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Online self-disclosure: A review of research
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Kim, J., & Dindia, K. (2011). Online self-disclosure: A review of research. In K. B. Wright & L. M. Webb
(Eds.), Computer-mediated communication in personal relationships (pp. 156-180). New York: Peter Lang
Publishing.
CHAPTER NINE
Online Self-Disclosure:
A Review of Research
Jinsuk Kim
Kathryn Dindia
Computer-mediated environments, such as social networking sites and online
dating sites, provide us with a variety of opportunities to initiate, develop, and
maintain interpersonal relationships. Self-disclosure is a key factor in developing
relationships in online environments as it is in face-to-face (FtF) contexts (Dindia,
2000). Researchers have been examining how individuals present themselves in
online environments and the factors that influence the way individuals disclose
personal information in online settings. There has been an accumulation of re-
search on self-disclosure with respect to FtF contexts (e.g., Collins & Miller, 1994;
Derlega, Metts, Petronio, & Margulis, 1993; Dindia, 2002; Dindia & Allen, 1992;
Jourard, 1971); however, there has been no comprehensive review of research on
how people disclose personal information in various online settings and how this
disclosure affects interpersonal relationships.
The traditional definition of self-disclosure refers to only intentional, “verbal”
expressions of the self, and does not include nonverbal cues, such as how people
dress, as disclosure. However, this definition of self-disclosure may not be adequate
for online communication. Online self-disclosure may include nonverbal communi-
cation, including pictures posted of self, which may be a conscious mechanism used
to disclose self. This is not the case in FtF settings where there is less opportunity to
change appearances. How we present ourselves physically, both online and offline,
can be manipulated (through dress, make up, etc.); however, in online settings, de-
pending on an individual’s intention, a person’s physical appearance may or may
not be shared. Also, when people include their favorite links on their websites, it
reveals information about themselves. This is another device that can be used, with
or without intention, to reveal information about self that is not available offline.
We feel that it is worthwhile to explore these possible aspects of self-disclosure on
the web in addition to verbal expressions of self. Our definition of online self-
disclosure extends the traditional definition of self-disclosure (verbally revealing self)
to include pictures of self and favorite links posted on the web.
Considering the growth of online social interactions and their impact on
people’s personal and social lives, it is worthwhile to examine self-disclosure in
computer-mediated communication (CMC). How do various aspects of CMC af-
fect self-disclosure? What do we know about online self-disclosure in comparison
to FtF self-disclosure? In this review, we assess the state of the literature on online
Online Self-Disclosure 157
self-disclosure and suggest avenues for future research, including theoretical and
methodological considerations that are important to advancing our understanding
of online self-disclosure. We begin with an examination of the qualities of online
self-disclosure in various modes of CMC. Next, we review empirical findings on
self-disclosure in CMC versus FtF settings and some of the influences on online
self-disclosure such as gender, culture, age, and motivations for using CMC media.
Online Self-Disclosure
Self-Disclosure versus Self-Presentation
CMC researchers have used the term self-presentation and self-disclosure interchangea-
bly to refer to expressions of self in online settings. While there are distinctions,
conceptually and operationally, between self-disclosure and self-presentation
(Schlenker, 1986), those distinctions may not be as fundamental as one supposes.
Self-presentation refers to selectively presenting aspects of oneself to control how
one is perceived by others and is concerned with impression management (Goff-
man, 1959). Self-disclosure refers to revealing personal or private information about
self that is generally unknown and not available from other sources (Derlega et al.,
1993; Jourard & Jaffee, 1970; Pearce & Sharp, 1973; Worthy, Gary, & Kahn,
1969). Self-disclosure always involves an element of self-presentation.
Some researchers have elaborated dimensions of self-disclosure that border on
self-presentation. Cozby (1973) considered depth or intimacy as a dimension of self-
disclosure. Jourard (1971) discussed honesty of self-disclosure. Pearce and Sharp
(1973) implied that conscious, deliberate intent to disclose, or willingness to dis-
close, as well as honesty or authenticity are basic dimensions of self-disclosure.
Valence is another dimension of self-disclosure that directly bears relevance
on the issue of self-disclosure versus self-presentation. Gilbert and Horenstein
(1975) distinguished between intimacy (high or low) and valence of self-disclosure
(positive or negative) based on the writing of Blau (1964). According to Blau,
when engaging in self-disclosure, a person attempts to present qualities that make
himself/herself an attractive person, especially in early stages of relationship de-
velopment. Blau further explains that in initial stages of relationship development,
disclosing aspects of oneself that are negative does not lead to attraction.
Gilbert and Horenstein (1975) studied the relationship of intimacy and valence
of self-disclosure to interpersonal attraction. In an earlier study, Gilbert (1972)
found a negative relationship between intimacy of self-disclosure and attraction,
such that subjects were more attracted to a confederate in a low versus a high inti-
macy condition. Gilbert reasoned that it might be because of the negative informa-
tion in the high-disclosure condition (a girl’s negative feelings about her mother and
herself). Gilbert and Horenstein (1975) hypothesized that valence of self-disclosure,
not intimacy, would predict interpersonal attraction. To test this, they manipulated
both intimacy and valence of self-disclosure. Results of their study indicated a main
158 Computer-Mediated Communication in Personal Relationships
effect of valence of self-disclosure. Participants were more attracted to a confederate
when they disclosed positive rather than negative self-disclosure. There was no effect
of intimacy or the interaction of intimacy and valence on attraction. The authors
concluded that disclosure of negative information to a stranger violates social norms
of appropriateness and does not lead to attraction.
Wheeless (1976) also elaborated multiple dimensions of self-disclosure. A 32-
item measure of various dimensions of self-disclosure was factor-analyzed and Whee-
less concluded that there are at least five dimensions of self-disclosure: intention of
self-disclosure, amount of self-disclosure (including frequency and duration), valence
of self-disclosure (positive or negative), honesty-accuracy of self-disclosure (e.g., “I am
not always honest in my self-disclosure”), and control of general depth or intimacy
of self-disclosure. All of these dimensions of self-disclosure—intention, amount, va-
lence, honesty-accuracy, intimacy of self-disclosure—may be consciously and inten-
tionally altered in order to selectively present self.
The issue of selective self-disclosure is an issue for both FtF and online con-
texts. Self-disclosure is a vehicle of self-presentation, and self-disclosure is not al-
ways open and honest but may involve a conscious and intentional decision to
reveal positive rather than negative aspects of self in order to be perceived as at-
tractive and rewarding. This is no different from FtF self-disclosure. For instance,
people can lie about their age, marital status, and even about their weight and
height to a certain degree; however, lying online is easier because of the lack of or
limited warranting information (Walther & Parks, 2002).
The focus of this chapter is on self-disclosure rather than self-presentation al-
though we will talk about how self-disclosure can be modified to positive presenta-
tion of self. In the following section, we discuss how online self-disclosure differs
from FtF self-disclosure and examine the variables that influence online self-
disclosure.
Self-Disclosure on the Web
Certain attributes of CMC such as reduced nonverbal cues, asynchronity, and
anonymity may influence self-disclosure (McKenna & Bargh, 2000; Walther,
1996) in addition to all the factors found to affect self-disclosure (motivation, set-
ting, target, etc.). Indeed, the web offers unprecedented opportunities for people
to disclose themselves that are unavailable offline. Countless people have taken
advantage of this new setting to disclose information about self in the form of
personal web pages, blogs, social networking sites, dating sites, etc.
Self-disclosure online differs in fundamental ways from FtF self-disclosure:
Online self-disclosure typically is to multiple people whereas FtF self-disclosure
typically occurs in dyads and small groups. However, FtF self-disclosure can occur
in public settings to multiple people, such as an individual disclosing at a meeting,
or in a classroom. But in these cases, the audience is physically present and the
discloser can see the audience. Also, in FtF self-disclosure, whether to an individ-
ual or multiple people, we try to present our ideal selves in general. Thus, in this
sense, self-disclosure in web pages does not differ from self-disclosure in public FtF
settings.
On the web, communicators do not know who is on the other side of the
screen. The authors can only imagine who their audience could be based on
their assumptions about the audience when producing their messages. In some
instances they imagine their audience as strangers, in other instances they imag-
ine their audience predominantly as friends and relatives. As authors create a
web page, self-presentation motivations may affect their self-disclosure. Con-
structing an ideal self reflects the authors’ desires of how they want to be per-
ceived by the invisible audience. Control of their self-disclosure, what they
disclose and do not disclose about themselves, is one way authors construct
their ideal self.
Most online self-disclosure research has been conducted in largely text-based
and asynchronous online channels. With the emergence of social networking sites
such as MySpace and Facebook, online self-presentations are no longer limited to
text-based descriptions. The photograph is now a central component of online
self-disclosure. On web pages and social networking sites, and even dating sites,
pictures are prime means of conveying information about self. By posting pictures
of themselves and sharing pictures of their family and friends, authors choose to
reveal their ideal self. The viewers make assumptions about how the authors look
and who they are based on these pictures.
In this chapter, we review studies that looked at CMC channels that poten-
tially facilitate self-disclosure, ranging from asynchronous text-based channels to
synchronous media-rich channels. We examine how self-disclosure may occur in
such CMC channels including personal web pages, blogs, social networking sites,
instant messaging, online dating sites (e.g., Match.com and eHarmony.com), and
interactive online games (e.g., MOOs and MUDs). We ultimately explore what
and how people reveal about themselves and factors that prompt people to reveal
themselves in these online settings.
A Review of Research on Online Self-Disclosure

For this review, we compiled a sample of studies by computer searches of the fol-
lowing databases: Psychological Abstracts, Social Sciences Index, Communication & Mass
Media Complete, Communication Abstracts, Dissertation Abstracts, and Google Scholar.
The key search terms include self-disclosure, self-presentation, CMC, online, Internet,
computer, web, and cyber. We also scanned the reference lists from the articles iden-
tified through the search. Of the articles collected, we selected empirical articles in
peer-reviewed journals, conference papers, and theses/dissertations for inclusion
in the review of findings
Self-Disclosure Online versus FtF
Early views of CMC argued that communication in online environments is less
personal than communication in FtF contexts because of reduced nonverbal
communication cues (e.g., facial expressions and tone of voice) in online text-
based settings (Culnan & Markus, 1987).
Social information processing (SIP) theory (Walther, 1992) rejected the view
that the absence of nonverbal communication restricts communicators’ ability to
engage in personal communication. Walther argued that communicators are just
as motivated to reduce interpersonal uncertainty, form impressions, and develop
affinity in online settings as in offline. When denied nonverbal communication,
communicators substitute other cues to engage in impression formation and rela-
tional messages, such as content (including self-disclosure), style, and timing of
verbal messages. Due to the limited nonverbal cues in online settings, people may
use more verbal messages (including self-disclosure) to compensate for these lim-
ited cues. According to SIP, the rate of information exchange is slower online but,
given enough time, communication conducted through CMC can be just as per-
sonal as FtF communication.
More recently, a third view emerged in which online communication, be-
cause of the characteristics of CMC, is often hyperpersonal (more personal than
FtF communication including higher levels of self-disclosure) (Walther, 1996,
2007; Walther & Parks, 2002). Some have argued that Internet users come to
know one another more quickly and intimately than in FtF relationships be-
cause the features of CMC may make self-disclosure easier online versus FtF.
Individuals in CMC often are anonymous and the psychological comfort that
comes from such anonymity may lead them to reveal more information about
themselves (Wallace, 1999).
Walther (1996) specifically argued that CMC is hyperpersonal because of
sender, receiver, message, channel, and feedback effects. Senders exploit CMC’s
absence of nonverbal cues for the purpose of selective self-presentation, present-
ing a positive and idealized image of self. Because most types of online interac-
tions occur asynchronously, senders may have more opportunity to review and
edit information about themselves. Receivers initially engage in stereotypically
positive and idealized attributions of online partners. The channel facilitates
goal-enhancing messages by allowing sources greater control over message con-
struction. The process of feedback creates self-fulfilling prophecies among send-
ers and receivers. Due to these features of CMC, online users have greater
opportunity for “selective self-presentation” (Walther, 2007).
In sum, there are different claims on whether online communication is
more or less personal than FtF communication. Thus, we conducted a meta-
analysis, a quantitative method of summarizing the results from multiple stud-
ies, of self-disclosure in online versus FtF settings to provide empirical evidence
to support one of these claims. For each study, we calculated the effect size for
available dimensions of self-disclosure. Particularly, we focused on the amount
and the intimacy of self-disclosure. The average effect size across studies was cal-
culated. The effect size d is statistic that indicates how large an effect is. Cohen
(1969) offered the guidelines for interpreting d: d = .20 is small; d = .50 is mod-
erate; and d = .80 is large. To examine whether an effect size varies more than
would be expected by chance across the group of studies, homogeneity of effect
sizes is tested. The sample size in our study is small, only 11 studies involving
2,887 participants (see Table 1), thus any conclusions must be interpreted with
caution.
Two of the 11 studies found online self-disclosure to be more intimate than
FtF self-disclosure (Joinson, 2001; Schouten, Valkenburg, & Peter, 2007a). In
Joinson’s study, individuals were paired with strangers and assigned to a FtF or a
CMC (online chat) condition. Subjects were asked to a make decision as to
which five people in the world should be given place in shelter in event of nu-
clear war. They were stopped after 45 minutes if they had not already made a
decision. Coders rated conversations for self-disclosure. Dyads in the CMC
condition disclosed significantly more than dyads in the FtF condition using
two measures of self-disclosure (number of self-disclosures and proportion of
words coded as self-disclosure). This study appears to be an outlier (effect sizes
were 1.33 and 1.90, which are unusually large effect sizes and are out of line and
in opposite direction of almost all the other studies). This may be due to the
nature of the task. As noted by the researcher, the amount of self-disclosure was
extremely low in both conditions (there were only 38 instances of self-disclosure
in total across the two conditions), which may be due to how self-disclosure was
measured (only spontaneous self-disclosure was coded; self-disclosure in re-
sponse to a partner’s question was not coded as self-disclosure) or it may be due
to the task, which obviously did not facilitate self-disclosure. Thus, one would
not want to draw conclusions on the effect of CMC on self-disclosure based on
this study.
The only other study that examined actual self-disclosure in FtF versus
online conversations was conducted by Tidwell and Walther (2002). In this
study, strangers met FtF versus online and were instructed to either get to know
one another or work on a solution to a problem. Different time periods were
allotted for CMC (up to 60 minutes) versus FtF (up to 15 minutes) conversa-
tions based on the argument that time in a FtF setting is not equal to time in an
online setting (typing alone takes longer in an online setting). Self-disclosure was
measured as the proportion of comments that contained self-disclosure. The
results indicated that FtF partners disclosed more peripheral and intermediate
self-disclosure than CMC interactants. There were no significant differences in
core (intimate) self-disclosure.
The second study that found that self-disclosure was greater in CMC than
FtF was conducted by Schouten et al. (2007a). In this study, 81 cross-sex dyads
were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions (text-only
CMC, visual CMC [i.e., webcam], and FtF communication) and engaged in a
get-acquainted exercise for 24 minutes in CMC dyads and 12 minutes in FtF
dyads. Unfortunately, a content analysis of these conversations was not con-
ducted. Instead, participants provided self-report measure of how much they
told their partner during the conversation on six topics, relationships, love, how
you feel about your physical appearance, sex, secrets, and dating. Participants in
both the text-based and visual-based CMC conditions reported that they dis-
closed more than participants in the FtF condition and these were large effect
sizes (see Table 1).
The rest of the studies (see Table 1) are similar to Schouten et al. (2007a) in
that they are self-report and other-report (perceptions of the partner’s self-
disclosure) studies of self-disclosure. Some are ratings of self-disclosure after con-
versation has taken place. Others are more general perceptions of self-disclosure.
All of these studies found no differences between FtF and online self-disclosure
(Parks & Roberts, 1998; Shaw, 2004) or that FtF self-disclosure is greater in
amount or intimacy than online self-disclosure (Cho, 2007; Green, 2006; Mallen,
Day, & Green, 2006; Schouten, Valkenburg, & Peter, 2007b; Stritzke, Nguyen, &
Durkin, 2004; Wang & Andersen, 2007).
The results of the meta-analysis of these studies indicate an average effect
size of d = −.07 (k = 11, N = 2887). This effect size is not significantly different
from zero [t (10) = −.378, p = .72]. The results are not homogeneous across stud-
ies [χ2(1, N = 11) = 50.41, p < .001]. There is a great variation in the effects sizes
ranging from large negative effect sizes, to no differences, to large positive effect
sizes. However, we did not test for moderators given the small number of studies
(k = 11). Eyeballing the data leads to no obvious differences in study design or
measure of self-disclosure as the moderating variable. Nonetheless, there is very
little evidence for hyperpersonal communication with only two of 11 studies
finding online self-disclosure greater than FtF self-disclosure. There is more evi-
dence for SIP (CMC self-disclosure is equal to FtF self-disclosure if given enough
time to communicate in CMC) given that the overall effect size is not signifi-
cantly different from zero. But there is also evidence that online self-disclosure
may be less than FtF self-disclosure given the percentage of studies that found
FtF greater than online self-disclosure. However, no definite conclusions can be
drawn from this meta-analysis given the small number of studies, especially the
small number of studies in which actual, rather than self-report, self-disclosure is
examined. Future research needs to be conducted comparing FtF versus online
self-disclosure using content analysis of self-disclosure in order to determine
whether online self-disclosure is less personal, equally personal, or hyperper-
sonal than FtF self-disclosure.
Sex Differences in FtF versus Online Self-Disclosure
Some researchers (e.g., Merkle & Richardson, 2000) have speculated that sex dif-
ferences in self-disclosure would be less evident in online versus FtF communica-
tion. That is because in CMC, the anonymity of the Internet may permit users to
step outside of constricting gender roles of communication. For instance, this may
allow men to disclose more, making men’s and women’s self-disclosure equal.
However, anonymity and CMC are not synonymous. Indeed, Green (2006)
manipulated technology (CMC/FtF) and anonymity (anonymous/non-
anonymous) orthogonally. Green tested whether there was a difference in the
amount and intimacy of self-disclosure observed in dyads that communicated FtF
versus through CMC, anonymously versus non-anonymously, and whether there
is an interaction between the effects of technology and anonymity on self-
disclosure. One hundred and thirty-one participants completed a demographic
questionnaire. For the non-anonymous conditions, the demographic question-
naire was exchanged with the conversational partner prior to interaction; the
demographic questionnaire was not exchanged with the conversational partner
prior to interaction in the anonymous conditions. Then partners communicated
either FtF or through CMC. Subjects who interacted in the FtF condition met in
a room with their conversational partner. Subjects in the CMC condition worked
with their partner (who was located in a different room) over an instant messaging
system. All subjects were given a social dilemma to solve and were told that they
needed to reach agreement on the dilemma. Subjects in the FtF conditions were
given 10 minutes to reach consensus; subjects in the CMC conditions were given
20 minutes to reach consensus.
The results of the study were that individuals who communicated FtF had a
significantly greater number of self-disclosures than those who communicated via
CMC. There was no significant difference for the main effect of anonymity or the
interaction effect of technology and anonymity on the amount of self-disclosure.
There were no significant differences for intimacy of self-disclosure. However, the
results of this study should be interpreted with caution especially with respect to
anonymity. The manipulation of anonymity is weak; in the non-anonymous con-
dition subjects viewed demographic information about their partner; in the
anonymous condition subjects received no information about their partner. How-
ever, the result is that anonymity and technology are not synonymous. A person
can interact anonymously FtF and non-anonymously online.
Nonetheless, to determine whether sex differences in self-disclosure are less
pronounced online than FtF, a search of the scholarly literature was conducted.
Only one study could be located that compared sex differences FtF versus online.
Wang and Andersen (2007) conducted a self-report survey of FtF versus online
self-disclosure with a long-distance friend and indicated that women disclosed
more than men in both FtF and CMC contexts. The effect size was larger for FtF
contexts (η2= .06) than CMC contexts (η2 = .02) but no test of significance was
conducted comparing the effect size for FtF versus CMC contexts.
A number of studies have examined sex differences in self-disclosure exclusively
in online environments. We conducted a meta-analysis of sex differences in self-
disclosure in CMC settings. Fourteen studies of sex differences in self-disclosure
were included in the meta-analysis (one study includes two independent samples)
(see Table 2). The results of the meta-analysis indicate that there are no sex differ-
ences in online self-disclosure (d = .048, k = 15, N = 5077, ns). This effect size was
not homogeneous [χ2(1, N = 15) = 36.79, p < .001]; however, we did not test for mod-
erators given the small number of studies included in the meta-analysis (k = 15).
The mean effect size for sex differences in self-disclosure in these studies can
be compared to the results of a meta-analysis conducted of sex-differences in self-
disclosure in FtF settings (Dindia & Allen, 1992) in which the mean effect size for
205 studies of sex differences in self-disclosure was d = .18. These results indicate
that for FtF self-disclosure, women disclose more than men but the effect size is
small (Cohen [1969], classified an effect size of d = .20 as small). The results were
not homogenous and an analysis of moderator variables indicated that sex differ-
ences in self-disclosure in close relationships (friend, romantic partner, family
member, etc.), whether measured through self-report data or observational data,
are small, but there were no sex differences in self-disclosure between strangers
using self-report or observational measures.
Dindia and Allen (1992) found overall effect size of d =.18 for sex differences in
FtF condition; however, they found no sex differences when target was a stranger,
which was the case in most studies investigating sex differences in self-disclosure in
CMC conditions. Thus, the results for the meta-analysis on sex differences in online
self-disclosure are similar to the results for Dindia and Allen’s meta-analysis of sex
differences in FtF self-disclosure. Two exceptions are Schouten et al. (2007b), who
examined online self-disclosure to same- and opposite-sex friends, and Wang and
Andersen (2007), who examined online self-disclosure to long-distance friends, both
of whom found small effect sizes. Overall, there is no evidence that sex differences
in self-disclosure are muted online in comparison to FtF, but that may be because
sex differences in FtF self-disclosure are small to begin with.
Culture is a factor that affects self-disclosure. Culture regulates the way people
communicate by defining what is appropriate and what is not. Some cross-cultural
studies have investigated cultural differences in self-disclosure and found that
people from the West tend to disclose more than people from the East. Cultural
values influence the breadth and the depth of the information that people disclose
in FtF contexts. A direct communication style is expected in individualistic cul-
tures, whereas indirectness and restraint in self-disclosure are desirable in collecti-
vistic cultures (Gudykunst & Nishida, 1986).
This principle may be replicated in CMC settings. Since there are not enough studies
to conduct a meta-analysis (five studies), we provide a brief summary of cross-cultural
CMC studies on self-disclosure (see Table 3). Kim and Papacharissi (2003) analyzed
and compared the contents of 98 Korean and U.S. personal web pages from Yahoo!
Korea and Yahoo! U.S. ccoders recorded the presence or absence of demographic
information such as name, gender, age, occupation, and residence. The results show
that Americans are more likely to provide information about their origin, present
residence, and self-ascribed identity than Koreans. No significant difference was
found in revealing name, gender, role-status, occupation, family information, relig-
ion, and physical description between Korean and American personal web pages.
Kim and Papacharissi also indicated that Americans reveal themselves more directly
than Koreans. For example, Americans presented themselves with still pictures, while
Koreans were more likely to use manipulated graphics.
The finding in Kim and Papacharissi (2003) was replicated in a study of social
networking sites by Kim and Dindia (2008). Kim and Dindia conducted a content
analysis of Americans’ self-disclosure in MySpace and Koreans’ self-disclosure in Cy-
world, the most popular social networking site in Korea. Some self-disclosure catego-
ries were suggested only by one of the two sites’ general layout and therefore not
suited for direct comparison. For example, Diary was present in Cyworld, but not in
MySpace; General Interests, Music, Movies, TV, Books, and Heroes were present in
MySpace, but not in Cyworld. However, the main effect of culture was examined for
five open-ended self-disclosure items present both in MySpace and Cyworld (Head-
line, About Me, the number of self-references in About Me, number of photos, and
number of blog entries). The results indicate that Americans in MySpace self-
disclosed more in About Me and used more self-references in About Me than Kore-
ans in Cyworld. Koreans in Cyworld had more photos and blog entries than Ameri-
cans in MySpace. No difference was found in the number of words in Headline.
Yum and Hara’s (2005) studied cultural differences in online self-disclosure.
One hundred and twenty-six Japanese, 112 American, and 123 Korean college
students completed a survey that consisted of the self-disclosure scales developed
by Parks and Floyd (1996). The participants were asked to indicate the breadth
and depth that they would disclose in CMC. In this study, Americans reported
greater breadth and depth of self-disclosure in CMC than Japanese and Koreans (d
= 1.392). These results are consistent with the results of extant cross-cultural re-
searchin FtF contexts (Barnlund, 1975; Chen, 1995; Hofstede, 1998; Wheeless,
Erickson, & Behrens, 1986) and the results of other cross-cultural CMC research
(Kim & Papacharissi, 2003; Kim & Dindia, 2008).
One exception to this pattern is suggested by Choi, Kim, Sung, and Sohn
(2008). In their study, Koreans showed a greater depth of self-disclosure than
Americans (d = −.883). This stands in contrast to Yum and Hara (2005). Both
studies employed college students and used the same self-disclosure measure by
Parks and Floyd (1996). The different results might derive from differences in
targets of self-disclosure. In Yum and Hara’s study, participants were asked to
think about their self-disclosure to a particular online partner regardless of type of
CMC while Choi et al. asked participants to indicate how intimate their self-
disclosure was in their social networking sites in general. It might be that any cul-
tural difference in self-disclosure is moderated by the target of self-disclosure.
The four studies summarized above compared Americans and East Asians in
their self-disclosure in CMC. One study compared Americans and Germans in their
self-disclosure in MySpace profile pages (Banczyk, Kramer, & Senokozlieva, 2008).
They conducted a content analysis of closed-ended self-disclosure items in MySpace
profile pages and found that Americans self-disclose more than Germans (d = .344).
Although the amount of cross-cultural research on self-disclosure in CMC is
small, the research findings provide consistent results that web authors reveal
themselves in CMC consistent with their own cultural norms with the exception
of Choi et al. (2008). This tendency seems to spill over into online environments.
Americans disclose more than East Asians in FtF settings when the traditional
definition of self-disclosure (verbal description of self) is used. However, online
self-disclosure includes photos of self as well as verbal description of self. This re-
view of research in CMC shows that Americans verbally reveal themselves more
than East Asians in CMC while Koreans present more photos of themselves than
Americans. This may indicate direct versus indirect expressions of cultural
norms/behaviors. Future research needs to examine cultural differences in photo-
graphic self-disclosure. Also, cultural differences in self-disclosure need to be ex-
amined in various CMC environments to provide more generalizable knowledge
about cultural differences on online self-disclosure.
Table 3. Effect Sizes for Cultural Differences in Online Self-Disclosure Americans
vs. Non-Americans
# of Effect
Authors Type of CMC Measure of Self-Disclosure
Participants Size (d)*
Content analysis:
107 (53 Social net- Relationship status, here for, sexual orienta-
Banczyk et
Americans; working site: tion, hometown, body type, ethnicity, religion, .344
al. (2008)
54 Germans) MySpace smoke/drink, children, education, occupa-
tion, income, schools, and companies
Self-report:
589 (349 Social net-
Choi et al. Depth and Breadth Measures by Parks &
Americans; working site: −.883
(2008) Floyd (1996). 5 depth items were used to
240 Koreans) Not specified
compute the effect size
Social net-
Kim & 176 (92
working sites: Content analysis:
Dindia Americans; .984
MySpace and Self-disclosure units in About me
(2008) 84 Koreans)
Cyworld
# of Effect
Authors Type of CMC Measure of Self-Disclosure
Participants Size (d)*
Content analysis:
Kim & 98 (49 10 categorical items: Name, gender, role-
Personal
Papacharissi Americans; status, occupation, family information, self- .217
homepages
(2003) 49 Koreans) ascribed identity, origin, religion, resident
information, and physical description
361(112 Self-report: Koreans
Online rela-
Yum & Americans; Depth and Breadth Measures by Parks & d = 1.392
tionship: Not
Hara (2005) 123 Koreans; Floyd (1996). Only depth measures were Japanese
specified
126 Japanese) included to compute the effect size d = .881
Note. +d = American self-disclosure higher than non-American self-disclosure
Other Predictors of Online Self-Disclosure

Besides the aforementioned variables (CMC versus FtF, sex, and culture), we were
able to identify some other variables that may affect online self-disclosure (age, moti-
vations, and website features); however, the number of studies that examine those
variables relative to online self-disclosure is small and insufficient to conduct a meta-
analysis. Thus, we provide a narrative review of the research for each variable.
Age. A direct test of the effect of age on self-disclosure is rare. CMC research-
ers tend to adopt a certain age group (e.g., adolescent or adult) and/or use age as a
covariate to test the effect of variables of interest. However, age itself can be a pre-
dictor of online self-disclosure. The demographics of social networking clearly
indicate that creation of profile pages on social networking sites is evolving faster
among young people than older people. Internet usage overall is much higher
among young adults (92% of those 18–29 years old) than older adults (37% of
those 67 years or older); 55% of teens are using social networking sites compared
to 16% of all U.S. adults (Pew Internet and American Life Project, 2008). And,
instant messaging has become as popular as, if not more popular, than email for
many people. Nearly 70% of teens and 24% of adults send more instant messages
than email messages (AP-AOL Instant-Messaging Trends Survey, 2007). These
patterns suggest that young people are more familiar with and comfortable with as
well as more adept at using CMC for relationship building. The implication is
that teens may be more inclined towards openness and self-disclosure in these
media than their older peers.
Extant studies examining sex differences in online self-disclosure show that
age can also be a predictor of online self-disclosure. Previous research has not
found sex differences in adolescents’ self-disclosure in online chatting rooms
(Cho, 2007) and in blogs (Huffaker & Calvert, 2005) while other studies of adult
netizens have shown sex differences in online self-disclosure (Dominick, 1999;
Trammell et al., 2006). These results indicate that the gap between sexes is smaller
in younger generations. Recently, Kim, Klautke, and Serota (2009) conducted a
content-analysis of MySpace profile pages and found that younger users tend to
disclose more than older users in open-ended self-descriptions (e.g., About me).
Motivations for using CMC media. Motivation is a key factor in media use. Indi-
viduals use media to fulfill their needs. Researchers have examined psychological
and behavioral aspects of Internet users to identify a set of common underlying
dimensions for Internet usage motivations (Lin, 1999). Papacharissi and Rubin
(2000) examined Internet users’ motivations and identified five factors: interper-
sonal utility, pastime, information seeking, convenience, and entertainment. Mo-
tivations may explain how different individuals use CMC channels with different
results. Because the web provides an ideal setting for selective self-disclosure, indi-
viduals may strategically control self-disclosure based on individual goals. What
information individuals reveal about themselves on their personal web pages, so-
cial networking websites, dating websites, etc., reflects their needs.
Some researchers have looked at motivations for using CMC media as a predic-
tor of self-disclosure in CMC (Cho, 2007; Papacharissi, 2002; Kim, 2007). Conduct-
ing a survey and a content analysis, Papacharissi (2002) found that motives for using
personal homepages affect the look of personal homepages. Papacharissi identifies
six personal homepage motives: passing time, entertainment, information, self-
expression, professional advancement, and communication with friends and family.
Among these motives, the motives of professional advancement and self-expression
are positively related to disclosure of personal information.
Kim’s (2007) study provides further evidence of the relationship between mo-
tivation and online self-disclosure. Conducting an online survey of Korean per-
sonal web page and social networking site users, Kim found that motivations for
using these CMC media influence the topics that the authors disclose in their web
pages. In this study, those who were motivated to communicate with family and
friends posted more demographic information to the web pages than those who
did not have this motivation. People who used personal web pages or social net-
working sites to escape from real life engaged in more emotional self-disclosure
than those who did not have this motivation. People who used these media for
entertainment, communication, and self expression purposes posted more photos
of themselves and others than those who did not have these motivations. Simi-
larly, people who used personal web pages or social networking sites for self-
expression, communication, and information purposes presented more opinions
than those who did not have these motivations.
The effect of motivation on online self-disclosure has also been examined in
an online chatting environment. Cho (2007) conducted a survey to Korean high
school students about their online chatting experience with strangers. Three types
of online chatting motives were identified: entertainment (to have fun, relax, kill
time), information (to learn something, get information about one’s environment,
find economic, political, and cultural information), and initiation and develop-
ment of interpersonal relationships (to make new friends, make a friend of the
opposite sex, communicate with members in an online community). The results
show that honesty-accuracy of self-disclosure did not vary across the three motives.
The motivation to initiate and develop interpersonal relationships was associated
with more amount of self-disclosure than the other two motives; however, ironi-
cally, the relationship motivation did not lead to more intimacy of self-disclosure.
The information motivation was associated with greater intimacy and intent of
self-disclosure, and more negative-positive self-disclosure the other motives.
Previous research has identified a number of motivational influences on self-
disclosure. Among these motivations, interpersonal relationship motivation was
considered as one single variable; however, each individual has a different level of
interpersonal needs depending on which relational phase the person is in. Thus,
examining different types of relational motivation is essential to understand the
effects on online self-disclosure. In fact, relational motivations can range from
initiating relationships (among strangers) to maintaining relationships (among
friends, family, and long-distance partners), and this certainly will impact online
self-disclosure.
Recently, some researchers have examined different kinds of relational moti-
vations for authoring a social networking site. Kim, Klautke, and Serota (2009)
content-analyzed MySpace users’ profile pages and categorized them into two
groups, those with and those without a romantic motive (dating or/and serious
relationships versus friendship or/and networking only). They found that
MySpace users with romantic relational motives provide more self-descriptions
and relational interests on their profile pages and are more likely to disclose in-
formation on children and income, but less likely to disclose their sexual orienta-
tion, than those without romantic relational motives.
Park, Jin, and Jin (2009) examined two different relational motivations for us-
ing social networking sites: Relationship development and relationship mainte-
nance. They conducted an online survey of Facebook users and found that the
motivation for relationship development facilitated more self-disclosure than the
motivation for relationship maintenance did. The motivation for relational devel-
opment was negatively correlated with honesty of self-disclosure, whereas the mo-
tivation for relationship maintenance was not associated with it.
Website features. Some website features or structures may affect online self-
disclosure. Some social networking sites solicit more self-disclosure than other
social networking sites and this will affect the amount of self-disclosure. For ex-
ample, MySpace has more close-ended self-disclosure items than Facebook (e.g.,
body type, ethnicity, income, etc.); thus, people are likely to disclose more per-
sonal information on MySpace than on Facebook. Also, convenience for posting
and sharing photos will affect online self-disclosure. An individual may post more
photos on Facebook than on MySpace because Facebook has more convenient
function for posting and sharing photos (e.g., upload photos by e-mail or mobile
phones, tagging, etc.) on than MySpace.
Online Self-Disclosure and Relationship Development
Online self-disclosure is a means to develop relationships. However, because there
is less warranting information in CMC than in FtF settings, there is no guarantee
that information about one’s self is always true. Warranting information refers to
information about one’s self that the communicator cannot manipulate. An ex-
ample of warranting information is postings by others on the wall in your Face-
book page. You do not have control over the content of postings that are posted
by others. People rely more heavily on warranting information than on self-
descriptions because self-descriptions can be deceptive.
In a survey of online dating users, over 80% of participants registered concern
that others misrepresent themselves (Gibbs, Ellison, & Heino, 2006). Several em-
pirical studies suggest that, at least in contexts where future interaction is ex-
pected, such as online dating, deception tends to be subtle rather than extreme,
and self-enhancing rather than overtly malicious (Ellison, Gibbs, & Heino, 2006).
For instance, male online daters typically add a couple of inches to their height,
whereas female daters subtract a few pounds from their weight to appear more
attractive to the opposite sex (Toma, Hancock, & Ellison, 2008). This may not be
different from deception that takes place in FtF settings. The difference is that
there is more warranting in FtF settings. We can see the other person’s body so
they can only lie so much about age, weight, height, etc. In CMC settings, you can
post a picture of yourself when you were thinner and younger or a picture that is
not even a picture of yourself. Furthermore, people can even lie about their educa-
tion, profession, or economic status both FtF and online.
This phenomenon leads people to develop a system by which they can detect
deceptive messages including self-disclosure in online environments. This system
is probably not that much different from detecting deception FtF. Research shows
that perceptions of individuals who created online profiles in social networking
systems are influenced by the comments and attributes of postings that others
leave on those profiles, which is warranting information. According to Walther,
Van Der Heide, Kim, Westerman, and Tong (2008), the content of friends’ post-
ings on profile owners’ walls in Facebook affects perceptions of profile owners’
credibility and attractiveness. The physical appearance of one’s friends, as shown
in those wall postings, affects the perceived physical appearance of the profile
owner as well. Other research shows that when there is a discrepancy between a
Facebook profile owner’s self-generated information and others’ comments, other
people’s comments override the profile owner’s claims (Walther, Van Der Heide,
Hamel, & Shulman, 2009).
Several researchers have talked about the potentially negative effect of hyper-
personal communication on relationship development. Cooper and Sportolari
(1997) refer to this as the “boom and bust” phenomenon of online self-disclosure:
When people reveal more about themselves earlier than they would in FtF interac-
tions, relationships get intense very quickly. Such an accelerated process of revelation
may increase the chance that the relationship will feel exhilarating at first, and be-
come quickly eroticized, but then not be able to be sustained because the underlying
trust and true knowledge of the other are not there to support it. (p. 12)
Cooper and Sportolari (1997) highlight media accounts of people who are certain
they have found their “soul mate” and leave an established relationship, travelling
across the country, to meet people who don’t turn out to be who they seemed.
Others have noted that Internet romantic relationships progress through an
inverted developmental sequence (Merkle & Richardson, 2000). In real life we
meet people, then get to know them; in online we get to know someone and then
choose to meet them (Rheingold, 1993). Some say this makes for an unstable rela-
tionship (Levine, 2000). However, the opposite is plausible. CMC may be charac-
terized by a higher degree of personal investment of time and self-disclosure than
is typical in FtF relationships. This greater investment may result in a stronger
relationship (Merkle & Richardson, 2000).
Again, there is no empirical evidence to support the boom and bust phe-
nomenon. Nonetheless, some have cautioned that when developing relationships
online, you should move from virtual to FtF in a short period of time before un-
realistic expectations have time to build up (Levine, 2000).
Conclusion
In this chapter, we provided a review of online self-disclosure research examining
the effects of key variables in online self-disclosure across various CMC channels.
Some CMC environments that are gaining more popularity, such as audio and
video-conferencing, are not asynchronous. Similarly, audio environments include
vocal cues and video-environments (video-conferencing such as Skype) include a
number of nonverbal cues such as visual appearance, clothing and artifacts, etc.
The only difference between video-conferencing and FtF communication would
be the lack of touch and smell. These CMC environments are becoming more and
more popular. Technology and the uses of technology (for instance, the relatively
recent use of web cameras) change so quickly that any generalizations regarding
self-disclosure on the Internet are problematic. Thus, this review of research on
self-disclosure in CMC will likely be out-of-date before it is published.
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