JOURNEY TOWARDS ECOWAS

ABSTRACT
The formation of ECOWAS was seen as the beginning of a new era in history of economic
cooperation in west Africa. Its overall aim was to promote cooperation and integration, with a
view to establishing an economic growth and development in west Africa. However, since the
emergence of ECOWAS, the organization has been saddled with a lot of challenges and intra-
regional crises without much economic integration being achieved. The paper seeks to examine
the evolution of ECOWAS.
INTRODUCTION
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was established on May 28,1975.
The main purpose of the ECOWAS has been the promotion of economic development of the
sixteen member states through the integration of their economies. It has since its inception been
one of the most prominent integration schemes in Africa.
By the mid-1970s, many West African countries were already in economic difficulties in the
aftermath of the global oil price shock of 1973. Many of the countries in the sub region, apart
from Nigeria which produces oil had serious problems of external balances. There was need for
increased foreign financial support, if they were to be able to maintain a minimum level of
imports to ensure a steady process of economic growth and development.
Consequently, at its formation, the ECOWAS held a lot of promises as one of the dynamic
strategies through which economic underdevelopment could e surmounted and the all-pervading
poverty in the sub-region eliminated. The assumption was based on the unique size of the
community which has a population of about 150million people. It was assumed that the large
population would serve not just as means for the mobilization of internal resources for
industrialization but also as a powerful attraction for the inflow of foreign investments.
President Ibrahim Babangida, taking a cue from his predecessors in 1985, has shown exclusive
interest in the affairs of the ECOWAS. Indeed, he was quick to come to grip with the import of
ECOWAS for the economic development.
This work, therefore, is essentially about West African States before ECOWAS and journey
towards ECOWAS. T he main goal of ECOWAS is to promote economic cooperation among
member states in order to raise living standards and promote economic development. (I.O.S
Nwachukwu, 1991:1-3)
JOURNEY TOWARDS ECOWAS
ECOWAS was established to promote cooperation and integration in other to create an economic
and monetary union for promoting economic growth and development in West Africa.
ECOWAS was also established to promote trade liberalization. The main goal of ECOWAS is
the promotion of the economic integration among its members. ECOWAS has three official
languages: English, French and Portuguese. It consists of fifteen member states are Benin,
Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote D’Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali,
Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra-Leone and Togo. The ECOWAS Treaty (also known as the treaty
of Lagos) established the community when it was signed in Lagos, Nigeria on May 28, 1975. A
revised treaty was also signed on July 24, 1993. Mauritania was a founding member but
withdrew officially from the trade bloc in 1999.
ECOWAS is to promote economic cooperation among member states in order to raise living
standards and promote economic development. ECOWAS has also worked to address some
security issues by developing a peace keeping force for conflict in the region. ECOWAS
established its free trade area in 1990 and adopted a common external tariff in January 2015.
Before the creation of ECOWAS, the collective territory known has West Africa was made up of
an aggregation of states that had emerged from different colonial experience ad administration
which largely defines the boundaries of the 15 states dominated in the area.
Prior to colonialism, the area played host to proud empires and kingdoms which included Ghana,
Mali, Songhai, Oyo, Benin and Kanem Borno. The region’s cultural linguistics and ecological
diversity presents both opportunities and challenges for the integration process. The longing to
combine forces politically and economically has always been recognized has a step forward and
promote co-prosperity in the area.
In this regard, the first effort at integration dates to 1945 with the creation of CFA Franc that
brought the Francophone countries of the region into a single currency union. Then in 1964,
Liberian president William Tubman proposed an economic union for West African states
emerged. That year, the Nigerian head of states Gen Yakubu Gowon and his Togolese
counterpart. Eyadema toured the region in support of the integration idea. Thanks to the draft
that emanated from their efforts. These formed the basis for the emergence of the treaty of Lagos
in 1975 which birthed ECOWAS. The treaty of Lagos was originally touted as an economic
initiative. But, emerging political events led to its revision and therewithin the expansion of
scope and power in 1993. (International Organization, Volume 34 pg 571-604)
In the age of globalization, countries in Africa, especially, the West Africa sub-region,
followed a trend towards regionalization where the motive is basically economic. This economic
integration would not have been practicable but for the leadership role assumed by Nigeria, an
outcome of its foreign policy goal of “Africa as the center piece of its foreign policy’. While
Nigeria was much privy to the formation of Organization of Africa Unity and the Moribund
Africa Economic Community (AEC), it was fully involved in the formation of aq sub-regional
economic grouping. According to the Balewa government, one of the ways to achieve the
afrocentric focus was through the promotion of intra-African economic cooperation, starting with
the sub-regional integration that it could provide a practical as well as make sensible contribution
towards economic development.
Another factor that necessitated the formation of ECOWAS was the economic state of most
states within the sub-region. According to Onwuka(1980: 26), most parts of West Africa lacked
the basic necessities of life, including food, shelter and clothing due to the underdevelopment or
lack of development of the various economic sector within the sub-region, especially the Sehel
region. Between 1971 and 1972, ten out of fourteen countries in West Africa recorded a zero
annual growth rate in food and agriculture and social factors.
However, it was difficult for Nigeria to achieve gargantuan goal of establishing a sub-regional
community. One of the antagonisms emerged from Ghana under the leadership of Kwame
Nkrumah. Nkrumah proposed a Continental Union Government, or at the very least, a political
union of West African states. But this proposal was blatantly opposed by the Nigerian
government, which flet that a political union at that level would be too vague, going by the
strong oppositions that existed between the Anglophone and francophone countries within the
sub-region. Rather, it suggested that integration must begin at the sub-regional level and proceed
in stages, beginning with functional cooperation and coordination and leading towards a
common market (Ojo, 1080:572). The lack of consensus between Nigeria and Ghana on one
hand, and the support gained by Nigeria and Ghana in the Anglophone area of the sub-region
A major hindrance in the wheel of progress was the perception of some Francophone countries
towards Nigeria’s potential domination of the sub-region. This is an outcome of French
colonialism as wll as neo-colonial influence of the francophone states. Some of the attempts at
achieving this influence on the francophone states. Some of the attempts at achieving this
influence were through the formation of thr rival trade blocs such as UDEAO among
francophone states; the successful common currency, tied to the French backed-euro; and the
support given to the Biafran team against Nigeria during Nigeria’s civil war with the motive to
break up Nigeria and reduce the sub-region(Adebayo, 2014).
Most surprising were antagonisms that spread within Nigeria. Some political elites and
stakeholders within the private sector felt it was unsafe for Nigeria to lead such campaigns.
According to Ojo(1980: 573), the arguments against Nigeria’s participation in a West African
economic integration scheme centered on the neoclassical theory that integration in developing
countries could not yield welfare gains and on the possibility that integration might aggravate
economic dependence on Europe. Moreover, Nigeria’s intraregional trade was very insignificant
to have any positive impact on integration, because the economies of countries in the sub-region
were heavily competitive, rather than complementary, coupled with problems of infrastructure,
inadequate transport, language and currency barriers as well as total dependence on Europe.
However, the possibility that the integration measures would protect Nigeria’s security, both
economic (industrialization) and political cum military (protection of its borders), reduce
dependence on Europe and engender more cooperation among member states, helped facilitate
Nigeria’s pursuit of the project. To forestall delay and to reduce tension in the most difficult
countries, as a way of endearing them to the regional goal, Nigeria established several
cooperation efforts through bilateral multilateral agreements with most francophone countries.
At the bilateral level, a number of agreements were signed between Nigeria and Benin Republic,
which include the Nigeria-Benin Joint Boundary Commissions. Some of the agreements include
the Nigeria-Niger Joint Boundary Commissions created in 1968. There were also bilateral
agreements Nigeria and Niger Republic as well as Nigeria and Chad on Basin Commissions fir
cooperation, whose convention came into effect on 3 March 1971(Sanusi, 1993:29-32) and the
one on electricity was signed in 1972. By this agreement, the National Electric Power Electric
(NEPA) supplied electricity to Nigerien State Energy Conglomerate (NIGELIEC) since 1976
(Yaqub, 2011:28). Also in 1971, there was the establishment of a hotline telephone linking
Lagos with Cotonou, Nigeria-Benin signed a trade agreement, which provided for a most-
favored nation and payments agreement, listed forty two products (thirty two of them industrial)
and twenty five Benin products to be traded and eliminated the transit tax on commercial goods.
In 1972, the Idi-Iroko-Porto Novo Road was reconstructed by Nigeria. Nigeria also signed
multilateral agreement with Niger. Nevertheless, a huge barrier as mentioned earlier was the
existence of parallel bodies in French-speaking countries that were influenced by the France to
douse the likely domination of Nigeria in the sub region. In order to increase its own
development at the domestic level, efforts were geared towards the adoption of various
ordinances aimed at attracting foreign investments for economic development with economic
independence. Nigeria had to struggle to create a cordial regional atmosphere and develop
internal productive capacity, but with limited and subsequently, a civil war that lasted from 1967
to 1970. Despite the military take over and civil war, interest was renewed to make Africa, the
centerpiece of Nigeria’s policy. General Gowon, the then Head of State, continued with the
interstate interactions. One of the factors that became salient to the interaction was the issue of
security. A striking element, almost as important as trade access, is a history of military conflict.
The role of security was germane to the founding of the European Economic Community (EEC)
and General Agreement on Trade and Tariff (GATT). In Latin America, the Andean Group was
formed to stop conflict among Argentina, Brazil, Argentina Peru, and Chile had long histories of
conflict while Colombia’s internal unrest was a potential threat to all its neighbors (Page,
2002:12). The civil war and the role of some countries such as Cote D’Ivoire, supporting the
Biafra group against the Nigerian State, drove home some bitter lessons and the need to change
neighboring countries’ ‘hatred’ perception towards Nigeria.
In fact, Gowon’s period was referred to as ‘‘Spraying Diplomacy’’ because of the level of his
cash donations and implementation of projects aimed at encouraging the perceived ‘enemy’
states to love Nigeria) Ojo, 1980: 592-594). Coincidentally, crude oil was being exported at a
commercial quantity, thereby increasing Nigeria’s capacity to pursue Afrocentric policy. The oil
boom, together with tight foreign exchange controls instituted at the height of the civil war in
1968, boosted external revenues from N 197 million in 1965 to N606.8 million in 1971(Ojo,
1980: 578). The increasing external revenues increased the fears of the internal bureaucracy,
which felt that Nigeria’s participation in the economic integration would only be the paymaster
of others’ economic development at the expense of Nigerians (Ojo, 1980: 582). But sensing a
high form of domination, France under the leadership of Pompidou, encouraged the French
speaking countries within the sub-region to counterbalance the heavy weight of Nigeria in the
West African region. The African tours of Pompidou, which started in 1971, yielded some
successes through the formation of the Communaute Economique de l’Afrique de
l’Quest(CEAO) in 1973, in addition to UDEAO, a customs union that was formed in 1959 and
reformed in 1966, and economic community of seven Francophone states(Guinea was excluded)
while Togo was an observer. CEAO provided for free trade in certain commodities, free
movement of persons, a common external tariff and a community fund for Compensation. At this
juncture, Nigeria decided to engage in diplomatic offensive by quickly collaborating with Togo
to join it in making real a proposed West African economic community instead of joining
CEAO.
Of utmost importance was the cooperation that was formed between Nigeria and Togo. Despite
the civil war in Nigeria, there were Nigeria-Togo meetings. Benin also joined the group. With
the end of the war in 1970, the two countries decided to revive the process arrived in achieving a
West African economic cooperation. In 1972, both countries reintroduced the idea of a West
African regional trade agreement, after which General Gowon and General Eyadema paid visits
to some West African countries, in order to solicit for a new regional trade agreement. Led by
Nigeria, the officials of both countries prepared a proposal patterning the structure and scope of a
possible West African community, after which other potential members were invited to discuss
the proposal in Lomé, Togo between December 10 and 15, 1973. It is referred to as the First
Ministerial meeting with fifteen states represented there. The major themes agreed upon at the
meeting include:
1. Institutions of the community: These include the formation of institutions that would
overlook the functions and working of the body. There are the body of the Heads of States, a
Council of Ministers, Technical and Special Commissions and the Executive Secretariat.
2. Trade, customs and immigration: The focus is on the elimination of customs duties, removal
of quantitative restriction and administrative obstacles to trade within the Community; and
the establishment of a common external tariff over a period of 15 years.
3. Industrial harmonization: This focuses on exchange of information on major industrial
projects, joint ownership and finance of major strategic industrial projects and joint finance
of industrial research, exchange of skilled professional and managerial personnel, training of
personnel and joint development of major industrial projects, including harmonization of
industrial planning, execution and finance.
4. Cooperation in the field of Natural resources including, agriculture, stock breeding, fishing
and forestry.
5. Cooperation of Monetary and financial matters in all areas of integration, such as in the
method of arranging intra-west African payment, and in the generation and deployment of
investment funds in the Community, establishment of institutional machinery (such as a West
African Bank), methods of contributions by each state.
6. Infrastructural links, transport, communication and energy: These include common means of
in the areas of transportation, telecommunications and postal services as well as formulate a
policy of consultation and coordination in the field of energy.
7. Settlement of disputes relating to the interpretation or application of the treaty through direct
agreement between the parties or referral to the Commissioner of Mediation, Conciliation
and Arbitration of the Organization of African Unity (Onwuka, 1980:68-70).
The draft treaty was considered in various meetings, whereby experts and jurists as well as 10
states within West Africa met in Accra, in February 1974 to iron out grey areas and make the
draft treaty ready for approval. In January 1975, a ministerial meeting was held in Liberia, where
the draft treaty was adopted by delegates from seven Anglophone and Francophone countries,
and in Lagos May 28, 1975, the adopted treaty was signed by eleven Heads of State and four
plenipotentiaries, representing fifteen West African states, and the economic community was
established. Cape Verde emerged as the 16th member in 1977 with its institutionalization in 1975,
ECOWAS, has grown, albeit slowly.
REFERENCES
Major General I.O.S Nwachukwu 1991.Nigeria and the ECOWAS ; pg 1-3(Accessed Oct 2023)
International Organization, Volume 34, Issue4, Autumn 1980,pg.571-604 (Accessed Sept 2023)
R.I Onwuka, 1981, Development and Integration in West Africa: The case of the Economic
Community of West African states (ECOWAS) (Accessed Oct 2023)
Ojo, Olatunde, "Nigeria and the formation of ECOWAS" International Organization, 34:4
Autumn, 1980, pp.571-604.
Yaqub, N, 2011, "Cross Border Interactions between Nigeria and it's Immediate Neighbors: A
Historical perspective" in Rafiu A. Akinteriwa (eds) Cross- Border security, cooperation and
Integration: Focus on Nigeria's immediate Neighbors in the North-Wast Africa, Europe Foreign
Affairs ( Accessed Oct 2023)
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