Gender Equality and Development
Gender Equality and Development
Gender Equality and Development
Gender Equality
and Development
2012
world development report
Gender Equality
and Development
© 2011 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank
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Softcover
ISSN: 0163-5085
ISBN: 978-0-8213-8810-5
eISBN: 978-0-8213-8812-9
DOI: 10.1596/978-0-8213-8810-5
Hardcover
ISSN: 0163-5085
ISBN: 978-0-8213-8825-9
DOI: 10.1596/978-0-8213-8825-9
Cover photo: Arne Hoel, World Bank
Photo credits: Overview/World Bank, Part I/National Geographic, Part II/Kiet Vo,
Part III/National Geographic
Cover design: Critical Stages
Figures design and infographics: Design Symphony, Cymetrics, Harkness Design,
and Naylor Design
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Contents
Foreword xiii
Acknowledgments xv
Abbreviations and data notes xvii
Main messages xx
Overview 2
Why does gender equality matter for development? 2
What does this Report do? 6
Where has there been the most progress in gender equality? 8
Where have gender inequalities persisted and why? 13
What is to be done? 22
The political economy of reforms for gender equality 35
A global agenda for greater gender equality 36
Notes 38
References 40
v
vi CONTENTS
Notes 182
References 184
Spread 2 The decline of the breadwinner: Men in the 21st century 194
Note 196
Part III The role of and potential for public action 284
Choosing the right policies 285
Enabling policy implementation 285
The global agenda for action 286
Boxes
1 What do we mean by gender equality? 4 7 Intervening early to overcome future labor market failures—
2 The Millennium Development Goals recognize the intrinsic The Adolescent Girls Initiative 34
and instrumental value of gender equality 4
0.1 Problems with estimating the effect of gender equality on
3 How women and men define gender in the 21st growth 49
century 7
4 What do we mean by markets, formal institutions, and 1.1 Gender and the Millennium Development Goals 58
informal social institutions? 8
2.1 The many faces of climate change 86
5 Reducing maternal mortality—What works? Look at
Malaysia and Sri Lanka 25 3.1 Adult mortality risks: Who are the outliers? 119
6 Catalyzing female employment in Jordan 29 3.2 Four Africas 135
Contents ix
4.1 Pensions—Coverage, amounts, and survivor benefits are 6.3 Occupational tasks and skill requirements—Getting the
important for women’s autonomy 156 terms right 259
4.2 Property in marriage (and divorce) 162 6.4 Leveraging mobile and ICT technology to improve access to
4.3 Widows risk losing their assets but might gain some services 264
freedom 163 6.5 Globalization and working conditions—Some progress, but
4.4 Legal pluralism and its prevalence 165 more needs to be done 267
4.5 What does it mean to be a “good wife” and a “good 7.1 Improving water supply: Dakar and Phnom Penh 291
husband”? 172
7.2 Reducing maternal mortality: What Malaysia and Sri Lanka
4.6 Masculinity and its impact on roles, preferences, and have done 295
behaviors 173
7.3 Protecting men and women and boys and girls from income
4.7 Why do social norms persist? 174 shocks 296
4.8 How stereotypes influence performance 175 7.4 Catalyzing female employment in Jordan 301
5.1 Closing the access gap—Recent advances in female labor 7.5 Innovative approaches to expanding access to finance for
force participation 199 women and entrepreneurs 303
5.2 Women in the boardroom 204 7.6 Including women’s voice in peace and postconflict
reconstruction processes 308
5.3 Gender discrimination in hiring? Evidence from employment
audit studies 205 8.1 Georgia—Evolving gender roles in a new society 332
5.4 What do we mean by employment segregation by 8.2 Feminism in perspective 334
gender? 206
8.3 Competing interests—Caste, ethnic, and religious politics
5.5 Good jobs and bad jobs: What are they and who does and gender 335
them? 211
8.4 More women in public office—The Namibian Women’s
5.6 The seeds of segregation are planted early—How gender Manifesto Network 335
differences in education trajectories shape employment
segregation 216 8.5 Differences among women about their right to vote—
The case of Switzerland 336
5.7 Overview of data used in analyzing gender differences in time
use patterns 218 8.6 Domestic workers in Brazil 337
5.8 What did you do all day? Perceptions on time use patterns of 8.7 How popular culture can change social attitudes 339
the opposite sex 221 8.8 Four good practices for greater gender diversity 342
5.9 Gender of the household head versus household 8.9 Land titling in Peru—Using a gender lens for a gender-
composition: What matters most for policy? 225 neutral program 346
5.10 Family formation and public sector employment in 8.10 Gender machineries in practice 347
Egypt 232 8.11 Courts and constitutional challenges in Uganda’s divorce
5.11 The business case for gender equality 238 law 348
8.12 Fiji: International norms as a driver of gender equality in
6.1 A job today or a better job tomorrow—The impact of
family law 349
increased access to economic opportunities on women’s
human capital 258 8.13 Changing social norms from the bottom up 352
6.2 The impact of globalization on men (and women) in 8.14 Tunisia—Women’s voice and women’s rights 353
developed countries 259 8.15 Sweden—Encouraging an involved fatherhood 353
Figures
1 Gender outcomes result from interactions between 5 Female labor force participation has increased over time at
households, markets, and institutions 9 all income levels 12
2 Across the world, women are having fewer children 9 6 Low-income countries lag behind in realizing progress in
3 Gender parity in enrollments at lower levels has been female school enrollment 13
achieved in much of the world, but tertiary enrollments are 7 Female disadvantage within countries is more marked at
very low and favor women 10 low incomes 14
4 Using the framework to explain progress in 8 Women and men work in different sectors 16
education 11 9 Explaining persistent segregation and earnings gaps 18
x CONTENTS
10 Across the world, women spend more hours per day on care 3.1 Gender parity in enrollments at lower levels has been
and housework than men 19 achieved in much of the world, but tertiary enrollments are
11 Gender differences in agricultural productivity disappear very low and favor women 107
when access to and use of productive inputs are taken into 3.2 In most countries with moderate or high total inequality in
account 20 educational outcomes, less than one-fifth of inequality stems
from gender 108
B0.1 GDP per capita and gender equality are positively
3.3 What explains progress in school enrollments? 109
correlated 49
3.4 Free primary education reduced gender gaps in
1.1 Gender parity in enrollments at lower levels has been enrollments 110
achieved in much of the world, and tertiary enrollments 3.5 Cross-country differences in mean scores on the 2009 PISA
now favor women 61 dwarf gender differences within countries 114
1.2 Gender explains little of the inequality in education 3.6 Adult and child mortality in Sub-Saharan Africa 118
participation for children 12–15 years old 63
3.7 Adult mortality: Over time and by sex 119
1.3 Women are living longer than men 64
3.8 Income growth did not reduce excess female mortality during
1.4 What took the United States 100 years took India 40 and 1990–2008 in low- and middle-income countries 123
the Islamic Republic of Iran 10 64 3.9 Why are so many girls missing at birth? 124
1.5 Gender explains little of the inequality in use of preventive 3.10 There is little or no gender disadvantage in vaccination rates,
health services 65 nutrition outcomes, or use of health services when a child
1.6 The gender gap in labor force participation narrowed falls sick 126
between 1980 and 2008 66 Small differences do not explain the variation in the fraction
1.7 Across countries, at every income level, female labor force of excess deaths across countries 126
participation increased between 1980 and 2008 66 3.11 Men and women, boys and girls, are treated the same when
1.8 Who agrees that a university education is more important for they visit health facilities 127
a boy than for a girl? 68 3.12 Levels of excess female childhood mortality in high-income
1.9 Who agrees that when jobs are scarce, men should have more countries in the early 1900s were similar to those of low- and
right to a job than women? 68 middle-income countries today . . . 128
. . . and the excess female mortality declined with reduction in
2.1 Female enrollments remain strikingly low in some
overall childhood mortality 128
countries 73
3.13 Maternal mortality ratios declined steeply in selected
2.2 In some countries, female disadvantage augments at lower
countries during 1930–60 129
incomes . . . 74
3.14 High income countries today had excess female mortality
2.3 . . . yet in others, at low levels of wealth girls stay longer in
at the reproductive ages during the first half of the
school than boys 75
20th century . . . 130
2.4 At low incomes, fertility rates remain high—And the poorer
. . . and the excess mortality at all income levels declines with
the country, the larger the gap between rich and poor 76
reductions in maternal mortality 130
2.5 Maternal mortality in many developing countries is similar to
3.15 What explains excess mortality among girls and women in
that in Sweden before 1900 78 the reproductive ages? 131
2.6 Women are more likely than men to work in the informal 3.16 Excess female mortality by age in four countries with high
sector 79 HIV prevalence 132
2.7 Women and men work in different sectors (and different 3.17 In some countries, there is excess male mortality 133
occupations) 80
3A.1 Sex ratio and age-specific mortality, 2008 139
2.8 Across the world, women spend more hours each day on
housework and care than men . . . and men spend more time 3A.2 Excess female mortality globally at each age in 2008 using
various reference groups 140
in market activities 81
2.9 Who controls women’s own income? 82 4.1 Witnessing violence as a child is associated with perpetrating
2.10 Perceptions in many nations are that wife-beating is violence as an adult 152
justifiable 83 4.2 Limited progress in women’s agency is explained by mutually
2.11 There is great heterogeneity in rates of domestic violence reinforcing constraints in markets, formal institutions, and
reported across nations 84 informal institutions 153
2.12 Men are perceived as better political leaders than 4.3 Richer women marry later 154
women 85 4.4 Women’s control is greater in wealthier households 155
Contents xi
4.5 Form of acquisition of land by gender in six Latin American 5.9 Women bear the brunt of housework and care while men are
countries 155 mostly responsible for market work 219
4.6 Working outside the home broadens men’s and women’s 5.10 Convergence in gender time use patterns is stronger for
networks (almost) equally 157 market work than for housework and care work 220
4.7 In most countries, access to contraceptives is a less significant 5.11 In Mexico and Thailand, married women are more likely to
constraint than lack of knowledge and opposition to move between inactivity and informal self-employment than
contraception 158 men and single women 222
4.8 Progress on inheritance is faster for daughters than for 5.12 Female-headed households are less likely to own and operate
widows 160 land than male-headed households 226
4.9 Few women seek services in case of domestic violence 168 5.13 Female-headed households in rural areas are less likely
4.10 Education dampens normative constraints more than than male-headed households to have received credit in the
income 169 last 12 months 227
4.11 Despite differences in the age of marriage, many girls still 5.14 Access to productive inputs and markets is lower among
marry before the age of 18 170 female-headed households than among male-headed
4.12 Reasons why victims of violence do not seek help 171 households 228
4.13 Even in 2010, women ministers were twice as likely to hold a 5.15 Mutually reinforcing market and institutional constraints are
social portfolio than an economic one 177 the main reason why women appear to be in a productivity
trap 237
4.14 Women’s voice in society is limited by social norms
on women’s roles and abilities and by formal B5.1.1 Participation rates—Converging 200
institutions 178 B5.8.1 Understanding the amounts of time the opposite sex spends
4.15 Perceptions on leadership skills are still very prevalent, and on nontraditional male/female activities and leisure 221
less educated cohorts are more biased 179
6.1 Global trade has grown rapidly since 1990 255
4.16 Women are much less likely to belong to a political party
6.2 Cell phone and Internet access has increased significantly in
than men 179
both developed and developing countries 256
B4.1.1 Sources of income for China’s elderly, 2005 156
6.3 Economic opportunities have changed 257
B4.3.1 Elderly women are more likely to live alone and elderly men
6.3a Female (and male) employment in the manufacturing and
with their spouses 163
service sectors has grown faster in developing countries,
B4.3.2 Husband’s family receives the majority of his assets in most reflecting the broader changes in the global distribution of
countries 163 production and labor 257
5.1 There are systematic gender differences in earnings 202 6.3b . . . and increases in female employment levels (but not male)
between 1995 and 2005 were correlated with increases in
5.2 Women are overrepresented among wage and unpaid family
international trade 257
workers 207
6.4 The United States experienced a dramatic increase in brain
5.3 Gender differences in agricultural productivity diminish
requirements and a decline in brawn requirements between
considerably when access to and use of productive inputs are
1950 and 2005 260
taken into account 208
6.5 Men and especially women in Brazil, India, Mexico, and
5.4 Differences in productivity between female and male
Thailand have experienced an increase in brain requirements
entrepreneurs are dwarfed by differences in productivity
and a decline in brawn requirements over the past 15
between formal and informal entrepreneurs 208
years 261
5.5 Economic development is positively correlated with the
share of female workers in wage employment and negatively 6.6 In Africa, women are less likely than men to own or use a
correlated with the share of women in unpaid work, self- cell phone 262
employment, and entrepreneurship 212 6.7 Differences in Internet access and use between developed
5.6 Tanzania and Brazil illustrate how employment patterns by and developing countries are still very large, and gender
gender change with economic growth 213 gaps are significant in some developed and developing
countries 263
5.7 Industry and occupational segregation patterns are common
across countries with very different levels of economic 6.8 Telework has grown rapidly in recent years, particularly
development and aggregate sectoral distributions of among female workers 265
employment 214 6.9 The share of female employment varies significantly across
5.8 Access to economic opportunities and the resulting industries 266
segregation in employment are the product of households, 6.10 The number of countries that have ratified CEDAW has risen
markets, and institutions, and their interactions 217 in all regions to reach 187, of 193, in 2011 266
xii CONTENTS
7.1 Reducing gaps in endowments 290 8.6 Progress toward increasing women’s rights is
7.2 Improving economic opportunities 296 clustered around major international human rights
conferences 350
7.3 Improving women’s agency 306
S1.1 Main factors in moving up the ladder 94
8.1 Social actors and their interactions shape the role of markets,
formal and informal institutions in advancing gender S1.2 Ladder shares now and 10 years ago in Bukoba,
equality 331 Tanzania (urban) 96
8.2 Social networks can engage public opinion, mobilize support, S1.3 Ladder shares now and 10 years ago in Dhamar, Republic of
and inspire change 333 Yemen (rural) 96
8.3 Men around the world support women’s rights and S2.1 Factors that explain gains in power 195
policies 338
S2.2 Factors that explain losses of power 196
8.4 Economic and political economy considerations
have prodded firms to promote gender equality S3.1 Characteristics of good girls/boys and bad girls/boys 281
policies 341 S3.2 Adolescents opinions on women’s roles 283
8.5 State action is central for the design and adoption of
gender-progressive policies 345 P2.1 Gender outcomes result from interactions between
households, markets, and institutions 101
Maps
1 Earnings gaps between women and men 17 B4.2.1 Women in different parts of the world have different
control over assets—Which matters in case of divorce or
0.1 Economies where qualitative assessments were the husband’s death 162
conducted 50
5.1 Gender differences in occupation and industry of
3.1 In China and India, the number of girls missing at birth employment account for a large fraction of the gender gap
remains high, and parts of Africa experienced large increases after accounting for individual characteristics 209
in excess female mortality during 1990–2008 122
B5.1.1 Female labor force participation—Some high rates and
4.1 In Sub-Saharan Africa, customary laws are formally some low 199
recognized in most countries, and at times are
discriminatory 166
Tables
1 Almost 4 million missing women each year 15 3.2 Skewed sex ratios at birth and excess female mortality
2 The agenda for global action at a glance 38 persist across the world, leading to females missing at birth
and excess female mortality during childhood and the
2.1 Missing girls at birth increased between 1990 and 2008 in reproductive years 121
India and China, as did excess female mortality in adulthood
in Sub-Saharan Africa 77 5.1 Female farmers have lower average productivity than male
farmers 202
3.1 Gender segregation in field of study: In most countries,
women dominate health and education studies and men 9.1 The agenda for global action at a glance 361
dominate engineering and sciences 115
Foreword
The lives of girls and women have changed dramatically over the past quarter century. Today,
more girls and women are literate than ever before, and in a third of developing countries,
there are more girls in school than boys. Women now make up over 40 percent of the global
labor force. Moreover, women live longer than men in all regions of the world. The pace of
change has been astonishing—indeed, in many developing countries, they have been faster
than the equivalent changes in developed countries: What took the United States 40 years to
achieve in increasing girls’ school enrollment has taken Morocco just a decade.
In some areas, however, progress toward gender equality has been limited—even in devel-
oped countries. Girls and women who are poor, live in remote areas, are disabled, or belong
to minority groups continue to lag behind. Too many girls and women are still dying in child-
hood and in the reproductive ages. Women still fall behind in earnings and productivity, and
in the strength of their voices in society. In some areas, such as education, there is now a gen-
der gap to the disadvantage of men and boys.
The main message of this year’s World Development Report: Gender Equality and Develop-
ment is that these patterns of progress and persistence in gender equality matter, both for
development outcomes and policy making. They matter because gender equality is a core
development objective in its own right. But greater gender equality is also smart economics,
enhancing productivity and improving other development outcomes, including prospects for
the next generation and for the quality of societal policies and institutions. Economic develop-
ment is not enough to shrink all gender disparities—corrective policies that focus on persist-
ing gender gaps are essential.
This Report points to four priority areas for policy going forward. First, reducing gender
gaps in human capital—specifically those that address female mortality and education. Sec-
ond, closing gender gaps in access to economic opportunities, earnings, and productivity.
Third, shrinking gender differences in voice and agency within society. Fourth, limiting the
reproduction of gender inequality across generations. These are all areas where higher incomes
by themselves do little to reduce gender gaps, but focused policies can have a real impact.
Public actions need to address the underlying determinants of gender gaps in each pri-
ority area—in some cases, improving service delivery (especially for clean water, sanitation,
and maternal care), for others, tackling constraints that originate in the workings of mar-
kets and institutions to limit progress (for example, in reducing gender gaps in earnings and
productivity).
Development partners can complement public action. In each of the four priority areas,
efforts need more funding (particularly to support the poorest countries as they address
female mortality and gender gaps in education); better gender-disaggregated data; more
experimentation and systematic evaluation; and broader partnerships that include the private
sector, development agencies, and civil society organizations.
xiii
xiv F O R E WO R D
Gender equality is at the heart of development. It’s the right development objective, and
it’s smart economic policy. The World Development Report 2012 can help both countries and
international partners think through and integrate a focus on gender equality into develop-
ment policy making and programming.
Robert B. Zoellick
President
The World Bank Group
Acknowledgments
This Report has been prepared by a core team led by Ana Revenga and Sudhir Shetty, and
comprising Luis Benveniste, Aline Coudouel, Jishnu Das, Markus Goldstein, Ana María
Muñoz Boudet, and Carolina Sánchez-Páramo. Research assistance was provided by
Rabia Ali, María Inés Berniell, Rita Costa, Nina Rosas, and Lucía Solbes Castro. The multi-
country qualitative assessment was coordinated by Patti L. Petesch and Carolyn Turk. Extensive
and valuable contributions were made by Andre Croppenstedt, Malcolm Ehrenpreis, Rebekka
Grun, Mary Hallward-Driemeier, Tazeen Hasan, Karla Hoff, Ghazala Mansuri, Claudio E.
Montenegro, and Bob Rijkers.
The World Development Report 2012 is co-sponsored by the Development Econom-
ics Vice-Presidency (DEC) and the Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Vice-
Presidency (PREM). The work was conducted under the joint guidance of Justin Yifu Lin in
DEC and Otaviano Canuto dos Santos Filho in PREM. Ann E. Harrison and the DEC team
and Mayra Buvinic and the PREM Gender (PRMGE) team provided valuable guidance and
contributions at various stages of the production of this report.
A panel of advisers comprising Bina Agarwal, Ragui Assad, Anne Case, Alison Evans, Raquel
Fernández, Naila Kabeer, Ravi Kanbur, Santiago Levy, and Germano Mwabu provided excel-
lent advice. Valuable comments and contributions were provided by Kathleen Beegle, Laura
Chioda, Louise Cord, Maria Correia, Monica Das Gupta, Shantayanan Devarajan, Marianne
Fay, Francisco H. G. Ferreira, Ariel Fiszbein, Indermit Gill, Alejandro Hoyos, Emmanuel Jime-
nez, Elizabeth King, Andrew Mason, William Maloney, Ambar Narayan, Pierella Paci, Tara
Vishwanath, and Michael Walton. Many others inside and outside the World Bank contrib-
uted with valuable comments and input (their names are listed in the Bibliographical Note).
World Bank President Robert B. Zoellick and Managing Directors Sri Mulyani Indrawati,
Mahmoud Mohieldin, and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala provided invaluable guidance and advice.
The team benefited greatly from many consultations, meetings, and regional workshops
held locally and in-country. These discussions included policy makers, civil society represen-
tatives, academics, and development partners from Benin, Bolivia, Burkina Faso, Burundi, the
Caribbean nations, the Central African Republic, Chile, Colombia, the Dominican Repub-
lic, Georgia, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Mali, Mexico,
Morocco, Panama, Paraguay, Rwanda, Senegal, the Slovak Republic, South Africa, Sudan,
Tanzania, Thailand, Togo, Turkey, Uganda, Uruguay, Vietnam, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
Consultations were also held at different stages of report preparation with representatives
from multilateral and bilateral partners, including the Australian Agency for International
Development (AUSAID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the
Inter-American Commission of Women-Organization of American States (CIM-OAS), the
Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), the U.K. Department for International
Development (DFID), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the Japan International
Cooperation Agency (JICA), the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs of Finland, MCC, NORAD, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation
xv
xvi AC K N OW L E D G M E N T S
ABBREVIATIONS
AIDS acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
ALMPs active labor market policies
ANC African National Congress
APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
ART antiretroviral therapy
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
ATM automated teller machine
AUSAID Australian Agency for International Development
BPO business process outsourcing
CARICOM Caribbean Community
CCT conditional cash transfer
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women
CGAP Consultative Group to Assist the Poor
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CIM-OAS Inter-American Commission of Women (Organization of
American States)
CWDI Corporate Women Directors International
DANIDA Danish International Development Agency
DFCU Development Finance Company of Uganda
DFID United Kingdom Department for International Development
EAP East Asia and Pacific Region
ECA Europe and Central Asia Region
ECD early child development
ECOSOC Economic and social council (United Nations)
EdAttain Education Attainment and Enrollment around the World
database
EFM excess female mortality
EU European Union
EU-SILC European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FDI foreign direct investment
FENATRAD Federação Nacional dos Trabalhadores Domésticos (National
Federation of Domestic Workers)
FGC female genital cutting
FHHH female-headed households
FINCA Foundation for International Community Assistance
FLFPR female labor force participation rate
FPE free primary education
xvii
xviii A B B R E V I AT I O N S A N D DATA N O T E S
DATA NOTES
The countries included in regional and income groupings in this Report are listed in the
Classification of Economies table at the end of the Selected World Development Indicators.
Income classifications are based on GNP per capita; thresholds for income classifications in
this edition may be found in the Introduction to Selected World Development Indicators.
Group averages reported in the figures and tables are unweighted averages of the countries in
the group, unless noted to the contrary.
The use of the word countries to refer to economies implies no judgment by the World
Bank about the legal or other status of a territory. The term developing countries includes low-
and middle-income economies and thus may include economies in transition from central
planning, as a matter of convenience. The term advanced countries may be used as a matter of
convenience to denote high-income economies.
Note: Dollar figures are current U.S. dollars, unless otherwise specified. Billion means 1,000
million; trillion means 1,000 billion.
Main Messages of the
World Development Report 2012