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Hello and welcome to my channel, where I talk about various issues related to politics, governance, and
democracy in India. Today, I am going to discuss the concept of one nation one election, which is a proposal to
hold simultaneous elections for the Lok Sabha and all state assemblies in India. This idea has been supported
by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and some experts and institutions, but also opposed by many opposition
parties and critics. In this video, I will explain the history, pros and cons, committees, law commission views,
constitutional scope and amendments, and impact on different states of India of this concept.

First, let us understand what is one nation one election and how it is different from the current system. As of
now, elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies are held separately whenever the term of the incumbent
government ends or it is dissolved due to various reasons. This means that there is always an election going on
in some part of the country throughout the year. The idea of one nation one election is to synchronize the
elections for both the Lok Sabha and state assemblies so that they are held at the same time, either on a single
day or within a specific time frame. This would require aligning the terms of all state assemblies with that of
the Lok Sabha and ensuring that no premature dissolution or extension takes place.

The history of one nation one election dates back to the first general elections held in 1951-52. At that time,
simultaneous elections were held for the Lok Sabha and all state assemblies. This practice continued in the
three subsequent general elections held in 1957, 1962, and 1967. However, the cycle of simultaneous elections
was disrupted in 1968 and 1969, when some state assemblies were dissolved prematurely. In 1970, the Lok
Sabha itself was dissolved prematurely and fresh elections were held in 1971. Since then, the practice of
simultaneous elections has not been revived.

The idea to revert to simultaneous polls was suggested in the annual report of the Election Commission in
1983. Later, the Law Commission report referred to it in 1999. In 2014, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
BJP-led government came to power, the party made a strong pitch for one nation one election. The government
also frequently talked about its intention to implement it. The Law Commission in 2018 submitted a draft
report backing the idea of simultaneous polls. The commission also recommended changes to the electoral
laws and constitutional provisions and examined the legal and constitutional constraints.

Now, let us look at some of the pros and cons of one nation one election. The supporters of this idea claim that
it would have several benefits such as:

Reducing the cost of conducting elections: According to some estimates, around Rs 60,000 crore was
spent on the 2019 Lok Sabha elections by the Election Commission and political parties combined.
Holding separate elections also entails huge expenditure on security personnel, polling staff,
transportation, etc.
Improving efficiency in administration: During elections, normal administrative duties are affected as
officials are engaged in election duties. The model code of conduct also restricts new policy initiatives or
welfare schemes by the government.
Enhancing quality of democracy: Simultaneous elections would avoid policy paralysis and governance
deficit caused by frequent elections. It would also ensure continuity and stability in policymaking at both
central and state levels.
Increasing voter turnout: Simultaneous elections would make it easier and convenient for voters to cast
their votes at once for both Lok Sabha and state assemblies. It would also reduce voter fatigue and
confusion caused by multiple elections.

However, there are also many challenges and criticisms of one nation one election such as:

Need for constitutional amendments: Simultaneous elections cannot be held within the existing
framework of the Constitution which fixes a five-year term for both Lok Sabha and state assemblies
unless they are dissolved sooner. To synchronize their terms, several constitutional amendments would
be required which would need a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament and ratification by at
least half of the states.
 Possibility of no-confidence motion or hung parliament: Simultaneous elections would pose a problem if
there is a no-confidence motion against the central or state government or if there is a hung parliament or
assembly after the polls. This would require fresh elections which would disturb the cycle of
simultaneous polls.
Lack of empirical evidence: There is no conclusive evidence that simultaneous elections would actually
reduce expenditure or improve governance or voter turnout as claimed by its proponents. There are
many other factors that influence these aspects such as socio-economic conditions, political awareness,
media influence, etc.
Impact on regional parties and diversity: Simultaneous elections could undermine the role and relevance
of regional parties and issues as national parties and issues would dominate the electoral discourse. This
could affect the federal structure and diversity of India’s democracy.

In order to examine the feasibility and desirability of one nation one election, the government has formed
various committees and consulted various stakeholders over the years. Some of the notable committees are:

The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice, which
submitted its report on the feasibility of holding simultaneous elections in 2015. The committee, chaired
by Dr EM Sudarsana Natchiappan, noted the advantages and disadvantages of simultaneous polls and
suggested some measures to overcome the challenges.
The NITI Aayog, which prepared a discussion paper on simultaneous elections in 2017. The paper,
authored by Bibek Debroy and Kishore Desai, outlined the constitutional and legal framework, the
international experience, and the possible roadmap for implementing simultaneous polls in India.
The Law Commission of India, which released a draft report on simultaneous elections in 2018. The
report, chaired by Justice BS Chauhan, recommended constitutional and legislative amendments, a
framework for synchronizing election cycles, safeguards for continuity of simultaneous polls, and
analysis of logistical needs for conducting simultaneous polls.
The High Level Committee on One Nation One Election, which was formed by the government in 2023.
The committee, headed by former President Ram Nath Kovind, is expected to examine and make
recommendations for holding simultaneous elections to Lok Sabha, state assemblies, municipalities, and
panchayats.

The Law Commission of India has also given its views on one nation one election in its various reports. In its
170th report in 1999, the Law Commission endorsed the idea of simultaneous polls and suggested that the
cycle of elections every year should be put an end to. In its 244th report in 2014, the Law Commission
reiterated its support for simultaneous polls and suggested that a no-confidence motion should be accompanied
by a confidence motion in an alternative government to avoid mid-term polls. In its draft report in 2018, the
Law Commission again backed the idea of simultaneous polls and suggested several constitutional and legal
changes to enable it.

The constitutional scope and amendments required for one nation one election are as follows:

Article 83 (2) and Article 172 (1) of the Constitution fix a term of five years for both Lok Sabha and
state assemblies unless they are dissolved sooner. These articles need to be amended to synchronize their
terms and prevent premature dissolution or extension.
Article 85 (2) (b) and Article 174 (2) (b) of the Constitution empower the President and the Governor
respectively to dissolve the Lok Sabha or state assembly on the advice of the Prime Minister or Chief
Minister respectively. These articles need to be amended to restrict their power to dissolve only in
exceptional circumstances such as a constitutional breakdown or emergency.
Article 356 of the Constitution provides for the imposition of President’s rule in a state in case of failure
of constitutional machinery. This article needs to be amended to ensure that President’s rule does not
extend beyond six months and that fresh elections are held within that period.
Section 14 and Section 15 of the Representation of People Act, 1951 require the Election Commission to
call for elections in accordance with the five-year term fixed by the Constitution. These sections need to
be amended to empower the Election Commission to conduct simultaneous elections as per a fixed
schedule.
A new law or amendment needs to be enacted to provide for a constructive vote of no-confidence against
the central or state government. This would mean that a no-confidence motion can only be passed if
there is a confidence motion in an alternative government.

The impact of one nation one election on different states of India would vary depending on various factors
such as:
 The political alignment of the state government with the central government: Simultaneous elections
could benefit those states where the ruling party or coalition is aligned with the central government as
they could leverage their popularity and performance at both levels. However, it could harm those states
where there is an opposition or a regional party in power as they could face a disadvantage or a backlash
from the voters who may prefer a national party or issue at the Lok Sabha level.
The regional identity and aspirations of the state: Simultaneous elections could affect those states where
there is a strong sense of regional identity and aspirations among the people as they could feel neglected
or overshadowed by national parties or issues. This could lead to resentment or alienation among some
sections of voters who may value their regional interests more than national interests.
The socio-economic development and diversity of the state: Simultaneous elections could influence
those states where there is a wide gap between socio-economic development and diversity among
different regions or communities as they could have different expectations and demands from the central
and state governments. This could create conflicts or contradictions among voters who may have to
choose between competing priorities or agendas at both levels.

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