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DISCUSSION PAPER

ENSURING
EQUALITY FOR
ABORIGINAL
AND TORRES
STRAIT ISLANDER
CHILDREN IN THE
EARLY YEARS
Early Childhood Australia (ECA) is the peak early childhood advocacy
organisation in Australia, acting in the interests of young children, their
families and those in the early childhood education and care sector.
ECA champions the rights of young children to thrive and learn at home,
in the community, within early learning settings and through the early
years of school. Our work builds the capacity of our society and the early
childhood sector to realise the potential of every child during the critical
years from birth to the age of eight. ECA specifically acknowledges the
rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families, and the past and
current injustices and realities for them around Australia.
SNAICC – National Voice for our Children is the national, non-
governmental peak body for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
children. In existence since 1981, SNAICC works for the fulfilment of
the rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in particular,
to ensure their safety, development and wellbeing. It achieves this
through research, policy development, advocacy, evidence-based
training, resources and events.

AUTHOR
Emma Sydenham

REVIEW TEAM
Professor Margaret Sims
Helen Oakey, Manager of Policy and Advocacy, Early Childhood Australia
John Burton, Manager Social Policy and Research, SNAICC
SNAICC Policy and Research Sub-Committee

PROJECT MANAGEMENT
Helen Oakey, Manager of Policy and Advocacy, Early Childhood Australia

DESIGN
Mazart Design Studio

EDITED
Early Childhood Australia

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 2


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY......................................................................................................4

INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................5

THE POLICY LANDSCAPE.................................................................................................7


POLICY FRAMEWORKS...................................................................................................7
PROGRAMS AND FUNDING............................................................................................8

OUTCOMES FOR ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN...............11


DEVELOPMENTAL VULNERABILITY PRIOR TO STARTING SCHOOL......................... 11
LITERACY AND NUMERACY......................................................................................... 13
YEAR 12 ATTAINMENT.................................................................................................. 13

PARTICIPATION OF ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN


IN EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE...................................................................................15
ATTENDANCE IN EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION AND CARE SERVICES.............. 15
ENROLMENT AND ATTENDANCE AT PRESCHOOL PROGRAMS............................... 16
SCHOOL PARTICIPATION.............................................................................................. 18

ACCESS BARRIERS AND FACTORS THAT IMPACT ON PARTICIPATION........................19


INDIVIDUAL BARRIERS................................................................................................. 19
SERVICE BARRIERS...................................................................................................... 21
SOCIAL AND NEIGHBOURHOOD CHARACTERISTICS................................................ 21
CULTURAL BARRIERS..................................................................................................22

IMPROVING OUTCOMES IN EARLY CHILDHOOD FOR ABORIGINAL


AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN.................................................................23
BENEFITS OF PARTICIPATION IN QUALITY EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION.........23
DURATION AND INTENSITY OF EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE...............................24
QUALITY OF EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE...............................................................25
EVIDENCE-BASED EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE PROGRAMS..............................25
STRATEGIES TO IMPROVE ACCESS TO EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE
FOR ABORIGINAL AND TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN..............................27
ENHANCING A SUPPORTIVE PARENTAL AND FAMILY ENVIRONMENT...................29
IMPLEMENTATION SCIENCE........................................................................................32

CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................34

GLOSSARY OF TERMS ....................................................................................................35

REFERENCES..................................................................................................................36

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 3


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Early Childhood Australia (ECA) and SNAICC – National Voice for our Children (SNAICC)
are passionate about seeing all children, in particular Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
children, empowered so that they are able to determine their own future and realise
their potential.
Currently in Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait A strong foundation exists to overcome the
Islander children are more than twice as likely as intergenerational issues of disadvantage and
all other children to be developmentally vulnerable trauma that persist in limiting Aboriginal and
when they start school. Further, there has been Torres Strait Islander children’s potential to
no movement towards equality in developmental achieve equality in the early years and throughout
outcomes in recent years. Children who are their lives. ECA and SNAICC believe it is time
developmentally vulnerable on school entry are to deliver a holistic, intergovernmental strategy
less likely to do well at school, are more likely to focused on a nurturing care framework; access;
leave school early and have poorer life outcomes. quality; cultural responsiveness and data to
Reducing the rates of developmental vulnerability transcend these issues and support First Nations
will increase the number of children who make children to realise their potential.
a successful transition into school and go
on to experience positive educational and
lifelong outcomes.
Two strategies hold the greatest potential for
improving educational outcomes for Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander children. First, there
is compelling evidence showing that high-quality
early education can make a difference by amplifying
children’s development and enhancing their lifelong
social and emotional wellbeing. This is particularly
true for children who experience disadvantage early
in life.
Secondly, evidence also suggests that integrated,
family-focused support programs that impact
the home learning environment can improve
outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
children, particularly when implemented with a
focus on essential principles such as Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander community ownership
and leadership; embedding culture; sustainability;
and a holistic approach that is responsive to need.
Importantly, these principles also redress the
major barriers to early education and care access
and participation for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander children.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 4


INTRODUCTION

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families and communities represent a unique population
group with immense richness, diversity and strengths in child rearing. However, they also
continue to face significant challenges in overcoming the impacts of colonisation, including
historic and ongoing discrimination and exclusion, systemic removal, intergenerational
trauma, dislocation from land and culture, and community disempowerment. In addition to
this, members of the Stolen Generations and their descendants—who comprise an estimated
33 per cent of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adult population—still experience
adverse outcomes across a broad range of health, socioeconomic and cultural indicators
(AIHW, 2018).
The United Nations Committee on the Rights of the for the effectiveness of early childhood education
Child (UNCRC, 2012) also expressed deep concern than for almost any other social or educational
at the serious and widespread discrimination that intervention’ (Bartik, 2014, p. 19).
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
Importantly though, the broader conceptual
continue to face in terms of access to basic
framework for early childhood development—the
services and the inadequate consultation with, and
Nurturing Care framework (Black et al., 2017; Britto
participation of, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
et al., 2017; WHO et al., 2018)—recognises that a
peoples in policy formulation, decision making and
positive, engaging home learning environment is
the implementation of programmes affecting them.
also key to achieving good outcomes and mediating
These factors are reflected in the issues Aboriginal the impacts of colonisation, including poverty
and Torres Strait Islander children experience in the (Emerson, Fox & Smith, 2015). The nurturing care
early years. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander essential for children to reach their developmental
children consistently show poorer outcomes across potential is characterised by a home environment
all measured developmental areas, despite parents that is sensitive to children’s health and nutritional
rating a good education as their number-one needs, safe and secure, and provides opportunities
aspiration for their child (Skelton, Barnes, Kikkawa for learning, with interactions that are responsive,
& Walter, 2014). Recognising and redressing these emotionally supportive and developmentally
persistent factors is central to supporting improved stimulating (Black et al., 2017; Britto et al., 2017).
development and wellbeing outcomes for Aboriginal This home environment must be supported by a
and Torres Strait Islander children. broader enabling environment for the caregiver,
family and community, as well as enabling social,
The early years of a child’s life play a critical
economic, political, climactic and cultural contexts—
role in shaping long-term health, development,
these relate to issues such as maternal health,
employment and wellbeing outcomes (Black et
safe and adequate housing, an absence of stigma,
al., 2017; McCain, Mustard & Shankar, 2007).
financial wellbeing and a supportive policy and legal
Evidence demonstrates the importance of children’s
framework. This comprehensive understanding of
participation in quality early learning environments,
‘nurturing care’ is critical for progressing children’s
and its effectiveness in shaping these outcomes
developmental outcomes, particularly during the
and supporting children to realise their full potential
period of rapid brain development and formation of
(Britto et al., 2017; Moore, Arefadib, Deery &
attachment, i.e. within the first three years of life
West, 2017). Participation in quality early learning
(Black et al., 2017; Britto et al., 2017).
also represents a particularly powerful means of
transcending disadvantage (Black et al., 2017; Early The importance of each of the issues outlined above
Learning: Everyone Benefits, 2017). As an American in achieving equality for Aboriginal and Torres
researcher recently noted: ‘We have better evidence Strait Islander peoples is reflected in government

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 5


policy across all Australian jurisdictions, including
the Australian Government’s ‘Closing the Gap’
commitments (Australian Government, 2018).
However, as some of these commitments are
10 years old, and with a ‘refresh’ currently
underway, it is time to reflect on current strategies
with renewed energy and focus, to ensure that talk
leads to outcomes and that equality is achieved
for Australia’s First Peoples. Improving outcomes
in the early years is foundational for this to happen.
This paper has been prepared to assist in the
development of Australia’s policy response to
improving outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander children, from birth to eight years
of age, through increased participation in quality
early education and care. It seeks to clarify to
what extent, and how, Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander children are currently participating in
early education and care services; to identify the
barriers to participation; and to suggest strategies
to overcome them. This paper also details available
evidence on improving outcomes for Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander children in the early years.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 6


THE POLICY LANDSCAPE

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander participation in early education and care occurs in the
context of Federal Government policy and programs, as well as in state/territory government
policy and programs.

POLICY FRAMEWORKS They will continue to operate outside of the NQF


under an exemption within the new Child Care
The Coalition of Australian Governments’ (COAG) six Subsidy scheme. The BBF services did receive some
Closing the Gap targets for overcoming Indigenous funding to support quality improvement under the
disadvantage (with a further target added later) BBF Quality Measure, and had the professional
were agreed to in 2008. They included the following: development and support of the Indigenous
• The enrolment of 95 per cent of all Indigenous Professional Support Units (IPSUs) until they
four-year-olds in early childhood education were abolished in June 2016.
by 2025. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children have
• Close the gap in school attendance by 2018. also been impacted by the National Partnership
• Halve the gap in reading and numeracy by 2018. Agreements on Universal Access to Early Childhood
• Halve the gap in Year 12 attainment by 2020 Education that have been in operation since late
(COAG, 2012). 2008. These agreements have progressed the
objective to ensure that all children have access
The National Partnership Agreement on Indigenous to a quality early childhood education program,
Early Childhood Development (NPAIECD) was delivered by a qualified early childhood teacher
established in 2008 to improve outcomes for for 15 hours per week in the year before they
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in attend full-time school.
the early years and to contribute to the Closing the
Gap targets. As part of the initiative, the Australian The National Framework for Protecting Australia’s
Government contributed $292.62 million to establish Children 2009–2020, premised on a public health
35 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Child and model, is another policy that impacts the early years
Family Centres (ACFCs) in urban, regional and of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children.
remote areas with high Indigenous populations and A primary strategy of the third action plan for 2015–
high disadvantage, to deliver integrated services 2018 under this framework,entitled Driving Change:
offering early learning, child care and family Intervening Early (DSS, 2015), focused on the first
support programs. Implementation was delegated 1000 days, and was supported by a cross-cutting
to states and territories. Thirty-eight ACFCs Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander strategy.
were established, with 36 still operational as At the international level, there is a clear and strong
at December 2018. framework to progress the rights of children
The National Quality Framework (NQF) was and their ability to realise their potential. This is
established in 2012 through the National situated in the United Nations (UN) Convention on
Partnership Agreement on the National Quality the Rights of the Child (UN, 1989) and the General
Agenda for Early Childhood Education and Care Comments produced by its monitoring body,
to improve the quality of early education and the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child.
care and to move from minimum standards to These are accompanied by the Sustainable
an outcomes approach. Many of the services for Development Goals (UN, 2015) and the Nurturing
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children Care for Early Childhood Development framework,
that delivered via the Budget Based Funded (BBF) recently launched by the World Health Organization
program were, however, considered ‘out of scope’ (WHO), UNICEF and the World Bank Group (2018).
and not supported to come under the NQF.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 7


pays Child Care Benefit (CCB) model that applied to mainstream early education and care serv
across Australia.
FIGURE 1 Programs brought together under the Budget Based Funded (BBF) program

Mobile childcare
services (mid-
1970s)
Indigenous
Crèches (1989) playgroups (mid-
1970s)

Indigenous OSCH
Flexible/innovative and enrichment
services (1997) programs (mid-
1970s)

Multifunctional
Aboriginal Children's BBF Other services e.g.
toy libraries,

program
Services (MACS) nutritional programs
(1987) (mid-1970s)

Figure 1. Programs brought together under the Budget Based Funded (BBF) program
The evidence-based Nurturing Care framework of diverse early education and care programs,
provides a roadmap for action to improve early which have been introduced progressively since
childhood development. It focuses on the holistic the mid-1970s (DEEWR, 2013) (see Figure 1).
Table 1. Service types supported under the Budget Based Funded program
development of children from pregnancy to three It largely supported ad hoc historical programs
years of age, detailing the foundations, actions and rather than developing a vision of how to meet
Service type Description
government leadership required for all children community needs and deliver the best start for
to reach their potential (WHO et al., 2018). The the children in those communities.
Multifunctional Aboriginal Provide culturally centred, community-based services that provide long day
framework is premised on five key principles:
The BBF program provided direct operational
Children’s• Services andand
The child’s right to survive at thrive.
least one other form of child
funding care
to early or activity,
education such
and care as outside school
services
(MACS) • Leave no child behind—ensuring
hours care (OSHC),
priority for the playgroups,
in areas wherenutrition programs
the market and/or
would not parenting progra
normally
most vulnerable children. allow services to operate, particularly in regional
• Family-centred care—recognising the family’s and remote communities, and where there were
primary role in providing nurturing care. additional needs for culturally appropriate services
Crèches • Whole-of-government Provide culturally appropriate
action—through (DEEWR, childcare programs80over
2013). Approximately flexible
per cent hours based
of BBF
which consistent policies across sectors and services focused on Aboriginal and Torres Strait
the needs of the Indigenous communities
Islander children, withwhere they operate.
16 256 Aboriginal Many crèche
and Torres
inter-sectoral government structures build
were
collaboration and improve formally
nurturing known as Strait
care. Jobs,Islander
Education and
children Training
using the BBF(JET),
program and
in were
2016 (Palmer, 2016). They were generally funded
establishedengages
• Whole-of-society approach—which to assist
civil eligible unemployed parents to undertake study, work
using a budget based funding model, premised on
society, academic institutions, the private sector,
families, and any othersjob-related training activities.
involved in providing
the number of places historically provided instead
of focusing on utilisation or demand. These often
care for young children.
Flexible/innovative Provide flexible care to families in communities
had no relationship where
to the services conventional
currently being forms o
provided or the number of places available. Funding
services child care are not suited totoMultifunctional
local circumstances. These services
Services inmay include
PROGRAMS AND FUNDING Aboriginal Children’s
long day care, OSHC, occasional care, ranged
2016, for example, mobilefrommulti-purpose
between $5000services,
and on-fa
Since 2003, at the federal level, Aboriginal and $18 000 per child (Palmer, 2016). These services
Torres Strait Islander earlycare, multi-sited
childhood programschild care and overnight care.
were not part of the user-pays Child Care Benefit
have been supported primarily through the BBF (CCB) model that applied to mainstream early
Outside school
program.hours
The BBFcare
programPredominantly for primary
consolidated a series school-aged
education and carechildren, with Australia.
services across enrichment programs
(OSHC) and enrichment aimed at Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. Programs operate fr
programs a community venue and provide activities such as sport, homework centres
nutritional services. | DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 8

Indigenous playgroups Provide children who are not yet attending formal schooling with a wide ran
TABLE 1 Service types supported under the Budget Based Funded program

SERVICE TYPE DESCRIPTION


Multifunctional Provide culturally centred, community-based services that provide long day care and at
Aboriginal Children’s least one other form of child care or activity, such as outside school hours care (OSHC),
Services (MACS) playgroups, nutrition programs and/or parenting programs.
Crèches Provide culturally appropriate childcare programs over flexible hours based on the needs
of the Indigenous communities where they operate. Many crèches were formally known
as Jobs, Education and Training (JET), and were established to assist eligible unemployed
parents to undertake study, work or job-related training activities.
Flexible/innovative Provide flexible care to families in communities where conventional forms of child care
services are not suited to local circumstances. These services may include long day care, OSHC,
occasional care, mobile multi-purpose services, on-farm care, multi-sited child care and
overnight care.
Outside school hours Predominantly for primary school-aged children, with enrichment programs aimed at
care (OSHC) and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. Programs operate from a community venue
enrichment programs and provide activities such as sport, homework centres and nutritional services.
Indigenous playgroups Provide children who are not yet attending formal schooling with a wide range of culturally
appropriate developmental, educational and socialisation activities that are relevant to the
local community. Also provide an opportunity for families to support each other. Carers
remain with the children during care.
Mobile childcare services Visit regional and remote areas and provide long day care, farm care, parenting support,
toy and video lending libraries and/or parent resource library services (DEEWR, 2013).

The BBF program funded 330 services through However, federal funding for the ACFCs was
approximately $63 million per annum, until the discontinued in July 2014. The services had been
Jobs for Families Child Care Package (Child Care operating within the mainstream childcare funding
Package) passed into legislation in 2017. When the system, with $1 million top-up funding per year
Child Care Package commenced in July 2018, the under the NPAIECD. Since July 2014, the status of
BBF program closed. Services were either brought the ACFCs has been uncertain—both federal and
under the new mainstream system, based on the state governments put the onus on each other to
user-pays Child Care Subsidy, or were transferred maintain supports for their survival. While similar
to the Indigenous Advancement Strategy. in objective and purpose to the MACS, the ACFCs
were excluded from the BBF program given that
There is a Child Care Safety Net in the Child Care
he BBF program had been capped for some years
Subsidy scheme that offers a range of supports to
prior to its closure.
assist services and families. Although it recognises
historical problems with the BBF program and The Queensland and New South Wales Governments
acknowledges that funding arrangements did continued funding their ACFCs. South Australia, the
require improvement, there are also potential Northern Territory, the Australian Capital Territory
concerning impacts of the new Child Care Package. and Tasmania took on direct management of the
Evidence commissioned from Deloitte Access centres in their jurisdictions, and the Northern
Economics suggests that access to subsidised hours Territory has recently announced that it will
for many vulnerable families will be significantly establish a further 11 new Child and Family Centres
reduced, and funding received by services will to provide culturally secure support to children
be, on average, materially lower (Deloitte Access and families (Northern Territory Government,
Economics, 2016; SNAICC, 2016). Provisions in the 2018). The Victorian Government continued to see
Child Care Safety Net seek to redress some of these the ACFCs as a Commonwealth responsibility, and
issues, however, they are limited in scope and some Western Australia funded them as ‘Child and Parent
are only transitional. Centres’. The ongoing status of ACFCs as Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander-owned or -specific
As noted previously in this document, as part of the
services is also variable across jurisdictions.
NPAIECD, the Australian Government contributed
$292.62 million to establish 35 ACFCs.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 9


Despite these issues, the establishment of the
ACFCs was a major initiative in the development
of integrated early years services that respond,
holistically, to the needs of Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander young children and their families.
ACFCs support high numbers of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander children in early education
and care. New South Wales recorded 471 children
attending a service in just one week in 2014, with
78 per cent of these children attending early
education for the first time (CIRCA, 2014).
The centres connect vulnerable families to an
array of integrated services that are designed
to meet locally determined priorities and needs,
and to build Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
workforce capacity, with 115 Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander staff employed in the New South
Wales centres alone in 2014 (CIRCA, 2014).
In 2016, the Australian Government established a
new program, Connected Beginnings, which aims to
integrate early childhood, maternal and child health,
and family support services with schools in up to
10 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
communities that are experiencing disadvantage
(Australian Government, 2016). It is not creating
new services, but is improving the coordination
of existing services and their outreach to families
experiencing vulnerability.
There is also a diverse range of early childhood
education programs and services that target
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
and their families funded by state and territory
governments. A whole suite of programs have
been identified in Victoria, New South Wales
and Queensland. A summary of these current
programs, and any evaluated programs that may
no longer be available, can be found in the annex
to this discussion paper: Early Childhood and
Care programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander children. Relevant, evaluated programs are
summarised in the sections below; however, there
are few evaluations and little available information
on their quality, reach and impact.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 10


OUTCOMES FOR ABORIGINAL AND
TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN
DEVELOPMENTAL VULNERABILITY • physical health and wellbeing
PRIOR TO STARTING SCHOOL • social competence
• emotional maturity
While many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander • language and cognitive skills
children do start school healthy, strong and on
• communication skills and general knowledge.
track for high learning outcomes, the evidence
indicates that a disproportionate number of them More than 17 000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait
are developmentally behind their peers when they Islander children were included in the 2015 AEDC,
commence schooling, recording lower levels of 61.2 per cent of whom were ‘on track’ (in the top
cognitive and non-cognitive abilities than non- 75 per cent) across all domains, compared to an
Indigenous children. Greater supports are critical average of 78.9 per cent of non-Indigenous children
“to ensure all children have a strong beginning and (SCRGSP, 2016). The proportion of Aboriginal and
can start school on par with their peers. Torres Strait Islander children ‘on track’ significantly
The Australian Early Childhood Development decreases in all domains as remoteness increases,
Census (AEDC) collects data on early childhood with the greatest difference recorded for language
development as children start their first year of and cognitive skills (SCRGSP, 2016). This is
full-time school. Data is collected in five areas, consistent with evidence that children who live
or ‘domains’: in rural and remote Australia experience poorer

FIGURE 2

Rate ratios comparing developmentally vulnerable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
and non-Indigenous children in their first year of full-time education

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children vulnerable on 1 or more domains

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children vulnerable on 2 or more domains

Source: Figure 5, Family Matters Report, 2018; Table 19 AEDC, 2015

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 11


FIGURE 3

Rate ratio comparing developmentally vulnerable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
and non-Indigenous children on two or more domains in their first year of full-time education

Source: Family Matters Report, 2018, Figure 6.

health and developmental outcomes, relative to Developmental vulnerability varies significantly for
their peers living in urban areas. Driving factors Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children across
centre on social determinants of health and jurisdictions. In 2015, Aboriginal and Torres Strait
development, with these children disproportionately Islander children in the Northern Territory were
affected by poverty; parental unemployment; social around 4.5 times more likely to be developmentally
isolation; exposure to family violence and child vulnerable on two or more domains than non-
protection intervention; and lower engagement in Indigenous children, while Tasmania had the lowest
early education and care (Arefadib & Moore, 2017). level of disparity between Aboriginal and Torres
Children in rural and remote Australia are also Strait Islander, and all Australian children (see
‘significantly more likely to experience lack of access Figure 3).
to appropriate services known to mediate the impact
The extent to which the AEDC provides an accurate
of adversity in early childhood’ (Arefadib & Moore,
reflection of the developmental progress of
2017, p. 1).
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children,
While the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait free from bias or discrimination, has been
Islander children experiencing developmental broadly questioned (SNAICC, 2013). Caution is
vulnerability decreased from 47 per cent in 2009 to recommended in the interpretation of this data, due
42 per cent in 2015 on one or more domains (AEDC, to criticism that the AEDC does not take cultural
2015), Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children factors into account, possesses an innate contextual
have remained consistently over 2.5 times more bias, relies on the child being proficient in standard
likely to be vulnerable on two or more domains Australian English and that it is a one-off measure
when compared with all Australian children (see drawn from primary school teachers’ reflections on
Figure 2). There has been a minor reduction only in children’s development (Taylor, 2011). All children
the gap (SCRGSP, 2016). start with different strengths and weaknesses.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 12


FIGURE 4

Percentage of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students meeting


national minimum standards for reading and numeracy, 2017

Aboriginal and Torres Strait


Islander reading

Non-Indigenous reading

Aboriginal and Torres Strait


Islander numeracy

Non-Indigenous numeracy

Source: ACARA, 2017, as cited in Australian Government, 2018, Chapter 3, Table 2.

Western measures may not adequately capture and numeracy in Years 3 and 7. Outcomes are also
the strengths that an Aboriginal or Torres Strait significantly worse for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander child brings to school. Nevertheless, the Islander children in remote areas, with a larger gap
AEDC does remain valuable as the only large-scale compared to non-Indigenous students (SCGRSC,
national measure to provide insight on children’s 2016; Australian Government, 2018).
development as they start school.
YEAR 12 ATTAINMENT
LITERACY AND NUMERACY
Nationally, the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres
Halving the gap between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Strait Islander 20–24-year-olds who have achieved
Islander students, and non-Indigenous students, Year 12 or equivalent increased from 47.4 per cent in
in reading, writing and numeracy achievements by 2006 to 65.3 per cent in 2016. This ‘closed the gap’ by
the end of 2018 was one of COAG’s seven original 12.6 per cent, as the proportion of non-Indigenous
Closing the Gap targets (COAG, 2012). While the gap Australians finishing Year 12 increased from 83.8
between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and per cent to 89.1 per cent (Australian Government,
non-Indigenous students has narrowed since 2008 2018). This means that the COAG target to halve the
across all areas, the Closing the Gap target is not yet gap in Year 12 attainment by 2020 may be achievable.
on track (Australian Government, 2018).
While Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Year 12
The gap in reading for Years 3 and 5, and numeracy or equivalent attainment rates have improved across
in Years 5 and 9 has reduced by 30–45 per cent, all states and territories over the past decade,
with the gap in Year 9 numeracy on track to halve there remain significant discrepancies across
by the end of 2018. However, there has been very jurisdictions. The greatest increases were recorded
little change in the gap in reading for Years 7 and 9, in South Australia (42.7 per cent in 2006 to 64.3 per

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 13


cent in 2016), the Northern Territory (18.3 per cent
to 39.1 per cent) and Western Australia (39.6 per
cent to 59.9 per cent). However, these were also the
jurisdictions starting with the lowest completion
rates. The highest school attendance rates for Year
12 are recorded in the Australian Capital Territory,
Victoria and Queensland (Australian Government,
2018).
The early childhood targets and Year 12 targets
are the only Closing the Gap targets identified by
the Australian Government as on track (Australian
Government, 2018).

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 14


PARTICIPATION OF ABORIGINAL AND
TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN
IN EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE
ATTENDANCE IN EARLY CHILDHOOD to non-Indigenous children (see Figure 5). In 2016,
EDUCATION AND CARE SERVICES Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children were
50 per cent less likely to attend a CCB-approved
In 2016, the national average of all children’s childcare service than non-Indigenous children.
participation in early education and care was 25 While there are lower levels of attendance for
hours per week (SCRGSP, 2018); however, this data other special groups of children (e.g. children from
is not disaggregated for Aboriginal and Torres Strait remote areas, children with a disability and children
Islander children. Evidence suggests that children from low income families), the disparity is most
experiencing disadvantage will access a lower significant for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
dosage and duration of early education and care children (SCRGSP, 2018).
(Tayler, 2016).
In 2014, only 2.9 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres
The Report on Government Services (RoGS) Strait Islander children participated in CCB-
(SCRGSP, 2018) indicates significantly lower rates of approved early education services, despite making
attendance of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander up five per cent of the population (Productivity
children aged birth to five years at CCB-approved Commission, 2014, Figure 13.3). This is consistent
early education and care services when compared with data from the Longitudinal Study of Indigenous

FIGURE 5

Rate ratios comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous children between
birth and five years attending Australian Government CCB approved child care services in 2017

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Non-Indigenous

Source: Table 3A.12, Chapter 3 (SCRGSP, 2018)

Source: Family Matters Report, 2018, Figure 4.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 15


Children (LSIC), which found that 39.8 per cent of ENROLMENT AND ATTENDANCE AT
the 4749 younger cohort (3.5–5 years old) were PRESCHOOL PROGRAMS
not enrolled in an education program (Australian
Government, 2013). This reflects a significant The 2018 RoGS suggests that enrolment rates of
gap in service availability, with the Productivity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander four-year-olds
Commission estimating that, in 2014, 15 000 extra in preschool programs are almost on par with non-
early education and care places would be required Indigenous children. However, there is no quality
if Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children’s data to identify if there is any disparity in attendance.
enrolment in early education and care was In 2016, 90.4 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
proportionate to their representation in the general Islander children were enrolled in a preschool
population (Productivity Commission, 2014). program (either in a standalone preschool or a long
day care centre) in the year before full-time school,
While it is possible that attendance data may be
which remains only slightly lower than the rate for
impacted by families not identifying as Aboriginal
all children (92.4 per cent) (SCRGSP, 2018). The vast
and Torres Strait Islander, due to fear of racism, no
majority of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
studies have been undertaken to establish whether
children who are enrolled are also now enrolled
or not this anecdotal concern is real.
for at least 15 hours per week, similar to non-
The complete picture of participation in early Indigenous children (93.6 per cent versus 94.4 per
education and care is broader than national cent for non-Indigenous children) (SCRGSP, 2018).
attendance data captured within the childcare rebate Enrolment of four-year-old Aboriginal and Torres
system. Up until June 2018, a substantial number Strait Islander children in a preschool program has
of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children been high for many years; with the RoGS finding in
attended services funded under the BBF program. 2009 that enrolment (4.9 per cent) was very similar
As the BBF program supported such a diverse to their representation in the wider community
range of programs, and data was not adequately (4.5 per cent) (SCRGSP, 2009).
disaggregated for children from birth to five years,
However, with regards to Aboriginal and Torres
it is difficult to compare attendance at BBF services
Strait Islander children aged between three and
with attendance in mainstream services. However,
five years, enrolment in a preschool program is just
given that only 1290 Aboriginal and Torres Strait
46.3 per cent across all Australian jurisdictions,
Islander children were supported by MACS (Palmer,
compared with 54.8 per cent for all children. When
2016), which have long day care services, it may not
compared to non-Indigenous children, enrolment
significantly impact attendance numbers.
is higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
From July 2018, with the dissolution of the BBF children in South Australia, and almost on par in
program, all early education and care services have the Australian Capital Territory. The gap is greatest
come under the new Child Care Subsidy. As a result, in Tasmania and the Northern Territory (see Table
more accurate data about attendance of Aboriginal 2). While the figures for both Aboriginal and Torres
and Torres Strait Islander children in CCS-funded Strait Islander, and non-Indigenous children, are
services should become available. low, they do not account for five-year-olds who
There is little available data on early learning may be in school. It does demonstrate, however,
programs involving parents, such as playgroups and that while there has been significant progress
mobile playgroups, which, as detailed in Section 7.1 with enrolment in the year before school, there is
of this document, can also have a positive impact on a disparity between Aboriginal and Torres Strait
early learning experiences. Islander children, and all children, in enrolment
levels in preschool programs two years before
school.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 16


FIGURE 6

Rate ratios comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous children aged 4 and 5 years
attending a preschool program in the year before schooling (2012–2017)

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Non-Indigenous

Note: In 2016, a new state-specific Year Before Full Time Schooling (YBFS) definition was used.
Source: Table 3A.31, 3A.36, Chapter 3 (SCRGSP, 2017)
Table 28 and Appendix 4 (Preschool Education Australia, 2016, 2017)

Source: Family Matters Report, 2018, figure 2

FIGURE 7

Rate ratios comparing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous children aged 4 and 5 years
attending a preschool program in the year before schooling in 2017

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Non-Indigenous

Note: In 2016, a new state-specific Year Before Full Time Schooling (YBFS) definition was used.
Source: Table 28 and Appendix 4 (Preschool Education Australia, 2017)

Source: Family Matters Report, 2018, figure 3

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 17


TABLE 2 Percentage of children aged three to five four-year-old preschool program, and makes
years enrolled in a preschool program within adjustments for the different starting ages of
a standalone preschool or long day care
school across jurisdictions (SCRGSP, 2018).
program in 2016

JURISDICTION
INDIGENOUS ALL CHILDREN SCHOOL PARTICIPATION
CHILDREN (%) (%)
In 2017, the overall school attendance rate for
New South Wales 51.5 57.1
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students,
Victoria 48.1 55.3 nationally, was 83.2 per cent, compared with
Queensland 48.1 54.0 93 per cent for non-Indigenous students (Australian
Western Australia 42.1 48.7 Government, 2018). This means that the five-year
COAG target to close the gap in school attendance
South Australia 63.5 53.6
by the end of 2018 is not on track. Attendance has
Tasmania 42.5 55.2 in fact slightly decreased over the past three years
Australian Capital 60.5 62.3 (83.5 per cent in 2014 compared with 83.2 per cent
Territory in 2017), with no meaningful improvement in any
Northern Territory 37.0 48.1 state or territory, and a notable drop in the Northern
Australia 46.3 54.8 Territory (70.2 per cent in 2014 to 66.2 per cent in
Source: SCRGSP, 2018, Tables 3A.3, 3A.13 and 3A.19 2017) (Australian Government, 2018). Attendance
for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children is
The gap between Aboriginal and Torres Strait highest in inner-regional areas at 86.8 per cent, and
Islander and non-Indigenous children has also lowest in very remote areas at 64.6 per cent. This is
decreased or also arguably been eliminated when in contrast to attendance rates for non-Indigenous
attendance is measured. The Family Matters Report students, where, based on remoteness, attendance
2018 identifies in fact that Aboriginal and Torres varies very little (SCRGSP, 2016).
Strait Islander attendance increased from a rate of
0.71 to 1.02 in the period 2012–2017, in comparison Attendance also drops off in secondary school for
with non-Indigenous child attendance (see Figure 6). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children—
Most jurisdictions demonstrate higher attendance cultural recognition, collaboration with the
rates for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community in program design and decision making,
children; however, low attendance rates in the parental expectations, teacher quality, and bullying
Northern Territory, Tasmania and Queensland bring and teasing have all been shown to be important
down the overall rate. factors in school attendance (SCRGSP, 2016).
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in
However, the RoGS no longer reports attendance remote areas are also more impacted by speaking
due to a lack of confidence in the methodology to a language other than English; low teacher
collect the data—a one-week census each August expectations; higher risk of health issues; absence
that doesn’t necessarily reflect actual attendance for consecutive months of schooling; and multiple
across the year. The Family Matters Report 2018 changes of school (SCRGSP, 2016).
also points to some evidence which suggests that
‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
participate in preschool for fewer hours per week,
on average, than their non-Indigenous peers’ (Family
Matters Report 2018, p.28). Better data is required
to provide an accurate measure of attendance, and
this data should be viewed with caution.
We note that differing attendance data is reported
by RoGS (2017) and the National Partnership
Agreement on Universal Access to Early Childhood
Education. This paper utilises RoGS data for
consistency and increased specificity. RoGS data
excludes five-year-olds who were repeating the

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 18


ACCESS BARRIERS AND FACTORS
THAT IMPACT ON PARTICIPATION
Research identifies wide-ranging, complex and interrelated factors that prevent Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander families from accessing and participating in early education and
care services. These cross over four domains: individual; service; social and neighbourhood;
and cultural (Ware, 2012). These domains reflect the different dimensions of ‘accessible’
early childhood services. Simply redressing low availability does not necessarily increase
participation (Flaxman, Muir, Oprea & National Evaluation Consortium, 2009; SNAICC, 2010).
Many of these barriers overlap and culture is central to all dimensions.
The rates of preschool enrolment and attendance brackets (Biddle & Bath, 2013; Biddle, 2007). This
for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children issue is not settled, however, with some researchers
highlight the need to examine barriers and finding no link between household income and
strategies for access across urban and remote preschool attendance (Hewitt & Walter, 2014). Less
locations uniquely. Beyond remoteness, it is availability of early education and care services in
important to note that Aboriginal and Torres Strait low socioeconomic areas across Australia may be a
Islander families are far from a homogenous group, factor in lower participation for low-income families
and it cannot be assumed that any elements are (Cloney, Cleveland, Hattie & Tayler, 2015; Tayler,
barriers for all families (Trudgett & Grace, 2011). In 2016).
fact, the extent to which certain factors are enablers
Moving and housing instability: Children who
or barriers may even vary between different family
have lived in two or more homes since birth are
types (Niddrie, Barnes, & Brosnan, 2018).
significantly less likely to participate in preschool
than those who have lived in the same household
INDIVIDUAL BARRIERS since birth (Biddle & Bath, 2013; Hewitt & Walter,
Individual barriers refer to the complex needs, 2014). Frequent moves may reduce families’
circumstances, experiences and expectations of knowledge about the quality and cultural sensitivity
families and children. Major individual barriers of local preschool options, and mean less time
include: and ability to complete the bureaucratic processes
involved in enrolment. This has a greater impact
Employment: The lowest levels of preschool on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples
participation are in families (both single parent given their long-recognised higher rate of mobility
and couples) where no-one is employed or the than non-Indigenous Australians (Charles-Edwards
main source of income is government benefits. et al., 2018). Around 18 per cent of Aboriginal and
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are Torres Strait Islander peoples changed address in
disproportionately represented in these families the year prior to the 2016 Census compared with
(Biddle, 2007; Hewitt & Walter, 2014). Low levels of 15 per cent for the non-Indigenous population
preschool participation in these families may be (Charles-Edwards, Bell, Cooper, & Bernard, 2018).
due to the availability of both carers, affordability of
preschool for low-income families and fear of days Discrimination: Families who feel that they are
or weeks without money for clothes or appropriate discriminated against are significantly less likely to
food. attend preschool (Biddle & Bath, 2013). This may
be exacerbated in urban and regional areas where
Income levels: The greatest gap in early education Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are a
and care participation with non-Indigenous children minority—racially, socially and culturally (Hewitt &
is in the middle income brackets. This is despite Walter, 2014). LSIC data suggests that around
evidence that suggests higher rates of early 40 per cent of the children’s parents from urban
education and care participation in middle income and regional areas reported an experience of

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TABLE 3 Barriers to service access for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families

Individual barriers— Service barriers—


Social and neighbourhood Cultural barriers obstruct
complex needs, service delivery systems,
characteristics of the communication and the
circumstances, processes, programs and
immediate community that development of trusting
experiences and style, staffing, practice
the service operates within relationships
expectations of families approaches
Family breakdown Lack of Aboriginal Social stigma Lack of awareness and
leadership and celebration of legitimate
Discrimination and past Isolated location and
involvement cultural differences
experiences access to transport for
Lack of qualified local remote families and Lack of consultation
Number of children in
Aboriginal and Torres families living in outer with local communities
family
Strait Islander staff suburbs and Elders, following
Fear of removal of children cultural protocols and
Disjointed services or Lack of understanding
incorporation of local
Individual distress/ regular staff turnover of the importance of
Aboriginal and Torres
dysfunction early education and care
Failure to find culturally Strait Islander parenting
services
(e.g. depression/feeling of appropriate (often local) styles
training for Aboriginal and Past experiences and
being stigmatised/ Unmet cultural needs
Torres Strait Islander staff community-level distress
excluded) of families and lack of
Lack of cultural Poor living conditions respect for Aboriginal
Poverty and low income
competence knowledge and ways of
Transient populations
Lack of employment learning
Failure to incorporate
Tenancy instability
Cost—even with culture within programs Poor consideration of
subsidisation Mental illness, family Aboriginal and Torres
Inappropriate venues or
violence, Strait Islander issues and
Lack of awareness of clinical environment
cultures, and failing to
available services and/or substance abuse and
Lack of flexibility draw on child and family
their benefits gambling
strengths
Limited service
Beliefs related to the Complex cultural
coordination and service Unmet family support
non-parental care of young relationships in
fragmentation needs, given different
children community, including
cultural meaning of
Limited capacity for community or family
Reluctance to separate services and needs
administration of conflict
from children Fear that engagement will
government funds can
Number of books at home, limit small services from undermine culture
reflecting comfort with accessing resources for
Negative associations with
literacy and education comprehensive services
institutions and services,
Moving residence Staff fluent in local including of child removal
language
Child health concerns Discrimination
Perception by service
Fear of being judged and
providers of barriers as
misunderstood because
insurmountable
of cultural practices and
Short-term program ways of communicating
funding

Source: Baxter & Hand, 2013; Flaxman et al., 2009; SNAICC, 2010, 2012(a); Trudgett & Grace, 2011; Ware, 2012.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 20


racism in the past year (Skelton et al., 2014). In working in the area where a child lives, significantly
remote areas, while it will more often be a primarily increases attendance. However, recruiting and
‘Indigenous’ environment, many families still retaining qualified staff, and in particular Aboriginal
experience a cultural gap with professional staff and Torres Strait Islander staff, is a major difficulty
and leadership often being non-Indigenous. (SNAICC, 2016).
Fear of institutional involvement, and in particular
This issue reflects services’ cultural competency
child removal, remains deeply embedded for many
(described under ‘Cultural barriers’ in Section
families (SNAICC, 2010).
6.4), as does another central service barrier: the
Number of children in the household: Aboriginal inadequate incorporation of both culture and child/
families have on average a much higher number family strengths into programming and the lack of
of other children living in the family home, quality program evaluations of Indigenous-specific
and large households are associated with low approaches. Ware (2012), for example, explains:
rates of preschool participation (Biddle, 2007).
Aboriginal professionals have continued to
This is considered largely based on financial
argue for cultural differences and needs to be
considerations, with work providing less dividend
acknowledged. However, without a concrete
given the higher costs associated with high numbers
evidence-base to back up their voices, they
of children attending, and carers available to
continue to face the difficulties of proving
provide care.
their validity against a set foundation based on
Family education: Lower levels of parental education years of western research (Long & Sephton,
(Biddle, 2007; Biddle & Bath, 2013) or a lower 2011, p. 109). This is a serious gap in the
number of books at home (Hewitt & Walter, 2014) literature on improving Indigenous access to
are linked to lower levels of preschool enrolment. early childhood services (p. 7).
Health: Parental concerns about child development Service delivery fragmentation can provide a
or health may be significant in reducing likelihood of further barrier, with multiple layers of government
enrolment. This may reflect a fear of the child coping involvement in early childhood development policies,
in preschool, shame or even fear of child removal programs and services often removing the ability of
(Hewitt & Walter, 2014). services to be responsive to local context and need
(Wise, 2013). For example, services are often funded
Participation in early learning does not seem to vary
under multiple ad hoc government programs with
according to whether English is a second language,
different output and reporting requirements, and
nor according to whether the child is identified as
restrictions on how funds can be used. This can
having special needs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
redirect services away from their core business and
Islander children, in contrast to non-Indigenous
may mean they cannot secure adequate funding
children (Baxter & Hand, 2013).
to meet their community’s unique needs. This is
not assisted by the workload, fragmentation and
SERVICE BARRIERS disjointedness associated with managing multiple
Service barriers refer to service delivery systems, contracts with different levels of government and
programs, processes and style, as well as different portfolios.
service staffing and practice. Trudgett and Grace Finally, some specific issues experienced in remote
(2011) interviewed 10 children aged three to five locations include lack of service infrastructure
years, across New South Wales, on barriers and (Wise, 2013), workforce shortages and lack of
facilitators of engagement with early education housing for staff (SNAICC, 2010).
and care, and found that the most important issue
for children was feeling connected with an adult SOCIAL AND NEIGHBOURHOOD
worker at their centre. It’s important to ensure
CHARACTERISTICS
that local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
workers and leadership are central to supporting The social and neighbourhood characteristics of
early childhood education and care participation. the local community can be highly influential for
Biddle (2007), for example, found that the presence Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander families,
of a preschool worker who identifies as Indigenous, whether it concerns the transient nature of a

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 21


community, the level of community distress or Evidence suggests that culture is important
remoteness of location. Evidence is unclear on the across all locations. In remote and regional areas,
influence of remoteness. Biddle (2007) found that participation is impacted by key factors relating to
living more remotely tended to reduce preschool trust and safe environments, as well as the high
participation, and even more so than for non- value attributed to a traditional way of life, family life
Indigenous children. Other studies, however, and tribal tensions. English language skills, literacy
have found that levels of relative isolation had no and service settings have also been identified as
significant impact on preschool attendance (Biddle particular barriers in more remote areas.
& Bath, 2013; Hewitt & Walter, 2014). It may be
Cultural competency is therefore central to
that lack of transport and heat are the relevant
consideration of cultural barriers. A culturally
deterrents in more isolated areas. As Kellard
competent early childhood service is one in which
and Paddon (2016) note: ‘in remote communities,
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
Indigenous child attendance rates were directly
and families are recognised and valued. Cultural
linked to a reliance on dedicated transport services’
competency has different facets and can be applied
(p. 28). This was also the case for families residing
across an organisation, from individual staff
in outer suburbs or outlying smaller communities,
attitudes, values and behaviours, to the policies,
who had to travel long distances in order for their
programs, culture and leadership at the institutional
children to attend services.
level. It reflects an ongoing continuum or journey for
personal and service development.
CULTURAL BARRIERS
TABLE 4 Elements of cultural competency
Cultural factors are often cited as a pivotal barrier
to access and participation in early education. CULTURAL
According to Harrison, Goldfeld, Metcalfe & Moore, COMPETENCY WHAT IT INVOLVES
‘early learning programs that do not reflect ELEMENT
the culture and knowledge of the Indigenous Self- Commitment to principle or self-
community are not seen as culturally safe and determination determination enacted in practice
and genuine through genuine partnerships
tend not to be used by families in that community’
partnerships
(2012, p. 2).
Cultural Understanding the role cultural
Many studies have identified trust as the most awareness difference plays
important factor in determining participation
Valuing Aboriginal peoples and
in services (Bowes & Grace, 2014; Kellard & Cultural respect
their cultures
Paddon, 2016; Trudgett & Grace, 2011). Kellard and
Having the ability and skills to
Paddon (2016) found that Aboriginal and Torres Cultural
assist Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Strait Islander families were more likely to trust a responsiveness
Islander peoples
service if a positive and engaged relationship was Creating a service environment
developed with the service provider, and the service that is safe and welcoming for
employed local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Cultural safety
Aboriginal and Torres Strait
educators. Pre-existing staff relationships with the Islander peoples
children and family members, or within the close- Being able to relate and provide
Cross-cultural
knit community, have also been highlighted as practice and care
services to Aboriginal and Torres
particularly important to building trust (Kellard & Strait Islander peoples
Paddon, 2016). Being able to see how your
culture, and the dominant culture,
The strength of a child and family’s cultural Self-reflection
generally impacts on Aboriginal
connection is also relevant, but may vary in impact and Torres Strait Islander peoples
and is not yet clearly understood. Being taught Source: VACCA, 2008.
traditional practices has been associated with
lower participation in early education and care,
yet attending cultural events and identifying with a
tribal, language or clan group has been associated
with higher rates of participation (Biddle & Bath,
2013; Hewitt & Walter, 2014).

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 22


IMPROVING OUTCOMES IN EARLY
CHILDHOOD FOR ABORIGINAL AND
TORRES STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN
The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) identifies the key factors that are
known to be effective in overcoming disadvantage experienced by Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander children in the early years.
These are: (Sims, 2011). They are captured here as
implementation science.
• Children at risk of poor developmental and
educational outcomes benefit from attending However, evidence of what works to improve
high-quality education and care programs in outcomes in early childhood for Aboriginal and
the years before school. Torres Strait Islander children is limited by the
• Early learning programs that are supported by availability of specific programs and quality program
the community, provided by educators who are evaluations, and consists mainly of program
qualified, well-attended, well-resourced and descriptions and documented practice experience
evidence-based are a key contributor to good (Emerson et al., 2015; SNAICC, 2013; Ware, 2012).
early childhood outcomes.
• Helping families and communities to be BENEFITS OF PARTICIPATION
supportive and effective in their roles in IN QUALITY EARLY CHILDHOOD
children’s lives is a key protective factor for EDUCATION
the early years and a key component in the
design and delivery of high-quality, effective It is well established that participation in high-
early years programs. quality early childhood education, for at least two
• Uptake of early learning programs by years before school, improves children’s school
Indigenous families is enhanced by community readiness and their life chances in the long term
partnerships, culturally relevant practice (Pascoe & Brennan, 2017). This has even more
that values local Indigenous knowledge, and impact for children who have, or are, experiencing
appropriate teacher training and support. disadvantage. As Sparling, Ramey and Ramey
(Harrison et al., 2012, pp. 1–2.) (2007) note:
Children who do not have a solid pre-
The two major components identified that are likely
kindergarten foundation are likely to start
to improve outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
kindergarten approximately two years or
Islander children are:
more behind children of similar ages and
• access to quality early education and care environments who do have a firm pre-
• a supportive home environment. kindergarten foundation. This difference
in developmental age, or developmental
In addition, outcomes are impacted by the quality competence, is even greater between children
of how these components are implemented to from high-risk environments and children
best support Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander from learning-enriched environments (p. 84).
children and families. These qualities are consistent
with the broader learnings on what works to For children experiencing disadvantage,
overcome ‘Indigenous disadvantage’, namely: systematic studies, including the High Scope
cultural competency; genuine partnerships; Perry Preschool program and the Abecedarian
collaboration and integration; adequate resourcing; program, demonstrate significant long-term effects
and responding to underlying social determinants on school achievement, employment and social

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 23


behaviours (Brennan, 2013; Conti & Heckman, 2012; disadvantage. The Abecedarian program involved 40
McLachlan, Gilfillan, & Gordon, 2013; Sparling et hours of weekly attendance. A number of Aboriginal
al., 2007). In relation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait and Torres Strait Islander services have also
Islander children in particular, Biddle and Bath shared that it is important to have access to up to
(2013) analysed census, LSIC and AEDC data and 50 hours per week to be able to support the rights
concluded that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander of individual children and families appropriately, as
children who attended preschool were significantly they vary over time depending on their family context
less likely to be developmentally vulnerable than (Deloitte Access Economics, 2016; SNAICC, 2016).
those who did not attend preschool in three of the
Loeb et al. (2007), using data from the United States
five AEDC domains (as listed in Section 4.1), with
Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, found significant
the biggest differences shown in the language and
differences across income groups: children from
cognitive skills domain. They concluded that while
low income families required attendance at a centre
other factors were not controlled, it gives prima
for more than 30 hours to experience significant
facie evidence that expanding access to preschool
gains in pre-reading skills; and with additional
education may have some impact on reducing
hours, gains could be seen in both reading and
vulnerability, and has the potential to improve the
maths. The African American children in this study
school readiness of Aboriginal and Torres Strait
who were from low income groups also required
Islander children.
more than 30 hours of attendance to achieve
increased pre-reading scores. Neither group
DURATION AND INTENSITY OF EARLY experienced negative social behavioural effects from
EDUCATION AND CARE additional hours in a centre; this was in contrast to
children from white and higher-income families who
Evidence indicates that in families experiencing
displayed increasingly negative behaviour the more
disadvantage, ‘the highest rate of return in early
hours they attended each week.
childhood development comes from investing as
early as possible, from birth through age five’, This evidence suggests a minimum of 30 hours per
(Arefadib & Moore, 2017, p. 5). In the Abecedarian week in age-appropriate early education and care
program, the impacts of participation reduced programs—including those involving parents—
after the age of three, suggesting that birth to for children experiencing disadvantage, with the
three years may be a critical window for children potential for flexibility based on an individual
experiencing significant vulnerability (Bartik, 2014; child’s needs. However, further exploration of the
Campbell et al., 2012). This is consistent with other appropriate dosage for optimal impact would be
international and national evidence that earlier helpful for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
and consistent interventions are ideal (Arefadib & children, including on programs with and without
Moore, 2017; Emerson et al., 2015). The study by parental involvement.
Loeb, Bridges, Bassok, Fuller and Ruberger (2007)
is an exception. It identified, across economic levels
and race, that children who start early education
and care between the ages of two and three years
see greater gains than those who start earlier or The best early child development
later; and starting earlier than two years may be interventions take place in comprehensive,
related to more pronounced negative social effects. integrated programs that combine
However, other studies make it clear that quality of nurturing and care, nutrition and
care is the critical factor and that creating a circle of stimulation. They begin early, preferably
relationships around children as early as possible, during pregnancy, and are sustained
including within early education and care settings, is through primary school (McCain et al.,
the best option (Lang, Tolbert, Schoppe-Sullivan & 2007, p. 138).
Bonomi, 2016).
There is little evidence on the required intensity
of education and care for children experiencing

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 24


QUALITY OF EARLY EDUCATION AND
CARE
… there is an opportunity to make a
Quality is also clearly a central feature of early substantial difference to children’s
education and care (Black et al., 2017), with cognitive development well before school
participation in poor-quality services demonstrating by having early childhood educators further
a counter effect, showing poorer outcomes at school develop skills in promoting children’s
entry. This is particularly so when combined with learning. This finding is especially
long hours of attendance or poorer home learning significant to the children living with a
environments (Harrison et al., 2012). Negative long- range of risk factors … (Tayler, 2016, p. 7).
term consequences may also be experienced if early
education and care services are not responsive
to the unique culture and needs of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander children (Biddle & Bath,
2013). Defining features of preschool quality include EVIDENCE-BASED EARLY
having a greater number and variety of challenging EDUCATION AND CARE PROGRAMS
play materials, interactive or dialogic reading, Evidence-based programs can increase the
classroom organisation, and instructional support likelihood of positive outcomes. A number of studies
(Britto et al., 2017). Critically, quality must also be discussed below identify available evidence of early
responsive to context, build from the strengths education and care programs improving outcomes
of the local community and holistically respond for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children.
to children’s development needs (Sims & Brettig, These include some service types and specific
2018). Under the nurturing care framework, these program interventions. Critically, however, ensuring
features span health and nutrition; security and programs are supported by strong implementation
safety; responsive care-giving; early learning; and science—including holistic programs driven
an enabling environment for caregivers, family and by local communities that are responsive to
the community. community needs—is essential to achieving desired
Quality becomes all the more critical in light of outcomes (see Section 7.4). There may also be
evidence that some programs in low socioeconomic successful local programs that are effective, but
areas can provide a lower average quality of still require documented evidence to be gathered.
care than in more advantaged neighbourhoods In this instance, building on local programs and
(Cloney et al., 2015; Tayler, 2016). Specifically, the evaluating their impact is recommended, rather
E4Kids study found that early education and care than introducing new external ‘evidence-based’
classrooms, within the lowest socioeconomic interventions. Similarly, programs may need
areas, had consistently lower levels of instructional adaptation to ensure a strong cultural fit to the
support provided to children, which they identified relevant community.
as the most central component to improving
educational outcomes. The study determined
that this led to children being approximately To be relevant and meaningful to
3.3 to 4.9 months behind their peers in more Indigenous communities, program
advantaged neighbourhoods on measures of verbal adaptation is important and need not
ability (Tayler, 2016). This was in addition to the come into conflict with an evidence-based
difference already identified based on residence approach. The key is to understand the
in a disadvantaged area. The study found a core (or potent) elements of a program and
strong justification for prioritising improvements to be uncompromising in remaining true
in program quality in the least advantaged to these elements, while adapting other
neighbourhoods, and paying much higher attention aspects of the program to be appropriate
to the programs experienced by toddlers, which is to the context in which they are being
when it identified the most significant quality gap delivered (Bowes & Grace, 2014, p. 20).
(Tayler, 2016).

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 25


Bowes and Grace (2014) provide a review and likely to have graduated from high school than
assessment of prevention and early intervention those who did not participate in the program
research literature that is focused on improving (Campbell et al., 2012; Sparling et al., 2007).
outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
children in the early childhood years. They conclude • The High Scope Perry Preschool program:
that: African American children experiencing
disadvantage are provided with intensive early
Based on the 10 evaluations of programs education and regular home visits by qualified
related to early childhood education, early childhood teachers for two years. By
Indigenous-specific programs, supported age 40, participants were more likely to have
playgroups, and transition-to-school graduated from high school; be employed;
programs seem to offer the most promise for have higher earnings; and be less likely to have
promoting change in the early learning and committed criminal offences than those who did
development of Indigenous children through not participate in the program (Brennan, 2013;
interventions external to the family (p. 13). Emerson et al., 2015). This program has not
The two ‘Indigenous-specific’ programs with been applied in Australia with Aboriginal and
high-quality evaluations identified by Bowes and Torres Strait Islander children, but was included
Grace (2014) that showed good results were Home in the study based on the level of evidence and
Instruction for Parents of Preschool Youngsters outcomes.
(HIPPY) and Let’s Start. (‘Indigenous-specific’ refers
• Mobile Preschool Program: Local Aboriginal
to targeting Indigenous children and families.)
staff are provided with training and resources to
Emerson and colleagues (2015) systematically enable them to offer 10–15 hours of preschool
reviewed the evidence on the effectiveness of education weekly in remote communities,
interventions (child and maternal health, early with support from a visiting early childhood
learning and positive parenting) that promote a educator. An evaluation identified that children
good beginning for Aboriginal and Torres Strait who had attended 192 days or more of mobile
Islander children. Early learning programs that preschool were 6.5 times more likely to not
demonstrated improved outcomes were the High be developmentally vulnerable in two or more
Scope Perry Preschool program; the Abecedarian AEDC domains than other children. Children
program; transition to school programs; and the had improved their fine motor skills and made
Mobile Preschool Program. cognitive progress (Nutton et al., 2013; Emerson
et al., 2015).
The key relevant programs identified in these two
studies are described briefly below. Further detail • HIPPY: A home visiting program that focuses
is contained in the annex to this discussion paper: on parental involvement in early learning and
Early Childhood and Care programs for Aboriginal helping parents prepare their children for
and Torres Strait Islander children. school. Significant positive impacts were found
• Abecedarian program: Children from low- across a number of important developmental
income families receive full-time, high-quality domains and spheres of influence, including
educational intervention in a childcare setting, the child, the parent, the home learning
from infancy through to age five. Each child environment, and parents’ social connectedness
receives an individualised prescription of and inclusion (Liddell, Barnett, Roost, &
educational activities, which focus on social, McEachran, 2011). Since this evaluation, HIPPY
emotional and cognitive areas of development, has been implemented in 100 communities,
but give particular emphasis to language. The including 50 communities with high percentage
Abecedarian Approach Australia (3a) is an of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
adaptation for young Aboriginal children living families. While there has been some qualitative
in remote communities. American longitudinal evaluation, there has been no comprehensive
studies identified significant results, including evaluation of its impact. SNAICC has received
that by age 30, participants were 42 per cent feedback that suggests factors such as adequate
more likely to have been in recent employment; flexibility, inclusion of local cultural context,
81 per cent were less likely to have been recently and community leadership and ownership are
receiving welfare; and they were four times as critical to the success of this approach.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 26


• Let’s Start: A program for Aboriginal and Torres • a quality program that supports children’s
Strait Islander parents and their four- to six- language and cognitive development, and
year-old children with challenging behaviours prepares them for the school environment,
in the Northern Territory. It involves 10 rules and routines
weekly sessions of parent–child constructive • strong relationships with schools, and
interaction, strategies for managing children’s the relevant school teachers, to enable
behaviour, and development of children’s social common understanding of transition and
skills through facilitated play. At the end of joint planning, as well as communication on
the program, findings indicated statistically transition initiatives and individual children’s
significant reductions in problem and risk experiences and strengths
behaviours at home and school, with the effect • support for families to overcome many of the
increasing at the six-month follow up. It was barriers that they face in becoming ‘ready’
particularly effective for girls (Robinson et al., and supporting a successful transition for
2009; Bowes & Grace, 2014). their child.
• Supported playgroups: A recent evaluation However, few specific transition to school
found that attendance at a supported interventions have been developed, and no
playgroup had a marked impact in all AEDC efficacy evaluations are available (Emerson
developmental domains, with children who did et al., 2015).
not attend a playgroup 1.7 times more likely to
be developmentally vulnerable in one or more
domains (Gregory, Sincovich, Harman-Smith, STRATEGIES TO IMPROVE ACCESS
& Brinkman, 2017). Findings confirmed that TO EARLY EDUCATION AND CARE
children from lower socioeconomic areas were FOR ABORIGINAL AND TORRES
more likely to benefit from playgroups than STRAIT ISLANDER CHILDREN
others; boys benefitted more from playgroup
attendance than girls; and non-Indigenous A targeted focus on overcoming the barriers
children benefited more from playgroup than Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children face in
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children accessing early education and care becomes all the
(Gregory et al., 2017). Reduced benefits for more critical given the importance of participation
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in quality early learning for lifelong outcomes.
may relate to a need for increased cultural It is clear from the complexity of barriers that
competency of programs. strategies to improve Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Islander children’s participation in early education
• Transition to school: For a child and their and care must address a range of issues, including
family, transition to school programs provide community context, service type and approach, and
a foundation for future schooling life and targeting and engagement strategies.
educational outcomes, as well as more
immediate support for emotional wellbeing Three key factors repeatedly emerge from the
and physical, social, emotional and intellectual research as being central to improving access:
development (Dockett, Mason & Perry, 2006; local ownership of programs; employment
SNAICC, 2013). Essential program features for of local people; and incorporation of culture
supporting effective transitions for Aboriginal within services. These have significant potential
and Torres Strait Islander children include: to overcome the cultural, provider and program
relationship building and engagement with a barriers, as well as reduce the impact of the
range of stakeholders; high-quality programs individual barriers.
and experiences; strengths-based approaches;
flexibility; cultural competence; and involvement
of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff
(SNAICC, 2013). The role of early education and
care services involves:

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 27


(a) Local ownership of programs (b) Employment of local Aboriginal and Torres Strait
An important factor in program success is Islander peoples
the extent to which the program is community Successful implementation of programs
controlled and endorsed (Bowes & Grace, requires employment of local Aboriginal and
2014, p. 3). Torres Strait Islander peoples to deliver services
and work alongside those delivering programs:
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander ownership
of services has been identified as a key factor Innovative solutions and more intensive
in improving service access and participation, effort is needed to attract, retain and train
redressing the trust issues many Aboriginal and Indigenous staff including flexible work
Torres Strait Islander families have with early arrangements, career start programs for
education and care services, and improving Indigenous students in remote areas and
outcomes for both children and the vocational education and training (VET) and
broader community. higher education courses that offer special
learning environments for Indigenous
As Hutchins, Martin, Saggers and Sims (2007) note:
students (SNAICC, 2012d p. 14).
Indigenous communities all around Australia
Non-Indigenous workers also require high-
have very high expectations regarding their
quality ongoing cultural competence support, a
involvement and ownership of services and
commitment to connect with the community and
programs provided to improve and support
value the trust and respect placed in them, and
their wellbeing. This relates to all levels
an ability to let go of rigid western notions of time
of decision-making, policy development,
(Bowes & Grace, 2014; Sims, 2011).
processes and practices. Without this
involvement there is no guarantee of (c) Incorporation of culture
participation (pp. 25–26).
Evidence widely supports the importance of
The role of both the MACS and ACFCs in reaching culturally secure models, which honour and
out to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children incorporate Indigenous cultures, child rearing and
who are not otherwise accessing early education other practices, and build positive cultural identities
and care services illustrates the positive impact of (SNAICC, 2012a; Ware, 2012). Many Aboriginal and
local ownership. According to Trudgett and Grace Torres Strait Islander families see services with a
(2011), ‘the establishment of [MACS] centres is contemporary western worldview of childhood as
potentially the most important contributor to the unsafe ‘white fella’ places (Kitson & Bowes, 2010).
decrease in the discrepancy between the rates of
Whatever the culture specific to an Indigenous
Indigenous and non-Indigenous enrolment in early
family, the ability of a childcare service to
childhood services’ (p. 18).
recognise and incorporate cultural practice
Similarly, the evaluation of the New South Wales into the way the child and family is dealt with
ACFCs in 2014 confirmed that, on average, 78 per was identified as the most important aspect of
cent of children attending child care through the child care for Indigenous children (Australian
ACFCs in NSW had not previously accessed early Government, 2006, p. 8).
education and care (CIRCA, 2014).
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-
Programs that are initiated outside the local context controlled services, which are grounded within and
may also secure the support and engagement of managed by the local community, have a unique
local leaders (Flaxman et al., 2009). In this case, ability to apply these three factors, and, many
genuine partnership is central, requiring significant argue, are therefore best placed to deliver the
time and appropriate governance structures most culturally appropriate care (Sims, 2011). They
(SNAICC, 2012d). incorporate Indigenous child-rearing principles and
Practical strategies that respond to the local practices, which strengthen and nurture Aboriginal
context, like provision of transport, also flow and Torres Strait Islander children’s cultural identity
from deeper understanding of the local context, (SNAICC, 2012a). They provide a safe space to build
local commitment and local ownership. cultural pride, confidence and resilience to support

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 28


children to better respond to mainstream schools • policy frameworks and strategies specific to
and racism that they may experience (SNAICC, urban, regional, rural and remote areas to
2012a). Community-controlled early education and reflect unique barriers and opportunities.
care services that are equipped to build on the
skills and strengths of their children, instead of
emphasising their perceived ‘deficits’, provide a safe
ENHANCING A SUPPORTIVE
space for children to build confidence and learn, and PARENTAL AND FAMILY
ensure content is relevant and meaningful. ENVIRONMENT
These strategies can improve participation in early The provision of a strong and supportive home
education and care, but also have a profoundly environment is central to positive early childhood
positive impact on child outcomes, given the outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
importance of cultural identity, self-reliance and children.
adaptive coping strategies in assisting Aboriginal
The conditions under which families are
and Torres Strait Islander children to achieve their
conceiving and raising young children have a
goals (Armstrong et al., 2012; Brennan, 2013).
profound and direct impact on their capacity
A number of studies suggest that a range of to care for and raise the children as they
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander practices (and we) would wish. Our development and
could be implemented to improve the cultural functioning are ecologically shaped—the
safety of services (Ware, 2012). However, a lack of immediate physical environments in which we
documented evidence regarding their effectiveness are raised are what we respond and adapt to
currently limits the ability of service providers to (Moore et al., 2017, p. 69).
secure funding for them.
Studies identify three elements of family
Other promising principles and practices strengthening that increase the likelihood of families
being better able to provide nurturing care for their
Other principles and practices identified as having
children and substantially improving development
the potential to overcome barriers in the absence of
outcomes such as access to quality services;
program evaluations (Hewitt & Walter, 2014; Kellard
skill building, positive and responsive parenting;
& Paddon, 2016; Ware, 2012) include:
and support (Britto et al., 2017). The provision of
• continuity of services and engagement with support services is critical to redress complex
families from pre-pregnancy through to middle issues that impact on this home environment and
childhood within the one agency or location prevent families from implementing advice and
• targeting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander information on early childhood development. These
engagement programs to families who have issues include mental and physical ill health, stress
moved in recent times, who rely on government and depression, adult literacy levels, limited or no
pensions and benefits, and whose children are in income, and poor housing and neighbourhood living
poorer health; and developing explicit programs conditions (Wise, 2013). Similarly, engagement
that address the unique needs of these families and support for parents in their role of providing
• providing services in a friendly setting, close health care, education and parenting to their child
to where Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander is as essential in achieving positive child outcomes
clients live and conduct their daily activities as early childhood education delivered directly to
• providing transport, where relevant the children (Bowes & Grace, 2014). Interventions
must also include opportunities to promote all
• having a staff member within an agency who
components of nurturing care: health, nutrition,
advocates for and promotes a program across
security and safety, responsive care giving, and
one or more service providers
early learning (Black et al., 2017). Interventions
• long-term, stable funding and delivering long-
that integrate nurturing care and protection can
term programs
target multiple risks to developmental potential at
• offering the choice of Aboriginal and Torres appropriate times (Britto et al., 2017).
Strait Islander-specific and mainstream services
• reaching out to families and communities to
build understanding of early education services
and funding initiatives to encourage attendance

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 29


Evidence on good practice suggests a series of
components that are critical to effective integrated
service delivery for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Research in Australia and internationally Islander children and their families. These include:
indicates the need to develop … high-
quality, well-resourced integrated family • a strengths-based approach
support programs that have a holistic • genuine partnerships with Aboriginal and Torres
focus, combining education, health Strait Islander organisations and communities
and wellbeing initiatives into seamless • targeting services to promote access for and
opportunities for vulnerable and at-risk engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait
children, families and communities (Sims, Islander children and families
2011, p. 12). • sustainable service delivery (SNAICC, 2012b;
SNAICC 2012c).

Emerson et al. (2015) identify two evidence-based


programs of integrated service provision that have
Early education and care service integration been shown to improve outcomes for children: Best
Parental engagement can be effectively Start (WA) and Whånau Ora (New Zealand). Whånau
progressed through early education and care Ora is a particularly innovative model that aims to
service integration. Service integration refers to work with Whånau (extended families) as a whole,
increasing levels of cooperation, coordination, rather than focusing separately on individual family
information exchange, joint planning, responsibility members and their problems. Each Whånau has
and accountability, and the development of formal a practitioner or ‘navigator’ who works with them
partnership structures across different levels, from to identify needs, develop a plan to address those
whole-of-government to direct service-delivery needs, and broker access to a range of health and
partnerships (SNAICC, 2012b). social services. An initial study of the program
showed improved family closeness (85 per cent),
Over time, integrated systems, with multiple entry regular exercise (78 per cent), reduced smoking (54
points and ‘no wrong doors’, have the potential to per cent), more confidence in parenting/caring (84
respond more holistically to child and family needs per cent), improved housing security (71 per cent),
by combatting service fragmentation and making a income (71 per cent), and connection to culture (83
range of child and family services readily available per cent) (Emerson et al., 2015).
(Brettig & Children Communities Connections
Learning Network, 2016; McCain et al., 2007; Moore Another example is the Family Activity Centre
& Skinner, 2010; Sims & Brettig, 2018; SNAICC, approach in FamilyZone, where a co-located
2012b). The early education and care setting is an space facilitated a range of universal and targeted
ideal entry point, as a universal service, providing a supports (Sims & Brettig, 2018). It aimed to
‘hook’ to draw families into the service system and provide soft, non-stigmatised entry for families
‘ladder’ them to additional supports and activities at who were under stress. Families were engaged
different points throughout the lifecycle, as wanted through a number of pathways, and significantly
and required (SNAICC, 2012b). informed service design and delivery. Evaluation
demonstrated a one-third reduction in children
It is now well-established that service integration who were vulnerable in one or more AEDC domains
offers multiple benefits, including more at Ingle Farm, where a service operated, and a
comprehensive and cohesive services, and better significant reduction across the four areas where
outcomes for families and children (Emerson et al., it was implemented between 2009–2015 (Sims &
2015; McCain et al., 2007; Wise, 2013). Integrated Brettig, 2018).
service programs ‘wrap around’ the child and their
family; they are better able to respond to specific
family and community contexts, and typically seek
to intervene early, prevent family breakdown, build
from strengths and promote wellbeing.

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 30


transition into school. Emerson and colleagues’
(2015) review of the evidence recommended
the following home learning programs based
The evidence now strongly suggests that on strength of evidence, impact, likely reach,
parents, caregivers and families need to ‘implementability’, and potential for scalability and
be supported in providing nurturing care sustainability:
and protection in order for young children
• Families as First Teachers (FaFT): Designed
to achieve their developmental potential
by and for Aboriginal and Torres Strait
(Britto et al., 2017, p. 91).
Islander parents, FaFT provides early learning
programs, home visits, family workshops
and individual consultations to Indigenous
families to strengthen their knowledge of
child development. The program has received
Evidence-based family-focused programs
strong qualitative feedback. Quantitative data is
A comprehensive international review of more limited, but one survey showed a 96 per
interventions related to early childhood development cent retention rate for children transitioning
concluded that parenting programs aimed at to preschool, and program data indicated
improving parents’ interactions, behaviours, that around 60 per cent of families attend the
knowledge, attitudes and practices, improved program regularly (Bowes & Grace, 2014;
children’s psychosocial, motor and cognitive Emerson et al., 2015).
development (Britto et al., 2017). The most effective
parenting programs used several behaviour- • HIPPY: See Section 7.1.
change techniques, including media (posters and
cards); opportunities for parents to practice play • Parents as Teachers (PAT): Trained parent
and responsive talk with their child; guidance and educators visit homes to deliver lessons and
support for changing practices; and problem-solving materials about child developmental stages
strategies (Britto et al., 2017). The amount of and needs, and to conduct basic health and
time spent with parents did not significantly development checks. Evaluation findings
impact results. indicate that this program leads to parents being
more involved in their children’s schooling and
One example of a successful parenting program is engaged in language and literacy promotion.
the Care for Child Development Package developed Children are shown to have more advanced
by UNICEF and WHO, which assists workers across language and problem-solving skills, higher
a number of sectors to help families build stronger social development and increased readiness
relationships with their children and solve problems for school (Watson & Chesters, 2012; Emerson
in caring for their children at home. It recommends et al., 2015).
play and communication activities for families to
stimulate their children’s learning. Through play • It Takes Two to Talk: The Hanen Program
and communication, adults also learn how to be for Parents: This program aims to increase
sensitive to the needs of children and respond the child’s social communication skills and
appropriately (WHO & UNICEF, 2012). Several trials language development by enhancing the quality
of this program have demonstrated improvements in of interaction between the parent and child.
the home environment and children’s development Research has consistently demonstrated direct
(Richter et al., 2017) effects of this approach on various measures of
communication and language development with
In Australia, a number of evidence-based programs
young children with language delays (Emerson
could potentially be used to help Aboriginal and
et al., 2015).
Torres Strait Islander families create a positive
home environment and support their children’s

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 31


IMPLEMENTATION SCIENCE Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander ownership and
leadership
The field of implementation science focuses on what Effective outcomes also require the active and
factors support or prevent the implementation of ongoing participation of community members in the
a program or intervention in a real-world setting. processes of identifying the ways in which rights
It redresses the factors that obstruct the uptake, are, or should be, met; designing and delivering
effective deployment and sustainability of proven program; program governance and evaluating
programs, practices and policies in services program effectiveness; and implementation
to improve the quality of their implementation support and coaching (Emerson et al., 2015).
(Mildon, 2018). While evidence-based interventions
are important, so are their cultural fit within a Engagement in children’s education by
community, the broader system in which they are parents and the wider community, and
situated and the way in which they are implemented. empowerment of the community in decision-
making, including in forming contextually
While specific research conducted from an and culturally relevant curricula, are key to
implementation science perspective would be successful outcomes for Indigenous children
helpful to confirm which factors are critical to (Arefadib & Moore, 2017, p. 68).
ensuring that quality, integrated early education and
family-focused programs achieve their objectives A program’s ‘cultural fit’ reflects its capacity to
in real-life settings. However, it is possible to draw recognise and cultivate strengths and encourage
conclusions about these factors from the evidence change that is driven by local communities.
that is currently available. Following is a brief Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leadership
overview: and ownership are also central to ensure the
service adequately values and incorporates culture
Holistic throughout service structures, processes and
International evidence highlights the importance practices (SNAICC, 2012a).
of interventions that focus on the whole child and
Strengths-based
that combine health, nutrition, learning, and child
and social protection with nurturing care and Programs must be strengths-based (Bowes
protection to improve child developmental outcomes & Grace, 2014; Niddrie et al., 2017; Sims, 2011;
(Britto et al., 2017). This reflects the importance of SNAICC, 2012a; Wise, 2013). A strengths-based
focusing on ‘development’ rather than ‘education’ approach to early education and care builds on
in early childhood (Sims & Brettig, 2018), and is existing family, community and cultural strengths
consistent with national evidence (Flaxman et al., and expertise to develop children and family
2009; SNAICC, 2012a; Sims et al., 2008; Wise, 2013). capacity, confidence and pride (SNAICC, 2012a).
For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, This includes things that may not be recognised
culture is also central. as strengths in a white, middle-class world (Sims,
2011). A strengths-based approach recognises
Improving early childhood outcomes also requires quality within Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
tackling the wider social determinants of health; services, which may look different to that in non-
that is, the ‘upstream’ family and community Indigenous services.
factors that contribute to disparities in early life
outcomes (Moore et al., 2017; Wise, 2013). This is Sustainable and supportive policy context
particularly important in the context of colonisation The effective implementation of any approach
and its ongoing impacts of intergenerational requires a coherent and well-functioning service
trauma, poverty, community disempowerment system, rather than one-off interventions or
and dislocation on Aboriginal and Torres Strait programs that do not respond holistically to
Islander peoples. families’ needs. The experience of repeated short-
Being holistic further requires that services be term programs and trials has played a significant
flexible and responsive to local context, culture, role in building apathy within Aboriginal and Torres
priorities and rights (Bowes & Grace, 2014; Niddrie Strait Islander communities (Bowes & Grace, 2014).
et al., 2017; Sims, 2011; SNAICC, 2012a; Wise, 2013). Adequate, secure and sustainable funding and a

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 32


supportive policy framework are central foundations
to enable service excellence and innovation, and to
best position services to achieve their objectives
with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children
and families (Brennan, 2013).
A coordinated policy approach within governments
that addresses the needs of children from
conception, and adopts a social determinants
framework (Moore et al., 2017) is also critical to
redressing inequality.
Building sustainable foundations encompasses:
• supporting a strong local Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander workforce
• adequate long-term funding
• flexible operational structures and systems that
are determined by services and respond to local
context
• ownership or long-term control of land and
building (Brennan, 2013).

Many of the former BBF and ACFCs are noteworthy


examples of these principles in action. They deliver
community-owned services in flexible, locally
determined ways that meet community needs and
build on community strengths (Brennan, 2013).
These services do not cater only to the children
who come through the door for specific programs,
but rather seek to support all children (and their
families) within the community who may be in
need (SNAICC, 2016). They help to build stronger
communities by nurturing strong local leadership,
a skilled workforce and connected families
(Brennan, 2013). The Federal Government’s Stronger
Communities for Children program also highlights
a different way of doing business, aligned with these
principles, that shows significant promise (Niddrie et
al., 2017).

As a result of the goodwill and trust built


up by [the BBF and ACFC] services and
their staff, sometimes over many decades,
they have tremendous potential to help
‘close the gap’ for Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander children (Brennan, 2013,
p. 2).

| DISCUSSION PAPER | FEBRUARY 2019 | 33


CONCLUSION

While there is much to be hopeful about, more action is required to progress equality in the
early years for our First Nations children. There have been some improvements in Aboriginal
and Torres Strait Islander early learning participation rates and educational outcomes over
the past decade. However, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are still starting
school with higher rates of vulnerability than non-Indigenous children. Outcomes for
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are also lower throughout the school years.
The evidence tells us that both quality early care participation and improve outcomes is through
education and timely implementation of integrated Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-
supports, which include families and enrich controlled service provision. Where this is not
the home learning environment, are important possible, genuine local participation and decision-
and necessary to reduce long-term educational making through culturally relevant and competent
disadvantage in Aboriginal and Torres Strait services is required.
Islander children. Evidence also suggests that the
In the absence of a cohesive policy framework, a
following essential principles can help guide policy-
concerted effort by all Australian governments is
makers and service providers about where and how
critical to deliver a cohesive national Aboriginal
programs are implemented to improve outcomes for
and Torres Strait Islander early childhood strategy
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children.
in partnership with Aboriginal and Torres Strait
• The incorporation of cultures and Aboriginal and Islander peoples.
Torres Strait Islander community ownership and
Key priorities of this strategy should include:
leadership across all aspects of program design,
delivery and governance is central, as is a • a nurturing care framework
strengths-based approach that builds on existing • ensuring service accessibility, with particular
family, community and cultural strengths and focus on areas with high Aboriginal and
expertise. Torres Strait Islander populations
• Programs must also be holistic, focusing on • providing quality services
the whole child and tackling the wider social • improving the cultural responsiveness of
determinants of health that contribute to services
disparities in early life outcomes. • supporting holistic early education and family-
• Finally, genuine and consistent improvement in focused programs that engage the family from
outcomes requires sustainability, adequate and pregnancy or soon after birth
secure funding, a qualified workforce, flexible • redressing data gaps.
operational structures and systems, control over
land, and a supportive policy context. Delivery mechanisms also need to be a central
consideration, with evidence suggesting the
These principles reinforce the importance of inclusion of integrated multi-sectoral intervention
maintaining a strong focus on children’s rights, packages anchored in nurturing care, applied
and particularly their right to develop to reach their at developmentally appropriate times, targeting
potential, to ensure early childhood development multiple risks, creating supportive policy
does not shift to a narrow perspective on education environments and building on existing delivery
(Sims & Brettig, 2018). platforms for feasibility of scale-up (Britto et al.,
Applying these principles also redresses the 2017; Richter et al., 2017).
major barriers to access and participation in early SNAICC and ECA are committed to working with all
education and care for Aboriginal and Torres Australian governments, and the early education
Strait Islander children. In particular, the most and care sector, to progress this strategy and see
effective means to increase early education and equality for First Nations children in the early years.

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GLOSSARY OF TERMS

Aboriginal Child and Family Centre or Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
ACFC
Child and Family Centre
AEDC Australian Early Childhood Development Census
BBF Budget Based Funding program
CCB Child Care Benefit
CCR Child Care Rebate
CCS Child Care Subsidy
COAG Council of Australian Governments
Early
Refers to all education and care services provided to children in the early
education
childhood years from birth to eight
and care
ECA Early Childhood Australia
IPSUs Indigenous Professional Support Units
JET Jobs, Education and Training
LSIC Longitudinal Study on Indigenous Children
MACS Multifunctional Aboriginal Children’s Services
NPAIECD National Partnership Agreement on Indigenous Early Childhood Development
NQF National Quality Framework
OSHC Outside school hours care services
RoGS Report on Government Services
SNAICC SNAICC – National Voice for our Children
UN United Nations
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
WHO World Health Organization

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