African Diasporan Involvement in Anticolonial Struggle
African Diasporan Involvement in Anticolonial Struggle
African Diasporan Involvement in Anticolonial Struggle
While the African Diaspora’s relentless commitment to the liberation of Africa from colonial
bondage is well documented, the literature has, arguably, obscured the profound inspirations
that Continental African people have had on Black Americans’ struggles against racism.
Unfortunately, the downplaying of the pivotal role of the forces from Continental Africa
divorces the understanding of the interconnectedness of transnational black consciousness.
This paper contributes a greater balance to the understanding of black racial solidarity by
discussing the formation and sustenance of the interrelationships between Continental African
people and the African Diaspora, particularly in the United States, during the struggles of anti-
colonialism in Africa and anti-racism in the United States, dating back to the turn of the 19th
century. The paper conceptualizes the interconnectedness of the twin struggles from the Cross-
national Diffusion theoretical framework. The theory offers appealing explanations and insights
to the apparent mutuality regarding the formation, processes, outcomes, and consequences of
the twin struggles. Galvanized by the common vision of emancipating the black race, the two
movements were inspired by the exchange of ideological and organizational tactics, of which
the exchange itself constituted another solid ideological tactic.
Pan-African Congresses
Feelings of mandated responsibility by the African Diaspora to liberate Africa took full force
through a series of Pan-African congresses that were organized throughout the first half of the
20th century. The first Pan-African congress was organized by Du Bois in 1919 and was
attended by sixty representatives from sixteen nations, protectorates, and colonies and
included members of the NAACP and some black women’s rights activists. The congress came in
the aftermath of World War I, which, as Du Bois (1996) submits, ‘was a war over spheres of
influence in Asia and Africa.’ Attendees resolved to exert pressure on delegates of the Versailles
Peace Conference to consider ‘the importance of Africa in the future world’ as well as to ‘give
the Negro race of Africa a chance to develop unhindered by other races’ (Du Bois 1996). An
appeal for the establishment of a Human Rights Charter that would guide European colonial
powers’ relations with native Africans, guided by the League of Nations, was forwarded to
delegates of the Versailles Peace Conference. The congress also demanded, among other
things, the abolishment of slavery and capital punishment of colonial subjects especially in the
Belgian Congo. The delegates also demanded the right to education for African natives.
Although European powers represented at the Versailles Peace Conference were non-
committed to any of these demands (Adejumobi 2001), a notable impact of the 1919 Pan-
African Conference was the pledge by Queen Victoria of England to ‘not to overlook the
interests and welfare of the native races’ (Du Bois 1996, p. 7). As Gwekwerere (2014) reiterates,
what is even more significant from outcomes of this Pan-African Conference is the commitment
by the African Diaspora to a collective responsibility to liberate Africa regardless of the physical
separation from the mainland. The Pan-Africanists reconvened and held major congresses in
London and Brussels in 1921 and 1923 respectively and echoed earlier resolutions of
denouncing European imperialism in Africa and racism in the United States. The fifth Pan
African congress, organized by London-based George Padmore and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana
and held in Manchester in 1945, was pivotal for Pan-African movements. A record number of
African scholars, intellectuals, and political activists attended the congress, and these include
Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Hastings Banda of Malawi, and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo; who
later became influential leaders on the African continent. It was at the 1945 congress that a
commitment was made to decisively radicalize the movement for African freedom and strategic
military approaches for liberation of African countries were adopted. (Adi and Sherwood 2003).
The asserted declaration of militant approach later manifested in the form of armed
liberation movements in several African countries such as Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, and
Zimbabwe as well as mass protests in Congo, Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, and Zambia. Throughout
these struggles, the African Diaspora maintained an unwavering commitment towards
complete emancipation of Africa from European domination. Regardless of the non-
commitment by the dominant forces towards addressing Pan-Africanists’ demands, there is no
question that Pan-African movements played a major role in the struggle for Continental
Africa’s freedom (Manguvo 2018). Alongside Pan-African congresses, several organizations and
movement advocating freedom and emancipation of Africa also gained momentum in different
parts of the African Diaspora. For example, the Universal Negro Improvement Association
(UNIA), founded in 1914 by Marcus Garvey, a Jamaican-born nationalist and United States
immigrant, played a pivotal role in the 1920s. In fact, Garvey was one of the pioneer Diasporic
Africans to perpetuate the notion of the link between Africa and the African Diaspora. Thus, in
addition to advocating for civil rights for black people in the United States, UNIA also primarily
advocated for total emancipation of Continental Africa from European subjugation. Throughout
his life, Garvey worked tirelessly to foster consciousness of African origins among the African
Diaspora and solidarity among people of the African descent.
On the other hand, the International African Service Bureau (IASB), founded by George
Padmore in 1937, mobilized activists from Africa and the Caribbean to promote Pan-African
unity. The bureau intended to address issues relating to Africa and the African Diaspora to the
British general public. The IASB also sought to inform the public about the grievances faced by
African people in the mainland. They created a list of desired reforms and freedoms that would
help African colonies. The bureau also hoped to encourage new African trade unions to affiliate
themselves with the British labor movements.During the same period, the Council of African
Affairs (CAA) was exerting pressure on the United States government to implement policies that
would expedite the advent of African independence (Watson and Johnson 2000). Described by
Lynch (1978) as the most important American organization concerned with Africa, CAA served
as an educational bureau devoted to dissemination of information about Africa. As time
progressed, leaders of CAA adopted more expressively political sentiments of liberating
colonized African nations. As the demands for independence of Africa grew stronger,the CAA
propagated the promotion of anticolonial sentiments in the United States and consistently put
the issue of liberation of Africa on the United States agenda (Von Eschen 1997). They insisted
that Black Americans’ fight for civil rights was inseparably intertwined with the liberation
movements in Africa. In light of that embodiment, it is not surprising that the CAA provided
concrete assistance to African nationalist movements (Gwekwerere 2014). Other organizations
in the United States such as the American Committee on Africa (ACOA), did not only campaign
against colonialism, but also provided concrete assistance and sponsorship to African liberation
movements (Von Eschen 1997). Constituted mainly by Black Americans and some White civil
rights activists, ACOA formed strong network in global support of the African struggle. ACOA
members traveled extensively to Africa, attending African people’s conferences and visiting
newly independent countries and the Frontline States to meet with African leaders. ACOA also
offered educational opportunities in the United States to future African leaders. Among them
were Tom Mboya, a Kenyan trade unionist and educationist, as well as Oliver Tambo of South
Africa.
CONCLUSIONS
The chronological coincidence of the struggles for independence in Continental Africa and
anti-racism protests in the United States was not mere coincidence (Parker 2009). This paper
discussed how collective efforts of political and civil rights activists, intellectuals, religious
leaders, Black students at HBCUs, the Black Press, as well as the thousands of individuals and
grassroots organizations across the Atlantic played critical roles in developing a foundation of
mutual understanding between Africa and its Diaspora. Dating back to the turn of the 19th
century, Africa and its Diaspora banded together as advocates of black emancipation at critical
historical junctures. The connectedness of the two movements was both a symbol and a
strategy for consolidating greater unity among people of the African descent. Arguably, the
connectivity contributed significantly to the success of both movements. Pan-Africanism was
the bricks and the mortar that cemented their structural connectivity. Undoubtedly, the growth
of Pan-Africanism molded the African continent and its Diaspora into a solitary entity, thus
inspiring the development of a united front between Africa and its Diaspora. Against this
background, it is not surprising that to date; the African Diaspora is represented in the African
Union as it is considered an integral part of the African world. The mutual inter-dependence
between Africa and its Diaspora in the 1960s demonstrates an inextricable genealogical and
historical connection between Continental Africa and the African Diaspora. As Gramby-
Sobukwe (2005) submits, the instances where Africa and its Diaspora organized together,
shared, learned, and advocated shared objectives is a fertile ground for enhancement of
present-day collaboration. Although Pan-Africanism as a political movement has practically
weakened, the genealogical connections between Africa and its Diaspora can still be redirected
and harnessed towards continuous emancipation of the Black race in economic, cultural, and
other social arenas.
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