Thesis Santanu Basu For CD
Thesis Santanu Basu For CD
Thesis Santanu Basu For CD
By
Santanu Basu
Supervisor
Dr. Manas Chakrabarty
Professor
Department of Political Science
University of North Bengal
June, 2015
Content
CONTENT
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT............................................................ viii
ABSTRACT.....................................................................................x
PREFACE ....................................................................................... 1
CHAPTER - I ................................................................................. 6
Introduction ................................................................................ 6
1.1 Introduction...................................................................................................................... 6
i
Content
CHAPTER II ................................................................................ 33
CHAPTER III............................................................................... 40
CHAPTER – IV ............................................................................ 77
4.3 Impact of British Rule on the Economic Sphere of Indian Social life ........... 80
ii
Content
4.9 Naoroji , Gokhle and Lajpat Rai’s Criticism of British Rule in India ............. 85
4.17 Attitude of the Indian Political Thinkers towards the British Rule
in India .......................................................................................................................... 91
CHAPTER – V ............................................................................. 94
iii
Content
7.5 Evolution of Human Rights as a Movement for Human Justice ................... 128
iv
Content
8.5 PIL and the Role of the Supreme Court ............................................................... 143
9.5 Indian Constitution, Laws and Proscription of Social injustice ................... 169
10.2 India's Welfarism through Directive Principles of State Policy ............... 176
v
Content
11.6 Value of Directive Principles in the Field of Social Justice .......................... 210
vi
Content
12.10 Environment Pollution and its Hostility to Socail Justice ........................ 221
Index......................................................................................... 255
vii
Acknowledgement
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This Ph. D. dissertation which finally came into a reality was dedicated to my
father Dhiresh Kumar Basu who left for the heavenly abode on the 21st
December 2014 . But for his inspiration my aspiration for this doctoral study
might perhaps have not been ignited in me . He was the constant guiding
inspiration for me in going ahead with this Ph.d. programme. In preparing the
thesis I have received unstinted help and cooperation from a long list of
renowned teachers , scholars and writers to whom I have been immensely
indebted. I record my special indebtedness to Dr. Manas Chakrabarty, Professor
of Political Science , the University of North Bengal , who spontaneously ,
effectively, and efficiently guided me in the long course of the formation of
concrete ideas about various topics related to my work. His supervision in the
whole process of preparation of the thesis is of incalculable value to me. The
major credit of giving the final shape to this dissertation goes to him. Besides, for
me , he continues to be my friend, guide and philosopher.
viii
Acknowledgement
and end this mammoth work. Their cooperation has unambiguously enriched my
research content. Susmita Basu , my better half , was the constant inspiration for
me and extended all sorts of cooperation and helped to me in the long journey of
this research work. She was always me both as a guide and bacon light. Dr.
Kalyan Pandey, my unfailing friend, who wrote as many as twenty five books on
English language and literature , cooperated with me as a linguistic editor of this
dissertation. I shall be charged with ungratefulness if I forget to mention the
name Arati Basu, my mother, whose affection and encouragement relieved me of
tiredness and monotony in the course of preparation of the manuscript of the
thesis.
Santanu Basu,
ix
Abstract
ABSTRACT
India has a long history of social, educational and economic disasters caused by
foreign invasions which had exploited the country to the limitless extent and
depleted the country’s resources . In the process of exploitation, the invaders did
not hesitate to unleash a reign of terror , tyranny , and bloodshed. Indians had
been pushed into a state of animal existence. They had been deprived of all basic
rights and liberty and denied justice. Their demand for justice had always gone
unheeded, and the sword had been used to gag their voice of protest . The British
rule was very much cruel towards the freedom fighters. It had resorted to all
types of repressive ways to eliminate brave sons of the soil and to crush the
nationwide movement for freedom, rights, equal treatment and justice.
Lawlessness had reigned supreme in Indian national and social life for a long
time. Laws that were made and imposed were designed to systematize and
formalise the process of exploitation and to legalize oppression and repression.
The advent of the British colonial rule in India was dubbed as a period of
exploitation , oppression, repression and therefore , denial of social justice. The
British colonial rulers had reduced the people of India to slaves and ridiculed
them as inferior to Europeans or the people of Great Britain. This discrimination
exposed the ugly face of British imperialism and colonialism . The British
Government was so unkind and hostile to the natives of India that Lala Lajpat Rai
in 1920 was led to describe it as ‘Satan’. British imperialism in India was
concerned with the only aim to consolidate the British rule in the country, not
with its development . When exploitation and oppression crossed all limits, the
people of India were determined to fight for freedom and to justify their demand
for total freedom in order to be entitled to social , political and economic equality
and justice. India wins freedom and the Constitution of India was framed keeping
in mind the desire of our national leaders to secure democracy to Indians , to
ensure equality among them, to ban social evils and uproot inhuman practices ,
to prevent violence against women, to stop exploitation of children , to protect
the poor and the weaker sections of the society , to adopt some measures of
compensatory discrimination , to elevate the weaker , neglected and deprived
x
Abstract
classes to the main national mainstream, to safeguard their interest and finally
to establish and justify social justice.
Since the dawn of Independence of India in 1947 the Central Government has
been attaching considerable importance to the formulation of various policies
directed towards egalitarianism , welfarism and social justice. The 42nd
Amendment of the Constitution of India 1976, notwithstanding drawing serious
criticism by the Constitutional experts , was a step towards3 achieving the
national goal of “equal opportunity to all” which is envisaged as a variant of
Indian Socialism. The secular objective of India has been implemented through
the incorporation of the term secular in the preamble is significant episode in the
history of Indian Constitutional development and incorporation of fundamental
right to all citizens relating to freedom of religion as enshrined in the Article 25,
since the inception of Constitution is another landmark phenomena.
xi
Abstract
Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s 20- point Programme is the point of start of the Central
Government’s initiative and endeavour to secure social justice. This is virtually
the first step of the Central Government towards the implementation of Directive
Principles. The 20 Point Programme and 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act be
put together to understand the nature of socio economic justice that Government
of India mooted. Through this programme , the State seeks to secure to all its
citizens social and economic justice. The programme prohibits discrimination on
any artificial ground and seeks to vindicate economic justice or distributive
justice. The essence of this programme consists in prohibition and elimination of
discrimination and deprivation , eradication of poverty , illiteracy and evil ,
harmful social practices , protection to people against exploitation and violence ,
provision of shelter to the homeless and the destitute , creation of job
opportunities for people , promotion of the living standards of the weaker
section of the society and finally upholding the principle of compensatory
discrimination3.
xii
Abstract
highest number of seats , is found inclined to join hands with regional party or
parties to form and run the government. In our country the first coalition
government at the centre under the Primeministership ( leadership) of Morarji
Desai was formed in 1977 and Kerala was the first state to have a coalition
government in 1952 when the Congress formed a coalition government which
was replaced by a CPI led coalition in 1954. India has several experiences of
coalition government both at the central level and this has added a new
dimension and direction to Indian politics in connection with equality, protection
of rights and social security and justice to people.
The Congress which was dominant till the mid 70s and which epitomized the one
party rule at the national politics faced a great political debacle in 1977. This led
to the birth of coalition at the centre. People became united in their voice against
the Congress and many congress leaders broke away from the party and formed
regional parties in protest against its failure to fulfil people’s hopes and
aspirations , against corruption , misrule and so called repression. Indian politics
assumed a new dimension in relation to the pressing need to ensure social
justice and facilitate development at all levels. It was thought and believed that
regional parties would raise local and regional issues of development in
parliament and voice for justice for those who were socially, educationally, and
economically backward. The data so far collected and incorporated in this study
reveal that the Indian Parliament at the national level and many state assemblies
at the provincial level passed many laws to protect and promote the interests
and rights of lots of backward communities which, during the pre coalition
politics period , were mostly overlooked or perhaps unintentionally ignored.
Regional parties that helped to form government at the national level played an
important role to bring regional issues of development and community progress
to the forefront of national politics. They were seen to be less interested in the
stability of the government or in the development of national economy but much
more interested in getting their demands fulfilled at any cost. The political
history of India since the dawn of dominance of coalition politics in India gives
ample evidences that regional parties created and continue to create undue
pressure upon the major political party forming the government with their
xiii
Abstract
support in order to fulfil their demands which they promised to voters during
elections. They often tended to brush aside the sacred principle of national unity
and integrity, communal harmony and universal brotherhood. This may be
termed a negative impact of coalition politics upon Indian national politics which
aims national unity, integrity, peace , progress and uniform development. Yet
regional parties cannot be underestimated in all cases. They sought to fulfil the
hopes and aspirations of those peoples they represent .
The target has been much achieved during the ongoing or continuing the
dominance of coalition politics in India both at the state level and at the central
level, though we cannot rule out the germination of regionalism, casteism ,
communalism, or de-secularism etc., which are the aftermath of coalition politics
has compelled the state government and the central government since 1977 to
focus their attention on the necessities of poverty alleviation , universal
education , prohibition of social evils and inhuman practices through enactment
and legislation and protection of people’s social , judicial, economic and above all
human rights.
The Central Government during the dominance of coalition politics in India has
introduced some schemes and programmes to secure social justice to the socially
and economically backward communities, which is to be perceived as continuity
of earlier 20 point programme. Swarnajayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojna ,
Swarnajayanti Rozgar Yojana, Prime Minister’s Employment Generation
Programmes are important self –employment and wage employment schemes
for social protection. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act aims at social security for those who are economically very weak
and socially backward. This scheme also aims at women’s empowerment and
prevention of distress of migration. Indira Gandhi National Old Age Pension
Scheme is to provide financial assistance in the form of pension to all citizens
living below poverty line and crossing the age of 65 years. Financial Assistance to
the widows of the age between 45 and 64 years age of BPL households is a
positive step towards social security. Women and Children are the worst victims
of social injustice and social insecurity in India. The Government of India has
already formulated laws on the spirit of Directive Principles to protect women
xiv
Abstract
against humiliation, torture, exploitation and violence. Child labour has been
prohibited and outlawed. It has formulated the National Child Labour Policy in
1987 for rehabilitation of Child labourers, implementation of Child labour
Projects, grants – in aid to the voluntary organisations and promotion of
international programmes to the elimination of Child labour. The Gurupadswami
Committee report1 shows that problem of child labour is a direct result of
poverty. So, the more poverty will be eradicated through different legislations
and social welfare measures , the more will it be easier to tackle the problem of
child labour . As a step to promote education among children , the Scheme of
Sarva Sikshya Abhiyan has been launched to ensure compulsory education to
children. Thus laws formulated and the programmes so far launched to curb and
control violence against women and to prohibit and discourage child labour are
the implementations of Directive Principles of State Policy by the Central
Government during the continuing dominance of coalition politics in the country.
The Government of India has already adopted some measures to protect human
rights against violation and to provide free legal aid services to poor , helpless
women to secure them justice. It has prohibited through enactment , police
atrocities and declared custodial deaths as punishable offence. Judicial activism
through Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has led to secure legal justice to an
aggrieved person. It has succeeded in restraining legislatures from formulating
laws and executing administrative decisions that violate human rights. The
Supreme Court and High Courts have declared some laws and executive
decisions as not being fit for implementation as they are not in consistence with
the spirit of Directive Principles of State Policy. Thus we see that every issue that
has been so far implemented to secure social justice to people and almost all
programmes and schemes that has been so far launched, is included in the
Directive Principles of State Policy. At present, Directive Principles have assumed
the Characteristics of rights and law.
1
The national policy for children Resolution , adopted in August 1974 set out a policy
framework and measure aimed at providing adequate service to children. The
Gurupadaswamy committee recognized that distinction had to be made between child
labour and exploitation of child labour as….Labour becomes an absolute evil in the case
of child when he is required to work beyond his physical capacity when hrs. of
employment interfere with his energy.
xv
Abstract
Coalition Politics has added a new dimension to the welfare policy of the
Government. During the period of dominance of coalition politics in the political
system both at the central and provincial levels , the government has
formulated laws one after another on the basis Directive Principles with a view
to rendering social and economic justice to all particularly to those who belong
to vulnerable section of the society. It is worth mentioning that during the
dominance of coalition politics, which is still continuing in India, the Central
Government and State governments have attributed prime importance as part of
their social welfare measures , to the adoption and implementation programmes
not only to protect the social political and economic rights of people but also to
protect and preserve nature and to maintain ecological balance. This has been
discussed in details in successive chapters of the present study. Here it is
pertinent to mention the government’s special initiative to ban smoking in
public places as a positive measure to ensure justice to non-smoking people.
Medical science claims that smoking in public places harms non-smoking people
greatly and it makes them passive smokers. This is a step added to the
government policy of social justice.
Social justice has a wide ranging scope and implication, and the government is
required to march much more ahead with the aim and plan to implement more
items on social and economic matters stated in Directive Principles in order to
give a real shape to the principle and philosophy of social justice. We cannot
deny or dilute the importance of coalition politics in the case of the
implementation of many Directive Principles or the translation of many Directive
xvi
Abstract
Principles into realities but what is more important to ensure social justice to
people is the spontaneous initiative and dedication of our leadership to the
mission and vision of perfect welfarism and social justice.
Prof D.D. Basu , in his astounding interpretation of Social Justice vis a vis
Directive Principles , succinctly , stated “That this democratic Republic stands
for the good of all the people is embodied in the concept of ‘Welfare State’ which
inspires the Directive Principles of State Policy . The ‘economic justice’ assured
by the Preamble can hardly be achieved if the democracy envisaged by the
Constitution were confined to ‘political democracy’. In the words of Pandit
Nehru2,
“Poor people who wander about , find no work , get no wages and starve, whose
lives are a continual round of sore affliction and pinching poverty , cannot be
proud of the Constitution or its law”4
In short the Indian Constitution promises not only political but also social
democracy, as explained by Dr. Ambedkar in his concluding speech in the
Constituent Assembly
“Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social
democracy. What does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which
2
Inaugural address of Pandit Nehru at Seminar on Parliamentary Democracy on 25-56,
1956 in DD basu’s Introduction to the Constitution of India , 19th Edition 2001, p. 24 ,
Wadha Publishers , Nagpur
3
Inaugural address of Pandit Nehru at seminar on Parliamentary Democracy on 25- 26 ,
1956, ibid
4
Speech of the Vice President , ibid
xvii
Abstract
recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity which are not to be treated as separate
items in a trinity. The form a union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one
from the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy. Liberty cannot be
divorced from equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty
and equality be divorced’.
The state in a democratic society derives its strength from the cooperative and
dispassionate will of all its free and equal citizens5. Social and economic
democracy is the foundation on which political democracy would be a way of
life in the Indian polity6.
The banishment of poverty, not by expropriation of those who have , but by the
multiplication of the national wealth and resources and an equitable distribution
thereof amongst all who contribute towards its production , is the aim of state
envisaged by the directive Principles. Economic democracy will be installed in
our sub-continent to the extent that this goal is reached. In short Economic
justice aims at establishing economic democracy and a ‘welfare state’.
The ideal of economic justice is to make equality of status meaningful and life
worth living at its best removing inequality of opportunity and of status – social,
economic and political7.
The three have to be secured and protected with social justice in order to
facilitate economic empowerment and ensure social and political justice to all
5
State of Punjab vs G.S. Gill, AIR 1997 S.C. 2324, in DD Basu’s Introduction to the
Constitution of India.
6
Samntha v state of A.P. , AIR `1997 SC 3297, ibid
7
Dalmia cement (Bharat) Ltd. Vs Uniojn of India , (1996) 10 S.C.C.
8
Ashoke Kumar Gupta vs. state of UP, (1997) 5 S.C.C. .201
9
Dalmia Cement (Bharat ) Ltd., vs Union of India (1996) 10 S.C.C 104
xviii
Abstract
the citizens under the rule of law.10 The spirit of the Constitution and the
activities of the Government of India ( also the state governments) since the days
of dominance of Coalition politics reveal that the Preamble to the Constitution,
the Directive Principles of the State Policy and fundamental rights are
inseparable in theme, aim and spirit. A good many number of programmes
launched by the Government are inspired by those three important parts of the
Constitution. It is clear and unambiguous that justice which is the aim and spirit
of our constitution cannot be achieved without the programmes already
launched and implemented , which have been studied almost in details in this
dissertation.
Coalition politics , in the political context , is not unflawed . It is not free from
evil impacts upon Indian national politics. It cannot be said that it has not
harmed national unity and national economy or diluted the firm aims of national
politics. Some regional parties are charged with fomenting regionalism, racism,
casteism, and being involved in corruption. Still it cannot be bypassed that
coalition politics is more a boon than a curse for people and and for the nation
because the coalition government ( both provisional and central) has focused on
the development to ensure social protection and social security to people and
emphasized the guarantee of people’s rights. This study has made a wide survey
of programmes and schemes launched by the coalition government for about
four decades since 1977 with a view to protecting people’s rights and interests,
ensuring equality , securing justice to all and guaranteeing social security and
justice. It is quite important to mention that during dominance in coalition
politics in India a number of laws were made and many programmes and
schemes were launched to empower women in our society , to protect the rights
of children and also protect them against exploitation and to provide human and
humane services to the old, the helpless and the hav -nots .
Social justice is the foundation democracy and the soul of socialism. Before the
introduction of coalition politics in India neither the Central Government nor the
state governments had attached much importance to many local and regional
10
S.S.Balavs. B.D Sardana (1997) 8 S.C.C 522.
xix
Abstract
issues related equality and social justice. But regional political parties which
gradually became dominant in Indian politics compelled the Central Government
and state governments to focus the attention on the solutions of local and
regional issues which were/ are inextricably related to social justice in the
broader sense. This study has pointed out and discussed these topics in
separate chapters under separate headings.
The thesis traces, describes and discusses in detail various social security
oriented programmes, already launched and some of them partially
implemented, which essentially needs to be reviewed in order to give a broader
perspective to the policy of social justice adopted by different dominant parties-
led coalition governments over the long period of coalition politics in India. It
contains and deals with the historical background of formulation of the Directive
Principles of State Policy and its addition to the Constitution of India. It also
demonstrates with ample illustrations from authentic sources how the
governments from time to time initiated schemes and programmes to implement
many of the Articles of the Directive Principles of State Policy and introduced lots
of programmes primarily intended for social justice to the disadvantaged classes
in consonance with the spirit and general trend of coalition politics in India . The
words ‘justice’ and ‘security’ which form the foundation of the governments’
welfare policy since the dominance of coalition politics in Indian political system,
are hard to explain without the proper fulfillment and attainment of goals and
targets of the programmes associated with social security and justice. The thesis
made an attempt to highlight the steps and measures directed towards social
justice , which have been amply illustrated , discussed , explicated and
evaluated as far as the aims of social justice are concerned. It is a matter of
apparent satisfaction that the coalition governments were convinced of the
essentiality for the protection of social rights not only of people but also the
rights of animals and those of the plant world with the exclusive target to
conserve and de- pollute our environment. Our sustainable growth and
development depends upon the environment because the livelihood of a large
section of people especially belonging to the category of below the poverty line
have been extremely affected by the ongoing process of de- forestation and the
xx
Abstract
xxi
Preface
PREFACE
1
Preface
became anachronism in central and state level. At the national level , the first
coalition government was formed in 1967 and at the regional level , the first
coalition government was formed in 1977 and at the regional level , coalition
politics was experienced in West Bengal, Bihar and Punjab from 1967 onwards.
We can’t deny the measure adopted and introduced in India during the pre
coalition politics in India . The Indian National Congress is the party that
represents the single party rule in India . Before 1977, the Congress laid
government laid stress on the need of social change through social origimobility,
social uplift of the backward classes , development of economy, providing
financial support to the poor farmers , supply of foods, provision of shelter,
guarantee of equality, protection of rights, eradication of illiteracy, abolition of
social evils, enforcement of rule of law to dispense justice. But the sincerity of the
government in matter of fair implementation of the programmes aiming at social
security and justice for all is still called in question. Many programmes intended
2
Preface
before 1977 were not implemented nor became successful as narrow party
politics governed them . Besides corruption was a bigger factor for the failure.
The study enumerates and discusses with ample evidences how the Indians
under the Britsih rule were denied justice, protection and security that led the
freedom fighters to launch nation-wide movement extensively for the protection
of people’s rights and recognition of security and justice. The Chapter IV of this
dissertation deals with it in detail. The Chapter V deals with the importance of
the Preamble to the Constitution in terms of the constitutional declaration for
the government to exert all its possible efforts to secure social justice and
security to people. This declaration prohibits inequality and discrimination
which are opposed to the principles of equality , socialism , secularism and above
all social justice. Due honour to this principles can alone enable the Government
of India to build up the country as a true welfare state and to achieve
egalitarianism.
India vows the protection of rights and honour of every individual and strongly
disapproves of discrimination on artificial ground of race, caste , creed , religion,
sex , etc. It strives to secure economic, social and political equality for all with the
aim to establish socialism and to prepare the ground for egalitarianism. During
the dominance of coalition politics , the government has paid especial attention
to controlling and prohibiting all that go against people’s rights and justice, to
protect women against sex –exploitation, to give due honour in the society , to
3
Preface
empower them through education and reservation. The chapter VI of the study
contains and discusses that the Government in India has already made laws to
guarantee social security and justice to men and women, children and the old
helpless persons and to provide education to children as an important step
towards social justice.
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) which is the legalistic recognition of the Directive
Principles of State Policy aims at protecting people against the violation of public
interest and thus ensuring justice of all forms of people. It is a judicial platform
for dispensation of justice to those who have been denied or deprived of justice
by the executive , PIL originated in 1979 when the central government was ruled
by Janata Party led. coalition government. The Chapter VIII of this study traces
how PIL protected people’s rights and ensured justice to them. PIL is playing a
significant role in the implementation of the Directive Principles of State Policy
(DPSP). It has paved the way for social justice. Cases like Indira Swahany and
Vishakha vs. state of Rajasthan are mention worthy as example for judicial
justice for judicial justice. PIL covers a wide range of areas of human life . rights
and freedom denied by the agencies of the government. Hence it is the epoch in
the history of judicial system in India of India during the era of coalition politics.
The chapter IX deals with how legal aid services contributes to social justice in
India. The principles of welfarism would have remained unrealized if the
government had not provided fair legal aid services contribute to social justice in
India. It has protected and continues to protect people against oppression,
exploitation, denial of justice, discrimination and many other acts of violation .
Legal aid service forms an important feature of a welfare state to do justice to
people. This chapter records analysis and discusses how legal aid service which
emerged as a force of social justice during coalition politics in India and
continues to uphold the rule of law and protect people’s rights.
India seeks to bring about socio economic changes in society and DPSP is an
effective instrument of this changes if they are properly implemented. During the
coalition era in the country which is still in force in some way or another.
4
Preface
Human rights are wedded to social security and justice . Right to life, right to
education, right to individual dignity , right against slavery and bonded labour ,
right to decent life , etc., constitute the foundation of human rights. The study
enumerates and discusses with relevant references how the Government during
the era of coalition politics seeks to protect , preserve and ensure human rights .
This is elaborately discussed and exemplified in the chapter VIII. The survey
which is undertaken on the importance of human rights , several issues of the
violation of such rights and the steps of the government to protect and honour
rights of people corroborates the fact that social justice is reduced to a farce or a
non- entity if human rights are grossly violated.
5
Chapter - I Introduction
CHAPTER - I
Introduction
1.1 Introduction
India is a vast land with varied cultures, and diverse socio- economic situations.
She has a long history of the British colonial rule that is regarded as one of the
major reasons for her economic backwardness and social deprivation. During the
period of British colonialism , the people of India were inhumanly oppressed ,
limitlessly exploited, and deliberately deprived of rights and human dignity .
They were looked upon as inferior to the Britishers or Europeans and reduced to
almost slaves. Exploitation pauperized a large section of people and oppression
led to the social disintegration and prevented them from leading a life of social
unity . Laws were made only to guard and preserve the interests of the Britishers
or the British colonialism in India and not to protect the rights of Indians . They
were designed to deny justice to Indians . British education was introduced in
the country with a view to serving the purpose of the British rule and
government. No such welfare policy and programme was adopted then to bring
about social change in Indian society nor was any welfaristic step taken to
promote the social , educational and economic life of the people of India. The
government of free India attached considerable importance to the need of social
change , social uplift , economic development. guarantee of equality , protection
of rights , abolition of social evils , establishment of the rule of law to dispense
justice to all and to democratic services which are enunciated in the Preamble to
the Constitution, Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy.
This has been explored, described and discussed in separate chapters of the
present study. Secondly , the Directive Principles are non Justiciable , The
judiciary can’t enforce them. A Directive may be made enforceable only when
there is a law on it. The Fundamental rights , on the other hand, are justiciable.
6
Chapter - I Introduction
They impose legal obligation on the state as well as on individuals. The judiciary
enforces them , If a law violates the Fundamental Rights.
The dissertation is a socio- political and socio economic study of the Directive
Principles of State Policy (DPSP) as articulated in Part IV of the Constitution of
India and explores and vindicates its importance , value and significance in
paving the way for social justice – the justice to protect and promote the socio-
economic life of the poor and the weaker sections of people in the Indian society.
It has tried to explore the evils of British colonialism which is to be dubbed as the
British misrule in India and to trace systematically pro -people policies adopted
and programmes launched to implement Directive Principles by the Central and
State Governments in order to bring about social change for social development .
It justifies the progress and development of India as a welfare nation or state
standing on the systematic implementation of the principles as enunciated in
the Directive Principles. Here my attempt has been to explore , discuss , explicate
, vindicate and validate the fact that almost all welfare and development -
oriented programmes which the Government of India and provincial
governments have adopted and launched since 1952 when the first general
election was held and the government was formed which have been inspired by
and derived from the Directive Principles of State Policy.
7
Chapter - I Introduction
Between 1917 and 1919 the Indian National Congress passed a series of
resolutions ‘demanding civil rights and equality of status with the English men.
The next demand for Fundamental Rights was Annie Besant’s Commonwealth of
India Bill , 1925. The assertion was reiterated by Nehru Committee in 1928
which stated that the guarantee of Fundamental Rights should be in such a
manner that it would not permit their withdrawal under any circumstances.
The Indian leaders pressed for the inclusion of Bill of Rights at the Round table
conference in the proposed Constitution. The sub-committees of the minorities
held detailed discussion on the subject at the first meeting of the sub- committee
held on December 23, 1930. Raja Narendra Nath pointed out the need to make
the question of declaration of Rights unassailable by the majority of the
Constitution of India. A.T .Paul also emphasized the need for inclusion of
Fundamental Rights and to provide for some machinery to ensure that they were
not violated.
After the concluding session of the Indian Round Table Conferences, a report was
presented by the Secretary of the State for India to Parliament. The report
observed that the Government recognized the importance attached by the
Indian leaders to the idea of making a chapter on Fundamental Rights , a feature
of the Indian Constitution. It also pointed out that some of their propositions
discussed at the conferences could find their place in the Constitution. The idea
of enumerating such of these fundamental rights which could not be embodied
in the Constitution on Act itself in the instrument of instructions also found
support in a memorandum submitted by Khan Bahadur Hafiz, Hidayat Hussein
and Dr. Safat Ahmed Khan on December 27, 1932. As a result of the discussion
8
Chapter - I Introduction
Then came Sapru Report which was published in 1945. The Sapru Committee
recommended that the declaration of Fundamental Rights was absolutely
necessary, for not only giving assurances and guarantee to the minorities, but
also for prescribing a standard of conduct for the legislatures, Government and
the Courts.
The Sapru Committee envisaged two kind of Rights, namely justiciable and non
justiciable rights. However, the committee did not suggest a list of Fundamental
Rights to be included in the Future Constitution making body. Thus it is clear that
even prior to the independence, the issue was left to be decided by the
Constitution making body.
Thus it is clear that even prior to independence there was a concerted effort and
awareness for the recognition of the importance of Fundamental Rights.
Iyer was equally emphatic on the nature of Directive Principles of State Policy.
He explained that it is the ancient Indian practice of laying down policies on
Dharmasashtra of the State . In ancient India , the state used to undertake
many functions which the socialist , ancient and modern , are advocating , yet
these went hand in hand with the enlargement of rights and freedom.
There is the illusion that the correct economic thought is only of recent growth
and exclusively of modern origin. But the concept of declaration of policy in
regard to social and economic obligations of the state cannot be said to be
foreign to the brain of India.
Kautilya recorded specific injunctions in his Arthsastra that the King shall
provide to the orphan, the dying, the infirm, the afflicted and the helpless with
maintenance and shall also provide subsistence to helpless expectant mothers
and also the children they gave birth to. Dharma is the supreme law of the laws,
king of Kings. It is raj dharma in which all living creatures take refuge.
9
Chapter - I Introduction
B.N. Rau recommended the classification of rights into two parts, one dealing
with fundamental principles of state policy and other fundamental rights as such.
At first, there was stiff opposition for the inclusion of non -justiciable rights in
the sub-committee on Fundamental Rights.
Speaking about the nature of the two parts , B .N. Rau observed “there are certain
rights which requires positive action by the state and which can be guaranteed
only as far as such action practicable and needed while others merely requires
that the state shall abstain from prejudicial action”.
He gave two examples as typical ones for each type. For the former , the example
is right to work, which cannot be the guarantee except during the policy of the
state in that direction for the later life and life of the person, wherein the state
can restrain from interfering .
Hence the distinction was made between the fundamental rights and directive
principles obviating the administrative and other practical difficulties that might
arise in the directive which need to be enforced at the behest of the citizens.
Some were pessimistic and others were optimistic towards the Directives . Some
called them ‘ a veritable dustbin of sentiments attaching no values. Jennings
referred to part IV of the Constitution as the expression of Fabian Socialism
without socialism.
But to Dr. Ambedkar , the directives were like the Instruments of Instruction.
They were also hailed as the essence of the Constitution and also as cardinal ,
important and creative provisions.
Prof. P.K. Tripathi , also points out that all the twentieth century constitutions
have given a place in their systems to the provisions of social welfare and these
10
Chapter - I Introduction
provisions have gathered larger sweep , greater emphasis and more definitive
legal obligations as the lapse of years brought in more governmental experience
to bear.
Directive principles aim at making the Indian masses free in the positive sense,
free from passivity engendered by centuries of coercion by society and by nature,
free from abject physical conditions that had prevented them from fulfilling their
best selves. The first and paramount principle enjoins that the state shall secure
a social order in which social, economic and political justice shall prevail.
This means that equality shall be ensured to all without discrimination .It is
believed that India can be a veritable welfare state , and social justice can be
ensured to the people of the country only if the Principles as stated in the
directive principles are adequately and systematically implemented .We have
our constitutionally granted Fundamental Rights as enunciated in Part III of our
Constitution but we have experienced that the Fundamental Rights are not at all
enough for the state to ensure to people social , civil, political, and human rights.
New laws need to be framed on the basis and spirit of Directive Principles of
State Policy to ensure socio -economic equality to all , to guarantee liberty to all ,
to protect the weaker class and the working class against exploitation against
social oppression, to prevent child labour, to promote and preserve the interests
of dalits and minorities, to empower women , to expedite and strengthen social
and national progress and finally to accord constitutional status to directive
principles as necessary for social justice and the state should legislate against
violence against women, deep rooted evil social practices and discriminations.
The study deals with the relation between social justice and the preservation of
forests and protection of the environment and cites some opinions and directives
of the Supreme Court of India as the judicial step towards the protection and
preservation of wild life and forests. It also focuses on free legal aid mainly
provided to deserving individuals to protect their rights and to uphold the rule of
law.
11
Chapter - I Introduction
The Preamble with which the Constitution of India begins is the quintessence of
the Constitution. The fundamental values and the principles, on which the
constitution is based , constitutes the aspirations and ideals of the constitution
framers to build up an egalitarian society in India . It contains the aims and
objectives which the Constitution seeks to establish and promote . The ideals
and values proclaimed in it clearly reveal that India is committed to the ideal of
welfare state and must establish socio economic justice. The preamble depicts
not only the democratic form of government for India, but also a democratic
society which is infused with the ideals and spirit of justice, liberty and equality.
12
Chapter - I Introduction
The aim of the political system of India is to justify a right ordering of society so
as to secure to all citizens , social economic and political justice. Social justice is
the sine qua non of a welfare state in as much as it prohibits discrimination on
artificial ground. It also prohibits forces that create artificial barriers. Economic
Justice or distributive justice is a corollary to social justice. The aims of
economic or distributive justice is to better the lot of the deprived and the
backward sections of the community, to protect the working sections against
exploitation and to reshape the country’s economy in such a way that the
common man can avail himself of its equitable benefits or an equitable
distribution of the country’s economic growth is secured to him. This socio
economic justice has been translated into several articles in Parts III and IV of the
Constitution.
The constitutional provisions as stated above affirm that the State would not
discriminate , in the matter of public employment, between one citizen and
another merely on the ground of religion , race , caste sex or place of birth. The
state would seek to remove social disabilities like untouchability, bonded
labourers, illiteracy etc., to improve the position of severely deprived groups, e.
g., women, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, by providing compensatory
discrimination, to eliminate poverty, to dispel ignorance, to prevent disease and
to actively promote egalitarianism.
The concept of welfare state presents a model of a new state which enhances the
vibrant aspects of democracy and socialism. India is committed to democracy.
The 42nd Amendment to the constitution , 1976 has led to the insertion of the
word ‘socialist’ in the Preamble , and by virtue of this amendment , it is declared
that the goal of Indian polity is socialism and the right to private property has
been removed from the list “Fundamental Rights through the 44th
Constitutional Amendment Act , 1978. The right to property is now reduced to a
legal right . The aim of India is not only to build up a democratic political system
but also a democratic social system that proscribes discrimination and
deprivation in any form and in any way in order to secure social and economic
13
Chapter - I Introduction
justice to all Indian citizens. In the post modern period , the concept of welfare
state has become a universal concept and even totalitarian state is a welfare
state in an indirect way, laying more emphasis on material welfare than on
moral and spiritual welfare. India as a welfare state is wedded to the principle of
promoting the general happiness and welfare of the people. In theory it is more
an agency of social service than an instrument of power—India’s welfareism is
enunciated in the Directive Principles of State Policy. India is envisioned as a
state aiming at securing optimum progress and confront for the individuals and
providing for its citizens a wide range of social service. The instances of recent
Suredranath Khoshla Vs Dalip Singh11 on 29th Nov. 1956 political development
reveals the government’s initiative to attribute constitutional status to the
important articles of Directive Principles through constitutional amendments or
through enactments . The attitude of the government towards Directive
Principles in recent years is expressive of its effort to provide economic security
to people , to provide free legal aid for legal justice ; its initiative to protect the
health of the workers , to adopt preventive as well as curative measures , its
drive against illiteracy and its announced aim to protect against want , sickness,
and old age , which constitute social security . Social security for a welfare state
like India is justified not only on humanitarian ground but also on economic
ground as well . In line with the “directive principles” India endeavored to root
out social evils and harmful social practices which are out to sap the roots of
democracy. It has made several legislations against social evils. It has already
announced a number of programmes to uphold the rights of all without any
discrimination of caste , colour and so on. It makes no compromise on human
personality, dignity and liberty. Thus India has marched much ahead towards
building up the welfare society.
11
Surebdranath Khosla vs Dalip Sing on 29 November, 1956, date of judgment 29.11.1956.
Act Election improper materially affected presumption – double member constituency
14
Chapter - I Introduction
Part III (Arts. 12 – 35) contains Fundamental Rights of Indian citizens. The
Fundamental Rights are described as fundamental because they are basic to the
development to human personality. They are guaranteed by the Constitution and
constitute, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru “conscience of the Constitution”(1).
The Nehru report of 1928 on Fundamental Rights observed that “Parliament
shall make suitable laws for the maintenance of health and fitness for work of
all citizens, securing a living wage for every worker, the protection of
motherhood, welfare of children and the economic sequences of old age ,
infirmity and unemployment’’13.
The fundamental Rights offer the best fruits of democracy and opportunities for
self development. The rights as granted to the citizens are right to equality and
freedom, freedom against exploitation, religious freedom, cultural and
educational rights and right to constitutional remedies. Some of the
Fundamental Rights are positive while some others are negative in tone. The
15
Chapter - I Introduction
positive rights are those which confer some benefits upon the individuals, e.g.,
the right to religion, and the cultural and educational rights. The negative rights,
on the other hand, are those which impose limitations and restrictions on the
authority of the state, for example , “ the state can’t deny to any person equality
before law and equal protection of law (art. 14). The enjoyment of the
Fundamental Rights are essential to the development of individual. The Judiciary
is the guardian and protector of the Fundamental Rights . The rights are not
absolute. Reasonable restrictions may be imposed upon any fundamental
rights in the interest of society as a whole. Whether a restriction imposed upon
any Fundamental Right is reasonable will be determined by the judiciary .
Justice Gajendra Gadkar of the Supreme court in Sajjan Singh vs. State of
Rajasthan 196514, remarked that ‘the Fundamental Rights constitute as great
charter of rights of the Indian people’ , the very foundation and cornerstone of
the democratic way of life was ushered in this country by the constitution.
Justice has a wide ranging meaning. In the context of politics and state, the words
‘justice’ means right and fair treatment. It encompasses within its range and
scope , equality , freedom and fairness of treatment and absence of partiality and
discrimination. This sort of justice has three broad dimensions – social, economic
14
Sajjan Singh vs Respondent State of Rajasthan ; date of judgment 30.10.1964 Bench
Gajendrakar CJ
16
Chapter - I Introduction
and political. As democracy has penetrated into social and economic sphere, the
meaning of justice has been so much expanded as to cover all walks of human
life; the expansion of the meaning of justice is the corollary of the achievement
of the ends of social justice. Social justice and social well being are interrelated.
Social justice is dream if social well being fails to take place. If the rights of the
individual and interests of the community are coordinated, social well being of
society is sure to take place. Social justice is the concept intimately associated
with democracy and governs the welfare state. It seeks to ensure the fulfillment
of legitimate aspirations and expectation of the individual and expectations of
the individual under the existing laws to assure him benefits there under and
protection in case of any violations or encroachment on his rights , consistent
with unity of nations and needs of the nation and needs of the society. “The
concept of social justice is a very wide form that covers within its fold
everything pertaining to the norm of ‘general interests’ ranging from protection
of the interests of minorities to the eradication of poverty and illiteracy. It also
relates to the eradication of gigantic social evils that taint and jeopardize life
and humanity and human civilization”. India is still a developing country
announcing, undertaking and launching a number of programmes based
consciously on the Directive Principles or unconsciously on the Directive
Principles which are deliberately designed to ameliorate the lot of the
downtrodden and weaker sections of the community. The force or impetus that
inspires India to adopt various welfare programmes is the concept of social
justice. Social justice has become an all encompassing idea to promote life in all
fields in the society. It enjoins upon the state to make concerted effort to widen
itself so as to cover the economic domain of people’s life for the obvious reason
that it demands non exploitation of the working class . The idea of social justice
envisages to promote the welfare of people by securing and developing a just
social order. Apart from ensuring equality and liberty to the people , it enjoins to
bring about a social order in which justice – social , economic and political –
shall inform the institutions of national life (chief justice K. Subba Rao of the
Supreme Court of India in Golak Nath vs. the State of Punjab, AIR , 1967, SC
1643).
17
Chapter - I Introduction
The India social system reveals the practice of inequality on the basis of caste.
The leaders of independent India were pledged to establish a modern welfare
egalitarian state. This is reflected in the Preamble of the constitution of India
which makes it clear that the framers of the Constitution were committed to
achieve the goals of justice , liberty and equality . These conceptual objectives
can be considered as the sheet anchor of our political system. In the context of
commitment to equality for all citizens, the principle of compensatory
discrimination in favour of certain classes was acceded to. Consequently,
reservation facility has been constitutionally offered to the SCs, STs, and Anglo
Indian Community. Article 15(4) while promoting the idea of equality as a
fundamental rights for citizens , contains special provision for the advancement
of socially and educationally backward classes of the citizens.”. The 73rd
amendment and 74th Amendment, 1987 have provided for additional reservation
reservations in the Panchayati Raj and the urban institutions. Initially,
reservations of seats were made for a period of the years from the
commencement of the constitutions. Subsequently, the period was extended
several times. The land extension was made in 1999 by the 79th Amendment, but
79th Amendment extended reservation of seats upto January , 2010.
18
Chapter - I Introduction
orders for seat reservation in govt. jobs to the extent of 27% which meant a total
reservation of 49.5%. 15
In 1991, the VP Singh ministry , was replaced by the Congress ministry headed
by Narshima Rao. His government decided that for the welfare of economically
backward people of high caste and additional 10% reservations would be made .
In November, 1992 , the Supreme Court in the case of Indira Sawney Vs. Union of
India1 held the reservations beyond limit of 50% was unconstitutional. The
decision was reaffirmed subsequently in 1994 in the case of Surendra Nath and
Others vs. Union of India16. However , in spite of the states like Tamilnadu and
Karnataka passed acts providing for 69% and 78% of reservation respectively .
14
Supreme court of India ; Indira Swhney vs Union of Indian And Others on 4 November,
1996 Bench: S.V. Manohar, K Venkataswami PETITIONER INDIRA SAWHNEY VS.
RESPONDENT: UNION OF INDIA AND OTHERS on 4 November 1996. Bench SV Manohar,
K. Venkatswamy
16
Petitioner Surendra Nath khoshla vs. Dalip Sing , date of judgment 29.11.1956. Act:
Election improper rejection of nomination paper – whether result of election materially
affected presumption – double member constituency.
17
The cases in this batch raise common issues relating to the identification of ‘creamy layer’
among the backward classes in the state of kerala and the implementation of law
declared and directions issued in Indira sawhney vs. Union of India { 1992 (suppl) 3,
SCC 217 }. The state of kerala took time for implementation of the directions in Indira
Swahney for appointment of a commission for the purpose of identifying the creamy
layer but it failed to implement the recommendations. The court by its order dated
10.7.95 held (IAs 35, 36 filed by the state for extension of time etc.,) that the state of
kerala, represented by its chief secretary was guilty of contempt but gave a further
opportunity to the state to purge the contempt and adjourned the matter to 11.9.95.
19
Chapter - I Introduction
Since independence in 1947, new social movements have been taking place in
the country to preclude deprivations and exploitation.Various social movements
have been taking place in the country to preclude deprivation and exploitation
to firmly establish equality, security and justice. A social movement is
characterized by an organized collective attempt to bring about either partial or
total change in society. It may also emerge to resist change. All social movements
may not emanate from a sense of deprivation. They may also emanate from
social deprivation and structural strain. When people become dissatisfied with
prevailing system of value, the society reveals strain. This prompts people to
protest prevailing social norms. What has been studied, investigated, and
explored is that a feeling of deprivation, may also emerge to resist a change. “The
new social movements are not motivated by the goal of acquisition of power.
They are mainly related to issues concerning civil society”.
20
Chapter - I Introduction
The movements for human rights is regarded as one of the fundamental goals for
social, national and human development. The message of the movement is that
every individual should be allowed to enjoy rights as human beings. To curb this
right amounts to denying social justice. Inspired by the spirit of the Directive
Principles , the government of India , has adopted steps, through legislations
against bonded labourers , child labourers , police atrocities like illegal detention
, torture in police lock-ups and custodial death, crimes against weaker sections of
society, cruelties and violence against women, including dowry and deaths ,
women trafficking , anti-people laws and violation of Forest Acts and oppression
and exploitation of the tribal communities who fall victim to a process of
urbanization. Parliament passed the protection of Human Rights Act, 1993. In
the following parts of the dissertation, I have given a detailed description and
21
Chapter - I Introduction
analysis of the steps so far taken by the government to establish and ensure
social justice and throw light upon how they are related to the Directive
Principles of State Policy.
They may be regarded as a sister part of the Fundamental Rights in the sense
that they aim at making the Fundamental Rights a reality by extending
democracy in the social and economic spheres or domains . They embody the
aims and objectives of the State under the republican Constitution e.g. the aim to
make India welfare state. The term directives indicate that there are broad
directives given to the state in accordance with the legislative and executive
power of the state are to be exercised. It is the duty of the legislatures and
administrators to follow the principles. They lay down a comprehensive
blueprint of social goals, a charter of economic and social democracy which is
pledged in the Preamble.
The Directive Principles are often contrasted with the Fundamental Rights. The
Fundamental Rights constitute a set of negative injunctions. The State is
restrained from doing something. The Directives, on the other hand, are a set of
positive directions. The state is urged to do something to transform India into a
social and economic democracy. Secondly the Directive Principles are non
justiciable, it is said. Courts can’t enforce them. Directives may be made
enforceable only when there is law on it. The Fundamental Rights on the other
hand are justiciable. They impose legal obligation on the state as well on the
individuals . Courts enforce them. If a law violates a Fundamental Rights and, the
22
Chapter - I Introduction
The Directive Principles are very much oriented towards social welfare and
social justice. The aims and aspirations of the framers of the constitution is to
ensure social justice are reflected in the Directive Principles . The principles
categorized as socialistic principles aim at securing welfare of the people (Art.
38), securing proper distribution of natural resources of the community as to
best sub serve the common good , equal pay for equal work, protection of
childhood and youth against oppression etc (Art. 39) , securing just and human
conditions and maternity relief (Art. 42. etc).
The Government of India and the state legislative machinery are trying to
implement many of the provisions of Directive Principles, as for example
Minimum wages act was passed to implement provisions of Art. 43 of Directive
23
Chapter - I Introduction
Principles. The Employees Provident Fund Act, 1962 was passed in conformity
with Art. 41. Free primary education legislations have been passed in some
states in conformity with Art.45 of the Constitution. The 42nd Constitution
Amendment Act, 1976 increases the number of directions and gives importance
to the directives. By this Act, new directions are being added to Part IV to
provide for free legal aid to the economically backward classes . Thus the
importance of the Directives Principles is day by day increasing in order to
establish a socialist state.
The Directive Principles are meant to give directions to the state to provide
health security , especially to children , women and to fix and ensure rational
rates of wages , to prohibit labour exploitation. The Government of India has
already launched a few programmes like Swarna Jayanti Sahari Rojgar Yojna
(SJSRY) to alleviate poverty in urban areas. The Directive Principles have led the
state to introduce and continue social security programmes for those who belong
to below poverty lines (BPL). The aim of such programms is to ensure social
justice to all citizens of India, especially to those who have been subjected to
various social injustices.
Human rights are central to social justice. Social Justice can’t be realized if human
rights are denied or violated. All types of right which a person enjoys as a human
being of human rights. A welfare state accords supreme importance to the
basic rights to which a person is entitled to lead a normal decent and
democratic life. India is pledged to welfarism , democracy and socialism to which
24
Chapter - I Introduction
a question of human rights is inextricably linked. The state has adopted some
welfare measures to ban inhuman practices , shameful social custom and many
other social evils prevailing in Indian society from time immemorial.
As measures to protect human rights and human dignity the state of India has
legislated against atrocities against dalits , forced labourers and slavery,
inhuman practices. The inhuman practices of manual scavenging which is closely
related to untouchability is an instance of gross violation of human rights and
human dignity. The Indian Parliament has passed four enatctment in order to
outlaw this practices . There are Protection of Civil Rights Acts , 1955 The SC/ST
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, The Employment of manual Scavengers and
Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act , 1993. The State is striving
through legislation and enactment, to ensure inherent dignity and of equal and
inalienable rights of all members of the human family. The Government has
enacted laws to support welfare provisions. It strives to ensure just and human
conditions of work, fair wages, a decent standard of living and safe and healthy
working conditions to all kinds of workers and specially seeks to provide
adequate means of livelihood to all. The Supreme Court has directed in its
verdict on several cases the state to take appropriate actions to eliminate4
discrimination against women and violence against them , and to ensure their
security and honour in public and social life. The government has taken steps to
stop police atrocities and custodial deaths . All these measures adopted by the
state to protect human rights a in accordance with the Directive Principles of
State Policy.
25
Chapter - I Introduction
To deal with coalition politics and social development in the context of the study
is to deal with programmes introduced and launched by the coalition
governments in India since 1996. To do it, it is necessary to discuss the meaning
of coalition politics . The term “coalition politics” is used in this study to mean or
referred to coalition government in India. Coalition is a temporary alliance of
political parties for forming a government. A coalition is formed either to defeat
the governing party in order to form a new government or to cling to power
when the party in power apprehends defeat in the forth coming election.
Coalition politics is an essential feature of multi-party government. F.A. Ogg
defines coalition in political sense as a cooperative arrangement under which the
distinct political parties or at all events members of such parties unite to form
government or a ministry.
26
Chapter - I Introduction
and joining the government. A post poll coalition is formed when no political
party is in a position to secure absolute majority to form government. Again
coalition politics can be tactical and formal. In the case of tactical tradition ,
there may be one party in power but certain other parties support the ruling
party from outside. In 1979, when the caretaker government of Charan Singh
was functioning , Congress lent support from outside. In the first UPA Coalition
government (2004 – 2009) the Left parties supported it from outside on the
basis of certain issues like common minimum programme, the keeping of so-
called communal forces from power in Delhi, etc., Coalition politics implies a
temporary conjunction of particular interests to enjoy some material reward of
psychological advantage by seizing political power.
The dawn of coalition politics may be regarded as a boon for Indian social and
economic conditions. Before the three phases of coalition government i.e., One
NDA coalition government at the centre and two UPA coalition government, no
noticeable socio economic development programme was adopted in India,
though the Congress government headed by Mrs. Indira Gandhi paid much
attention to social development, economic progress and social justice. Her
successful effort of bank nationalization in 1967 is a glorious event in the
history of socio economic development in India. The basic aim of bank
nationalization was to protect rural poor farmers against exploitation by local
money lenders and to boost national economy. It is the duty of the welfare state
to provide protection to the economically weaker and educationally backward
classes against economic exploitation and deprivation and social injustices and
thus to ensure equality to all. Her twenty- point programme was directed
towards the evolution of a new socio -economic system in order to prepare a
solid ground for a radical change in Indian society. The Coalition Government
adopted and launched quite a good many number of programmes to firmly
establish equality in society – equality not only in politics but also in social and
economic fields.
27
Chapter - I Introduction
way for social changes and social development , which enabled the state to
achieve the goal of social justice. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA)
introduced and implemented the programme of universalization of basic
education and the UPA stands for solving the economic problems like
unemployment and poverty. Earlier, the Janata Dal-led National Front and the
Left Front agreed to a Common Minimum Programme, “Social Justice”,
implementation of Mandal Commission’s report on reservations, share of power
for the deprived and protection to the minorities formed the four planks of their
poll strategy. Janata Dal leadership projected itself as messiah of the poor , the
backward, and the minorities. V.P. Singh built a social hierarchy on the basis of
Mandal Commission recommendation and its implementation and the Left
parties endorsed VP Singh’s political programme. The BJP led-government
stressed the protection of national economic interest to provide its benefits to
the people. It believed that people should receive the economic justice along with
political justice and also assured protection to the minorities. The NDA
government provided subsidy to Haj Pilgrimage as a part of the government’s
initiative to send a message of positive secularism to the minorities.
28
Chapter - I Introduction
the centre on its own strength in the 16th general election 2014 ushered in a new
era of Indian Politics. It is to be noted that nearly 26 political outfits , mostly non
descript , were inducted into National Democratic Alliance (NDA) which is in
contrast to earlier political formations or coalition where majority of the
constituents either of NDA or UPA were of regional party or parties.It may be
noted that 26 political outfits , majority of which are non dsecript were inducted
into Natioal Democratic allaince (NDA) which is in sharp contrast of early
politcal conglomerations comprising mainly state based parties or regional
parties. (See Sheela Bhat's who are the 26 allies in NDA in rediff.com)
Coalition politics that had characterized Indian Politics for more than two
decades had its visible merits and glaring demerits. The merits include arousal of
People’s political consciousness , awareness of democratic and constitutional
rights , encouragement of their participation in politics and adoption of many
welfare policies and introduction and implementation of a good many numbers
of schemes and programmes for removal of social , economic and political ills
that stood in the way of equality , security and justice to people. Lots of
facilities were provided in both the agricultural and industrial sectors to boost
rural and urban economy. The success of coalition politics in India cannot be
underplayed in any way, though the implementation of the welfare schemes and
programmes is far from satisfactory1.
The regional political parties made either pre-poll alliance or post-poll alliance
with the Bharatiya Janata Party to form the BJP- led NDA government at the
centre till March 2004 and with the Congress party to form coalition
government i.e. , UPA I and UPA II till April 2014 led various ministries of the
central government to adopt and launch programmes to achieve the national
goals of equality, social security and justice to all. Universalization of education
, provision of health security , legal justice , financial assistance to the poor ,
helpless women , provision for assistance for helpless women to attain self-
reliance, and many such programmes were launched to render social justice to
people during the period. Through all such schemes and programmes the
central government over the long period of coalition politics had made a good
number social legislations on some directive principles which have been
29
Chapter - I Introduction
The demerits of the dominance of coalition politics over this periods of two
decades cannot be ignored. Corruption which has weakened Indian economy
and deprived people of social and legal justice is the aftermath of coalition
politics in India though independent India was never free from corruption.
During the period of UPA II, government corruption spread the whole nation
and assumed a horrible dimension. Some political parties which formed part of
the coalition government had reportedly blackmailed the government on
different issues and also opposed the government on many issues related to
high national interest . Besides the coalition governments were always under the
threat of being toppled if some if the demands of some allies were not
met Above all, coalition politics strengthened regionalism and regional politics
which is inimical to national unity.
The 16th Parliamentary election heralded a new era in Indian Politics. Though
the BJP , led NDA had replaced the Congress -led UPA II, in the general
election 2014 , coalition politics received a deep jolt because the seats bagged
by BJP outnumbered the required figure to form majority . Naturally , the allies
have lost their dominance over BJP and the importance of coalition politics in
national arena has been sharply reduced. Thus it can be said that there has
been a come-back of the era of single party dominance . Mr. Narendra
Damodardas Modi , who was elected Prime Minister , appears to be paying not
much importance to the existence in the matters of allocation of ministries and
declaration of his government’s future of action though he is committed to the
parties election manifestos prepared in prior consultation with NDA allies . Mr.
Modi who heads this new government has assured people justice – social,
economic legal , security to people with special emphasis on matters of women
and children , control and prevention of corruption and above all reconstruction
of India in the light of new hope and aspiration in order to build up India as a
30
Chapter - I Introduction
31
Chapter - I Introduction
Summary:
This is an admitted fact that the government is striving to translate the ideals
and aspirations of the framers of the Constitution into visible and perceptible
realities through the introduction of several welfare and constructive
programmes and the implementations of Directive Principles of State Policy . The
activism of the judiciary has been an addition to the government effort to
render and secure welfare services to the people of India , mainly to the poor ,
the weaker and backward sections of the society . What is seen and experienced
in reality is that the political environment in India is not conducive to the total
success of the government’s welfare programmes. This is because the political
parties are more interested in achieving narrow political ends in the form of
building up vote bank. They do not, it is found, to compromise with their political
aims, ideologies, values and national interests. Since 1947, the Congress which
had been the single , dominant power in India upto 1996 with two breaks for few
years has done nothing except Mrs. Gandhi’s 20 point programmes , to
implement Directive Principles in order to secure social justice to all . During the
period of coalition government in India were and are busy forging alliance with
the sole aim to reconstruct nation and politics. Corruption is found to dominate
political parties and this is so deep rooted in Indian politics that it is an uphill
task for any party in power to uproot corruption from all sphere of state.
32
Chapter - II Research Methodology
CHAPTER II
Research Methodology
The present study is directed towards the solutions of how the “ Directive
Principles of State Policy” if implemented through their constitutionalisation
promotes and ensures social justice. It has emphasized the development of this
theory that will inspire and impel the government to accord constitutional status
to the directive principles in a gradual process to make India a true welfare state.
The study is based on experienced or empirical evidences and supported by the
policies of the government to give considerable importance to the
implementation of the directive principles necessary to secure justice to all,
especially to the poor, the weaker and deprived class of people.
33
Chapter - II Research Methodology
The study investigates observation of the Apex court on the value and
importance of the Directive Principles of state Policy “in the interpretations of
Fundamental Rights and attempts to vindicate by way of analysis and elucidation
of interpretations between Preamble to the constitution, the Fundamental Rights
and Directive Principles of State Policy. It also systematically investigates and
explores how the coalition politics in India has created imperative situations that
lead the government to India to concentrate on the implementation of the
Directive Principles of State Policy. The Study further explores and investigates
the nature of exploitation , oppression and deprivation during the British
colonial rule in India.
The study has not overlooked or ignored the initiatives of the union government,
before the era of the coalition politics in India, in adopting and launching welfare
and national reconstruction programmes. It includes the effort of the congress
government under the primeminsitership of late Indira Gandhi and in tracing
and launching the twenty point programmes described as a concrete action to
combat the unhappy state of poverty, exploitation, inequality and social
insecurity. This was intended for the social, economic educational and cultural
development of Indian life in both rural and urban areas of India. The aim of this
programme was to make the country developed and self reliant.
34
Chapter - II Research Methodology
The study is carefully recorded and repeated. The procedures are described in
details. References are carefully documented. What the study validates and
establishes are objectively recorded. The conclusions are presented with
scholarly intentions and restraint. The written report and accompanying data are
made available to the scrutiny of associates or other scholars. Any scholars will
have the information necessary to establish, analyze, evaluate and even replicate
the study.
Research generates knowledge, and knowledge paves the way for discovery of
new areas. Research leads to the new horizon of knowledge and knowledge
fertilizes the field of research . Now we need to shed light on knowledge. This
knowledge is what may be called human ‘commonwealth’ . Knowledge consists
of all that a person knows and believes to be true. This is known as personal
knowledge . Personal knowledge is generally unexamined, unvalidated , and
therefore subjective .
35
Chapter - II Research Methodology
Step I: The effort of the research is focused on the topic of the present
dissertations with caption “Directive Principles of Social Justice: A study in the
context of Coalition Politics in India”.
Step II: Research hypotheses are formulated on the theory and constitute the
statement of possible relationship between the idea (Directive Principles) and
the truth (social justice) to be discovered and validated.
36
Chapter - II Research Methodology
Step III: Research questions will be identified and these are relevant to the study
which is subject to explanation and answer. This will be done to give a right
direction to what is required to be explored, investigated and validated.
Step IV: the specific procedures to collect and analyze data related to the topic of
the study are described.
Step V: An appropriate research design i.e. plan of action for validating the null
hypothesis is required to be carefully and logically designed.
Step VI: Hypothesis are formulated in order to arrive at the inferences on the
study. These Hypothesis are intelligent genesis about the possible link between
the theory and its validity i.e. between ‘directive principles’ and ‘social justice’.
Since they are to be verified by obtaining data or evidences , their formulation
has been done very carefully.
Step VII: The data collected have been analyzed and interpreted . The
development of the research plan has been made in accordance with the
research design or plan.
Step VIII: Hypotheses have finally been verified. This establishes the truth or
rationality or acceptability of the research topic. The research report has been
systematically prepared and includes the detailed procedures of the study,
findings conclusions and suggestions for the future study.
37
Chapter - II Research Methodology
A careful survey and review of research journals, books, dissertations, theses and
other sources of information pertaining to the problems to be investigated is one
of the important steps in any planning of any research study.
As the first step in this direction, I have judiciously identified the material to be
gone through and scanned. Some material for my study has been identified as the
primary source and some as the secondary source. In the primary sources the
author reports it on work directly in the form of research articles , books ,
monographs , dissertations or theses. These sources have provided me a basis
for making judgments about the present study to be investigated. The survey of
such sources has provided me a good source of information about the present
study to be investigated. It has also provided me a good source of information
about research methods used. Bibliographies, abstracts, indexes, encyclopedias,
etc. constitute the secondary sources of my research study. In these sources, the
author compiles and summarizes the results of research studies undertaken by
others and provides interpretations of these results. They have acquainted me
with major theoretical issues in the field and with the work that has been done
in the area under study . Secondary sources have proved to be of immense help
for me as they suggest guidelines of working with hypothesis and also introduce
me to important primary sources. They are excellent starting point to look for
relevant literature. Library is an important source for locating the information
of primary or secondary nature.
38
Chapter - II Research Methodology
39
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
CHAPTER III
(2) Indian Government and Politics (1984), by A.T. Philips and K. Shivraj
Rao ; Sterling Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi.
The book studies various aspects of Indian Government and the features of the
Constitution of India . It gives a brief survey of the landmarks of constitutional
developments and contains a detailed discussion on the formal structure of the
Constitution. It also analysis the political system, and explores the role of the
parties, the pressure groups. Casteism , regionalism and so on. It has also tried to
reflect the developments and trends in politics and the roles of the government
of India upto 1982.
40
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
(3) Political Theory and Constitution (1985) by S.D. Jathar and R. Rayaram,
Sterling Publishers Pvt. Ltd , New Delhi.
This is a book on political theories and institutions which have been clearly
explained and adequately illustrated. It helps the readers to develop their
concepts on various political theories and institutions. It gives a detailed and
systematic analysis of various political theories and principles of constitution
that helps the student of political science to conceptualize the subject It is
written in a very lucid style
The book deals with government and politics in India and with the concepts and
structures and the functioning of the political system. It discusses the
institutional structures, the constitutional framework and political forces. It also
contains some topics on Indian social, political and economic affairs. What is
immense importance of the book is that it offers a detailed analysis of the
meaning, value and implication of Preamble, Fundamental Rights and directive
Principles. The striking feature of the book is the author’s attempt to analyze
constitutional amendments and opinions and verdicts of the Supreme Court of
India upon the necessity of the implementation of the Directive Principles of the
State Policy in order to ensure social justice to all.
41
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
The book offers some intriguing ideas about the role of the political parties in
Indian Politics . It focuses on some social divisions that political parties in India
creates. Indian political parties look different because some institutional
difference . The role and structure of the state and the nature of social relation ,
constraint and Indian position. The book also deals with why religion and caste
based political parties have come to disseminate the electoral landscape in the
1990s and why catchall parties have evolved.
(8) Indian politics and the 1998 Election (1999) by Ramashray Roy and
paul Wallace . Sage Publications , New Delhi.
The book offers a critical analysis of General election held in 1998, in terms of
changes in the party system and on the basis of social support. It deals with the
emergence of a new formula of political alliance and gives stress on the
importance of regionalism in Indian politics. The book also explores a wide
range of important electoral role of social factors like caste , ethnicity. These
constitute , as the book presents it , the main components of Indian politics.
The book gives an idea of a ‘paralysis’ democracy and discusses how the party
system at both the national and regional level in India had evolved. It explores
the character of parties on the basis of ideology , social base and organizational
form and gives an assessment of parties and representation with special
42
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
reference to the idea of women. The book also provides an evaluation , the
significance and defectives of a representative democracy.
The book sheds light on the new era of rural urban relationship, social
stratification in rural India and social change in rural India. It also deals with
some critical issues relating to the socio economic life of rural people in
independent India.
This is a computer generated article which shows how the Supreme Court
directs the government to implement Directive Principle of State Policy to render
social justice to Indian Citizens.
The article deals with social protection being the core issue of social security and
throws light on the government initiative and effort to improve living standards
of the poor. It gives brief discussion of the programmes launched by the
government to secure protection of rights and freedom, justice and equality to
Indian citizens.
43
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
This is a study that deals with the relation between Fundamental Rights and
Directive Principle of State Policy and throws light on judicial behavior and
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) which plays an important role in the
implementation of DPSP
(14) Nyaya Deep (2014), National Legal service Authority, New Delhi.
This volume begins with a project on the issue of manual scavenging deep rooted
in Indian society which is denounced as a practice in violations of human rights
and human dignity . The survey conducted in this regard emphasizes the
abolition of this practice though there is legislation against it. The volume deals
with issues that covers a wide area of question that necessitate the provisions of
legal aid to the poor and other backward sections of the society. It also explores
the cases of violation of human rights and dignity in different states in India and
contains some reports on the successful organization of legal aid camps in the
separate parts of the country. The volume reminds us that social justice will
remain incomplete if the state does not provide for legal aid to ensure legal
justice to deserving individuals.
44
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
study is presented in simple and lucid language with ample illustrations and
references.
(16) West Bengal Correctional Services Act, 1992 and Prison reform in
West Bengal , 2014, Caeser Roy, Assistant Professor of Law, Midnapore Law
College, Vidyasagar university, Paschim Midnapore, WB.
The book deals with the overlapping themes of modernization and democracy in
India . Its narrative strategy gives light on specific puzzles on each chapter . The
resilience of Indian democracy in the face of the problems of wide spread
poverty , illiteracy and religious linguistic heterogeneity coupled with the
challenges posed by modernization and accelerated social change , is explained
in this book with reference to the cultural, institutional and social context of
India’s competitive free and fair electoral process. The book also gives an
insightful account of how the citizens of India evaluate the structure and process
45
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
The volume (2) deals with different dimensions of the caste system in India . It
discusses in details conceptual and theoretical issues and gives empirical account
of different dimensions of castes and throws light on the continuous changes
consecutive city life at a large population. The volume is the product of the
author’s , experiences about the community life which he has social mobility
It has also analyzed the pattern of social mobility among individual communities
and sections of the population and focuses the different dimension of the
political sociology of caste and identity politics.
(19) On the Margins: Tribes , castes and other Social categories 2013 ,
edited by Abhijit Dasgupta , Sage , New Delhi.
The volume (4) contains eleven essays . It investigates and explores different
features of marginalization among the Scheduled castes , the Scheduled Tribes ,
the Backward Classes, Women workers , minorities and physically challenged
persons and others . It discusses discriminations , deprivations and exploitation
of which the poor , the weaker sections upon their plight and demonstrates how
the deprived classes became active in their social protests and voice against
discrimination and deprivation in different sphere of social life.
46
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
The volume depicts caste society and is based on the life of the Dalits. It focuses
on their world view and critical appraisal of their own position and of the higher
groups. It deals with caste discrimination in Indian Society, atrocities and
alienation in the urban social structure, changes in the life of so called
untouchable community . Caste identity , struggle of dalit women for social
justice , the clashes between Dalits and the upper caste and the reservations and
the new caste alliances in India. The volume is a study of dalit life beset with
social injustice and social insecurity.
The book deals with issues of inter social group inequalities in human
development and social discrimination both governing the life of the backward
people. It traces incidents of deprivation that characterizes the socially
disadvantaged groups in Indian society. Which has been ignored in the National
Human development Reports and the State Development Reports. The book
throws light upon and explores exclusion linked deprivation of socially
disadvantaged of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and captures inter
social groups inequalities with respect to attainment of human development and
human poverty . It analyses economic factors linked with high deprivation of the
socially backward classes and finally examines the role of caste discrimination in
civil and political spheres. The book criticizes denial of right to development of
equal opportunities to the people of backward classes in Indian Society.
The book is based on the plight of children in India , who run away from homes
and catch trains . It presents the issues and challenges of reaching out to these
‘railway children’ while writing this book , the authors were inspired by the
experiences of Sathi , an NGO based in Bengalooru which deserves credit
47
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
rescuing many such children with their families . The book deals with close to the
stations . It examines carefully
This is an annual publication and aims at documenting recent trends and issues
connected with promotion of livelihood of the poor . It is a collection and
combination of the experiences and challenges of the livelihood sector. It gives
an analysis of case studies and reports of the progress of both government and
privately agonized programmesa. It causes the current state policy in India, the
current economic scenario and employment prospect in 2013. It also explores
the links to livelihood and behavior from social protection perspective.
The volume deals the problem of ‘women and law’ and examines women
centered laws and their efficiency . It focuses on violence against society . It
contains a range of concessions which includes domestic violence, empowerment
and labour , anti discrimination jurisprudence , family laws and land rights , the
right to health etc.,. It also examines the complexities in the intersection of
women’s rights with disability rights and women’s experiences of repressive
legislation such as TADA.
This is book written by Zia Mody creates enormous ripples among the legal
fraternity and change seekers in our country.
Zia Mody, the daughter of former Attorney General , Soli Sorabjee , dissects and
analyzes ten judgments which have had a significant impact on India. The
forward of the book was written by Soli Sorabjee who says that ‘Judiciary , at one
18
Computer generated material
48
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
time , was considered and projected to be the weakest branch of the state
because it possessed neither power of the purse nor power of the sword. This
myth has been abolished’.
Ten Judgments That Changed India has ten chapters , each dealing with a
judgment, though it actually covers a number of judgments leading up to the title
judgment and in many cases , follow on cases , which are equally important. Thus
the chapter on Maneka Gandhi case also covers the ADM Jabalpur case where the
Supreme Court ruled that a detenue could not file habeas corpus petition
challenging the legality of his detention during an emergency. The chapter of
Shah Banu Judgment also covers the Daniel Latifi case which succeeded it. Zia
Mody says as much when she suggests that in Keshvananda Bhararti and
Golaknath cases ‘the decisions were the kind where the judges primarily decided
on the ends and then set out to discover the means to achieve those pre
determined ends’. The verdict caused huge anger among the government
officials.
49
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
In this book the author has chronologically pointed out the landmark cases in the
Supreme Court which were deeply influenced by Nambiyar’s pointed arguments
in the A.K. Gopalan case. Nambiyar’s pointed, rational arguments have given a
new directions to the subsequent cases , that has ultimately led to the new
interpretation of Fundamental Rights guaranteed in the Constitution of India . In
the case A.K. Gopalan vs. State of Madras , his rational , sagacious and pointed
argument led the Apex Court to be convinced of the fact that no law can influence
the Fundamental Rights . The court later admitted the contention that the
Maintenance of Internal Security Act , 1971 violated the right guaranteed by Art.
19 (1) d.
A.K. Gopalan case has a wide ranging impact upon the subsequent cases in the
High Courts and Supreme Court. It has led to a healthy development of
constitutional law, which has ultimately secured judicial acceptance by the
Supreme Court . Mr. Nambyar’s arguments have been fully justified. The
consequence of this historic case led the Supreme Court to declare section 14 of
the Preventive Detention Act as unconstitutional on the ground of the section
being in contravention of provisions of Article 22 (5) of the Constitution. Even
the judges of the Supreme Court have several times praised Nambyar for his
inordinate and exceeding arguments in the A.K.Gopalan case. Keeping in view the
immensely wide implications of Nambyar’s re interpretation of several Articles
of Fundamental Rights Soli J Sorabjee’s assessment of Nambyar’s contribution to
India’s constitutional law has been aptly made in simple lucid and unambiguous
language.
50
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
This is the most important and comprehensive book that I have come across in
connection with Directive Principles and Social justice issues. Justice Iyer
through his enormous acumenship have developed the concept of justice. Mr.
Iyer bases his notions of justice not only on Preamble but on other provisisions
of the Constitution as well . Article 39 amplifies the concept of justice by
providing that the State direct its policy towards securing the objectives set out
in clauses (a) to (f) of the Aticle. But Iyer’s most profound contribution is to trace
the history of evolution of Fundamental Rights and Directive principles with
special reference to B. N. Rau’s observation ; why Directive principles were
made to be non justiciable , Shailja Chaunder with reference to Justice Iyer was
beautifully given.
The present book gives an universally applicable formula for the removal of
various inconsistencies and dichotomies between fundamental rights and
directive principles, and provides complete information and up-to-date law with
regard to present study. The first part of this book deals with the historical
background and present position. The second part comprises in itself the
detailed study of each and every fundamental right vis-a-vis directive principles
along with comparative table of relevant fundamental rights of foreign nations,
constitutional positions of articles 31B and 31 C and inter se relations between
fundamental rights and directive principles as a whole. The third part covers
within its purview the basic and fundamental principles the social justice and the
human rights and various impediments in the advancement of principles of
social justice and human rights within the constitution.
The uniqueness of the book is that it has given enormous importance on Article
31C. social legislations including 24th Constitutional Amendment Act, 25th
51
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
Author wrote “ Article 31B was first introduced by 1st Constitutional Amendment
Act. It validated certain laws that without Article 31A none of the acts and
regulations specified in 9th schedule or any provisions thereof shall be deemed to
be void.
In the case of Minerva Mills Ltd., vs Union of India , it was told that Article 31B
was conceived together with Article 31A as part of the same design adopted to
give protection providing for acquisition or an estate or any rights therein.
Modern Indian Political Thought , Vikash Publishing House,
With the replacement of the dominant party system in India, minority and/or
coalition governments in New Delhi have become the order of the day. Except for
the Congress minority government of P.V. Narasimha Rao and National
Democratic Alliance government of Atal Behari Vajpayee, all such governments
since 1989 have been unstable. Yet instability apart, coalition governments have
been effective in enhancing democratic legitimacy, representativeness and
national unity. Major policy shifts like neo-liberal economic reforms, federal
decentring, and grass roots decentralization, in theory or practice, are largely
attributable to the onset of federal coalitional governance. Coalition governments
in states and at the centre have also facilitated gradual transition of the Marxist-
Left and the Hindu-Right into the political establishment, and thus contributed to
the integration of the party system as well as the nation. The same major
national parties which initially rejected the idea of coalition politics have today
accepted it and are maturing into skilled and virtuoso performers at the game. In
a rather short span of over a decade, India has witnessed coalition governments
of three major muted hues: (a) middle-of-the-road Centrist Congress minority
52
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
government of P.V. Narasimha Rao, going against its Left of Centre reputation,
initiated neo-liberal economic reforms in 1991; (b) three Left-of-Centre
governments formed by the Janata Dal-led National/United Front; and (c) two
Right-of-Centre coalition governments formed by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led
National Democratic Aliance under Atal Behari Vajpayee, a votary of secular
version of Hindu nationalism. In the wake of the decline of Congress dominance,
the fragmentation of the national party system and the emergence of party
systems at the regional level have turned India into a chequered federal
chessboard. The past and likely future patterns of coalition governments in New
Delhi are suggestive of at least three models of power sharing: (a) coalition of
more or less equal partners, e.g. the National Front and the United Front, (b)
coalition of relatively smaller parties led by a major party, e.g. National
Democratic Alliance; and (c) coalition of relatively smaller parties facilitated but
not necessarily led by a prime minister from the major parties formed in 2004
around the Indian National Congress, avowing secular Indian nationalism. The
fifteen papers in this book analyse the various dimensions of coalition
government at the Centre and in some of the states of the Indian federation
against the background of a theoretical framework that seeks to integrate
coalitions among parties, castes and communities and tribes, as well as classes at
electoral, parliamentary, and cabinet levels. The fifteen papers in this book
analyse the various dimensions of coalition government at the Centre and in
some of the states of the Indian federation against the background of a
theoretical framework that seeks to integrate coalitions among parties, castes
and communities and tribes, as well as classes at electoral, parliamentary, and
cabinet levels.
That a diverse country like India has succeeded for over half a century as a
thriving democracy raises many questions about the relationship between
cultural diversity and social and economic inequality; the robustness of some
institutions and the weakness of others; the negotiation of political space,
ideologies, and identities by the state, political parties, and civil society; the
53
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
capacity of the state to redistribute wealth and alleviate poverty; and the
perceptions of India on the global stage. The Oxford Companion to Politics in
India provides answers through the most comprehensive survey of the Indian
political system till date. The depth and breadth of issues covered range from
elections to economic reforms; business and politics to redistribution and social
justice; coalition politics to judicial activism; and foreign policy. The 38 incisive
essays, written by well-known experts, have proved to be invaluable to students
and teachers of political science, sociology, journalism, history, and public
administration, as well as general readers. This paperback edition, with a new
Preface, revisits the enduring debates in Indian politics that will make this
already popular text more accessible to students and scholars.
The central question of this book seeks to address is “how have the forces of
Hindutva become powerful in the decades of 1980s and 1990s while they were
always marginal during the 1950s, 1060s, and even in 1970s. Given the
determinedly secular and quasi socialist policies that had emerged through the
unraveling of what Rajni Kothari has called the congress system (with its skilled
leadership , institutional resources, historical legitimacy , internal coalition, cross
sectional mobilization, patron client arrangements, and agenda coherence),
through factional infighting , defections, and policy failures. Some have looked at
the rising tide of regionalism provoked by parochial parties courting ethnic,
regional, primordial sentiments through traditional means. Others have
examined the instabilities inherent in the post Congress “post charismatic
anxieties”. Other have looked at the world wide phenomena of religious
fundamentalism skillfully orchestrated in India by a group of activities who were
able to channel the myths, symbols, and shibboleths of Hinduism into a political
message of chest thumping machismo , cultural pride and Aryan dynasty (quoted
in the website)
(31) Rise of the Plebeians?: The Changing Face of the Indian Legislative
Assemblies (Exploring the Political in South Asia), 9 Mar 2009
54
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
and is quoted freely by me .According to Mehra the book analyses the question
of ‘mirror representation’ in the State Legislative Assemblies and whether (and if
yes how and to what extent) it is changing the power balance and political
equations in States. It also unravels the policy impact of the growing ‘politics of
presence’ at a nodal point of democratisation of the Indian society and polity.
Taking caste as the key variable, as compared especially with class, the book
studies ‘how India’s caste-based social diversity translated into politics in a
dynamic perspective, over more than 60 years, at the State level’. ‘Mirror
representation’ is neither proportionate as yet, nor uniform across States, yet the
rules of the political game are not the same now, they appear to have been
changing since the 1970s and are decidedly different now, whether or not the
‘plebeians’, the phrase used by the editors to describe the rise of the ‘lower
castes’, have wrested power. The ‘politics of presence’ has also visibly impacted
the ‘politics of accommodation’, or Centrism, as the Rudolphs have termed it. The
volume consisting of rich data and quantitative analysis indicates that the
process of democratisation in India, though stable and functional, has also been
slow and incremental.
This analytical narrative of the ‘Rise of the Plebeians’ in India brings out an
uneven and unanticipated process through which the social (or caste)
composition of the representatives to the Legislative Assemblies in States from
various regions across the country is getting transformed. In the Hindi belt the
focus is on Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar; Punjab, in the
northwestern region; on Rajasthan and Gujarat; in the Deccan plateau on
Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh; in the areas populated by the
Adivasis such as Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh; the Communist-ruled States West
Bengal and Kerala; Himachal Pradesh and the NCT of Delhi; and finally, Tamil
Nadu where this transformation began early. Aside from analysing the data,
55
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
chapters focusing on each of the above mentioned States trace the trajectory of
the historical development of caste dynamics in Legislative Assemblies. The
emerging narrative brings out the interface between the ‘upper castes’, OBCs and
the Dalits and maps the shift from the predominance of the upper castes to the
newly emerging dominance of the OBCs and Dalits. The crucial element that
emerges is a new pattern of a dynamic social coalition, wherein each coalitioning
segment is crucial for the other in the new power game.
(32) A new phase of the polity (article) , The Hindu , 22 May 2014
In a series of articles over the next few days, The Hindu presents findings of
the National Election Study 2014, a post-poll survey coordinated by Lokniti,
Programme for Comparative Democracy at the Centre for the Study of
Developing Societies, Delhi. The overview of the series by Suhas Palshikar
talks about the five markers of this critical election
In this paper Prof. Suhash palshikar says that in the second decade of the post-
Congress polity (1999-2009), elections at last began to produce majorities. The
ruling coalitions remained comfortably in power for entire tenures, and by 2009,
one of the two main contenders managed to inch ahead of the other in terms of
seats and votes. Following that trend, Elections 2014 have firmly pushed the
polity back into the era of single-party majority. The post-Congress polity has
taken a firmly non-Congress route.
Second, the outcome of 2014 is likely to transform the terms of trade between
“national” and State parties. Through the 1990s we witnessed the rewriting of
the terms of power-sharing between the two larger parties on the one hand and
the many State-level parties on the other. Except for their reach, the distinction
between “regional” and “national” parties almost disappeared.
Palshikar further asks : Will that change now? Of course, there is a remarkable
stability to the votes and seats shared by non-Congress and non-BJP parties
amidst the political upheaval of 2014. However, the roles and leveraging capacity
of the State parties will undergo a change. As the structure of competition gets
transformed, State-level parties will face their biggest challenges in the coming
56
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
years. Some parties have emerged, if not stronger at least intact mostly thanks to
their alliance with the BJP. Some others have withstood the rise of the BJP and
held on to their own strength.
But it is clear that the ruling party will no more require a coalition arrangement
to come to power, Palshikar thinks . In a sense, the National Democratic Alliance
(NDA) now becomes redundant. Sure enough, the BJP will not immediately dump
its partners. But in the absence of their relevance for the survival of the
government, NDA partners will have lost much of their shine.
Besides, State parties will now be pushed back to the corner of their respective
States. None of them will have much of a say in the so-called national affairs of
policy, or in power-sharing. Their assertiveness will be limited to the matter of
Central aid to their respective States. This leaves a huge vacuum in terms of the
oppositional space. But previously Palshikar along with Yogendra Yadav says
that states and state politics now assume a more significant position in national
politics.
THE emerging scenario of Indian politics has two variations in the context of
social coalitions and the politics of the coalitioning social components. First, its
political manifestation moderates political ideologies, facilitating alliances
between contradictory and even conflicting social forces. Second, the rise of
intermediary castes and classes creates a social class balance in the economic
field as well as an economic dynamics that impacts political alliances and party
programmes.
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BSP supremo transformed the bahujan into sarvajan with great effect. Jasmine
Zérinini notes in the chapter on UP: ‘The rise in the upper-caste MLAs had been
achieved at the expense of SCs whose share in the party’s representation in the
Assembly had gone down to 30 per cent.’ This is what I have referred to as the
shift to ‘sarvajan’. However, it is still unclear as to whether it is a strategic
election-driven shift or an ideological one replacing the BSP’s anti-Brahmin
rhetoric expressed in the ‘bahujan’ slogan.
The Deccan Plateau has had a different political dynamics from the Gangetic
plain. It has observed the ‘unchallenged rule of dominant castes’ who have been
the rich farmer class. No wonder the emergence of regional parties with their
support, such as the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) in Andhra Pradesh, has led to
investment of the agricultural surplus in the new emerging avenues in the film,
hospitality and construction industries rather than the old established sectors of
industries. The TDP could thus forge an alliance between the upwardly mobile
backward castes (40-50 per cent of the State’s population) and the dominant
kamma caste to great effect till the 2004 elections.
ISBN0415408679
Focusing on politics and society in India, this book explores new areas enmeshed in
the complex social, economic and political processes in the country. Linking the
structural characteristics with the broader sociological context, the book
emphasizes the strong influence of sociological issues on politics, such as social
milieu shaping and the articulation of the political in day-to-day events. Political
events are connected with the ever-changing social, economic and political
processes in order to provide an analytical framework to explain ‘peculiarities’ of
Indian politics. Bidyut Chakrabarty argues that three major ideological influences
of colonialism, nationalism and democracy have provided the foundational values
of Indian politics.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
Twenty years ago India was still generally thought of as anarchetypal developing
country, home to the largest number of poor people of any country in the world,
and beset by problems of low economic growth, casteism and violent religious
conflict. Now India is being feted as an economic power–house which might well
become the second largest economy in the world before the middle of this
century. Its democratic traditions, moreover, remain broadly intact.
How and why has this historic transformation come about? And what are its
implications for the people of India, for Indian society and politics? These are the
big questions addressed in this book by three scholars who have lived and
researched in different parts of India during the period of this great
transformation. Each of the 13 chapters seeks to answer a particular
question:When and why did India take off? How did a weak state promote
audacious reform? Is government in India becoming more responsive(and to
whom)? Does India have a civil society? Does caste still matter? Why is India
threatened by a Maoist insurgency? In addressing these and other pressing
questions, the authors take full account of vibrant new scholarship that has
emerged over thepast decade or so, both from Indian writers and India
specialists,and from social scientists who have studied India in a comparative
context.
India Today is a comprehensive and compelling text for students of South Asia,
political economy, development and comparative politics as well as anyone
interested in the future of the world′s largest democracy.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
When India was invented as a "modern" country in the years after Independence
in 1947 it styled itself as a secular, federal, democratic Republic committed to an
ideology of development. Nehru′s India never quite fulfilled this promise, but
more recently his vision of India has been challenged by two "revolts of the
elites": those of economic liberalization and Hindu nationalism. These revolts
have been challenged, in turn, by various movements, including those of India′s
"Backward Classes". These movements have exploited the democratic spaces of
India both to challenge for power and to contest prevailing accounts of politics,
the state and modernity.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
About IiT
India in Transition (IiT), allows scholars from all over the world, the opportunity
to exchange various analyses and innovative ideas about India's current status
and growth. A complete archive of issues is maintained here.
October 9, 2012
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
E. Sridharan (Ed.)
Publisher:
Academic Foundation
India is in an era of coalition politics in which state politics plays a major role.
This compact book breaks new ground in empirical discoveries about the basis
of stable coalitions in Indian states, and also theorises the viability of multi-party
coalition governments at the national level in comparative perspective, and
examines the dynamics of competition and coalition formation. It consists of two
chapters on national-level coalitions and five chapters on states that have had
significant experience of coalition politics—West Bengal, Kerala, Punjab,
Maharashtra and Bihar. All chapters are based on extensive data collection and
interview-based fieldwork with political actors. The key findings are summarised
in the concluding chapter, that is, there is a clear pattern across states to the
stability of coalitions at the state level over time, and consists of two central
factors—stable pre-electoral seat-sharing and portfolio-sharing
arrangements.(quoted from website)
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
Adam Ziegfeld
October 11, 2010 India in Transition 2010 ,Center for the Advanced Study of
India and the Trustees of the University of Pennsylvania
Over the past fifteen years, the rise of regional political parties has been one of
the most important trends in India’s electoral politics. Whereas, thirty years ago,
these parties were marginal players on the national scene, today, they are
fixtures in national-level governments. Most observers have greeted the rise of
regional parties with suspicion; one source of concern is the belief that regional
parties reflect narrow regional identities that threaten the integrity of the Indian
state. A second concern is that regional parties are thought to bring about
instability. However, the evidence in support of both claims is slim, suggesting
that the negative influence of regional parties may be overstated.
Regional parties are, furthermore, not to blame for ushering in the coalition era.
Congress’ decline and the fracturing of the old Janata Party ensured that no
single party could win a majority on its own. In the late 1980s and early 1990s,
the beneficiaries of Congress’ electoral losses were national parties, the BJP and
Janata Dal, not regional parties. The rise of regional parties in the 1990s did not
truly begin until well after Congress’ decline and the advent of the coalition era.
Though coalition politics has certainly benefited regional parties, they were not
the ones to bring it about.
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punish them for their ideological inconstancy. Parties have no reason not to
foment instability since they rarely pay a price at election time. Thus, the sources
of India’s instability, particularly in the 1990s, have not been regional parties, but
rather coalition politics in a context in which policy debates and ideological
considerations do not drive electoral politics. Regional parties are not
responsible for this state of affairs; they have simply exploited it.
Here Palshikar contrasts the dominant two party system in two decades Actually
Jeffrelot, Yogendra Yadav , Sanjay Kumar, Irfan nooruddin, Vora, Zoya Hassan,
belong to same genre . While they have interpreted BJP’s Hindutva politics
differently , but the contents and tenor are basically same
The following footnotes given in this article “The making of a neo Hindu
democracy ‘ e , i.,
1. Suhas Palshikar, ‘The Defeat of the Congress’, Economic and Political Weekly
49(39), 27 September 2014, pp. 57-63.
2. Suhas Palshikar and K.C. Suri, ‘India’s 2014 Lok Sabha Elections: Critical Shifts
in the Long Term, Caution in the Short Term’, Economic and Political Weekly
49(39), 27 September 2014, pp. 39-49.
3. Yogendra Yadav, ‘The Elusive Mandate’, Economic and Political Weekly 39(51),
18 December 2004, pp. 5383-98 and Suhas Palshikar, ‘Majoritarian Middle
Ground?’, Economic and Political Weekly 39(51), 18 December 2004, pp. 5426-
30.
5. Pradeep Chibber and Rahul Verma, ‘The BJP’s 2014 "Modi Wave": An
Ideological Consolidation of the Right’, Economic and Political Weekly 49(39), 27
September 2014, pp. 50-56.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
He first looked at the election outcome. Three things strike even a casual
observer. One, ever since the Congress party government of Rajiv Gandhi was
defeated, a single party majority government has come to power for the first
time. Two, even if, as is often the case under the first past the post (FPTP)
system, the BJP got ‘only’ 31 per cent of the votes, this is the highest any party
has polled after 1991. Three, and perhaps most crucially, the main opposition of
the BJP, the Congress, finds itself hopelessly marginalized and demoralized.
Together, these three features make the outcome of the 16th Lok Sabha election
not only dramatic but full of possibilities. On the one hand, they indicate the
arrival of a political dispensation that may become the new centre of competitive
politics. On the other, they suggest that the nature of political competition itself
will change. But just as these two developments craft a dominant party system
once again, they also contain a possibility that the nature of India’s democracy
would alter in a major way.
Traditional wisdom about India’s politics revolved around the Congress party;
even the political strategy of most parties invariably centred on that party. This
is best evidenced by the long life of the politics of ‘non-Congressism’, which
emerged originally in the sixties and continued in the seventies. Much of the
coalition making since 1989 to 1999, too, was a continuation of non-
Congressism. That Congress-centric political calculation and political analysis is
now likely to get a burial. In this sense, the outcome of the general election of
2014 has inaugurated a new phase of Indian politics.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
For some time now, analysts have written about the decline of the Congress and
the halting rise of a ‘post-Congress’ polity. That process of change has now
culminated in the rise of the BJP. Ironically, this is not so much because the BJP
won the election (which it indeed did), but more the manner in which the
Congress lost! Going down to a historic low in terms of both seats and votes (44
and 19 per cent respectively) and getting wiped out in most states (including
even seemingly invincible strong-holds like Andhra and Maharashtra), the defeat
of the Congress marks a paradigmatic change in India’s politics.1
These developments have given rise to a new centre of competitive politics – the
BJP. Before we turn to the question of just how durable the BJP victory may be,
we need to appreciate that all assembly elections following the parliamentary
election of April-May 2014 are likely to have the BJP as a central factor. Assembly
elections in both Haryana and Maharashtra in October 2014 have indicated this
trend. In Jharkhand and Bihar, the BJP is already a major player, and looks
forward to gaining power on its own. In Jammu and Kashmir too, the BJP is set to
replace the Congress and, thereby, change the inter-community and inter-region
balance in the state.
The real weak spot of the BJP, traditionally, has been its rather narrow
catchment area, garnering votes mainly from the upper castes and some OBC
sections. This was already attended to in the last general election. Despite the
huge upper caste support that the BJP received in the 2014 election, it would be
incorrect to accuse the party of being ‘a party of only upper caste/class’ voters.
Its support was rather impressively spread across the OBCs, adivasis and
scheduled caste voters, and also across the lower income groups. 2 So, in all
likelihood, the BJP will occupy a central place in competitive politics, smaller
parties would gravitate towards it, state parties would not be willing and/or able
to put up a real alternative and the fragmented and disunited opposition is likely
to further magnify the dominance of the BJP.
The emergence of such a dominant force does not merely signify the changing
nature of competitive politics, it also indicates that the emerging political
dominance is likely to be based on more durable changes in the normative basis
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of politics. While the failings of the UPA government and the Congress party
contributed to the 2014 outcome, the BJP victory is indicative of long-term
processes rather than merely contingent factors. In a sense, the interregnum of
around twenty-five years since 1990 is the period during which many
characteristics of the earlier Congress system were displaced and a new
consensus shaped.
The nineties witnessed intense contestation over three issues. One was the claim
of the backward classes to power, another was the shift towards a more market
oriented economy, and the third was the issue of religio-cultural basis of national
identity. Of these three, the issue of economy was rather quietly set aside as most
parties chose to adopt the same approach to economic policy during that period,
the difference being one of scale, style and emphasis rather than the basic
approach. On the other hand, the issue of OBC claims proved to be more durable
and complicated.
Over the years, the meaning of democracy has shifted from a consensual and
accommodative approach to an exclusionary and militant assertiveness.
Compared to 2004, a substantially larger population has tilted towards a
majoritarian position today. In 2004, 35 per cent respondents could be identified
as majoritarian4 while in 2014 it has gone up to 52 per cent (author’s calculation
based on data from NES 2014, CSDS Data Unit). Though there is a sizable
presence of majoritarian voters among Congress too, the BJP attracts a greater
proportion of majoritarian voters. It has also been argued that socially
conservative voters are more likely to vote for the BJP.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
formal efforts by the party and government but through scattered initiatives
emanating from outside. Already, in the short time since the last parliamentary
elections, claims have been made about ‘all residents of India’ being Hindus, and
yet it has been argued that non-Hindus should not be allowed to participate in
the Navaratri celebrations. Above all, we see the unleashing of a harsh rhetoric
on inter-religious marriages. Such signals about boundary maintenance and a
majoritarian construction of culture and nation intimate the arrival of a new
hegemony.
For decades, India has been a conservative democracy governed by the upper
caste notables coming from the urban bourgeoisie, the landowning aristocracy
and the intelligentsia. The democratisation of the ‘world’s largest democracy’
started with the rise of peasants’ parties and the politicisation of the lower castes
who voted their own representatives to power as soon as they emancipated
themselves from the elite’s domination. In Indian state politics, caste plays a
major role and this book successfully studies how this caste-based social
diversity gets translated into politics.
This is the first comprehensive study of the sociological profile of Indian political
personnel at the state level. It examines the individual trajectory of 16 states,
from the 1950s to 2000s, according to one dominant parameter—the evolution
of the caste background of their elected representatives known as Members of
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the Legislative Assembly, or MLAs. The study also takes into account other
variables like occupation, gender, age , cats, voting pattern, voting behavior,
historical trends of voting , over and above the coalition governments.
As stated, I have made use of a number of sources while preparing the research
methodology for the study: (i) reference literature; (ii) research periodicals; (iii)
abstracts; (iv) government documents; (iv) monographs ; (vii) newspapers and
(viii) computer generated reference materials for the identification , selection
and cultivation of related literature.
In the dissertation, Coalition Politics and the Issues of Social Justice…. I have
made use of maximum references of news papers, magazines and periodicals. I
found The Hindu Businessline very useful in studying coalition politics
although this is basically and economic new paper. Also I have made use of a
number of sources while preparing the research methodology for the study: (i)
reference literature; (ii) research periodicals; (iii) abstracts; (iv) government
documents; (iv) monographs ; (vii) newspapers and (viii) computer generated
reference materials for the identification , selection and cultivation of related
literature.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
The review of related literature has acquainted me with the current knowledge
of the field in which I have conducted the research. It has provided me the
theoretical and empirical framework from which the topic of my study has been
derived. The review has eliminated the risk of duplication of what has been done.
It has helped me as a researcher to define the scope of the study and limit it. The
study of research literature has updated my knowledge on the results of the
work. This background information has enabled me to state and formulate the
objectives and hypotheses of research study. The comprehensive review of the
related literature has given me a scope to investigate the role of coalition politics
in India since 1977 in terms of the governments initiative to implement the
“Directive Principles of State Policy ‘’ so as to do full social justice to each
individual of India . The study of related literature has given me an
understanding leading to the research methodology.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
planning of my research study. It would have not been possible for me to plan
my research study if I failed to study and review the books and articles related
to it.
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
(a) The British Colonial Rule in India was one of exploitation and oppression .
The people of India were ruthlessly exploited and inhuman treated . They were
denied even minimum rights to live in their own lands as human beings. They
were hated as inferior to the Europeans and never treated on a footing of
equality. The British colonialism had a damaging impact on Indian traditional
social and educational system. It appeared to the Indians not only economically
ruinous but also politically unjust. The Indian political thinkers during the British
rule in India voiced against ruthless British exploitation. They called for
country’s freedom from the colonial rule to secure justice to Indians.
(b) The Preamble to the Indian Constitution is the declaration of the framers of
the constitution to continue the country’s sustained effort to secure to all Indians
social, economic and political justice to uproot equality through socialism , to
preclude discrimination on the religious ground through secularism and to
establish democracy through unrestricted people’s participation in politics. We
should not stick to the view that the Preamble is a mere borrowing from the
Irish Constitution into the Constitution of India because every Constitution
begins with a Preamble. The Preamble is added to our constitution with definite
aims and objectives to ensure social justice to Indians which they were deprived
by the British imperialism . It is regarded as they key to unlock the minds of the
framers of the Constitution and is expressive of the dreams of a new order they
had been dreamt of for years. Hence the Preamble is a very significant part of the
Constitution of India.
(c) The ‘Directive Principles of State Policy’ , though not enforceable in the court
of law is considered to be fundamental as guiding principles for making and
administering laws. The principles as enunciated in the Directive Principles are
regarded as the ideal or goal of free India and aim at combining political justice
with economic and social justice. This combination will pave the way for India to
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
(e) Public Interest Litigation, a distinctive innovation by the Supreme Court, aims
at ensuring social justice. It has been playing significant roles in protecting the
rights of the individual against the executive and against oppressive legislation.
Hence PIL is intended to ensure basic human rights, constitutional as well as
legal to those who are in a socially and economically disadvantaged position on
account of poverty , disability or other special economic impediments. On the
basis of PIL the area of judicial intervention has been immensely widened.
(f) Free Legal aid Services constitute a very effective way to the guarantee of
legal justice to the poor , helpless women and other eligible persons of India. This
provision aims at legal justice as a step towards social justice.
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74
Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
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Chapter - III Review of Related Literature
The data or evidences which I have collected shed light on the poor and pitiable
conditions of children and women in the Indian society. In the words of Ram
Ahuja –“ Women in India have been victims of humiliation , torture and
exploitation for as long as we have written records of social organization and
family life”. This is the real picture of the condition of our women in society. The
government of India has made laws to ban torture on and social injustice to
women.
Law has been framed to proscribe child labour and enactment has been made to
provide education free of cost to all children of India. Sarva Siksha Mission (SSA=
Education for All) is a national programme intended to provide education to all
children . The Right to Education (RTE) Act, enacted in 2009 gave a statutory
base for providing education. Many other welfare programmes to render social
justice to all have been launched as parts of the implementation of the Directive
Principles of State Policy. The Indian National Food security Act 2013 is an
important implementation of Directive Principles to ensure the provision of
subsidized food grains and the Supreme Courts’ recognition of the transgender
as the third gender ) April 15, 2014 ) is one of the most remarkable judicial
decisions to protect their rights as human beings. I have discussed this in details
in separate chapters in this research study.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
CHAPTER – IV
The British Rule in India may be interpreted as the dark and disastrous time for
Indian people. It was the rule solely aiming to strengthen the British
Imperialism at the cost of the social security and social justice of the people of
India who were everywhere in society crushed by poverty and exploitation,
denied the minimum amount of social justice, deprived of rights as human beings
and humiliated as inferior creatures not better than animals that we keep, tame
and domesticate. No plausible argument whatsoever could challenge the cruel,
inhuman and discriminatory reality of the Indian social life in British India.
The Conquest of India by the British and their continued presence in the country
thereafter, opened a chapter of sustained economic exploitation of and political
domination over the Indian people. The invader colonized India and began
exploiting the country only to make Britain an economic giant. They had stayed
in India for about two centuries but never sought assimilation into Indian
society. They had continued to maintain a distinct British or colonial social
identity. They had ruled India as rulers and had been least interested in the
socio-economic development of Indian social life. Social welfare or security for
the people of India was perhaps not their concern. What was the supreme
concern for the British colonial power in India was to firmly establish its rule in
the country and to exploit the country to the maximum extent. We find no
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
The history of the British rule in India has given us a grim picture of Indian
social, political and economic life. The British rulers almost did nothing to
develop Indian society dominated by obscurantism and superstition and to adopt
and introduce constructive education policy in order to develop and spread
education in India to unify caste-ridden society to awake socio-political
consciousness in the Indian people and to secure them social justice. The
Western education that the British rulers introduced in India was intended to
strengthen and facilitate the British administration in the country. The purpose
was to consolidate the British imperialism in India and then to continue
exploitation unabated . No initiative was taken to narrow the gap prevailing
Indian society between the rulers and the ruled in British India on the footing of
equality and justice.
British imperialism in India harmed Indian social life and the structure of society
which was governed by social rule framed and enforced to uphold social security,
peace and justice, though the nature of the society feudal since pre British
period. It does not mean that the pre-British society was exploitation-free and
social justice was the prevailing feature of the Indian social life. Exploitation that
prevailed in the society was limited to the small region and to the small extent
and social injustice was not reduced to the inhuman level. Social stability which
was an aspect of Indian society was conducive to social justice and social
security.
The advent of British rule in India initially proved disastrous as it was the rule
meant to exploit the Indians. It powerfully destabilized society in several critical
aspects. It exercised a destabilizing effect on the Indian social system in general.
The British rulers looked upon the Indians as somewhat inferior-natives. The
Indians and Europeans were never treated on a footing of equality.
Consequently, the seeds of social inequality and discrimination were sown,
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
watered and nurtured, and the evils of it have vitiated not only the pre-
independent Indian society but the post-independent Indian society as well. The
British devised a system of education which developed the indigenous system of
education which was praised by scholars like Hieun Tsang in ancient time and
Al-Beruni in the medieval period. They introduced English education to produce
clerks to serve their commercial and political interests. The immediate impacts
of English education were (I) disintegration of the existing system of education
and (II) the growth of a source of their inherent inferiority in the minds of
Indians themselves.
The British laid railways, developed road communication and introduced posts
and telegraphs, not to develop Indian social and national life but to meet the
needs of administration and commerce. A wide network of roads was built up to
facilitate quick movement of the army, though these activities to improve the
system of communication were of great necessity for the improvement of the
infrastructure of British administration in India . “The growth of manufacturing
industries and consequent urbanization and the land settlement system
introduced by the British inevitably led to the disintegration of the system of
joint family in India. The new system also led to the emergence of a powerful
middle class consisting of absentee zamindars, lawyers, teachers and traders.”
The British imperial expansion was the direct consequence of maturing
capitalism in England. The British needed India as a secure market for their
surplus industrial products and also as a source of supply of cheap tropical raw
materials. In this respect, the British exploited the working class, the agrarian
class and the weaker sections of the society. Workers were subjected to inhuman
work exploitation in British industrial institutions and paid far less in
comparison to their labour. The motive of British rule was to bring about
prosperity for the British bourgeoisie at the cost of the Indian peasants and poor
artisans. This deprived class was denied justice everywhere. The people of India
were beset with social insecurity and victims of social discriminations during the
British rule in India. Crisis of food and shelter was the all-pervading reality of
Indian life.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
The British colonial rule in India exposed the ugliest face of British imperialism.
The British rule in India was designed and motivated only to exploit India, and
to oppress the people of India. The British oppression on Indians crossed all
human limits and for them, equality, liberty and justice became words of dream.
India was subjected to the most ruinous economic exploitation. Indian
agriculture, industry and commerce – all had to bear the brunt of British
exploitation.
Indian agriculture was most affected by the British rule. The British introduced
different types of land revenue system in different parts of India – all intended to
earn and collect the highest possible revenue at the cost of Indian peasants and
Indian agriculture . The peasants’ interests were always ignored and denied.
Lord Cornwallis introduced the system of Permanent Settlement in Bengal. This
system created a class of zamindars who were only interested in realizing ever -
increasing revenue from the helpless peasants and did not have any interest in
the improvement of land or the condition of the helpless peasants or tillers. The
resumption of rent free land by the Company also had a tremendous debilitating
effect on India's village economy. The Indian rulers had granted Brahmin and
Muslim saints and other noble people rent-free lands in recognition of their
scholarship and distinguished services to the State. The Company, in its bid to
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
raise as much revenue as possible resumed the rent-free lands. This resumption
recommended by the Indian Commission of 1852, deprived as many as 21000
rent-free grant- holders of their livelihood. Indian traders were denied justice
because of the unfair policy of trade and commerce of the political rulers. The
colonial rule not only destroyed Indian industries, but played havoc with Indian
agriculture and village and cottage industries, and thus snapped the backbone
of Indian economy. Indeed before the advent of British rule, agriculture and
cottage industry were the pillars of the Indian economy. The British rule ruined
both the trade policy that was formulated to unduly favour British exporters and
led to the ruin of Indian industry. The land revenue system which the British
introduced ruined Indian agriculture. The British land revenue system created a
class of exploiting zamindar class with no interest in the development of either
the land or the cultivators or tillers of land.
The purpose of the British Raj was the exploitation of Indian resources to serve
British economic and political interests. As a result, the economic policies
pursued by the British imperial government transformed India by the end of the
nineteenth century into a classic colony. Though the British rule unified India
politically , the Indian economic and social development was completely
subordinated to the interests of capitalists of Britain. Indian agriculture was
highly taxed for imperial interests. The transformation of India's economic and
social structure within the overall parameter of colonial relation to which India
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
The people of the country were exposed to ruthless exploitation. This generated
in them intense animosity toward the British rule. The people resented the
discriminatory attitude of the British administration towards the natives. Indians
were not appointed to the high posts in British administration in India. Even
through the Charter Act of 183319or the Queen's Proclamation of 185820 it was
assured that no discrimination would be made on grounds of race, colour or
religion but in reality, Indians were not even given the post of police
superintendent or any army post above that of a sergeant. This was combined
with the total denial of political rights of the Indians in the British administration
prior to 1858. They had no right to send any representative to the Council of the
Governor or the Council of the Governor General. Dr. R.C. Majumder commented
“All the while the Indians were mere passive onlookers – they had no place or
power in the administration of their own country.” Thus it is quite clear that
during the British rule the Indians were deprived of political rights and became
victims of discrimination. They were denied equality and justice at all levels in
the British Raj.
19
The Charter Act of 1813 legalized the British Colonization of India and the and the
territorial possessions of the company were allowed to remain under its government but
were held in trust for his majesty, his heirs and successors” for the service of
government of India.
20
The important feature of queen’s proclamation were the following. The Act laid down that
hence forth India shall be governed by and in the name of queens
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
The British rule had a demoralizing , destabilizing and disorganizing impact upon
the socio-economic , socio -cultural and socio- political life of Indians . It was
more a curse than a blessing for Indians. Though it is held that the British rule
produced some notable beneficial effects as it powerfully contributed towards
bringing about a political unification to a politically fragmented country and
brought India in contact with the West, and this a aroused India from medieval
slumber, it was held responsible for the miseries of people. It was a rule to be
branded as tyrannical, exploitative and purely undemocratic.
21
In 1878 Vernacular Press Act was passed. This Act empowered the Magistrate to secure
and undertaking from the editor, publisher and printer of a vernacular newspaper that
nothing would be published against the English government.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
Bentham, Mill and Carlyle and the concepts of democracy and rule of law. The
feeling of patriotism and the sense of nationalism was one of the valuable gifts of
the British rule in India. The modern Indian nationalism came to appreciate the
value of ideals like liberty, democracy and rule of law. English education
introduced in India, paved the way for India's regeneration and led India to
experience a socio-cultural renaissance which acted as the soil for the growth of
Indian nationalism. English education proved to be an inspiring force for great
Indians to uproot social evils from Indian society. Raja Ram Mohan Roy fought
against the practice of Sati and finally succeeded in abolishing it. Vidyasagar
introduced widow marriage and M.K Gandhi did away with untoucability.
Here almost ends the good effects produced by the introduction of British
imperialism in India. The major and all -pervading effects of the British rule on
the Indian social, political and economic life are damaging and destructive. The
British rule sapped the Indian economic strength and gave birth to various social
discriminations and inequalities. It widened the gap of class division and created
a new class called the capitalist class which was out to exploit and oppress the
weaker and the working class in the Indian society. The Indian society became a
ground for class conflicts. The weaker sections of the society were subjected to
political oppression and socio-economic injustice. Economic deprivation and
social injustice reigned supreme in the society. The British government did
nothing to ensure social security to the people of India. Hence, the British rule in
India might be interpreted as one of disastrous impact upon India as a whole.
The Indian political thinkers were very much critical of the British rule in India.
Most of them condemned exploitation, oppression and discrimination which
gripped the social life in India. They advocated not only political democracy but
also economic planning and socialism in order to secure social security and
justice for the people of India. They viewed that the British rule was responsible
for India's economic ruination and political subjugation. They demanded the
British to stop exploitation, social and political discrimination and to ensure
equality, liberty and justice to all.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
were the main reasons for the poverty of the country . Gokhale was the founder
of the framework of the basic concepts of the welfare state in India and an ardent
advocate of industrialization through a judicious policy of protection of the infant
industry and public support for home-made goods.
Lajpat Rai showed the necessity of the educational, social and economic uplift of
the country. Aurobindo Ghosh pointed out the flaws of the capitalist system of
economy and severely criticized authoritarianism, concentration of power and
increasing control of bureaucracy. However, he respected the egalitarian
philosophy of socialism. Rabindranath Tagore denounced imperialism and
exploitation of man by man. He pleaded for liberty of thought and action and
liberty of conscience . Gandhi denounced capitalism and parliamentary
democracy of the liberal variety. He was against greed for material wealth,
gigantic industrialization, ecological degradation and bourgeois democracy. He
was opposed to both centralization of political power and urbanisation of
economic powers. He showed the necessity of rural reconstruction and a social
and economic order. Behind these views there was a deliberate attempt of
Gandhiji to make the people of India aware of the capitalist policy of the British
colonialism towards continuous exploitation of Indians .
B.R. Ambedkar was very keen to establish a genuinely liberal and democratic
system of governance in India. He was the champion of the untouchables. His
scholarly writings, his erudite speeches, , his leadership and his constructive
campaigns for social justice, the weaker classes of the Indian society made the
whole nation aware of the political, economic and social problems of the
untouchable community. He sought to vindicate people's dignity, right and
equality in social relations and vehemently opposed class discrimination that
dominated the Indian social life. He fought for the cause of social equality and
ultimately succeeded, to a great extent, in ushering in a silent revolution in
Indian society. He stood for the social liberation, economic emancipation and
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
political advancement of the deprived classes whom the British colonial rule
attempted to isolate from Indian mainstream with the foul intention to weaken
the unity among Indians.
Acharya Narendra Deva who was a bitter critic of British rule in India , believed
in democratic socialism and favoured decentralisation of power and
responsibility. Though he was influenced by the Marxian ideology of class
struggle, he was opposed to totalitarianism. He believed that decentralisation in
administration and economic sphere alone would save the state from
totalitarianism. It was his firm belief that for the maximisation of production of
wealth and human welfare socialisation of industry and planned economy is
indispensable. In his opinion, co-operatives are an essential factor in socialism.
His aim was to establish an industrial democracy in India.
Acharya Narendra Deva, who was an outstanding socialist intellectual stood for
social ownership and opposed trusteeship idea as advocated by Gandhi. He
believed that property rights should be in consequence with national interests.
He stressed the necessity of the end of exploitation and oppression of the
working classes which is indispensable for social justice and security. “He
attempted to give the Indian Freedom Movement a socialistic orientation . His
emphasis on economic programme for mobilising mass action enabled him to
combine the nationalist freedom struggle with the agitation for emancipating the
working class and peasants.”
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
revival for many years in independent India. Dr. Lohia realized that the end of
British colonialism in India could alone protect the country’s economy ,
safeguard the social and economic interest of people and paved the way for
rights and social justice for the people of India.
Dr. Lohia stood for egalitarian society --equality between sex, equality between
classes and every other kind of equality was dear to him. He strongly opposed
the caste system of Indian society. According to him, caste represents restricted
opportunity, constrict ability , and constricted ability further restricts
opportunity when caste prevents opportunity and ability that are restricted to
ever narrowing scope of opportunities for the people. The British rule prepared
the ground for further casteist problem and the problem of class division in
Indian society. According to him, “Caste turns a country into the arid desert of
intellectual inadequacy.” Lohia pungently lambasted and denounced caste
oppression and deprivation in British India. He believed that Indian political
failure was doomed without the uplift of the shudras, harijans, the tribal
population and other backward classes. He advocated professional treatment for
the downtrodden to enable them to act at par with the rest.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
Jaya Prakash Narayan was the foremost leader, propagandist and spokesman of
Indian socialism. He was inspired by M.N. Roy and deeply impressed by the
Marxian philosophy of revolution But he did not admit or recognize Marxism as
an appropriate solution for India's problems. This made him change his ideology
in favour of democratic socialism. He regarded the British rule in India as an evil.
In post-independent India, he had emerged himself as a new force for social
justice and democracy of which the people of India were deprived in British
India. In the early 1970s, he played a crucial role of a valiant fighter against
political autocracy and administrative corruption and the champion of people's
democratic rights against the infamous 'internal emergency' imposed by late
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.During this phase of his life he translated his
unique ideology of 'Total Revolution'. The idea 'Total Revolution' aims at
bringing about a complete change in the prevailing system of Indian society. It is
not only a system of social and economic reconstruction of the Indian society but
also a philosophy of moral and spiritual rebirth of the people of India. According
to Brahmanas, writer of the book entitled “Towards Total Revolution” he
states that total revolution is essentially a people's movement and not a partisan
movement, aiming at a thorough social transformation in every human activity,
economics, politics, education, culture, social relations and other social realities
related to social justice. It visualizes setting up of a real and effective people's
power for the uplift of all. In short, Narayan’s total resolution is a blend of seven
revolutions – civil, economic, political, cultural, ideological intellectual,
educational and spiritual. Narayan was considered as an authority on Indian
socialist thinking. He had a clear understanding of the ills of the bourgeois
society in India and propagated democratic socialism as an answer to India's
backwardness and political vulnerability as democracy. He was committed to his
goal of working for a harmless society free from all kinds of exploitation of the
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
class- based society by the strong , of poor by the rich. The goal of the total
revolution is not to capture political power.
Jawaharlal Nehru was deeply influenced by the English humanist liberation, the
rationalist and democratic egalitarian tradition of Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb
and Bertrand Russell. He initiated the experiment of democracy and economic
development under state leadership. He wanted to lay the foundation of a strong,
democratic, secular and socialist India. Nehru had his own vision of life based on
some kind of socialistic India. He basically followed the British socialists when
thinking of and implementing socialism in India. He shared their belief that
concentration of economic power of land and capital in a few hands must first
be abolished to bring socialism. His government adopted legislative measures to
encourage land reforms and to abolish zamindari system. All land reforms-
legislations were put beyond judicial scrutiny by including them in the Ninth
Schedule of the Constitution.
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
Netaji Subhas Bose was a dynamic political activist as well as a dynamic political
thinker. His own vision was to reconstruct the India. He fought not only for
political freedom of India but also for social and economic freedom for them. He
viewed social and economic equality as the basis of freedom. He struggled hard
for the country's emancipation from imperial exploitation and also for achieving
socialism in India. In his presidential speech at Haripur Congress (1938)22 he
mentioned, “I have no doubt in my mind that our chief national problems relating
to the eradication of poverty, illiteracy and disease and to scientific production
and distribution can be effectively tackled only along socialistic lines”.He was a
socialist by conviction. But he was led to build up socialism in India in an Indian
way. Indian socialism, he argued, was to be built up taking into account India's
history and tradition, her economy, sociology and culture, He was for the
abolition of landlordism, liquidation of agricultural loans and provision of cheap
agricultural loans or credit in rural areas. In recent times , we have seen that the
Government of India has introduced many schemes in this direction to improve
agriculture and to provide financial and technical support to farmers as a step
towards justice to them.
The Indian political thinkers are very much critical of the British rule in India.
British imperialism in India had a ruinous effect on the Indian social and
economic life. It broke the spinal of Indian economy, it exposed the country to
maximum exploitation. People were denied rights and basic liberties. They were
22
The India National Congress held its 51 st sessions during last month at Haripura in
Bardoli under the leadership Jawharlal Nehru who has held office for more than eighteen
month , the Congress has grown by leaps and bounds…
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
Summary
India achieves freedom in 1947. This was the culmination of a whole series of
anti-imperialist movements, which were the integral parts of the Indian national
movement. India which became independent needed the Constitution to ensure
good governance and justice and protection against all forms of deprivation to
which the people of India were subjected in British India. The national leaders
and political thinkers vowed to rebuild India into a real nation which would
dispense justice to people, protect the weak and the poor against exploitation
and oppression to ensure equality and justice to all and secure freedom for all.
India would develop into a land where there would be no discrimination and
deprivation. There was the basis and spirit of our national leaders and
constitution framers. Accordingly, the Constitution of India was framed, adopted
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Chapter - IV Denial of Social Justice to Indians in British India
and introduced and the Preamble to the Constitution' reflects the hopes and
aspirations of our national leaders and constitution frames about the future
shape, identity and role of India.
93
Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
CHAPTER – V
23
M.V .Pylee
94
Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
95
Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
The 42nd Amendment to the Constitution of India, 1976 has added the words
'Socialist',' 'Secular' and 'Integrity of Nation' to the Preamble in our Constitution.
The Republic has now become 'Socialist' and 'Secular'. The decision to include
the word 'SOCIALIST' is significant. India has been steadily marching towards
some form of socialism since 1953 when the Congress party accepted it as its
ideal a socialist commonwealth. The aim is to establish socialism in India.
Socialism will be achieved by the parliamentary Acts.
24
Operation Barga was a land reform movement throughout rural west Bengal for recording
the names of the share croppers while avoiding the time consuming method through the
settlement machinery . It bestowed on Bargadars , the legal protection against eviction
by the landlords, and entitled them to the due share of the produce. Operation Barga
was launched in 1978 and concluded by the mid 1980s. It is in line with the Directive
Principles of State Policy ( Article 34)
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Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
Since India had been long subjected to all kinds of injustice – political, economic
and social – under the British Government, it was but natural that the framers of
our Constitution hope for justice for all and strive for the removal of all
inequalities and discrimination from the society. Justice can exist only in an
egalitarian society because justice will be a reality when everybody has equal
access to equality to be real, must be given equally. Justice means, “A harmonious
reconcilement of individual conduct with the general welfare of society. The
essence of justice is the attainment of the common good. It embraces, as the
Preamble proclaims the entire social, economic and political spheres of human
activity.”
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Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
The ideal of justice implies a system where individuals can realise their full
potentialities. In the view of our founding fathers it is not enough that there is a
political or legal justice. Political and legal justice is a myth unless accompanied
by social and economic justice. Social justice implies that all social
discriminations like caste or untouchability must be ended. Economic justice
implies that economic exploitation should be ended. India is striving her best to
secure social and economic justice to all and adopts policies and programmes to
build up a society of equals and frames rules and laws to provide equality of
status and opportunity. These ideals have been embodied in Articles 14-18
(Rights to Equality), 19-22 (Right to Life and Liberty) and specially in Article 38
(to promote the welfare of the people).
The Preamble may not have any legal value because it cannot normally qualify
the provision of the Constitution. Yet in cases of doubt, the Supreme Court of
India has referred to the Preamble to elucidate vague provisions of the
Constitution. The real value of the Preamble lies in its psychological appeal
because it contains words surcharged with emotions – justice, liberty, equality
and fraternity. The philosophy of the Constitution is embodied in the Preamble.
As Justice Hidayatulla said, The Preamble is more than a declaration. It is the
soul of our Constitution and lays down the pattern of our political society. It
contains a solemn resolve which nothing but a resolution can alter. Grenville
Austin says that the Indian Constitution is a social document. It aims at
establishing a better society on the basis of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity
and the Preamble commits the Constitution to a social revolution. The whole of
the Indian Constitution is an elaboration and an elucidation of the Preamble.
The ideals and values proclaimed in the Preamble, according to Chief Justice P.B.
Gajendragadkar, constitutes India's commitment to the ideal of welfare state and
to the establishment of socio-economic justice. Social justice as declared in the
Preamble prohibits discrimination on artificial grounds; it also prohibits forces
creating artificial social barriers. Economic or distributive justice is a corollary to
social justice. It means freedom from hunger and destitution, non-exploitation of
the working class, and reshaping economy in a way that its benefits are equitably
or justly available to the common mass. This socio-economic justice has been
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Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
translated into several Articles in Part III and Part IV of the Constitution. The goal
of social justice and security is embodied in the concept of a welfare state and the
establishment of 'socialist states'.
99
Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
Supreme Court in the Berubari Case (1968)25, Bhim Singh vs. Union of India,
198126; Gopalan vs State of Madras, 1950. “The functioning of the Preamble is
illuminative and not restrictive or expansive.” In Keshavananda Case, though the
Supreme Court declared the Preamble as a part of the Constitution, it could not
suggest that the government could derive any additional power from the
Preamble. Hence, the court cannot be expected to examine the constitutional
validity of a legislative enactment or administrative measure by keeping their
attention confined to the Preamble. The Preamble may better be looked upon as
a 'guiding star' in the interpretation of law.
Dr. Durga Das Basu has made a very significant comment on the legal implication
of the Preamble. He observes that “The proper functioning` of a Preamble is to
explain certain facts which are necessary to be explained before the provisions
contained in the Act can be understood.”27 But the Preamble itself as the then
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court P.B. Gajendragadkar aptly observes, “is
neither a source of power nor a source of the privation of power.”
The recent observation of the Supreme Court on the implication of the Preamble
in matter of rational interpretation of Fundamental Rights is quite significant.
The court is inclined to give expression to the view that since the Preamble sets
forth the aims and objectives of the political system of India, “it may be invoked
to determine the scope of Fundamental Rights.” (Minerva Mills vs. Union of India,
1980) and the 'Directive Principles of State Policy' (State of Kerala vs. Thomas
25
The Berubari Union and ……. Unknown on 14 March , 1960 . Judgment.
Gajendragadkar J. This will be so divided as to give half the area to Pakistan the other half
adjacent to India lies retained by India. The division of Berubari Union no 12 will be
horizontal, starting fromNorth East corner of Debigunj thana. The division should be
made in such a manner that the Cooch Behar enclave of Pachaghar thana of east Pakistan
and Berubari Union no. 12 of Jalpaiguri thana of West Bengal will remain connected as
present with Indian lower down between Boda thana of east Pakistan and Berubari
union No. 12 will be exchanged along with general exchange of enclaves and will go to
Pakistan”
26
Bhim Singh Vs. Union of India & Another; Judge, Manomohan Sarin ; decided on Jul. 26 -
2000
27
D.D. Basu’s Introduction to the Indian Constitution
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Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
1996, Waman Rao And others vs. Union of India 198028 ) ; what led the Supreme
Court to express this view about the Preamble is the interrelationship between
the 'Preamble' and 'Fundamental Rights'. It attaches this importance to the
Preamble because the ideals of socialism, secularism and democracy are
elaborated by the provisions of the Constitution. In the case of Linogappa vs
State of Maharastra, 1985 and Indira Swaney vs. Union of India, 1992, the
Supreme Court proceeded further in this respect. In its view, the words 'social
justice' in the Preamble makes it obligatory for the State to enact positive
measures in order to protect the tribals and the weaker section of the
community.
No one can deny the legal and constitutional importance of the Preamble. The
Preamble contains the ideals and aspirations of the constitution-framers. It is a
key to the Constitution which aims at giving a real socialistic and democratic
shape to Indian society in which equality and justice will always prevail . The
nature and character of the Constitution of India and the political system of the
country are easily understood by reading the Preamble. The Preamble cannot be
enforced by the court of law, but it helps and enables the court to explain and
interpret constitutional provision. In Keshavananda Bharati Case, Justice Shikri
annotated that the Preamble is “of extreme importance and Constitution should
be read and interpreted in the light of grand and noble vision expressed in the
Preamble.” The Court also observed that “the edifice of our Constitution is based
upon the basic elements mentioned in the Preamble.”
The Supreme Court's observation on the value and importance of the Preamble
in Atma Prakash's Case, 1986, as quoted below, illuminates and makes it clear
28
A ceiling on agriculture holdings was imposed in Maharahstra by the Maharashtra
Agricultural lands (ceiling on Holdings) act, 1961 which was brought into operation on
January 26, 1962. The ceilings fixed by that Act (the Principal Act) , was lowered and
certain other amendments were made to that Act by Acts 21 of 1975 . The validity of the
Acts was challenged in the Bombay High Court in a large group of over 2660 petitions. A
divison Bench of the High Court sitting at Nagpur repelled that challenge by a judgement
101
Chapter - V Preamble to the Constitution
Summary
102
Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
CHAPTER – VI
Justice to people constitutes the spirit of the Constitution of India. The guiding
principles of our polity are democracy, social justice, and secularism as
enunciated in the Preamble. The Fundamental Rights which are guaranteed to all
citizens of India by the Constitution are based on these principles of our polity.
India is a socialist, democratic and secular state. It has pledged to ensure equality
in society and to secure social justice for all. It has already prohibited a good
many numbers of social practices which encouraged and implanted in people’s
minds discrimination which is opposed to the principles of equality and social
justice. The State vows the protection of rights of every individual and strongly
disapproves of discrimination on the artificial grounds of race, caste, creed,
religion , sex etc. It strives to secure social, economic and political equality for all
with the aim to establish socialism and to pave the way for egalitarianism. So
justice is the goal of the State and this can be achieved through the effective
implementation of the directive principles as stated in Part IV of the Constitution.
29
P.B. Gajendrakar “law Lawyer and judges (1963) 25 C.J p 21 in Shailja Chunder V.R.
Krishna Iyer on Fundamenatl Rights and Directive Principles
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
Justice is related to the themes of law, rights, freedom and equality. If law, right,
freedom and equality are properly valued, protected, granted and ensured in
society, justice is said to have been rendered to people. Justice cannot exist in
reality if right and liberty, equality and justice are denied to people. Justice
prevails when exploitation is prevented; justice is vindicated when
discrimination on any ground is resisted; justice exists when people are
protected against inequality and deprivation; justice is upheld when the
government succeeds in securing social security to its citizens.
30
K.S.Hegde , Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution of India , 5 JCPS (1971)
s in Chunder’s V.R. Krishna Iyer
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
constitution framers as well as the government to elevate them to the level of no-
backward classes in our society
Justice attributes top importance to human dignity and disapproves of all these
actions that restrict the rights and freedom of individuals. However restrictions
on the freedom of an individual are sometimes required to be imposed in order
to broaden and widen the scope of social freedom. Restricted freedom is true
freedom, and if freedom is unrestricted, it will give rise to lawlessness, disorder
and social chaos.
Justice is categorized as legal justice, political Justice, social justice and economic
justice in the domain of political philosophy. Law is the basis of justice. Justice
will cease to exist if polity is characterised by lawlessness. A lawless society
cannot ensure justice to people. Justice lies in the enforcement of the law of the
state. Each individual is entitled to the protection of law and the violation of law
invites punishment in accordance with the law. The Constitution of India
guarantees ''equality before law'' and ''equal protection of law''. In Indian polity
the court enforces the law and decides the cases on the basis of equality and
natural law to uphold justice. This view of law implies that justice stands for a
happy synthesis or coordination of the principle of natural justice and premises
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
of natural law. Indian justice like British and American justice, works on the
premise that an accused is innocent until he/she is proved guilty. In India an
accused is given all chances to defend his ground to prove before and establish
his innocence. In the process of legal justice no discrimination should be made
on the basis of caste, colour, grade, sex, place of birth, class etc. In India the legal
dimension of justice are determined by the constitution and the statutes of the
legislature.
The Constitution of India, in line with the United kingdom and the United states
of America provides for constitutional remedies against the violation of the
constitutional rights. Article 32 which was referred to as the very soul of the
constitution provides that ''The Supreme court'' shall have the power to issue
directions or order a writ in the nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition,
quo warranto and certiorari achieved which may be appropriate for the
enforcement of any of the rights to move the Supreme Court in the case of
transgression of fundamental rights. The Supreme court thus is constituted into a
protector and guarantor of fundamental rights.
In the Constitution of India, the power to issue a writ of habeas corpus is vested
only in the Supreme court and the High court. The writ is a direction of the
Supreme Court to a person who is detaining another commanding him to bring
the body of the person in his custody at a specified time to a specified place for a
specified purpose. A writ of habeas corpus has only one purpose--to set a person
free who is confined without any legal reason , to secure release from
confinement of person unlawfully detained. Under the constitution, this writ
sought to safeguard the fundamental rights guaranteed under Article 19
protection of life and personal liberty and Article 22 immunity against arrest
and detention.
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
B.C Das-Gupta vs. Bijoy Ranjan Rakshit31). ''In State of Bombay vs. the United
Motors (India) Ltd , in the Supreme court the principle that a court will issue a
prerogative writ when an adequate alternative remedy was easily available and
would not apply where a party came to the court with an allegation that his
fundamental right had been infringed and sought relief under Article 226.
The writ of prohibition is a writ used by the Supreme Court or a High Court to
prevent an interior court form exceeding its jurisdiction. It can otherwise be said
that the aim of the writ is to compel the inferior court to direct them not to
cross or overstep the limits of this jurisdictions. In India, a writ of prohibition
may be issued not only in the case of absence of excess of jurisdiction but also in
the case where the court or tribunal quashes jurisdiction under a law which
itself contravenes some fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution.
The writ of certiorari is issued by High court or the Supreme court to correct an
error which is apparent on the face of the judgment of the lower court, where
there is a failure or wrongful exercise of the jurisdiction or where there is
wrongful exercise of authority. The writ of certiorari is issued against judicial or
quasi-judicial bodies. A High court can issue a writ of certiorari to quash the
decision of the inferior court/ tribunal , and the Supreme Court can also issue
the writ in such cases provided some Fundamental Rights have also been
violated and complained against. The leading case on the subject of certiorari
was Basappa vs. Nagappa32.
Quo warranto is a proceeding whereby the court enquires with the legality of the
claim which a party asserts to a public office, and to oust him form its enjoyment
if the claim be not well-founded. The purpose of the writ is prevent usurpation
of power of public office by an undesirable, or by an unqualified person.
31
Calcutta High Court , Bijay Ranjan Vs B.C. Das Gupta , President …. 4February , 1952. This
is an application under article 226 of the constitution for an appointment writ declaring
the opposite parties to withdraw or revoke the order of cancellation of the Intermediate
Licentiateship Medical Exam held at Burdwan Medical Exam in June 1951
32
Supreme Court of India , T.C Basappa vs Nagappa And another 0n 5 May 1954 . Act
Constitution of India – Art 226 – certiorari writ of general principles giving the issue
manifest and patent error apparent on the face of proceeding clear ignorance or
disregard of a provisionof law – excess jurisdiction
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
Social Justice aims at eradicating or abolishing gigantic social evils like poverty,
illiteracy, exploitation, discrimination and evil practices disgracing community
life and denigrating human dignity. It seeks to control social violence against
woman and protect them against depriving of woman of the share of property
and against mental torture. To resist violence against women the government of
India has enacted several laws-the amended laws on rape in 1986, the Anti-
Dowry Act of 1984-86. The laws regarding Molestation of Women of 1986, 1987,
etc., and even in the case of Bishaka Vs the state of Rajasthan, the Supreme
Court has given verdict against sexual harassment in 1997 and dubbed it as an
act of violation of human rights.
Women are victims of social injustices. They are exploited in various ways and
humiliated beyond limits. Violence against women has increased in many folds.
Mr. Ram Ahuja in his ''Social Problem in India'' has identified three types of
violence against women in India and these are (I) Criminal violence against
women which includes offences like rape, abduction, wife beating, murdering
against them etc. (2) domestic violence which includes dowry deaths, wife
beating or violence against women and social violence which includes physical
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
and mental tortures on them in the society, against which neither the society nor
the government provide them adequate protection and security. To stop violence
against women requires a total change of our social system and social mentality
and also the government’s sincerity to control it.
Though the laws are said to grant justice to the innocent and protect the right
and dignity of women, sadly it is not true involving crime against women. This
stands true especially in cases of sexual assault and rape cases as despite these
prevailing laws, rape and sexual harassment cases are on the rise. Ironically, in
most of the rape cases the victim is branded as a women of loose moral. One such
example , is the famous Priyadarshini Mattoo case , where the culprit Santosh Kr.
Sing , was charged with rape and murder , and was convicted and finally brought
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
to book after a horribly long period of ten years , largely owning to public
pressure.
Jessica Lall murder case is another such gruesome case , whereas Jessica was
shot dead by Manu Sharma in front of three hundred guest. However Manu, son
of a wealthy political leader, was acquitted by the court owing to lack of
evidence. It was only after the public and media pressure that the case got
reopened and the culprit was given life imprisonment . Ironically, the 8 March,
2011 was observed as International Women’s Day and on that day a Delhi
University girl was shot dead in the brought daylight. The Government
announced 2011 as the Women empowerment year but what we see in reality is
that the process of women empowerment is very slow . India needs to launch
many more programmes for uniform development for women in our society for
their empowerment and guarantee of social justice to them .
Rape has become a social malady in Indian society. It is a crime against women ,
tantamounting to murder. There is hardly a single day on which rape is not
found to be a new headline. There is law against rape but it has totally failed to
protect women against it. There is a standing demand for death penalty for the
rapists and again , it is seen that some unscrupulous politicians want law and
administration to be lenient towards rapists . Neither law nor society is
equipped enough to ensure security and protection to women. Rape victims
often do not receive justice . The police that are meant to specially provide
protection and security to women against heinous violence like rape are often
blamed for being lax in this matter. At Badaun in Uttar Pradesh , two girls aged
14 and 15 respectively went missing from their house on the night of May 27,
2014, but their bodies were discovered hanging from a mango tree in a village in
the Ushoit area the next morning. The post –mortem report confirmed that two
girls were gangraped before being murdered. This is a horrific gangrape and
proves that women are not safe and protected even in their houses. This
shameful incident has been condemned by all. The Union Women and Children
Welfare Minister , Mrs Maneka Gandhi announced the formation of a “ rape crisis
cell” for speedy action on such incidents.
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The present Central government has stressed not only the issue of protection
and security to women in society but also is contemplating on the necessity of
providing rehabilitation, on the humanitarian ground, to those women who are
rape victims. The Government has aimed to set up special centres in each district
of the country to provide them protection, medical treatment and legal health.
The Union Women and Children Development Minister has already announced
that the rape victims will be provided with medical and legal health and, if
needed, with police and ambulance services so that the attitude of the State to
them proves to be humane . The Minister announced in this respect that “ We
have fund for the project but if needed we will take money from the Nirbhaya
Fund , which was created for the welfare of women in the aftermath of the
December 2012 Delhi gang-rape”. ( The Statesman , 3rd June, 2014).
Moral value controls life and guards it against lasciviousness. Our society is now
passing through an acute moral and ethical crisis, and the situation has assumed
such a horrible dimension that it will hardly be an exaggeration or an
impertinent remark if the society we live in now is described as morally defunct .
This has relevance in the present context of serial rape incidents in different
parts of India. Nothing can be more nefarious than rape as violence perpetrated
against women. Rape is a crime more grievous than murder. Now the
question is how to prevent rape in our society . The role of the police in the
prevention of rape against is often or sometimes found to be frustrating. The
times and prompt police action might have saved many girls and women from
being victims, i.e., from being raped or raped and murdered. The gang rape and
murder of two teenaged cousins at Badauan in UP is a glaring example of the
alleged lingering attitude of the police. The Central of Bureau of Investigation
(CBI) “took over the probe from UP Police, which have been accused not taking
prompt action against the guilty.” ( The Statesman, 13 June , 2014)
The police are exclusively meant for maintenance of law and order and the
provision of protection and security of life to people . Their one of the prime
duties , aims and responsibilities in a true democratic society is to protect
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women against insecurity and physical and mental tortures and injustices. The
Police ought to be rationally active and quite fair in their action in the safeguard
of women’s honour , security and safety of life but they are sometimes politically
controlled and prevented from being active in adopting adequate measures
towards protection, security and justice to women. This has a clear demoralizing
effect on police department. This is quite unexpected and uncalled- for .
“The CBI has mentioned in its FIR ( First Information Report) that the State
Police did not act when people approached them with the complaint of girls ( of
Badaun, UP) being kidnapped . The agency has named two police officials –
Chatrapaul Yadav and Sarvesh Yadav – along with three brothers – Pappu ,
Awadhesh and Urvesh Yadav—who have been accused of criminal conspiracy to
commit gangrape , murder and violation of provision of Protection of Children
from Sexual Offences ( POCSO) (The Statesman , June 13, 2014).
Only the strong sense of moral value can be an effective instrument of Security
and safety of women in society. Women should also be aware of their gender
weakness and be accordingly decent in their daily habits, manners and
behaviors. Nothing unbecoming in the perspective of Indian culture should not
be noticed in them. They are required to lead controlled and restricted life in
many cases and attach due importance to morality in matters of decision of life
and lifestyle. Mr. R.R. Patil , Home Minister of Maharashtra stressed moral values
as a means of protection to women against violence, rape in particular . He
remarked that “ rape or crime against women cannot be stopped even if we post
a cop per house in the state.” He added that “ crimes like rape have increased due
to ( owing to ) decline in moral values, Even if we provide enough police
protection, I doubt whether the crime against women could be stopped.” … “ the
state Home Minister rattled out statistic to buttress his contention why offences
against women cannot be fought effectively . According to him 6.34 percent rapes
are committed by brothers/ fathers, 6.65 % by close relatives, 42 percent by
those men known to victims and 40 percent by those who exploit women on a
promise to marry.” ( The Statesman , June 12, 2014)
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Action whatever it may be , against those persons accused of rape are not enough
to do justice to women. Action cannot bring back or restore to rape victims what
they lose because of being raped. What the State or the society should do as part
of justice to women is to adopt necessary steps to protect against women from
horrific and heinous violence like rape and subsequent murder. India is
boastfully marching ahead towards progress and development. We claim to be
civilized ; rate of literacy is claimed to be rising by leaps and bounds. We also
claim to have eschewed outdated outlooks to embrace new views of life . But
what now happens to women in our society is definitely an indelible black spot
on our traditional glory and heritage. Women are duly honoured and their
chastity is properly protected and preserved even by the nomadic tribes who are
often hated as uneducated , uncultured and half civilized, but have we been able
to do it towards women in our society? This is a shame for all Indians.
The ideal of social justice envisages promoting the welfare of the people by
securing and developing a just social order. In the society as one will be
deprived of justice of any kind and of any form. Children should get education
free of cost. Education is a right for them and they must not be deprived of it. The
Indian government has made laws to ban child labour and to universalize
education. There is law to proscribe labour exploitation; law has banned
untouchability and child marriage and many steps have been taken to make
people socially conscious. Rehabilitation programmes have been launched to
provide shelter to the homeless and to the destitute. Financial support is lent to
women, the poor and the members of backward communities and minority
communities to make them self-reliant.
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Economic justice is the basis of all kinds of justice. Political or social justice is
meaningless if the state fails to secure justice to people so social and political
justice is closely related to economic justice. Political freedom is useless for a
man who remains unfed, unclothed and undernourished. Therefore, economic
justice means that the government has ensured the provision of the basic needs
of life to all the citizens and the political economy is so shaped as to allow the
maximum number of people to share its benefits. There should not exist wide
economic disparities, and the principle of equal pay for equal work should be
informed and implemented.
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
programme was seen and experienced in the later years in the field of Indian
economy and in the changes in Indian social life.
The legal justice stands for equality to people and removal of discrimination and
deprivations. Political and legal justice is impossible if there is absence of social
and economic justice. Social justice implies the end of social evils and socially
distasteful practices like castism , racialism, untouchability , and economic justice
stands for the end of economic exploitation. The Preamble which is virtually the
written declaration of our constitution framers to re-shape Indian society after
about two-centuries of colonial rule of oppression, deprivation and exploitation
into an egalitarian society announces the country’ s object to all its members
social, economic and political justice. Article 15 of the constitution of India
prohibits discrimination against only citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste,
class, sex, etc. The constitution of India grants of every individual liberty of
thought, expression, faith and worship incorporated in Articles 19(1)(A), 25, 26,
27 and 28. Equality cannot mean identical treatment; it means equality of status
and of overcapacity as free individuals.
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India seeks to guarantee equality and liberty to its people. With a view to
securing to all equality of status opportunity”. Proclaimed in the Preamble the
constitution has made generous provisions guaranteeing, the right to equality
which are regarded as the foundation on which stands the principle to promote
social equality. Articles 14-17 of the constitution of India deal with the principal
of rights to equality. In order to promote the ideal of liberty envisaged is the
preamble; the Constitution of India has conferred upon the citizens of the
country certain fundamental rights in Articles 19-22. But it is a fact that liberty
which we are allowed to enjoy is not absolute, for absolute liberty stands for
anarchy and disorder; it will create a situation of lawlessness and mess. In this
respect, Justice Mukherjee of the Supreme Court in A.K. Gopalan vs State of
Madras case 1950 explained and clarified that liberties of the individual must be
subject to reasonable restrictions as the governing authority of the country
considered it to be essential to the safety, health, peace, general order and
morality of the community. At the same time there cannot be absolute social
control without stating the development of the individuals. “What the
constitution, therefore ,attempts to is to strike a balance between individual
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liberty and social control.'' This is a reference to the option of the supreme Court
in Collector of Madras vs. Nathela Sampathu Cihetty (1962) that the court will
ultimately determine the reasonable restriction is to be imposed on liberty. The
Supreme Court also opined that Quarashi vs. State of Bihar case , 1965 that the
court will declare that unconstitutional and void if it finds the restriction
unreasonable upon liberty. But that cannot determine the reasonable restriction
is to be imposed on liberty and need social control.'' This is a presence is to be
imposed on liberty. In the cases Dwaraka Prasad vs. State of U.P33 , 1954,
Chintaman Rao vs. State of M.P. 195234 , and State of Maharashtra vs.
Himmatbhai , 1970 the Supreme Court mentioned that a restriction on freedom
is reasonable and not excessive only , when there is a proper balance between
the freedom of the individual and the rights of the security. The court is the final
authority to say whether the freedom of an individual needs and the power of
the state to protect collective interests begins.
Article 21 of the Constitution of India provide that “No person shall be deprived
of his life or personal liberty except according to the procedure established by
law.” The article carries the meaning that the state or any of its agents can
impose punishment on a person, imprison him or subject him to physical
coercion only if the action or the procedure of action is supported by a law. The
aim of the Article is to restrain the executive from interfering in personal liberty
in accordance with law. The Supreme Court opined it in connection with A.K.
Gopalan vs. State of Madras Case, 1950. The Court shall exercise its constitutional
power of judicial review on the basis of the complaint of a person deprived of his
life or personal liberty. In Francis Coralie vs. Union Territory of Delhi, 1981, the
Court declared that in the exercise of the power it will decide (a) whether there
is a law which authorizes such deprivation and (b) whether, in the given case, the
33
... the Supreme Court held , therefore that the provision of clause 4 (3) of the
Uttarpradesh Coal Control order , 1953 must be held to be void as imposing an
unreasonable restriction upon the freedom and trade and business guaranteed under
article 19 (1) (g) of the constitution and not coming within the protection afforded by cl.
6 of the article.
34
… the Act was not a law imposing reasonable restrictions within the meaning of clause 6
of Article 19 and was therefore void.
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procedure stated in such law is reasonable, fair and just, and not arbitrary,
whimsical and fanciful.
Right to life, enunciated in Article 21, does not merely mean “survival or animal
existence,” it also includes, as the Supreme Court opined in several cases, the
right to live with human dignity. In Sushil Basra vs. Delhi Administration , 1978
the court maintained that the right to life under Article 21 incorporated the right
to live with human dignity and decency. In Bandhua Mukti Morcha vs. Union of
India 1980, ( details of the case was provided at the end of this chapter) the court
ruled that protection of health and facilities for children to develop in a healthy
manner in conditions of freedom and dignity, educational facilities fell with the
purview of Article 21. In People's Union for Democratic Rights vs. Union of India
1982, the Supreme Court held that non-payment of minimum wages to the
workers amounted to denial of their right to live with basic human dignity and
violated Article 21. In the famous Permanent Dwellers’ case (1986) the Supreme
Court observed that the word 'life' in Article 21 included the “right to livelihood”
for if the right to livelihood was not treated as a part of the constitutional right to
life, the easiest way of depriving a person of his right to life would be to deprive
him of his increase of livelihood. In Sankar Banerjee vs. Durgapur Project Ltd.
(1988), the Supreme Court maintained that a person who is compelled to lead a
sub-human condition of life is said to have been deprived of the right to
livelihood. It amounts to the taking of his life, not only exclusion of death surface
by a slow and gradual process of robbing him of all human qualities, a process
which is much more cruel than sending a person to the gallows. In 1993, the
Court showed that the right to life under Article 21 included the right to
livelihood.
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women or children or the crippled for immoral or other purposes. These are all
specific forms of exploitation and constitute a serious challenge to human
freedom and civilisation. Article 24 prohibits employment of children of the 14
years of age in any factory or mine or in any other hazardous jobs. This Article
aims at protecting children against inhuman exploitation and is, therefore,
absolute.
Political justice is positive justice. It aims at free and fair participation of people
in their political life. It involves the guarantee of universal adult franchise so that
they are the people who are able to take part in the election of their
representatives. People are granted equal rights and opportunities to influence
the polices of the government. Recruitment to public services is made without
discrimination. The notion of political justice requires that the state was not the
product and preserve certain valuable rights of the individual so that he is able to
develop his personality as a citizen and thereby contribute his share to the
welfare of the political community. The idea of political justice derives a liberal-
democratic order in which rights of the individuals including those of the
minorities are well protected. People are given a fair chance to determine the
policies of the government in keeping with the prevailing requirements. The
political parties, the interest groups, etc. have an important role in establishing
political justice.
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
Universal franchise. But we have seen in reality that franchise itself is a mass of
political education. Democracy is a culture, adult franchise has successfully
nurtured democratic culture in India.
Women's participation in politics has given a mass direction to Indian policy and
government. It not only improves them but also is a way to provide them
security against violence, deprivation and exploitation. It is a positive way to
spread woman education in the country and to enhance their economic rights
and freedom. It is an optimistic view that their participation in politics can save
them from further humiliation and insecurity. Their participation in politics will
help them to stand firmly against all injustices and evils against them and is
expected to reduce evils of corruption and vices. The 73rd and 74th Constitution
(Amendment) Acts of 1992 are landmarks on the road to women empowerment
as seats have been removed for them in the Panchayat and Municipal bodies.
Summary:
Justice is categorized as legal justice, political justice, social justice and economic
justice in the domain of political philosophy. Law is the basis of justice. Each
individual is entitled to the protection of law and the violation of law invites
punishment in accordance with law.
The Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles form the core of social,
political and economic justice. The Constitution makers through these two
principles have pledged to ensure justice to all. Justice is the goal of the State and
this can be achieved through the effective implementation of these principles.
In India the court and law play a vital role in protecting individual life and
freedom. Women are specially the victims of social injustices. Women are
helpless and depressed in society because of continued cases of violence against
them in all spheres of life. The recent Acts are (1) The Indecent Representation
of women (Prohibition) Act, 1986, The Commission of Sati (prevention) Act,
1987, The Protection of Women From Domestic Violence Act, 2005, The Hindu
Succession of Amendment Act, 2005 are important.
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
Note: (Bandhua Mukti Morcha case : Bandhua Mukti Morcha case is a landmark
phenomena in the history of Public Interest Litigation . The Supreme Court
accepted it is as PIL after it was informed the inhuman condition of the stone
quarrying labourers in Faridabad not away from New Delhi.A letter addressed to
this Court complaining about prevalence of bonded labour system in the quarries of
Fari- dabad District in Haryana_ State was treated as a writ petition under Article
32 of the Constitution. Two Advocates were appointed as Commissioners to inquire
into the working conditions of the stone quarry workers. Later, this Court, finding
the necessity of an in-depth investigation into social and legal aspects of the
problem, also appointed two Commissioners--Dr. 'S.B. Patvardhan and Mr. Krishan
Mahajan to study the working conditions provail- ing in the various quarries within
the Faridabad district with particular reference to violation of provisions of the
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act of 1976 and Inter-State Migrant Workmen
(Regulation off Employment & Conditions of Service) Act.The Commissioner
furnished their report on 28th of June, 1982.The 3-Judge Bench heard the matter
and in its Judgment (reported in (1984) 3 SCC 161), dealt with various aspects of
the problem and taking into account the information collected by Advocate
Commissioners and the report made by Dr. Patvardhan.The Court did not treat the
writ petition as disposed of by its judgment and the application survived for further
monitoring. This Court also appointed Shri Laxmi Dhar Misra, Joint Secretary in the
Ministry of Labour, Government of India as a Commissioner to carry out the
assignments stated in the judgment. Mr. Laxmidhar Misra, in due course, submitted
his report in two parts one dealing with the identification of the bonded labour and
the second covering the inquiry into the implementation of the 21 directives.
The petitioner-Morcha, filed a petition for contempt alleging that the directions
were not being implemented. Mr. Mahabir Jain of the Faculty of National Labour
Institute was appointed to inquire into the measures and report on the degrees to
which the 21 directives issued by the Court had been implemented and to present to
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
the Court a clear picture of the issues involved for enabling it to make its own
assessment and come to a conclusion as to whether the directions had been or were
being implemented and also as to whether action for contempt was appropriate or
in the matter of monitoring the social problem, some other course was necessary to
he adopted, and in February, 1989, the report was submitted to the Court.
As the 3-Judge Bench had gone into the philosophy involved in the matter in the
Judgment, what remains for consideration at this stage was more or less a clear
review of the enforcement of the directives and assessment of the outcome for
achieving the statutory purpose and the constitutional goal and for the fulfilment
of the hopes and expectations. of this Court in that regard. The matter was heard
for some time on the basis of these reports of Mr. Jain and this Court reserved
Judgment on 10th of July, 1990. When the totter was about to he disposed a
communication was received by the Court dated 24.11. 1991 from the Director
General of Labour Welfare in the Ministry of Labour that the total number of
unrehabilitated bonded laboures was 523 up to 30.11.1990, whereas the number to
he 3993 according to the petitioner and on 21st February, 1991, this court directed
a Committee to check up the particulars and to furnish a report, which was
furnished on July 1, 1991, from which it was understood that the total number of
identified bonded labour is around 2000 and not 3993. The report indicated that
the wages, the facility of schooling and medical treatment, availability of water,
provisions and scope for recreation are aspects which still require attention. No
attention has been 5 bestowed by the inspecting authority. of the labour law
enforcers to secure improved conditions of working. Allowing the petition this
Court,
HELD: 1.-For a loan taken at an exorbitant rate of interest the debtor virtually sells
himself to the creditor and gets bonded usually for a period of life and renders
service for the purpose of satisfying the debt. The creditor anxious to exploit the
situation ensures that the debt is never satisfied and often on the traditional basis
of pious obligation the liability is inherited by the children of the original debtor.
The system thus provides a built-in mecha- nism for continuation of the under-
privileged section of the society by the privileged few living therein. [537H-538B]
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Chapter - VI Justice to the people of India and Protection of their rights
The bonded labourers are paid nominal wages and often their family members are
not permitted to take remunerative jobs elsewhere without permission of the
master. Normally, such permission is not granted and the impoverished condi- tion
is allowed to continue to the advantage of the credi- tor, [538B-C]
4. The State of Haryana must come, forward to play its role in a better way. These
are quarries located near about the industrial belt of Haryana and not far away
from Delhi. Dust emanating from the, working area in Haryana is bound to affect
adversely ,the Delhi atmosphere. Computer generated)
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
CHAPTER – VII
Basic rights to life which are indispensably required for an individual to lead a
life of security, justice and human dignity constitute human rights. Human Rights
are central to democracy and form the basis of equality , freedom, and justice
without which an individual in the society is reduced to a slave. We all know that
slavery has been banned as it has been hostile to human existence in society. No
society can claim to be civilized if human rights are grossly violated.
Right to life is the foundation of all rights that people enjoy. It is the most
important of all rights. If man is deprived of right to life, all his rights prove to be
meaningless and useless. Man can acquire strength and enjoy his other rights
only if he is allowed the right to life. This right to life is based on the instinct of
self-preservation. Hence, it is one of the fundamental duties and responsibilities
of the state to ensure its citizens’ right to life and provide adequately for the
safety and security of their life. The State needs to protect the life of an individual
against possible attack by other members of the society.
Right to life is specific to human being in society. Man is born with the rights
which he is entitled to enjoy in society and of which the democratic state cannot
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
Rights are basic to human life. Everybody has the natural right to lead a normal
life. Even an individual has no right to terminate his own life. An individual has
life to live and enjoy because man is born free. To restrict freedom or to deny
one’s natural rights is a violation of natural rights and a denial of natural justice,
not to put an end to it. Hence to commit suicide is an offence. It is a crime or vice
or sin as it is interpreted. So, suicide is discouraged from the individual as well as
social point of view. It is judicially prohibited in all countries of the world.
Society condemns suicide and denounces the situation that leads or compels an
individual to commit suicide. There are score of incidents of suicidal death in our
society.
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
them. Hence, suicide is the consequence of violation of human rights. Law of the
land permits the State to sentence a murderer or one who is convicted of heinous
crime to death and it deprives him of his right to life. But this is a wild justice,
and civil society does not to approve of death-penalty.
The path of suicide is often chosen by an individual when he/she is not able to
brave an awkward situation of life. He/she is compelled to end his/her life to
save his/her honour, prestige and dignity. Women are sometimes heard to have
committed suicide to be relieved of humiliation and endless torture in their in
laws’ houses. It is also heard that an aggrieved woman has been compelled to
commit suicide in protest against denial of justice in society. One such an
incident occurred in a village( Manickchak) of Malda . A woman set herself on
fire after she had been raped by a neighbouring youth , and she failed to get
justice in a Kangaroo Court35 (The Statesman , 4. 4. 2014) She killed herself to
protest injustice but she did injustice to her own life , for she was born in this
world , not to commit suicide. Her suicide was a crime in the eye of law .
35
The Statesman, 4.4.2014
36
The Statesman, 16.2.2014
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
Human rights are considered as basic rights which most nations agree that all
people should be allowed to enjoy natural rights in order to lead a normal,
decent and dignified life. This principle holds that every living person should
have those rights such as rights to freedom, justice, equality etc.which are basic
to human life. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English defines the term
'human rights' as “the non-political rights of freedom, equality, etc. which belong
to any person without regard to race, religion, colour, sex etc.” Human rights are
the rights provided to people by state laws for satisfying their requirements and
safeguarding interests. These rights are attached to the principle of humanity.
The rights oppose any attempt of the State or its agencies or the society or any
one to deny anybody's basic rights or to violate these. Human rights defend the
basic rights of man and uphold their value. The exponents of human rights
consider the basic rights of man to be inviolable everywhere and even on the
battlefield . To violate the basic rights of war-prisoner is interpreted as a type of
war crime. To torture and kill civilians during war is a gross violation of human
rights. Human Rights are concerned with humanity , dignity and social justice.
Human Rights have become a global movement to protect the basic rights of man
against their violation and to let him live a life of man as man. The origin of this
movement dates back to the post-World War II era. The War led to the gross
violation of the rights of man, and the colonial rule that covered a larger part of
the world denied rights to people and deprived them of justice, as it is
historically branded as the rule of oppression and exploitation. The end of World
War II led the World to awaken to the necessity of protecting the rights of people
and then to render justice to them. The World leaders came to realize that
human rights are the inherent, inalienable rights which every individual must
enjoy as a human being.
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
“Human rights are those conditions of social life without which no person can
seek, in general, to be his best.”37 The world leaders laid emphasis on the basic
rights of people which need to be protected against violation by the State.
“On December 10, 1948, the General Assembly of United Nations Organisation
(UNO) adopted the UN Declaration on Human Rights, a document outlining tasks
for the accomplishment of which all peoples and States should strive. The
Declaration contains an enumeration of fundamental human rights such as
equality without discrimination, the right to life, liberty and security of person,
the right to the inviolability of dignity, reputation and the home, and to the
protection of the rights by an impartial tribunal. The Declaration calls upon the
States to incorporate in the Constitutions such as civil and political rights and
freedom of thought, conscience and religion, freedom of convictions, peaceful
assembly and association, and universal and equal suffrage by secret ballot. The
Declaration also proclaims social and economic rights: the right to work and to
equal pay for equal work, the right to form trade unions, the right to rest and
leisure and to social security, the right to education, and the right to participate
in the cultural life of the community. Exercise of real human rights depends on
the actual conditions of life in society, on its social, economic and political
systems”.38
37
D.C.Bhattacharya , Indian Govt. and Politics , 2012
38
Political Terms –A short guide , 1982, Novosti Press Agency Publishing House, Moscow
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
The study of the Constitution of India reveals that the Constitution framers had
been deeply inspired by the UN Declaration, 1948 on the matters of the
“Fundamental Principles” and the “Directive Principles of State Policy.” The
'Fundamental Rights' enshrined in the Constitution seem be an echo of the UN
Declaration of Human Rights.
Since the independence of India in 1947 there have been many cases of violating
the basic rights of people. There arose allegations against the Union Government
and State Governments of not attributing importance to the protection of
people's basic rights which are indispensable for normal and healthy social and
political life. The indifference of the State to the improvement of people's living
standard, to the protection of people's civil rights, to the need of providing social
protection to the backward classes, women, children and minorities, to the
protection of human dignity against police atrocities and administrative injustice
has led to the emergence of the Human Rights movements in India. The United
Nations initiated the movement as a necessary condition for international peace,
progress and prosperity and in India, the movements have popularised
themselves as the positive force of and initiative in rendering social, political and
economic security to people and in ensuring social peace, progress and security.
The basic concern of the framers of the Indian Constitution was to ensure “justice
– social, economic and political “to all citizen, and the Constitution has been so
framed as to guarantee freedom, fundamental rights and freedom without
discrimination. Parts III and IV of the Constitution provide for civil, political and
socio-economic rights. This is a necessity that the government should adopt
measures to protect the right of the socially and economically disadvantaged
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Chapter - VII Human Rights Movements and Social Justice in India
classes such as the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Apart from these, the
Government needs to make an attempt to improve socio-economic and political
condition of all the people and those of all regions alike so that the disparity
among them may be minimized.
Social and economic rights are judicially not justiciable and enforceable. These
are emphasized in part IV of the Constitution of India. The Government of the
India and State Governments have made impressive efforts to translate many of
the Directives into practices. “The commitment to achieve sustainable
development and the existence of process is for the promotion of human rights
in a pluralistic Indian society can be considered as the hallmark of Indian
polity.”39 But what now deeply worries us are the facts that human rights are
being violated in various ways and forms which include the engagement or
employment of children in hazardous jobs, cases of bonded labour, atrocities
against Dalits ,custodial deaths, police atrocities, arbitrary restrictions on
frivolous grounds to curb freedom of speech and assembly. These concerns have
been the realities that lie behind the organization of human rights movements in
India. Such realities are clearly hostile to human rights and thereby opposed to
the principle of social justice. Police atrocities are violative of human rights. The
police are often charged with excesses. Several allegations have been instituted
against the army deployed in Punjab, and in North Eastern States of India. These
actions are examples of violation of human rights and are branded and
condemned as gross injustice.
The Naxalite movement in West Bengal was organised to protest social injustice,
deprivation and exploitation of the weaker sections in the society by the stronger
and richer classes. The exponents of this movement were of the view that rural
poverty of Bengal was caused by exploitation by the wealthy and the strong upon
the poor and the weak . Their movement could alone liberate the exploited class
39
D.C. Bhattacharya , 2012, Indian Government and Politics
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from the oppressive hands of those who controlled and dominated the society of
rural Bengal. The movement was a brave and strong voice of the deprived class
of the society, but the State adopted brutal and inhuman means and ways to
suppress it. The repressive action of the State against the Naxalite movement
was condemned by the civil society and attracted the attention of human rights
activists. This was, in reality, a movement for democratic rights of the oppressed
and exploited segments of society for equality and justice. But the bloody paths
which the Maoists chose and trod and are still treading in the name of social
movement in the country is characterized of inhumanity , cruelty and barbarism
and is openly charged with gross violation of human rights . In the perspective of
broader humanity the Maoists movements in India may be described as wild and
vindictive, and democracy does not permit it because the Maoist activists have
had recourse to murder and bloodshed. Bloodshed cannot be the way of solution
of any problem.
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The role played by various human rights groups is hailed as the social and
human force to protest the violation of the basic rights of man and to bring
justice to those who have been denied it. The groups have been able to influence
all the three organs of government – the executive, the legislative and the
judiciary. The government has been compelled to consider various demands of
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the rights groups relating to human rights and the executive and the legislature
have finally taken back the anti-people Acts like Maintenance of Internal Security
Act (MISA),
National Security Act (NSA) and provided for compensation to the victims of
mob violence and state neglects. Recently the National Human Rights
Commission (NHRC) has directed the Government of India to compensate five
Assam encounter victim families with rupees five lacs each for a suspected
encounter case that took place in 2009.
“The NHRC has recommended that the Union Ministry of Home affairs pay a sum
of Rs. 5 lakh each of the next kin of Prabhat Basumatary, Deithan Basumatary,
Krishna Basumatary, Junish Ali and Bablu Ali, who died in an encounter with
Assam Rifles at Akabasti village under Rangapore Police Station in Sonitpur
district on April 19, 2009,” said in a statement issued by the NHRC.the
Commission has observed that it has not provided any proof that any of these
five men had either handled or fired the weapons allegedly recovered from the
scene of the incident. Hence, it did not accept the report from the Assam Rifles in
this matter. Further, there was no explanation offered by the Union Home
Ministry to show that there was no violation of human rights in the incident and
for that reason, the next of kin of the five deceased should be compensated,
added the NHRC statement”.40
In view of rampant violation of human rights in the form of denial of justice, the
government has also passed laws to protect the interests of the marginalised
sections of society. Women are inhumanly treated in society as several reports
and cases of violence against women reveal and thus confirm violence against
women. Violence against women may be categorized into criminal violence,
social violence and domestic violence. Laws have been made to protect women
against those forms of violence. These forms of violence which are rampant in
our society are set to deprive women of their rights to live as human beings.
40
The Statesman , 16.2.2014
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'Judicial activism' has now proved to be an effective tool for vindication of rights
and dispensation of justice to people in the society. The judiciary in India has
taken itself the duty of enforcing the basic rights of the weaker sections of the
society through the progressive interpretation of law and taking positive actions
thereupon. Recently, the Supreme Court issued notice to the centre and all states
on a PIL seeking its direction to them to frame guidelines to protect the people
from the north-eastern states in various parts of the country against alleged
social discrimination.”
The Apex Court initially expressed reluctance to entertain the plea on the ground
that Delhi High Court was hearing a similar petition and it agreed to examine
the issue after the “petitioners pleaded that racial discrimination is prevalent
across the country and the matter can be addressed by the highest court.”
The petition filed by seven advocates, highlighted the recent attack on north
eastern people, including the death of Arunachal Pradesh Youth Nido Tania. They
submitted “that there was no system in place by the Ministry of Home affairs to
41
The Statesman, 16.4.2014 – ‘Transgenders Third Gender”, SC ruling brings cheers to the
transgenders…’
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protect these people.” The petition stated that “most of the people from the
region, who return to their states, have one or two tales of horrid, unspeakable
and unimaginable proportions where they have been discriminated, taunted,
molested, raped - -- and all because of their outward appearances. “The PIL
urged the court to ensure that the culprits of such racial discrimination are
punished and to lay down guidelines to protect citizens against it.”42
Judicial activism has undoubtedly sought to ensure and strengthen the basic
rights of people in India. In Maneka Gandhi vs. Union of India case, the Supreme
Court ruled “that the right to live is not merely continuous physical existence but
it includes within its ambit the right to live with human dignity.” In Francis
Coralie vs. Union Territory of Delhi case , the Supreme Court held that right to
live is not restricted to mere animal existence. It means something more than
just physical survival. The right to live is not considered to be the protection of
any faculty of limb through which life is enjoyed or the soul communicates with
the outside world, but it also includes the rights to live with human dignity and
that goes along with it, namely, the bare necessities of life such as 'adequate
nutrition', 'clothing shelter' and facilities for reading, writing and expressing
ourselves in diverse forms. Freely moving about and mixing and communicating
with fellow human being and thereby gives effect to the directives given under
Article 47 wherein the State was directed to raise the level of nutrition and
standard of living.” In Peoples’ Union for Democratic Rights vs. Union of
India case the Supreme Court maintained that “the non-payment of minimum
wages to the workers employed in various Asian Projects in Delhi was a denial to
them of their right to live with basic human dignity.”
In Chamile Singh vs State of U.P., the Supreme Court43 argued and explained
that right to shelter is a Fundamental Right under Article 21. Right to live
42
The Statesman , 14. 2.2014
43
Initiated proceedings under land Acquisition Act by issuing notification under section 4 1
of the of Act to acquire the land for providing houses to persons belonging to SC/ST. The
enquiry under section 5-A of the Act was dispensed with and the Government directed
immediate taking up possessions . A division bench of Allahabad High Court repelled the
challenge made to the acquisition proceedings. Before the Supreme court , it was
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The decisions of the Court as mentioned above stress the state's duty and
responsibility to ensure and provide to its citizens all that are needed to lead a
decent human life. The term 'human rights' has a wide range of meaning and
implication that includes not only the 'Fundamental Rights' granted to people
through the constitutional guarantee but also all the rights necessary for decent
life as contrasted with animal life. The State will necessarily ensure the provision
for food, clothes and shelter to citizens as a positive step to protect human rights.
The failure of the State in this regard is enough to interpret it as its denial of
basic rights in the eyes of society as well as in the eye of the spirit of law or in the
broader perspective of human survival. Hence it is the liability of the State to
provide for adequate areas of livelihood to raise the level of nutrition and the
standard of living under Directives 39(a) and 47. In this respect, it is an offence
on the part of the State to allow discrimination and disparity in any way or form
on the basis of rank and profession, class and creed, caste and colour, sex and
gender. Even the children of prostitutes have right to equality of opportunity,
dignity, care, protection and rehabilitation so as to be a part of the main stream
of social life.
contended that in all acquisitions for housing purpose conducting enquiry should be the
rule and dispensing with such enquiry.
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It is an admitted fact that the Central Government and State Government have
adopted a number of measures to protect the basic rights of the people of India
in consistence with the spirit of the Preamble, Fundamental Rights and Directive
Principles of State Policy. This initiative is the result of various human rights
movements, judicial activism and the commitments of the parties in power to the
people in different pre-election periods at the national level and the provincial
levels through their election manifestos and the aim of the leaders to make India
a welfare state. The cry of civil society for social security, poverty alleviation,
prevention of discrimination, protection to rights and freedom and welfare
society has deeply influenced the government in framing pro-people policies,
implementing them and launching various programmes to ensure education to
all, to provide health security, to prohibit evil and hateful social practices like
untouchability, to alleviate poverty, to ensure minimum wages to workers, to
improve the living standard of life of the weaker sections, backward class and the
minorities, to stop violence against women, to empower women, to introduce
pension schemes for the senior citizens above the age of 65, to control the
engagement of children to work and thus to ensure equality and establish
democracy.
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In 2014 the Congress led UPA Coalition government was replaced by the BJP led
NDA government. The present government has announced its mission to
implement NHM it order to provide health protection and security to all India
citizens .It has decided to bring in experts and streamline the system to ensure
effective implementation schemes such as providing free generic drugs to
government health institutions throughout the country as part of measures to
provide universal health care.
The present health minister decided to include experts from outside to revitalize
the ambitious scheme and hold a meeting of health ministers from states under
the aegis of Central Council of Health (CCH), which had not met for several years.
His aim is to make the NHM a vehicle for supplying generic drugs to government
health institution throughout the country. To make the NHM were participatory
he sought involvement of voluntary sector professionals and experts in different
specializations. The Ministry would launch a new scheme for health security for
women , in which women specialists would receive special status as women are
the worst victims of a dysfunctional public health system. The Ministry plans
that “ By the end of the programme , 348 drugs under the National List of
Essential Medicines are to be provided free from 1.6 lakh sub centres, 23000
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primary health centres , 5000 community health centers and 640 district
hospitals” ( The Statesman, 31. 5. 2014).
Our national leaders accorded top priority to the protection and preservation of
the dignity of life of the people of India as human beings because during the
British colonial rule they had been bereft of it. They had been subjected to
inhuman exploitation and brutal oppression after independence the leaders
sought to protect their rights and dignity as human beings, though the process
was very slow. The Government of India has become active in translating our
national leaders’ aims, ideals and aspirations since 1980s. With the spread of
education, people have now become considerably conscious of their rights and
dignity. This consciousness may be pointed out as one of the forces leading or
compelling the State to adopt many programmes to protect their rights and
dignity and render justice to them.
Summary
Human Rights and social justice are closely related. Social justice for people is
unimaginable and unattainable if human rights are violated and denied. Human
rights form a major part of social justice. Human Rights constitute sacred,
democratic and human principle, and the rights basic to human decent existence
in society need to be kept outside the purview of narrow, petty politics.
Sometimes politicisation of some issues of human rights exercise a damaging
impact upon the social health , political environment and national interest of the
country and give rise to great concern for national security. The Government of
India and the State Governments should attach more importance to the
protection and preservation of human rights to ensure social justice to people
and must not allow politicization of the issue of human rights.
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
CHAPTER – VIII
In 1979 the Supreme Court of India, in the interest of social justice and to
discharge its constitutional duty to protect fundamental rights of citizens, made a
distinctive innovation known as ''Public Interest Litigation'' (PIL). Since then
Public Interest Litigation has been invoked in a number of times to protect public
interest which has been overridden by the executive. PIL , thus, used has been
dubbed by political elite as ''judicial activism'', which in their view, is inimical to
democracy. The then Lok Sabha Speaker P. Sangma, commented in a symposium
on ''Judicial Activism'' held it New Delhi in 1926 in reference to Public Interest
Litigation that the judges ''have lately shown a disturbing tendency to encroach
on the executive domain'' and that the judiciary should ''strongly discourage
tendencies towards abuse of the facility of recourse to public interest litigation''.
The Prime Minister described such role of the Judges as a menace to the
executive.
The role of the judiciary to restrain the executive from denying right and
freedom to people and thus seeming justice to them thus was criticized as the
encroachment of the judiciary upon the executive but it is misconceived and
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
The internal emergency that was in force between 1975 and 1977 and its
aftermath contributed significantly to the change in the judiciary's perception of
its role in the working of the Constitution. The period of the emergency
witnessed large scale violations of basic rights of life and liberty. There were also
blatant violations of the rights to freedom of speech and expression. The end of
the ‘Emergency era’ saw the emergence of a realignment of political forces.
Nevertheless, the popularly elected government was weak , and in trying to find
its feet, it did not last very long. It was already collapsing by 1978-1979, which
was when the judiciary initiated the public interest litigation movement''. The
post-emergency period then provided the right environment for the judiciary to
redeem itself as a protector and enforcer of the rule of law. Judges woke up to
this and PIL was the tool the judiciary shaped and designed to achieve this end.
“PIL was entirely a judge- led and judge-dominated movement.”44( Upendra Baxi,
Taking Suffering Seriously: Social Active Litigation in the Supreme Court of
India'', in Supreme Court on Public Interest Litigation, and Jagga Kapur, 1998.
In 1979 a socially motivated lawyer in the Supreme Court filed the first ever
public interest litigation in the Supreme Court, without any power of attorney
but on the basis of two articles published in The Indian Express which narrated
44
Upendra Buxi , ‘Taking suffering seriously’, Social Active Litigation in the Supreme Court
of India , in Supreme Court on Public Interest Litigation, and Jugga kaur , 1998.
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
The court as the guardian of the constitution and protector of the fundamental
rights of the people of India passed an order of the immediate release of forty
thousand prisoners in Bihar on personal or no bond. This is the origin of PIL
which is different from traditional or representative actions in its remedial,
collaborative and non-adversarial nature.''
''The concept of PIL has been firmly established by the subsequent matters
entertained by the Supreme Court and its nature , scope and limitations have
been clearly stated by the apex Court in a case relating to employment of
children in the hazardous industries through such employment was prohibited
by the constitution.''45
45
D. C. Bhattacharya 2012, India Government and Politics, Vijoya Publishing House, Kolkata.
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by cruel and heartless society for generations''46 . The Court will, therefore,
entertain a writ petition from a public spirited person or a social action group for
the vindication of a fundamental right of a person who is unable to enforce them
because he belongs to a class or group of persons who are in a disadvantaged
position on account of poverty, disability or other social or economic
impediment and are unable to enforce these rights47 (S.P. Gupta vs. President of
India, 1982; Subhas vs State of Bihar, 1991).
The device of PIL has enabled the Court to take speedy cognizance of the
violation of fundamental rights affecting tribals , and under trials, victim of police
torture and of other acts of oppression by the influential groups or the state
machinery (Bandhua Mukti Morch vs. Union of India, 1984) and of inaction on
the part of the government machinery to enforce and implement the laws
affecting the poor and the disadvantaged (e.g. The Minimum Wages Act, The
Untouchability Offences Act, etc.).
46
The Statesman , July 14
47
S.P. Gupta vs President of India , 1982; Subhash vs. state of Bihar, 1991
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infringing the law. As a result, the Courts are being saddled with increasing
Public Interest Litigations in the entire range of human activity. It is found that
PIL also includes environmental political, medical treatment, procurement and
purchase of all categories of store and providing services which are their legal
and professional responsibility.
Public Interest Litigation should not hereby be looked upon as one of the ways of
making the court judicially active but also as a judicial platform for dispensation
of justice to those who have been denied or deprived of justice by any of the
agencies of the executive. It has considerably widened the range and scope of the
judiciary and given it power to intervene in the areas of the legislature and
executive areas within the judicial jurisdiction. It has thus restrained the
legislature from formulating arbitrary laws—laws to override citizens’ rights
and the executive from authoritarian decisions to seal the passage of social
justice and human dignity. Human dignity is related to social justice. To derogate
human dignity is one of the ways which is hostile to social justice.
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Through Public Interest Litigation the Supreme Court of India attempts to secure
justice to the common and poor people and the deprived classes of the country.
Commenting on it, Chief Justice P.N. Bhagawati said–''The Supreme Court has
developed several new commitments. It has carried forward participative justice.
It has laid just standards of procedures. It has made justice more accessible to
citizens''. It is here pertinent to say that the expansion of the court’s jurisdiction
is not to be seen or concluded such as the judicial intervention but as an
instrument of social justice so far and so long denied to them.
On the strength of Public Interest Litigation, the Supreme Court has made several
historic declarations with the decision to render justice to the deprived and
disadvantaged classes. In 1995 it declared that health is the basic right of the
people and as such the doctors were brought under the consumer's law. The next
year the Supreme Court also declared that if the hospitals and the doctors refuse
to admit a serious patient, it would be considered as a punishable offence. It is
the doctor’s professional duty and responsibility this duty and to attend patients
and to take all possible steps to save his life. He cannot shirk responsibility. He
can’t neglect a patient’s treatment on any ground. In the case of doctor’s
negligence causing the death of a patient, the concerned medical staff must be
made accountable to criminal justice system.
Education is the pillar of progress for a nation. It is a human right and no one
should be deprived of education. Article 41 of the Directive Principles of State
policy calls upon the state to secure for people the right to education and if any
one is deprived of the opportunity of education, social justice shall cease to exist
in society. Since imparting education is essential the Supreme Court issued order
that no professional institution would charge any capitation fees for admitting
students. The court also regulated travelling sessions in medical and engineering
institutions. Even the Delhi High Court also ordered all the Public School to keep
compulsorily reserved some of their seats for the economically and socially
backward students.
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The aim and spirit of this direction of the court is that no one should be deprived
of the facilities of education at all levels because of poverty and social
backwardness.
The Constitution of India prohibits child labour and yet the system continues
unabated and the government remained indifferent to this problem. Child labour
is a social offence and an exploitation . It is matter of deprivation of a child of his
rights to education, free normal life and the enjoyment of childhood.
Employment of children to works or jobs at brick kilns, shops and restaurants,
hotels and factories , it is inhuman and hostile to the rights of a child This is to be
looked upon as a violation of child rights and as an act of inhuman oppression
and exploitation.
Hence in December 1996 the Supreme Court ordered to set up a Child Labour
Rehabilitation Worker Fund and the employers of the child workers are to
deposit these compulsorily a compensation of Rs. 20,000 per child worker and
rehabilitate them accordingly. Through PIL the court enforces constitutional or
legal right, protect human rights and dignity, resists exploitation and oppression
to children and women and attempts to secure and validate social justice to all.
The recent incident of racial discrimination against North East People is a serious
of matter of violation of rights and freedoms of Indian citizens within India. A PIL
filed seven advocates, some of them belonging to North East has highlighted the
recent attacks on North Eastern People including the death of Arunachal Pradesh
youth Nido Tania who was beaten by local shopkeepers in south Delhi. The PIL48
( PIL to Protect North East People , 12 February , 2014 , The Statesman) seeks to
Supreme Court to direct the government of India to frame guidelines to protect
the people from the North eastern states in the national capital and other parts of
the country from racial discrimination. A state which claims to be welfare state
cannot approve of racial discrimination to govern social and national life . Hence
racial discrimination needs to be rooted out to secure justice to all.
48
The Statesman , February 12, 2014
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On the basis of a PIL , filed by National Legal Services Authority urging the
Supreme Court to give separate identity to transgenders by recognizing them as
a third category of gender and directed the government to ensure that they
would get job , reservations, and facilities, including voter card , driving license
and passport. “The apex court said, the group would be considered as socially
and economically backward classes and as entitled to reservations in jobs . The
centers and the states also directed to take steps for bringing the community into
the mainstream by providing adequate health care, education and
employment.”,“Recognition of transgender as a third gender is not merely a
social or medical issue but a human right issue.”
49
The decision in Maneka Gandhi vs. union of India where it was held a person could be
deprived of his right to life only by a law which was just , fair and reasonable and in
Bandhua Mukti Morcha vs Union of India case the S.C. conferred a verdict against the
bonded labour system.
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
The court observed that members of transgender “are also citizens of India. It is
the right of every human being to choose their gender. The spirit of the
Constitution is to provide equal opportunity to every citizens to grow and attain
their potential, irrespective of caste, religion or gender. The court’s order also
includes the
It has immensely widened the range and scope of the meaning and implication
of the word ‘justice’ in the domain in the domain of Indian social and political
system and lent a far extending significance to the interrelationship of rules and
laws existing in Indian administration . Even the legislation that make laws are
not outside the purview of PIL. Judicial decisions have often been seen
challenged through PIL and finally the victory of PIL. Has also influenced
allowed those. There are many cases that have gone far to restrain the executive
from overstepping its boundary and to delimit it. In every decision and action the
executive has been very much active
It is true that PILs , namely Bhagalpur Blinding case, Bandhua Mukti Case,
Francis Coralie Mullin case, M.C. Mehta vs. Union of India, Bishakha vs State of
Union and earlier Maneka vs. Union of India ( though not PIL strictly) are of
enormously important in ensuring social justice. Needless to say the famous
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
Golaknath vs. State of Punjab , and Keshavnanda Bharati vs, state of Kerala ,
though not coming strictly under the purview of PIL led to a host of social
legislation. In this dissertation, all this landmark cases appeared and reappeared
in previous chapters indicating their importance in our discussion. The impact of
Bishakha vs. State of Rajasthan on the question of social justice , are still felt .
The sexual scandal involving Tarun Tejpal , the editor of Tahelka magazine of
New Delhi , the case of Vishakha vs. state of Rajasthan was aptly invoked .
Important point is , the gravity of the cases were so all comprehensive and all
pervasive , that its impact has crossed the boundaries of ages ; it would have
been effective to discuss the impacts of such landmarks judgments upon the
issues of Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice in Coalition
Politics. But space constraints is a bar to an elaboration of the direct and indirect
impact of the cases of the judicial and executive initiative to implement various
Directive Principles .
However, Indira Swahney case and Vishakah vs. State of Rajasthan are so
important in ensuring social justice and justice to women in the workplace , that
this point needs to be discussed as part of the analysis of research data. Even a
cursory glance of Indira Sawhney case would amply prove how the Directive
Principles and Fundamental Rights are interrelated in our Constitution. The
constitution-makers also shaped the Constitution from the perspective of
interrelationship between Directive Principles, Fundamental Rights and
Preamble.
In the case it was stated that , ‘Liberty , equality and fraternity’ was the battle cry
of the French Revolution. It is also the motto of our Constitution, with the
concept of ‘justice- social economic and political’ – the sum total of modern
political thought . … liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship has
equally been an abiding faith of all human beings , and at all times in this country
in particular. Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual has a special
relevance to the Indian context. as this judgment will illustrate in due course.
It has been frequently stated on several occasions in the present dissertation that
the content of the expression “equality before the law” is contemplated. Its spirit
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
The doctrine of equality has many facets. It is a dynamic and evolving concept.
Its main facets , relevant to Indian society , have been referred to in the Preamble
and the Articles under the sub heading “Right to equality” –(Articles 14 -18). In
short , the goal is “equality of status and of opportunity”. Articles 14 to 18 must
be understood not merely with reference to what they say but also in the
light of several articles in Part IV (Directive Principles of State Policy)-
“Justice, Social, Economic and Political”, is the sum total of the aspirations
incorporated in part IV.
It is not my aim to discuss the legal implication of all those landmark judgments
given by Hon’ble Supreme Court but to focus on their importance upon social
legislations passed successively . I have already referred about Zia Mody’s Ten
Judgments that Have Changed India in Book review section where Aruna
Shanbaug case , ADM Jabalpur case, Maneka Gandhi case, Bhpal gas case find
prominent place. Firstpost.com , a news web page , has also referred Zia
Mody’s book while highlighting Vishakha vs. State of Rajasthan case .
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
As Zia Mody says in her book, Ten Judgements that Changed India, "Judicial
activism reached its pinnacle in Vishakha Vs. State of Rajasthan." The judgment
was unprecedented for several reasons: the Supreme Court acknowledged and
relied to a great extent on international treaties that had not been transformed
into municipal law; the Supreme Court provided the first authoritative decision
of 'sexual harassment' in India; and confronted with a statutory vacuum, it went
creative and proposed the route of 'judicial legislation'.
The Vishakha judgment was an offshoot of a rape case involving a social worker
in Rajasthan. It laid down the requirements for employers dealing with
complaints of sexual assault and stipulated the formation of committees to
dispose of complaints from victims of harassment.
Gender equality includes protection from sexual harassment and the right to work
with dignity as per our constitution.
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
In Francies Coralie Mullin case the court declared. ''The right to life includes the
right to live with human dignity and all that goes with it, namely, the bare
necessity of life such as adequate nutrition, clothing and shelter and facilities for
reading, writing and expressing oneself in diverse forms freely moving about and
mixing and combining with fellow human beings. The magnitude and
components of this right would depend upon the content of economic
development of the country, but it must, in any view of the matter, include the
bare necessity of life and also the right to carry on such functions and activities
as constitute the bare minimum expression of the human life.''50 (Francies
Coralie Mullin vs. The Administrator , Union Territory of Delhi (1981) 2 SCR, p
529 BF).
''The combined effect of the expanded interpretation of the right to life and the
use of PIL as a tool led the court into areas where there was a crying need for
social justice. There were areas where there was a direct interaction between
law and poverty, as in the case of bonded labour and child labour and crime and
poverty, as in the case of undertrials in jails''. The court examined human rights
of dignity, living conditions, health in the ambit of the right to life as enunciated
in the Directive Principles of State Policy and tried to enforce and implement
these through various public interest litigations. What has impelled the court to
become active in protecting human rights, value and dignity and in rendering
justice to the poor, weaker classes and aggrieved person was the sense of justice
and value of human life and liberty. The implementation of the Directive
50
Francies Coralie Mullin vs. The Administrator , Union Territory of Delhi (1981) 2 SCR, p
529 BF
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Chapter - VIII Public Interest Litigation and Social Justice
Principles is the definite and positive way to give the Indian society the shape of
a true civil society and to make India a true welfare state.
In Bandhua Mukti Morcha vs. Union of India, 1984, a PIL by an NGO (Non-
government Organisation) highlighted the deplorable condition of bonded
labourers in a quarry in Haryana, not far from the Supreme court. The court
ruled a host of protective and welfare-oriented labour legislations, including the
Bonded Labour (Abolition) Act and the Minimum Wages Act. In giving extensive
direction to the State Government to enable it to discharge its constitutional
obligation towards the bonded labourers, the court observed.
''The right to live with human dignity restrained in Article 21 derives its life
breath from the Directive Principles of State Policy and particularly classes (e)
and (f) of Article 39 and Articles 41 and 42 and at least, therefore, it must include
protection of the health and strength of workers, men and women and of the
tender age of children against abuse of opportunities and facilities for children to
develop in a healthy manner and in conditions of freedom and dignity,
educational facilities, just and human conditions of work and maternity relief.
These are the minimum requirements which must exist in order to enable a
person to live with human dignity and no State has the right to take any action
which will deprive a person of the enjoyment of these basic essentials.
Since the Directive Principles of State Policy contained in Clauses (l) and (f) of
Article 39, and Articles 41 and 42 are not enforceable in a court of law, it may
not be possible to compel the State through the judicial process to make
provision by statutory enactment or executive fiat for ensuring these basic
essentials which go to make up a life of human dignity, but where legislation is
already enacted by the state providing these basic requirements to the workmen
and thus investing their right to live with basic human dignity, with concrete
reality and content, the State can certainly be obliged to ensure observance of
such legislation, for inaction on the part of the state in securing implementation
of such legislation would amount to denial of the right to live with human
dignity enshrined in Article 21, more so in the context of Article 256 which
provides that the executive power of every state shall be so exercised as to
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ensure compliance with the laws made by parliament and any existing laws
which apply in that state.''
Thus in Vishakha vs State of Rajasthan case, 1997 (very significant case and
landmark judgment was issued from it, already elaborated above), the court
converted what seemed a non-justiciable issue into a justiciable one by invoking
the wide sweep of the enforceable Article 21. More recently, the court performed
a similar exercise when, in the context of Articles 21 and 42, it evolved legally
binding guidelines to deal with the problems of sexual harassment of woman at
the work place. In National Textile Workers Union vs. P.R. Ramakrishna, 1983,
the court observed ''It would indeed be strange that the workers who have
contributed to the building of enterprise as a centre of economic power should
have no right to be heard when it is sought to demolish that centre of economic
power.
This is a fact that denial of justice to people by the executive as well as the
legislature led to the evolution of Public Interest Litigation. PIL covers a wide
range of area of human life, right and freedom. PIL has restored to the victim of
justice related to life, right and freedom, deprived by all agencies of the
government. The Supreme Court has made itself active enough in rendering
justice to aggrieved persons who have been victims of legal or administrative
injustice because of the indifference of the concerned government agencies to
the value, dignity, right of human beings. In D.K. Basu vs. State of West Bengal,
198651 the court expressed deep concern over the matter of police custodial
death and directed the police to adopt great caution with respect to arrest. The
court ruled that the police on duty can arrest an offender and detain a person for
interrogation during investigations but law has not given to the police power to
give the suspect third degree or to apply this method during interrogation and
investigation. The application of third degree to the suspect during interrogation
and investigation has been proscribed. In the opinion of the court ''End cannot
justify the means''. The concept of third degree is very popular with the police as
a means to elicit statements from the accused detained in the police station. But
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Hon’ble Supreme Court laid down certain principles to be followed before arresting a
person
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it is widely criticized as a wild means used and applied by the police in the police
station. In the civilized society , everybody condemns the concept of third degree
traditionally applied by the police . It is an instance of glaring violation of human
rights. The argument placed against the application of third degree is that the
police are not entitled or empowered to impose physical or mental punishment
upon a suspect detained in the police station. The duty of the police is to detect
crimes and criminals and book them accordingly and finally forward the accused
to the court for judicial action. It is up to the court, not up to the police to subject
a suspect or an accused person detained in the police station, to physical
punishment.
There are scores of cases of illegal detention of people in the Police Station. On
many occasions it is alleged that the Police detained innocent persons in the
Police Stations for days together without any specific charges against them.
Apart from this the Police are often reported to have beaten to death many
innocent or accused persons. These actions of the Police in the name of
maintenance of law and order or peace in the locality are undoubtedly barbaric
and inhuman . They are violations of law and rights granted to people . But
judicial activism has greatly restrained the police from going beyond the defined
jurisdiction and a number of PIL were filed against Police excesses . The Court
passed many historic judgments of which a few have been cited and precisely
discussed in this study, to show how PIL has become an effective tool for the
protection of human rights and dignity. In Sushil Basra vs. Delhi Administration
it was held that the writ of habeas corpus can be not only for releasing a person
from illegal detention but also for protecting prisoners from inhuman treatment.
In the civil society no person is subject to injustice nor is it upheld under any
circumstances. Right and justice constitute a unique human phenomenon. They
cannot be overridden and any attempt to override them amounts to the violation
of human dignity. The court directed the police to abide by obligatorily the duty
that the police are duty-bound to inform the nearest relative of the detention of a
person. The right of the detained person showed be protected and violation of
these instructions shall be treated as violation of the court. Violation of human
rights shall entail compensation as the remedial measure, for the aim of PIL is to
civilise the persons in power and to ascertain them that they are under the
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similar law. In a PIL the Supreme Court convicted the State Police of Punjab of
police custodial death and directed the State to pay Rs.2,00,000 to the parents of
the deceased as compensation.
Article 48 (A) of the Directive Principles of State Policy enjoins that the state
should safeguard the wild lives and forests of the country. This means that the
state should take the initiative in improving ecology and environment. But what
we have found that the State was quite indifferent to the improvement of ecology
and environment and this indifference has led to the creation of environment
pollution in India. The nation-wide movement against pollution raised the
consciousness of the government in the formulation of law to control pollution.
Besides, the greatest reflection of public interest litigation is found in the world
of Pollution Control Act. The credit of the legislation of Pollution Control set
specially goes to M.C. Mehta, a distinguished lawyer in Supreme Court . Air is
abnormally polluted by the rapid increase in number of motorised vehicles. In
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Popularly known as Judges Transfer case.
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Delhi air pollution has already exceeded all limits of safety marked by World
Health Organisation (WHO).
Public Interest Litigation were filed in the matters of emission of odious gas in
the populated area of Delhi, high pollution in the heart of the capital, oil refinery
of Mathura greatly affecting the Taj Mahal, jam on the roads of Delhi vehicle
regulation etc. The court has taken positive steps through passing verdicts on PIL
s to control pollutions. The court has played a significant role in bringing the
western coastal areas of India under Pollution Control Act. It has helped in
controlling pollution at the coastal area through its ruling to proscribe the
culture of pollution. The court deserves the credit of controlling pollution by
directing the Pollution Control Board to fine the organisations creating pollution.
This has proved to be very effective in protecting life against disruption because
of rapidly rising pollution by uncontrolled industrialisation. The court's
principles of pollution control restrained leather factories or tanneries chemical
factories in Rajasthan prawn breeding distillery factories in Tamil Nadu from
polluting the air and the environment. The court has taken upon itself the
responsibility to took into the steps adopted by those factories to neutralize
water and soil pollution created. As a result many polluting organisations have
been compelled to install pollution control machines and thus pollution has
finally come under control.
The Supreme Court is not only the protector of right and liberty but also the
institution to make India a pollution free nation. It has delivered some historic
verdicts restraining factories and industries from polluting the air and
environment, which is hazardous for life. The court's verdicts are the result of
Public Interest Litigations when the inaction of the executive or of the agencies of
the executive frustrated environmentalists, social workers and many other NGOs
working hard to save our environment from being further polluted. People have
always welcomed the directives of the Supreme Court to such factories and
industries causing massive pollution.
''In M.C. Metha vs. Union of India (Shriram Food and Fertilizer Case) the Supreme
Court ordered the closure of the units manufacturing hazardous and lethal
chemicals and gases posing danger to health and life of workmen and people
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living in its neighbourhood and directed the companies to take all necessary
safety measures before reopening the plants''.
''In Rural Litigation and Entitlement Kendra vs. State of U.P. the Court ordered
the closure of lime stone quarries those who caused large scale pollution
adversely affecting the safety and health of the public living in the areas on the
ground that there were serious deficiencies regarding safety and hazards in
them''. Environmental plunder has caused horrible environmental problem in
India. It has also invited horrible consequences of life and human livelihood. The
development of life has been hampered. The quality life in some larger cities has
been lowered. Air has been polluted beyond limit and urban areas have been
greatly congested. Deforestation has degraded our environment and adversely
impacted people’s traditional livelihood in such areas as Kalahandi in Odisha. In
rural areas, the exploitation of ground water for irrigation has exceeded all
limits causing sharp decline in ground water table. Keeping all these damaging
activities , it can be said that more strident laws are required to control pollution.
In M.C. Mehta Vs. Union of India relating to Ganga pollution case, the Supreme
Court ordered the closure of tanneries at Jajmau near Kanpur, U.P. polluting the
Ganga unless they took steps to set up treatment plants. In M.C. Metha vs. Union
of India relating to Taj Mahal case the Supreme Court has directed the industries
in Taj Trapezium zone to change over to natural gas as industrial fuel and if they
could not do so they must stop functioning and to relocate the same to a place
outside the Taj Trapezium zone. The Court has further given guidelines to
safeguard the interests of the workers working in relocated units.
In M.C. Mehta Vs. Union of India, the Supreme Court has issued direction to take
steps to prevent destruction or change to the environment flora and fauna and
wild life. The direction are based the Article 48(A) of the Directive
Principles of State Policy. In Animal and Environment Legal Defence Fund vs.
Union of India, the Supreme Court has directed to erect a boundary wall around
a test firing range so that probable damages to animals are averted. This
direction is in consistence with Article 48(A) of the Directive Principles of State
Policy.
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The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has expressed grave concern over alarming
pollution caused by thermal power plant in Vidarbha using inferior quality coal
in violation of Ministry of Environment and Forests’ norms. A PIL had been filed
by Ratnadeep Rangari , a social worker and resident of Mahadula village near
Nagpur, charging coal and power utility with flouting Ministry and Forests’
norms, which is polluting the air, poisoning the water and reducing Vidarbha to a
gas chamber by not using clean coal technology. This has put lives of about
twenty million people of Vidarbha in Maharashtra in danger. The petition urged
the National Green Tribunal to direct coal and power utility to follow the
notification of the ministry and all other regulatory and supervisory institution
to ensure its compliance.
A division bench of the National Green Tribunal entertained the PIL writ and
issued a notice to Maharastra Chief Secretary, State Energy Department,
Environment Department , Union Power and Coal Ministry, Ministry of
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) is the new epoch in the history of the judicial
system of India. It has opened up a new path for people to receive social, political
and economic justice. This has brought to people justice, which was otherwise
denied to them. PIL has rekindled the hope of justice through the judiciary when
the executive has failed to ensure it. The directive principles which are not
justiciable and enforceable in the court of law have been accorded legal status.
PIL contributes to translate the spirit of the Directive Principles of State Policy
into a reality. PIL should not be criticized as increasing the trend of the judicial
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predominance over the executive nor should any attempt be made to restrict the
range and scope of PIL. Any attempt to delimit the range of PIL may be termed or
viewed as an attempt to deny justice.
Summary
The concept of locus standi also underwent metamorphosis and the expanded
concept of locus standi assumed a significant part in the parlance of PIL. PIL
cannot be initiated in the court of law on individual ground ; it must focus on
public interest ; cause of environmental degeneration , air pollution , sound
pollution and its prevention may benefit the people or children and be sought
justice and remedied through court of law and can be dubbed to be a perfect
example of PIL which are generally entertained by the highest court.
The court entertains a writ petition from a public spirited person or a social
action group for the vindication of Fundamental Rights of a person who is unable
to enforce them because he belongs to a class or group of persons who are at a
disadvantaged position on account of poverty. Disability or other social or
economic impediment and are unable to enforce these rights. The Supreme Court
ruled that Public Interest Litigation is essentially a cooperative or collaborative
effort on the part of the petitioner and the courts to secure observance of the
constitutional or legal rights.
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CHAPTER IX
The Preamble to the Constitution of India and the Directive Principles though
non-justiciable, articulate and declare justice, liberty and equality to be secured
for the people as there are very important and democratically significant political
ideals aiming to render our democratic ideals into tangible realities and are
designed to direct the state, on political , social , and humanitarian grounds , to
adopt welfare politics and implement them to ensure and provide maximum
possible benefit to people without any discrimination so that the right to life and
the dignity of life are adequately protected and rightly preserved.
9.1 Welfare State also stresses that no one should be deprived of legal
justice
A welfare state also stresses that no one should be deprived of legal justice. India
that claims to be a welfare State seeks to provide necessary legal aid service to
the poor, to the helpless, to an individual unable to bear expenses to start and
continue a legal battle for legal justice and to the weaker section of the society. It
is against the principle of a welfare State or a democratic society if an individual
or a member of the poor and weaker sections is denied or deprived of legal
justice for want of money required as expenses to start and continue a legal fight
for justice in the court. This denial or deprivation of justice is a glaring instance
of violation of human rights and social justice. As a State is committed to
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democracy and social welfare, India deserves praise and appreciation for striving
to secure the provisions for its citizens a wide range of social services which also
include the provisions of free legal aid to the deserving individuals. In the field of
social security, India strives to protect its people against denial or deprivation of
legal justice through the scheme of free legal aid which is based on the objectives
of the free, competent, effective and comprehensive legal services. The scheme
no doubt, aims at strengthening the state’s commitment to democracy and
welfarism. Article 39A of the Constitution of India provides for free legal aid to
the poor and weaker sections of the society. The legal Service Authority Act,
1987, as followed, as amended by the Act of 1994, which came into force on
November 9, 1995 aims at establishing a nation-wide network for providing free
and competent legal services to the weaker sections.
The Central Government has undertaken the responsibility of ensuring free legal
aid to a citizen who deserves it as a positive step towards the implementation of
Article 39A, of the Directive Principles. It has set up some important agencies to
look into the matters of free legal aid and effective and comprehensive legal
services to people so that the legal justice is dispensed to them and their right to
legal justice is ensured and protected . It has set up National Legal service
Authority (NLSA) which is entrusted with the responsibility to implement and
monitor legal aid programmes in the country. The Supreme Court Legal Service
Committee has been constituted under the Act.
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The term ‘legal aid’ means “payment from public funds for or towards the cost of
legal advice or representation” (Oxford Advanced Learners’ Dictionary). It refers
to the services of a lawyer in a court case provided free to people too poor to pay
for them. “Legal aid is the provision of assistance to people otherwise unable to
afford legal representation and access to court system.” It enables a poor,
helpless person to have access to justice. It is meant for those who are unable to
pay for the process of justice in the court of law. It is an instrument for ensuring
equality before the law. Through legal aid the State seeks to ensure the right to
counsel, and the right to a fair trial. The Constitutional guarantee of equality
before law will not be a reality if the state fails to provide free legal aid to one
who is entitled to avail oneself of it. India is committed to welfarism, and so it has
ensured free legal aid to a deserving person. Legal aid is essential for social
justice. Social justice is incomplete and thereby meaningless if the poor and the
weaker sections of the society are unable to have access to justice in the court of
law.
A welfare state aims at providing security and Justice to its citizens . It seeks to
make sure that no one is deprived of it. It upholds the rule of the law in the sense
that the law will treat everybody with an eye of equality. Law is not the
prerogative to the rich; the poor shall have equal access to the law. Hence legal
aid is intimately related to the welfare state, and the provision of legal aid by a
State is influenced by attitude towards welfare programmes. The state cannot
refuse to provide legal aid to people who are entitled to welfare provisions, such
as social housing, with access to legal advice and the courts. Legal aid has
enabled people to have their economic, social and cultural and even personal
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rights protected. It is essential for the state to provide individuals with access to
justice in order to uphold welfarism .
Legal justice is one of the cardinal features of social justice and welfarism. Social
justice cannot prevail in a society if the State fails to ensure legal justice to its
citizens. The State is required to adopt all possible measures to provide free legal
aid or services to the poor and the needy and who are unable to afford services
of a lawyer for the conduct of a case or a legal proceedings in any court of law or
tribunal or before any state authority. The State cannot stand away from
providing this service to such deserving persons. An individual should not be
denied justice because of his poverty or want of money. Justice Blackmun in
Jackson vs. Bishop case says “ The concept of seeking Justice cannot be equated
with the value of dollars . Money plays no role in seeking Justice”.
Article 39A of the Constitution of India provides that State shall secure that the
operation of the legal system promotes justice on a basis of equal opportunity ,
and shall in particular provide free legal aid by suitable legislation or schemes
or in any other way to ensure that opportunities for securing justice are not
denied to any citizens by reason of economic or other disability”. Right to
equality is constitutionally guaranteed to the people of India. Equality before the
law, including equal protection of the laws (Art. 14) is one of the principal rights
to equality . This Article proclaims “The State shall not deny to any person
equality before law or the equal protection of the laws within the territory of
India”. This principle is in conformity with the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights which states that “All are equal before the law” which states that “all are
equal before the law and are entitled without discrimination to equal protection
of the laws”
It is the duty and responsibility of a welfare state to see that “equality before the
law” and “equal protection of laws” that are being secured to all without
discrimination. The Supreme Court has laid down that “equal protection means
equal protection under similar circumstances that law should be applied to all in
the same condition”. It means right to equal treatment under equal
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circumstances. The law shall not discriminate and the State shall not make law
favouring one person and placing another under any disadvantage.
The Government of India has paid its attention to the issue of legal aid for the
poor , and the needy classes of the society . In 1960, it draws some guidelines
how to effectively provide legal aid through legal aid schemes. In the State of
India legal aids schemes . In the State of India legal schemes were floated through
legal aid Boards, Societies, and Law department. In 1980 a committee at the
national level , chaired by justice P.N. Bhagawati , then a Judge of the Supreme
Court was constituted to supervise legal aids programme throughout the
country. This committee was designated as CILAS ( Committee for Implementing
Legal Aid Schemes ) and it started monitoring Legal Aid activities throughout the
country. Lok Adalat which has already been introduced lent a new dimension to
the dispensation of Justice of the country. Lok Adalat provides a supplementary
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Free legal aid service to the poor and the weaker sections of the society is of
overriding importance as far as legal justice is concerned. Law is an important
instrument of social change which connotes social development . Social change ,
if systematic , democratic and welfaristic , leads inevitably to social development.
There is law in India to protect the right to legal justice of those who approach
the court to get justice. The ‘concept of social justice’ proves to be futile if an
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individual is denied an opportunity to seek justice in the court of law. The 14th
Law Commission Report defended the argument that the poor needed to be
entitled to free legal service to justify the principle of an equality of opportunity
to seek justice to all segments of society. If the state refuses or otherwise fails to
ensure it to the poor or the helpless class of people or economically backward
classes of society , their faith in the legal system is bound to evaporate , and the
State that claims to be a welfare state will surely be untenable . India as a welfare
state strives to provide free legal aid services to the deserving classes of people .
Justice Krishna Iyer looked upon Legal Aid Programme as a very important
initiative of the government to secure legal justice to those deprived of it
because of their poverty or inability otherwise and also as a reminder to the
State of its responsibility as declared in the Directive Principles of State Policy.
The Government is determined to provide the legal aid to the poor or the
indigent and the helpless persons of society in accordance with the spirit and
principles of the Constitution of India . State Legal Services Authority , West
Bengal, lists the persons who are entitled to get free legal aid services:
A woman or child
A member of Scheduled caste or Scheduled Tribe
An industrial labour
Victim of trafficking in human beings , or beggar as referred to
under Art. 23 (10 of the constitution;
A mentally challenged person, or physically disabled person;
A victim of mass disaster , ethnic violence , caste atrocity , flood ,
drought , earth quake or industrial disaster
A person who is unsteady in a protective home , or in juvenile home ,
or in a psychiatric hospitals or in psychiatric nursing home;
A male having annual income of less than Rs. 1 lakh , if the case is
before any court other than the Supreme Court and having annual
income of less than Rs. 1.25 lakh , if the case is before Supreme
Court.
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The list of the categories of person as shown above, who are entitled
to enjoy free legal aid services justifies India’s welfarism. It is
comprehensive and is expressive of the State’s endeavour to ensure
legal justice to the indigent and the helpless
The Constitution of India guarantees individual rights and vows to protect the
weaker classes of people against social inequalities and social injustices. It
proscribes the violation of dignity of the individual and seeks to abolish all such
traditional social practices as create division and discrimination between man
and man in the society. The caste system which is deep-seated in the society
continues to influence and encourage inhuman practices like manual scavenging
which is a slur upon human dignity and hence, this a glaring example of the
violation of human rights . Caste- based and hereditary occupations for dalits
which still continue to be part of social life , unquestionably derogate the very
existence of dignity of the people. Social equality which our Constitution
proclaims for all is hard to achieve if casteism , caste-based occupations of the
backward classes , caste-based discrimination and so on are not fully eradicated
from the society. Casteism and caste- based occupations constitute an important
factor of social inequality, social discrimination and social injustice in Indian
society
Law is the instrument of social justice . There have been several legislations
against social injustices. They are meant to uphold social justices, to protect
rights of people and safeguard the interests of the weaker sections of the society.
But laws against violence against women, children and exploitation of the poor
working classes have not been properly and effectively enforced. Though there
are laws to safeguard the interests of the weaker section , for lack of effective
enforcement of the laws , they have become and are still becoming victims of
deprivation in every sphere – social, economic , political. There should be laws
for social change which paves the way for social development and social equality.
Social development and Social equality form the pillar of social justice . Hence
existing laws need to be adequately enforced to secure social justice for all. We
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have laws against domestic violence which leads to the end of many innocent
women’s lives every year. Domestic violence includes dowry deaths, wife
beating or torturing, torturing maid assistants, killing wives and maid servants,
sexual violence against family members, etc.
Strict laws are required to control family violence. The Government of India has
enacted several laws – the Amended Acts on Rape in 1986 , the Anti Dowry Act of
1984-86 , the laws regarding molestation of women of 1986- 87, etc. and even in
case of Vishakha vs. State of Rajasthan , the Supreme Court have given verdicts
against sexual harassment in 1997 and branded it as an act of violation of Human
Rights. Yet the steps mentioned above are not adequate enough to contain the
violence against women. What is required is a total transformation of our social
mentality. What is more needed is to provide women in our society with
protection, support and advice, specially to those who have become victims of
family violence or other kinds of violence. There exist family courts in India to
provide legal assistance to aggrieved women . The areas and jurisdiction of such
court must be extended with greater earnestness so that the wailing mothers and
women are properly and carefully redressed. The untold sufferings of the women
must be addressed by law makers as well as by society. Offenders to women or
criminals must be punished with all severity. What is more important is that
women need to be made fully aware of their rights and positions in the society.
They should not look forward to or depend upon their male counterparts for
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The duty to proscribe all inhuman works and practices have been
constitutionally devolved to the government which aims at building up an
egalitarian society . Since equality is one of the cardinal features of the State of
India, it should not allow the continuation of menial occupation that gives rise to
class discrimination and derogates the dignity of mankind. Menial occupation is
opposed to the principles of equality and social justice. It is an occupation that
establishes social discriminations and gives validity to the violation of human
rights and dignity The Parliament of India has since passed the Prohibition of
Employment as Manual Scavenger and Their Rehabilitation Bill , 2012 and
enacted the prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their
Rehabilitation Act, 2013. The aim of this Act is to eradicate manual scavenging in
India in order to ensure just and human conditions of work as enunciated in
Article 421 under the Directive Principles of State Policy.
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The class of people who is engaged in such inhuman practices belongs to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes . People of these classes are traditionally
deprived of social and economic equality , social justice and human dignity. In
order to protect them against inequality and injustice and also to protect their
dignity as human being, the Indian Parliament has made four legislations
against the inhuman practice of scavenging. The laws are;
The Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 , proscribes the practice of the
untouchability and social disabilities arising out of it against the members of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities )
Act, 1989 , aims at preventing Commission of offences of atrocities against the
SC/ST people. The Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry
Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 prohibits manual scavenging practice in India. In
the Preamble to the Act it is stated that “whereas fraternity assuring the dignity
of the individual has been enshrined in the Preamble to the Constitution ,
whereas the dehumanizing practices of manual scavenging of human excreta
still continues in many parts of India…whereas it is necessary to enact a uniform
legislation for the whole India for abolishing manual scavenging by declaring
employment of manual scavengers for removal of human excreta as an offence
and thereby ban further proliferation of dry latrines in the country”.
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to secure facilities and opportunities for safai karmacharis under a time bound
action plan,
Summary
To sum up, we may unambiguously say that free legal aid and advice to the
indigent and helpless is a part of social justice to all. Denial of legal justice is
denial of social justice, for social justice and legal justice cannot be seen
separately. India as a welfare state has attempted to introduce free legal aid and
advice to deserving persons. To uphold the principles of social democracy and to
ensure equality before law India regards it as an obligation to provide legal aid
and advice to indigent and helpless. The State Legal Aid Committee has been
playing an important role in this respect. The District Legal Aid Committee and
the Taluk Legal Aid Committee continue to provide free legal aid support to the
deserving persons to vindicate the principles of legal justice in the Indian
Society. Free Legal aid and advice is provided to the undertrials also. The fact
that undertrials have been languishing in different jails in India for years, is an
indictment of legal injustice and violation of human rights. The State needs to be
more active in providing such undertrials relief from such languishment,
tantamounting to physical and mental tortures, as a right and just step towards
the vindication of legal justice which is a universal human right.
Legal Justice can make democracy a reality ; justice will remain vague if legal
justice is not ensured to all irrespective of caste , creed and class. Legal justice is
not easy to secure for people . The government of India has already adopted
some positive steps to facilitate legal justice for people but more positive steps
are still required to make legal justice a universal aspect of the democratic polity
and policy of the government. More laws are to be enacted in this direction. In
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this case the government should attach due importance to the right enforcement
of laws meant to ensure legal justice. The process of legal justice for the helpless ,
the indigent , aggrieved women should necessarily be streamlined .
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
CHAPTER –X
Beginning from the Councils Act of 1861 down to the Government of India Act,
1935, there had been no explicit provision of Directive Principles of State policy.
In the Government Act, 1935, there can be found provisions relating to the
Directive Principles of State Policy only by implications. According to Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar “Instrument of instructions” issued to the Government of the
Provinces and the Governor-General in India had in section 53 and 13 of the
Government of India act 1935, respectively can be regarded as the Directive
Principles of State Policy as we find in Part IV in the Constitution of India.
The Directive Principles of State Policy, contained in Part IV, Articles 36-51 of the
Constitution, constitute the core interesting and enchanting part of the
Constitution. They have been described as the most novel feature of our
constitutional government. The principles are basically presented with modern
western liberal philosophy which considers that the object of a modern
democratic society should be a “Welfare state’’ , which is called a social service
state by Laski. The directive principles aim at making India such a state where
full justice will be thrice to people and people will be protected against
inequality, insecurity, exploitation, violence and discrimination in any form and
in any way.
Many scholars of political science believe that the Directive Principles of State
policy is a borrowing from the Constitution of the Irish republic which contains a
chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy by the Irish Constitution in regard
of the Directive Principles of State Policy as they were guided by the hopes,
aspirations and ideals to make India a state Free from injustices and
discrimination. Their aim perhaps was to develop India into a welfare state.
The Directive Principles is an important part of the Constitution. They are a set of
positive directives upon the state to adopt measures in order to transform India
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into a secular and socialist democracy. Glodwill opined in this respect that
Fundamental Rights are institutions to prohibit the government from doing
certain things and the directive principles are affirmative instructions to the
government to do certain things. The Directive Principles contains the
philosophy of the Constitution. They are interpreted as broad Directives given to
the state in accordance with which the legislative and the executive powers of
the state are to be exercised.
The constitution framers wanted to firmly establish social justice in India, and to
achieve their goal they envisioned the Directive Principles and included them in
the Constitution though they are non justiciable . Through the successful
implementation of the Directive Principles India seeks to secure an egalitarian
society. The framers of the constitution were not satisfied with only political
justice, their aim was to ensure people social and economic justice; and so they
sought to combine political justice with social and economic justice.
Many scholars appreciated the value of the Directive Principles. Sir B.N. Rau
regards them as novel precepts' with an added value. Dr. Ambedkar considered
them as powerful instruments for the transformation of India form a political
democracy into an economic democracy. The spirit of the Directive Principles is
the achievement of social justice and protection of rights and human dignity. In
the realm of the dominance of coalition politics in India. We have seen that many
of the Directive Principles have been to implement and shape India into a
welfare state. The Directive Principles embody the aims and objects of the
country under the republican constitution, i.e., that it is a welfare state and not a
mere police state.
India seeks to secure a welfare state. Its aim is to bring about socio-economic
changes in society. India’s welfarism consists in its role as an instrument of
socio-economic changes. It presupposes the extension of sphere of its activity.
India as a state seeks to preserve and maintain law and order and to provide
conditions to promote the maximum good of the maximum number of people.
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Since the adoption of the Constitution in 1949 the union government has been
trying to implement the Directives as initiated in its Part IV of the Constitution.
Articles 34-51 in order to provide for the social and economic security of people
of the country by means of pensions, social security benefits, free health care
have enunciated and many other welfare programs for conferring social justice.
The Directive Principles form the basis of the very comprehensive political,
social and cultural programme of India. The Constitution announces the
commitment of India to democracy and hence, the state has adopted a number of
programms , derived from and based on the directive principles of state policy to
eradicate illiteracy, to universalise education for childcare , to guarantee equality
to politics , to prohibit discrimination on grounds of religion, caste, race, colour,
class, family or sex to ensure equality to all in matter of opportunity, to provide
medial facilities, to alleviate poverty and finally to stop exploitation, oppression
and violence.
As a welfare state India has established health ministry to provide the health of
the people. It has undertaken curative as well as preventive measures to stop to
promote health, to provide ministry support to reduce child-death, the risk and
danger of maternity. The government grants maternity leave and maternity pay
on humanitarian ground and as a step to ensure human right. The government
has established primary health centre under every block and medical facilities
are being extended to people. Even those who belong to the Below Poverty Line(
BPL ) category are provided with free medical facilities. India has already
marched far ahead with the step to establish economic and social democracy
which is enunciated in the Preamble.
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common detriment, (v) that there is equal pay for equal work for both man and
women, and (vi) that childhood and youth are protected against exploitation.
53
Comptroller vs. K.S. Jagannathan ACT: Art. 226 – Powers of court – Writ of Mandamus –
Issuance of – To direct Government / public authority to exercise its discretion in a
particular manner . Articles 16 (4) , 46 and 335 – Qualifying examinations for promotion
– Relaxation of standards in the case of Scheduled Caste/ Tribe candidates – validity /
permissibility of – whether to be consistent with efficiency of service . The Comptroller
and Auditor General’s Manual of Standing orders ( Administrative ) Volume 1, Chapter v
, paras 195 , 197, 198, 199 & 207 – Subordinate Accounts Service Examination
(Ordinary) – Relaxation of Standards for Schedules castes/ Tribe candidates
54
Mukesh vs. state of MP on 13 Aug, 2002 Bench NS Hegde, BP Sing; the appellant along
with his lady friend was charged under Sections 302, 307 IPC … for having committed
murder of one Ramkrishna Mishra.
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Kant vs Union of India, 198755 the Supreme Court has directed the government
and administrative authorities to adopt positive steps to redress public
grievances arising out of their failure to implement directive principles. The
directions of the court lead them to the implementation and enforcement of the
laws already legislated. The government has accordingly made laws to protect
people’s rights, to guarantee equality and to render justice to the weaker section
in the society.
Before we move into the core areas of impact of 42nd Constitution Amendment
Act upon the Directive Principles , we must delve into different issues like the
precedence or priority aspect of the two components of our Constitution—the
Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy. In view of the
aspect of non - justiciability of the Directive Principles, the priority of
Fundamental Rights to Directive Principles , in other words, the differences
between the two, the constitutional importance of the 24th and 25th Constitution
Amendment Acts in influencing subsequent legislations on Directive principles in
order to render social justice and secure social security cannot be and the
Keshavananda Bharati case are all historically connected.
Dr. D.D. Basu , in his immaculate style of presentation said, From the standpoint
of the individual , the difference between Directive Principles and Fundamental
Rights is that between justiciable or non justiciable rights – a classification which
has been adopted by the framers. Thus though the Directives under Article 43
enjoins on the State to secure a living wage by means of an action in a court, so
long as it is not implemented by appropriate legislation. In other words the
courts are not competent to compel the Government to carry out any Directive ,
55
Laxmikanta vs Union of India 11 April , 1997 order .Leave granted. We have heard
counsel on both sides. This appeal , by special leave , arises from the judgment passed by
MP High Court at Jabalpur Branch on Nov. 23 1995.
The appellant is a manufacturer of tooth paste , using tobacco as one of the ingredient
therin. The Govt. exercising power under Sections 33 DDE of the Drugs and Cosmetics
Order Act, 1940, issued notifications
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e.g., to provide for free compulsory education within the time limited by Art. 45
or to undertake legislation to implement any of the Directive Principles.
It may be observed that the declaration that made in part IV of the Constitution
are in many cases of a wider import than the declaration made in part III. Hence ,
the question of priority in case of conflict between the two classes of provisions
may easily arise.
The foregoing general proposition , laid down by the Supreme Court in 1951,
must now , however, be read subject
By the 42nd Amendment Act, 1976 , a countervailing factor has been introduced ,
namely the Fundamental duties mentioned in Article 51A
The 42nd Amendment Act has increased the number of directives and attaches
importance to the Directives. It has added directions to part IV of the constitution
to provide for (I) free legal aid to the economically backward classes, (ii)
participation of workers in the management of organisation engaged in any
industry, (iii) protection and improvement of environment and safeguarding
forests and wild life. Thus the importance of the Directives is day by day
increasing in order to establish a socialist , egalitarian and just state.
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fundamentals of a social welfare state for the materialisation of the ideals and
aspirations to which India is committed. Though they are non-justiciable and
subordinate to the fundamental rights as it is outwardly seen, their importance
and signification as the integral part of the Constitution cannot be ignored or
denied. It has sometimes been seen that the Supreme Court has taken the help of
the spirit and maxims of the Directive Principles in explaining and clarifying any
of the articles under the Fundamental Rights if these meanings and implications
appear to be inadequately expressed.
The Directive Principles are expressive of the goal of India policies, which is to
establish a welfare state, which is envisaged in the Preamble to the Constitution
of India. They lay emphasis on social welfare, social justice, social security,
economic justice, human rights and dignity, crusade against exploitation, tirade
against violence against human and other pro-people policies which can alone be
rendered into realities if they are properly implemented and enforced. Their
implementation is believed to herald a new social order in Indian society where
everybody is expected to get ford to satisfy his hunger to be rehabilitated not to
die of ill-wealth, not to be exploited decease of ignorance and illiteracy, not to
remain unprotected against socio-economic injustices, not to be addiction of the
whims of the executive and the legislature and not to be discriminated on any
grounds. In Keshavananda Bharati case the Supreme Court opined that even the
conditions for the exercise by each individual of his fundamental rights cannot be
ensured unless and until the directives are implemented.
56
Dr. M.V. Pylee, Constitutional government in India , 1984
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violent social revolution. Through such a social revolution, the constitution seeks
to fulfil the basic needs of the common man and to change the structure of our
society. It aims at making the Indian masses free in the positive sense. Without
faithfully implementing the Directive Principles it is not possible to achieve the
welfare state contemplated by the constitution.
Dr. Pylee rightly says that the Directive Principles guide the path which will lead
the people of India to achieve the noble ideals which the Preamble to the
Constitution proclaims justice, social, economic and political; Liberty, equality
and fraternity. Directive principles lay the foundations on which a now
democratic India is set to be built. They stand for the minimum of the ambitions
and aspiration the by the people of India, set as a goal to be readied in a
reasonable period of time. Indeed, when the station India translates these
principles into reaction, the country law justly claim to be welfare state.
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people and on the reduction of disparity between the poor and the wealthy
classes. As a first step , land reforms measures were adopted and land reforms
has been implemented. In order to secure proper ownership and distribution of
the wealth of the country, and the measures as abolition of the feudal zamindari
system, enactment of land ceiling system act, fixation of land tenure., etc have
been implemented. Land ceiling laws were passed in all the states of limit the
size or amount of land an individual is allowed to keep or possess for his own
cultivation and to redistribute surplus land to the poor peasants and to those
who are landless. The “land to the tiller” legislation was not seriously
implemented by many state governments, except CPI(M)- Led governments in
Kerala and West Bengal.
During the Prime ministership of Rajiv Gandhi a number of measures has been
adopted to improve the financial condition of the farmers and workers. This was
a step towards the implementation of the policy as enunciated in the directive
principles of state policy. When Viswanath Pratap Singh became prime minister
of India, he launched various programmes to safeguard the interest of the
backward classes and the minorities. He took a bold step to implement the
report of the Mandal commission. Atal Bihari Vajpayee government introduced
kishan credit card to provide bank loan to farmers for the cultivation of land.
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
Social protection and Social justice are almost synonymous terms. Social
protection is meaningless or impossible if social justice is not established and
social justice cannot prevail if people are not socially and economically
protected. Social protection is related to human dignity and to the basic rights of
human beings. It has assumed a wide dimension in recent times in confirming of
its value and importance. Social protection for people has now become a global
demand. The state of India has attributed supreme importance to the issue of
social protection in its policy of governance. Since India is committed to social
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
In this case the court observes that denial of medical facilities by government
hospital to an injured person on the ground of non-availability of beds amounts
to violation of Article 21 of the constitution of India , which deals with right to
live with human dignity the government ensure refuse to provide health security
through medical aid to one who stands face to face with the question of life and
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
Article 47 declares that the State shall raise the level of nutrition and the
standard of living and improve public health. According to this Article, it is the
duty of the state to adopt necessary possible steps to ensure the improvement of
public health. The Supreme Court has always recognized the right to health and
being an integral part of the right to life (AIR 1982, SC 86). The principle got
tested in the case of an agricultural labourers whose condition, after a fall from a
running train, worsened considerably when as many as four government
hospitals in Calcutta refused to admit him as there did not have been any vacant
bed. The supreme court did not stop at declaring the right to health to be a
57
Unnikrishnan J.P. And others vs. state of Andhra Pradesh And others. Writ Petition ( C)
No. 607 of 1992 ( under art. 32 the constitution of India)
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
fundamental right and at enforcing that right of the labourer by the government
of West Bengal to pay him compensation for the loss suffered. It directed the
government to formulate a blue print for primary health care with particular
reference to treatment of patient during an emergency58 (Paschim Banga Khet
Majdur Samity vs State of West Bengal, 1996(4 sec 37).
Since the court recognises the right to health as a fundamental right and the state
realised that as a welfare state it is its bounded duty to provide health security
to people, the central government has adopted a number of measures to ensure
health security to its citizen and National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) launched
in 2005 is a remarkable and commendable health welfare programme that fits a
welfare state. This programme aims at providing health security, particularly to
women, children and the poor who reside in rural areas. It adopts a
comprehensive approach covering vital determinants of health like nutrition,
sanitation, hygiene and safe drinking water. The principal goal of this health
58
Paschimbanga khetmazdoor Samity vs State orf West Bengal , 1996 ( 4 sec 37)
59
The Statesman, May 6 , 2014.
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
security programme it to control and reduce the morality rate of infants and
maternity, to prevent communicable and non-communicable diseases and to
provide people medical facilities to be cured of diseases from which they have
been suffering for lack medical facilities. The programme has been instrumental
in the decline in the infant mortality rate and increase in the institutional
delivery. The top achievement of this programme is that it has greatly succeeded
in creating awareness in rural , ignorant, and backward people of the necessity
and value of healthy life.
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cost that is beyond the reach of common people. While the Rashtriya Swastha
Bima Yojana has been efficacious to an extent development of a more
comprehensive facility available for primary, secondary and tertiary health care
would go a long a way in providing great health security to our people”60. Hence
social security is unrealizable without health security in India.
In consumer education and research Centre vs Union of India, 1995 (3 sec 42),
right to health and medial care is a fundamental right under Article 21 as it is
only natural for making the life of the workman meaningful and purposeful with
dignity of person. Right to life also includes is right to livelihood, better standard
of life, hygienic conditions in workplace and leisure. In Kirloskar Brother Ltd. Vs
Employees State Insurance Corporation, 1996 (2 Sec 682) and in State of Punjab
vs Mohinder Singh Chowla, (AIR 1997 SC 1225) the court contended that the
right to health is a fundamental right of a workmen and the amount spent
towards treatment has to be reimbursed. In Vincent Parikarlagaro vs Union of
India (Air 1980 SC 165), the court declared that the right to maintenance and
improvement of public health is under the right to live with human dignity.
The working class in India constitutes a large chunk of Indian population. The
state cannot deny its duty and liability to the welfare of this class. Any attempt to
ignore the interest and security of life of workers and labourers is a gross
disregard of the constitutional spirit and goal of India as a welfare state and is in
contravention of the ideal and aspirations of our constitution framers. It is an
important duty of the state to protect the right and interests of workers and
labourers. India is declared to strive to secure social and economic justice to all
irrespective of caste, class, sex, etc and to protect them against exploitation and
deprivation. It is also the duty of the state to ensure healthy and human working
condition for workers and also to provide laws for adequate, regular payment of
wages in consistence with the nature and type of working discharged or done.
The workers or labourers cannot be deprived of it, and deprivation of it will
stand for exploitation and deprivation. Right to wages against works done is an
inviolable right of workers. Article 38 states that the state shall strive to promote
60
‘Prez Pitches for Health Security’, The Statesman , May 1, 2014
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
the welfare of the people and in Article 43 it is laid down that the state shall
endeavour to secure a living ways, decent standard of life to all workers. The
supreme court ruled (1995, 3 Sec 42) that the state cannot deny the minimum
pay act in the pay scales of regularly employed workman even though the
government may not be compelled to extend all the benefits enjoyed by regularly
recruited employees. We are of the view that such denial amounts to exploitation
of labour. The government cannot take advantage of its dominant position and
complacency worker to work even as a casual labourer on starvation wages.
Though 60th central government and state governments fixed minimum value of
wages under the minimum wages act, 1948 for various employments under the
respective jurisdiction, the central government fixes the National Floor Level
Minimum Wage (NFLMW), revising it from time to time. Presently it stands at Rs
115/- per day with effect from 01.04.2011. The state governments are advised to
secure that in none of their scheduled employments, the minimum wages are
fixed at a level not less than National Floor level Minimum Wage.
In order to render social security and justice to people the state should strive to
provide employment to them as so to enable them to earn their livelihood. The
state should provide work opportunities to them to promote their economic
interests the government of India has already launched several programmes to
provide work opportunities to the working sections of the society. It has
guaranteed them 100-day work on a yearly basis to them. Under Swarnajayanti
Gram Swarozar Yojana (SGSY) financial assistance is provided to number of
Below Poverty Line (BPL) families for creating income generating assets through
a mix to bank credit and subsidy. To alleviate poverty is one of aims of India, for
this is very positive step to provide social and human security and protection to
people. Swarna Jayanti Rozgar Yojana (SVSPY) is an employment oriented urban
poverty alleviation scheme. Prime Minister Employment Generation Programme
(PMEGP) has been launched in order to generate self employment by providing
credit linked subsidy for setting up of micro enterprises economic protection to
the weaker sections of the society. The central government seeks to provide this
security through enactment the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment
guarantee act (MGNREGA) aims at enhancing the livelihood security of people in
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
Indira Gandhi National Old Age pension Scheme (IGNOAPS) is social security
programme launched by the central government as a welfare and human step to
provide financial assistance to allow persons of the age of 65 years. So that
person like them who are living Below Poverty Line (BPL) do not die of
starvation. Under this scheme all citizen belonging to BPL category and above the
age of 65 years are provided pension of Rs 200/- per month from the central
government. In addition to it, state governments provide old pension ranging
from 200/- to Rs 1000/- per month. Indira Gandhi National Widow Pension
Scheme (IGNWPS) is a scheme envisaged and launched by the central
government to provide financial aid to widows for their livelihood. This is a very
good programme to secure social and economic security to them. Under it,
pension is given to the widows aged between 45 and 65 years of age of BPL
household. The pension amount is 200/- per month per beneficiary paid by the
central government. The state government’s contribution is also expected to
provide an equal amount to the person.
The aim of our constitution framers is to establish a new social order in which
justice is declared to prevent in which no one will be a victim of discrimination
and in which equality will be the main goal. Article 38 of the constitution lays
down the duty of the state to promote the welfare of the citizens of India by
security and promoting a social order to socially and economically uplift the
national life. The social economic order is tested to be built is wedded to
socialism and the aim of the state as stated in the preamble is to realise a
socialistic pattern of society. The Directive Principles of state policy contain the
principles for the state, though not justiceable, to provide for adequate
protection and relief of livelihood for all citizens with out discrimination to
ensure common good through distributive justice, to ensure equal pay for equal
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
work without discrimination of sex, to ensure right to work, to education and for
public assistance in the cases of unemployment, old age, sickness and
disablement, to provide for a living wage for all workers and to ensure a decent
standard of life, to adopt measures to improve health for the working class, to
ensure just and human condition of work and maternity relief and finally to
protect and honor human basic rights and dignity.
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
The government has introduced public insurance and provident fund schemes
together with the enactment of India Tribunal Disputes Act, Bonus act, Social
Security Act, etc. have provided for the welfare of the working class. Besides,
minimum wages have been fixed for the working sections as already mentioned,
and wage board has been set up for the settlement of wage disputes of the
workers. These are undoubtedly positive steps towards social security to the
working classes in our country.
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
The 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments were passed in 1993 (separately),
making it compulsory for all states to have three-tier decentralization below the
state level with compulsory elections every five years to the different tires. By
April 1994, all states enacted legislation, as required by the constitutional
amendment, to increase power and authority with panchayats to enable them to
function as institutions of self-government this includes powers to prepare and
implement plans for economic development and social justice, execute schemes
estimated to them by the state and central government and exercise power as
delegated in subjects listed in the eleventh schedules, annexed to the
advertisement and the twelfth schedule in the case of Nagar Palikas. These are
mostly in the realm of economic development and social justice suitable for
being effective to local bodies. Both the constitutional amendment act have
provided for reservation of seats for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes
population to and not less than one-third for women and reservation of posts of
chairperson in proportion to the population of scheduled caste and scheduled
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
tribes in the state. They provide for reservation of not less than one-third of the
elected seats in each panchayat for women and also reservation of not less than
one-third of the number of chairperson at each level of also provides few relation
of reservation for women among the constituencies.
The institution of local self government have heralded a new age for grass roots
democracy in the country which is positive instrument of social justice. Iqbal
Narain writes, that democracy to be meaningful and purposeful welfare the state
must orient itself towards decentralisation (The Democratic Decentralization
in India, Journal of Political Science, 1960). Devolution of power from the higher
to lower levels is an accessory method in a democratic polity. The Panchayati Raj
institutions, which act as the units of self-government at the lowest level, will
ensure and is striving to ensure peoples’ participation in running their own
affairs and has an effective system of grass root democracy. The grassroots
democracy is the Indian versions of direct democracy. It may also be called
participatory democracy.
The institution of gram panchayat has been vested with a long list of power to
perform welfare reactions in order to promote rural life to a newer level and
secure justice to people. Apart from its obligatory ( MANDATORY) function, it
has discretionary functions including civic, social welfare, agricultural and
development activities.
There is provision in the Panchayet Act for setting up Nyaya Panchayet (Judicial
Panchyats) intended to provide speedy and inexpensive system of justice in the
villages. Its jurisdiction is to try partly civil suits relating to movable property
having the maximum value of Rs. 250/- and minor offences. But the state
government has not permitted gram panchyats to set up Nyaya Panchayats.
Nyaya Panchayats needs to set up to settle up such petty matters to bring social
justice to rural people.
The Panchayati raj system in West Bengal plays a very significant role in
imparting social justice and in ensuring social security to the people of the state.
It has struck deep roots within twelve years of left front government regained
power since 1977 and is regarded as the most sincere realisation of the
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
The aim and objective of the constitution of India, as envisaged in the Preamble,
is to secure social and economic justice to all without any discrimination and to
establish economic democracy. In order to achieve this goal or objective the
constitution provides for continuing facilities to help the working sections of the
society to come forward and raise their standard to the level of the general body
of the citizen of India. Justice, liberty, equality and fraternity are the basic pillars
of the constitution and justice requires that the backward class should be
elevated to the level of equality with the advanced classes to make liberty real for
them. In the constitution the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes are
identified as the backward classes. The Anglo Indians have also been given some
special rights in the constitution. By the constitutional amendment act of 1990
the government of India has declared reservation for those who have embraced
Buddhism. The constitution enshrines various provisions for the protection of
the interest of the minorities. Article 13 prohibits discrimination against any
citizen on grounds of race, religion, caste and gender etc, but constitutions’
special provisions made by the state for the advancement of socially,
educationally and economically backward classes i.e., the scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes. In other words special facilities conferred on scheduled castes
and scheduled tribes cannot be turned down by the courts as being
discriminatory of the right to equality. In Mondal case, the Supreme court upheld
27 percent reservation in services for backward classes, directed the exclusion of
the advanced sections or the creamy layer among the backwards from the
secretion quota and stressed that the reservation should not exceed per unit. The
constitution had to be amended to allow Tamil Nadu to continue with the 69 per
cent reservation quota.
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
According to the act, any cost that prevents a child from accessing school will be
borne by the state which shall have the responsibility of enrolling the child as
well as his/her completion of 8 years of schooling. No child shall be denied
admission for want of documents or shall be turned away if the admission cycle
in the school is over and child shall be compelled to face an admission test.
Section 21 along with section 13(2) of RTE prohibits away of these screening
procedures and calls for random procedures to be used for admitting a child to
school. This prohibition is to apply to all schools, private or even Navodaya
schools. The act restricts schools to claim special category status because it is in
the screening procedures of the elementary level. Moreover if the number of
children applying to a school exceeds the available seats, an open lottery system
shall be used to fill the seats. This applies to all categories of schools.
Children with disabilities will also be educated at par from same schools. Section
(10) of the act makes it the duty of the parents to secure that their children to
schools, with out prescribing any punishment. Special provisions are laid for
children not admitted to or who have not completed elementary education; a
child not admitted into elementary education will be entitled to the completion
of elementary education even after formative years. However, the
implementation of the act will be and as one of the promises to ensure education
to all the children between the age group of 6 and 14, would ??? education a
whopping 22 come children, out of which nearly 11??? are out of school. For
child labour and street children, the government would have to ensure that they
are not completed to work and it would have to provide schools for them, ???
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Chapter - X Directive Principles of State Policy and Social Justice
On the basis of the act, no school, governmental or private, can detain, fail or
expell any child of the elementary stage. An April 6, 2010, the Delhi high court
passed a order against St. Xavier's School Delhi, which had to take back all the
children they had declared failed and expelled from the school. The act also
prescribes and stipulates standards for all the schools and school that does not
fulfill these standards within 3 years will not be allowed to function. The national
commission for protection of child rights (NCPCS) has been mandated to meaitor
implementation of this right. The state ??? for protection of child rights (SCPCR)
shall set up child helpline, accessibility SMS, helpline and letter for receiving and
registering complaints. NCPCR seeks to link and network with civil society
organisations for monitoring, appointing state commissions for the
entrancement of the act, networking with other organisations like human rights.
Work and Minorities, to set up helpline and set up a separate division for
inferring the rights to education.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
CHAPTER XI
Part IV of the Constitution of India deals with the Directive Principles of State
Policy which have been enunciated in the Articles 36-51. This part is based on
the principle of social justice to achieve which the State is seen striving mainly
since the dominance of coalition politics in the Indian political system, in order
to firmly establish egalitarianism in the society. The Directive Principles
constitute a significant part of the Constitution. It is very significant because the
existence of fundamental rights will become weak if the Directive Principles are
deleted from the Constitution. They tell about the aims that the State should
strive to achieve. They contain the aims and objectives of India as a welfare state.
They are expressive of the philosophy of a modern democratic society. It is not
at all an exaggeration to say that Indian democracy draws its sustenance from
the Directive Principles. The study and analysis of the principles demonstrates
that democracy will be reduced to a state of meaninglessness if the Directive
Principles are always ignored and overlooked by the State.
Democracy is the ideal of India and it is the main spirit of the Constitution of
India. If democracy is presumed to be a living entity, social justice is definitely its
soul because democracy is meaningless and absurd without social justice which
our state seeks to ensure to all its citizens. Directive Principles of State Policy
have been consciously incorporated in the Constitution of India to translate
democracy into a reality through justifying social justice as a basic right for all
Indians. They have another very important significance in the polity of India that
the Fundamental Rights enunciated in our Constitution have been guarded and
reinforced by the Directive Principles.
Directive Principles are the explicit desires and aspirations of the Constitution
makers to give India a perfect shape of a “social service state” because one of
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
the primary aims of such a state is to provide social protection and ensure social
justice to people. Since the dawn of Independence of India in 1947 the
Government has been giving top priority to the question of social justice, social
security, social and economic equality as the basic aim and objective of the State.
The principles of compensatory justice has been derived from the spirit of
Directive Principles of State Policy in order to achieve social justice for the
backward classes who have been deprived of the facilities and opportunities
which are supposed to be enjoyed by those of the upper classes in our society.
The importance of Directive Principles cannot be diluted from no standpoint.
They are the epitome of all human philosophies—socialism, liberalism,
humanism and what not. The Directive Principles of State Policy are a unique
blend of socialistic, liberal, democratic and Gandhian principles.
Dr. Pylee is of the view that the Directive Principles of State Policy provide one of
the novel and striking features of modern constitutional government. They are
not the paraphrase of the Irish Principles of Directive Principles of Social Policy
but the reflections of the democratic ideals and aspirations of the western
educated intellectual movement of the nationalist struggle to develop and
establish an egalitarian society in India. They contain the mission and vision of
New India which should strive to secure equality and justice to all Indians who
had been long denied of rights, freedom and democracy.
The Directive Principles are broad directives to the State in accordance with
which the legislative and executive powers of the State are to be exercised . The
Directives are articulated in the Constitution in order to evolve a society
characterized by humanism , tolerance and unity. They are fundamental in the
governance of the country . According to Dr. Pylee, they enshrine the
fundamentals for the realization that the State of India represents . They
epitomize the noble political philosophy to which the State is committed. The
philosophy is social justice and social security. They show the path to the
achievements of the noble ideals – justice social , economic equality and political
equality as proclaimed in the Preamble to the Constitution.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
Though the Directive Principles of State Policy are non- justiciable and are said
to be subordinate to the Fundamental Rights in the Constitution of India , they
are meant to strengthen the Fundamental Rights . Prof. T.K. Shah deprecates
the Directive Principles as “pious wishes” or a mere window dress up for the
social revolution of India , but we cannot agree to this view because the
Directive Principles constitute a set of instructions upon the state to transform
a laissez faire society into a welfare state , a socialistic pattern of society and
eventually into a socialist state.
Before we go into the linkage between the Directive Principles and Fundamental
Rights we may again refer to the book , Justice Krishna Iyer on Fundamental
Rights and Directive Principles by Shailja Chaunder to show how Justice Iyer
demonstrated and established the relationship between the two. Chunder
referred to the headline “Position up to 1973 when Justice Iyer was elevated to
Supreme Court”. Chunder wrote soon after the commencement of the
Constitution that an undue emphasis was laid on the unenforceability of
Directive Principles without taking into consideration their fundamental feature
and the constitutional duty imposed upon the state to implement them. It gave
rise to the belief that Directive Principles were mere pious aspirations of little
legal force and had to conform to and run subsidiary to Fundamental Rights.
Conflicts between Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights may arise owing
to various reasons. Clause (2) of Article 13 stipulates:
“The state shall not make any law which takes away or abridges the rights
conferred by this part and any law made in contravention of this clause , shall to
the extent of contravention , be void”.
(1) at the beginning of col 9(2) , now article 13( 2) , insert the words “subject to
the provision of Cl (10) (which emphasized the fundamental nature of Directive
Principles.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
The first important case after the commencement of the Constitution was
StateofMadras vs. Chmpakam Doraijan of, a Brhamin , made an application to
the High Court of Madras under Article 226 of the Constitution as she was
denied a seat in the Medical College. This case is quite important as it set the
tenor of Directive Principles i.e, the justiciability or non-justiciability aspects.
also the first Constitutional Amendment Act was largely influenced by the
judgement of the case. Moreover the 25th Constitutional Amendment , a gap of
some two decades since the Champakam Dorairajan case was also a sequel of it.
The Directive Principles of State Policy may be looked upon as a sister part of
the Fundamental Rights in the sense that they aim at making Fundamental
Rights a reality extending democracy in the social and economic sphere . The
Directives instruct the State to play a positive and active role in ensuring justice
to people in all respects. The State transforms policies and formulates laws
keeping in view the principles stated in the Directive Principles. In this respect,
the State follows the spirit, philosophy and instruction of Directive Principles.
The Directive Principles help the State to plan, formulate and introduce welfare
programmes to establish social and economic democracy in India and to protect
people’s right, freedom and dignity against infringement. They constitute a
comprehensive blue print of social goals – they are the positive blue print of
social protection and justice.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
While Fundamental Rights are enforceable by the courts under Art. 32 (1) of the
Constitution provides for the right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate
proceedings of enforcement of the fundamental rights. The courts are bound to
declare any law void if it is inconsistent with the Fundamental Rights; but the
Directive Principles are not enforceable by the courts as stated in Article. 37 , and
the Courts cannot declare as void any law which is otherwise valid, on the
ground that it contravenes any of the ‘Directives’. Hence, in the case of any
conflict between Parts III and IV of the Constitution , there is no doubt that the
former will prevail in the courts.
For the first time , there arose a conflict between Directive Principles and
Fundamental Rights and the matter was brought before the Supreme Court in
1951 through a writ petition . The court admitted it and the case was known
Champakam Dorairajan vs. State of Madras. The Supreme Court opined that
“Directive Principles of State Policy have to conform to and run subsidiary to the
chapter on Fundamental Rights” ( but it is not all to quote the judgement of this
landmark case. This case along with Indira Sawhney case , Bishakha vs State of
Rajasthan case be put together to guess the domain of social justice in the
crucible of Directive Principles). In 1951 , the status of Directive Principles were
ignored. Thus the Directives were positive in nature while the Fundamental
Rights are negative or prohibitive.
But the 25th Amendment of the Constitution introduced Article 31C to effectuate
certain directive principles. Amending to this Article , “Notwithstanding anything
contained in Article 13 , no law giving effect to policy of the state towards
securing the principles specified in clause (b) or (c) of Article 39 , shall be
deemed to be void on the ground that it is inconsistent with or takes away or
abridges any of the rights conferred by Article 14, Article 19 or Article 31
provided that where such law is made by legislatures of a state the provisions of
this Article shall not apply thereto unless such law having been reserved for the
consideration of the President has received his assent’. The Supreme Court
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
The 25th Amendment Act provided that no law giving effect to such policy e.g.,
the policy of the State towards running the Principles specified in clause (b) or
clause (c) of Article 39 shall be in question in any court on the ground that it
does not give effect to such policy” ( Constitutional law of India , 1980 Naba
Bharat Publications , Calcutta). Even before Keshavananda Bharati case in which
the said portion was struck down as unconstitutional the Supreme Court upheld
the validity of many laws with reference to the Directives.
61
Bombay Prohibition Act (XXV of 1949)—constitutional validity – applicability of act to
foreign liquors – to medicinal and toilet preparations containing alcohol – validity of ss
2(24) (a) 12, 13, 23, 24 39, 40(1) (b) etc.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
violates Fundamental Rights as stated in Articles 14, 19, and 31. The effective
implementation of Directive Principles of State Policy is a key to achievement of
social goals -- to ensure equality , to secure rights and to prohibit discrimination
and deprivation.
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
Directive Principles of State Policy which is of great necessity for India to uphold
equality , democracy and justice.
Directive Principles constitute the goals and aspirations of the state of India to
ensure full justice and security to people. They are immensely valuable addition
to the constitution of India of India as its integral part. According to Shri Durga
Das Basu, the inclusion of Directive Principles in the Constitution has been
vindicated by national consensus and the working of the Constitution since 1950.
The Directive Principles lay emphasis on the goals of Indian policy to establish a
welfare state , which has been declared by the framers of the Constitution in the
Preamble.. They constantly remind the state of India of its positive duty to
ensure social and economic justice to its citizens and to protect dignity of the
Individuals . They are expressive of indispensability of a new social order based
on social justice and social protection in order to constitutionally guarantee
individual rights and freedom. They help us to rightly understand the meaning
and significance of Fundamental Rights. Fundamental Rights guided by
Directive principles of State policy , will definitely enable the State of India to
establish a classless , casteless and exploitation and discrimination free society
based on the principles of political liberty , economic equality and social justice
and social protection . It cannot be gainsaid that Fundamental Rights cannot
alone render justice to people nor are they be able to bring about social
revolution in India in a constitutional manner . Social revolution in India depends
mainly on state’s sincerity to the implementation of Directive Principles.
Implementation of Directives stands for the protection of people’s rights and
dignity , dispensation of justice, of economic equality, guarantee of social
protection and realization of our national goals.
Directive principle of State Policy is not less important than fundamental rights
as far as the Constitution framers cherished the desire and aspirations for a true
democratic state based on socialistic ideas. Fundamental Rights guarantee the
Indian Citizens Right to equality which contain equality before law , abolition of
discrimination on grounds of class , creed, sex, and religion , equality in public
employment , abolition of untouchability and abolition of titles. They guarantee
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
rights to freedom which include six freedom with certain restrictions upon
them. They protect rights against exploitation which prohibit traffic in human
beings and child labour . They grant to the people of India right to freedom of
religion and give India a secular character. They protect cultural and education
rights that include the right to protection of language, script and culture
granted to the minority , who are able to give the right to establish, run and
administer educational institutions of their own . They grant Indians right to
constitutional remedies and this right provides for enforcement fundamental
rights through the judicial process. Directive Principles are not in conflict with
the fundamental rights rather they have strengthened fundamental rights and
broadened the scope of fundamental rights also. It may be said that the
Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy are mutually
controlled. They are directives upon the states to secure welfare of the people
which is explicit in the fundamental rights. They constitute the voice of the
people demanding India to become a state where justice, equality and freedom
for all will prevail. This is the spirit and principle of the Fundamental Rights.
Though the courts do not enforce the Directives , they are not completely
devoid of any legal importance. In a number of cases the Supreme Court has
upheld the validity of many laws made on the principles of the Directives ,
though it is often found that such laws were violative of the Fundamental Rights;
and so the legality of such legislation was challenged and the laws were
interpreted as invasion of the Fundamental Rights . In Keshavananda Bharati
case , the Supreme Court upheld the validity of the enactment so as to implement
Directive Principles . The Court declared that Parliament can amend the
Constitution to override or abrogate any Fundamental Right in order to enable
the State to implement the Directives , so long as the “basic features” of the
Constitution are not violated . The basic implication of the court’s interpretation
of the Constitution consists in its view that the State needs to be permitted to
overlap any of the Fundamental Rights so that it may ensure the implementation
of the Directive Principles. The Court is part of the State as defined in Article 36
r/w. Article 12 of the Constitution and implementation of the Directive Principles
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
“After Keshavananda Bharati case , certain broad propositions are laid down by
the Supreme Court and it was recognized that there is no disharmony between
Directive Principles and the Fundamental Rights . Both are supplementary to
each other in aiming at the same goal of bringing about social revolution and the
establishment of welfare state.
It is a fact revealed from the Constitution that the Directive Principles cannot
directly overstep the Fundamental Rights and so the courts cannot completely
ignore the Directive Principles. The court should uphold as far as possible,
legislation made by the State to ensure “distributive justice” and defend such
laws as seek to check and remove inequalities, social injustices and exploitation
and to defend government’s attempt to achieve a fair division or distribution of
wealth amongst members of the society. This attitude of the Court towards the
State’s initiative to implement Directive Principles through legislation is
reflected in Manchegowda vs State of Karnataka , 1984 SC and Lingappa
Pochanna vs. State of Maharshtra ,1985 SC62.
“In Sameer vs. State (1982 SC 66) the Supreme Court emphasized that it is the
duty of the State under the Directive (Art. 41) not only to establish educational
institution but also effectively secure right to education by admitting students to
the seats available at such institution and State’s action seem to conform to the
standard of equality and rationality underlying Article 41”
“Similarly , the directives under art. 39(d) viz , equal pay for equal work for both
men and women read together with equality clauses enshrined under Article 14
to 16 and was given effect to.” “In Randhir Singh vs. Union of India (1982 , SC
879) the Supreme Court held that the principle of “equal pay for equal work”
though not a fundamental right is certainly a constitutional goal, and therefore,
62
Showing the context in which Hyderabad tenancy and agricultural land act, 1950 appears
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
capable of enforcement63 and also in D S Nakara vs. Union of India (1982, 1 SC,
305) the name was reaffirmed.
In recent cases , the Supreme Court has directed the government and
administrative authorities to adopt positive measures to redress the grievances
of the petitioners , that have been caused by the their failure to implement the
Directives. The Courts have directed them to enforce the following directives:
Directive principles of State policy are of immense value as far as social justice to
the people of India are concerned . They are said to constitute the philosophy of
the Constitution of India. Fundamental Rights are described by Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru as “the conscience of the Constitution”. They are regarded as great
charter of the of the Indian people. They have considerably helped to consolidate
democratic ideals which Directive Principles seek to realize or translate into
realities. The Karachi Session of the Indian national Congress (1931) which
adopted an impressive document entitled Fundamental Rights and Duties , also
dealt with provisions on labour , taxation and expenditure and economic and
social programmes. These provisions form the basis of Part IV of the
63
Equal pay for equal work is not a mere demagogic slogan. It is a constitutional goal
capable of attainment through constitutional remedies by the enforcement of
constitutional rights. Art. 39(d) of the constitution proclaims , as directive principles .
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Chapter - XI Directive Principles and Fundamental Rights...
As it has been discussed and elaborated in the preceding chapters , we can say
that Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles are interrelated and
complementary as far as the aims and spirit of the Constitution are concerned .
Fundamental Rights guarantee rights to the people of India while Directive
Principles seek to widen range and scope of the rights and to render economic ,
social and economic justice to them. What are required for Fundamental rights to
guarantee to the people of India are stated or declared in Directive Principles of
State Policy. Fundamental Rights in close associations with Directive Principles
facilitate the process of government’s effort to ensure equality to all . to secure
social justice to all and to make India a truly welfare state.
Summary
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Chapter - XII Conclusion
CHAPTER XII
Conclusion
India is one of the largest democratic countries in the world. Here democracy is
key word of social , economic and political system . It has spread to the grass
roots level of political system. It has emerged as the general mantra of the state
as well as the people. The growing democratic consciousness of the people has
led to the solidification of the foundation of Indian democracy. The Constitution
that we have, is the guardian of democracy and our democratic rights. It has
always guided, continues to guide and will continue to guide to future the state to
march forward with firm democratic steps towards the achievement of the goals
and ideals of the nation as declared in the Preamble to the Constitution and
towards realization of the dictates of social welfare and social justice as
enunciated in Directive Principles of State Policy under Part IV of the
constitution of India . The constitution is the foundation of State’s welfaristic
policy and has always restrained of state or government from authoritarianism
or deviation from democracy.
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Chapter - XII Conclusion
Democracy and justice which India seeks to secure to its people were
overridden in British India. The people of India were deprived of democratic
rights and justice was denied to them. The British rule was one of colonialism
and imperialism, and exploitation was its primary aim. The country was
inhumanly exploited and the people were subjected to cruel treatment. Two
centuries of British rule is historically branded as a dark period of exploitation
and oppression for India though some welfare measure that the British
Government had adopted were designed either to veil its injustices to the
Indians or to consolidate its rule in India . Almost all our national leaders and
social reformers were very much critical of this colonial rule and lambasted its
disastrous consequences upon Indian social justice , political right, and
economic equality. The natives of the country were pushed into a slavish state of
life and were victims of equality , injustice, deprivation , discrimination and
inhuman exploitation.
Keeping in mind the denial of justice to the people of India by the British
imperialism for about two centuries our Constitution framers who were more or
less attached to the freedom movement of India and had had direct experience
of British misrule that resulted in horrible miseries of the helpless Indians. They
cherished the noble , human ideals and aspirations reflected in the Preamble and
Directive Principles of State Policy , in order to secure to them equality and
justice and to establish the rule of law. The philosophy of the Constitution is a
noble objective of the State to transform India into an egalitarian society and a
better society on the basis of justice , liberty, equality and fraternity. The aim of
our Constitution framers was building up an ideal democracy so that people are
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Chapter - XII Conclusion
protected against discrimination in any way and on any ground and ensured
social , political , legal and economic justice.
India maintains absolute neutrality and impartiality towards all religions. The
constitution has been framed to secure each and every citizen the freedom to
profess, practice and propagate his own religion. It is the Preamble, professes to
secure to all its citizens liberty of belief, faith and worship . Faizan Mustafa , Vice
Chancellor , NALSAR university of Law , Hyderabad , writes , “No one can deny
that in the wake of country’s partition in the name of religion and the
unfortunate conversion of Jinnah’s Pakistan into an Islamic State , India’s
decision to opt for secularism was indeed a historic and permanent one. In fact, if
we are a world power today and Pakistan a failed state , the reason lies in our
decision to opt for modernity.
Nehru led from the Front in India’s adoption of secularism. He has explicitly
stated, in his autobiography of how organized religion filled him with horror…
almost always it stands for a blind belief and reaction , dogma and bigotry,
superstition andexploitation. Nehru’s strong views on religion did play a
significant role in our choice of secular polity” (Glory Divine – God, Religion and
Election, The Statesman, 14 April, 2014)
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Chapter - XII Conclusion
Democracy in India has still remained nominal and theoretical ; The people of
India enjoy only political democracy and social and economic democracy is far
ahead of India to achieve , though the central government from time to time , has
endeavored to adopt and introduced some welfare –oriented programmes and
schemes towards social change and social development. The 20 –point
programme launched by Mrs. Indira Gandhi is a classic example in this regard
but it has been much criticized more as politically motivated than as
development -and -justice oriented. After about seven decades of India’s
independence, poverty has not been eradicated, discrimination has not been
stopped, the gaps between haves and have-nots have been narrowed, illiteracy
has not been removed, communalism and fundamentalism have not been
uprooted, social justice has not yet been fully ensured, legal justice is still a far
cry from being ensured, violation of human rights has not been curbed, and
children and women have not yet been fully protected against exploitation and
violence.
The failure of the State to ensure justice to all its citizens is primarily due to large
scale and all pervasive corruption at all levels of the Government. Corruption in
politics and corruption in bureaucracy are perhaps the two main impediments to
the realization of the dreams of our Constitution framers and then leaders of the
nation. A huge amount of money allotted for development programmes and
schemes is both misappropriated and siphoned off. Lack of proper supervision
and work analysis leads to the poor quality of developmental works done.
Politicizations of development programmes are not regularly reviewed.
Bureaucrats who are entrusted with the execution and implementation of
development programmes are often found indifferent to the proper
implementation. They are interested more in their service career than in the
promotion of national interests. Above all, the nexus between unscrupulous
political leaders and bureaucrats has entailed corruption at all levels of the
government. It is an unpleasant truth that corruption in politics as well as in
bureaucracy impedes India’s social democracy and development without which
social justice remains an unrealized dream.
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Chapter - XII Conclusion
The end of the Congress dominance in Indian national as well as regional politics
leads to the emergence of coalition politics in India. The dominance of coalition
politics is responsible for coalition government at the centre and also at the
provincial level. The parties forming pre -poll and post -poll alliance that have
formed the government for the three consecutive terms (One NDA and Two UPA
Governments , 1989 - 2014) have their respective election manifestos
announcing their decisions and policies of national development and social
welfare aiming collectively at social justice. The parties allied to the Central
Government have adopted and launched many programmes following
ministerial or cabinet decisions to promote economic justice , social justice and
to protect basic rights of people and to provide safeguards to children , women,
and the poor and the weaker sections of the society against social crime and
violence. The successful implementations of the decisions on welfare
programmes constitute the basis of social justice to the poor of India. If the State
fails to ensure economic and social inequality , to protect people against
exploitation and deprivation and violence , to promote health services to people ,
to promote liberty, to guarantee equal opportunities for education and
employment , to create employment opportunities , and to provide special
facilities to the weaker sections , then how we can claim that the state has
ensured social justice to people. It can’t be gainsaid that the fifteen years
duration of dominance of coalition politics walked many miles ahead towards
the implementation of Directive Principles of state policy with the sole aim to
render social justice to Indians.
Over the years , since the acceptance and introduction of the Constitution of
India the Central Government and the state governments to have adopted
several measures to implement a large number of Directive Principles as steps
to secure social protection to all on a firm footing . The government has launched
several programs to deal effectively with the problems of poverty,
unemployment, disease and illiteracy. Steps have been taken to promote health
216
Chapter - XII Conclusion
and sanitation and to ensure the supply of drinking water , and to provide for
nutrition , housing , education for the poor and the weaker sections of the society
financial assistance to attain self reliance in conformity with the Directive
Principles . But the facilities provided to them are too inadequate to meet the
necessity. Only a minimum amount of poverty has been alleviated . Health
security is a big problem for India. The Government has not yet been able to
ensure adequate medical facilities to all. Deaths of pregnant mothers are most
worrying social problem. Still the poor patients die for lack of proper and
adequate medical facilities. A considerable percentage of total population in our
country are still illiterate making different welfare measures that governments
initiate redundant and ineffective . Right to Information Act hailed by no other
than US President cannot not find many takers as deeper illiteracy dented our
society. A large number of people are deprived of legal justice for want of
money, though there is provision for free legal aid service, but it is so inadequate
and limited that the scope of the provision for legal aid services needs to be
widened.
The central govt. has laid special emphasis on the implementation of such
Directive Principles as are related to the development of education, creation
employment , alleviation of poverty, prohibition of child labour, insurance
against risky and hazardous jobs, protection of woman rights, participation of
women in politics, preservation of ecology and environment development of
animal husbandry, provisons of financial assistance to poor senior citizens and
widows etc. The implementation of the Directives is indispensible for social
justice.
The aim of India is to secure an egalitarian society and the implementation of the
Directive Principles will lead to egalitarianism and the achievement of the goal of
economic and social justice may be translated into reality. It is a fact that
government seeks to secure social protection and justice , and it is evident from
various decisions on welfare programmes which have already been launched.
The programmes are based on and derived from the Directive Principles of State
Policy. The implementation of Directive Principles began its journey long before
the period of coalition politics. Abolition of Zamindari system , enactment of
217
Chapter - XII Conclusion
218
Chapter - XII Conclusion
219
Chapter - XII Conclusion
Many wild lives have already become extinct. Wild animals are connected with
ecological balance. Men are meant to love animals , not to kill them . A good
many species of birds are no longer seen in our landscape . Birds play an
important role to control pollution and to maintain ecological balance and are
called bio indicators. Article 48A directs the State to improve ecology and
environment . But we see in reality that cows are smuggled out affecting or
damaging our agriculture and economy , wild animals are poached to smuggle
their parts into other countries or to them at the international market at high
prices , parts of wild animals are smuggled at a steep price , birds are shot for
pleasure. India is land of wild lives which cannot be found anywhere in the
world. Loss of bio diversity from the Indian landscape mean loss of wild lives or
flora from our world altogether which has a direct adverse impact on our
environment on our environment. There is a Supreme Court judgment ,
prohibiting cow slaughtering but government rarely takes a measures to
prevent it for many open reasons politics in particular.
Social justice in India has been greatly reinforced because of judicial activism.
Judicial activism has emerged as a judicial protection of people’s rights as well as
a force to defend social justice. It is not a threat to the independence of the
executive and the legislature but a instrument of justice to an individual or a
group or a community that is a victim of social or executive injustice. Through
Public Interest Litigation (PIL), the Supreme Court has invalidated many
executive decisions and laws made by legislatures , not in conformity with the
Preamble in continuation of Directive Principles of State Policy. The credit of
recognizing of transgender as a third gender goes to judicial activism . The
Supreme Court , April 15 , 2014 acknowledged transgender as third gender and
directed the government to provide and ensure job reservation and facilities to
them as a positive steps to render social justice to them The judiciary or
legislature grow active only to render justice to those who are denied it by the
executive and the legislatures. The executive or legislature has not thought of
transgender about this social rehabilitation and welfare . It is due to judicial
activism that they are recognized as a distinct class of human beings and entitled
220
Chapter - XII Conclusion
to the status of social and economic backwardness with full human dignity and
rights. Judicial activism should not be interpreted as the judicial encroachment
upon the executive domain. Human rights which are related to democracy and
to the concepts of a welfare state or an egalitarian society have been greatly
protected against violation by the government itself or the agencies.
221
Chapter - XII Conclusion
222
Chapter - XII Conclusion
223
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sujaiblog.blogspot.com/.../regional-parties...coalition-politics.html
6 posts ·
By Sujai ·
Published 17-05-2009
... that has led to so many regional parties in India. ... parties if they have to
form government. Regional parties and coalition politics
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253
Publication Preceeding
254
Index
Index
A Page No.
Ambedkar, B, R 8,10,13
Arthashastra 9
Art.14. 27
Basu. D,D 5
Besant, Annie, 6
Bill of rights, 6
Bank nationalization , 57
Charan , Singh, 56
Compensatory Discrimination , i
Constitution of India , ii
255
Index
Child labour, v
Citizens ix
Desai Morarji , iv
Egalitarianism, ii
Economic justice ix
Gajendra, Gadkar, JJ 27
Govt. of India v
256
Index
Indian polity ix
Jennings 10
Judicial activism , vi
Justice distributive 10
257
Index
Liberty, ix
Mandal II, 36
Mandal Commission, 59
Resolution vi
NDA, 59
Nehru committee, 6
non-justiciable Rights, 11
Parliament iv, 20
Point programme, v
Politics of reservation, 37
258
Index
Regional parties, iv
Regionalism, v
Radhakrishnan, S, 11
Rao, Shiva, B, 7
Rajdharma, 11
Rau , B.N. 11
Right to work, 11
Sapru Committee 9
Sardar Patel, 21
Sarvasiksha aviyan, v
Subsidy to Haj 59
Singh, V.P. 59
Tripathi, P,K 13
259
Index
Untouchability 20
260