Debt Puzzle
Debt Puzzle
Debt Puzzle
doi: 10.1093/rof/rfx020
Advance Access Publication Date: 14 July 2017
Abstract
Many households concurrently hold low-yield liquid assets while incurring costly
credit card debt. In our sample, more than 80% of households with credit card debt
also have low-yield liquid assets. Using data from the Health and Retirement Study
(N ¼ 30,517), we examine the role of noncognitive skills as well as the economic,
financial, and demographic factors that affect the likelihood of co-holding. We find
that the “Big Five” personality traits have a statistically significant and economically
important effect: households with a more agreeable, introvert, and less conscien-
tious head of household are more likely to co-hold. We also examine the role of
intra-household dynamics.
1. Introduction
In the US, almost 40% of all households carry a credit card balance with an average interest
rate of 13% (Bricker et al., 2012). Most households with credit card debt also hold consid-
erable amounts of low-yield liquid assets such as checking and savings account balances
that have a negligible return. Gross and Souleles (2002) report that among households with
credit card debt, 95% have positive net wealth and almost 70% have positive home equity
that can be used to get lower-cost home equity loans to pay down their credit card loans.
Among the households in our sample that have a credit card balance not paid in full (22%
of households), more than 84% simultaneously have a positive checking and/or savings
* We thank an anonymous referee, David Gross, Sol Polachek, colleagues at Binghamton and
Purdue Universities, and seminar participants at University of Seoul, Korea University, Seoul
National University, Ehwa Woman’s University, and KAIST (Korea Advanced Institute of Science
and Technology) for helpful discussions and comments. The opinions expressed in this article are
the authors’ own and do not reflect the views of Compass Lexecon.
C The Authors 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the European Finance Association.
V
All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com
2110 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
account balance. This financial phenomenon is seemingly at odds with a no-arbitrage con-
dition and has been referred to as a “puzzle” in the literature (e.g., Gross and Souleles,
2002; Bertaut, Haliassos, and Reiter, 2009; Telyukova, 2013).
In this article, we study the role of noncognitive skills in explaining the credit card debt
puzzle using data for 12,976 households from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS).
Our focus on noncognitive skills is motivated in part by a growing literature in economics
that examines the role of cognitive limitations (Simon, 1955) and other psychological fac-
tors in explaining empirical anomalies in consumption and savings (Rabin, 1998), accumu-
lation of wealth (Ameriks, Caplin, and Leahy, 2003), portfolio choice (Barberis and Thaler,
literature. For example, we control for the need for liquidity (e.g., Telyukova, 2013), and
self-control and financial literacy (e.g., Gathergood and Weber, 2014). Finally, our article
is the first to examine the effect of noncognitive abilities among (intra) household members
on households’ co-holding behavior.
To capture a broad and comprehensive range of noncognitive skills, we employ the “Big
Five” personality traits (McCrae and Costa, 1987, 1999). Personality traits are also referred
to by some as character skills, soft skills, or noncognitive abilities (see discussion in
Heckman and Kautz, 2012, p. 452). We follow the prevalent naming convention and also
refer to the traits as noncognitive skills. The five traits are Openness (O), Conscientiousness
1 Openness “describes the breadth, depth, originality, and complexity of an individual’s mental and
experiential life [with a behavioral example] of tak[ing] time to learn something simply for the joy of
learning.” Extraversion “implies an energetic approach toward the social and material world . . .
such as sociability, activity, assertiveness, and positive emotionality.” Neuroticism “contrasts emo-
tional stability and even-temperedness with negative emotionality, such as feeling anxious, nerv-
ous, sad, and tense.” Ibid. John and Srivastava (1999) provide an overview of the traits as well as a
historical account of the last several decades.
2 See Livingstone and Lunt (1992), Nyhus and Webley (2001), Norvilitis et al. (2006), Rabinovich and
Webley (2007), and Conti and Heckman (2014) for some examples.
3 Examples include earnings (Bowles, Gintis, and Osborne, 2001; Nyhus and Pons, 2005; and Mueller
and Plug, 2006); household finances (Brown and Taylor, 2014); educational attainment (Lundberg,
2013); and academic achievements (Heckman, Stixrud, and Urzua, 2006; and Heckman and Kautz,
2012).
2112 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
the propensity to co-hold assets and debt (e.g., Ameriks, Caplin, and Leahy, 2003; Laibson,
Repetto, and Tobacman, 2003; Gathergood and Weber, 2014, respectively); or (ii) used a
neo-classical framework and do not consider noncognitive skills to explain the co-holding
of assets and debt (e.g., Bertaut, Haliassos, and Reiter, 2009; Telyukova, 2013; Fulford
2015). We combine these previous studies and their proposed mechanisms, and hypothesize
the channels through which personality traits operate. We hypothesize that four of the Big
Five personality traits might play a role in the likelihood that a household is in the puzzle
group: Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Openness might play a role for
the dimension of spending and/or borrowing; and Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and
4 We calculate the annual interest cost of co-holding per household using the average credit card
debt amount that could have been paid down after a month’s income is set aside and the average
interest rate of 14%. When extrapolating to the US population, we apply the annual interest cost
estimate to 1% of households in the US with a head over 50 (Table H2, U.S. Census Bureau, 2015).
Credit Card Debt and Noncognitive Ability 2113
2. Empirical Framework
The decision of how much to consume and save (or borrow) has long been studied, and
often modeled using the neo-classical expected life-cycle utility maximization framework.
There is also a large literature in economics and finance examining asset allocation across
types of assets and across time. Given that the focus of our article is on the role of personal-
ity traits, and not on the calculation of inter-temporal substitution rates or elasticity meas-
ures, we implement our empirical strategy using a reduced-form examination of the
decision of how much low-yield liquid assets and credit card debt to concurrently hold.
where x0iðt2Þ is a vector of the time invariant and (2-year lagged) control variables and we
assume that Eðit jxiðt2Þ Þ ¼ 0. Our empirical strategy exploits the panel nature of our data,
thereby allowing us to address the potential simultaneity inherent in the financial and dem-
ographic measures we examine. For example, a health shock could affect the need for credit
(due to large medical bills), uncertainty in future earnings, and one’s employment (requiring
someone to retire earlier than planned). Our preferred specifications therefore use 2-year
lags of financial measures.
Financial measures such as income and wealth are, of course, crucial for one’s saving
and borrowing decisions as they affect both the need for saving or borrowing and the
returns or costs (as different borrowers would face different interest rates). Personality
measures may cause two households with the same demographic and financial measures to
have a different need for liquid assets and debt. For example, those with higher levels of
Conscientiousness may be able to better interpret and more accurately perceive their
5 In other definitions, we consider households to not be in the puzzle group if they have up to $500 in
credit card debt as in Telyukova (2013); $1,200 or one-half of monthly income, whichever is larger,
in checking or savings accounts (following Bertaut, Haliassos, and Reiter, 2009); and one month’s
income in checking or savings accounts. We have also examined continuous measures that can
be interpreted as the cost of being in the puzzle group such as minflnðAÞ; lnðDÞg; lnðAÞ1fD > 0g,
and lnðAÞ0:5 lnðDÞ0:5 , where A and D are the amounts of low-yield liquid assets and credit card
debt, respectively, in excess of certain thresholds such as 0 or $500.
2114 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
financial situation. More extravert people may be able to better negotiate and leverage their
financial situation when restructuring their debt with a lender, etc.
To examine the role of personality, we augment the model in Equation (1) by adding
the (5 1) vector pi of the Big Five personality traits. We include these measures additively,
and allow them in some of the specifications to have an interactive effect with another char-
acteristic zit:
6 This sequential framework is, of course, for exposition purposes only. An alternative would involve
the decision to hold low-yield liquid assets, and conditional on holding those assets, the decision
to incur debt instead of using one’s available assets.
Credit Card Debt and Noncognitive Ability 2115
limits) that affect debt levels. Self-control (Laibson, Repetto, and Tobacman, 2003;
Bertaut, Haliassos, and Reiter, 2009), impulse spending (Gathergood and Weber, 2014),
and the propensity to plan (Ameriks, Caplin, and Leahy, 2003) have been shown to be
related to incurrence of debt and wealth accumulation. These traits are all captured by
Conscientiousness, and the effect on debt is likely to be negative. Agreeableness may lead to
higher levels of spending and debt because agreeable people tend to spend more on others,
and might be more susceptible to marketing campaigns.7 A large literature has documented
lower incomes among those with higher levels of Agreeableness (e.g., Judge et al., 1999;
Babcock and Laschever, 2003; Mueller and Plug, 2006). A similar trade-off (less financial
7Bernerth et al. (2012) note that “the trusting, submissive, and accommodating tendencies of agreeable
individuals can put them in precarious positions as they sacrifice personal resources for others.”
8 For example, Brown and Taylor (2014) find that Openness is positively correlated with having
credit card debt. Matz, Gladstone, and Stillwell (2016) find that higher levels of Openness are
associated with higher levels of spending on entertainment, eating out, pubs, and tourism.
9 For example, in the context of coping and coping effectiveness under stress or constraints,
McCrae and Costa (1986) find that “Extraversion is correlated with rational action, positive think-
ing, substitution, and restraint.” Related, Carver and Connor-Smith (2010) find that “Extraversion
predicted more problem solving, use of social support, and cognitive restructuring.” See also
Connor-Smith and Flachsbart (2007).
10 For example, Donnelly, Iyer, and Howell (2012) find that Neuroticism is negatively related to the
management of personal finances.
2116 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
might have higher demand for liquidity because they worry about their uncertain future.
On the other hand, they may worry about being burdened with debt and prefer to pay
down as much of it as they can.
The third channel we consider is intra-household (or dual-self) dynamics. For example,
as suggested by Bertaut, Haliassos, and Reiter (2009), an “accountant” may choose to
maintain high levels of credit utilization to control the spending temptation of their
“shopper” spouse. The personality traits we consider readily translate into those two types.
For example, an “accountant” is likely to have a high level of Conscientiousness, whereas a
“shopper” may have a low level of Conscientiousness and a high level of Agreeableness for
The HRS contains both respondent-level and household-level data. Because most of the
financial measures are collected at the household level, and financial decisions depend on
and impact the entire household, our primary unit of analysis is at the household level. The
households in the data consist of singles and couples (we also control for the presence of
additional household members). For the households with couples, because our dependent
variables of interest are financial, we focus on the demographics and personality of the per-
son who has answered the survey questions related to household finances. In the HRS data,
this person is identified as the “financial respondent” of the household.15 Although we
model household behavior, we also use respondent-level information from financial
15 Smith, McArdle, and Willis (2010) find that males and those with more years of education are
more likely to be the financial respondent of the household in the HRS survey. Our analysis con-
trols for both of these factors.
16 The attrition rate in the HRS is relatively low. For example, from 2010 to 2012, the attrition rate is
4.9% due to death, and 3.7% due to nonresponse. We also examined potential attrition bias by
testing whether membership in the puzzle group could predict attrition and find the effect to be
small and not statistically significant.
17 Although the core HRS survey is a biennial survey and participants are interviewed every two
years, some of the questionnaires, including those for personality, are only administrated every
4 years (alternating half of the sample every two years) to reduce the burden on survey partici-
pants (Juster and Suzman, 1995).
18 http://www.midus.wisc.edu/
19 The other measures are Openness (7 items): creative, imaginative, intelligent, curious, broad-
minded, sophisticated, adventurous; Extraversion (5 items): outgoing, friendly, lively, active, talka-
tive; Agreeableness (5 items): helpful, warm, caring, softhearted, sympathetic; and Neuroticism
(4 items): moody, worrying, nervous, calm ().
2118 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
Household-level variables
2010). In financial and economic settings, many scholars assume that personality traits are
fixed among adults (e.g., Nyhus and Pons, 2005; Mueller and Plug, 2006; Heineck and
Anger, 2010). In recent years, an emerging view is that personality traits are influenced by
hereditary and biological factors, but can change over time and may be mutable by interven-
tion especially during early childhood. However, after early adulthood, the mean level
changes relatively less and the rank ordering of personality traits in a population becomes
increasingly more consistent (stable) as one ages (Roberts and DelVecchio, 2000).20
For the purpose of our study, the crucial issue is whether the measurement of personal-
ity is endogenous with respect to financial decisions. For example, Roberts, Walton, and
4. Results
We first examine the reduced-form estimates in Table 2 corresponding to Equation (2)
without the interaction term using the pooled data from 2008 to 2012. In all columns, the
dependent variable is the binary indicator of whether a household is in the puzzle group
(i.e., not paying their credit card balance in full, and having low-yield liquid assets of $500
or more). Throughout, we report the linear-probability model results using the OLS method
with cluster-robust standard errors. For all regressions in this article, we use clusters defined
by the cross product of nine US geographical regions and three rural–urban groups based
on county population sizes (more than million, 250,000–1,000,000, and 250,000 or less).
This allows us to capture regional unobservable correlated shocks that may affect house-
holds in the same local economy.22
20 Borghans et al. (2008) and Roberts, Wood, and Caspi (2008) provide a review of this matter.
21 The average age in our sample is higher, but our results remain qualitatively and quantitatively the
same if we just focus on the younger working-age segment of our sample.
22 However, our results both in terms of the magnitude of the standard errors and statistical signifi-
cance are almost identical when we instead cluster at the household level.
2120 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
Table II. The effect of personality on being in the puzzle group (reduced form)
Standard errors, in parentheses, are clustered at the region metro type (highly-urban, medium-
size, and rural). Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism are
standardized to have a mean of zero and a variance of one. All specifications control for race, mar-
ital status, employment status, whether self-employed, whether in nursing home, household size
(whether 2 or more), education (high-school, some college, and college or more dummies), and
region and metro type fixed effects. Columns 3–5 also include assets (transportation, housing),
whether underwater, and percent of household members employed. The sample includes house-
holds in 2008–2012 (with lagged measures in 2006–2010).
We control for household size with a dummy indicator for having more than one mem-
ber (including dependents), as well as marital status. For reasons explained in the previous
section, in the case of households with couples, we use the personal measures of the finan-
cial respondent (i.e., age, race, education, and personality traits). However, for couples, our
analysis shows that the personal characteristics of the financial respondent are a sufficient
control, as our results remain very similar if we additionally include some key spousal
measures. In Section 4.2, we further examine the effect of within-couple income and per-
sonality differences.
The first column in Table 2 includes basic demographic controls and employment sta-
23 Our results remain the same when we additionally examine shocks to health and employment
status.
24 To illustrate the effect of the personality traits, one can translate a personality effect into
the equivalent effect of a financial variable. An increase of $25,591 in financial assets (or 0.2269
in logs) would decrease the likelihood of being in the puzzle group by 0.54 percentage points
(column 5). This is the same decrease in the likelihood of being in the puzzle group that
would occur if Conscientiousness were to increase by one standard deviation (as the coefficient
on Conscientiousness is 0.0054). Hence, an increase of $25,591 in financial assets has the same
effect on the likelihood of being in the puzzle group as an one-standard-deviation increase in
Conscientiousness.
2122 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
Generally, we find that household income tends to have a positive effect on the likeli-
hood of being in the puzzle group (significant at the 1% level in Table 2). Similarly, we find
that households with an income below the poverty line are less likely to be in the puzzle
group. These findings are consistent with low-income households having more difficulty in
qualifying for credit cards. Our controls for employment status, health status, etc. in the
reduced-form estimates capture the differential access to credit cards among households.
We also find that households with high mortgage debt and negative home equity are more
likely to be in the puzzle group. This is consistent with those having less access to cheaper
forms of credit (such as home equity loans and mortgages) are more likely to have to resort
4.1 Decomposing the Effects on Credit Card Debt and Checking / Savings
Balance
The reduced-form results in the previous section examine measures that are functions of
both checking/savings balance and credit card debt, and as such circumvent the need to
address the inherent simultaneity in the decision of allocating assets. However, as explained
in Section 2, an aggregate effect of personality on co-holding may mask two opposing
effects, that is, one on checking/savings and the other, with an opposite sign, on credit card
25 We also examined a random-effects model that would allow for the inclusion of fixed-over-time
personality measures. The results for the personality traits are of the same sign and magnitude of
our preferred specifications, and Extraversion and Agreeableness remain statistically significant
at the 5% level.
Credit Card Debt and Noncognitive Ability 2123
debt. Those effects may in turn cancel each other out. Therefore, in this section, we first
examine whether the personality traits are affecting credit card debt, and then study check-
ing/savings balances conditional on credit card debt.
We first examine the likelihood that a household is a revolver, using the entire sample of
households.26 We estimate the determinants of credit card debt revolving using a dichoto-
mous variable for the existence of credit card debt, and the results are shown in Table 3.
Throughout the table, Neuroticism is never statistically significant at conventional levels,
whereas Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Agreeableness are almost always
statistically significant at the 5% level or lower. The effect of Conscientiousness and
26 There is a large body of literature on personal debt focusing on both economic and financial fac-
tors, and on psychological factors. For example, in the psychology literature, Livingstone and Lunt
(1992), Wood (1998), Donnelly, Iyer, and Howell (2012), and Wilcox, Block, and Eisenstein (2011)
find effects that by and large are consistent with our findings.
2124 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
Table III. The effect of personality on having revolving credit card debt
Standard errors, in parentheses, are clustered at the region metro type (highly-urban, medium-
size, and rural). Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Neuroticism are
standardized to have a mean of zero and a variance of one. All specifications control for race, mar-
ital status, employment status, whether self-employed, whether in nursing home, household size
(whether two or more), education (high-school, some college, and college or more dummies),
and region and metro type fixed effects. Columns 3–6 also include assets (transportation, hous-
ing), whether underwater, and percent of household members employed. The sample includes
households in 2008–2012 (with lagged measures in 2006–2010). Column 6 only includes house-
Linear probability model; Dependent variable: Have a Revolving Credit Card Balance
Standard errors, in parentheses, are clustered at the region metro type (highly-urban,
medium-size, and rural). Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and
Neuroticism are standardized to have a mean of zero and a variance of one. All specifications
control for all variables in column 5 of Table 2, including region and metro type fixed effects.
The sample includes households in 2008–2012 (with lagged measures in 2006–2010).
Linear probability model; Dependent variable: Have a Checking/Savings Account Balance Over $500
Lagged revolving status (revolved a credit card balance two years earlier)
interacted with personality traits
behavior, conditional on our other measures, is not correlated with the unobservable pro-
pensity to have a checking/savings balance 2 years later.27
27 To investigate the validity of the exclusion, we examined the typical measures associated with a
two-stage-least-squares framework using the specification in column 2 of Table 4. The first stage
R-squared is 0.32. The excluded instrument’s F-statistic (2126.95) suggests that there is no “weak”
instrument problem (Stock and Yogo, 2005). Furthermore, we could not reject the null that the
instruments are valid using the Sargan–Hansen test of overidentification (with 4-year lag revolving
status being the additional instrument).
2126 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
The results in column 1 of Table 4 demonstrate that the Big Five personality traits have
a statistically significant effect on having a checking and savings balances of $500 or more
both for those who are revolvers and those who are not. Both for revolvers and non-
revolvers, Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Neuroticism have a statistically
significant effect on checking and savings balance. The results remain very similar when we
add the lagged revolving status in column 2. In column 3, we add the interaction terms
between the personality traits and the lagged revolving status. Our results suggest that the
effect of personality on having low-yield liquid assets is similar between revolvers and non-
revolvers.
28 For example, see Lundberg and Pollak (2007) for a recent review of some of the issues in the US
context.
29 Schaner (2015) argues that large differences in discount factors among couples can lead to hold-
ing individual bank accounts that have lower interest earnings than joint accounts.
30 To improve statistical power, we summarize the five personality traits with a single index that has
the most explanatory power. Otherwise, to examine both partners’ personality and an interaction
term would require as many as 20 variables.
Table V. The effect of intra-household dynamics on being in the puzzle group
Standard errors, in parentheses, are clustered at the region metro type (highly-urban, medium-size, and rural). Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion,
Agreeableness, and Neuroticism are standardized to have a mean of zero and a variance of one. All specifications control for all variables in column 5 of Table 2,
including region and metro type fixed effects. Age and education (years) differences measured as the absolute value of (financial respondent’sspouse’s). The
PPI aggregates the effect of the Big Five personality traits based on single household estimates. Couple power difference based on income difference between
couple members. The sample includes all couple households in 2008–2012 (with lagged measures in 2006–2010).
(continued)
We first estimate the specification in column 5 of Table 2 with only single households.
Using the estimated coefficients for the personality traits from the single household esti-
mates, we create a puzzle personality index (PPI) as the Z-score of 0.007 Openness
0.003 Conscientiousness 0.009 Extraversion þ 0.012 Agreeableness 0.0006
Neuroticism. Column 2 of Table 5 includes the PPI only for the financial respondent. The
coefficient is significant at the 1% level, suggesting the index performs well in capturing the
likelihood of being in the puzzle group for the couple households. Next, we allow the per-
sonality of both members of the household to have an effect (column 3). The coefficient for
the financial respondent’s PPI remains statistically significant and of the same magnitude.
31 This result is consistent with that of Schaner (2015), where the difference in the preferences of
household members leads to costly separate individual financial accounts rather than joint
accounts.
pffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
32 For the power imbalance measure, we use logðz þ 1 þ z 2 Þ, where z is the income difference
(financial respondent’sspouse’s). Our measure encompasses both unearned income (see
Lundberg and Pollak, 1996 for a discussion) and earned income. For example, Basu (2006) exam-
ines the effect of intra-couple power relationships, measured by income disparity, on household
decision making, and Ashraf (2009) uses an experimental design in the Philippines to examine the
role of spousal control in consumption and savings decisions.
2130 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
holding behavior is influenced by the dynamics within a household. This highlights that poten-
tial policy interventions and future research should consider both members of a household.
33 Locus of control has been shown to be an important factor in economic decision making. For
example, college attendance (Coleman and DeLeire, 2003); job search (Caliendo, Cobb-Clark, and
Uhlendorff, 2015); and loan delinquency (Kuhnen and Melzer, 2017).
34 For memory, we use the total of the immediate and delayed (5 min) word recall scores. For mental
status, we use the total of the serial 7’s test, counting backwards from 20 or 86, date recall, recall-
ing object names, and naming the President/Vice President.
35 We use the question: “Using a 0 to 10 scale where 0 means ‘no control at all’ and 10 means ‘very
much control,’ how would you rate the amount of control you have over your financial situation
these days?”
Table VI. Robustness checks with alternative explanations for the puzzle
Standard errors, in parentheses, are clustered at the region metro type (highly-urban, medium-size, and rural). Openness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion,
Agreeableness, and Neuroticism are standardized to have a mean of zero and a variance of one. All specifications control for all variables in column 5 of Table
2, including region and metro type fixed effects. In column 8, the excluded category is 7–14% interest rate.
Explanatory Variables (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
Self-control/Impulsiveness 0.0068**
(0.0031)
Internal locus of control 0.0050**
(0.0022)
Total memory score (word recall) 0.0042***
(0.0011)
Total mental status score (numeracy) 0.0067***
(0.0019)
(continued)
2131
Explanatory Variables (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
outcomes). We construct the financial literacy measure based on two questions (one on
compound interest and one on the effects of inflation). Column 6 in Table 6 uses a dummy
indicator for answering both questions correctly as the measure of financial literacy.
Column 7 uses a self-assessed measure of the degree of understanding of economics and
finance (7 levels). The results in columns 6–7 show that the effect of Agreeableness remains
statistically significant and the coefficients of the Big Five personality traits generally have
the same sign as those in our base specification in Table 2 even after controlling for finan-
cial literacy. This is consistent with the result of Gathergood and Weber (2014).
Our final specification controls for credit card interest rates on the card used most often.
5. Conclusion
Using a rich longitudinal data set, we find that controlling for a host of demographic, finan-
cial, and economic factors, personality traits play a role in explaining the credit card puzzle.
We find that Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Agreeableness have statistically signifi-
cant effects, and that the signs of the effects are consistent with findings in other domains.
The results complement other types of explanations suggested in the literature for the credit
card puzzle, as they hold after controlling for other suggested factors. Our findings that a
broad set of noncognitive measures are important, suggest that researchers should be cau-
tious of focusing on a single aspect or dimension of noncognitive ability when studying
financial decision making.
Our results also suggest that intra-household dynamics might play an important role in
financial decisions, and highlight the importance of both coordination and power dynamics
among household members. The effect of intra-household interactions on the economic
and financial well-being of families remains an important area for future research.
The findings in this article contribute to an emerging and growing set of economic and
financial outcomes (e.g., earnings, education, etc.) in which noncognitive skills play an
important role. It is, therefore, plausible that noncognitive skills would play a role in areas
of finance that have yet to be examined.
There are two types of polices to consider that could yield substantial returns: invest-
ments in noncognitive skills, and policies that target the noncognitive aspects of financial
decision-making. Investments in noncognitive skills, such as planning, may have large bene-
fits.36 However, personality is mostly/solely malleable at early childhood, so such
36 Some schools, such as NY City’s KIPP charter school, teach skills, such as grit, as part of their
curriculum. See Kautz et al. (2014) for a review of early intervention programs targeting noncogni-
tive skills.
2134 H.-s. Choi and R. A. Laschever
investments require an early intervention and a long-term horizon. The second type of poli-
cies is related to the design of interventions or marketing campaigns to address debt. Both
the government and non-profit organizations have programs to assist people with managing
their finances.37 Participants in these programs could be asked to answer a short survey
that would assess their personality type, and could then receive an intervention that would
be tailored to their profile. Financial planners already ask their clients about their invest-
ment goals and risk tolerance. Similar assessments could be performed by debt counselors
or by consumers visiting websites.38 In addition, banks and credit unions routinely have
access to credit reports. They are, therefore, potentially positioned to combine information
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