of the cities in league with Smalkald for the defence of the Gospel, the
town of Minden had just been placed under the ban of the empire. The Roman
Catholic princes of Germany confederated at Nuremberg prepared to execute the
sentence against which the Protestant princes had solemnly protested.- Sleidan , Com-
mentarii, lib. xii . p . 338, édit. de 1612, in 4to.
2 Antony Saunier, countryman and disciple of Farel, was honoured to be his com-
panion in announcing for the first time the simple Gospel in Geneva, ( September
1532.)- (See Spon, Hist. de Genève, tom. i. p. 215, Note P. ) Having been appointed
Regent of the college of that town, he offered, in 1538, a determined opposition to
the pastors who were elected in room of Farel and Calvin, and along with his col-
league Mathurin Cordier was banished, on account of his refusal-notwithstanding
the advice of Calvin himself, to receive the sacrament at the hands of the new minis-
ters. He retired to the Pays de Vaud, and at a later period became pastor of the
church at Morges.
102 FAREL. [1538.
you ; Viret, Francis also, and James, when you write to them.
Capito, Sturm, and Firmin, desire to salute you in the most
friendly way .
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
XXIX.-To FAREL .
Second edition of the " Institution of a Christian" -death of Robert Olivetan- state
of religion in Germany- first lectures of Calvin at Strasbourg.
He refers here to the second edition of the Institution Chrétienne, which appeared
in 1539 at Strasbourg.
2 Robert Olivetan died in 1538, at Ferrara. That intelligence was announced to
Calvin by Francisca Bucyronia, wife of the physician, John Sinapi , a German settled
at the Court of the Duchess of Ferrara as the preceptor of her children.
1539.] FAREL. 105
' George Duke of Saxony, cousin of the Elector of Saxony, John Frederick.
Although the princes of his family had adopted the ( so called) new doctrines, this
prince had constantly opposed the Reformation, which he persecuted in his states.
He died in 1539.
14
106 FAREL. [1539.
XXX.-FAREL.¹
Fruitless efforts for the union of the two Churches-synod of Zurich- Bullinger's
distrust of Bucer- parallel between Luther and Zuingli― Calvin thinks of marry-
ing-news of Germany-policy of the ecclesiastical Electors-French Church of
Strasbourg- conversion of two Anabaptists.
Under the inspiration of Farel the company of pastors of Neuchatel had put
forth a desire for the union of the Churches of Germany and Switzerland ; but that
wish for union, actively followed out by Bucer, desired with so much ardour by
Calvin, must necessarily be the fruit of reciprocal concessions ; and certain of the
Zurich ministers, too much inclined to exalt the memory of Zuingli at the expense
of Luther, seemed not much disposed to favour the connection. They altogether
distrusted Bucer, who, they said, maintained an artificial spirit throughout these
negotiations, equally adapted to deceive both sides ; and even Bullinger himself,
who was of so conciliating and so elevated a character, was not entirely free from
these tendencies.- Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentaria , tom. ii. p. 290.
* The Synod of Zurich, held from the 29th April to the 3d May of the preceding
year, had remained without result. The ministers of Strasbourg and of Zurich had
separated much dissatisfied with each other.
108 FAREL. [1539.
1
appease their resentment ; for they even ventured to hope to
bring them back so soon to a right understanding and entire
good- will towards each other. It would appear, however, that
they had not forgotten either the reception they had met with
in that quarter, or the manner in which they were dismissed ,
and the rumours which had afterwards been spread abroad as
to their procedure, as well as the letters which had been written .
Because, however, they could of themselves make but little im-
pression, they engaged on their side all the men of worth who
had any authority or influence among them, in order that, at the
long run, some terms of peace, or at least some moderation of
their differences, might be devised. In the meanwhile Bullinger
makes public that epistle of his in which he reckons the Turn-
coats and Weathercocks as stumbling blocks of offence and
hindrances to the progress of the Gospel. There is no one so
blind as not to perceive that under these designations he points,
2
as with the finger, distinctly at our friends. They , however,
were forbearing enough to teach, by their example, not to
return railing for railing, and suppressed their sense of so
great indignity until Erasmus, one of the Zurich ministers, had
arrived in Strasbourg. In good humour, and with courtesy,
we expostulated with him. They did not even satisfy us
by a single word of explanation ; but some while after, not
without their knowledge, Bibliander wrote to Sturm that we
were tormenting ourselves by a false application of it ; for that
Bullinger's design had been not to attack Bucer, but those
persons in the territory of Wirtemberg who had acceded to
the concord of agreement, for that they had themselves pro-
The theologians of Zurich had accused Bucer of having spread a snare to entrap
their good faith by artificial expressions, better suited to veil the difficulties of union
than to solve them.- See Hospinian, tom. ii. p. 290.
This letter of Bullinger is only known to us by Calvin's allusion to it. Bucer
manifested great displeasure at the conduct of the theologians of Zurich, and
bitterly complained of it in a letter to Comander, minister of Coire. But if we
may believe the testimony of Sturm, quoted by Hospinian, it does not appear that
the friendly relations between the churches of Zurich and Strasbourg were thereby
long or seriously affected.
3 Bibliander (Theodore), professor of theology at Zurich. He died of the plague
in 1564.
1539.] FAREL. 109
The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg were at this time very desirous of having the
Reformer married . See the following Letters, (1539-1540,) passim.
1539.] FAREL. 111
XXXI.-TO BULLINGER.¹
Written to Bullinger after a long silence, this letter was to be the means of
drawing closer the ties of friendship which had already united the French Re-
former to the minister of Zurich, and to remove the unjust prejudice of the latter
against Bucer and the Strasbourg ministers. See the preceding letter.
1539.] BULLINGER. 113
XXXII. TO FAREL.
' Calvin was about to set out for Frankfort, charged with an important mission
by the Church of Strasbourg. Reconciled by a recent treaty with his rival Fran-
cis I., Charles V. had turned his whole attention in the direction of Germany, and
solemnly announced his intention to accommodate religious differences in that
country. The French king appeared to enter into his views, and the German
princes shewed themselves disposed to favour the accomplishment of his wishes in
meeting together at a solemn public conference between the Protestants and the
Roman Catholic doctors. The day of meeting was fixed by the emperor himself
for the 12th February 1539, and Frankfort was pointed out for the theatre of these
conferences.- Sleidan, Commentarii, lib. xii., pp. 338, 339. Anxious to be repre-
sented at that assembly at Frankfort by the most eminent ministers, the town of
Strasbourg chose for its deputies Bucer, Sturm, and Calvin.
1539.] FAREL. 117
This was no doubt, M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at
Geneva. He was a correspondent of Calvin.
2 Is this John Le Comte, minister of Grauson, or Beat Comte, a minister of Lau-
sanne, who at a later period devoted himself to medicine, and distinguished himself
by his devotedness to the care of those who were affected with the plague in that
town ? (See Ruchat, tom. v. p. 277.) We incline rather to this last conjecture.
Genan, an unknown personage.
1539.] FAREL. 121
by his brother Henry, whom they call Maurice. ' These three had
along with them four hundred horsemen ; the Landgrave² had
brought with him as many lanzknechts ; the Duke of Lune-
bourg came with less pomp. There were present, also , the
younger brother of the Duke of Brandenbourg, the younger
Prince of Brunswick, and three others, whose names I don't
remember. All these were Leaguers : the remainder who are
included in the League had sent deputies ; as, for instance, the
5 6
King of Denmark, the Duke of Prussia, and some others. As
for these, it was not strange that they stayed at home, because
in such an uncertain and perilous state of affairs, it would not
have been safe for them to have remained so far from home.
There were few, however, who did not feel indignant that the
Duke of Wurtemberg ' preferred rather to enjoy his field sports
in hunting, and I know not what other sportive recreations ,
than to be present at the Conference, in which both his native
country and perhaps his life are concerned, when he was only
two days' journey distant. Those who wished to excuse him,
said they had no doubt that he had laid the care of attending
to these matters on others, who he knew had the matter at
heart. Men of the first rank were sent by the free cities. At
the first deliberations, war was declared by the unanimous vote
of them all, until two of the Electors arrived -the Count Pala-
tine and Joachim of Brandenbourg -with the Emperor's letter,
' Maurice of Saxony, who had so great a part in the religious wars of Germany with
Charles V.
Philip of Hesse, who, from the year 1521, had been favourable to the tenets of
Luther.
3 Ernest, Duke of Lunebourg, promoter of the Reformation in his states.
The Treaty of Alliance formed by the Protestant Princes at Smalkald, ( 1538, ) had
been agreed to by a great number of the Towns.
Christian III., King of Denmark, (1534-1559, ) who introduced the Reformation
into his States.
6 Eastern Prussia was reformed and secularized, in 1525, by the Grand Master of
the Teutonic Order, Albert of Brandenbourg. It formed since that epoch the Duchy
of Prussia.
7 Ulrich, Count of Montbeliard, and Duke ofWurtemberg.
8 Louis, the Elector Palatine, and Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg, although
favourable to the Reformation, remained attached to the cause of the Emperor, and
tried to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties.
1539.] FAREL . 123
' John Vesal, Archbishop of Lunden, was the Emperor's ambassador at the Diet.
(Sleidan, lib. xii. p. 339. ) He became afterwards Bishop of Constance, and was
present at the Council of Trent.
* Albert of Brandenbourg, the brother of Joachim, the Elector of Brandenbourg.
This prelate sternly opposed all compromise in religious matters. He made continual
complaints of the indulgence shewn by the Emperor towards Protestants.
124 FAREL . [1539.
' On the death of Charles Van Egmont, Duke of Gueldres, his relation, William,
Duke of Cleves and Juliers, took possession of that town, of which he was dispos-
sessed by the Emperor in 1543.
1539.] FAREL . 125
' John Lambert, schoolmaster.- See Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. i. pp. 252-254.
He was living in exile on the Continent from the time of the rupture of England
with the See of Rome. He returned under the reign of Mary, became Archbishop
of Canterbury, President of the Royal Council, and died in 1558, after having been
the instrument of a short but bloody restoration of Popery in his native country.
8 See Hume, History of England, chap. xxxi.
1539.] FAREL . 127
See note 1, p. 105. George of Saxony himself died the same year. Sleidan, lib.
xii. p. 342.
2 It was not Maurice who succeeded Duke George, but his father, Henry the Pious,
who recalled all the exiles on account of religion, and introduced the Reformation
into the Duchy of Saxony.- Ibid. p. 344.
128 FAREL. [1539.
XXXIII.-To FAREL.
' The Elector of Saxony, John Frederic, had married Sibilla of Cleves, who evinced
the most noble character on the misfortune of her husband, vanquished and dispos-
sessed after the battle of Mühlberg.
It was not until the next year (1540) that a resolution was adopted on this sub-
ject. The princes desired to use their influence in favour of those who were suffering
in France on account of their religious opinions ; but not before they had obtained
correct information regarding the state of affairs in that country, the private inclina-
tions of the king, and the probability that their interference would prove successful.
-Sleidan, xiii. p. 361.
17
130 FAREL. [1539.
' Martin Frecht, a learned preacher and theologian of the Church at Ulm.
He refused to submit to the Interim, and died the 14th September 1556, at
Tübingen.
1539.] FAREL . 131
dies. Capito, at one time, protests, before God and men, that
the Church is ruined unless speedy aid is supplied in such a
distressing condition of affairs ; at another time, because he sees
no progress making, he prays for death. If our calling is
indeed of the Lord, as we firmly believe that it is, the Lord
himself will bestow his blessing, although the whole universe
may be opposed to us. Let us, therefore, try every remedy,
while, if such is not to be found, let us , notwithstanding,
persevere even to the last gasp. When I perceive you to be so
much cast down, at times I desire to be with you, that I might
suggest some comfort. On the other hand, when I see that I can
bring you nothing but subjects for greater annoyance , I submit,
however reluctantly, to remain at a distance, that I may not add
to your already too heavy burdens. Our brethren of the Pays de
Vaud owed me one crown , part of which they had received from
me by way of loan, part I had given to the messenger who came
with the brother at the request of Saunier. I had desired them
to give it to you. Ifthey have given it do you keep it, by which
means I shall be so far out of your debt. Whatever shall
remain due I will pay when able ; for such is my condition at
present that I cannot reckon a single penny my own . It is
astonishing how much money slips away in extraordinary ex-
penses ; and I am obliged to live at my own charges, unless I
would become a burden to the brethren. It is not so easy to
take care of my health , which you anxiously recommended me
to have a care of ; but I am too tedious ; moreover, am doing
injustice to such messengers as the present. Farewell, most
cherished friend ; may the Lord confirm you by the strength
of his Spirit, and bear you up under this heap of troubles.-
Yours, CALVIN .
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 5. ]
132 FAREL. [1539.
XXXIV.-To FAREL .
XXXV.-To FAREL.
Union of the Swiss Churches-first steps for the recall of Calvin to Geneva-some
details concerning his ministry and his straitened circumstances-Lutheran cere-
monies-the Church property- renewal of the League of Smalkald-constancy of
the German Princes-example of fidelity to the cause of Christ on the part of the
Town of Strasbourg.
A party, growing every day more numerous at Geneva, deplored the exile of
Calvin. As the organ of that sentiment, M. Du Tailly incessantly exhorted the Re-
former to forget the injury which had been done him, and to restore peace to the con-
gregation and church at Geneva by his return. Calvin would by no means separate
his cause from that of Farel, so as to make his return a personal matter to himself,
and not, as it was, a question of principle. Therefore, he felt little disposed to re-
sume the function of the ministry at Geneva.
W
XXXVI.-TO FAREL.
' From Neuchatel Farel observed attentively the progress of events at Geneva, and
sent intelligence thereof to Calvin.
140 FAREL. [ 1539 .
' The minister Gaspar Grossman, ( Megander,) had been discharged in 1537, by
the Senate of Berne, for having composed a Catechism, which, on some points, did
not agree with that of Bucer. Zebedee, minister of Orbe, had been censured for the
same reason.
The friends of Calvin at Strasbourg and in Switzerland were bent on bringing
about the marriage of the Reformer. Farel and Bucer displayed the most active zeal
inthe prosecution of their matrimonial project ; and it is known that Calvin's marriage,
which took place the following year, may be attributed to the management of the
latter. Th. de Bèze, Calvini Vita.
142 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1539.
You are of all persons the most desired. Come, then ; you will
shew your well- disposedness in a remarkable way by making
this journey. And , notwithstanding, what should prevent your
writing while you are getting ready to set out? All salute you
here even in a more than friendly way, Capito, Bucer, Sturm,
Bedrot, Gaspar, and Frenchmen whom I do not mention by
name, because you do not know them. Salute all the brethren
from me. May the Lord long preserve you all in safety, to
himself and for the good of his Church. - Yours,
CALVIN.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 10.]
Recommends anew the counsel of peace and brotherly agreement to the Church of
Geneva.
A letter, written in French, like that of the 1st October 1538,-" To the
residue of the dispersion of the Church of Geneva." The French original is lost.
It is preserved only in the Latin translation by Theodore Beza. We perceive in
it the peculiar circumstances in which the Reformer retired to Strasbourg, -saw it
to be his duty a second time to exhort the Church of Geneva. Discord among the
members of that Church had never ceased from the time of their being deprived of
their first pastors. The authority of the new ministers was constantly treated with
contempt, and the town, scarcely reformed, had to struggle with the old disorders,
aggravated bythe excesses arising from the schism. Observant ofthese sad divisions,
and superior to the resentment of injury personal to himself, Calvin exhorted the
members of his old flock, reminded them of the holy sanction of the ministerial charge,
and implored them to rally around their lawful pastors.
1539.] THE CHURCH OF GENEVA . 143
intense horror that any schism should settle down within the
Church . Wherefore, this was far more bitter to me than words
can express ;--I allude to what I have heard about those your con-
tentions, so long as you were tossed about in uncertainty ; since
owing to that circumstance not only was your Church rent by
division quite openly, but also the ecclesiastical ministry exposed
to obloquy and contempt. This of itself is of infinite importance.
And since, in consequence of that disorder which yet prevails
in the Church of God , by reason of the extent of the disease, I
can entertain the less hope of an immediate remedy , I under-
stand with the utmost delight that such a calamity has been.
changed into an assured union and agreement ; since I might
conclude that matters would so be brought round , that every
one would return to order, and that the kingdom of our Lord
Jesus Christ would be promoted . For where there are quarrels
and discord, there is scarcely any hope of improvement. There-
fore, as I might promise myself some certain advantage from
that reconciliation, I am readily induced to contribute to its
confirmation ; for if, even in the midst of such violent storms ,
I have always contributed my endeavour, according to the judg
ment and fixed purpose of my conscience, towards keeping and
preserving the communion of the Church, so much the more
did I need to testify the inclination of my mind towards those
pious individuals themselves , when so suitable an occasion pre-
sented itself for that purpose. And truly I saw everything at
the time in such a state of dissolution , that it did not appear to
me to be so easy a matter to rebuild and to restore them to
their former state. However that may be, I considered the pre-
sent most desirable and opportune occasion as offered by the
Lord for the restoring of your Church. Now, therefore, when ,
contrary to my expectation, I have heard that the reconcilia-
tion between your pastors and the neighbouring churches,
having been confirmed also by Farel and by myself, was not
found to be sufficient for binding you together in sincere and
friendly affection, and by the tie of a lawful connection with
your pastors, to whom the care ofyour souls is committed, I felt
myself compelled to write to you, that I might endeavour, so far
as lay in me, to find a medicine for this disease, which, without
144 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1539.
desired; that every one for himself may consider, what is due to
others, than that he may require what may further be due to
him from some one else. Where such considerations have their
due weight, then also this established rule will operate effec-
tually, namely, that those who hold the office of ministers of the
word, since the guidance and rule over your souls is entrusted
to their care, are to be owned and acknowledged in the relation
of parents, to be held in esteem, and honoured on account of
that office which, by the calling of the Lord, they discharge
among you. Nor does the extent of their function reach
so far as to deprive you of the right conferred on you by
God, (as upon all his own people, ) that every pastor may be
subject to examination , that those who are thus approven may
be distinguished from the wicked, and all such may be held
back who, under the guise of shepherds, betray a wolfish rapa-
city. This, however, is my earnest wish concerning those who
in some measure fulfil the duty of pastors, that they may be
tolerant, that you also may conduct yourselves towards them
in a Christian spirit, and with this view that you may make
greater account of that which may be due by you to others,
than what others owe to yourselves. This also I will set forth
plainly and in a few words. Two things here are to be consi
dered . The one, that the calling of your ministers does not
happen without the will of God. For although that change
which took place upon our departure may have been brought
to pass by the subtlety of the Devil, so that whatever fol-
lowed on that change may justly be suspected by you : in it,
nevertheless, the remarkable grace of the Lord is to be acknow-
ledged by you, who has not allowed you to be left altogether
destitute ; nor let you fall back again under the yoke of
Antichrist, from which he hath once rescued you already.
But he rather wished that both the doctrine of the Gospel
should still exist, and that some appearance of a Church should
flourish among you , so that with a quiet conscience you might
continue there. We have always admonished you that you
should acknowledge that overturning of your Church as the
visitation of the Lord sent upon you, and necessary also for
us. Neither ought you so much to direct your thoughts
19
146 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1539 .
tyranny into the Church) requires, that pious men should esteem
as pastors those who do not stand only on their calling. For it is
an indignity not to be borne, if that reverence and regard is to
be given to certain personages, which the Lord himself desires
may be assigned only to the ministers of the word. Conse-
quently, I readily grant you concerning that minister who shall
not have taught the word of our Lord Jesus Christ, whatever
title or prerogative he may put forth as a pretence, that he
is unworthy to be considered as a pastor, to whom due obe-
dience can be shewn in the ministry. Because, however, it is
clear to me, in reference to our brethren who at present hold
the office of the ministry among you , that the Gospel is taught
you by them, I do not see what can excuse you, as before the
Lord, while you either neglect or reject them. If some one
may reply, that this or that in their doctrine or morals is ob
jectionable, I require you, in the first place, by our Lord Jesus
Christ, that so far as may be, you will first of all weigh the
matter in your mind, and without any hastiness of judgment.
For since we all of us owe this on the score of charity to one
another, that we may not rashly pass sentence against others,
but rather, so far as lies in us, that we hold fast by clemency
and justice, much more is that moderation to be practised to-
wards those whom the Lord is pleased to peculiarly distinguish
above others. And even although there may be somewhat
wanting which might justly be required of them, (as to which
I am not able to speak definitely, since I have no certain
knowledge,) you must just consider, that you will find no per-
son so thoroughly perfect as that there shall not be many things
which are still to be desired . Wherefore, that rule of charity
is not duly honoured by us, unless we uphold our neighbours,
even with their very infirmities, provided we recognize in them
the true fear of God and the sincere desire of following the very
truth itself. Lastly, I cannot possibly doubt, in so far as con-
cerns their doctrine, but that they faithfully deliver to you the
chief heads of Christian religion , such as are necessary to
salvation, and join therewith the administration of the sacra-
ments of the Lord. Wherever this is established, there also
the very substance of the ministry ordained by the Lord Jesus
148 THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1539.
Christ thrives and flourishes ; and all due reverence and respect
is to be observed toward him who is the minister.
Now, therefore, most beloved brethren, I entreat and ad-
monish you, in the name and strength of our Lord Jesus
Christ, that turning away from man your heart and mind,
you betake yourselves to that one and only Redeemer, and
that you reflect, how much we are bound to submit entirely
to his sacred commands. And if everything he has appointed
among you ought deservedly to be held inviolate, no consi-
deration whatever ought so to deflect you from the path of
duty, that you may not preserve whole and entire that mini-
stration which he so seriously commends to you. If already
you dispute and quarrel with your pastors to the extent of
brawls and railing, as I hear has occurred, it is quite evident
from such a course of proceeding, that the ministry of those
very persons in which the brightness of the glory of our
Lord Jesus Christ ought to shine forth, must be subject to
contempt and reproach, and all but trampled under foot. It
is therefore incumbent on you carefully to beware, lest while
we seem to ourselves only to insult men, we in fact declare war
on God himself. Nor, besides, ought it to seem a light matter
to you, that sects and divisions are formed and cherished
within the Church, which no one who has a Christian heart
beating in his breast can without horror even drink in by the
hearing of the ears. But that the state of matters is indeed
such where a separation of this kind exists, and as it were
a secession between pastor and people, the thing speaks for
itself. In conclusion , therefore, accept this admonition, if you
wish me to be held by you as a brother, that there may be
among you a solid agreement, which may correspond with such
a name, that you may not reject that ministry which, for
your advantage and the prosperity of the Church, I have been
forced to approve of without any fear or favour in respect of
men. But because, during the whole of that time my pious
and faithful colleague in the Lord was here, because my time,
so far as ordinary occupations permitted, was entirely taken up
in conference, I could not then write to you more fully, as I
wished . Thereupon , we thus agreed among ourselves, that I
1539.] FAREL. 149
indeed should deliver to you in few words the right way which
you ought here to take, but that himself as he should judge ex-
pedient should exhort you as to duty face to face. Here, there-
fore, with the most fervent salutation written by my own hand,
do I supplicate the Lord Jesus, that he may protect you in his
holy fortress of defence ; that he may heap on you his gifts more
and more ; that he may restore your Church to due order, and
specially, that he may fill you with his own spirit of gentle-
ness, so that in the true conjunction of soul we may every one
bestow ourselves in the promoting of his kingdom.
Your most devoted,
J. C.
[ Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 10. ]
XXXVIII.- To FAREL.
XXXIX.-To FAREL.
XL.- TO FAREL .
' Sulzer, minister of the Church of Berne. At a later period he was pastor of the
Church of Basle.
* Cardinal Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, informed of the troubles of Geneva, had
written to the magistrates of that town exhorting them to return to the communion
of the Roman Church. Calvin wrote a reply to Sadolet, and that letter, dated from
Strasbourg, 1st September 1539, is one of the most remarkable monuments of the
Reformer's genius. See Calv. Opera, edit. d'Amsterdam, tom. viii.; and the Recueil
des Opuscules, p. 145.
Condemned by the Synod of Lausanne, and banished by the Senate of Berne,
Caroli had returned to the Church of Rome, and had in vain sought the favour of the
Cardinal de Tournon. Deceived in his expectations, he reappeared in Switzerland,
confessed his past offences, and obtained the forgiveness of Farel. Afterwards he
proceeded to Strasbourg, where Bucer and Sturm tried every means to reconcile him
with Calvin.- Ruchat, Hist. de la Réformat. en Suisse, tom. v. pp. 129-134.
152 FAREL. [1539.
and tears ; and I was the more deeply afflicted because you had
occasioned me those evils. Ever and anon they were twitting
me with your lenity, who had mercifully embraced Caroli upon
the spot that I was too headstrong, who could not be moved
one whit from that judgment which I had formed . Bucer,
indeed, has tried every mode of representation, that he might
soothe my mind upon the subject, but, in the meanwhile, sets
up your example invidiously against me ; nor, indeed, can you
thus excuse yourself of inconsiderateness, or that you were too
easily led away by him ; and that I may freely speak my mind,
that one mightjustly have expected from you more both ofgravity
and constancy and moderation. These good brethren have
insisted that you should receive Caroli into favour. On which
you have not merely given way, but you have fallen prostrate.
This you yourself have discovered shortly after you repented
of it, and you might have recovered yourself without repent-
ance, unless you had gone too far. Do you suppose that I
take any comfort to myself from the accusation of your
negligence, which has caused me so much annoyance ? Had
I been able to speak with you face to face, I would have
turned upon you the whole of the fury which I have poured
forth upon others. When I had somewhat come to myself I
sent for James, and inquired what had taken place with him.
Some things he related rekindled anew in metheangry passions,
therefore I requested that he would point out the particular
occasion where or when he imputed the blame of his falling
away as forced upon him by others, and expressly that the
conditions might be confirmed, upon which he had been received
back by you into favour at Bonneville. ' I would have accom-
plished something better if you had not prevented me. To you
it is to be imputed if anything is faulty. First of all, that
you did not temper or qualify your reconciliation by that
moderation which ought to be observed ; that you ought not to
have received him back into communion, unless upon his own .
solemn attestation acknowledging his offence, and upon repent-
' Bonneville, on the Lake of Bienne. It was there where the interview between
Caroli and Farel, accompanied by the two deputies from Neuchatel, had taken
place.
156 FAREL. [1539 .
XLI.-To FAREL.
' James Bedrot, native of the Grisons, professor of Greek in the Academy at Stras-
bourg.
That is to say, the preceding letter concerning Caroli.
158 FAREL. [1539.
' This refers, doubtless, to the Edict which was published the following year in
France. It contained most rigorous clauses against heretics.
2 Ulric Chelius, a distinguished physician, the friend of Bucer.
3 See notes 2, pp. 129, 150. The Protestant princes of Germany, irritated by
the persecutions directed against their brethren of the Reformed Churches of
France, threatened the rupture of all friendly relations with the reigning sove-
reign, Francis I.
1539.] FAREL. 161
Thomas and the others. I have not been able just at present
to write to Michael . Do you, however, urge him to write, by
the first opportunity, what has been done about the Psalms.
I had commissioned one hundred copies to be sent to Geneva.
Now, for the first time, I have been given to understand that
this had not been attended to. It has certainly been very ne-
glectful so long to delay informing me. I cannot at present
get the Minutes. Within a few days you shall receive them.
(Postscript, in French.)
You have sent me word by Alexander, that you have got
for me Pias Orationes Lutheri, of which you make no mention.
I beg you will let me know also about that.
[Lat. orig. autogr.- Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
XLII. TO FAREL.
mont were the subject. William du Bellay was governor of Piedmont, which had
recently been subjugated by Francis I., and did honour to himself by the generous
protection which he extended to the Waldensian Churches.
' This word, as also several others, is effaced in the original.
1539.] FAREL. 165
been forced to hear, that story was cast up to him about his
brother, who they say defiled the holy cup. He replied, that
it was a falsehood ; if it had been true he himself would have
punished such an outrage, nor could he have escaped with im-
punity after such an act of sacrilege, either at Basle or here, or
at Geneva : that the enemies of the Gospel, however, invent
many stories, for the purpose of grieving and annoying us, and
that this was one of them. He loves both of his brothers
very much. When I lately supped with him, and one of the
superior clergy of the cathedral was present, who it is thought
will one day be bishop , he spoke in a friendly way of both. I
stayed nearly two days with him, that I might write his letters.
On the 19th of this month the Convention is appointed to
meet, as I have already written to you.' The chief point for
deliberation will be, what they ought to advise now that the
Emperor has given them the slip . There are very many and
great surmises of war. The Margrave-Elector of Brandenbourg²
has summoned Philip, and has written to the Landgrave that
it is his intention to receive the Gospel and to root up Popery.
While the truce has lasted, therefore, we have acquired no
small accession.It is doubtful as to Gueldres what may
happen. He has betrothed his sister to the King of England,³
and within a few days will send her away. The English King
has courteously entertained the ambassadors of our princes.
What more can I say ? Never was there time of greater
preparedness for the reception of the Gospel. When the
Emperor heard of the marriage he tried to induce the King,
by means of Duke Frederic, brother of the Elector-Palatine,
' That meeting took place at Arnstadt, a town of the Thuringi. See Sleidan, lib.
xii. p. 347.
Joachim II., Margrave- Elector of Brandenbourg, (1534-1571.) After having
shewn himself all along faithful to the cause of the Emperor, this prince established
the Reformation in his States.
8 Henry VIII. sought again at this time the alliance of the Protestant princes of
Germany. He espoused (Jan. 6, 1540 ) Anne of Cleves, whom he repudiated some
months afterwards.
This prince, who at this time still wavered between Catholicism and the Reformed
doctrines, succeeded his brother as Elector-Palatine, in 1544, and completed the work
of the Reformation in his State.
166 FAREL. [1539.
XLIII.- TO FAREL.
' The Duke of Cleves had been put in possession of the town of Gueldres, notwith-
standing the protestations of the Emperor, and with the tacit approbation of the
French King.
The King of France and the Emperor equally put forth pretensions to the pos-
session of the Milanese.
22
170 FAREL. [1539 .
XLIV.-To FAREL .
1 The town of Ghent having revolted, Charles V. sought permission from the French
King to pass through France, in order to suppress more promptly the revolt. Francis
consented, and, on the faith of his word, Charles did not hesitate to traverse the states
of his rival. His expedition was a triumph. The two sovereigns made their formal
entry into Paris, January 1, 1540.
2 Amiens. The interview proposed in that town between the two monarchs did not
take place.
Charles, Duke of Savoy, dispossessed of the greater part of his territory by
Francis I.
174 FAREL. [1540.
XLV. TO FAREL.
succeed I will let you know the course I may take. Our
friends are hitherto at a standstill as to what they intend
to do. The reason of their offputting is because they have
not as yet received any certain return by way of answer
from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more
tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our
sovereign has somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have
considerable influence in changing the whole of his measures. '
He made use of this sophism, that he would not bind himself
to the King by promise on any account, but that he would
inflate him with empty hopes for the future. Already the King
seemed to himself to have possession of Milan . Lately, how-
ever, when the Emperor's inclination was put to proof by the
ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him that
length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given the
King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan .
On that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to
him, and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that
they will be more ready to go to war than ever. Neither,
indeed, will the King of England, in such a crisis of affairs,
yield in any point, much less the admiral, who is now restored
to his former post of honour and favour. Before few months
are over we shall see, if I am not mistaken, a wonderful change
of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the Lord must be entreated
that in this turn of affairs he would both hasten forward the
decision and also confirm the resolution of our friends. May
the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under his pro-
tection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent
and right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm , Bedrot, Claude, and
my brother, salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know .
that I am writing .
CALVIN.
[ Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 259.]
' This interview, which had been proposed to be held at Calais, in reference to fresh
matrimonial projects of Henry VIII., did not take place, (see Hume, cap. xxxii., ) and
after apparent hesitation on the part of the English monarch between an alliance with
Francis I. and one with the Emperor, he turned to Charles V., sacrificing at once the
friendship of the King of France and that of the German Princes.
23
178 FAREL. [1540.
XLVI.- TO FAREL.
The citizens of Geneva, perceiving at length that their divisions were ruinous to
their country, resolved in a General Council, assembled Feb. 1, 1540, to be at agree-
ment with each other, and to live in unity together. The recall of the banished
ministers put the seal to this reconciliation. - Ruchat, Hist. de la Réformation, vol. i.
p. 137.
1540.] FAREL. 179
' The meeting at Smalkald took place the 1st of March, to draw up a form of
agreement between the Roman Catholics and the Protestants. - Sleidan, book xii. p.
351. The meeting separated on the 13th April.
180 FAREL. [1540.
' The Chancellor Granvelle, father of the celebrated Cardinal Granvelle, minister
and ambassador of Charles V.
They were the Earls of Thierry of Mandersheit, and William Nuenar, magni con-
silii et dignitatis viri.— Sleidan, book xii. p. 352.
See that answer related fully in Sleidan, book xiii. pp. 353-61.
1540.] FAREL. 181
sented to the Emperor, the other, Doctor Ulrich took with him
to Soleure, that it may cometo the King, through the ambassador.
I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few.
But I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be
copied. Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they
are attacked instantly to advance forward, and not to wait,
unless their conscience keep them back ; for there is not a
single individual who is not quite prepared to undergo all
hazards rather than that the free course of Christ's Evangel
be stopt, so far is it from their mind that they would suffer
anything to be taken from it. Here, at Strasbourg, the
Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the judg
ment of the Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system
of attempted terrorism , they will stir up great commotions.
Hitherto the controversies have hung in suspense between
the Emperor and the King. That is the reason which delays
the Emperor that he does not immediately make an onslaught
upon us. The Papists strive with all their might to relieve
him of all other business, so that he may gird himself for
attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick, who has
brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that
they may treat together about that duchy. Our friends,
however, are so well satisfied with their own strength , that
they are not at all frightened by these manoeuvres . Three of
the Electors take a middle course-the Elector- Palatine, of
Cologne, and of Treves, and will rather take part with us than
suffer us to be oppressed . Two we have professedly on our
side . Frederick wished by our means to obtain some advan-
tage from the King of Denmark : he could not succeed, which
the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is forced
to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how
much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold
of the soul of man. The English Parliament is now met.¹
We are informed that the spirits of all the pious are raised
In the intense desire of concluding an agreement with the King of England, the
German princes shewed their willingness to open a colloquy for that object, but these
conferences did not take place, and the hope of a happy reconciliation between the
churches of England and Germany was not realized. - Sleidan, book xiii. p. 361.
182 FAREL. [1540.
1 Without doubt on the subject of the free proclamation of the Gospel in that town,
then subject to England. It was not restored to France till 1558, by Francis of Lor-
raine, Duke of Guise.
1540. ] FAREL . 183
both perform your own share of duty, and pardon me if, per-
haps, I shall have become too negligent.
Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so
because I can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over
without measure , as always happens whenever it has once burst
forth, and there is no way of putting a stop to it. I wrote,
however, to Farel, under the apprehension that what so long
kept us in suspense would at length come to pass . Wherefore,
unless the Lord open up some new outlet, there is no other
way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our prayers
and exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their
lives, that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy
which almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we
commit their safety to the Lord.¹
I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a
smile, where you shew so much concern about my health, and
recommend Geneva on that ground . Why could you not have
said at the cross ? for it would have been far preferable to
perish once for all than to be tormented again in that place
of torture. Therefore, my dear Viret, if you wish well to me,
make no mention of such a proposal . It was, however, most
agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La Fontaines
were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also had
turned your mind to it ; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade
myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible
for me, however, not to be rejoiced by that kindness of good
men towards me.
A meeting was convocated for the month of July 1540, in the town of Haguenau,
in order to prepare matters for a general conference between the Roman Catholic
and Reformed theologians. See following letter.
*2 Ambroise Blaurer, minister and reformer of the town of Constance.
190 FAREL. [1540.
but they sent back word that they would not come. This I
mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part of
our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send
Carlostad . The opposite faction are at present consulting by
what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us . Our friends
will shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise,
provided that no part of the truth be departed from . The
Emperor will not be left so completely at his ease by our King
as to be able to concentrate his forces against our side. As yet
the state of war has not commenced, but the seeds begin to
spring up ; and that friend of ours is seeking those means of
defence which, while he was in terms of friendship with his
brother, he despised, and would yet continue to despise if things
had remained the same. Baisius, who discharges the office of
envoy at the conference, has come hither to sound the depth of
the ford, and to see what can be accomplished , as many conjec-
ture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements may
take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to
obtain some advantage, since they perceive our King to be so
very unlikely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The
King of England is not represented here. I have no doubt,
however, that he may be attempting somewhat elsewhere . In
the cause of the Lord he does not deal very favourably of late;
three men of the commonalty have been burnt, because they
had ventured to express themselves on the subject of the
Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation tolerated.
But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to arrogate
to himself the sole authority , and without being scrupulous as
to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction
of his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall
avail them nothing except by the King's permission . The Lord
will avenge this arrogance by some remarkable punishment.
Theaddress ofthe princes I desire, with good reason, may still
' Carlostad, the friend, and, at a later period, the hot-headed adversary of Luther.
At this time he had retired to Basle, where he was settled as minister of St. Peter's.
He died in 1541.
* Lazarus Baisius, a distinguished and learned man, ambassador of the French king
at the Diet of Haguenau.
1540] FAREL. 191
Pont de Veyle, a small town of the Bresse, handed over at that time by the King
of France to the Duke of Savoy.
2 Andrew Zebedee, minister at Orbe, deposed by the Senate of Berne for having set
himself in opposition, on some points, to the theology of Bucer.
1540.] MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 193
' M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at Geneva, a de-
clared partisan of the Reformation and of Calvin, whose return he pressingly urged,
25
194 MONSIEUR DU TAILLY . [1540.
as the following letter, taken from the MSS. of the Company of Neuchatel, suffi-
ciently attests :-
the abuses of the Court of Rome, proclaimed the necessity of a Reformation, and
appealed to a general council, interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any
opinion contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of that
assembly.
1540.] MONSIEUR DU TAILLY. 197
1
198 PETER CAROLI. [1540
Answer to the complaints of Caroli- refuses to grant to him the professorial chair
unless he repents of his past offences.
1 Repulsed at the same time in the requests which he had addressed to the
Church of Neuchatel and to that of Strasbourg, Caroli had retired to Metz, from
whence he wrote a letter to Calvin full of bravado and reproach, offering to be re-
conciled with him and Farel if they would procure him a benefice. The reply of
Calvin, equally remarkable for power as well as charity, is a testimony of the
moderation and of the wisdom of the writer.
1510.] PETER CAROLI. 199
by vow to take charge of, than if a father were to cast off his
sons. But you will say, that he included you in that number,
while you were entirely free from any such imputation. If
you will read over his letter, you will discover that it is
otherwise. For he required nothing more of the brethren
than that they should diligently inquire ; if on that inquiry
having been made you were acquitted, was not that what
you ought to have desired ? You went to Metz ; -how very
unsuitable was it for you to boast among the adversaries
of Christ that you had come prepared and ready to convict
us of heresy ? And, notwithstanding, in the meanwhile,
you would maintain for yourself that boast, that you are at-
tempting nothing against the Gospel . But what kind of
proof do you give us of this ? If any one professedly wages
war with the servant of Christ, and throws all sort of obstacles
in his way, how can such a one promote the kingdom of
Christ ? You can scarcely say that such a man is on the side
of the Gospel at all. Look to it, brother, again and again ,
whither you are going. We have a ministry in nowise sepa-
rated from Christ : if you doubt it, we have the sufficiently
sure and faithful testimony of conscience. You may flatter
yourself as you will, you shall at length feel that by attacking
us you are kicking against the pricks. In the meanwhile, what
harm can you do to us ? You will call us heretics. Where-
fore ? Amongthose, forsooth, who reckon you yourself to be a
heretic, although for the present they apply your slander to a
different purpose from what was intended . Among truly pious
and learned men, I am not at all afraid of your being able to
do me any harm by your detraction. All these things have a
tendency in that direction , and so I wish them to be understood
by you, that you may realize before God the course upon which
you have entered, and do not think of defending yourself by
the undeserved condemning of other persons, which not only is
without the slightest foundation , but wants even a decent pre-
text. If I shall have so far succeeded, that is enough, I am .
satisfied . But I would not have you to lay aside hope and
courage. For if you shall manifest to us the true and solid
evidences of an upright heart, we are ready prepared immedi-
1540.] PETER CAROLI. 201
LI. TO VIRET.
of some sort, and does not doubt that the present state of affairs
prevents the princes from arriving at any settled determina-
tion. I have translated the Royal Edict, ' and have taken care
to keep a copy of it. We are by no means negligent, but we
cannot by all our diligence uniformly accomplish what might
be wished by all good men. A new hindrance has also of late
arisen out of the quarrel of Count William with the Constable
of France, which I wish in the long- run may come to good.
Whenever the answer is brought to us, whatever it may be, I
will let you know. Oh that the answer may meet our wishes !
The letters which arrive from the different provinces of France
say nothing about the Edict ; and certainly, while occupied
in translating it, the composition gave rise to some suspicion,
for it has nought of the elegance of courtly diction about it. I
keep it however beside me, that it might not be made use of
to the hurt of the brethren . Upon what terms we have come
to a settlement with Caroli you shall know by and by, when
lecture is over. At present, also, I am writing to Farel, what
he will be able to communicate also to you. As usual, I am
obliged to bear the whole brunt of their spite and malice.
But as the matter is at an end, you will also endeavour that
all old offences may be done away with. Adieu, my brother.
All the brethren salute you, Capito, Bucer, Sturm, and the
rest.-Yours,
CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol . 106.]
' The Edict of Fontainbleau, put forth the 1st of June 1540, called on the inquisi-
tors, the bishops, and the parliaments to repress the crime of heresy, and by which it
was assimilated to the crime of treason. The number of victims increased greatly on
the promulgation of this edict, and the punishment was rendered more cruel by the
atrocious tortures which preceded.
204 FAREL. [1540
LII. TO FAREL.
' Calvin, in the month of August 1540, had married Idelette de Bure, the widow
of an Anabaptist of Liege, John Störder, whom he had brought back to the Reformed
faith. He lived nine years with her in the most entire union, and remained a widower
in the month of April 1549.
1510.] FAREL . 205
Bucer was on the eve of setting out for the Conference of Worms, which he was
to have attended, accompanied by Calvin.
1540.] FAREL. 207
but what could our friends do in the meantime, when they hear
that lodgings had already been bespoke at Worms, that the
Emperor was approaching, except that they should be very
intensely on the lookout ? During the interval, you must also
know, that the Emperor in person, with the most unheard- of
rapacity, has pillaged Flanders, Holland, Brabant, Luxembourg ;
it may even rather be said, that he has completely gutted these
territories. But if nothing occurs to prevent, call us whenso-
ever it shall seem good . Bucer promises solemnly that without
shrinking, he will come immediately on receiving the summons.
As regards myself, there is no great occasion for a laboured.
excuse, for it was not possible to contend with God, who con-
fined me to my bed at the very time when the journey was to
be undertaken . For the willingness, I do not think you can
entertain a doubt. Most certainly, those who were present at
the time are aware that this was my continual complaint, " Now
Farel will be disappointed in his expectation ." But notwith-
standing, we ought each of us patiently to submit, because the
Lord has either removed the hope we entertained , or delayed
the fulfilment until a more convenient season . We may well
believe that he foresaw more clearly what would be best than
we could possibly forecast, either by consultation or by our most
reasonable conclusions in regard to this business . We have
nothing new here, unless that the King and the Emperor, while
contending in cruel persecution of the godly, both endeavour
to gain the favour of the Roman idol. There was a cer-
tain personage here lately, a native of Gascony, one of the
magnates as appeared ; he had an escort of five horsemen
along with him ; by whom I have written to the Queen of
Navarre, ' and have earnestly besought her that she would
not desert us in a time of so great affliction. Publicly we can
do nothing, matters continue in such a doubtful state. The
Emperor, as you have heard, hastens his journey to Worms,
but not at great speed . He has, however, shewn that he wishes
to have a convention of the princes. Afterward to hold a Diet
1 Marguerite, sister of Francis I. The letter to which Calvin here refers is unfor-
tunately lost.
208 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. [1540.
Excuses himself from returning to Geneva by the necessity of his attendance at the
Diet of Worms.
The bearer of this letter was Amy Perrin, who sought anxiously to bring about
the recall of the Reformer, whose most determined adversary he became some years
afterwards at Geneva.- Spon, tom. i. p. 283. Note P.
27
210 FAREL . [ 1540.
LIV. TO FAREL.
ing to bring about. They would have all the States of the
empire leagued together and armed for our destruction . But
what the artifices are by which they are resolved to attack us
is less certain. By and by, however, they will unfold more
clearly whatever craftiness there may be in this latter. Adieu ;
salute all in the most friendly manner,-Cordier, Thomas,
Fatin , Le Clerc, and the rest. All our friends here do kindly
entreat you, both you and them.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
Calvin at Worms-he excuses himself to the magistrates of Geneva for his inability
to comply with their request, on account of the mission with which he had been
charged into Germany in the general interest of the Church.
' In accordance with the desire expressed by the ministers of the Church at Stras-
bourg, Calvin had repaired to the Diet at Worms, to assist at the conferences which
were about to take place between the theologians of the two modes of worship. It
was in this town that he received the deputies of the Council of Geneva, bearers of
the following letter :-
The Conferences of Worms, where Melanchthon and Eck appeared as the prin-
cipal actors, were in fact broken off at the request of the Emperor, and resumed with
greater éclat the year following at the Diet of Ratisbon. Calvin went thither, and his
wonderful intelligence procured for him, on the acknowledgment of Melanchthon
himself, the surname of Theologian. He retraced the picture of that Assembly in
several of his Latin letters, and above all, in the following writing :-"The Proceed-
ings of the Imperial Diet held in the City of Regensbourg, otherwise called Ratisbon,
the year one thousand five hundred forty and one, about the differences which are at
present concerning Religion." Geneva, 1541.
1540.] THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 217
28
218 FAREL. [1540
LVI. TO FAREL .
this Diet, I have briefly stated in the paper which the brethren
will show you, and a short while since I explained to yourself.
I will write to you more at length when I have more leisure .
Will you greet Viret most lovingly, and make my special
excuse for not writing, requesting of him to be satisfied for
the present with this letter ? Adieu, my excellent and very
dear brother ; may the Lord preserve you all.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp., Opera, tom. ix. p. 259. ]
Testimony rendered to the French Church at Strasbourg and to the pastor in charge
of it during the absence of Calvin- matters of advice.
1 From the Assembly at Worms, where he sustained with Bucer and Melanch-
thon the weighty interests of the Reformation, Calvin cast a look of attentive regard
on the humble parish of which he was the pastor at Strasbourg, and addressed to
the Deacon Nicolas Parent, who was charged with the duty of supplying his place
while absent, several letters, animated with the most lively interest in the spiritual
wellbeing of his parishioners.
1540.] NICOLAS PARENT. 221
may thus also provide the Genevese, that they may give over
their solicitations ; ' for, indeed , it sorely grieves me, that while
I earnestly desire them to be relieved, yet I see no method by
which that can be brought about until we shall have returned
thither, and Farel shall have written word how matters stand
at present among them ; for we have obtained this present
breathing time on that condition, that we may take counsel
and consider the state of the Church, such as it shall be at the
time. Now, therefore, while everything remains in this sus-
pense, I begin to rest a little from that anxiety which the
difficulty of this consultation has brought upon me, and to
breathe more freely.
To return, however, to our Church; I am well content that it
can endure my absence without any great longing for my return.
You have done well in giving intimation about the celebrating
of the Lord's Supper, that, indeed, had not occurred to me
when I came away ; but you have made the announcement too
late, for the day has elapsed on which it ought to have been
made, or will certainly have gone by before any letter from me
can have reached you. And I fear lest, in laying aside the
usual probation before receiving the sacrament, that this
speckled examination may give us some disturbance hereafter.
On the whole, I think it will be better if we defer for the pre-
sent, since it was not thought of at the proper time, unless,
perhaps, Claude ' has returned, so that you can consult with
him ; for if he agree with you to proceed , I would be unwilling
to interpose delay ; only I am afraid that it may prove hurtful
to us hereafter, if we innovate upon what has been already
settled ; else if it can be so arranged with a due regard to order ,
I shall not delay it. Adieu, my dear Nicolas ; greet most
lovingly in my name Sebastian , Enard, and your other fellow-
workers. May the Lord have you all in his keeping, and by
his own Spirit direct you to every good work.- Yours,
CALVIN.
[Lat. copy-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
Calvin had received at Worms the letter of recall and of the ambassadors of the
Senate of Geneva. See the preceding Letter.
Claude was the other deacon of the French Church at Strasbourg.
222 NICOLAS PARENT. [1540.
' See the note appended to the preceding French Letter. Nicolas Parent became,
at a later period, minister of the Church of Neuchatel.
1540.] NICOLAS PARENT. 223
When I was about to send away this letter, your other letter
reached me, in which you describe the nuptials. You have
certainly proved yourself a man of courage in having dared to
approach Mathias, who does not easily suffer the word ofadmo-
nition, much less that of rebuke. I rejoice, however, that it has
been so well taken. Let us, therefore, be satisfied with this
friendly expostulation , without pursuing the interest of the
Church any farther. This example admonishes us, that in
future nothing of a disorderly kind ought to be passed by.
In so far as regards the man and wife, I would have you ob-
1541.] THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 225
Calvin sent to the Diet of Ratisbon- he excuses himself on that account from return-
ing at that moment to Geneva- advices addressed to the magistrates of that town.
' Viret had gone for six months to Geneva ; where he was further detained at the
request of the Seigneury, and was not restored to the church at Lausanne until the
12th July 1542. - Ruchat, tom. v. pp. 161 , 162.
1541.] FAREL. 227
LX.-TO FAREL.
' The Conferences at Worms had been transferred to Ratisbon by a decree of the
Emperor.
2 The Bernese Bailiffs of Gex and of Thonon had entered into possession of certain
lordships belonging to the town of Geneva. The judges who were appointed to settle
the dispute could not come to agreement among themselves, and the whole matter
had been submitted to the arbitration of Basle.-Roset, Chronique Manuscrite, cited
by Ruchat, Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 148.
The enemies of the Waldenses did not spare any amount of calumny in order
to compass their ruin. In a Confession of Faith, published 6th April 1541 , the
Waldenses eloquently declared their respect for constituted authority, strikingly
1541.] FAREL. 229
confirmed by their life and conversation. " As regards the magistrates," said they,
" such as princes, nobles, and judges, we look on them as ordained of God, and
willingly obey their laws and ordinances, paying the tributes, taxes, and tithes
which they impose, • rendering them honour and obedience in all matters
not contrary to the will of God."-Bèze, Hist. Eccl. vol. i. p. 41.
The Cardinal de Tournon, who uniformly displayed sentiments of the utmost
hostility against the Waldenses.
230 VIRET. [1541 .
LXI. To VIRET.¹
New expression of the repugnances and terrors which Calvin feels in prospect of his
returning to Geneva.
With consent of the nobles of Berne, and by request of Calvin, Viret had left
the church at Lausanne to afford to that of Geneva the support of his talents and
his zeal ; but the return of Calvin alone could avail to terminate the crisis which his
banishment had occasioned, and Viret, therefore, joined the Seigneury in entreating
that he would resume his charge as minister at Geneva.- Spon, tom. i. p. 283,
Note P. Calvin, at that time on his way to Ratisbon, freely poured out to his
friend his doubts and difficulties on the subject.
1541.] VIRET. 231
that Satan may not throw some hindrance in the way should
we make a more lengthened sojourn . To the former I can
make no other reply than what I have been always in the
habit of returning, that there is no place under heaven of
which I can have a greater dread, not because I have hated
.
it, but because I see so many difficulties presented in that
quarter which I do feel myself far from being equal to sur-
mount. Whenever the recollection of former times recurs to
my mind, I cannot but shudder throughout with heartfelt alarm
at the thought, that I may be forced to expose myself a second
time to these sort of contests. Had I merely to superintend
that church, I would feel more at ease upon the matter, certainly
I would be much less alarmed at the prospect, but you must
understand well enough that there is much more in this matter
than I can describe. This much, however, I may say in one word,.
while from many tokens I wot very well that he whom you wot
of, who can do the most mischief of all, entertains an implacable
hatred towards me : when I call to mind how all around him
there lie open to his hand so many inlets of approach on every
side, ready for mischief-making, how many bellows may be set
agoing for lighting up the fires of contention, how many oppor-
tunities presented which I can never be well provided against,
it quite appals me. In the city itself there are many other
difficulties which cause me no little anxiety even now. The
further I proceed , the clearer do I perceive how arduous a
charge it is to rule in the superintendence of a church ; albeit
I would not flinch from doing my utmost to help that Church
in her wretchedness, but would be most ready to do so
whenever it shall be given me to understand that I can be
of any service ; for howsoever certain considerations may rather
alarm me in this enterprise, though they do operate rather
as a drawback while they hold my mind's resolve somewhat in
suspense, they cannot, however, drive this out of me, that I
must be adoing to my very uttermost whatsoever I shall have
concluded to be most for her welfare and prosperity. Farel
can vouch for me that I had never, even by a single word,
shrunk back from that call ; but only that I earnestly entreated,
lest through unadvisedness the already forlorn Church should
232 VIRET. [1541 .
' James Bernard, formerly a monk, converted to the Reform by the preaching of
Farel and Viret, and a minister of the Church of Geneva during the exile of Calvin.
Feeling his insufficiency and that of his colleagues, he had written a touching letter
to the Reformer, to urge upon him to resume the direction of his former charge :—
"Indeed," said he, " one Sunday lately, when I was preaching in the chapel of
Rive, seeing our church desolate, and the people all in tears, I was impelled to exhort
them earnestly to turn to God, and to entreat of him humbly, in Christ's name, that
he would send them a faithful pastor, such as is necessary for the interests of his
Church. Two days thereafter the Council of Two Hundred was assembled, and
unanimously called for Calvin ; on the following day the General Council met, and all,
without one dissenting voice, cried, ' We must have Calvin, that wise and holy man,
that faithful minister of Jesus Christ.' . . . Come, then, most honoured father ; come,
for you are ours." -Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 12.
2 Calvin was setting out for the Diet at Ratisbon.
1541.] JAMES BERNARD . 235
James Bernard and his colleagues, appointed ministers of Geneva after the ex-
pulsion of Calvin, had, by their weakness and want of firmness, sanctioned the dis-
orders against which Calvin, Farel, ard Courault had opposed themselves in vain.
1541.] FAREL. 237
LXIII.-To FAREL.'
' While Calvin was present at the Diet of Ratisbon, the plague was raging in upper
Germany and on the banks of the Rhine. It also visited Strasbourg, where the vic-
tims were numbered by thousands. Many of the friends of the Reformer fell under
this scourge ; Idelette de Bure, his wife, escaped by flight. Calvin, in writing to
Farel, gives him some account of the ravages it had made at Strasbourg, and of the
solemn conferences at which he assisted at Ratisbon.
Claude Ferey, French refugee at Strasbourg. See Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 15,
a letter of Claude Ferey to Farel.
Louis and Charles de Richebourg, sons of M. de Richebourg, to whom the next
letter is addressed.
238 FAREL. [1541 .
The two brothers, William and Louis of Bavaria, reigned in common in that
country.
2 Henry, Duke of Brunswick, unhappily distinguished throughout the whole of
Germany by his turbulent spirit and disorderly conduct. He was deprived of his
states in 1542 by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.
8 Christopher of Wurtemberg, who succeeded Duke Ulrich his father in 1550.
240 FAREL [1541.
' Henry of Brunswick maintained a very lively paper war against the Protestant
princes of Germany before attacking them more openly. Luther replied to these
attacks by one of his most virulent pamphlets, Hans Wurst, a name which the
Germans use to designate their harlequin. - See Seckendorf, lib. iii. par. 93.
31
242 FAREL . [ 1541 .
' George Martinuzzi, tutor of the young King of Hungary, John Sigismund.
* After the death of King Louis II. the crown of Hungary was long disputed between
Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V., and John Zapoli. The treaty of Great Waradin
(24th February 1538 ) guarantied the throne to the latter, but without reversion to his
descendants. He died in 1541, leaving an infant in the cradle as his heir. His
widow, yielding to the advice of George Martinuzzi, refused to cede the crown to
Ferdinand, and called the Turks into Hungary.
1541.] FAREL . 243
' Sigismund I., King of Poland, ( 1506-1548 . ) This prince was continually en-
gaged in strife with the Tartars of the Crimea, the Moldavians, and the Russians.
244 FAREL. [1541 .
' An allusion to the state of bigamy in which the Landgrave of Hesse was then
living, with the authorization of Luther, of Melanchthon, and of Bucer. The ex-
planations given by Seckendorf (lib. iii. par. 79, addit. 3) are altogether ineffectual to
clear up this affair-one of the scandals of the Reformation in Germany.
246 M. DE RICHEBOURG. [1541 .
Idelette de Bure, the wife of Calvin, Antony, his brother, and Marie, his sister,
had quitted Strasbourg, to avoid the infection of the plague.
248 M. DE RICHEBOURG. [1541.
of his mercies, that you might reap the excellent fruit of your
careful education before his death ; whence also you might know
your interest in the blessing that belonged to you, "I will be thy
God, and the God of thy seed." From his earliest boyhood, so far
as his years allowed, he was grounded in the best studies, and
had already made such a competent proficiency and progress,
that we entertained great hope of him for the future. His
manners and behaviour had met with the approval of all good
men. If at any time he fell into error, he not only patiently
suffered the word of admonition, but also that of reproof, and
proved himselfteachable and obedient, and willing to hearken to
advice. At times, indeed , he was rather unruly, but never so far
as to be obstinate or sulky. Those sallies, therefore , wherein
he exceeded due bounds, were repressed with little trouble.
That, however, which we rate most highly in him was, that he
had drunk so largely into the principles of piety, that he had
not merely a correct and true understanding of religion, but had
also been faithfully imbued with the unfeigned fear and rever-
ence of God. This so exceeding kindness of God toward your
offspring, ought with good reason to prevail more effectually
with you in soothing the bitterness of death, than death itself
has power to inflict grief upon you . With reference to my
own feelings, if your sons had never come hither at all, I should
never have been grieved on account of the death of Claude and
Louis. Never, however, shall this most crushing sorrow , which
I suffer on account of both, so overcome me, as to reflect with
grief upon that day on which they were driven hither by the
hand of God to us, rather than led by any settled purpose of
their own, when that friendship commenced which has not only
continued undiminished to the last, but which, from day to day,
was rather increased and confirmed. Whatever, therefore, may
have been the kind or model of education they were in search
of, I rejoice that they lived under the same roof with me. And
since it was appointed them to die, I rejoice also that they died
under my roof, where they rendered back their souls to God
more composedly, and in greater circumstances of quiet, than if
they had happened to die in those places where they would have
experienced greater annoyance from the importunity of those by
1541.] M. DE RICHEBOURG. 251
that he may remain yours for ever, who, at the pleasure of his
own will, lent him to you only for a season . Nor will you
derive small consolation from this consideration, if you only
weigh carefully what is left to you. Charles survives to you, of
whom we all entertain this sentiment, that there is not one of
us who does not desire that he might have such a son. Do
not suppose that these expressions are only intended for your
hearing, or that there is exaggeration here, in order to be-
speak your favour. This is no more my habit than it is my
disposition .
I therefore express what are my real sentiments,
and what I would say among strangers, that the young man
excels, in the first place, in singular piety and in the true
fear of God, which is the beginning and the end of all
wisdom ; then in the kindliness of his disposition , in gentleness
of manner, and in rare modesty and continence . Nor do I
assign these virtues to him upon mere rumour or hearsay; for
I have always been anxious upon this head, and kept close ob
servation of his particular disposition. During the lifetime of
both the brothers, I have remarked this distinction between
them : Louis excelled in quickness of apprehension , but Charles,
in solid judgment and intelligence, was much in advance of his
brother. The deceased brother was more ready in bringing
into play what he had read or heard ; the other is slower, but
also surer. The one was more ready and quick in mastering
the various arts as well as in the active business of life ; the
other more considerate and more steady : his constitution of
body, also, indicated as much. Louis, however, as he was of a
more sanguine temperament, was also more lively and cheerful.
Charles, who has somewhat of melancholy in his disposition, is
not so easily drawn out of himself. He was always the more
modest and courteous of the two, which distinguished him to
such a degree, that he could subdue his brother's impetuosity by
the forbearance which he exercised. In moderation, in gravity
like that of manhood , and in a certain equability of demeanour,
in these points he was far the superior. You will, therefore,
yourself be judge how far the possessing such a son ought to
avail for taking off the pain of the bereavement wherewith
the Lord has now afflicted you, and you will then conclude, that
1541.] FAREL. 253
LX -TO FAREL.
' One ofthe numerous French refugees, whom persecution had driven into Switzer-
land. He was a member of the Church at Neuchatel.
Ulrich Chelius. See note 2, p. 160.
The process between Geneva and Berne, submitted to the arbitration of the town
of Basle.
1541.] FAREL . 255
See the portrait of Eck which Mosellanus has sketched, cited by Seckendorf:
" Big-bodied, broad-shouldered, stout-hearted, even to impudence, and more like
the town-crier than a theologian-one whom you might rather expect to find
figuring in the theatre than a Council ;"-such was the principal adversary of the
Protestants at the Diet of Ratisbon.
Davus, the type of all insolent slaves in the ancient drama. Melanchthon
writes, in speaking of Eck, " I do not think that any pious person could listen
without horror to the sophisms and vain subtleties of that talking mountebank.”—
Seckendorf, iii. parag. 80, addit. 1.
1541.] FAREL . 257
LXVI. TO FAREL.
LXVII. TO FAREL .
LXVIII. TO FAREL.
Efforts of Bucer and of Melanchthon to effect a connection between the two Churches
-formula of concord-feeling of Calvin on the subject.
1 This was doubtless that gentleman of the chamber of King Francis I., to whom
Ecolampadius wrote in 1524, to congratulate him on his sincere attachment to the
Gospel. This gentleman is known only under the pseudonyme of Maurus Musæus, a
secretis et cubiculo Regis Galliarum . See the letter of Ecolampadius in the Life of
Gerard Roussel, by M. Schmidt. Strasbourg, 1845, in 8vo, App. No. 3, p. 179.
1541. ] FAREL. 263
off all hope on the part of our friends by his reply, after he heard
of Eck's apoplexy, since, perhaps, he saw that the forward im-
portunity of that personage put a stop to the progress toward
agreement, requested (Pistorius also being left out) the four
remaining theologians to consult together of themselves with-
out any presiding arbiters. So far as I could understand, if we
could be content with only a half Christ we might easily come
to understand one another. Philip and Bucer have drawn up
ambiguous and insincere formulas concerning transubstantia-
tion, to try whether they could satisfy the opposite party by
yielding nothing. I could not agree to this device, although
they have, as they conceive, reasonable grounds for doing so, for
they hope that in a short time it would so happen that they
would begin to see more clearly if the matter of doctrine shall
be left an open question for the present ; therefore they rather
wish to skip over it, and do not dread that equivocation in
matters of conscience, than which nothing can possibly be more
hurtful. I can promise, however, both to yourself and to all
the pious, that both are animated with the best intentions, and
have no other object in view than promoting the kingdom of
Christ. Nor can you desire anything on the part of either of
them which they do not faithfully and steadily perform , except
that in their method of proceeding they accommodate them-
selves too much to the time. But I cannot well endure to see
that Bucer so loads himself with the hatred of many on account
of it. He is conscious of his own good intentions, and, on this
account, is more careless than is desirable. But we ought not to
be so content with the integrity of our own conscience as to have
no consideration or regard of our brethren . But these are things
which I deplore in private to yourself, my dear Farel ; see, there-
fore, that you keep them to yourself. One thing alone, as usually
happens in the midst of evils, I am thankful for, that there is
no one who is fighting now more earnestly against the wafer god
than Brentz,' for so he calls it. I will not write more at pre-
sent, in order that you may the more eagerly desire my arrival
among you, that I may stuff your ears full of these stories.
Adieu, my very dear brother. Freithus, Musculus, Brentz ,
greet you ; indeed, almost all do so. Eck, as they say, is getting
better. The world does not deserve to be yet delivered from
that bête. There has lately occurred a circumstance which I
must not omit to mention. Maurus has an attendant, who
was for some time a servant with Louis ' and myself at Basle,
a decent, honest young man, trustworthy and modest. About
five years ago, when he was but yet a boy, without the know-
ledge of his father, he promised in his cups to marry a young
woman. His father having been informed of the affair had
remonstrated with the son upon the subject. The youth told
him that he had been imposed upon. The case not having
been fully gone into, not being well understood, and still less
well weighed and maturely considered , the judges of your Con-
sistory have pronounced, under the direction of Marcourt, that
the marriage ought to be held good . The young man, that he
might avoid this connection , left his country. He has now re-
ceived the intelligence of the death of his father ; but his rela-
tions advise him , at the same time, to take the young woman
to wife ; and Mirabeau has also advised him to the same pur-
pose. I have probed him to the uttermost, and almost worn
him out by my entreaties, yet he is so averse to it that I can-
not prevail on myself to urge him any farther ; and all the
while he acknowledges that the girl is an honest woman, only
he affirms positively that he never had any inclination to
marry her. Because I wish him well, I would like if it can
be brought about to have the affair settled by friendly agree-
ment, and a mutual understanding between the parties. This
will also be for the advantage of the girl herself. I have
written to Mirabeau about the business. On my account, how-
ever, I do not wish you to do anything except what you shall
judge just and right in the circumstances. Nor would I do
more myself if the case were referred to my decision.
[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 17.]
Eck died two years later, the 16th February 1543, in consequence of a second
attack of apoplexy, brought on by his intemperance.-Seckendorf, iii. parag. 112.
2 Louis du Tillet ; he had made a long stay at Basle with Calvin, before accom-
panying him into Italy.
1541.] THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. 265
' At the request of Farel and the magistrates of Geneva, the pastors of the
Church of Zurich had written to Calvin, then deputed to the Diet at Ratisbon, ex-
horting him to resume the office of the ministry in his earliest charge. Calvin,
in his reply, freely unburdens himself of the sentiments of terror and repugnance
which he felt at the thought of returning to Geneva.
34
266 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. [1541.
me, I had determined for the future to keep away from all
public employment ; and I would have done so, had not
certain causes compelled me to undertake the calling with
which I am at present charged. Therefore, that I may ac-
knowledge the truth, that messenger was noways pleasant
who brought to me the intimation that I had been recalled
to Geneva. Nor, indeed, do I dwell on all the circumstances.
which, as you suppose, stood in the way of my return , the
ignominy to which I was subjected, the savage treatment, and
the like. Whether I am wont to avenge my own wrongs , I
refer to the judgment of God, and to those individuals who can.
speak from their experience. But had I besides, in any degree,
been very desirous of revenge, there is no reason why I should
seek for vengeance on the Genevese. Whatever has happened
has been done in name of the city, but so that the parties
implicated in the offence are not many, and the blame rests.
with a few. Hurried along by sedition, these very persons.
were themselves the agitators who have stirred up the whole
of these disturbances . And the citizens of Strasbourg them-
selves, although, in respect of that fatherly kindness which
they have for me, they desire to keep me among them, yet
will throw no hindrance in the way of my acquiescing in
this call, provided only that it shall be clearly seen to be for
the advantage and prosperity of the Genevese. How faithfully
they have always promoted the welfare of that Church , I my-
self am the best witness. I see indeed, by experience, every
day more and more how eminently great is their anxiety
on behalf of all the Churches. What then, you will ask, is
the reason of this delay ? When that letter arrived, it had
already been resolved by your Council that I was to set out for
the Diet at Worms. This I offered as my excuse why I could
fix nothing certain as to Geneva. At the same time, I wrote
in the most friendly terms to intimate, that I by no means
undertook to come, pledging myself, however, to the perform-
ance of every kind office they might require of one who was
bound to them by the closest of all ties. Without waiting
for a reply, they had, in the meanwhile, sent a deputation,
who were to press my setting out. We were already at Worms ;
268 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH . [1541 .
' The peculiar modesty of Calvin is the more remarkable, when we consider the
éclat which attended his preaching and teaching at Strasbourg. During the two
years which he passed in that city, the French Church continually increased, and
the name of Calvin was alone sufficient to attract, from all parts of France, young
persons desirous of learning, and even men already distinguished as learned.- See
Sturm's Antipappi, iv. p. 21.
270 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF ZURICH. [1541 .
LXX.-To FAREL.'
The conferences at Ratisbon were prolonged without any result. Calvin solicited
and obtained leave of departure. He took the route of Strasbourg, where he no doubt
arrived toward the end of June 1541.
272 FAREL. [1541.
1 The Sultan Soliman had entered into Hungary, and had already taken posses-
sion of the town of Buda, under pretext that the young King John Sigismond was
incapable of defending it against his enemies.
That letter was an urgent and pressing appeal to the justice and to the
clemency of Francis I., by the whole Church of Christ : ". We have been very
much grieved, because, when it could not be denied that many abuses of long
standing clung to the Churches, nevertheless, so greatly has the heat of anger
been inflamed everywhere, that not only private individuals, but also whole
nations may be brought into jeopardy : which, when they become suppliants to
35
274 FAREL AND VIRET. [1541 .
your royal highness, you may consider that it is not we only, but the very Church
of Christ that lies mourning at the feet of the greatest kings, and implores and
entreats their help, that the light of the dawning Gospel may not be extinguished,
and that quiet, modest men and members of Christ may be let alone." This
earnest prayer remained unanswered in the corrupt court of Valois. Policy alone
brought about the adoption of measures which humanity demanded, and the ruin
of the Vaudois, and the retribution upon the persecutors, were adjourned to another
time.
' Such is the address : To the excellent and very faithful Servants of Christ,
William Farel and Peter Viret, my very dear Brethren.
* Otho Henri, brother of Frederic, Count Palatine.
1541.] FAREL AND VIRET. 275
1 Caroli effected his reconciliation with the Sorbonne, but it was in vain that he so-
licited a benefice in the Church of Rome.
* See note 2, p. 275.
1541.] FAREL AND VIRET. 277
TO VIRET.
LXXII. TO VIRET.
Excuses for his delay in leaving Strasbourg- conclusion of the Diet at Ratisbon.
1
280 FAREL. [1541 .
LXXIII.-To FAREL.'
' Letter without date, but written most probably in the month of August 1541. It
informs us as to the last inward struggles of the Reformer on the eve of quitting Stras-
Dourg to return to Geneva.
1541.] FAREL . 281
36
·
282 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. [1541
¹ After having overcome the last scruples, and taken leave of the members of
his Church, " avec tristesse, larmes, grande sollicitude, et détresse," as he himself
tells us in the preface to the Psalms, Calvin left Strasbourg towards the end of
August 1541. He stopped a little at Basle ; and being called to Neuchatel by un-
foreseen circumstances, he wrote to the Seigneury of Geneva to excuse himself for
this delay.
2 See Calvin's letter to the Seigneury of Neuchatel, p. 286.
1541.] FAREL. 283
Calvin at Berne-his interview with one of the principal magistrates, and with the
ministers of that town.
After a short visit at Berne, Calvin, being at Morat, wrote to Farel, to inform
him as to some of the incidents of his journey.
* That deputation had gone to solicit the favour of the King, Francis I., for the
Waldenses of Provence.
284 FAREL. [ 1541 .
LXXVI. TO FAREL.'
' Calvin had arrived at Geneva the 13th September 1541. We find under that date,
in the Extracts from the Council Registers :-" Calvin, having arrived at Geneva, pre-
sented himself to the Council, to whom he brought letters from the Magistrates and
Ministers of Strasbourg. He excused himself on account of his journey having been
delayed. He represented that it would be necessary to set about the work of ecclesi-
astical ordinances. Resolved, that they would apply themselves to it immediately,
and for that purpose appointed, along with Calvin, Claude Pertemps, Amy Perrin,
Claude Roset, Jean Lambert, Poralis, and Jean Balard. Resolved also to retain Calvin
here always.-October 1541. The stipend of Calvin assigned at five hundred florins,
twelve measures of corn, and two tuns of wine." For a dwelling they offered the
mansion Fregneville, purchased at the price of two hundred and sixty crowns, with
an ell of velvet for clothing.
1541.] FAREL. 285
' That Church was at this time in a state of great disorder, which Calvin had in
vain tried to tranquillize, at Neuchatel. See the following Letter.
286 THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL . [ 1541.
' On the back, in the handwriting of Viret :-" Letters sent to those of Neuchatel,
when they wished to drive away Farel, their minister, brought by Viret, sent on the
part of the ministers of Geneva, with the following instructions to inform them of
their opinion."
Inflexible in the exercise of the duties of his ministry, Farel had publicly cen-
sured, in one of his discourses, a lady of rank, whose conduct had been a matter of
scandal in the Church of Neuchatel. Irritated by that censure, the relatives of that
lady roused a party of the towns-people against that courageous minister, and ob-
tained a sentence of deposition against him, which was not annulled but upon the
interference of the Seigneury of Berne and of the principal Swiss Churches.- Ruchat,
Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 164, and following pages.
[1541 . THE SEIGNEURY OF NEUCHATEL . 287
LXXVIII. TO BUCER.'
' The mission of Viret, and his endeavours to pacify the Church of Neuchatel,
had been without the desired result. A violent party, opposed to the Reformation,
"
and impatient of all order as of all authority in the Church, demanded the expulsion
of Farel. In these circumstances, Calvin had recourse to the credit and trust re-
posed in Bucer, and the intervention of the Church of Strasbourg to appease these
unhappy differences.
' Calvin had left at Strasbourg his wife, Idelette de Bure, who rejoined him
some time afterwards at Geneva. In the Council Registers we have the following
entry, 13th September 1541 :-" Resolved, to bring hither the wife of Calvin
and his household furniture."
*2 See the preceding Letter and Memorial.
37
290 BUCER. [ 1541 .
' The Church of Strasbourg acted in conjunction with the Churches of Con-
stance, of Zurich, and of Basle, to decide the inhabitants of Neuchatel to retain
Farel.
292 BUCER. [1541.
bad who, upon the faith of that judgment, had resumed courage,
who, on the hearing of your name being mentioned, will lose
heart and fall off entirely. I will not urge more strongly
upon you the duty of aiding the wretched Church, lest I may
seem to distrust you. I only admonish you ; I know that you
do not require to be exhorted , and this brother, who is your
scholar and disciple, will supplement by his speech whatever
shall be wanting in my letter.
To the other heads of your letter I cannot at present reply
so fully as I could wish, and as the subject itself might
seem to require. That which is the most important, the for-
mula of the ecclesiastical order and government, cannot now be
sent. We presented that document to the Senate in about
a fortnight from the time when it was committed to us, ¹ and
have not yet received an answer. Nor am I much concerned
that they are somewhat dilatory ; we expect more certainly on
that account that they will yield to us. That they might
entertain no suspicion on the occasion , we advised that, should
it appear desirable, they might communicate previously with
the German churches, and determine nothing without having
their opinion. We earnestly desire that they may do so We
shall send it therefore in a short time.
Concerning Viret, as you look forward to obtain a letter from
the Senate, I beg that you will get that accomplished without
delay. For we know by experience how little disposed those
of Berne are to help us, were it on no other account but only
that they might not seem to be too kind to us. Perhaps, how-
ever, they will suffer themselves to be entreated by your Senate.
' The ecclesiastical ordinances, drawn up by Calvin and approved by the magistrates,
were solemnly accepted by the citizens of Geneva, met in general assembly in St.
Peter's Church, the 20th November 1541. -See Gaberel, Histoire de l'Eglise de Genève,
vol. i. p. 269.
He endeavoured to procure from the Seigneury of Berne a prolongation of leave
for the minister Viret, which they had already granted for the period of six months
to the Church of Geneva. On the representation of Calvin, the magistrates of
Strasbourg wrote on two occasions to those of Berne to ask that favour. In the
second of these letters they render most honourable testimony to Calvin. " M.
Calvin," they say, "has comported himself among us with so much uprightness
and constancy, and has become so acceptable by his skill and ability, that not only
1541.] BUCER. 293
we would have retained him among us with pleasure, but more especially, for the
sake of our Church, we would not easily have yielded him up, if we had not believed
that he would be more useful at Geneva... . On that account we perceive with
grief that he cannot complete the work which he has commenced, and with which
he had burdened himself beyond his strength, & c. . • "-MS. of the Archives of
Berne, cited by Ruchat, Hist. de la Réf., tom. v. p. 162.
' The magistrates of Strasbourg, desirous of testifying to Calvin their satisfac-
tion on account of his services, and at the same time their esteem for his character,
before his departure for Geneva bestowed on him the honorary distinction of citizen-
ship by making him a burgess. They offered also a year's pension ; but the latter
present he refused.
294 BUCER. [1541.
no one. I must ask, however, that you will not form any esti-
mate from my letters to you either of my sayings or doings
here. Until I shall have declared that I could bear no more,
you need not question my faithful performance of what I have
promised you. And if in any way I do not answer your ex-
pectation, you know that I am under your power, and subject to
your authority. Admonish , chastise, and exercise all the powers
of a father over his son . Pardon my haste, for you cannot be
lieve in what a hurry of confusion I am writing ; for our
brother here urges me, in accordance with the instructions of his
colleagues ; and I am entangled in so many employments , that
I am almost beside myself.
When I hear that the plague is raging to such an extent, ' I
know not what to think, except that God contends against our
perversity with the strong arm of his power, seeing that we are
worse than stupid and insensible in the midst of so many chas-
tenings under the rod of correction . While the hand of God
lies so heavy upon you, it already hovers over us. The plague
creeps toward us ; if it has spared us for this winter, we shall
scarcely escape in the spring.
What, therefore, can we do but betake ourselves to prayer,
and to seek for the spirit of godly sorrow and confession of sin
in the sight of God, which certainly we go about very remissly?
So much the more have we reason to fear, lest by so great in-
disposedness we shall provoke the displeasure of our Judge.
We are anxious, as we ought to be, about you ; for we may
form some indistinct notion , from the calamity which has be-
fallen the Church of Basle,' what will be our lot should the
Lord take you away from us. Certainly, I do not wish to be
the survivor ; nor could I sustain the loss, unless the Lord
should wonderfully support me under it. Adieu, my much
' The plague continued its ravages at Strasbourg, where it carried away this
year the children of the first two Reformers of Switzerland, William, the son of
Zuingli, and Euzèbe, the son of Ecolampadius. It soon spread to Basle and to
Zurich, where it found many victims. It broke out towards the end of the follow-
ing year at Geneva.
The Church of Basle had lost Simon Grynée, and the pious burgomaster, Jacob
Meyer, who had so powerfully contributed to the reformation of the town.
1541.] THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA . 295
Instructions on the subject of the Mass, and on the necessity of avoiding scandal.
who never thought that I could have the means of any direct
communication . On the other hand, I would rather desire to
be cast down into the lowest depths of the abyss, than to twist
about or wrest the truth of God, to make it suit the hatred or
to procure the favour of any creature whatsoever. But what
makes me speak out is, that I cannot bear that the word of
God should be thus to you concealed, perverted, depraved , and
corrupted in such essential things, by those in whom you have
some confidence , to whom you have given authority.
Touching Master François, to speak soberly, I would to a
certainty put you upon your guard not to confide too unreser-
vedly in his doctrine. Should I do so, I need have no reason
to fear, that mayhap you may entertain some bad opinion of
me, as though I might speak from hatred or envy of this per-
sonage. For I have neither matter nor occasion of envy in any
way toward him ; and the hatred which, up to the present hour,
I have felt toward him, is such, that I have at all times , to
the utmost of my power, made it my business to edify him in
well doing. But when I perceive that any one, owing to an
ill-informed conscience, sets himself to overthrow the word of
the Lord, and to extinguish the light of Truth , I could by no
means pardon him, even were he my own father a hundred
times over. As for this same individual, I have been aware,
from having long known him, that whatsoever small under-
standing of the Scripture God has vouchsafed him, he has al-
ways made subserve his own profit and ambition , preaching
wherever he saw that it would be a help to gratify his avarice,
forbearing to preach wherever he found that it began to be
troublesome to him ; and then for all that, as often as he could
procure hearers, persons of credit to countenance him , and
the wealthy to fill his wallet or his purse, who required him
to give glory to God, he has taken the trouble to satisfy them
by almost always selling them his word. On the other hand,
again, wherever he met with any trouble or persecution, he had
always his denial ready to escape from it, to such a degree, that
one could not know in regard to him whether the holy and sacred
word of God was but a sport and mockery ; insomuch that he
turned it into a farce, playing at one time one character, and at
1541.] THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA . 299
' In the margin, handwriting of Calvin,-" After having understood the will of God,
give advice."
1541. ] THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 303
This is the title of that work, " De Missa Matrimonio et Jure Magistratus in
Religione. D. Wolfgango Capitone, auctore." The Dedication to Henry VIII., " Sum-
mum in terris Ecclesiæ Anglicana Caput," is of 15th March 1537.
1541.] THE DUCHESS OF FERRARA. 305
This was the letter of Calvin to Louis Duchemin, intituled, " De fugiendis im-
piorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianæ Religionis. Geneva, 1537. 8vo." That
letter, translated into French, has been inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, edit.
1566, in fol., p. 57.
2 De la Cène de nostre Seigneur.
The conclusion of this letter is wanting in the original French, and we restore
it here from the Latin translation inserted, ( Calv. Epistolæ et Responsa, edit. d'Am-
sterdam, p. 93.) A near approximation to the date of that piece is supplied by the
passage relative to Capito :-" Et de cela Capito qui est l'ung de ceux qui taschent fort
39
306 FAREL. [1541.
may have a care over you in this your infirmity , and that he
would manifest in you the efficacy of his Spirit in such a way
that you may be as much honoured in his household as he has
elevated you in station and dignity among men.]
[Fr. autogr. minute. -Library of Geneva. Vol. 196. ]
LXXX.-TO FAREL.
à modérer les choses, a naguères inscript un livre." The dedication of this book to
Henry VIII. is of the 15th March 1537 ; the death of Capito happened in December
1541 ; and the letter of Calvin to the Duchess of Ferrara, written from Geneva, between
the two events, places the date, without doubt, in October 1541, after the return ofthe
Reformer to that town.
1541.] FAREL. 307
A Synod of the churches of the Pays de Vaud was then assembled at the town
ofVevay.
308 FAREL . [1541.
with how great difficulty one strives with inward and hidden.
maladies of this sort, and you know by experience what kind
of yoke-fellows I have, should Viret be removed . We have
most willingly given your brother the best advice we could.
As for the rest, whenever he pleases he shall find me ready
on all occasions ; for the present, however, I have stopped,
because I thought it would be of no use to go on. If you
think otherwise, I will rather follow your opinion ; nor shall
I swerve in the least degree from those injunctions which you
have laid upon me. So long as we two have any authority,
there is no occasion for your complaining that you can do
nothing, for you know that it is not you alone who have cause
to complain. Adieu, my most excellent and upright brother.
Salute kindly all the brethren, especially Cordier, to whom we
shall reply by the first opportunity. We hope that all your
family are in good health.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
LXXXI.- TO FAREL.
' Persecuted with equal animosity by the fanatical bigotry of the courtiers and
of the priesthood, the Waldenses had appointed two procurators, Francis Chaix
and William Armand, charged with the duty of justifying their innocence at the
Court ofFrance : but these agents could not even obtain from their judges a copy
1541.] FAREL. 309
of the process which had been instituted against the inhabitants of Cabrières and
Merindol, condemned by an iniquitous tribunal without ever having been heard in
defence; and it required no less than royal intervention to compel the Parliament of
Aix to give a copy of the acts and procedure of the whole process. The two prelates,
the Bishop of Cavaillon and the Archbishop of Arles, were among the most violent
opponents ofthe Waldenses. -Bèze, Hist. Eccl. tom. i. p. 39.
' Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre.
310 FAREL. [1541 .
' Mathurin Cordier left Neuchatel a few years afterwards, to become Regent of the
College of Lausanne. It was in 1557 that, at the request of Calvin, his old pupil, he
took upon him the office of Principal of the College of Geneva. See the interesting
notice of Mathurin Cordier, by M. Professor Betant. Geneva, 1848.
2 Stephen Dolet, the celebrated printer of Lyons. He published learned writings
concerning antiquity ; drew upon himself much enmity by the boldness of his opin-
ions, and perished at the stake in 1544, equally suspected on both sides. He had
published a work on the reading of the Bible in the vernacular dialect, which has
given occasion to consider him as one of the martyrs of the Reformed Church.- See
Bayle, Dict. Hist., Art. Dolet.
3 Capito had died of the plague at Strasbourg, in the month of November, as we
learn from a letter of Calvin to Farel :-" When this worthy brother had brought
word that our excellent father, and of holy memory, Capito, had been taken away
from us, and that Bucer, besides, was suffering from the plague, I was so affected
both in mind and spirit, that I could do nought but lament and bewail."--Letter of
29th November 1541 ; Calv. Opera, tom. ix. p. 19. Endowed with the wisest and
most conciliatory spirit, Capito left a great void in the Church at Strasbourg ; " happy
at least," says Beza, " to have been called away from this life before having witnessed
the ruin of that Church. He did not share the exile of his beloved colleagues, Bucer
and Fagius, but went before to the abode and dwelling-place of the heavenlies.”—
Theodori Beza, Icones. The decease of Capito excited a general mourning ; his loss
1542.] FAREL. 311
LXXXII. TO FAREL.¹
the decease of Ecolampadius, (1531. ) Zealous partisan of the Lutheran dogma of the
Sacraments, in his relations with the Swiss churches, he was ever animated by a spirit
of moderation and gentleness, which procured him the constant affection of Calvin.
He died October 15, 1552, at the age of sixty-three years, and was succeeded by the
minister Sulzer in the direction of the Church of Basle. - Melch. Adam, Vita Theolo-
gorum Germanorum, pp. 223-226.
" I will write concerning Viret to Berne as soon as I am able, but in the name
of the brethren, that it may come with greater authority, if the object can be ao-
40
314 OSWALD MYCONIUS . [1542 .
of his going away presents itself, I faint and lose courage en-
tirely. I do hope that the brethren will aid you in this
arrangement, (I mean the ministers of Berne,) for we enter-
tain that love towards each other, that I can venture to engage
they will do their utmost for me, as I would do for them. I
am afraid, however, that the Senate will not very readily agree
to the proposal . Whatever shall be the result, let us strain
every nerve to bring it to bear. Do you also strive to the
utmost with the brethren, as you have undertaken to do ; for
while there is no doubt that they would be willing of their own
accord, it will be of advantage at the same time, nevertheless,
to have your exhortation . Our other colleagues are rather a
hindrance than a help to us : they are rude and self- conceited,
have no zeal , and less learning. But what is worst of all , I
cannot trust them, even although I very much wish that I
could ; for by many evidences they shew their estrangement
from us, and give scarcely any indication of a sincere and trust-
worthy disposition . I bear with them, however, or rather I
humour them, with the utmost lenity : a course from which I
shall not be induced to depart, even by their bad conduct. But
•
if, in the long-run, the sore need a severer remedy, I shall do
my utmost and shall see to it by every method I can think
of, to avoid disturbing the peace of the Church with our
quarrels; for I dread the factions which must always neces-
sarily arise from the dissensions of ministers. On my first
arrival I might have driven them away had I wished to do
so, and that is also even now in my power. I shall never,
however, repent the degree of moderation which I have ob-
served ; since no one can justly complain that I have been too
severe. These things I mention to you in a cursory way,
that you may the more clearly perceive how wretched I
shall be if Viret is taken away from me. What you observe,
from the example of your Church, of the great injury which
is inflicted by the noisome plague of discord among the
ministry, I can confirm, from my own experience, to the full-
complished at all. For we also desire that the Church of Geneva may be as well
supplied as possible for the good of other churches."-Oswald Myconius to Calvin,
10th February 1542.
1542.] OSWALD MYCONIUS. 315
' Discord prevailed among the members of the League of Smalkald, one part re-
fusing the subsidy to the Emperor for the war against the Turks, the other shewing
a disposition to grant it. " It is spread abroad that there exists dissension between
the Princes and the Cities concerning the money and men to be given against the
Turk. I rejoice that Christ is Lord, otherwise I had altogether despaired. Himself
will preserve his Church.”—Oswald Myconius to Calvin, 10th February 1542.
The Margrave Albert of Brandenbourg, a bold adventurer, who lent his sword in
turn to all parties during the troubles of Germany.
41
322 OSWALD MYCONIUS . [1542.
myself beforehand, the Lord will see to it, and provide some
one on whom I am compelled to cast this care. Meanwhile, I
do not cease to try every method which seems to promise suc-
cess in obtaining what we ask. The arrival of Munster¹ was
most refreshing to us, although we were not able to entertain
him as he deserved, and in such a way as we would very cor-
dially have seized the opportunity of doing, since he was in so
great a hurry as not to admit of that. So far as lay in our
power, however, we shewed him the tokens of our good - will.
We are very unwilling that the Bernese and our Seigneury
should be so long in explaining what they mean to do after
the pronouncing of the award ; but whenever we press our
friends here upon the point, they always object that it is but
just that they should take precedence of the other, and now
desire to know whether your Senate has received anything in
the shape of an answer from them. If you can ascertain any-
thing privately in a quiet way, I would earnestly entreat you
to let me have notice to that effect. I undertake to endeavour,
by all the means in my power, that our friends may not be too
difficult to deal with, although I have not hitherto been able
to extort so much as even to get them to take the first step in
making a reply ; when the decisive moment arrives, however,
I will urge that to the very uttermost. I greatly wish that, in
the meantime, you would do us this favour. Adieu, my ex-
cellent and greatly esteemed brother. Viret reverently salutes
you and all your colleagues, whom I beg you will also salute.
in my name. May the Lord Jesus long preserve you and di-
rect you continually by his Spirit. Again, farewell. - Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. minute.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
' Sebastian Munster, Professor of Theology at the University of Basle, and author
of the Cosmographia Universalis.
2 Allusion to the disputes between Berne and Geneva, submitted to the arbitration
of the Seigneury of Basle.
1542.] THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. 323
' On the back : Letters against the Carmelite. Without date. A Latin letter of
Calvin to Farel, of the 10th May 1542, relative to the same subject, furnishes us with
the date, and informs us that this white friar, who had gone over to the ranks of the
Reformed, belonged to Lyons : " Venit Carmelita Lugdunensis a quo non frustra tim-
uimus." Calvin forewarned the faithful of that town to be upon their guard against
that false friar.
The Church of Lyons, one of the most glorious of the French Reformation, owed
its origin to the preaching of an old Jacobin monk, Alexander Camus, surnamed
Laurence de la Croix, who suffered martyrdom at Paris in 1535. The first members
of that Church were merchants, " some goldsmiths and others of the town," who met
together in secret. The work begun by Alexander Camus was manfully followed up
by John Fabri, (or Le Fevre, ) who found pious continuators in the ministers, Peter
Fournelet and Claude Monnier, before the epoch of the great persecutions.- Hist. Eccl.,
tom. i. pp. 55, 56.
That is to say, Geneva.
324 THE BRETHREN OF LYONS. [1542.
to find fault with a man who is not only in good repute, but
has acquired some credit and renown. But when you have
heard the reasons which move us to do so, we have no doubt
that you will not be dissatisfied with us, but hold yourselves
well content to agree. In short, we would wish you to under-
stand, that we have some news to write you touching the white
friar who preached there during last Lent, which will not
turn out to his praise. The course we take in this matter is
not from any desire on our part to detract from him ; for al-
though we have some occasion that might lead us to that, our
courage is not equal to it, and neither is it our use and wont.
But when we shall have explained our motive, you can fully
satisfy yourselves ; forasmuch as he has returned from among
you not very well pleased with the reception which we had
given him, so he has said to some persons. We can well con-
ceive, therefore, that being thereaway, he would make many
complaints, were it for no other reason than to clear himself on
account of his return once more into that lower abyss from
whence the Lord had delivered him. Well we see, on the
other hand, what offence you might conceive against us, if you
were not duly informed of the whole affair. Inasmuch, then,
as we are bound to you by reason of that tie whereby the
Lord has joined us together, and that we should be blamable.
in the sight of God towards you , did we not take the trouble to
remove the scandals which the Devil sets afloat to separate and
estrange us from the unity which the Lord has put in the
midst of us, it has seemed to us a sound discretion , simply to
relate to you the history of the treatment and reception which
we have vouchsafed him, and, on the other hand, how he has
conducted himself, that you may judge for yourselves how little
he had to make him discontented with us. What we shall re-
late to you shall be told as in the presence of God, to whom we
do appeal as witness, beseeching him to make manifest the
truth such as it really is, and to confound those who would
speak falsehood, or make use of calumny of what kind soever.
Some days after his arrival, having already spoken to him in
private, and having shewn him tokens of courtesy and friend-
ship, we called upon him, being met together, to know what
1542.] THE BRETHREN OF LYONS . 325
which might well have subdued him and brought him back to
better reason, had he not gone too far astray ; and, in order that
it might not appear as if we had not treated him with all due
honour, we shewed him that the same course had been followed
in the case of others not less worthy than himself, and who of
their own accord willingly submitted to it.
But in place of yielding to reason , he replied, flatly, and some-
what at a non -plus, that if we thought we had the Spirit of
God, he was not altogether void of it, and shewed clearly,
that all our forementioned dealing with him he took in no
other way than as a mockery. We answered him , in the first
place, that in this matter we had the word of God so clear, that
our consciences were well enough assured. And that, even
if the thing were doubtful, or we might have some scruple
about it, it was our duty to attempt nothing against what we
considered to be the will of God. Moreover, that what we
alleged in proof of that was so clear, that there was no need to
make any further dispute about it. That he ought, besides,
rather to suspect himself than us, seeing that he had only his
own interests to consider, while we, on the other hand , had no
other object in view but that of keeping close to the order of
God. He replied also to that, that if he had come before the
time of Lent, he would willingly have submitted to examination ,
but since he had preached in a church so near at hand, ' that
we ought to hold that for approbation. On that point, we told
him , that it had happened in France, as Solomon has said, that to
the hungry soul bitter things appear to be sweet, for the poor
people are so famished and starved with regard to the true doc-
trine, that when one touches on a single word, were it only by
halves, they are so ravished and transported , that they do not take
leisure to judge aright. Besides, referring to his boast of having
preached there, we told him, that he need not exalt his horn on
that account, and that we knew well in what weakness it had
been. And yet , nevertheless, we protested that it was not by
way of reproach, and that we were not so wanting in humanity
that we would not support those who are somewhat weak when
in such danger, but that it was to lead him to the knowledge of
LXXXVI.- To FAREL.'
The Republic of Geneva incurred the loss of an excellent magistrate and friend in
Porral, who had been named first Syndic of this year. He had concurred with Calvin
in drawing up the Ecclesiastical Ordonnances adopted the preceding year, and he died,
as this letter of the Reformer to Farel testifies, with sentiments of the deepest and
most lively piety.
332 FAREL . [ 1542.
Two years before, he had a keen religious dispute with the minister Henri de
la Mare, and James Bernard had supported his colleague. De la Mare upheld that
the magistrate should not punish sins ; that no one can have assurance of his elec-
tion ; that no one could go more gladly to his wedding than Jesus went to death.
Amy Porral pronounced these opinions to be false and dangerous.-Arch. de Genève,
Savion, c. 45. This dispute degenerating into a quarrel, had embroiled the two
ministers with the magistrate.
334 FAREL. [ 1542.
The disputes which had fallen out between Geneva and Berne had not yet been
finally settled.
1542.] VIRET. 335
LXXXVII .— TO VIRET.¹
' Letter without date, but written to Viret shortly after his return to Lausanne
from Geneva, at which former place he had resumed the functions of pastor, July
12, 1542.
*2 The ministers elected to exercise along with Calvin the office of pastors at Geneva
were the following :-Philippe, surnamed De Ecclesia, Peter Blanchet, Louis Geniston,
and Treppereau.-See the Consistory's Registers, 1542.
Henri de la Mare and Champereau, ministers before the last election.
336 BENEDICT TEXTOR. [1542.
Divers recommendations.
[July 1542. ]
First of all, I most earnestly entreat of you, that as soon as
you get home you will make the best of your way hither.
Then after that, would you turn a little off the road about
Nyon, or a little beyond, to visit a certain nobleman, the father
ofthe young man who lives with me ? His village is called
Bursin, and may be pointed out to you at Rolle. Your arrival
there will be most welcome to him, and, as I hope, he will well
reward your services. I hope that at my request he may
receive this favour at your hands.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
' To B. Textor, my brother and esteemed friend. Benoit Textor, the distinguished
physician and friend of Calvin, who dedicated to him, in 1550, his Commentary on
the Second Epistle of St. Paul to the Thessalonians, in remembrance of the care which
he had bestowed during the sickness of Idelette de Bure.
1542.] FAREL . 337
LXXXIX.-To FAREL.
Excuses his silence-estimate of the new ministers- works and literary productions
of Calvin.
the Diet at Worms I would send him a copy, with this proviso,
that you should say in the preface that you had revised the
publication. He went away, and thus my whole plan was
upset. I should be surprised, however, were it not that per-
haps our Encomiast supposes that that which most afflicts me
is, that we do not on the first page read those so very ample,
or rather lavish commendations, which he has bestowed on
me ; and yet I opine, that you have such a notion of his pru-
dence that you could never think him capable of such a
thought. It is better to say nothing about those persons
whom he assails, that we may not humour his inclinations.
We see clearly what he would be at. Let that therefore be
held pro non dicto. When you send the summary I shall
willingly run over it, not as censor, but as one of the readers,
unless, indeed, I am able to supply some hints, that the book
may not become liable to the calumnies of the unprincipled ;
in this respect I may be of some use to you.
As to my observations on Genesis, if the Lord shall grant
me longer life and leisure, perhaps I will set myself about that
work, although I do not expect to have many hearers. ' This
is my especial end and aim, to serve my generation ; and for the
rest, if, in my present calling, an occasional opportunity offers
itself, I shall endeavour to improve it for those who come after
us. I have a mind to set about writing several things, but
as my wife is now in ill health, not without danger, my atten-
tion is otherwise engaged. This, however, I may observe at
present, that I have always set a very high value on the temper
you have shewn in bearing with your colleague, and have,
besides, always advised you to persevere. But when I hear
the way he behaves himself, no other conclusion can be arrived
at, except that the case must be dealt with more openly and
straightforwardly. For I can by no means approve as a remedy,
that you should be more upon your guard with him, and so live
in a course of constant dissimulation . When he perceives he
is suspected, he will thereupon become worse. You ought
rather, therefore, simply to admonish him. Adieu, my dearest
' This Commentary was not published for some time afterwards, when it appeared
under the care of Robert Etienne.-- Commentarius in Genesim, in fol., Geneva, 1554.
340 VIRET. [1542.
Farel ; may the Lord long preserve you . Salute the whole of
the brethren, with their wives also, very kindly.
Read the letter yourself alone, or only to a few, and take
care that nothing gets abroad.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol. 106. ]
XC. TO VIRET.
' The person here mentioned is no other than Sebastian Castalio, who was after-
wards so unhappily celebrated by his debates with the Reformer. Born at Fresne
near Nantua en Bresse, he sought an asylum at Strasbourg, where he was acquainted
with Calvin, and became a member of the French Church ; esteemed by Calvin on
account of his character and talents, he followed him after his recall to Geneva, and
was nominated regent in the new college of that town.
2 The minister Peter Blanchet.
1542.] VIRET. 341
' The minister Henri de la Mare. He had discharged the functions of the ministry,
during the exile of Calvin, under conditions which were scarcely compatible with the
dignity of the ministry.
342 VIRET. [ 1542.
' Of a vain and flighty turn, Froment could not remain content with that better part
which had been assigned to him as the missionary of the Reform at Geneva. He
abandoned the ministry of the Gospel to become a notary, and incurred more than
once the censures of the Seigneury.
* The Chancellor of France, William Poyet, accused of malversation. He was con-
demned to pay a heavy fine, and deprived of all his offices.
See Sleidan, lib. xiv. p. 408. The Institution Chrétienne of Calvin was particularly
forbidden by this edict.
4 Brought to a stand for six months before Perpignan, by the heroic resistance of the
Duke of Alva, the French army could not cross the Pyrenees.-Robertson, Hist. of
Charles V., book vii.
More fortunate than the Dauphin, the Duke of Orleans began the campaign
with success in Luxembourg, but he compromised all his advantages by a preci-
344 VIRET. [1542.
pitate departure for the Rousillon, and the towns of which he had taken possession in
the Netherlands fell back under the power of the Imperialists. -Robertson, Hist. of
Charles V., book viii.
In allusion to the struggle which the ministers had to sustain in the Councils of
the Republic for the appliance of discipline.
The lesser council, as distinguished from that of the two hundred. They have at
Geneva four councils. 1st, The common council, or lesser council, formed of the four
syndics going out of office, of the four new, and seventeen members nominated by the
two hundred. This is the Senatus minor. 2d, The council of the two hundred. 3d,
The council of the sixty. Lastly, The council general, a popular assembly, convoked
only upon extraordinary occasions.
3 It is to this sad loss that Calvin alludes in so remarkable a manner in his answer
to the Jurisconsult Baudouin :-" Wishing to clear himself from the charge of a want
of natural affection brought against him, Balduin twits me with my want of offspring.
God had given me a son. God hath taken my little boy. This he reckons up among
my misdeeds, that I have no children. I have myriads of sons throughout the Chris-
tian world."-Responsio ad Balduini Convitia. Geneva, 1561.
1542.] VIRET. 345
XCI.-To VIRET.'
Instructions given to Viret for the Synod of Berne- need of maintaining the spiritual
independence of the Church-various directions.
XCII. TO VIRET.¹
¹ See the note of the preceding Letter. The different Deans of the Classes of the
Pays de Vaud having met at Berne, received communication of the new formulary,
and declared their adherence to the acts of the Deputy from Lausanne, regarding the
question ofthe Sacraments.
348 VIRET. [1542.
The Seigneury of Berne, jealous of the authority which they claimed the right to
exercise in ecclesiastical as well as in civil affairs, and looking on every attempt of
the ministers to maintain the dignity of their office as a direct infringement on their
power, began to introduce the system of despotism in Church matters, which had met
at first but slight resistance in the Pays de Vaud, recently brought under government,
but which was destined gradually to excite there an energetic opposition, and to oc-
casion the voluntary retirement of the most distinguished ministers.- Ruchat, Hist.
de la Réf. tom. vi. p. 256, et seq.
2 The minister Beat Gerung or Gering, a declared partisan of the Lutheran dogma
of the Supper, and one of the most servile of the Bernese clergy.
Another minister of Zurich.
1542. ] FAREL. 349
XCIII.-To FAREL.¹
At the request of the Protestants of Metz, Farel had left Neuchatel to go to preach
the Reformed doctrine in that town. He received Calvin's letter at Strasbourg, where
the Reformer joined him the year following.- See Hist. des Martyrs, liv. iii. p. 153 ;
Bèze, Hist. Eccl. tom. iii. p. 432.
350 VIRET. [ 1542 .
XCIV.-- To VIRET.'
This letter throws light on the first disagreements or differences between Calvin
and Sebastian Castalio, or Castellio, occupied on the translation into French of the
sacred Scriptures. Castalio evinced very little anxiety about elegance and purity
of language in the work on which he was engaged. Thus he could not fail to en-
counter the severe criticism of the Reformer, who doubtless was charged in the name
of the Seigneury with the revisal of the translation of the New Testament, and re-
fused to give his approbation. It was not until some years afterwards, at Basle, that
Sebastian Castalio published his work, under this title,-" The Bible, with Annota-
tions on the Difficult Passages. 2 vols. in folio, Basle, 1555." This work has be-
come so rare, that it is at present impossible to procure it, and to ascertain the justice
of the criticism which it has occasioned. The celebrated Henry Etienne accused the
author of speaking the language of the Gueux. Bayle has been less severe.- See
Dict. Hist., Art. Castalion ; and MM. Haag, La France Protestante, 6me part, p. 365.
1542.] VIRET. 351
both raise your bile and your laughter at the same time . The
day before yesterday he came to me, asked whether I could
agree that his edition of the New Testament should be pub
lished . I replied, that there would be need of many corrections.
He inquired the reason why. I pointed them out to him from
those few chapters which he had already given me as a speci-
men. Thereupon he answered, that he had been more careful
in what remained . Then he asked me over again, what I
thought as to the publication. I answered, that it was not
my wish to hinder the publication ; but that I was ready,
nevertheless, to perform the promise which I had made to
John Girard,' that I would look it over and would correct,
should there appear to be anything that required to be cor-
rected . This arrangement he refused . He offered , however,
to come and read it to me if I would fix a time. This I re-
fused to do, even were he to offer me a hundred crowns, to
bind myself to certain hours ; moreover, that I would be
obliged sometimes to dispute for a couple of hours, perhaps,
over some little insignificant word . And so he left me, dis-
satisfied as appeared . That you may understand how faithful
an interpreter he is ; while in many ways he wishes to change
and innovate, in most things he corrupts the meaning. One
passage I may mention as an instance : where there occurs, The
Spirit of God which dwells in us, he has changed to haunts in
us, when to haunt, in French, does not mean to dwell, but is
used to signify to frequent? One such boyish mistake may
stamp a bad character upon the book. Such unseasonable.
trifling as this I swallow, nevertheless, in silence.
Adieu, dear brother. May the Lord preserve and always
guide you. Salute all the brethren ; but unto all, you will
please not impart the whole of what I write.- Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Gotha. Vol. 404.]
' Printer of Geneva.
2 This word is taken in a bad sense : to haunt the wine-cellars and the cabaret, or
beer-shop. See the Dictionnaire de l'Académie.
352 VIRET. [1542.
XCV.-To VIRET.
[September 1542. ]
You ask that I would pardon your somewhat lengthy letter.
That I may not be compelled to request a like forbearance
on your part, I shall not only be brief but even very precise.
It is not very easy to advise as to Zebedee, ' for it is of very
little use to deliberate about what cannot at once be carried
into effect. He has increased the blame which attaches to
him twofold by his foolish journey, and has not corrected the
sin of profane swearing. Would that he were advised by these
warning intimations, and that he may at length learn from
experience not to take so much his own way ! Had it been
convenient for you to have come thus far at present, we might
perhaps have effected more by conversation than we can do by
letter. I mention this, partly because Claude Franc wishes
you to be present at his marriage, which will be celebrated the
Lord's day after next. But, further, I look forward to your
being able, at the same time, to refresh yourself a little while
with us after those troubles which have annoyed you, and that
we may talk over matters together. I am also rather in
doubt about a successor. No one will be able to undertake it
unless he has been well trained beforehand, and accustomed
to the duty. We have no such person here at present. If
Celio ' would rather turn his attention in that quarter than to
¹ See note 2 , p. 292. Dismissed by the Seigneury of Berne from the Church of Orbe,
Zebedee was on the point to become pastor of the Church of Nyon.
2 Celio Secondo-Curione, among the most illustrious of the preachers of the Refor
mation in Italy. Born at Turin in 1503, he devoted himself successfully to the
teaching of Luther's doctrine, and preached the Gospel in Piedmont, at Ferrara, and
at Lucca, stole away by flight from the pursuit of the Inquisition, and took refuge in
Switzerland with his celebrated countrymen, Ochino and Peter Martyr. The same
year he was appointed Director of the College of Lausanne. - See M'Crie's History of
· the Reformation in Italy ; and Jules Bonnet, Vie d'Olympia Morata, third edition
Paris, 1856.
[ 1542. VIRET. 353
XCVI.-To VIRET.
The year 1542 was signalized by the establishment of the Inquisition in Italy,
and by the dispersion of the Reformed communities established at Naples, at Lucca,
and at Venice. See M'Crie, Hist. of the Ref. in Italy, c. v. pp. 212-231 .
2 Bernardino Ochino of Sienna, [ancien supérieur-général, ] of the order of the
Capuchins. Renowned for his eloquence throughout all Italy, he preached the Re-
formation successfully at Naples and at Venice, was cited before the tribunal of the
Inquisition, and escaped by a voluntary exile the condemnation which threatened
356 VIRET. [1542 .
him. In the month of September, 1542, he arrived at Geneva, and was the first
pastor of the Italian Church founded in that town.- See M'Crie, History, and
Council's Registers, 1542, passim.
See Note 1, p. 352.
See Note 2, p . 228. Notwithstanding multiplied conferences, and the con-
ciliatory efforts of the arbiters of Basle, the disputes between Berne and Geneva
had not yet been settled. The two republics were brought to agreement only in the
month of January 1544.
He was then devoted to the Reformation and to Calvin, of whom he soon became
the most determined adversary.
1542.] VIRET . 357
XCVII. TO VIRET.
" The plague having made its appearance in several houses of the town, the
Plague Hospital was supplied with officers."-Registers of Council, 25th Septem-
ber 1542.
"Peter Blanchet, minister, having offered to attend and offer consolation to the
poor affected with the plague, who are at present in the Plague Hospital, his offer is
accepted."-Ibid., 23d October 1542.
3 According to the testimony of Michael Roset and of Savion, contemporaries of
Calvin, the Reformer offered himself at the same time with Blanchet to visit the sick.
But the Seigneury of Geneva refused his offer, " on account of the great need which
the Church had of his services."-Registers of Council, 1st June 1545. Chronique de
Roset, iv. fol., and Savion, 60.
The plague prevailed equally at Lausanne.
Ochino.- See Note 2, p. 355.
1542.] VIRET. 359
heads. In the first place, that you may declare that this alien-
ation will occasion stumbling and causes of offence, and , in
the next place, you may demonstrate that it is not lawful.
The occasions of stumbling are readily stated . Because that
on that account the Papists defame the Gospel, and they have
begun to do so even at a time when they had not such a spe-
cious pretext for doing so. Formerly, therefore, they took
advantage of these calumnies ; they will now have a just ground
of accusation when they talk about the plunder of Church pro-
perty. In the next place, because the common people through-
out the whole canton dare not speak out openly, they complain
about it everywhere in corners, and the ministers have not a word
to answer. For after having cried out without ceasing against
the sacrilege of the Pope and the whole of the Popish priest-
hood, with what face can they defend the sale of property which
entirely strips the Church bare, and may leave her naked, while
they could not even submit to any abuse or misapplication of
the revenues ? In the third place, because they afford the very
worst precedent to other states and rulers. They are more
eager than enough to seize upon church property without hav
ing further inducement from any other quarter presented to
them, but now, if they shall transgress in this respect, one half
of the blame will lie upon those who set them the example.
Fourthly, that they are not aware, and have no means of know-
ing, what posterity will do in this matter ; for it may so hap-
pen, that when the Church has been plundered of everything
of her own, she may be left entirely helpless and destitute.
With reference to that second head which is above stated,
keep in mind that argument on which the chief hinge of the
whole question turns, that what has once been devoted to
Christ and the Church, is not the property of the magistrate.
And here it will be necessary to put them in mind of that law
and ancient method, by which rule of appropriation property
of this kind was to be dispensed. You must, therefore, insist
upon it that those ungodly paunches have taken possession of
what had been solemnly set apart to the service of the Church ,
that it is clear enough what is a lawful application of Church
property, and that appropriation ought now to be adopted ;
1542.] VIRET. 361
XCVIII. TO BULLINGER.
' The Seigneury of Geneva shewed their sense of the zeal and indefatigable activity
exercised in their behalf by the Reformer. "Ordered, to make present to Calvin of
a tun of old wine of l'Hôpital, for the pains which he takes on account of the town."
-Extracts, Registers of Council, 17th Nov. 1542.
2* Leo Juda, one of the pastors of the Church of Zurich, translator of the Old
Testament into Latin. He died of the plague the 19th June 1542, in the sixtieth
1542.] BULLINGER. 363
year of his age. " Our Church," wrote Bullinger, " has lost in that man an ines-
timable treasure. As regards myself, I have lost a good part of my life by the
death of that much-loved brother ; and if I did not find consolation by the hope of
a better life in that which is to come, and of the resurrection of the dead, I must
have given way under my sorrow." -Letter, cited by Ruchat, Hist. de la Réf.
tom. v. p. 188.
364 MONSIEUR LE CURÉ DE CERNEX. [1543.
[1542.]
SEIGNEUR MICHEL,-This poor man is so very disfigured
in body, that it is pitiful, and even shockingly horrible, to see.
He says that it has not happened through profligacy. Seeing
that it is a pitiable case, will you consider whether you can
manage to help him, so that he may not putrefy in rank cor-
ruption ? I recommend him all the more earnestly to you, as
thinking that he must belong to the town , for had he been a
stranger, I would myself have provided for him in some way,
so that no occasion might be given to cry out as they do. But
since he is here, I make less difficulty about it. Your brother
and good friend, JOHN CALVIN.
[1543.]
MONSIEUR LE CURE, --We acknowledge that point of your
letter to be very true, that the plague which we have in our
nor that we had declined from the truth to lay hold on some
evil doctrine . On the contrary, it is notorious that we have re-
formed our Church according to the pure doctrine of God ,
which is the rule to apply and to keep up a healthy state. It
is true, that it is rather an odious thing to alter what has been
hitherto received. But the order which our Lord has once de-
livered to us ought to be for ever inviolable. Thus, when it
has been forsaken for a season, it ought to be renewed and
set up again, even should heaven and earth commingle. There
is no antiquity, no custom which can be set up or pleaded
in prejudice of this doctrine, that the government of the
Church established by the authority of God should be per-
petual even to the end of the world, since he has willed and
determined that it should be so. The reasons which have
made us change are more than sufficiently urgent. The first
point in Christianity is the true adoration of God. Now, we
have come to know, that the form of adoration which we have
been in the habit of observing was false and perverted, and,
moreover, that it was not in the spirit of truth, (John iv.,) but
in external ceremonies, and even in superstitious practices.
It is certain that then we did not adore God alone, but wood
and stones instead of him, the pictures, the reliquaries of the
dead, and things of a like kind. To the adoration of God is
conjoined the rule of worshipping him aright. And in what
manner is it that he is invoked throughout the Papacy, except
with doubt and distrust, inasmuch as they know nothing about
the office of Jesus Christ as our Advocate and Intercessor, by
whom we obtain our requests ? (Rom. viii.; 1 Tim. ii.; 1
John ii.; Heb. iv.) Besides, what are the public prayers but
murmurs and ululations, vain repetitions without understand-
ing ? Thirdly, how many blasphemies are there in it, in so far
as the power of the sole Mediator is attributed to saints and
saintesses, to obtain grace in their name and by their merits ?
After the invocation follows the service, as if we were instructed
to serve God by the vain traditions of men. On the contrary,
he wills and requires that we take for our rule his will alone
throughout. (Deut. xii.; 1 Kings xv.) As concerning the
confidence and firm persuasion of our salvation , which is like,
1543.] MONSIEUR LE CURÉ DE CERNEX. 369
Well, then, our Lord Jesus wishes to open your eyes to un-
derstand and to see what it is that he would say, when he calls
himself the only Saviour, the only life, the only sanctification,
the only wisdom, the only confidence of men ; that it is in
order that we may altogether acknowledge him to be such,
that with good accord we glorify him, as well in heart as with
the mouth, and equally in all our works , so that, as we have
all received one baptism in his name, we might have the same
confession of our Christianity .
[Fr. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol . 107.]
Testimony of respect and of fraternal affection - his homage in one of his books- de-
tails of his labours at Geneva-survey of the state of Germany and of Italy.
' This letter is doubtless one of the first addressed by Calvin to Melanchthon.
United, since the Conferences of Ratisbon, to the German Reformer by the bonds of
affection and friendship, he thenceforth lavished upon him the testimonies of his es-
teem and respect, and kept up relations with him which were never interrupted, not-
withstanding the difference of their doctrine and genius. Calvin dedicated, in 1543,
to Melanchthon, the publication which he set forth against Doctor Albert Pighius,
the opponent of the doctrine of grace, and he edited, some years afterwards, the Loci
Communes of Melanchthon, translated into French ; thus presenting a remarkable ex-
ample of the spirit of union and concord which he applied in its development to the
Lutheran and Reformed Churches, according to that beautiful passage of one of his
Letters : "Would that the union between all Christ's Churches upon earth were such,
that the angels in heaven might join their song of praise !"
374 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. [1513.
This treatise, first of all written in Latin, and afterwards translated into French,
is inserted in the Recueil des Opuscules, p. 257, under this title, Réponse aux Calom-
nies d'Albert Pighius, Contenant la Défense de la Saincte Doctrine contre le Frane
Arbitre, with a Preface to Melanchthon, of February 1543.
1543.] PHILIP MELANCHTHON. 375
In his answer, dated the 4th of May following, Melanchthon thanks Calvin for
the Dedication of his book, mingling the expression of his acknowledgments with
high praise of the author. " I am much affected by your kindness, and I thank you
that you have been pleased to give evidence of your love for me to all the world, by
placing my name at the beginning of your remarkable book, where all the world will
see it."-Calvini Opera, tom. ix. p. 175.
2* Faithful to the engagements which he had contracted with the King of France,
Soliman in fact invaded Hungary with a numerous army, and took possession of
almost the whole country, while the crescent of Mahomet and the Lilies united, to the
great scandal of Christendom, before the walls of Nice, then besieged by the combined
fleets of France and Turkey. -Robertson, Hist. of Charles V., c. vii.
376 PHILIP MELANCHTHON. [1543.
' The Archbishop, Elector of Cologne, had requested the advice of Bucer and of
Melanchthon in endeavouring to reform the churches within his diocese. See Melch.
Adam, Vita Melanchthonis, p. 34.
2 The Council of Trent, so often announced and as often adjourned, only commenced
on the 13th December 1545.
1543.] VIRET. 377
CII. TO VIRET.
' Conrad Pellican, a pious and learned professor of the Academy of Zurich.
Born in 1479, he evinced from his infancy an extraordinary taste for the study of
the Hebrew language, in which he made rapid progress, and which, at a later period,
he taught at Basle and at Zurich. Called to that latter town in 1526, he acquired
the friendship both of Zuingli and of Bullinger, was a correspondent of Calvin, and
died in 1556. The celebrated Peter Martyr succeeded him.- Melch. Adam, Vita
Theologorum Germanorum, p. 162. et seq.
1543.] CONRAD PELLICAN. 379
always so eager to catch at. Had Farel been now at Neuchatel, '
I would not have allowed him to delay so long to justify him-
self carefully, even to your full satisfaction . For the present,
however, until we shall know for certain that he has escaped
in safety out of the jaws of death, we will supplicate the Lord
that he would restore him to us as soon as possible, so that
some time or other he may do what he would himself have
done at the very first, had he been present.
There is also another subject on which I am requested by
Bernardino to write you. We have been informed as a fact,
that through the folly of a certain brother who was of his
acquaintance, he had become suspected in your eyes, as though
he were not altogether quite sound in opinion either on the article
ofthe Trinity or of Christ . I shall say nothing further in his
excuse, than simply to state the truth. As I do not place
much reliance on the most of the Italian wits, after that he
mentioned to me his intention to make a more lengthened
sojourn among us, I discoursed with him carefully on the
separate heads of the doctrine of faith, and in such a way
that he could scarcely conceal it, should he differ materially
in any point from us. It did appear to me, and if I possess
any judgment at all, I can bear testimony, that as well
in every other point as upon this important one, he was
entirely of the same mind with us. This, however, I have
remarked, that he did repudiate those over-nice distinctions
and discussions which we meet with in the scholastic writers ;
and certainly, if we weigh attentively how much these subtle
speculations of the sophists differ from the sober and moderate
doctrine of the ancients, we shall be of the same mind. It
seemed, therefore, only what was due, to bear this testimony
to a pious and sincere man , that he may not be undeservedly
aspersed among you, by having even the shadow of a suspicion
Montigny, where the Protestants flocked together to wait upon his preachings.
The gates of the town were shut upon them by order of the Roman Catholic magis-
trates, and thus they perceived they were driven from their country. Received
with kindness by the magistrates of Strasbourg, they had recourse to the interven-
tion of the Protestant princes of Germany to obtain free access to their houses and
property, as well as the free exercise of their worship. It was during these nego-
tiations that Calvin left Geneva, and rejoined Farel at Strasbourg. - Bèze, Hist. Eccl.
tom. iii. p. 431 , and following.
' Charles presided in the following year at the Diet of Spires with extraordinary
1543.] THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. 383
éclat, but strove in vain to bring the two parties to agreement. All that he obtained
from the majority of that assembly was a declaration by which the points in dispute
were to be submitted to a Council.
381 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. [1543 .
'The Duke of Cleves, the ally of France, was threatened at the time by the whole
force of Charles V.
1543.] THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. 385
To the godly and faithful servants of our Lord Jesus Christ, the pastors of the
Church of Geneva, my very dear brethren.
49
386 THE PASTORS OF THE CHURCH OF GENEVA. [1543.
The apostate Peter Caroli. Reconciled with the Sorbonne, he went to Metz to
give proof of his zeal to support the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, and had
boasted publicly to confound Farel and Calvin by a public discussion, at which he
dared not even appear.-Bèze, Hist. Eccl., tom. iii. p. 431, et seq.
It is probable that Farel is here indicated, in allusion to the impetuosity of his
disposition.
1543.] VIRET. 387
CVI. TO VIRET.
can return. You will clearly perceive from thence the lofty,
puffed - up humour of the man. Adieu ; salute all the brethren,
and pay a visit sometimes to Geneva. Again, adieu . May
the Lord preserve you . Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol . 106. ]
them to understand , that our wish would have been that Master
William had remained, and that I had withdrawn homeward,
until that some fixed resolution had been come to. Their
answer was, that, had there been any very pressing occa-
sion which constrained me to return forthwith to you, they
would not have ventured to hinder me, but, if it were possible,
the preferable course seemed to them, that I ought not to stir
until the return of their ambassadors, whom they expected to
see here again in this town within eight days.
As touching the commendations, thankful acknowledgments,
and offers which, on your part, I have made to them , they have
answered, that as up to this hour they have engaged in that
cause, so they are thoroughly determined to follow it up and
persevere for the future ; only they are sorry that matters
are not in a better order, and have charged me to make their
commendations to you, promising without fail to write by me,
for that they were not aware of having so safe a messenger.
Having received this answer, Master William and I have
altered our purpose ; and we have no doubt you will approve of
my having followed the advice of the Council of this town,
seeing that the course to be followed was somewhat doubtful.
It is quite certain that they would never have wished to detain
me without having some good hope. Would that our Lord
might so order and dispose his work that the issue may be
yet better !
The Metz brethren on their part, also, earnestly desire that it
may be so, for the late eschevin,' with four of the burgesses, was
at the meeting, and there is still a representative there. As
soon as I am able, you need not doubt that I shall hasten my
return ; and were it not that the interval is so short, I would
not have failed to make the journey to offer my excuses in per-
son by word of mouth. But seeing how the matter rests, it
would be to no purpose to leave a work so well begun. Where-
fore, Right worshipful Seigneurs, I beseech you yet further, that
you would be pleased to have patience for a little while, as indeed
' Gaspar de Heu, Seigneur de Buy. It was under the administration of this
magistrate, favourable to the Reformation, that Farel had been called to Metz.
390 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. [1543 .
also I hope you will , which is the reason why I do not make
you more lengthened excuses.
For news, the Archbishop of Cologne is wonderfully steadfast
in planting the Evangel in his country ; and truly his is a
miracle of zeal, for notwithstanding the resistance he meets with
from the clergy, the university, and the town of Cologne, even ,
forsooth, to the extent of openly threatening him with deposi-
tion, he does not on that account relax, but perseveres more
stoutly than ever, entreating the preachers who are with him to
make no account of his person nor rank, but that the Reforma-
tion may go forward vigorously, and as it ought, inasmuch as his
conscience urges him to discharge this duty before his death.
He has at present called together the states of the country, to
settle a right form of order and policy over the churches, and
to correct the idolatry ; for as touching the preaching, he had
already been determined formerly, seeing that the whole country,
the clergy and the town excepted , have accepted everywhere the
preaching of the Evangel.
In the meantime the Emperor makes his preparations for the
defence of the Netherlands against the King,² or rather to
wreak vengeance upon the Duke of Cleves, one cannot tell
which; howsoever, he is not yet very far advanced, and it would
be rather dangerous were he to be in too great a hurry. For
the Turk approaches with a great power, and is about to enter
Germany on three sides. If that does not compel him to with-
draw altogether, it will at least retard his movements. If he
had leisure to apply himself against the Duke of Cleves, every
one considers that he would get the upper hand.³
' See note 2, p. 320. This prelate, remarkable for his zeal and for his piety,
had boldly introduced the Reformed doctrines into his states, without allowing him-
self to be intimidated by the opposition of his clergy, or the menaces of the Pope.
He protested, however, against the title of Lutheran, declaring, that he wished to
order his diocese in manner conformable to the apostolic doctrine. In 1546 he was
excommunicated by Pope Paul III., and deposed after the battle of Mühlberg.
2 That war, which was the last act of the struggle between Charles the Fifth
and Francis I., was fought simultaneously in the Netherlands, in France, and in
Italy. The Emperor was in alliance with the King of England, Henry VIII.;
Francis I. with the Duke of Cleves and the Sultan Soliman. Peace was re-
established by the treaty of Carpy, (18th September 1544.)
3 Ill supported by the King of France, the Duke of Cleves was overborne by the
1543.] THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. 391
Exposé of the motives which prevent immediate return to Geneva-Cologne news and
of the Netherlands.
Emperor, reduced to implore pardon on his knees, and dispossessed of a part of his
states.
To the ambassadors of Geneva at Berne.
392 THE AMBASSADORS OF GENEVA. [1513.
his approach in any great hurry, and besides, he has not made
out a case. On the other hand, there is some danger that the
Turk will stop him, who is coming down with a great force
to attack Germany upon three sides. Were the Emperor
able to march forward, the Duke of Cleves could not sustain
the attack unless he had the King's aid, who has been pre-
vented by the continued rains from approaching. Now of late
he has begun to do so, and was already well advanced, but the
rumour is that he draws back. We do not know whether the
English are forced to withdraw. Howsoever it may turn, it is a
sad thing to see such desolation everywhere throughout Chris-
tendom. Would that our Lord, of his infinite mercy, might
consider the miserable condition in which we are, and albeit
that we might very deservedly have been more sorely visited,
that it would please him to withdraw his hand, vouchsafing
to us the spiritual acknowledgment of our sins, in order to
bring us back to himself.
Wherefore, very honoured Lords, after my hearty commen-
dations toyour good graces, I pray the Lord to assist you in the
business which you are gone about, upholding you in real
prosperity.--Your servant and good friend,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Fr. orig. autogr.- Archives of Geneva. No. 1250. ]
New delay in conclusion of the affair of Metz- Calvin makes arrangements for his
return to Geneva.
The negotiations pending between the Protestant Princes and the Magistrates
of Metz were prolonged to a wearisome length. Tired of a proceeding that seemed
to be endless, baulked in his expectation of seeing a free access open to the preach-
ing of the Reformed doctrine in that town, Calvin sought permission to depart, from
the Magistrates of Strasbourg, and prepared to return to Geneva. The refugees
of Metz obtained leave that same year to return to their country, with the promise
of a Church, and a precarious toleration of their worship, which, with much ado,
scarcely lasted a few months.
50
394 THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA. [1543.
Exhorts him to quit his native country and to retire where he can make free profession
of the Gospel.
On the back : " To my good lord and friend Sire Jacques Le Franc." -James de
Bourgogne, Seigneur de Falais and of Breda in Brabant, great-grandson natural of
Philip le Bel, Duke of Burgundy. Brought up at the Court of Charles the Fifth, this
seigneur adopted, in his youth, the Reformed faith, and under the Spanish rule not
being able to avow his profession, by the advice of Calvin he quitted his country,
abandoning the whole of his property, which was confiscated by a decree of the Court
ofMalines. Thenceforth devoted to perpetual exile, he dwelt successively at Cologne,
Strasbourg, Basle, Geneva, and maintained an active correspondence with the Re-
former, who heaped upon him the tokens of his friendship, and dedicated to him in
1546 his Commentary on the First Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians. These kind
relations were unfortunately disturbed at a later period on account of the trial of
Jerome Bolsec, in which M. de Falais openly took part against Calvin. The latter
keenly resented that act of hostility on the part of a friend, which broke up the friend-
ship, without any after healing, in 1552. The letters of Calvin to M. de Falais have
been published in the last century at Amsterdam from the originals long preserved in
that town.- Lettres de Calvin à Jacques de Bourgogne, Seigneur de Falais, 1 vol. Svo.
Amsterdam, 1744. We republish them here in more chronological order, revised and
corrected from the originals now deposited in the library of Geneva, with some other
pieces appended which have not hitherto appeared in print.
396 M. DE FALAIS. [1543.
And, indeed, up till this time I have been in doubt, whether for
better advice I ought to entreat you to undertake a journey , in
order that, after having seen and considered more closely, we
might be able to determine what ought to be done. For had
the question been , to deal with the matter in deliberation as at
all doubtful, there would have been many pros and cons to
settle before being able to solve it ; it would have been some-
what silly and inconsiderate on my part to attempt to do so by
letter. But at length , I have thought, on the other hand, that
if our Lord hath already bestowed the courage upon you to
visit us in good earnest, to put your confidence in our Lord
along with us, it would be trouble thrown away, and show
much besides of shyness and drawing back, to recommend
you to come merely to see what was done there, to advise you
at all upon that head. Wherefore, I would not recommend
you to take that unnecessary trouble, only to have to begin.
again afterwards afresh, and that perhaps in less favourable
circumstances than the present.
I understand very well the difficulty in which you are placed
if you look to the world, and those considerations which may
keep you back. But you will need to come to a settled conclu-
sion, to cast aside everything which shall come in the way to
cross you in your purpose. One ought not, it is true, to take
such a step at random, that is to say, without foundation , and
without knowing why or wherefore. But when you have your
conscience assured by a testimony which is better and stronger
than all the world could give you, you ought to acquiesce
therein out and out, and deem besides, that all the obstacles
which interpose to divert or turn you aside, are scandals which
Satan lays before you to block up the way. Howbeit, to my
thinking, there is no great need to allege many reasons to shew
you what to do according to the word of God. I take it for
granted, that you are already clear upon that point. You have
only the regret of what you leave on the one hand, and on the
other, the fear of not meeting with all that you could desire.
All worldly regrets, however, may be overcome by this consider-
ation, that there is no condition more unhappy than to live in
trouble of mind, and to have a continual warfare raging within
1543.] M. DE FALAIS . 397
On the back : " To my lady and good sister Madame Katerine Le Franc."
Iolande de Brederode, of the ancient and illustrious house of the Counts of Holland,
aunt of Henri de Brederode, who, in 1566, presented the request of the four hundred
Reformed nobles of the Netherlands to Margaret of Austria, and thus laid the founda.
tion of the liberty of the United Provinces. Of a stoical and generous spirit, Madame
de Falais partook the sentiments of her husband, and she shared the noble fellowship
of the sacrifices which he made for the sake of liberty of conscience.
400 MADAME DE FALAIS. [1543.
It is true also, that on your part you have great bars which
lie in the way to obstruct your progress, and also the gentleman
on his side yet many more. But in putting on the strength of
our Lord, you will not care a straw for them, and skip over
them without difficulty, not, however, so far as the flesh is con-
cerned , but in suchwise that you shall acknowledge the truth to
be fulfilled in you, according to what the prophet says, " The
Lord maketh my feet like hinds ' feet." Only, take care not to
let the zeal which the Lord has bestowed upon you grow cool ;
but rather to look upon it as though it were himself who soli-
cits and importunes you to come away. And should there be
some weakness of infirmity about you, first of all, entreat him
specially in prayer that he would correct it, while on your part
you strive against that weakness to get the better of it . Secondly,
beseech him when he shall perceive that you come on too
slowly, that he would take you by the hand, and, as it were,
deliver you in spite of yourself. There cannot be any doubt
but that Sarah was a great solace to our father Abraham, when
he had to set forth upon his journey. Follow you her footsteps
like one of her daughters , for we see from the example of Lot's
wife what is the consequence of looking back. Howsoever
that may be, I do entertain the assurance that you have not
put a hand to the plough, meaning to look behind and turn.
back upon it.
If this letter had been presented to you by a messenger who
was altogether a stranger, I would have been possibly some-
what more lengthened in my address ; but when the messen-
ger can himself supply what is deficient in the letters, we must
not cast such discredit upon him as to write all that we would
have you to know, as if he had not a mouth to speak for him-
self.For this reason I shall conclude this letter, after having
commended me affectionately to your kind favour, and having
prayed our Lord that he would carry forward his work in you,
leading you even by his Holy Spirit, both to the knowledge
and the obedience of his good will, giving also strength and
prudence to him who ought to be your guide, to go before,
to urge you by his example, and also that he would be so gra-
cious to you as to make you a helpmate as he has ordained . I
1543.] MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . 401
GENEVA, [1543.]
MONSIEUR,-Although I rely with confidence in our gracious
God, that as he has guided you hitherto, bestowing grace to
overcome many difficulties, which might have turned you aside
out of the straight road, he will also in time coming vouchsafe
you strength to resist all the assaults which Satan can muster
up against you, nevertheless, when I consider the danger wherein
you now are, already harassed by so many temptations, as I see
them arrayed and set in order, I could not refrain from remind-
ing you, that the benefits which God hath bestowed upon us,
indeed require that we should prefer his honour to all the world
besides, and that the hope of salvation which we have by his
Evangel is so precious , that we ought readily to forego all
meaner considerations, in so far as they hinder us from reaching
forward to that hope, and that we ought to have such content-
ment in conforming ourselves to his will, that whensoever the
question arises of our displeasing the whole world, that we may
obey his pleasure, it is good for us. Not that he does not put
you in mind of this without my warnings ; for I am well
assured, that foreseeing the occurrence of temptations, you have
taken good care to arm and furnish yourself beforehand by
meditation upon these things. And can you not say as much,
moreover, that you have that imprinted on the heart ? But well.
do I know how profitable it will be for you to hear a word or
This letter is without date ; but Calvin might have written it shortly after the
two which precede it, in order to overcome the last scruples of M. de Falais, then on
the point of abandoning his fortune and his country.
51
402 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . [1543.
two of exhortation from your friends, for that will serve very
much to confirm you . I have sometimes experienced this my-
self. On the other hand, had this only been the point in con-
sideration, that in this manner I might express the anxiety
which we entertain about you in this quarter, that of itself were
quite a sufficient reason for me. That, besides, such as it is,
ought to be an argument to persuade you of our desire to have
good accounts of you, that we may have occasion to return
thanks to God, having understood that you are spared, or
rather that he shall so have tried you, that he will, notwith-
standing, have given you courage to overcome all the wiles of
the devil . If you have to fight, and that should be the will
of God, reckon that it is but a passing tempest, and that you
can betake yourself to a covering shelter from the storm-for
we have no other retreat than that of our God- let us then
hide ourselves there, and we shall be in security. The hope
of our being able to reform by the instrumentality of human
means is very small . Wherefore, we must not repent of hav-
ing come forward, nor of our on-waiting in following of God,
even should the whole world pass on before us. And even
now we must not draw back on that account ; for whosoever
shall do so will find himself deceived . Let us firmly hope
that at length the Lord will take pity upon his Church . But
let every one proceed just according as he is called , and let
him who has more grace shew the way to others . This is
what ought to make you bethink yourself, that is to say, that
you are so much the more obliged to run quicker than many
others, on account of our Lord having given you the power,
and having also brought you to the spot, from whence it is
not allowable for you to withdraw to the rear. And in fact,
when a man has once withdrawn himself from that abyss of
the spiritual captivity, or rather, has been delivered by the
hand of God, should it so happen him to be engulfed anew,
and to depart from the liberty which the Lord had vouchsafed
him, he is quite overwhelmed when he finds himself in a
state of confusion, from whence it is not possible to come forth.
I say this, not because I think it shall happen, or that I
distrust you, for, as I have protested from the beginning, I feel
1544.] VIRET. 403
CXIII. TO VIRET.¹
' Regent in the College of Geneva, Sebastian Castalio sought also to have the
title of minister, as we see from the Council Register, January 1544, " Sebastian
Chatillon, regent. Calvin represents to the Council, that it is very right to em-
ploy the Regent, but not in that office of the ministry, on account of certain peculiar
opinions which he entertains." These opinions which were called in question, were
his doubts on the doctrine of election, on the descent of Jesus Christ to hell, and on
the authenticity of the Song of Solomon. Offended at not being able to obtain the
office and functions of a minister, Castalio denuded himself of those of regent, and
prepared to leave Geneva, provided with the most honourable attestations of the
pastors of that town.
404 VIRET. [ 1544.
' Francis de Bonnivard, prior of St. Victor, celebrated for his wise and prudent
spirit, his talents, and above all, by his long captivity in the Castle of Chillon.
Restored to liberty on the conquest of the Pays de Vaud by the Bernese, he returned
to his own country, and was charged with the editing of the Chronicles of Geneva.
Having been married previously to Catherine Baumgartner of Berne, he married,
in 1544, Jeanne d'Armeis, herself at that time widow of two husbands, and mother
of the Syndic Amblard Corne. This marriage was not a happy one, and the
1544.] BULLINGER. 405
Celio, Ribitti, your family, and the rest of our friends. May
the Lord preserve both you and them.-Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat . orig. autogr.-Library of Geneva. Vol . 106.]
CXIV.-To BULLINGER.
quarrels of the two spouses drew upon them more than once the censures of the Con-
sistory. See Notice of Francis Bonnivard, Prieur of St. Victor, by Doctor Chapon-
nière. Genève, 1546.
¹ After five years of embroilments and continued struggles between Berne and
Geneva on account of the disputed territories then in litigation, peace was at length
re-established between the two towns by the definitive sentence of the deputies of
Basle, chosen as arbiters, (January 1544. ) This decision, accepted equally by both
parties, divided between them the jurisdiction of the lands belonging to Saint Victor,
and the Charter granted to the Genevese fourteen cures or benefices out of the depen-
dencies of the ancient bishopric, with power to place ministers ; discharged the
Bernese from the oath which those of Geneva pretended to be due to them on account
of the occupation of the bailliages of Gex and of Ternier ; and last of all stipulated
for the free return of the banished exiles of Geneva, after the troubles of 1540.- See
the Chronique de Roset, l. iv. c. 65 ; and Ruchat, Hist. de la Réf. tom. v. pp. 240, 241 .
406 VIRET . [1544.
CXV. To VIRET.
that ; and added, that he had been sent to preach without any
previous examination while I was absent, and without my
knowledge ; it was not fair, therefore, to charge that upon me.
I could not rightly understand whether he was in jest or in
earnest when we came upon the mention of Canticles ; but his
opinion seemed to me not to differ greatly from that of Sebas-
tian. Concerning the descent of Christ to hell , we exchanged
not more than three words ; for our conversation was broken
off by the entrance of some visitors.
What Sebastian would be at I know not, in boasting that my
friends are surprised and laugh at the thought of my adducing
the forty-fifth psalm for the defence of the Song of Solomon,
and since the descent of Christ to hell in the Creed is sub-
joined to the burial, bringing forward for the confirmation of
my own interpretation , that expression which he uttered while
hanging on the cross- My God, &c. But I can bear his
mockery, as well as that of others, patiently and willingly.
I am not at all alarmed at the conceit of their being able to
overcome me by reasonable argument. This only I would be-
seech of you, that you do not interfere with me about Sebas-
tian . So far as I have been able to collect from his discourse.
in conversation, he entertains such an opinion of me, that it is
almost impossible we can ever agree together. I express my-
self to you in a way that I would not write to others. Nor
indeed have I any reason to complain of your having hitherto
given me any trouble on that score.
A little while after his return , I wished to know what those
particular acts were in regard to which he deemed that it would
be of advantage to myself and to the Church that I should be
admonished. I have only been able to extort two . That there
was a certain native of Berne who had been informed by my-
self what it was about the Canticle that I so much disapproved
in him. I refuted this calumny. The other offence was, that
my colleagues flattered me. I answered him with a suitable
response. He had nothing more to say. I was sorry for him.
I could wish, that without offence provision were made for him
somewhere ; and willingly to the best of my ability would I
exert myselffor that purpose. His learning and genius I highly
52
410 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL. [1544.
' The Doctor John Chaponneau, ancien moine of the Abbaye of Saint Amboise, at
Bourges, become minister of the Church of Neuchatel, had attacked in some points
the doctrine of the book of the " Institution Chrétienne." Calvin answered his obser-
vations in a few words. Chaponneau did not feel satisfied, and repeated his attacks
with extreme violence. The subject of debate was the Divinity of Christ, seriously
altered by the rash interpretations of Chaponneau. The reply of the Reformer, written
at the request of Farel, was addressed to the pastors of the Church of Neuchatel.
" Son-in-law ofthe minister Chaponneau, whose opinions he no doubt shared.
1544.] THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL . 411
The celebrated jurisconsult, Andrew Alciat, from Milan, whose instruction Calvin
had received at the University of Bourges. He lectured upon Law alternately in the
schools of France and Italy, and died in 1546, leaving numerous disciples in the va
rious countries of Europe.
412 THE MINISTERS OF NEUCHATEL . [1544.
' The Church of Geneva, set up as a butt for the attacks and blackening defamation
of her maligners who were unwilling to submit to the authority of her discipline,
had also to lament the scandales occasioned by the conduct of many of her pastors.
Two of Calvin's colleagues, Henry de la Mare and Champereau, were not ashamed
to frequent the taverns and cabarets, and so to expose the office of the ministry to
the mockeries of insolent raillery, and those who took a pleasure in repeating that
the ministers wished to make Canons of them.- Chronique de Roset, lib. v. c. 2
et 3.- Grieved on account of these scandals, but without the power of repressing
them, Calvin found vent to his sorrow in the intimacy of his correspondence with
Farel and Viret.
1544.] FAREL. 417
This was the Reply to the Sorbonne Articles . See the note, p. 408.
2 Calvin had already lost a son in the month of August 1542. See note 3, p. 344.
He had afterwards another child by Idelette de Bure, which does not appear to have
long survived.
The imperial assembly of Spire dissolved in the month of May 1544. Charles the
Fifth had then obtained considerable subsidies from the Protestant princes in return
for the important concessions which he had made to them in the great concern of re-
ligion.-Hist. Charles V. , lib. vii.
The French had gained a brilliant victory at Cérisoles, 14th April 1544, over the
Marquis of Guasta, the Imperial General.
1544.] OSWALD MYCONIUS . 421
Gifted with a remarkable genius for politics, which had been formed in the school
of Zuingle, and called more than once, on this account, to enlighten by his experience
the councils of the republic of Basle, Oswald Myconius maintained a correspondence
with Calvin, which had not merely the interests of the Church in view, but those of
the whole of Europe, kept at that time in suspense by the last act of the struggle be-
tween Francis I. and Charles V.
422 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. [1544.
' The Protestant princes of Germany, the steady allies of France against the House
of Austria, abandoned their usual policy on this occasion, and joined the Emperor
against Francis I. They alleged as their motive for this change, the impious alliance
of that monarch with the Turks, whose arms threatened equally France and Italy,
and they wrote to the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, inviting them to follow
their example, by refusing their assistance to Francis I.- See Sleidan, lib. xv. pp.
441-446.
2 M. de Falais afterwards left Brabant and went to Cologne with his family, as we
see by his request addressed to Charles the Fifth : " I went indeed first of all to reside
in your city of Cologne, where I abode so inoffensively and beyond the reach of blame
from any one, that no person could justly complain of me." . . . Immediately on his
arrival at Cologne, he had requested Calvin to send him a minister. The war which
then wasted the Netherlands, and rendered communication difficult, had not allowed
the Reformer at once to meet his wishes.
1544.] MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . 423
you , that if the time has seemed long to you, it has not been
otherwise than wearisome to us, by reason that we could not
discharge ourselves of duty towards you according to your de
sire. Had the communications been open , we would not have
found any difficulty, but we need not tell you what has been
the time elapsed since the return of good Seigneur David. To
send a countryman of your own to you, while matters were in
such turmoil, we did not think was very suitable . On that ac-
count we thought best to send to inquire about a person who
resides at Strasbourg, who was your neighbour, considering also
that he would be a more fit person than another by reason of
his country. But having gone upon a journey, we could not
have a prompt reply from him. In writing to us since, he re-
fers us to the return of Bucer, who was still at that time at
Spire.'
In this way the time has glided away to our great regret,
forasmuch as it was not in our power to meet your wish. How,
moreover, it has happened that our expectation hath been.
hitherto frustrated as concerning that matter, you can perceive
by the letters, and by an extract from Bucer's letter which I
send you.
The present bearer has been sent instead of the other person,
against our mind. Not that we are offended on that account ;
for we hope verily, Sire David and myself, that there will be
no loss by the exchange. He is sound and steadfast in the doc-
trine which is profitable for edifying ; for besides that he is
pure and sound, he is well exercised in ready reply to objections.
Upon the whole, he is modest, so as not to stir beyond his
depth. Moreover, he is not addicted to vain glory, nor to the
desire of shewing off, which is the besetting sin in many. He
manifests zeal for advancing the reign of our Lord Jesus , such
as ought to be set forth in his ministers . He has altogether a
life which approves his doctrine ; as regards his manner of life,
you will find him tractable. Then, that besides I may let you
know what may be defective in him, it is true that he is not
' Bucer had gone to the Diet which was held in that town in 1544. The Emperor,
pressed by two enemies at the same time, Soliman and Francis I., made important
concessions on that occasion to the Protestant side.
424 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . [1544.
CXXI.-To FAREL.'
Renewal of the controversy regarding the Sacraments between the German and Swiss
Churches.
' The sacramentary truce which was brought about in 1538, with so much labour,
between Lutheranism and the Reformed, was afterwards broken, notwithstanding
the efforts of Bucer, of Melanchthon, and Calvin. Full of ill-humour against the
memory of Zuingli, Luther allowed no opportunity of invective to pass, in his writ-
ings, against the doctrines of the Swiss Reformer and the Church of Zurich, which
he likened to the heresies of Munzer and the Anabaptists. Desirous of maintaining
peace among the Churches, the ministers of Zurich at first abstained from all reply, in
the hope of soothing him by their silence, and avoiding direct collision with the ve-
hement spirit of Luther. But Luther having on many occasions renewed his attacks,
they considered it their duty to answer him in an indirect way by publishing the
works of Zuingli, with an apology for his doctrine prefixed.- See Hospinian, Historiæ
Sacramentaria, Genève, 1681, tom. ii. pp. 318, 322. Ann. 1544.
1544.] BULLINGER. 429
CXXII.--To BULLINGER.
me, I pray you, for not having sent it sooner. As for the
reason why this brother has been sent to you, by those of
Neuchatel, he will himself tell you. There is, in my opinion,
no difficulty, or very little, indeed, if any, in the case. But
the perverseness and importunity of one individual compel
them to be troublesome both to you and to ourselves . They
have in their meeting a man belonging to that class of doctors,
from which, hitherto, not a single good man has ever yet
come forth, one who has never ceased from time to time to
pester them with some troublesome affair or another. There
are two causes which urge him on in this course. For he seems
born to contradict, and because he is not so very highly
esteemed by others as he rates himself, it is after this fashion
that he takes his revenge. Had he been in our Church , he
would easily have been restrained. For we had a means of
breaking him in quite ready at hand. But where he is, he
has the Prince's deputy by whom he is countenanced . For it
is thus, that men of this sort of pretension secure and fortify
themselves with defences, so as to work mischief with impunity.
That you would, all of you , do of your own accord what I am
now about to ask, I am well aware. Nevertheless , I would
entreat of you, that in so sacred a cause you may reach forth a
helping hand to the brethren ; that is, that you would support
them by your authority, and train them by a right method
that they may bridle up that Ishmael. This much have I
written, not because it might be supposed to be needful, but
rather to please our brother.
There is another affair, besides, in which I wish very speci-
ally to implore your aid. There are brethren in Provence, for
whom you are aware that we have always taken much pains. '
Nor were they any way undeserving that we should do so ; for
they are a people so harmless , and withal so piously disposed,
that their peace and safety ought to be the peculiar care of all
' See pp. 187, 228, 270, 273, 283, 308. Suspended by Letters-patent of the
King, and by the humanity of the President Chassanée, the execution of the
sentence of the Parliament of Aix was furiously demanded by the new President
of that Court, Jean Menier, Baron d'Oppède, supported at Court by the Cardinal
de Tournon.
1544.] BULLINGER . 431
good men. It is now three years bypast, since they were so far
advanced as to have presented to the Parliament of Aix a confes-
sion of faith, pure and simple as we could have set it forth our-
selves . And besides, that you may not suppose that such a step
was taken from some sudden impulse, which might immediately
have evaporated, whenever they have been called to account
concerning it they have constantly stood firm to their profes-
sion . In the meantime, however, they were cruelly harassed.
After they had been exposed for some time to the savage
tyranny of their enemies, they obtained at length of the King
that he would appoint a commission , who might hear evidence
and report truly upon the whole case. The King commissioned
two persons, whose duty was to make inquiry ; he wished to
take the entire cognizance of the cause to himself, and so to pro-
nounce an award . The tenor of the commission was, that the
persons who were to be sent were to inquire particularly, and
take special knowledge concerning their doctrine and morals,
both in public and private. This the brethren have no dread
or anxiety about . For they have so conducted themselves to-
ward all around them as to have an unexceptionable testimony
to their sterling worth, even from their adversaries. As for
their doctrine, they are about to present their confession offaith,
clear and sincere, to the King as he has required, which docu-
ment comprises, and that distinctly, far more points than can
be alleged against them . At this present time, both the bishops,
the royal officers, and even the parliament itself, are striving
with all their might to set aside the royal commission ;
if it be quashed, they will then be exposed to the fury of
lions and wolves, that they may spend their rage upon them.
in pieces the Reformed Churches. He wrote to Bucer, the 28th August 1544, " I have
written to you about our Pericles, who has again begun to thunder most vehemently
on the subject of the Lord's Supper, and has written a fierce attack, in which you and
I are beaten black and blue. I am a quiet peaceable bird, nor would be unwilling if
I may depart out of this prison-house, if our disturber shall constrain me."-Ph . Me-
Ilanchthonis Opera, edit. of Breitschneider, tom. v. p. 464.
55
434 MELANCHTHON. [1545.
CXXIII. TO MELANCHTHON.¹
Explanations relative to the publication of the book " Against the Nicodemites”—
appeal to the authority of Melanchthon and Luther-troubles arising from ecclesi-
tical discords-announcement of the Council of Trent- policy of Charles V. and of
Francis I.-convocation of a Synod at Melun.
See the two preceding letters. Roused by the Lutheran intolerance, kept up by a
hot controversy, the quarrel about the sacraments disturbed the Reformed Churches,
and furnished weapons to their adversaries. While Calvin deplored these excesses,
addressing himself by turns to Bullinger, to Melanchthon, to Luther himself, he made
vain efforts to bring about an accommodation between the parties.
* Claude de Senarclens, of a noble Savoyard family, which had settled in the Pays
de Vaud, after having embraced the Reformation.
1545.] MELANCHTHON. 435
This is the Traité de fuir les Superstitions. Geneva, 1544. Inserted in the
Recueil des Opuscules, p. 758.
2 Excuse aux Faux Nicodemites. Genève, 1544. Recueil des Opuscules, p. 789.
The German theologians were indeed less strict. However, says Beza, they
admitted, with Calvin, that it is impossible to serve two masters, and therein con-
demned those who were called Nicodemites.- Hist. Eccl., tom. i . p. 49.
436 MELANCHTHON. [1545.
This is the title : -De vitandis superstitionibus quæ cum sincera fidei con-
fessione pugnant, una cum J. Calvini excusatione ad Pseudo-Nicodemos, cum
duabus epistolis ad ministros Ecclesiæ Tigurinæ. Geneva, 1545. The second
edition of this work appeared in 1549, enhanced by the approbation of Melanchthon,
of Bucer, and of Peter Martyr. Calv. Opera Omnia, tom. viii.
2 See note 2, p. 432.
In a letter written at this period, Bucer made a humble remonstrance to
Luther, representing to him, that if the theologians of Zurich had somehow in-
curred his indignation, he ought, however, to have had some consideration for the
1545.] MELANCHTHON . 437
shew you the letter which I have written to him, that on exa-
mination of the contents, you may proceed as you think
advisable, that nothing may be attempted therein either rashly
or unadvisedly, which may hereafter produce unpleasant con-
sequences. I am aware that you will do all that you can
worthily accomplish to the utmost of your power, in every
thing seemly and befitting. But what may have been the
contentions which have exercised you there, and what may
have been the result of them, I have never been able to
learn with certainty, except that I hear an atrocious libel
hath gone forth, which would prove like a lighted torch to
kindle a new conflagration, unless, on the other hand, the
Lord restrain within bounds the resentment of certain par-
ties, who would otherwise be more fierce and peevish thanthey
ought to be, as you well know. But what else can we
expect, when they are provoked to such a degree ? When I
reflect how much, at so unseasonable a time, these intestine
quarrels divide and tear us asunder, I almost entirely lose
courage. A merchant of Nuremberg, who was travelling
this way, shewed me lately a certain apology of Osiander, ¹
of which, on his own account, I felt greatly ashamed . For
what good purpose could it serve to assault the Zuinglians
every third line, and to attack Zuingli himself in such an
unmannerly style ; and not even to spare Ecolampadius,
that holy servant of God, whom I wish that he resembled,
even in being half as good , in which case he would cer-
tainly stand far higher in my esteem than he does ? I do
not demand that he should allow his name to be defamed
with impunity in silence ; but I would like that he might
abstain from contemptuous reproaches of those men whose
imperial towns of Upper Germany, and the cantons of Berne and Basle, who
had given him no ground of complaint, and who had always remained faithful
to the thought of a Christian alliance. -Hospinian, Hist. Sacramentar., tom. ii. p.
331.
Andrew Osiander, professor of theology at the University of Königsberg, was
of a presumptuous and violent spirit ; he put forth rash doctrines on the nature of
Christ, on justification, and exaggerated, in the Roman Catholic sense, the Lutheran
dogma of the Supper. He died in 1552. Melchior Adam, Vitae Theolog. Germ.,
pp. 226-240.
438 MELANCHTHON. [ 1545 .
' Transferred successively from Vicenza to Mantua, and from Mantua to Trent, the
Council opened in that latter town the 13th December 1545.
2 Francis de Tournon, Archbishop of Lyons, and a cardinal, one of the fiercest per-
secutors of the Reformed under the reigns of Francis I., of Henry II., and of Francis
II. He introduced the order of the Jesuits into France, set himself steadily in oppo-
sition to the establishment of religious liberty, and died in 1562.
1545.] MELANCHTHON . 439
simple dealing with the case, they see no more summary me-
thod of going about it, than to have the princes at their mercy,
and that they may hold their liberty captive and dependent
upon them. As this advice was well liked by the King, Cha-
telain declared that it would not do to send French theolo-
gians to attend the disputation , unless they were well discip-
lined and trained beforehand ; that you were men thoroughly
acquainted with the subject and used to this warfare, nor could
you be made, so easily as they supposed, to waste your strength
to no purpose ; that by betraying the ignorance of his theolo-
gians, the King ought to be upon his guard lest he should ex-
pose the whole kingdom to derision . The vain- glory of the
King gave the preference to this opinion . Twelve French
theologues have been commissioned to dispute at Melun on
the controverted points, and to report at length to the King
what they shall have concluded upon . They have bound them-
selves by oath to secrecy . But all their silence notwithstand-
ing, I am thoroughly well assured, that every thought will be
directed to the oppression of the truth . Though they may
pretend to seek some sort of reformation , nothing is more
certain than that they have only this one object in view, how
to bury the light of sound doctrine, that they may establish
their own tyranny. It is my belief, that God defeated the
counsel of the Cardinal de Tournon , that they might not en-
snare a single man of us , even when we had not the slightest
suspicion of such a thing. You can remember having your-
self been tempted by the same artful policy on the part of
Langey. If, however, we look to the Lord, they shall in vain
assault us with all their contrivances.
' Chatelain, Bishop of Mâcon, Reader to the King, Francis I. , who partook of his
taste and disposition. Favourable to the Reformation, which, however, he dared not
to profess openly, this prelate, at a later period, betrayed the hopes of the Reformed
by taking up his position among the persecutors of the Gospel. - See Beza, Hist. Eccl.,
tom. i. pp. 79, 80.
2 These theologians actually did assemble at Melun : "but there was," says Beza,
"such division among them, that they only exchanged words and abuse, and were
on the point of coming sometimes even to blows ; the more ignorant who had been
mixed up with the others not being willing to suffer those who were more learned to
touch upon the abuses, however gently."-Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 48.
440 LUTHER. [1545
CXXIV.-TO LUTHER,¹
Calvin submits to Luther several of his writings, of which he desires to obtain his
approbation.
A peculiar interest attaches to this letter, the only one which the French Re-
former had written to the German Reformer. Inspired by the deep conviction of
the unity of the Reformed churches, written with as much moderation as respect, the
message of conciliation was not even listened to. Soured by the quarrel about the
sacraments, in which he took too great a share during the latter years of his life,
Luther evinced daily more and more irritation against the theologians of Switzerland,
and Melanchthon did not even venture to present the letter of Calvin, to whom he
wrote in sadness : " I have not shewn your letter to Dr. Martin, for he takes up many
things suspiciously, and does not like his replies to questions of the kind you have
proposed to him, to be carried round and handed from one to another.
At present I am looking forward to exile and other sorrows. Farewell. On the day
upon which, 3846 years ago, Noah entered into the ark, by which God gave testimony
of his purpose never to forsake his Church even when she quivers under the shock of
the great sea billows."- Melanchthon to Calvin, MSS. of Geneva, vol. 106.
1545.] LUTHER . 441
Difficulties in the way of a reunion, and doubts of the efficacy of a General Council
under present circumstances- deplorable state of the Church-motives which pre-
vented him from going to confer in person with the German Reformers-his pro-
posals to them.
January 1545.
And so , just as if the day for holding the Council had been
appointed for the next month, you make already arrangements
for your departure. This, however, is of itself a proof how
rashly and at haphazard everything is done among you, and
' A letter without address and without date, probably written to one of the friends
of the Reformer in France,-perhaps Louis du Chemin, or Francis Daniel,-who,
while sincerely adhering to the doctrine of the Reformed, kept up in appearance their
connection with the Roman Catholic Church. It is to this enlightened but timid
class of men that two writings, submitted by Calvin to the approbation of Luther,
were specially addressed. See two preceding Letters. " These writings," says Beza,
66 were the cause of a great blessing, several persons having resolved to devote them-
selves to God's service, who had formerly been asleep in their uncleanness. "-Hist.
Eccl., tom. i. p. 49. But we know not who is the individual to whom Calvin ad-
dresses warnings against the seductions of the Court of Rome, and in the absence of
certain knowledge, we are only left to conjecture.
* See note 1, p. 438.
1545.] AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 443
It is the same thought confirmed by the events which the Reformer expressed
six years later, in the preface of the Commentary on the Canonical Epistles, dedi-
cated to the King of England.-" But although the venerable fathers had begun to
dazzle the eyes of the simple with some Will-o' -the-Wisp stories about the sitting
of a Council, all this shining deceptious appearance having been dissipated by a
secret whisper suddenly mooted by the See of Rome, vanished in smoke, except,
that in order to keep up the excitement, a little cloud hovered for a season over
Bologna." Dedication to King Edward VI. , 26th January 1551 , édit. de Genève,
1562.
2 See Sleidan, lib. xvi., pp. 455 , 456.
1545.] AN UNKNOWN PERSONAGE. 445
your confidence, all the more on that account you will be care-
ful as to the few to whom you may communicate them.
With regard to what you asked in your last letter, I felt some
sort of hesitation whether I ought to undertake the matter ;
for the journey is long, rugged , and toilsome. The post on
horseback does not reach Wittemberg in less than twenty days.
To send any one, as it might happen , without choosing a fit
person, would be dangerous . On light-headed fellows and
vagabonds one can place no dependence, and few others are to
be found. To a person unacquainted with the language the
road will prove very toilsome, and there is scarcity every-
where on account of the late dearth . I myself am altogether
unfurnished as to money ; besides, although the season is not
inconvenient, I am unable to sustain the burdens which already
press upon me without being entirely exhausted . For in this
time of the dearth, with which for the last two years we have
had to struggle, I found the incurring of debt was unavoidable ;
however, I do not speak of this for the sake of complaining.
God hath dealt very kindly with me, so much so, that I am
quite content with what I have. But I mention it that you
may understand that it is not easy for me to find persons here
from whom I can take up money upon loan : they are indeed
all of them merchants, and themselves almost starving. Add
to this what I have already said , that the time is unseasonable
for consulting Luther, because his anger has scarce settled down
from the heat of contention . Since, however, you insist so ear-
nestly, and press me with so many protestations that I would do
so, my first and chief desire was to comply with your wishes. I
have accordingly requested and obtained of an honourable, and
a not unlearned young man, ' that he would take this trouble on
my account. My two treatises I have translated word for word
into Latin, which have been sent along with my letters, that so
they might be able to form an opinion . Nor have I asked any
other favour, except that they would express freely and without
reserve whatever they may think upon the question : only add-
ing, that it would be noway agreeable to me, should they feel
any delicacy in so far as concerned myself. The messenger will
CXXVI. TO VIRET.
The work of Viret which is here alluded to, is without doubt, the following :-
Deux Discours addressés aux Fidèles qui sont parmi les Papistes, in Svo, Genève,
1544.
* See note 1 , p. 439, and Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 80.
3 Of this number was doubtless the learned Danes, Professor of Greek in Paris,
who at that time manifested favourable dispositions towards the Reformation. At
a later period he became the preceptor of Francis II., a bishop, and a persecutor.—
Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 48.
1545.] VIRET. 449
preserve you and your family whom pray salute for me and
mine.-Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]
CXXVII. TO VIRET.'
CXXVIII. TO VIRET.
' In retirement at Geneva in 1543, the celebrated French poet, Clement Marot, had
been charged, at the request of Calvin, with the translation of the Psalms in verse.
Extracts of Registers of the Council, 15th October : " Calvin offers to engage Clement
Marot to put the Psalms of David in verse." The same year fifty Psalms were printed
at Geneva, with a preface by Calvin, which is found at the beginning of the subse-
quent editions of 1551, 1556, 1563. The work of Clement Marot was finished by
Theodore de Bèze.
452 OSWALD MYCONIUS. [1545.
1 Oswald Myconius had written on the 6th March to thank Calvin for sending him
the book intituled, " Supplex Exhortatio ad Cæsarem Carolum V. et Illustriss. Prin-
cipes aliosque ordines Spiræ nunc Imperii Conventum Agentes, ut Restituendæ Eccle-
siæ curam serio suscipere velint, Genevæ, 1543." Translated into French in 1544 ; a
writing much praised by Bucer and Beza. See the Letter of Myconius to Calvin.-
Calv. Opera, p. 34.
The Imperial Diet was then met at Worms. The Roman prelates were preparing
for the celebration of the approaching Council by a life of gaiety and dissipation :—
" Larvati ut non cognoscantur domos intrant civium ; ibi edunt, bibunt, ludunt, saltant,
libidinantur, & c. , præparationes dignae sive ad comitia, sive ad Concilium.”—Myco-
nius Calvino, 6th March 1545.
The plague had then broken out afresh and was raging at Geneva.
See Spon, Hist. de Genève, tom. i. p. 283 ;—the details relating to that fearful con-
spiracy.
1545.] THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE. 453
Calvin vindicates himself from the charge of having intended to attack her in his
book against the Libertines.
that you are very ill -pleased with me because of a certain book
by me composed, the which I have intituled Against the Liber-
tines . I am sorry to have saddened you, except in so far as it
was for your welfare ; for such sadness, as saith St. Paul , is so
profitable that we have no occasion to repent having caused it.
But I do not know, Madame, wherefore or how this book has
been able to make you so angry. The man who has written to
me alleges as the reason, that it is forasmuch as it is com-
posed against you and your servants. So far as you are con-
cerned, it has not been my intention to touch your honour, nor
to lessen the reverence which all the faithful ought to bear you .
I mean in addition to the reverence which we all owe to you,
because of the royal majesty in which our Lord has exalted
you, the house whence you are descended, and all the ex-
cellence that is in you, as regards the world. For those who
are acquainted with me are well aware, that I am neither
so barbarous nor so inhuman , as to despise, nor to go about to
bring into contempt the principalities, the worldly nobility, and
what belongs to human policy. Besides, I know the gifts which
our Lord has put on you, and how he has engaged you in his
service, and has employed you for the advancement of his
kingdom, which affords reason enough for honouring you, and
holding your honour in estimation . Likewise, Madame, I pray
you do not allow yourself to be persuaded by those who excite
you against me, seeking neither your advantage nor my damage,
but rather to estrange you from that good -will and affection
which you bear to the Church of God , and to discourage you from
the service of our Lord Jesus, and of his members, which you
have rendered to this hour. As regards your servants , I do not
think that you value your household so highly as to reckon it
more precious than that of our Lord Jesus, of which one mem-
ber is called a devil , yea, forsooth, a servant who had been seated
at his Master's table, and appointed to so honourable a condition
This was the treatise, Contre la Secte Fantastique et Furieuse des Libertins
qui se disent Spirituels. 1544, in 8vo. This sect spread more particularly in the
Netherlands, denied the authority of the written word, and, by a false spiritualism,
overturned the foundations of all Christian truth. Two of the principal leaders,
Quintin and Pocquet, were attached to the household of the Queen of Navarre.
1545.] THE QUEEN OF NAVARRE . 455
1 Gerard Roussel, preacher to the Queen of Navarre, one of the earliest mission-
aries of the Reformation at Paris. Appointed Abbot of Clerac and Bishop of
Oleron, he continued to preach the new doctrines without breaking with the Roman
Catholic Church, and thus he drew upon himself the most severe censure of both
Farel and Calvin. This latter addressed a letter to him in 1536, concerning the duty
of a Christian man in the administration or the rejection of the benefices of the Papal
Church, and urged him in vain to separate from the Romish Church, to which he re-
mained attached until his death in 1550. " His life," says a Roman Catholic writer,
"was without reproach ; his kennel of dogs and of greyhounds was a great crowd of
poor people ; his horses and his train a flock of young children instructed in letters.
He had much credit among the people, upon whom he stamped by degrees a hatred
and contempt for the religion of their fathers."-Florimond de Rémond, Hist. de
l'Héresie, lib. vii. pp. 850, 851. See especially the ingenious and learned Biography
of Gerard Roussel, by M. Charles Schmidt, Strasbourg, 1845, in 8vo.
58
458 FAREL. [1545.
Misled by the false reports of the secret agents of the Cardinal du Tournon, and
by the calumnious denunciations of the Baron d'Oppède, Francis I. at length was pre-
vailed upon to carry into execution the sentence pronounced by the Parliament of
Aix against the Vaudois of Provence, and to give the signal of the dreadfully atro-
cious massacres of Cabrières and of Merindol.- Hist. des Martyrs, lib. iii.; De Thou,
lib. vi. On hearing the sad intelligence, Calvin set out from Geneva in all haste for
Berne, to implore at Berne and Zurich the interference of the Reformed cantons, even
at the eleventh hour, in favour of these unhappy victims of intolerance and fanati-
cism .
The Jesuit Maimbourg, in his Histoire du Calvinisme, lib. ii., states the number
of these victims as amounting to 3600, and carries the number of the houses pillaged
and destroyed as high as 900. According to De Thou, twenty-two bourgs and villages
were reduced to ashes. The whole country, which had previously presented the
1545.] FAREL . 459
aspect of a cheerful pleasure garden, was reduced to a desert and uncultivated wilder-
ness.
460 VIRET. [1545.
CXXXII. TO VIRET.¹
1 Calvin was already on his return from the journey which he had undertaken in
Switzerland, and which he had accomplished with extraordinary despatch. In suc-
cession he had visited Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, Basle, Strasbourg, everywhere
exhorting the magistrates to make energetic intercession in favour of their French
brethren, so cruelly persecuted. Last of all, he had gone to the Diet of Arau, and
had addressed the same entreaties to the deputies of the Cantons. These latter wrote
to the King, Francis I., with much force of language ; but their tardy interference
had no influence upon the resolution of the monarch, blinded by perfidious counsels,
and which were not entirely cleared away until two years afterwards upon a death-
bed.-Extract from the Council Registers of Geneva, May 1545 ; Ruchat, Hist. de la
Réf., tom. v. p. 253.
1545.] MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. 461
time, that they shall spare neither expense nor pains. Since they
are thoroughly determined, let us await with patience the result
of their epistolary experiment. I am moreover charged , if I shall
hear any further news, to write forthwith to Berne. The Senate
of Berne has promised to make intimation to others. I send
a copy of a writing which, at their request, I presented, after I
had explained all the circumstances more at large. I am afraid
lest anywhere I may have been mistaken ; and I fear all the more
on this account, because it would be very perilous were my faith-
fulness to be undervalued or lightly esteemed among them , if I
wish to be of any use in future. Nicolas can write you a sum.
mary of what has been done, or, if you think it fit, do you your-
selfwrite to Berne. Adieu, most beloved brethren. The Lord,
may he preserve you. Let us depend wholly upon him.
JOHN CALVIN.
1 At the approach of the Imperial army, M. de Falais had withdrawn from Cologne
to Strasbourg. When there, he received a visit from the Reformer in May 1545,
when on a tour to Berne, Zurich, and Basle, which he had undertaken in order to
rouse the Protestant cantons in favour of the unhappy victims of Cabrières and
Merindol.
462 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS. [1545.
Allusion is made to the Emperor Charles V., who was then at Worms, with
the intention of presiding at the Diet which was opened in that town in the fol-
lowing year.
1545.] MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . 463
[June 1545.]
VERY DEAR BROTHER,-I have no doubt that Master Chris-
topher will have done his duty by delivering to you the letters
which contained information of the death of your wife and
mother. If it be hard to bear their loss, you have good cause
to find consolation in our Lord, who enabled them to glorify
his name in their death, and who gave them strength in the
hour of need, and who, I do not doubt, will give you grace to
view all these things aright. As to your children , there would
have been some means of sending them to you , through M. de
Falais, and he would willingly have undertaken the charge , for
the honour of God, and at my request ; but he himself is
excluded from the country, and is now at Strasbourg, where I
found him in bad health ; for if weakness had not prevented
him he would have come hither. It is, therefore, necessary to
find out some other way of sending them, and, meanwhile, it
behoves you to have patience, anxiously commending them to
God, who will not permit them to remain long in this captivity.
Moreover, I beg you to tell our brother, Master Peter, not to
fail to visit me some day. And now, after affectionately com-
mending myself to both of you , and to all our friends, I pray
our gracious God to have you in his keeping, directing you by
his Spirit, so that your labours be acceptable to him and useful
to his Church, which has great need of them.- Most sincerely
your good friend and brother,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Fr. orig. autogr.- Library ofthe Comp. of Neuchatel.]
On the back is written :-" To my brother and friend Master John .. deacon of
the Church of Lausanne, or to Master Peter Viret, to put into his hands." Below, in
Viret's hand :-" Calvin to John Cavent, deacon of Lausanne." Letter not dated, but
written shortly after Calvin's journey to Strasbourg and his visit to M. de Falais, that
is, in June 1545.
2 Christophe Fabri, minister of the Church of Thonon.
1545.] MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . 465
1 On the back is written in M. de Falais's hand- " Answered, 18th July 1545, at
Strasbourg."
* Calvin refers to the purchase of a house at Geneva for M. de Falais.
8 Jean, Seigneur de Fromont and Han- sur- Sambre, brother of M. de Falais.
59
466 MELANCHTHON. [1545.
CXXXVI.-- To MELANCHTHON.2
us, that we refuse to sign, even with ink, that very doctrine
which many saints have not hesitated to leave witnessed with
their blood. Perhaps, therefore, it is now the will of God thus
to open up the way for a full and satisfactory declaration of
your own mind, that those who look up to your authority
may not be brought to a stand , and kept in a state of perpetual
doubt and hesitation . These, as you are aware, amount to a
very great number ofpersons. Nor do I mention this so much
for the purpose of arousing you to freedom of action, as for
the sake of comforting you ; for indeed, unless I could entertain
the hope, that out of this vexatious collision some benefit shall
have arisen, I would be utterly worn out by far deeper dis-
tress. Howbeit, let us wait patiently for a peaceable con-
clusion, such as it shall please the Lord to vouchsafe. In the
meanwhile, let us run the race set before us with deliberate
courage. I return you very many thanks for your reply, and
at the same time, for the extraordinary kindness which Claude
assures me had been shewn to him by you.' I can form a
conjecture what you would have been to myself, from your
having given so kind and courteous a reception to my friend.
I do not cease, however, to offer my chief thanks to God,
who hath vouchsafed us that agreement in opinion upon the
whole of that question about which we had both been exa-
mined ; for although there is a slight difference in certain
particulars, we are, notwithstanding, very well agreed upon
the general question itself.
[ Calvin's Lat. Corresp.-Opera, tom. ix. p. 33. ]
' Claude de Senarclens returned to Geneva loaded with testimonials of affection from
the German Reformers. In the Town Library of Geneva there is an Album pre-
served, containing pious inscriptions of several of the Reformers, which he had brought
away with him in the course of his travels.
1545.] BULLINGER. 469
CXXXVII.- TO BULLINGER,¹
The sentence of the Parliament of Aix had been carried into effect, and those
of the unfortunate Vaudois who had escaped the massacre which befell their brethren
were pursued as heretics, buried alive in the dungeons, or condemned to the gal-
leys. Some of them arrived at Geneva, and there found a generous refuge and
assistance. 14th May 1545.-" The minister of Merindol, with some others,
arrived in this town, flying from the persecutions, and in great misery. Resolved
to help them." 18th May.-" The refugees of Provence are occupied on the forti-
fications, and that in accordance with Viret's request."-Registers of Council.
Calvin, addressing both earnest and eloquent entreaties to the ministers of Zurich,
of Schaffhausen, and of Basle, adjured them to employ their whole credit to pro-
mote new exertions in favour of their suffering brethren.
2 The intractable savage D'Oppède, and the Royal Commissioners, pursued by
the cry of conscience, tried to give a colour of rebellion, and to represent the Vaudois
as rebels ; those whom they had cowardly assassinated.- See De Thou, lib. vi. p. 215.
470 BULLINGER. [1545.
The Count Aymar de Grignan, deputy of the King at Worms and governor of
Provence, one of the most savage persecutors of the Vaudois.
* This Commissary was a creature of the Cardinal de Tournon. The 23d August
1545, the authors of the massacre obtained, by the credit of the Cardinal, letters of
approbation from the King, who afterwards, says Beza, " being at the point of
death, had amazing remorse on account of this business, and charged his son, with
strong protestations, to do justice in the matter."-Hist. Eccl., tom. i. p. 47 ; De
Thou, lib. vi.
1545.] BULLINGER. 471
nive if he did not approve ; and the Legate would not take so
much upon him, if he did not clearly perceive that it was ac-
cording to the King's desire. Wherefore, now is the time for
rendering them all the assistance we can, whatever we may have
been able to do aforetime. There are very many, besides, who
have been scattered hither and thither in their flight ; others
lie concealed with worthy men, who have not hesitated to place
their own lives in jeopardy by harbouring them, so as to snatch
them away from death. What the King promises secures no
remedy, nor even a mitigation of the evil, but, as it were, a sort
of cavern in whose darkness the misfortunes of our brethren
may be entombed. And shall we thus only look on and be
quiet while innocent blood is shed ? Shall the savage fury of
the ungodly trample down our brethren perpetually ? Christ
will then be held up to ridicule and mockery. All this will
happen, unless you bestir yourself anew along with others who
ought to feel an interest in what concerns the Kingdom of
Christ. I hear, indeed , that at Berne and Basle they have grown
cold, unless, indeed, they now begin again to become more
earnest in the cause. We shall not cease to strive with all
our might. Do you also, with your colleagues, do your utmost,
that your friends may seriously take up the case. Adieu, most
accomplished sir, fellow- labourer in the ministry, and my very
much respected friend. Salute reverently, in my name, the
learned Masters Pellican , Megander, Theodore, Gualther, Collin ,
and others. May God preserve you all the day long in safety,
and govern you perpetually by his own Spirit. Amen.-
Yours,
JOHN CALVIN.
[Lat. orig. autogr.- Archives of Zurich. Gallicana Scripta, p. 2. ]
472 THE PASTORS OF SCHAFFHAUSEN. [1545.
Calvin exhorts them to redoubled efforts for the deliverance of their persecuted
brethren .
Excuses for the long silence which he had observed towards Wadian-allusion to the
controversy regarding the Sacraments-lively entreaties in behalf of the Provençal
brethren.
Joachim Wadian, Burgomaster of Saint Gall, one of the most learned men of the
16th century. Educated at the University of Vienne, he there distinguished himself
by an extraordinary aptness in the cultivation of literature and the sciences, and cul-
tivated with equal success, poetry, eloquence, medicine, and mathematics ; he travelled
the principal countries of Europe, and returning to Saint Gall his native country, cor-
responded with some of the most illustrious persons of his time who honoured his
genius and his virtues. United by the ties of friendship to the Swiss and German
Reformers, he powerfully contributed to the establishment of the Reform in his country.
An upright magistrate, a conciliatory theologian, an able statesman, he formed the
connecting link of important negotiations between the different Swiss Churches, and
died in 1550, leaving an illustrious name and revered memory. His books and his
manuscripts, carefully preserved in his native town, form the principal basis of the
Town Library of Saint Gall, called sometimes after his name, the Library of Wadian
See Melchior Adam, Vitæ Germanorum Medicorum. Edit. 1706, p. 24.
476 JOACHIM WADIAN. [1545.
However that may be, since we have God who can in a mo-
ment, and without difficulty, call his own from the tomb, he
can also, surely, lead them to the very brink of the grave with-
out permitting them to fall into it, till the time has come.
Had I leisure to write to Madame, I would tell her that her
letters have taught me that it is well to read to the end before
judging ; for I had allowed myself to be surprised in the
second line, in which she informed me of the danger in which
you had been, although her prudent consideration helped me to
restrain my feelings, so that in truth, I may say, that I was
singularly comforted before I had time to be grieved.
As to the matter to which you referred in your letter, your
intention of coming hither has not been divulged by us. But
rumour flies, and we know not whence, or how it comes, unless
the wind carry it. When they speak to me on the subject, I
let their words pass, without being at the pains to contradict
them. There came a traveller from Strasbourg who spoke as
if he knew your intentions. I therefore thought that it would
be lost labour to deny it, but that the best way was to let
every one think as he pleased. Some one came to me and told
me that a gentleman named so and so, who had retired to
Strasbourg, &c. , &c ., as if he knew much more about you than I
did. When he asked things which were known to all, as it
would have been barefaced to affect ignorance of them, I as-
sented so far as was necessary. In this way we shall practise
reservation in so far as we shall see it to be profitable. Mean-
while, lay your account with this, that people will prattle about
your affairs in your absence without having commission from
you.
With respect to the house, Monsieur Nicolas and I shall do
what we promised. There is only one difficulty, namely, what
is to be done if the owners fix the price, not above its proper
value, but above what he is willing to give ? We consider that
they might reasonably ask two thousand five hundred crowns.
Nicolas is unwilling to go beyond two thousand two hundred , or
thereabouts ;-not because he thinks the property worth no
more, but because his purse will not admit of his giving more.
This difficulty already perplexes us. If that place should not
480 MONSIEUR DE FALAIS . [1545.
From this letter it would appear that Ochino had not yet professed those opinions
which soon thereafter alienated from him the affection of Calvin. Having retired to
Geneva in 1542, Ochino quitted that town in 1545, to go to Basle. The same year
we find him again at Strasbourg, which he left in 1548, to seek an asylum in
England.
61
482 MADAME DE FALAIS. [1545.
STEREOTYPED BY
JESPER HARDING & SON,
INQUIRER BUILDING, SOUTH THIRD STREET, PHILADELPHIA.
12-66-101-141 -184-190-211-249-301-346
4-4
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