Elton Mayo
Elton Mayo
Elton Mayo
Mayo based his vision of the world on at least two important assump-
tions: 1) most men are impelled by their own natures to seek some bases
for social alliance and productive cooperation with one another,^ and 2) ap-
propriate alterations in the individual's current environment can foster im-
proved mental health and individual satisfactions, as well as calling forth
more productive cooperation between individuals and between the groups
to which they feel affiliations.^ Conflict is not the result of human nature,
but rather the consequence of faulty social organization.
Today writers in the area of human relations are increasingly less apt
to intone the name of Elton Mayo when citing their inspirational sources,
yet these two assumptions are still accepted more often than they are
^Cf Elton Mayo, The Poiiticai Probiem of Industrial Civilization (Boston: Harvard
University, 1947) and Human Problems of an Industrial Civiiization (New York: Viking
Press, 1960), esp. 136.
Vbid., esp. 111-112.
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190 Academy of Management Journal June
questioned.^ Human relations could find no better world. Mayo's two as-
sumptions, if true, would make human relations psychologically and eco-
nomically feasible for it would be possible to simultaneously satisfy the
individual's and society's needs while satisfying the needs of economic
performance. Furthermore, more harmonious cooperation could arise by
adjusting existing environmental and organizational arrangements on the
job, without fundamentally reshaping the individual's life off the job or the
personality structure of the individual, with all its conditioned associations,
experiences and beliefs ingrained over the course of a lifetime. In short,
the human relations expert neither has to pervert human nature, nor at-
tempt the exhaustive task of psychoanalysis or extended psychotherapy in
order to achieve his objectives.'*
These two assumptions are not the only possible set of reasonable as-
sumptions which might prescribe the limits of normal behavior. A Freudian
image of human nature, for example, would yield a profoundly different
vision. In such a world there would be no guarantee that the individual will
seek or achieve cooperative or socially acceptable outlets despite the
social adaptions and internalized repressions of the ego and super-ego.
Socially acceptable outlets may not permit sufficient dissipation of psychic
energy originating in the id to allow suppression of anti-social releases.^
This Freudian possibility sounds closer to the mark than Mayo's two
assumptions. Sociability and cooperation are standards built around the
needs of society. There is no reason to assume that the internal nature of
man as a self-entity is so constructed that he suitably meets all the stan-
dards set up with reference not to his own internal self, but with reference
to his external relationships to society. The probability is greater that man
is but partly social and partly non- and anti-social, depending on how that
which lies outside him accidentally coincides with that which dwells within
him, and how he has through experience learned to relate his internal
urges to external demands.
Jose Ortega y Gasset has built a strong case for the proposition that
man by nature suspects others." The "stranger" is a present or potential
danger. If man seeks social interaction and cooperation, he must do so
cautiously, approaching the stranger haltingly and with his guard raised.
Elaborate systems of law, working rules, ritual and etiquette have been
developed to fence off the threat potentials of the stranger while permitting
us to avoid or cautiously approach him. These rituals of social distance
and social approach can become frozen and even dysfunctional to the
extent that they continue to keep the stranger at a distance (i.e., perpetuate
a condition of distrust or limited trust), and thereby limit the degree of
cooperation we can undertake.
Like Ortega, Freud was aware of man's fears of the outside which
cause him to generate his repressions, his taboos and his rituals.'^ Indeed,
Freud was even aware that man may fear and resist the primal urges seek-
ing expression from within him (the id) and so establish controls to repress
and command his own energy potentials (the super-ego).*
Management must be the stranger to those who stand in subordinate
positions. Upper management must always be considered less personal,
less predictable, and more changeable than those fellows with whom lower
level subordinates have continuous and intimate contact.® Thus, human
nature limits what can be done to improve cooperation and subordinate
relations. By contrast, Mayo's goal of "universal cooperation" simply does
not admit of the possibility that man can never be fully rid of his fear of
"the stranger."
The fact that man is not naturally prone to be purely social, nor
purely cooperative, nor devoid of an independent sense of self does not
prove to be an insurmountable difficulty to the practice of human relations.
It still remains true that we can seek for improvements that yield more
satisfactory results with respect to the individual, his social groups, and
economic productivity. However, abandoning the Mayoist theory of social
psychology holds forth less certainty of success to the human relations
experts for at least three reasons.
"Jose Ortega-y-Gasset, Man and Peopie, trans W. R. Trask (New York: W. W. Norton,
1957).
'Sigmund Freud, "Totem and Taboo," Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud, trans. A. A.
Brill (New York: Modern Library, 1938).
^Sigmund Freud, The Ego and the id, trans. J. Riviere (New York: W. W. Norton,
1960), p. 26.
°A. Zaieznik, C. R. Christensen, F. J. Roethiisberger, Motivation, Productivity, and
Satisfaction of Workers: A Prediction Study (Boston: Harvard University, 1958). These
authors present a case In which workers appear more interested in the internal rewards
that derive from informai group membership (i.e., a coilection of "nonstrangers") than
from the externai rewards afforded them by management (i.e., the more distant "stranger").
The work groups which were reiatively successful internaily tended to ward off the
potential threat of management by informaliy controiiing their own rates of output (i.e.,
limiting the rewards receivable from management in the interests of internal qroui>
solidarity). "^
192 Academy of Management Journal June
"Chris Argyris, Personaiity and Organization (New York: Harper & Bros.), esp. 200-208.
"This point has been made rather forcefuily by Abraham Zaieznik, Human Dilemmas
•of Leadership (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), 7-8, 212-214. Zaieznik is rather unique
among the better known human relations writers in that he frankly explores the implica-
tions of Freudian psychoiogy with respect to administration. The sort of social psychoiogy
we trace back to Mayo's two assumptions, Zaieznik has characterized as the "Utopian
view" of man in organization (pp. 5-9).
"Paui R. Lawrence, The Changing of Organizational Behavior Patterns (Boston:
Harvard University, 1958).
"A. Zaieznik, Worker Satisfaction and Development (Boston: Harvard University,
1956), pp. 103-109. Cf. William J. Dickson and F. J. Roethiisberger, Counseling in an
Organization (Boston: Harvard University, 1966), pp. 181-182.
1968 Eiton Mayo's Social Psychology and Human Relations 193
ADMINISTRATIVE PATHOLOGY
Mayo's two assumptions clearly link mental health with the suit-
ability of social arrangements of the individuai's environment. Suitable
environmental arrangements evolve by seeking for cooperative Iinkings
of different individuals to groups and different groups to one another. Out
of this cooperative linking emerges more effective task productivity. We
may applaud Mayo's ethical regard for mental health, productive coopera-
tion and social structure. The greatness of the man is reflected in the
greatness of his vision. Yet his focus on this ideal leaves unclear the
varieties of administrative relationships which might occur short of the
ideal.16
Freud might be accused of developing concepts of mental health by
examining the behavior of the mentally ill and neurotic rather than those
who appear to be more effective in their behavior. Perhaps Mayo, how-
ever, can be accused of the reverse error. Focusing on the ideal of social
and mental health, he leaves inadequately differentiated those states of
"Argyris, Personality and Organization, pp. 139-156. Eii Ginzberg and Ewing W.
Reiiiey, Effecting Change in Large Organizations (New York: Coiumbia University, 1957),
esp. 44-48.
"Cf. Robert Lindner, Prescription for Rebellion (New York: Aifred A. Knopf, 1947) and
Zaieznik, Christensen, Roethiisberger, Motivation Productivity and Satisfaction, esp. 360.
"Mayo actually set forth four models of human interaction: 1) the noniogical tradi-
tionaiist society; 2) the irrationai society with its exterisive social disorganization; 3) the
jogicai society based on conscious structuring to facilitate "universai cooperation" and
individuai satisfaction; 4) the centraiized "heroic" society designed to transform the social
system rapidly from nonlogicai traditionalism to the integrated state of iogical society.
See Human Probiems, esp. 157-160 and Poiiticai Problem.
194 Academy of Management Journal June
social interaction which fall short of the ideal. If, as Freudian psychology
would suggest, some of the keys to healthy effective behavior lie in the
suppressed covert remembrances of the individual's earlier life, then
adjusting managerial behavior closer to the Mayoist ideal of "universal
cooperation" is not just a matter of rearranging the furniture in man's
current environment. This realization leads to the further conclusion that
cataloguing and comparing types of administrative interaction falling with-
in the range of behavior Mayo described as irrational might be useful for
purposes of understanding such relationships. The task and approach of
human relations must vary with the particular type of nonhealthy admin-
istrative relationship being addressed.
TABLE I
"Cf. Freud, "Three Contributions to The Theory of Sex," Basic Writings, pp. 569-571
and Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom (New York: Rinehart & Co., 1941).
1968 Eiton Mayo's Social Psychology and Human Relations 195
TABLE I (Continued)
CONCLUSION
Undoubtedly, practitioners in administration as well as students of
human relations already sense the limitations of Mayo's two assumptions
even though these limitations do not show up clearly in their writings. In
this respect this article actually says nothing new. Instead it is an attempt
to take care of some "unfinished business" by bluntly spelling out the
limitations. The tendency in the past history of human relations and man-
agerial thought appears to have been one of not halting to reject old
fashions of thought, but rather of permitting them to "faii away" as newer
ways of perceiving things emerge. Due possibly to their ethical appeal,
Mayo's two assumptions seem to linger on, however. It is hoped that a
blunt specification of the iimitations of Mayo's assumptions wili sharpen
focus on the dividing lines between that reality which can and that which
cannot be altered to conform closer to the Mayoist i
"At least one writer has been quite careful to point out that the ideal does not ex-
haust the totality of reality. That writer is Abraham H. Maslow whose ideal of Eupsychian
Management (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1965) is strikingly simiiar to Mayo's ideal of
cooperation.