Linkages Between Development and Spread of Extremism

VISION IAS
www.visionias.in
VALUE ADDITION MATERIAL – 2018

PAPER III: SECURITY
LINKAGES BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD OF

EXTREMISM
Copyright © by Vision IAS

All rights are reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior
permission of Vision IAS
DELHI JAIPUR PUNE HYDERABAD AHMEDABAD LUCKNOW

www.visionias.in # 8468022022 ©Vision IAS
Student Notes:
LINKAGES BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD

OF EXTREMISM
Contents
1. Concepts and Definitions........................................................................................................2
1.1. Terrorism.........................................................................................................................2
1.2. Extremism .......................................................................................................................2
1.3. Radicalisation ..................................................................................................................2
2. India’s Internal Security Situation ...........................................................................................2
3. Left Wing Extremism (Naxalism) in India.................................................................................3
3.1. Origin and Evolution ........................................................................................................3
3.2. Different Phases of LWE...................................................................................................4
3.3. Objective of LWE in India .................................................................................................6
3.4. Strategy of the Naxal Movement .....................................................................................7
3.5. Causes for Spread of Left Extremism................................................................................7
3.6. Factors that Sustain the Movement .................................................................................8
3.7. The Government of India’s Approach...............................................................................9
3.8. Review and Monitoring Mechanisms ...............................................................................9
3.9. Important Schemes for LWE Affected States ..................................................................10
3.10. What needs to be done? .............................................................................................11
4. North-East Insurgency ..........................................................................................................13
4.1. Causes for NE Insurgency...............................................................................................13
4.2. Reasons for the Existence of the Armed Ethnic Groups ..................................................15
4.3. Government Initiatives Towards North East Insurgency..................................................17
4.4. What Needs to be Done?...............................................................................................18
5. Jammu and Kashmir Insurgency ...........................................................................................20
5.1. Two Dimensions of the Kashmir Conundrum .................................................................21
5.2. Reasons for J & K Insurgency .........................................................................................22
5.3. Government’s Approach Towards Insurgency in J & K ....................................................23
5.4. The challenges faced by the state ..................................................................................24
5.5. Why Militancy has failed in Kashmir? .............................................................................24
5.6. What needs to be done? ...............................................................................................25
6. Previous Years Vision IAS GS Mains Test Series Questions .....................................................26
7. Previous Years UPSC Questions.............................................................................................30

All rights are reserved. No part of this document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying,
recording or otherwise, without prior permission of Vision IAS

1 www.visionias.in # 8468022022 ©Vision IAS
Student Notes:
1. Concepts and Definitions

‘When a decision is made that fear, terror and violence are justified to achieve ideological, political
or social change, radicalisation to violent extremism occurs’
Terrorism, radicalisation and extremism are subjective concepts that have different meanings for
different people. Furthermore, their meanings are constantly evolving as they manifest
themselves in different ways in different parts of the world, exploiting new vulnerabilities,
technologies and approaches.
1.1. Terrorism
‘Terrorism is a complex and contested issue, as are the associated labels of extremism, violent
extremism and radicalisation’
There is no single universally accepted definition for terrorism because the concept is invariably
political and cannot be framed in a manner that excludes the state. Most acceptable words to
understand terrorism are ‘acts committed with the objective of seriously intimidating a
population, destabilising or destroying structures of a country or international organisation or
making a government abstain from performing actions’.
1.2. Extremism
‘Violent extremist ideologies have found fertile ground in fragile communities characterised by
little access to development’
Extremism is generally understood as constituting views that are far from those of the majority
of the population. Accordingly, one definition describes extremism as ‘activities (beliefs,
attitudes, feelings, actions, strategies) of a character far removed from the ordinary’. Though this
is clearly a relative term which invites disagreement regarding benchmarks, it is broadly agreed
that extremist views are not necessarily illegal and do not automatically lead to violence or harm.
Indeed those with extremist views, who may also choose to observe extreme practices with no
impact on the civil liberties of fellow citizens, are rightly protected under fundamental freedoms
and human rights norms.
Extremism becomes a concern when those views threaten democratic and tolerant societal ideas,
or promote the use of violence to coerce their followers or to achieve their objectives. This form
of extremism is described as violent extremism, a term which remains contested, but which
generally refers to the creation of ideologically motivated or justified violence, as well as support
for such acts.
1.3. Radicalisation
‘Radicalisers work by pointing to social, political and economic injustice around their followers.’
Like terrorism and violent extremism, radicalisation is a contested term with various definitions.
It is commonly understood, however, as the social and psychological process of incrementally
experienced commitment to extremist political and religious ideologies.It does not necessarily
mean that those affected will become violent. However, when a decision is made that fear, terror
and violence are justified to achieve ideological, political or social change, radicalisation to violent
extremism occurs.
2. India’s Internal Security Situation

In the world of policy making and implementation, there is but little scope for a long term view
on a state’s policy, be it internal or foreign, as policy-makers are pressed for time to respond to
present realities. The dynamism of India in this regard is only too intense.It is not easy to govern

Student Notes:
a country with such diversity and culture as India. Aspirations vary and expectations of the
common people from the Indian state are high.
The internal security challenges in India, which has the greatest impact on state security, are
poverty and unemployment. Mired in inequalities, the consequences of poverty and
unemployment are the armed internal challenges like Naxalism and Northeastern insurgencies.
We happen to see the conflict between the development and extremism.
There is a cause and effect relationship between the components of development and
extremism; the presence of which leads to the all round development whereas in absence of
these creates the breeding ground for extremism in the society creating threat to internal
security of India.
Internal security situation in the country can broadly be categorized as under:
▪ Terrorism in the hinterland of the country.
▪ Cross-Border terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir.
▪ Insurgency in the North Eastern States.
▪ Left Wing Extremism in India.
While the causes of armed violence could be many, the reality that young Indian citizens risk their
lives to take up arms against the state in such dire consequences is something we need to grapple
with in a realistic manner.
3. Left Wing Extremism (Naxalism) in India

3.1. Origin and Evolution
The roots of LWE in India lie in the leftist/Communist political movements, labour and agrarian
unrests, the revolutionary societies and the tribal revolts that erupted during various phases of
colonial rule in India.
The independence of India from the clutches of foreign rule raised immense hopes among the
landless, tribals and other downtrodden sections within the country. It didn’t take too long for
the masses to realise that independence had brought nothing new for them and almost
everything had remained the same. Neither was there any hope of change in the future. Electoral
politics was dominated by the land owners and the land reforms that were promised were not
being taken up in the expected spirit. The old exploitative structure had continued in a different
garb. This led to a lot of disillusionment and frustration among the masses. They could recollect
the prophesies of the early leftist leaders and revolutionaries that the political independence of
India from British rule would in effect mean a change of exploiters and the socio-economic
structure would remain the same and that an armed revolution will be needed to end the
exploitation.
This disillusionment found expression in the increased support in favour of the left parties in
second general elections in Kerala. At the same time, the Communist Party of India (CPI) in Bengal
was also gaining strength and the United Front (of which it was a part) was the main opposition
party. The radicals within the party accused the party leadership of being “revisionists” as they
opted for parliamentary democracy. The growing dissensions within the party ultimately led to
the split of the CPI. The newly formed party, i.e. Communist Party of India (M) also participated
in the United Front governments in Bengal and Kerala in 1967. But nothing substantial was
realised on the ground.
The discontentment grew and the radicals within the CPI (M) began to doubt the revolutionary
zeal of the leadership. They were convinced that an armed revolution was the only way out. Since
they were deeply inspired by Mao’s success in China, they wanted to replicate the same in India.

Student Notes:
They lost patience and started mobilising the tribals, the landless and the share-cultivators and
began what is termed as the revolutionary “armed struggle” in certain pockets of Bengal. The
movement crystallised into an organised armed movement in the aftermath of a police firing
incident in Naxalbari village in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal on May 25, 1967.
3.2. Different Phases of LWE

The Naxalbari Phase (1967- 1972)
The Naxalbari incident could be seen as the trigger that launched the transformation of a
primarily political and socio-economic agrarian movement into an armed struggle. The incident
was a fall-out of the underground efforts undertaken by the radical hardline Communist leaders
like Charu Majumdar, Jangal Santhal and KanuSanyal who were able to motivate and mobilise the
landless peasants to forcibly occupy the land belonging to the landlords whom they called “class
enemies”.
Under the influence of Mao in China, radical Communists from different parts of the country
rallied around Charu Majumdar as their leader. In 1967, the All India Coordination Committee of
Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was formed to reconcile the differences within the CPI (M)
party. It failed and the radical leaders were expelled from the party. They then formed a new
party called Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) i.e. the CPI (ML), on April 22, 1969. The
party was to follow the Maoist line to achieve revolution.
During 1969-72, fierce battles raged between CPI (ML) and government authorities, resulting in
largescale violence and bloodshed. The government also seriously undertook land reforms. With
the coming into power of the Congress supported government in Bengal in the year 1971, a major
operation named “Steeple Chase” was launched in which the military, paramilitary and state
forces participated jointly in the Naxal affected areas. The extremist movement was brought
under control within two months. The movement finally died out after the arrest and death of
Charu Majumdar in July 1972.6 In other parts of the country as well, the movement died out
gradually and there was a lull for about a decade.
Even though the “Naxalbari uprising” was a failure, it marked the beginning of the violent LWE
movement in India, and the terms “Naxalism” and “Naxalite” were born. Identification of
revolutionary politics with the name of a village, and not with the name of the leader is unique
in history.
During this phase, the movement could not win the support of the poor peasants, sharecroppers,
agricultural labourers, urban middle class and the workers at large as they did not view it as a
struggle for their own cause. Besides, the masses were not mentally prepared to go in for an
“armed struggle.” The excessive identification with China robbed the extremists of a nationalistic
image and this factor, to a large extent, was responsible for their isolation from the common
people. The movement was based on an over-optimistic evaluation of the possibility of advancing
rapidly and the under-estimation of the state’s strength. Devoid of broader mass support, the
movement, notwithstanding the courage, sacrifice and motivation of the activists and the
protagonists, gradually petered away.
However, the leaders succeeded in providing both an ideological veneer and cutting edge
militancy to the nascent Marxist-Leninist movement. They also succeeded in attracting some of
the best minds among the idealistic youth of the country.
Post-CharuPhase: Early 1970s-2004
Charu Majumdar’s death came as a blow to the Naxalites across the country. Thereafter, the CPI
(ML) disintegrated into innumerable groups and subgroups which were engaged in internecine
squabbles and accusing each other of betrayal and pursuing the wrong line of thought and action.

Student Notes:
The 1970s and 1980s were witness to bitter polemics which divided these groups, but, at the
same time, there were efforts to rebuild the Maoist movement as a whole.
In 1971, Satyanarain Singh revolted against Charu Majumdar’s “annihilation” policy and started
his own group called the CPI (ML) Satyanarain Singh Group (SNS).8 Similarly, during the 1971
Indo-Pak War, Ashim Chatterjee and Santosh Rana also left the CPI (ML) due to Charu Majumdar’s
opposition to the Indian government’s position.9 Mahadev Mukherjee and B N Sharma assumed
the leadership of the CPI (ML) after the death of Charu Majumdar. But the unity did not last long
as Mahadev Mukherjee expelled Sharma. Another split in the Mahadev Mukherjee camp came
when CPI (ML) split between pro-Lin Biao and anti-Lin Biao groups.
From the late 1970s onwards, the centre of gravity of Naxalism gradually shifted from West
Bengal to Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. The “Liberation” group in Bihar and the People’s War Group
(PWG) in Andhra Pradesh emerged as the two most important LEGs. In 1974, the pro-Mao, pro-
Charu Majumdar, anti-Lin Biao faction of the CPI (ML) was reorganised by Subrata Dutta alias
Jauhar and renamed CPI (ML) “Liberation.” This faction emerged as one of the strongest of all
Naxal outfits and claimed to be the rightful successor of Charu Majumdar’s CPI (ML).
Vinod Mishra was elected as general secretary of “Liberation” in 1975. Although he claimed to
follow the Charu Majumdar line, he was the first Naxal leader to recognise the futility of armed
rebellion against the Indian government. Without explicitly renouncing the methods of Charu
Majumdar, he started a “rectification movement” which was aimed at rectifying the
shortcomings and lapses in the armed rebellion. As a part of this new line of thinking, “Liberation”
joined the mass mobilisation and jumped into electoral politics in 1982 through a front
organisation called the Indian People’s Front (IPF). The IPF was envisioned as a nationwide
alternative to the Congress Party. In the year 1989, IPF won a seat in the parliamentary elections
and the first Naxalite member entered the Indian Parliament.
Yet another group in Bihar, which was then called “Dakshin Desh,” was founded in 1969 by Kanhai
Chatterjee and Amulya Sen. This group mainly comprised lower caste and landless people and
wasextremely savage in executing landlords. The landlords belonging to the upper/middle caste
saw this group as a threat to their dominance and raised private militias. Gangs like RanvirSena
ruthlessly massacred Naxalites and those who were suspected to be Naxalite sympathisers.MCC
merged with the Revolutionary Communist Centre, India (Maoist) to form the Maoist Communist
Centre (India) or MCC (I) in 2003.
Emergence of the CPI (Maoist): 2004-Present
The Maoist insurgency doctrine, as elicited from copious documents recovered from their
hideouts during several raids and encounters, is based on the glorification of the extreme left
ideology. It legitimises the use of violence to overwhelm the existing socio-economic and political
structure. Based on this ideology, People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army was created as an armed
wing of the Communist Party of India – Maoists (CPI-M). The movement got strengthened in 2004
with the merger of People’s War Group (PWG) that was influential in Andhra Pradesh, the Maoist
Communist Centre of India (MCCI) with a stronghold in the central Indian states and the CPI-M
(Oetken 2008). This merger significantly upgraded the combat capabilities of LWE groups
together.
Over the decades since, the LWE movement is assessed to have impacted 40 percent of India’s
territory and 35 percent of its population. In 2016, according to the Ministry of Home Affairs
(MHA), 106 districts in 10 states of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, were intensely affected
by the LWE movement.

Student Notes:
Based on the intensity of insurgency, 35 of the 108 districts spread over the ten States mentioned
above, have been classified as most affected LWE districts.
• The States of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, and Bihar are considered severely affected.
• The States of West Bengal, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are considered
partially affected.
• And the States of Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh are considered slightly affected.
Currently, the lethality of the LWE movement has increased multi-fold, establishing a complex
web across the 10 states of India. It is estimated that these extremist outfits now have around
9,000-10,000 armed fighters with access to about 6,500 firearms. In addition, there are estimates
of about 40,000 full-time cadres (Government of India 2017).
Present Status
The trend analysis of the Naxal movement from 2010 till 2017 suggests that Maoists are
strengthening coordination efforts between their parent organisation CPI-M and other like-
minded organisations to undertake programs against alleged ‘state violence’ and for ‘protection
of their democratic rights’. For example, the issue of displacement of local communities remained
the main plank of mobilisation by their
front organisations like Niyamgiri
Suraksha Samitee actively agitating in
the NiyamgiriHills area and Jharkhand
VisthapanVirodhi Jan Vikas Andolan, a
front of CPI (Maoists), protesting against
amendments to the Chhotanagpur
(1908) and Santhal Pargana Tenancy
Acts (1949). These amendments
pertained to the modifications in the
Domicile Policy. Maoist affiliates also
undertook protests and resorted to
anti-government propaganda over
alleged atrocities by the Security Forces.
They organized similar meetings over
the issue of Kashmir and called for a
plebiscite in the State (M. Government
of India, Internal Security 2017).
3.3. Objective of LWE in India

The core objective of the LWE movement is the establishment of People’s Revolutionary State,
which is supposed to be achieved by establishing a ‘Red Corridor’, stretching from the Nepal
border through Central India till Karnataka in the South.
This objective is to be achieved by using armed struggle as the prime tool to garner the support
of the oppressed and the exploited. Violent protracted struggle is therefore expected to continue
to help the movement consolidate and extend the Corridor. Naxal leaders support various issues
like protecting people’s rights of Jal (water), Jungle (Forest) and Jamin (Land) (JJJ).
These are prominent concerns of the people mainly in the rural India as most of the people
depend on agriculture and forest for their livelihood. Thus, any threat to these three elements is
seen as a threat to their livelihood and triggers a high level of anxiety. In addition to the building
up an effective web of armed operatives to spread terror, Naxals also recruit influential local tribal
leaders to maintain their firm grip over villagers in remote locations, like in the dense forests of
Chhattisgarh and eastern states of India. All available literature on the Maoist movement

Student Notes:
including their internal policy papers, confirm this assessment.
3.4. Strategy of the Naxal Movement

The theory and practice of revolutionary warfare has three distinctive phases. These are:
• first, organization, consolidation, and preservation of regional base areas situated in isolated
and difficult terrain;
• second, progressive expansion, which includes attacks on police stations, sabotage, terror
tactics, elimination of persons with alternate viewpoints, and procurement of arms and
ammunition from the enemy, and
• third, destruction of the enemy through conventional battles including mobile warfare,
protracted conflicts, negotiations, and unified command and control structures.
In practice, transition between the three phases might take years or decades. The objective of
guerrilla strategy is gradual control of territory and increased perceived local legitimacy of rebel
ideology. Once that occurs, there is relative loss of legitimacy for state forces.
3.5. Causes for Spread of Left Extremism

While the goal of the left extremists was to actualise their own vision of the State through
‘revolution’, they chose to usher that revolution by enlisting the support of the deprived and
exploited sections of society particularly in areas where such sections constituted a significant
part of the population. Breeding grounds are most glaring in forest areas predominantly
inhabited by tribal populations who thus become the main instruments and victims of left
extremist violence. Few causes triggering the masses are as under:
Land Related Factors
• Evasion of land ceiling laws.
• Existence of special land tenures (enjoying exemptions under ceiling laws).
• Encroachment and occupation of Government and Community lands (even the water-bodies)
by powerful sections of society.
• Lack of title to public land cultivated by the landless poor.
• Poor implementation of laws prohibiting transfer of tribal land to non-tribals in the Fifth
Schedule areas.
• Non-regularisation of traditional land rights.
Displacement and Forced Evictions
• Eviction from lands traditionally used by tribals.
• Displacements caused by irrigation and power projects without adequate arrangements for
rehabilitation.
• Large scale land acquisition for ‘public purposes’ without appropriate compensation or
rehabilitation.
Livelihood Related Causes
• Lack of food security – corruption in the Public Distribution System (which are often non-
functional).
• Disruption of traditional occupations and lack of alternative work opportunities.
• Deprivation of traditional rights in common property resources.
Social Exclusion
• Denial of dignity.
• Continued practice, in some areas, of untouchability in various forms.

Student Notes:
• Poor implementation of special laws on prevention of atrocities, protection of civil rights and
abolition of bonded labour etc.
Governance Related Factors
• Corruption and poor provision/non-provision of essential public services including primary
health care and education.
• Incompetent, ill trained and poorly motivated public personnel who are mostly absent from
their place of posting.
• Misuse of powers by the police and violations of the norms of law.
• Perversion of electoral politics and unsatisfactory working of local government institutions.
3.6. Factors that Sustain the Movement
An Appealing Ideology
The movement derives strength from the mainspring of the international Communist movement.
One constant feature of Naxal ideology has been that at all times it visualises and propagates
that imperialism is heading towards total collapse. This belief is the driving force of the
movement. This belief also allows them to blame the present wrongs on the capitalist economic
structure.
Organisational Strength of Extremists Groups
The consolidation of various factions of the LEGs has been attributed to the organised,
institutionalised and planned manner in which the Naxals function. The ideological dedication,
the cadre-based organisational set-up and understanding of the micro socio-economic situation
in the various regions of India makes the extremists plan, operate and implement their strategies
efficiently.
Funding Sources
The Naxals have been able to strategically target every source of wealth generation in their areas
of influence as funding is essential for their sustenance. To finance their activities, the Naxalites
“accept contributions” in the form of “taxes and levies,” loot government treasuries and banks
and also extort vast amounts from businesses, industries, political leaders, government officials,
rich landlords and professionals. The Naxals exercise a monopolistic control over the forest
produce and government contracts in their areas of dominance.
Continuous Availability of Recruits
The extremists have been able to ensure both financial and social security to the youth in the
deprived regions of the country. Lack of employment opportunities for the youth lures them
towards the Naxals. Apart from economic security, it gives them a sense of empowerment and
dignity. The prevailing security scenario also compels them to opt to join the Naxals for safety
reasons as well.
Lack of an Adequately Assessed and Coordinated Response from the Government
An appropriate assessment of any problem is the key to conceptualise, develop and implement
appropriate strategies to counter it. It has been observed that there is no clear understanding of
the nature and enormity of the threat that LWE poses. This has resulted in divergent approaches
being adopted by different states and the central government, and their efforts remain largely
uncoordinated. As of today, the notion of the formation of the “Red Corridor” that could
compromise the territorial integrity of the state has been used to shift the discourse of Naxalites
from being a “law and order problem” to being the “biggest internal security threat”.

Student Notes:
National security is being used as a blanket term to cover up the state’s confusion on devising
ways and means to react to the multi-dimensional challenge the Naxal movement poses.
Intrusive and insensitive security forces action in the Naxal affected regions also poses a threat
to the socio-political and economic structures of those regions. The state’s response to the Naxal
movement has been reactive, uncoordinated and inadequate.
3.7. The Government of India’s Approach

The Government’s approach is to deal with Left Wing Extremism in a holistic manner, in the areas
of security, development, ensuring rights and entitlements of local communities, improvement
in governance and public perception management. In dealing with this decades-old problem, it
has been felt appropriate, after various high-level deliberations and interactions with the State
Governments concerned, that an integrated approach aimed at the relatively more affected areas
would deliver results. With this in view, a detailed analysis of the spread and trends in respect of
Left Wing Extremist violence has been made and 106 districts in ten States have been taken up
for special attention with regard to planning, implementation and monitoring various
interventions.
However, 'Police' and 'Public Order' being State subjects, action on maintenance of law and order
lies primarily in the domain of the State Governments. The Central Government closely monitors
the situation and supplements and coordinates their efforts in several ways. These include:
• providing Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) and Commando Battalions for Resolute Action
(CoBRA);
• sanction of India Reserve (IR) battalions, setting up of Counter Insurgency and Anti Terrorism
(CIAT) schools;
• modernisation and upgradation of the State Police and their Intelligence apparatus under the
Scheme for Modernization of State Police Forces (MPF scheme);
• re-imbursement of security related expenditure under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE)
Scheme;
• providing helicopters for anti-naxal operations, assistance in training of State Police through
the Ministry of Defence, the Central Police Organisations and the Bureau of Police Research
and Development;
• Sharing of Intelligence; facilitating inter-State coordination; assistance in community policing
and civic action programmes etc.
The underlying philosophy is to enhance the capacity of the State Governments to tackle the
Maoist menace in a concerted manner.
3.8. Review and Monitoring Mechanisms

To give special focus to development in the LWE affected areas, MHA has been reviewing the LWE
situation regularly through number of review and monitoring mechanisms. Reviews cover
operational and developmental issues including those of other Ministries of the Government of
India. These mechanisms include:-
• The Union Home Minister convenes the meetings of Chief Ministers of LWE affected States.
The last two meetings were held in February, 2015 and May, 2017.
• The Union Home Minister and the Minister of States (Home) visit LWE affected States to
review the LWE situation.
• Review Group Meeting under the chairmanship of the Cabinet Secretary.
• Meetings by Union Home Secretary with Secretaries of Central Ministries and Chief
Secretaries of the LWE affected States and Central Ministries.

Student Notes:
• Empowered Committee under AS(LWE), constituted in May, 2015 to review the progress of
various developmental schemes/projects.
Solution SAMADHAN
During the recent review meeting of the Chief Ministers of the LWE affected States in May, 2017,
the Union Home Minister enunciated an integrated strategy through which the LWE can be
countered with full force and competence. The new strategy is called Samadhan, which is a
compilation of short term and long term policies formulated at different levels. The meaning was
well defined by the Home Minister as:
• S- Smart Leadership
• A- Aggressive Strategy
• M- Motivation and Training
• A- Actionable Intelligence
• D- Dashboard Based KPIs (Key Performance Indicators) and KRAs (Key Result Areas)
• H- Harnessing Technology
• A- Action plan for each Theatre
• N- No access to Financing
3.9. Important Schemes for LWE Affected States

• Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme:Under it assistance is provided to 106 LWE
affected districts in 10 States for recurring expenditure relating to operational needs of
security forces, training and insurance and also for Left Wing Extremist cadres who surrender
in accordance with the surrender and rehabilitation policy of the concerned State
Government, community policing, security related infrastructure by village defence
committees and publicity material.
• Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I):For improving road connectivity, the Government
approved the Road Requirement Plan PhaseI (RRP-I) in 2009 covering 34 LWE affected
districts of 8 States i.e. Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh,
Maharashtra, Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. The scheme envisages 5,422 km road lengths ;4,290
km roads have been completed.08 critical bridges are also being constructed under RRP-I in
6 LWE affected States. The progress is being reviewed regularly. Out of 8 bridges, 2 have been
completed in Telangana (1) and Maharashtra (1), while other 6 are under progress at various
stages.
• Road Connectivity Project for LWE affected areas (RRP-II): The Government approved this
scheme in 2016 for further improving road connectivity in 44 districts of 9 LWE affected
States. This Scheme envisages 5412 km roads and 126 bridges. Ministry of Rural
Development is the nodal Ministry for this project. The roads included under the scheme
have been identified by the Ministry of Home Affairs in consultation with the State
Governments and the security agencies.
• LWE Mobile Tower Project: To improve mobile connectivity in the LWE areas, the
Government in 2014 approved installation of mobile towers in LWE affected States, namely:
Andhra Pradesh (227), Bihar (184), Chhattisgarh (497), Jharkhand (782), Madhya Pradesh
(22), Maharashtra (60), and Odisha (253). The Department of Telecommunication, has been
implementing this Scheme. 2187 mobile towers have been installed and the project stands
completed.
• Scheme of Fortified Police stations: The Ministry has sanctioned 400 police stations in 10
LWE affected States under this scheme. A total of 373 of PSs have been completed, work at
27 PSs is under progress.
• Civic Action Programme (CAP): This scheme is under implementation from 2010-11 in LWE
affected areas. Under this scheme funds are provided to CAPFs (CRPF, BSF, ITBP and SSB) @

Student Notes:
Rs. 3.00 lakh per company per year for conducting various civic activities for welfare of local
poor peoples in LWE affected areas. This is a very successful scheme to bridge the gap
between the Security Forces and the local people and also helpful for winning their hearts
and minds.
• GIS Mapping: LWE Division initiated a new proposal of GIS mapping of the essential services
in the 35 most affected LWE districts. A project has been initiated for mapping of financial
services, school, post offices, health facilities, mobile towers, PDS services, Road and security
features etc. in time bound manner. This will help to the stakeholder to take informed
decision on the developmental and security related issues.
• Unified Command: A Unified Command has been set up in the States of Chhattisgarh,
Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal. The Unified Command has officers from the security
establishment, besides civilian officers representing the civil administration and it will carry
out carefully planned counter LWE measures.
• PESA implementation: The Left Wing Extremism affected States have been asked to
effectively implement the provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas)
Act, 1996 (PESA) on priority, which categorically assigns rights over minor forest produce to
the Gram Sabhas.
• ‘Clear, hold and develop’ strategy: it uses development as a tool to win back the support of
the tribal population, who overwhelmingly appear to sympathize with the extremists.
• Skill Development in 34 Districts of LWE under the ‘Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojna’
(PMKVY).
3.10. What needs to be done?

While India’s military approach has failed to make much headway owing to a range of weaknesses
among the forces, the development approach too has been critiqued for being too romanticised
and unreal for implementation. There is an obvious need for a policy rethink and clarity of
approach if the challenge is to be met. It is essential that the policy to deal with the problem
needs to consider the following recommendations.
• The country has to arrive at a consensus on the kind of approach it wishes to pursue against
the extremists.
• A permanent institutional mechanism in the form of a coordination centre can be established
to thrash out emerging differences between the Centre and the States.
• Augmenting the capacities of the police as the primary force against Maoist violence will be
key to neutralizing the firepower of the extremists.
• While development is a useful tool against Maoist extremism, it is imperative that a
semblance of order precede injection of resources into the extremist affected areas.
• Development must operate in tandem with the security forces. Resumption of administrative
activity should immediately follow the clearing of an area by the forces.
• It is essential that the official approach be based on an effective policy of communication
that not just brandishes the extremists as essentially bad, but is also honest about its own
honourable intentions.
• Holding elections for institutions of local self-government in the affected areas followed by
the strengthening of these institutions with additional financial and decision-making powers
is a necessity.
• Success of security force operations need to be based on the concept of just war that strives
to do the maximum to avoid collateral damage.
• Government needs to stay away from propagandist claims about winning the war in quick
time.

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It is the belief of the Government of India that through a holistic approach focussing on
development and security related interventions, the LWE problem can be successfully tackled.
However, it is clear that the Maoists do not want root causes like underdevelopment to be
addressed in a meaningful manner since they resort to targeting school buildings, roads, railways,
bridges, health infrastructure, communication facilities etc in a major way. They wish to keep the
population in their areas of influence marginalized to perpetuate their outdated ideology.
Consequently, the process of development has been set back by decades in many parts of the
country under LWE influence. This needs to be recognised by the civil society and the media to
build pressure on the Maoists to eschew violence, join the mainstream and recognise the fact
that the socio-economic and political dynamics and aspirations of 21st Century India are far
removed from the Maoist world-view. Further, an ideology based on violence and annihilation is
doomed to fail in a democracy which offers legitimate forums of grievance redressal.
14-Point Policy
14-Point Policy was unveiled by the Union Home Ministry in 2006 to deal with the menace of
naxalism. The policy stated inter alia that:
1. The Government will deal sternly with the naxalites indulging in violence.
2. Keeping in view that naxalism is not merely a law and order problem, the policy of
the
government is to address this menace simultaneously on political security,
development and public perception management fronts in a holistic manner.
3. Naxalism being an inter-state problem, the states will adopt a collective approach and
pursue a coordinated response to counter it.
4. The states will need to further improve police response and pursue effective and
sustained police action against naxalites and their infrastructure individually and jointly.
5. There will be no peace dialogue by the affected states with the naxal groups unless the
latter agree to give up violence and arms.
6. Political parties must strengthen their cadre base in the naxal-affected areas so that
the potential youth there can be weaned away from the path of naxal ideology.
7. The states from where naxal activity/influence, and not naxal violence, is reported should
have a different approach with special focus on accelerated socio-economic
development of the backward areas and regular inter action with the NGOs,
intelligentsia, and the civil liberties groups to minimize over ground support for the
naxalite ideology and activity.
8. Efforts will continue to be made to promote local resistance groups against naxalites but
in a manner that the villagers are provided adequate security cover and the area is
effectively dominated by the security forces.
9. Mass media should also be extensively used to highlight the futility of naxal violence and
loss of life and property caused by it and developmental schemes of the government in
the affected areas so as to restore people's faith and confidence in the government
machinery.
10. The states should announce a suitable transfer policy for the naxal-affected districts.
Willing, committed and competent officers will need to be posted with a stable
tenure in the naxal affected districts. These officers will also need to be given greater
delegation and flexibility to deliver better and step-up government presence in these
areas.
11. The Government of Andhra Pradesh has an effective surrender and rehabilitation
policy for naxalites and has produced good results over the years. The other states should
adopt a similar policy.

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12. The state governments will need to accord a higher priority in their annual plans to ensure
faster socio- economic development of the naxal-affected areas. The focus areas
should be to distribute land to the landless poor as part of the speedy implementation of
the land reforms, ensure development of physical infrastructure like roads,
communication, power etc. and provide employment opportunities to the youth in these
areas.
13. Another related issue is that development activities are not undertaken in some of the
naxalite affected areas mainly due to extortion, threat or fear from the naxalite cadres. In
these areas, even contractors are not coming forward to take up developmental work.
Adequate security and other measures would need to be taken to facilitate uninterrupted
developmental activities in the naxal-affected areas.
14. The Central Government will continue to supplement the efforts and resources of the
affected states on both security and development fronts and bring greater
coordination between the states to successfully tackle the problem.
4. North-East Insurgency
At the time of independence the state of
Assam covered most of the Northeastern part
of India, representing a plethora of culturally
distinct populations of people. Over time, the
Indian government organised the region into
smaller states along ethnic and tribal lines,
creating the so-called ‘Seven Sister’ states of
the Northeast. These new states were
created in response to sometimes violent
disputes that sprang up along ethnic divisions
in this isolated region, but this did not entirely
subdue the disputes.
Historical Background
The historical connections among the
traditional tribes in the Northeast are largely of Tibeto-Burman/Mongoloid stock and closer to
Southeast Asia than to South Asia. It is ethnically, linguistically and culturally very distinct from
the other states of India. Though cultural and ethnic diversity per say are not causes for conflict,
but one of the major problem areas is that the Northeast is territorially organized in such a
manner that ethnic and cultural specificities were ignored during the process of delineation of
state boundaries in the 1950s, giving rise to discontentment and assertion of one’s identity.
Whereas,the colonial rulers took nearly a century to annex the entire region, and administered
the hills as a loose ‘frontier area’, with the result, that large parts of the north-eastern hill areas
never came in touch with the principle of a central administration before.
Hence, their allegiance to the newly formed Indian nation-state was lacking from the beginning
– accentuated by the creation of East Pakistan (today’s Bangladesh) – which meant the loss of a
major chunk of the physical connection between mainland India and Northeast India.
Interestingly, 99 percent of the Northeast’s boundaries is international and only one percent is
domestic boundary.
4.1. Causes for NE Insurgency
There are certain valid reasons why the north-east in particular has been wreaked by insurgency.
There are five major factors that have promoted insurgency in the region –

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• immigration,
• economic underdevelopment,
• poorly developed transport and communications links,
• the negligence of the central government, and
• corruption among local politicians and elites
Other factors stands – language/ethnicity, tribal rivalry, control over local resources, governance
issues and a widespread feeling of exploitation and alienation have resulted in violence and
diverse demands by various Indian Insurgent Groups (IIGs).
The demands vary from sovereignty in some cases to independent State or Homeland or simply
better conditions for ethnic groups they claim to represent. The underground outfits indulge in
violent and terror activities and intimidate people with arms in order to achieve their objectives
/demands. They maintain cross-border links, procure arms, recruit and train their cadres, and
indulge-in unlawful activities such as damaging of public properties, bomb explosions, extortions,
killing of innocent civilians, Security Forces Personnel, attacks on/abduction of Government
employees, politicians, and businessmen.

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4.2. Reasons for the Existence of the Armed Ethnic Groups

Political motivation
Politics forms the core of insurgent groups’ strategy of violence. Most insurgent groups garner
popular support for their violent activities by citing a political cause, significantly important to
the target population. According to Mao Tse Tung, the promise of mobilizing for revolution will
exist in any country where the formal administrative structures fail to meet its basic obligations
of providing the minimum standard of life to its citizens. Political mobilization is the first vital
phase in any armed movement in order to acquire critical mass and create the space for conflict
escalation.
The Availability of Arms
Insurgent groups utilize violent means for political ends when the opportunity for armed
rebellion exists in a given situation. The feasibility hypothesis argues that “where rebellion is
materially feasible, it will occur”. The material conditions for an armed rebellion to exist are
financial and military. The easy availability of arms in Northeast India enables the NSCN (IM), the
ULFA, the UNLF and the PLA to sustain their armed movements.
Popular Support Base

An insurgent group critically depends on its popular support base for purposes of funding, base
areas, recruitment, food supply and intelligence networks. Since insurgent groups portray
themselves as representatives of a particular ethnic group or community, popular support adds
to the legitimacy of the group.
Space
The geography and terrain of a particular place is critical for the continuation of insurgent
movements. Without supportive terrain, lightly armed, highly mobile insurgent cadres stand
little chance to offset the technological superiority of the stronger power.

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External Support
Perhaps one of the most critical dimensions of insurgent groups is external support. Support
from neighbouring countries could be political, moral, military, economic, territorial or cultural
and based on ethnic ties. 2010 RAND study on insurgencies indicates that without external
support and available sanctuaries, no internal insurgency can thrive over a period of 10 years.
Strategy and Nature of these Outfits
The NSCN (IM), ULFA, UNLF and the PLA have a declared strategy of protracted armed conflict.
Interestingly, cease-fires are seen as phases to re-group, recruit, finance and re-arm. This has
happened in most cases. The ULFA and the NSCN (IM) has decidedly re-armed and re-grouped
during the cease-fire phase.

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4.3. Government Initiatives Towards North East Insurgency

State Response to Armed Ethnic Insurgencies in the Northeast can be located within three
conceptual parameters. 1. Proportionate use of force. 2. Use of dialogue and negotiations. 3.
Structural changes. Various dimensions for the same are as follows:
AFSPA
Violence became the way of life in north-eastern States of India. State administration became
incapable to maintain its internal disturbance. Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special
Powers Ordinance was promulgated by the President on 22nd May of 1958. In which some
special powers have been given to the members of the armed forces in disturbed areas in the
State of Assam and Union Territory of Manipur. Later the Ordinance was replaced by the armed
Forces Special Powers Bill.
The Act enable certain special powers to be conferred upon members of the armed forces in
disturbed areas in the State of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram,
Nagaland and Tripura. This act has been very controversial because, like any other anti-terrorist
law, it prima facie violates certain liberties and basic rights of the citizens as it is applicable
without any accountability. This Act has been facing a lot of resistance from various Human Rights
groups due to the provision of sweeping powers and immunity to the army in these “conflict-
ridden” or “disturbed” areas. Irom Sharmila, a public activist, has refused to eat or drink since
November 2000 demanding the repeal of AFSPA.
Peace Process with States
The Government has shown its willingness to enter into dialogue with any group, which is willing
to abjure the path of violence and place its demand within the framework of the Constitution of
India. Pursuant to the above policy of the Government, a number of outfits have come for talks
with the Government for resolution to their grievances and a number of cadres of insurgents
have surrendered with weapons.
Scheme for Surrender-cum-Rehabilitation of militants in North East
The Ministry of Home Affairs has been implementing a scheme for Surrender-cum-Rehabilitation
of militants in North East to wean away the misguided youth and hardcore militants who stray
into the fold of militancy and later find themselves trapped into that net. The Scheme also seeks
to ensure that the militants, who have surrendered, do not find it attractive to join militancy
again.
The scheme provides for:
• An immediate grant of Rs. 1.5 lakhs to each surrenderee,
• Payment of stipend of Rs. 3,500/- per month to each surrenderee for a period of one year.
• Vocational training to the surrenderees for self-employment
Reimbursement of Security Related Expenditure (SRE)
The Central Government has been implementing a Non-Plan scheme for reimbursement of
Security Related Expenditure (SRE) for the States seriously affected by militancy/insurgency. The
scheme is being implemented in all States of the region except Mizoram and Sikkim.
Under it, the expenditure incurred by them on various items, is being reimbursed. It includes-
▪ raising of India Reserve Battalions,
▪ logistics provided to the CAPFs/Army deployed in the State,
▪ ex-gratia grant and gratuitous relief to the victims of extremist violence,

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▪ 75% of the expenditure incurred on POL (petrol, oil and lubricants) in operations and
honorarium,
▪ paid to Village Guards/Village Defence Committees/Home Guards deployed for security
purposes,
▪ expenditure incurred on maintenance of designated camps set up for groups with whom the
Central Government/State Governments have entered into agreement for Suspension of
Operations
Civic Action Programme in the North Eastern States
In order to take the local populace in confidence and boost the image of armed forces among
the common people, Army and Central Armed Police Forces conduct Civic Action Programme.
Under this Programme, various welfare/developmental activities are undertaken viz. holding of
medical camps, sanitation drives, sports meets, distribution of study material to children, minor
repairs of school buildings, roads, bridges and running adult education centers etc.
Advertisement and Publicity
Keeping in view the peculiar problems of the North East, viz. militancy, infiltration, and perceived
feeling of alienation, Ministry of Home Affairs implements a scheme of Advertisement and
Publicity in North Eastern States with a view to highlight the activities being undertaken by the
Government for peace in the region and also with a view to convey that “Peace pays”.
Modernisation of Police Force
The Ministry of Home Affairs is implementing a Non-Plan scheme, namely Scheme for
Modernization of State Police Forces (MPF) towards modernization of the State Police Forces,
especially for meeting the emerging challenges to internal security in the form of terrorism,
naxalism etc. All major items of Police infrastructure have been included under the Scheme i.e.
construction of secure Police stations, outposts, Police lines, mobility, modern weaponry,
security, surveillance, communication, forensic equipment, upgradation of training
infrastructure, Police housing, computerization etc.
Helicopter Services in North Eastern States
At present, the helicopter services are in operation in the States of Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim,
Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura with subsidy from Ministry of Home Affairs. The subsidy
portion is limited to 75% cost of operation of helicopter service minus recovery from passengers.
The balance cost of operation of the helicopter service is met by concerned State Governments.
Other Initiatives
The Central Government is supplementing the efforts of the Sate Governments through various
measures including deployment of additional Central Security Forces and dissemination of
intelligence to carry out Intensive counter insurgency operations in a coordinated and focused
manner.
• Measures are being taken by the Security Forces to ensure vigilance and surveillance on the
border including construction of border fencing and flood lighting along the Indo-Bangladesh
Border.
• Government is open to dialogue with groups who abjure violence and surrender their
weapons and are willing to seek redressal to their perceived grievances in a peaceful manner
within the frame work of Constitution.
4.4. What Needs to be Done?

Although varying in their demands and methods, there is a common thread running through the
insurgency infested north-east, that is of identity and development. Hence, some solutions that

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are common need to be explored with specifics derived from them for specific regions and
groups.
• Meeting the political aspirations of groups by giving them autonomy. Implementing sixth
schedule provisions in these areas will help them to preserve their identity and culture while
giving them greater autonomy. Economic development of the area in a calibrated manner.
Any development should be sustainable andshould have the participation and acceptance by
the locals.
• Improving Governance and delivery mechanisms of the government and administration.
• The pre-condition of complete abjuring of violence for holding peace talks is a flawed notion.
If violence is discarded and peace is established then the need of peace talks become futile.
Dialogue should be ongoing process to reach concrete solutions by involving all the
stakeholders and not a single group.
• Coordinating operations with the neighboring countries and use of force only when needed.
Draconian lawslike AFSPA should be repealed as it is one of the causes for inflating insurgency
in north east.
• Rebel groups must also be more pragmatic by seeking greater autonomy within the
constitutional mandate rather than demanding newer states and regions based on ever
narrowing ethnic and linguistic identities, which are beyond acceptance.
• Centre and states should coordinate in decision making. In the recent agreement of the
Centre with NSCN (IM), it did not take concerned state governments and other groups on
board. It should be avoided.
• State police and central forces should cooperate on intelligence sharing, investigation and
operations against militants. It has been alleged by the army that the June ambush of the
army became possible because state police did not share the intelligence about the attack
with it. It is unfortunate and counter-productive.
• Alternative Conflict resolution- Whenever tempers rise on perceived transgression, there
are no social groups that can mediate to cool down the tempers to maintain peace. Under
such circumstances, alternative conflict resolution and building capacity for peace through
informal initiatives assume significance. Initiatives by people’s forum can become ‘small
steps with big impact’, and such small changes may bring about a change in mutual attitude
and perception. Such an initiative could assist in the following:-
o Communication. First priority is to establish an informal communication between the
various warring ethnic groups. Such an initiative can prevent or step-in if there is
transgression by any of the ethnic
communities. “When a wrong is Alternative Conflict Resolution-
committed, let us focus on the individuals It is a way to resolve the conflicts through
suspected of culpability, not their clans informal groups. Recommended composition
collectively.” of alternative conflict resolution committee
o Mediation. The current state is that or forum is as under:-
normalisation of situation after every • Members of all ethnic groups (those who
ethnic clash is left to security forces to are moderate in their outlook and not
maintain peace. But it is significant to hawks), social scientists, individuals
trusted by all ethnic groups (Such as Mr
develop confidence among the people to
GK Pillai), religious leaders, academicians
directly establish communication for and social workers.
mediation through people’s forum. • A separate group of woman of similar
o Negotiation. It is imperative to bring all composition.
stakeholders especially the people to • There could be sub-committees at the
negotiation tables not purely for conflict local level to establish communication
resolution but for conflict prevention so and to initiate Confidence Building
that collateral damages can be Measures (CBM).

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prevented. The situation of the blockade on the humanitarian ground can be negotiated.
“Use of goodwill is far better than the use of force.”
o Neutral Fact-Finding. Under the prevailing circumstances, there is a complete distrust
among the ethnic communities. Every group pretends to be a victim and excesses are
always put on rival group. Government reports are either too late or perceived biased.
The party that is blamed by government feels that aggrieved. People’s forum can act as
neutral fact-finding and can themselves satisfy who has crossed the red line.
o Neutral Evaluation of Grievances. Government sponsored negotiations always fail since
grievances are non-addressable. Neutral evaluation and spot visit by the people’s forum
could set such doubt at rest.
o Forum for Dissent, Disagreement, Demonstration and Discussion. One may disagree,
display dissent, demonstrate annoyance, disagree with each other but if at the end of
the day they agree to discuss, I think the forum has achieved its objective.
o Prevention of Misuse of Media to Fuel Division. It is very difficult for the government to
prevent misuse and spread of rumours through media. It can best be done by local peace
committees by denouncing such rumours since local peace committees can confirm
authenticity of the news.
5. Jammu and Kashmir Insurgency

Throughout ancient times, the breathtakingly beautiful Valley of Kashmir has stood for peaceful
contemplation, intellectual advancement and religious diversity coexisting in an atmosphere of
tolerance for the most part. In the modern geopolitical era, this same diversity, evident from the
blend of Islam, Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism in this single state, has made it a center of
warfare rather than cultural advancement. In the late 1980s, an insurgency in the valley
threatened not only to rip Kashmir apart, but also pull the rest of the world into a dangerous war.

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Historical Background
The origins and development of the Kashmir independence movement is evident since
independence. Aspirations for the same never disappeared from the Kashmiri consciousness,
despite their accession to India in 1947.
The insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir or the Kashmiri Insurgency is a conflict between
various Kashmiri separatists and nationalists sometimes known as "ultras" (extremists), and
the Government of India. Few groups favour Kashmir accession to Pakistan, while others seek
Kashmir's complete independence. Since 2002, skirmishes with the local insurgents have
constituted the main conflict in the Kashmir region. The conflict in Jammu and Kashmir has
strong Islamist elements among the insurgents, with many of the "ultras" identifying with Jihadist
movements and supported by such.
The roots of the conflict between the Kashmiri insurgents and the Indian Government are tied to
a dispute over local autonomy. Democratic development was limited in Kashmir until the late
1970s and by 1988 many of the democratic reforms provided by the Indian Government had been
reversed and non-violent channels for expressing discontent were limited and caused a dramatic
increase in support for insurgents advocating violent secession from India. In 1987, a disputed
State election created a catalyst for the insurgency when it resulted in some of the state's
legislative assembly members forming armed insurgent groups. In July 1988 a series of
demonstrations, strikes and attacks on the Indian Government began the Kashmir Insurgency
which during the 1990s escalated into the most important internal security issue in India.
5.1. Two Dimensions of the Kashmir Conundrum

There are two dimensions to the Kashmir conundrum as seen from the Indian perspective:
• the external dimension, due to Pakistani involvement and its claims over the state of J&K;
• the internal dimension, due to the socio-political demands of the people of J&K from the
Indian state
The external dimension has resulted in four conventional wars, several near-wars, and
disquieting nuclear rattles between India and Pakistan. The extension of a proxy war by Pakistan
against India through Kashmir has kept our internal security situation constantly on the boil.
Besides alienating J&K from the national mainstream, it is a serious bug in India’s growth story.
It has been a continuous drain on the county’s resources, resulting in enhanced defence
expenditure. It has also become an impediment in India’s proclamation of being a great world
powerdue to allegations of human rights violations and other social restrictions, thus
undermining it’s otherwise flourishing democracy.
The internal dimension of J&K, on the other hand, is a complex interplay between religion and
region as well as multi ethnicity/multi cultural and political issues. The state has a special status
in the Indian Constitution, and has its unique identity. There are several layers of complexities in
it. Protests, agitations, and shut downs demanding greater autonomy and exclusive rights have,
time and again, brought the state to a standstill, and highlighted the unsettled nature of its polity.
The resolution of the problem has not been easy due to the interplay of several interconnected
issues like-
• Indian territorial defensibility,
• the Pakistani state argument, and
• Kashmiri nationalism making it an awkward a zero sum game,
All of this prevent any clean win-win situation for the involved parties.

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Overall Security Situation 1988-2017

Violence levels in J&K had declined sharply after the internal and external peace processes
initiated in 1999 by Prime Minister Vajpayee. The optimism that had built up after the initiation
of this peace process was pursued by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh till around 2007. This
resulted in a demonstrable trend of a sharp decline in violence levels, cross LoC infiltrations, and
Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) violations. Fall in overall violence corresponded to the drastic fall in
the ground support extended by local Kashmiris to the terrorists and separatists. The CFA
violations again picked up after 2009, as the peace process began to melt down.
In 2015, civilian and security force casualties had dropped, even as more terrorists were
eliminated; but in 2016, the numbers of both security forces personnel and terrorists killed have
gone up sharply. Thus, while terrorist related violence is down, the separatist emotion in the
Kashmiri society has seen a sharp rise over the last few years, and particularly in 2016.
5.2. Reasons for J & K Insurgency

Rigging of 1987 Assembly elections
The insurgency was sparked by the alleged rigging of state elections in 1987. This has contributed
to anti-government sentiment. A government report found that almost half of all
Kashmiri Panchayat Raj positions were vacant and the reason for this was the destabilising effect
of the conflict. The Panchayat Raj is a system of elected village level governance created by the
73rd amendment to the Indian constitution. The report also noted that their ability to effectively
govern was "crippled."
However, 2014 Assembly elections saw highest voters turnout in last 25 years since insurgency
has erupted. It recorded more than 65% of voters turnout which is more than usual voters
turnout in other states of India. It considered as increase in faith of Kashmiri people in democratic
process of India.
ISI's role
The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence has allegedly encouraged and aided the Kashmir
independence movement through an insurgency due to its dispute on the legitimacy of Indian
rule in Kashmir, with the insurgency as an easy way to keep Indian troops distracted and cause
international condemnation of India. Federal Bureau of Investigation(FBI), an American
government intelligence agency, in their first ever open acknowledgement in 2011 in US Court
said that Inter-Services Intelligence(ISI) sponsors terrorism in Kashmir and it oversees terrorist
separatist groups in Kashmir.
Mujahideen influence
After the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, Mujahideen fighters, with the aid of
Pakistan, slowly infiltrated Kashmir with the goal of spreading a radical Islamist ideology.
Religion
Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim majority state in Hindu-majority India. While India itself
is a secular state, Muslims are politically, culturally and economically marginalised when
compared to Hindus in India as a whole. The Government's decision to transfer 99 acres of forest
land to a Hindu organisation (for setting up temporary shelters and facilities for Hindu pilgrims)
solidified this feeling and led to one of the largest protest rallies in Jammu and Kashmir.
Humanitarian abuses
After insurgency started in Kashmir valley because of above reasons in late 1980s, Indian troops
entered in Kashmir valley to control the insurgency. The troops have been accused of

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humanitarian abuses and have engaged in extrajudicial killings.Military forces in Jammu and
Kashmir operate under emergency powers granted to them by the central government. These
powers allow the military to curtail civil liberties, creating further support for the insurgency.The
insurgents have also abused human rights, engaging in what some have called an ethnic
cleansing by exterminating Kashmiri Pandits from the valley of Kashmir. The government's
inability to protect the people from both its own troops and the insurgency has further eroded
support for the government.
Other reasons
The Indian National Census shows that Kashmir lags behind other states in most socio-
development indicators such as literacy rates and has unusually high levels of unemployment.
This contributes to anti-government sentiment.
5.3. Government’s Approach Towards Insurgency in J & K
The response of the Indian state towards the political insurgency in Kashmir during the last two
decades has gone through various stages. In the final outcome, New Delhi’s response to the
insurgency has moved from a heavy handed approach devoid of non-violent means for the most
part to an active search for dialogue and broader peaceful interventions. As the situation has
moved from
stable peace prior to the troubles of the 1980s to war and back towards crisis and unstable
peace along the conflict curve, an increasing emphasis on peacebuilding approaches aimed at
bringing about sustainable peace and harmony have been on display. And yet, the Indian state’s
actions have not fully moved away from militarism that continues to impede faster
transformation to a normalized situation.
UDAAN Scheme
Udaan, the Special Industry Initiative (SII) for J&K is funded by Ministry of Home Affairs and
implemented by National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC). The programme is a part of the
overall initiative for addressing economic issues in J&K. While steps are being taken by the State
and Central Government to revive economic activity in J&K, Udaan programme is a special
initiative to address the needs of the educated unemployed in J&K.
Udaan program is focused on youth of Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) who are graduate, post graduate
and three year diploma engineers. The aim is to provide skills and job opportunities to the youth.
Simultaneously, the aim is also to provide exposure to corporate India towards the rich talent
pool available in J&K. The target was to reach out to 40,000 youth in J&K over a period of 5 years.
It was observed that youth from J&K were unable to find employment in many companies as
either they were unaware of the opportunity in the companies or the companies were unaware
of the talent pool that existed in J&K. The principal focus of the Udaan programme is to create
an ecosystem that would bridge this gap. The Udaan programme is designed to encourage
corporates to travel to J&K meet with the youth and hire aspiring youth in J&K who wish to
explore the opportunity to work with corporates. Udaan provides a framework of support to the
youth to travel, undergo training in firms and transit to work.Udaan has two objectives :
• To provide exposure to the graduates and post graduates of Jammu and Kashmir to the best
of corporate India and
• To provide corporate India with exposure to the rich talent pool available in the state
Rehabilitation Policy
The objective of this Rehabilitation Policy is to offer facility to those terrorists who undergo a
change of heart and eschew the path of violence and who also accept the integrity of India and

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Indian Constitution to encourage them join the mainstream and lead a normal life and contribute
towards prosperity and progress of the State as well as the Nation.
Surrender Policy
The policy is intended to facilitate the return of ex-militants who belong to J&K state and had
crossed over the PoK/Pakistan for training in insurgency but have given up insurgent activities
due to a change of heart and are willing to return to the State.
Other Initiatives
• Placement of Special Police officers for their services in the state
• Subsidised Helicopter services in the state
• Scheme for providing financial assistance to the families of displaced persons of PoJK
• Central scheme for assistance towards damaged immovable/movable property during action
by CPMFs and army in jammu&kashmir.
5.4. The challenges faced by the state

• Counter-terrorist operations with a human face.
• Rehabilitation of surrendered militants.
• Disposal/resolution of cases against terrorists for waging war against the Indian nation.
• Rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits and other Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs).
• Reconstruction of the state.
• Revival of Kashmiriyat and Sufism to reduce the adverse impact of fanatic jihadi ideology.
Conflict resolution.
• Role of the media.
5.5. Why Militancy has failed in Kashmir?
The situation in Kashmir can be significantly cooled down by the state and Central governments
reducing steps which exacerbate ethnic and religious tensions and by improving the stagnant
quality of governance. Following are the few reasons due to which militancy has failed to succeed
in Kashmir:
• The Kashmir issue affects just six per cent of the Indian population and is extremely localised.
The concerns of the Kashmiri Muslims have failed to find resonance with the Muslim
population in rest of India.
• Likewise, the concerns of other ethnic groups like the Kashmiri Pandits, have also failed to
find resonance with major segments of the Indian population which are more concerned with
fighting cross-border terrorism and getting local issues to the forefront.
• The moderate Kashmiri leadership has failed to emerge and lacks the vision to espouse the
Kashmiri cause. The constant bickering, one-upmanship and a congenital disdain and abuse
for anyone seen close to the Indian leadership in New Delhi has cost Kashmiri leaders dearly.
• With the increasing authority and spread of Indian government resources, the ability of
terrorists to strike has been eroded and jihadi propaganda has lost its punch. The lure of a
secure government job has eclipsed the lure of jumping across the border and pick up the
gun.
• The disillusioned Kashmiri youth now want to fight its war on social media rather than adopt
guerrilla warfare. Social media has opened new channels for Kashmiris to express their
feelings of discontent and dissent.
• World sees Kashmir as a border dispute between India and Pakistan and not an ethnic terror
conflict

Student Notes:
• Indian soft power has permeated the bowels of the Valley and overthrown Pakistani
propaganda and the demonstration of India's pluralistic society is on display at all times. It
has played a great role in forming public awareness and shaping public attitudes in Kashmir
enhancing India’s soft power.
5.6. What needs to be done?

Professor Amitabh Mattoo has recommended 4D’s which shall be implemented to settle down
the skirmishes in Jammu and Kashmir. They are as follows:
• Dialogue: Unconditional continuous dialogue between state and non-state actors.
• Demilitarisation: Essential to move the process of dialogue and reconciliation ahead.
• Devolution: Devolution of power and bringing all three regions of Jammu, Ladakh and
Kashmir together. Reconciliation is imperative to prevent polarization on communal lines.
• Development: Through the participation of the people of Kashmir.
Few recommendations by various committees to tackle the situation in Kashmir are as follows:

Student Notes:
6. Previous Years Vision IAS GS Mains Test Series Questions

1. What are the developmental and institutional provisions by the government for conflict
management in left-wing extremist areas? Suggest steps for capacity building towards
conflict resolution to complement the same.
Approach:
After explaining the problem of Naxalism very briefly, lay out the institutional as well as
the developmental measures taken by the government to counter Naxalism. Thereafter,
give the capacity building steps that can be taken (both with respect to security as well
as integration strategy) for conflict resolution to complement the development and
institutional measures.
Answer:
Naxalism or Left Wing Extremism (LWE) continues to be the gravest of the internal
security challenges facing India. According to the official estimate a total of 223 districts
are affected by LWE. Statistics also reveal a perceptible increase in the incidences of
violence as well as fatalities caused by Maoists in recent times. The growing severity of
their tactical counter offensive campaign which includes attacks, massacres and targeted
killings of security forces and high profile individuals, is primarily responsible for the rise
in incidences of violence.
In order to counter the grave security threat, the government of India has been taking
various institutional, developmental as well as capacity building steps.
Institutional Measures:
• A Police Modernization Scheme in areas affected by Naxal movements. Under this
scheme, modernization of police equipment and tactical gear including latest
communication, vehicles and infrastructure facility is taken up and to determine
police stations and outposts susceptible to Naxal attacks to be fortified.
• Due to increased use of IED by the Naxalites and the increased number of casualties,
providing the forces with Mine Protected Vehicles (MPV).
• Central Para Military Forces have been deployed on a long term basis by the
government to help the state governments to fight against the Naxals.
• 40% recruitment in Central Para Military Forces from areas affected by Naxalism to
discourage the youth from the path to militancy
• The government, to strengthen the security network in the states, had set-up the
Indian Reserve (IR) battalions. These forces along with providing additional security
provide youth with employment opportunities.
• Establishment of special security forces like Greyhound and COBRA
Developmental Measures:
• Integrated Action Plan (IAP)was formulated as an additional central assistance
scheme on 100% grant basis in November 2010, under which the funds were to be
placed at the disposal of district level committee which will have flexibility to spend
the amount for development schemes according to need, as assessed by it.
• A special scheme to address the development of 33 (expanded now) LWE affected
districts.
• Saranda Action Plan: It is a rural livelihood development plan for naxal hit areas of
under developed regions (Saranda is in West Singhbhum District, Jharkhand)
launched by the Government of India in 2011. As Development and security are
integral to each other, so the main aim is to bring about rural development, in
backward areas, especially tribal and adivasi areas and weed out Maoism in these
areas. Similarly Sarju Area Development Plan was started in Sarju Kone area of
Latehar.

Student Notes:
• The government started the Backward Districts initiative in 2003-2004 and the
Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) where worst affected areas in states were to
be provided with funds to tackle the problem of Naxalism. Around 250 districts have
been included in the BRGF scheme to accelerate socio-economic development in
these districts.
Steps for Capacity Building in security arena:
• Revising the sanctioned strength of police stations and filling the vacancies that exist.
Strengthening the manpower by transferring district/state armed reserve to police
stations can also be done.
• Building the basic infrastructure on a priority basis with timelines in naxal affected
districts, particularly improvement of police infrastructure, intelligence and military
capabilities along with the formation of specialized forces.
• Many states are adopting the capacity building program based on the reverse
application of the revolutionary field tactics used by Maoists, which has been
successfully used by the Greyhounds in Andhra Pradesh. For example, while surprise,
secrecy and speed have been the driving tactics for the Maoists, the greyhounds in
Andhra Pradesh have used a reversal of the same strategy that has proved to be
triumphant for the state.
To prevent the spread of Naxalism, the best strategic response would be to work with
civil society actors to counter the Naxal narrative and ideology. This requires a
fundamental re-conceptualization of the strategy to counter Naxalism. State response
must be recalibrated to privilege the use of “brain force” over “battalion force”. A
consensus needs to be arrived at that can serve as a force-multiplier for the security
forces.
2. While extreme inequalities are a major source of tension, the developmental deficits in
the country are too great to allow developmental interventions to play any defining
role in the resolution of existing conflicts within a reasonable time frame. Analyse with
respect to the government’s approach in tackling left wing extremism in India.
Answer:
All the regions in which the Naxal, the Maoist and the left wing movement took hold are
ones with alarming levels of poverty and inequality. Many of these inequalities have also
been a result of the trajectory of the post-independence development that we have
followed. These were:
a. Unequal development under five year plan: The economic development under five
year plan led to the formation of the growth poles, i.e. unequal development,
restricted only to some urban centers.
b. Alienation of Forest Land: In implementing government regulations on forest access,
government officials resorted to harassment of the tribals. Loss of access to forest
produce and land which had constituted a significant part of their income and social
fabric, resulted in their extreme deprivation, poverty, bonded labor etc
c. Policies of agrarian development: It focused on massively improving output without
doing enough to check economic and social disparity.
d. Policies of Industrial development: The land acquisition policies, low compensation
to the landowners, degradation of the environment by the industrial setups, all
formed the part of the trajectory of the industrial development.

Student Notes:
This trajectory of development has created discontent. The Inequality in the form of class
inequality, regional inequalities, caste inequality and agrarian and economic
exploitations at the hands of the landed class and money lenders manifested itself in the
form of unrest against the landowners, petty bourgeoisie, the beneficiaries of this
development and the state that failed to address the injustices.
Now with the growth of the left wing extremism in these regions of development deficit,
the steps that are require to cure this developmental deficit are further facing major
hurdles as mentioned below:
Lack of Infrastructure: The basic infrastructure that is required for the development to
reach these remote sites of left wing extremism, majorly do not have transport and
communication connectivity and are lack basic infrastructures like bridges, schools,
hospitals etc. which bear the brunt of extremist violence.
Skilled Human Resource Deficit: The skilled human resource in the form of doctors,
teachers and engineers required to bring development to these regions do not wish to
tread these regions due to the threat involved in service to these areas.
Inaccessibility of government schemes in these remote regions: Absence of government
machineries and parallel government running in these regions hinder state sponsored
development to reach these regions.
Government’s approach in tackling left wing extremism in these regions
The government approach to this problem has been to deal with left wing Extremism as
a security problem first and clear all the hurdles from developing these areas, so that the
discontent fuelling the extremism can be addressed. These include measures like:
Law and Order approach
Police Modernization Scheme in areas affected by Naxal movements. Under this scheme
huge sums of money have been provided to the state governments by the central
government to modernize their equipment and tactical gear including latest
communication, vehicles and infrastructure facility. States have also been told to
determine police stations and outposts that are susceptible to Naxal attacks and have to
be fortified.
Social Integration approach
The government started the Backward Districts initiative in 2003-2004 and the Backward
Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) under which 55 of the worst affected areas in 9 states were
to be provided with funds to the tune of Rs. 2475 crores to tackle the problem of
Naxalism.
Rehabilitative Approach
Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007. The main aim of this act is to minimize
the displacement of people and to promote non-displacing or least displacing
alternatives.
Forest Rights Act, 2006, The Ministry of Environment and Forests has also allowed use
of 1 hectare of land for non-forest purposes and conversion of kutcha roads into pukka
roads
Approach of Developing Grassroots Democracy
Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 or PESA enable Gram Sabhas to
self-govern their natural resources.

Student Notes:
These approaches as a whole with an inclusive development and not development alone
can solve the problems of left wing extremism in the conflict ridden regions.
3. Although insurgency groups are present in both Kashmir and the North-east, their
nature and model of sustenance are entirely different. Analyse. Also, compare the
linkages between organised crime and terrorism in both these areas.
Approach:
Mention the identity based nature of conflict – tribal v/s religious in the two areas.
Comparison of the relationship between organised crime and terrorism should follow
from presence (in NE) and absence (in Kashmir) of parallel governments, kidnapping and
extortion, percolation of government funds to terrorists, etc. should be mentioned. Role
of external factors should also be mentioned.
Answer:
Insurgency is a violent rebellion against a constituted authority, where those taking part
are not recognised as belligerents. The parameters to differentiate the nature of
insurgencies roll back to their originating factors and the targets desired. Differences in
models of sustenance can be gauged by (i) structures which support them, such as
external state and non-state assistance, (ii) sympathy of locals, mostly through
propaganda, and most importantly, (iii) access to sound financial resources. Both J&K and
North-east India have witnessed insurgency during larger part in post-independence
period; however, there are certain differences in its nature and model of sustenance.
Difference in Nature
• While conflicts in North-east have their origin in distinct tribal identities, the one in
Kashmir is based on religious identity.
• Perceived alienation from the mainland has been an important factor in case of
north-east, but there is no such element in Kashmir.
• Conflicts in North-east range from insurgency for secession (in Nagaland) to
insurgency for autonomy (Karbi-Anglong), from ‘sponsored terrorism’ (ULFA, NDFB)
to ethnic clashes (Meities v/s Nagas) and to conflicts generated as a result of
continuous inflow of migrants from across the border as well as from other states.
Conflict in Kashmir, on the other hand, is instigated and sponsored from across the
border, with an overt demand for independence and a tacit understanding for uniting
with Pakistan.
• Guerrilla tactics are an important element in case of north-east militants. In Kashmir,
however, the attacks are more overt with an intention to keep alive the separatist
cause by flaring up anti-India sentiments.
Difference in model of sustenance
• With extremely weak governance structures in the north-eastern states (Nagaland
and Manipur in particular), the insurgents mostly run parallel governments through
extortion, kidnappings and keeping people under constant fear. In Kashmir, the
governance structures are better established and insurgents have to regularly play
victims of the state in order to win some support.
• External state, i.e. Pakistan is heavily involved in sponsoring of terrorist activities in
the valley directly through ISI and indirectly through jihadist terror outfits. While
many groups in north-east receive support from external states, their role has been
limited and the major source for finance is trafficking, smuggling and extortions.
Comparison of linkages between Organised Crime (OC) and Terrorism in J&K and NE:

Student Notes:
In India, linkages between OC and terrorism exist both at national and transnational level.
In North east:
• The organised crime network and the militants are virtually inseparable. Apart from
kidnappings and extortions as criminal sources of finance, much of the government
funds and food supplies are also siphoned-off due to mal-governance. Government
servants are often threatened or bribed to award contracts to individuals patronised
by the militants. These are clear examples of linkage between OC and terrorism.
• These activities are, however, not sufficient to finance their nefarious acts. This is
where transnational linkages through drugs and arms syndicates come into play.
Insurgent groups mobilize funds by becoming couriers of drugs, arms and human
beings. Moreh in Manipur and Chittagong hill tract on India-Bangladesh-Myanmar
border are crucial transit points of the Golden Triangle. Initially the international
crime syndicates (ICS) had their own network; however, with these routes being
taken over by various insurgent groups in the NE, the ICS have started using these
groups as couriers rather than bribing them.
In Kashmir:
• There is minimal reliance on funds from extortion and other means. There are no
parallel government structures and the government resources do not easily reach
the terrorists, even if they may be lost due to corruption.
• However, external funds compensate more than enough for lack of internal
mobilisation. Funds mobilised in Pakistan and Gulf countries, mostly in name of
religious or philanthropic activities reach Kashmir through Hawala (money
laundering) route.
• Besides, it is also believed that funds from drug trade in the Golden Crescent finance
terrorist activities in Kashmir. Counterfeit currency, estimated to be Rs 300 Cr
annually, mostly emerging in Pakistan is another major linkage between OC and
terrorism, terrorists being the couriers and part beneficiaries.
When ethnic identity, religious fundamentalism and extra-territorial sponsorship of
terror fuel violence and disorder, the challenge becomes particularly grave. Such threats
to national security need to be addressed by concerted and consistent State action,
backed by swift justice, competent governance and democratic legitimacy.
7. Previous Years UPSC Questions

1. Article 244 of Indian Constitution relates to administration of scheduled areas and tribal
areas. Analyze the impact of non-implementation of the provisions of fifth schedule on the
growth of Left Wing Extremism.
2. The persisting drives of the government for development of large industries in backward
areas have resulted in isolating the tribal population and the farmers who face multiple
displacements. With Malkangiri and Naxalbari foci, discuss the corrective strategies needed
to win the Left Wing Extremism (LWE) doctrine affected citizens back into mainstream of
social and economic growth.
3. The north-eastern region of India has been infested with insurgency for a very long time.
Analyze the major reasons for the survival of armed insurgency in this region.

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VISION IAS

VALUE ADDITION MATERIAL – 2018

LINKAGES BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD OF

Copyright © by Vision IAS

DELHI JAIPUR PUNE HYDERABAD AHMEDABAD LUCKNOW

LINKAGES BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT AND SPREAD

Copyright © by Vision IAS

DELHI JAIPUR PUNE HYDERABAD AHMEDABAD LUCKNOW

1. Concepts and Definitions

2. India’s Internal Security Situation

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3. Left Wing Extremism (Naxalism) in India

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3.2. Different Phases of LWE

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3.3. Objective of LWE in India

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including their internal policy papers, confirm this assessment.

3.4. Strategy of the Naxal Movement

3.5. Causes for Spread of Left Extremism

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3.7. The Government of India’s Approach

3.8. Review and Monitoring Mechanisms

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3.9. Important Schemes for LWE Affected States

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3.10. What needs to be done?

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4.2. Reasons for the Existence of the Armed Ethnic Groups

Popular Support Base

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4.3. Government Initiatives Towards North East Insurgency

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4.4. What Needs to be Done?

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5. Jammu and Kashmir Insurgency

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5.1. Two Dimensions of the Kashmir Conundrum

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Overall Security Situation 1988-2017

5.2. Reasons for J & K Insurgency

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5.4. The challenges faced by the state

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5.6. What needs to be done?

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6. Previous Years Vision IAS GS Mains Test Series Questions

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