Varc Set 3

VARC 100: RC#30
As is well known and has often been described, the machine industry of recent times took its rise by
T a gradual emergence out of handicraft in England in the eighteenth century. Since then the 1. The author of the passage is primarily concerned with
mechanical industry has progressively been getting the upper hand in all the civilized nations, in discussing
H much the same degree in which these nations have come to be counted as civilized. This mechanical (A) industrial organization in the eighteenth century.
(B) the motives for pecuniary gain.
E industry now stands dominant at the apex of the industrial system.
(C) the technician's place in mechanical industry.
The state of the industrial arts, as it runs on the lines of the mechanical industry, is a technology of (D) the impersonal organization of industry.
physics and chemistry. That is to say, it is governed by the same logic as the scientific laboratories.
V The procedure, the principles, habits of thought, preconceptions, units of measurement and of 2. Which one of the following, if true, would contradict
E valuation are the same in both cases. the author's belief that the role of technician is to be "the
The technology of physics and chemistry is not derived from established law and custom, and it goes keeper of the logic"?
R on its way with as nearly complete a disregard of the spiritual truths of law and custom as the (A) All technicians are human beings with feelings and
B circumstances will permit. The realities with which this technology is occupied are of another order emotions.
of actuality, lying altogether within the three dimensions that contain the material universe, and (B) An interest in pecuniary gain is the technician's sole
A running altogether on the logic of material fact. In effect it is the logic of inanimate facts. motive for participation in industry.
(C) The technician's working plans do not coincide with
L The mechanical industry makes use of the same range of facts handled in the same impersonal way the technician's pecuniary interests.
and directed to the same manner of objective results. In both cases alike it is of the first importance (D) Technicians are employed by businessmen to oversee
to eliminate the "personal equation," to let the work go forward and let the forces at work take effect the forces at work.
M quite objectively, without hindrance or deflection for any personal end, interest, or gain. It is the
technician's place in industry, as it is the scientist's place in the laboratory, to serve as an intellectual
E embodiment of the forces at work, isolate the forces engaged from all extraneous disturbances, and
N let them take full effect along the lines of designed work. The technician is an active or creative factor
in the case only in the sense that he is the keeper of the logic which governs the forces at work.
T These forces that so are brought to bear in mechanical industry are of an objective, impersonal,
O unconventional nature, of course. They are of the nature of opaque fact. Pecuniary gain is not one of
these impersonal facts. Any consideration of pecuniary gain that may be injected into the technician's
R working plans will come into the case as an intrusive and alien factor, whose sole effect is to deflect,
retard, derange and curtail the work in hand. At the same time considerations of pecuniary gain are
the only agency brought into the case by the businessmen, and the only ground on which they
exercise a control of production.
VARC 100: RC#30
As is well known and has often been described, the machine industry of recent times took its rise by 3. The author would probably most strongly agree with
T a gradual emergence out of handicraft in England in the eighteenth century. Since then the which one of the following statements about the
mechanical industry has progressively been getting the upper hand in all the civilized nations, in evolution of the industrial system?
H much the same degree in which these nations have come to be counted as civilized. This mechanical (A) The handicraft system of industry emerged in
eighteenth-century England and was subsequently
E industry now stands dominant at the apex of the industrial system.
replaced by the machine industry.
The state of the industrial arts, as it runs on the lines of the mechanical industry, is a technology of (B) The handicraft system of industrial production has
physics and chemistry. That is to say, it is governed by the same logic as the scientific laboratories. gradually given rise to a mechanistic technology that
V The procedure, the principles, habits of thought, preconceptions, units of measurement and of dominates contemporary industry.
(C) The handicraft system emerged as the dominant factor
E valuation are the same in both cases.
of production in eighteenth-century England but
The technology of physics and chemistry is not derived from established law and custom, and it goes
R on its way with as nearly complete a disregard of the spiritual truths of law and custom as the was soon replaced by mechanical techniques of
circumstances will permit. The realities with which this technology is occupied are of another order production.
B of actuality, lying altogether within the three dimensions that contain the material universe, and (D) The industrial arts developed as a result of the growth
of the mechanical industry that followed the decline
A running altogether on the logic of material fact. In effect it is the logic of inanimate facts.
of the handicraft system of production.
L The mechanical industry makes use of the same range of facts handled in the same impersonal way
and directed to the same manner of objective results. In both cases alike it is of the first importance 4. Which one of the following best describes the author's
to eliminate the "personal equation," to let the work go forward and let the forces at work take effect attitude toward scientific techniques?
(A) critical.
M quite objectively, without hindrance or deflection for any personal end, interest, or gain. It is the
(B) hostile.
technician's place in industry, as it is the scientist's place in the laboratory, to serve as an intellectual
E embodiment of the forces at work, isolate the forces engaged from all extraneous disturbances, and
(C) idealistic.
(D) neutral.
N let them take full effect along the lines of designed work. The technician is an active or creative factor
in the case only in the sense that he is the keeper of the logic which governs the forces at work.
T These forces that so are brought to bear in mechanical industry are of an objective, impersonal,
O unconventional nature, of course. They are of the nature of opaque fact. Pecuniary gain is not one of
these impersonal facts. Any consideration of pecuniary gain that may be injected into the technician's
R working plans will come into the case as an intrusive and alien factor, whose sole effect is to deflect,
retard, derange and curtail the work in hand. At the same time considerations of pecuniary gain are
the only agency brought into the case by the businessmen, and the only ground on which they
exercise a control of production.
VARC 100: RC#29
The delegates to the Constitutional Convention were realists. They knew that the greatest battles would 1. The author is primarily concerned with
take place after the convention, once the Constitution had already been drafted and signed. The
T delegates had overstepped their bounds. Instead of amending the Articles of Confederation by which
(A) contrasting the opposing sides in a battle.
(B) analyzing the effects of an event.
H the American states had previously been governed, they had proposed an entirely new government. (C) urging a reassessment of history.
Under these circumstances, the convention was understandably reluctant to submit its work to the (D) describing the background of conflict.
E Congress for approval.
2. In stating that the Antifederalists “were opposing
Instead, the delegates decided to pursue what amounted to a revolutionary course. They declared that something with nothing”, the author suggests that
V ratification of the new Constitution by nine states would be sufficient to establish the new government. the Antifederalists
(A) based most of their arguments on their
E In other words, the Constitution was being submitted directly to the people. Not even the Congress,
antidemocratic sentiments.
which had called the convention, would be asked to approve its work.
R (B) lacked leaders who were as articulate as the
Federalist leaders.
B The leaders of the convention shrewdly wished to bypass the state legislatures, which were attached to (C) were unable to rally significant support for their
states’ rights and which required in most cases the agreement of two houses. For speedy ratification of position among the populace.
A the Constitution, the single- chambered, specially elected state ratifying conventions offered the (D) offered no alternative plan of government of their
L greatest promise of agreement. own.
Battle lines were quickly drawn. The Federalists, as the supporters of the Constitution were called, had
one solid advantage: they came with a concrete proposal. Their opponents, the Antifederalists, came
M with none. Since the Antifederalists were opposing something with nothing, their objections, though
E sincere, were basically negative. They stood for a policy of drift while the Federalists were providing
clear leadership.
N
T Furthermore, although the Antifederalists claimed to be the democratic group, their opposition to the
Constitution did not necessarily spring from a more democratic view of government. Many of the
O Antifederalists were as distrustful of the common people as their opponents. In New York, for example,
R Governor George Clinton criticized the people for their fickleness and their tendency to “vibrate from one
extreme to another.” Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who refused to sign the Constitution, asserted that
“the evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy,” and John F. Mercer of Maryland professed
little faith in his neighbors as voters when he said that “the people cannot know and judge the character
of candidates.”
VARC 100: RC#29
The delegates to the Constitutional Convention were realists. They knew that the greatest battles
3 .Which of the following statements about Elbridge
would take place after the convention, once the Constitution had already been drafted and signed. The
Gerry can be inferred from the passage?
(A) He was a delegate to the Massachusetts state ratifying
H the American states had previously been governed, they had proposed an entirely new government. convention.
Under these circumstances, the convention was understandably reluctant to submit its work to the (B) He was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention.
E Congress for approval. (C) He was the architect of the “policy of drift” advocated
by the Antifederalists.
Instead, the delegates decided to pursue what amounted to a revolutionary course. They declared that (D) He claimed to have a more democratic view of
V ratification of the new Constitution by nine states would be sufficient to establish the new government. government than the Federalists.
4. The author’s quotation of John F. Mercer serves which
R of the following functions in the passage?
(A) It summarizes the last paragraph.
B The leaders of the convention shrewdly wished to bypass the state legislatures, which were attached to
(B) It furnishes a concrete example.
states’ rights and which required in most cases the agreement of two houses. For speedy ratification of
A the Constitution, the single- chambered, specially elected state ratifying conventions offered the
(C) It articulates the main point of the passage.
(D) It clarifies the preceding quotation.
L greatest promise of agreement.
one solid advantage: they came with a concrete proposal. Their opponents, the Antifederalists, came
M with none. Since the Antifederalists were opposing something with nothing, their objections, though
clear leadership.
N
Constitution did not necessarily spring from a more democratic view of government. Many of the
O Antifederalists were as distrustful of the common people as their opponents. In New York, for example,
R Governor George Clinton criticized the people for their fickleness and their tendency to “vibrate from
one extreme to another.” Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who refused to sign the Constitution,
asserted that “the evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy,” and John F. Mercer of
Maryland professed little faith in his neighbors as voters when he said that “the people cannot know and
judge the character of candidates.”
VARC 100: RC#29
The delegates to the Constitutional Convention were realists. They knew that the greatest battles would
5. Which of the following would be the most appropriate
take place after the convention, once the Constitution had already been drafted and signed. The
title for the passage?
(A) Divided Leadership at the Constitutional Convention.
H the American states had previously been governed, they had proposed an entirely new government. (B) How the Constitution Became Law.
Under these circumstances, the convention was understandably reluctant to submit its work to the (C) The U.S. Constitution: Its Strengths and Weaknesses.
E Congress for approval. (D) The Battle for Ratification of the Constitution.
Instead, the delegates decided to pursue what amounted to a revolutionary course. They declared that
V ratification of the new Constitution by nine states would be sufficient to establish the new government.
R
B The leaders of the convention shrewdly wished to bypass the state legislatures, which were attached to
states’ rights and which required in most cases the agreement of two houses. For speedy ratification of
A the Constitution, the single- chambered, specially elected state ratifying conventions offered the
L greatest promise of agreement.
M one solid advantage: they came with a concrete proposal. Their opponents, the Antifederalists, came
with none. Since the Antifederalists were opposing something with nothing, their objections, though
N clear leadership.
O Constitution did not necessarily spring from a more democratic view of government. Many of the
Antifederalists were as distrustful of the common people as their opponents. In New York, for example,
R Governor George Clinton criticized the people for their fickleness and their tendency to “vibrate from one
extreme to another.” Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, who refused to sign the Constitution, asserted
that “the evils we experience flow from the excess of democracy,” and John F. Mercer of Maryland
professed little faith in his neighbors as voters when he said that “the people cannot know and judge the
character of candidates.”
VARC 100: RC#28
Many readers assume that, as a neoclassical literary critic, Samuel Johnson would normally prefer the abstract, the 1. The author of the passage develops her points about
formal, and the regulated to the concrete, the natural, and the spontaneous in a work of literature. Yet any close Johnson primarily by
T reading of Johnson’s criticism shows that Johnson is not blind to the importance of the immediate, vivid, specific (A) contrasting Johnson’s critical methods with those of
H detail in literature; rather, he would underscore the need for the telling rather than the merely accidental detail. his contemporaries.
(B) citing specific illustrations drawn from Johnson’s
E In other ways, too, Johnson’s critical method had much in common with that of the Romantics, with whom Johnson work.
(C) alluding to contemporary comments about
and, indeed, the entire neoclassical tradition are generally supposed to be in conflict. Johnson was well aware, for
Johnson’s theories.
example, of the sterility of literary criticism that is legalistic or pedantic, as was the case with the worst products of
V the neoclassical school. His famous argument against the slavish following of the “three unities” of classical drama
(D) quoting Johnson’s remarks about the critical
approaches prevalent in his own day.
E is a good example, as is his defense of the supposedly illegitimate “tragicomic” mode of Shakespeare’s latest plays.
R Note, in particular, the basis of that defense: “That this is a practice contrary to the rules of criticism,” Johnson 2. The passage implies that the judging literary works
wrote, “will be readily allowed; but there is always an appeal from criticism to nature.” according to preconceived rules
B (A) tends to lessen the effectiveness of much modern
The sentiment thus expressed could easily be endorsed by any of the Romantics; the empiricism it exemplifies is literary criticism.
A (B) is the primary distinguishing mark of the
vital quality of Johnson’s criticism, as is the willingness to jettison “laws” of criticism when to do so makes possible
L a more direct appeal to the emotions of the reader. Addison’s Cato, highly praised in Johnson’s day for its neoclassical critic.
(C) was the primary neoclassical technique against
“correctness,” is damned with faint praise by Johnson: “Cato affords a splendid exhibition of artificial and fictitious
which the Romantics rebelled.
manners, and delivers just and noble sentiments, in diction easy, elevated, and harmonious, but its hopes and fears
M communicate no vibration to the heart.” Wordsworth could hardly demur.
(D) characterizes examples of the poorest neoclassical
criticism.
E
Even on the question of poetic diction, which, according to the usual interpretation of Wordsworth’s 1800 preface
N to the Lyrical Ballads, was the central area of conflict between Romantic and Augustan, Johnson’s views are
T surprisingly “modern.” In his Life of Dryden, he defends the use of a special diction in poetry, it is true; but his
reasons are all-important. For Johnson, poetic diction should serve the ends of direct emotional impact and ease of
O comprehension, not those of false profundity or grandiosity. “Words too familiar,” he wrote, “or too remote, defeat
R the purpose of a poet. From those sounds which we hear on small or on coarse occasions, we do not easily receive
strong impressions, or delightful images; and words to which we are nearly strangers, whenever they occur, draw
that attention on themselves which they should transmit to things.” If the poetic diction of the neoclassical poets,
at its worst, erects needless barriers between reader and meaning, that envisioned by Johnson would do just the
opposite: it would put the reader in closer contact with the “things” that are the poem’s subject.
VARC 100: RC#28
Many readers assume that, as a neoclassical literary critic, Samuel Johnson would normally prefer the abstract, the
3. According to the author, Johnson’s defense of
formal, and the regulated to the concrete, the natural, and the spontaneous in a work of literature. Yet any close
T reading of Johnson’s criticism shows that Johnson is not blind to the importance of the immediate, vivid, specific
Shakespeare’s latest plays illustrates Johnson’s
reliance on which of the following in his
H detail in literature; rather, he would underscore the need for the telling rather than the merely accidental detail. criticism?
(A) The sentiments endorsed by the Romantics.
E In other ways, too, Johnson’s critical method had much in common with that of the Romantics, with whom Johnson (B) The criteria set forth by Wordsworth in his 1800
and, indeed, the entire neoclassical tradition are generally supposed to be in conflict. Johnson was well aware, for preface to the Lyrical Ballads.
example, of the sterility of literary criticism that is legalistic or pedantic, as was the case with the worst products of (C) The precedents established by the Greek and
V the neoclassical school. His famous argument against the slavish following of the “three unities” of classical drama is Roman playwrights of the Classical Age.
E a good example, as is his defense of the supposedly illegitimate “tragicomic” mode of Shakespeare’s latest plays.
(D) His own experience and judgment.
R Note, in particular, the basis of that defense: “That this is a practice contrary to the rules of criticism,” Johnson wrote, 4. According to the passage, Johnson’s opinion of
“will be readily allowed; but there is always an appeal from criticism to nature.” Addison’s Cato was
B (A) roundly condemnatory.
The sentiment thus expressed could easily be endorsed by any of the Romantics; the empiricism it exemplifies is vital
A (B) uncharacteristically bold.
(C) ultimately negative.
quality of Johnson’s criticism, as is the willingness to jettison “laws” of criticism when to do so makes possible a more
L direct appeal to the emotions of the reader. Addison’s Cato, highly praised in Johnson’s day for its “correctness,” is (D) effusively adulatory.
damned with faint praise by Johnson: “Cato affords a splendid exhibition of artificial and fictitious manners, and
delivers just and noble sentiments, in diction easy, elevated, and harmonious, but its hopes and fears communicate
M no vibration to the heart.” Wordsworth could hardly demur.
E
Even on the question of poetic diction, which, according to the usual interpretation of Wordsworth’s 1800 preface to
N the Lyrical Ballads, was the central area of conflict between Romantic and Augustan, Johnson’s views are surprisingly
T “modern.” In his Life of Dryden, he defends the use of a special diction in poetry, it is true; but his reasons are all-
important. For Johnson, poetic diction should serve the ends of direct emotional impact and ease of comprehension,
O not those of false profundity or grandiosity. “Words too familiar,” he wrote, “or too remote, defeat the purpose of a
R poet. From those sounds which we hear on small or on coarse occasions, we do not easily receive strong impressions,
or delightful images; and words to which we are nearly strangers, whenever they occur, draw that attention on
themselves which they should transmit to things.” If the poetic diction of the neoclassical poets, at its worst, erects
needless barriers between reader and meaning, that envisioned by Johnson would do just the opposite: it would put
the reader in closer contact with the “things” that are the poem’s subject.
VARC 100: RC#28
Many readers assume that, as a neoclassical literary critic, Samuel Johnson would normally prefer the abstract, the
formal, and the regulated to the concrete, the natural, and the spontaneous in a work of literature. Yet any close 5. According to the passage, Johnson’s views on the
T reading of Johnson’s criticism shows that Johnson is not blind to the importance of the immediate, vivid, specific use of a special diction in the writing of poetry
were
H detail in literature; rather, he would underscore the need for the telling rather than the merely accidental detail.
(A) “modern” in their rejection of a clear-cut division
between the diction of poetry and that of prose.
E In other ways, too, Johnson’s critical method had much in common with that of the Romantics, with whom Johnson
(B) “neoclassical” in their emphasis on the use of
and, indeed, the entire neoclassical tradition are generally supposed to be in conflict. Johnson was well aware, for language that appeals directly to the emotions
example, of the sterility of literary criticism that is legalistic or pedantic, as was the case with the worst products of of the reader.
V the neoclassical school. His famous argument against the slavish following of the “three unities” of classical drama (C) “Romantic” in their defense of the idea that a
E is a good example, as is his defense of the supposedly illegitimate “tragicomic” mode of Shakespeare’s latest plays. special diction for poetry could be stylistically
effective.
Note, in particular, the basis of that defense: “That this is a practice contrary to the rules of criticism,” Johnson
R wrote, “will be readily allowed; but there is always an appeal from criticism to nature.” (D) “modern” in their underlying concern for the
impact of the literary work on the sensibility of
B the reader.
The sentiment thus expressed could easily be endorsed by any of the Romantics; the empiricism it exemplifies is
A vital quality of Johnson’s criticism, as is the willingness to jettison “laws” of criticism when to do so makes possible
L a more direct appeal to the emotions of the reader. Addison’s Cato, highly praised in Johnson’s day for its
“correctness,” is damned with faint praise by Johnson: “Cato affords a splendid exhibition of artificial and fictitious
manners, and delivers just and noble sentiments, in diction easy, elevated, and harmonious, but its hopes and fears
M communicate no vibration to the heart.” Wordsworth could hardly demur.
E Even on the question of poetic diction, which, according to the usual interpretation of Wordsworth’s 1800 preface
N to the Lyrical Ballads, was the central area of conflict between Romantic and Augustan, Johnson’s views are
surprisingly “modern.” In his Life of Dryden, he defends the use of a special diction in poetry, it is true; but his
T reasons are all-important. For Johnson, poetic diction should serve the ends of direct emotional impact and ease of
O comprehension, not those of false profundity or grandiosity. “Words too familiar,” he wrote, “or too remote, defeat
the purpose of a poet. From those sounds which we hear on small or on coarse occasions, we do not easily receive
R strong impressions, or delightful images; and words to which we are nearly strangers, whenever they occur, draw
that attention on themselves which they should transmit to things.” If the poetic diction of the neoclassical poets,
at its worst, erects needless barriers between reader and meaning, that envisioned by Johnson would do just the
opposite: it would put the reader in closer contact with the “things” that are the poem’s subject.
VARC 100: RC#27
According to a recent theory, Archean-age gold-quartz vein systems were formed over two billion 1. According to the passage, the widely held view of
T years ago from magnetic fluids that originated from molten granite-like bodies deep beneath the Archean-age gold-quartz vein systems is that such systems
H surface of the Earth. This theory is contrary to the widely held view that the systems were deposited (A) were formed from metamorphic fluids.
(B) originated in molten granite-like bodies.
from metamorphic fluids, that is, from fluids that formed during the dehydration of wet sedimentary
E rocks.
(C) were formed from alluvial deposits.
(D) generally have surface expression.
The recently developed theory has considerable practical importance. Most of the gold deposits
V discovered during the original gold rushes were exposed at the Earth’s surface and were found
2.The passage implies that which of the following steps
would be the first performed by explorers who wish to
E because they had shed trails of alluvial gold that were easily traced by simple prospecting methods. maximize their chances of discovering gold?
(A) Surveying several sites known to have been formed
R Although these same methods still lead to an occasional discovery, most deposits not yet discovered
more than two billion years ago.
have gone undetected because they are buried and have no surface expression.
B (B) Limiting exploration to sites known to have been
formed from metamorphic fluid.
The challenge in exploration is therefore to unravel the subsurface geology of an area and pinpoint
A (C) Using an appropriate conceptual model to select a site
the position of buried minerals. Methods widely used today include analysis of aerial images that for further exploration.
L yield a broad geological overview; geophysical techniques that provide data on the magnetic, (D) Using geophysical methods to analyze rocks over a
electrical, and mineralogical properties of the rocks being investigated; and sensitive chemical tests broad area.
that are able to detect the subtle chemical halos that often envelop mineralization. However, none of
M
these high-technology methods are of any value if the sites to which they are applied have never
E mineralized, and to maximize the chances of discovery the explorer must therefore pay particular
N attention to selecting the ground formations most likely to be mineralized. Such ground selection
relies to varying degrees on conceptual models, which take into account theoretical studies of
T
relevant factors.
O
These models are constructed primarily from empirical observations of known mineral deposits and
R from theories of ore-forming processes. The explorer uses the models to identify those geological
features that are critical to the formation of the mineralization being modeled, and then tries to
select areas for exploration that exhibit as many of the critical features as possible.
VARC 100: RC#27
According to a recent theory, Archean-age gold-quartz vein systems were formed over two billion 3. Which of the following statements about discoveries of
T years ago from magnetic fluids that originated from molten granite-like bodies deep beneath the gold deposits is supported by information in the passage?
(A) The number of gold discoveries made annually has
H surface of the Earth. This theory is contrary to the widely held view that the systems were increased between the time of the original gold rushes and
deposited from metamorphic fluids, that is, from fluids that formed during the dehydration of wet the present.
E sedimentary rocks. (B) New discoveries of gold deposits are likely to be the result
of exploration techniques designed to locate buried
The recently developed theory has considerable practical importance. Most of the gold deposits mineralization.
V discovered during the original gold rushes were exposed at the Earth’s surface and were found (C) It is unlikely that newly discovered gold deposits will ever
yield as much as did those deposits discovered during the
E because they had shed trails of alluvial gold that were easily traced by simple prospecting methods. original gold rushes.
R Although these same methods still lead to an occasional discovery, most deposits not yet (D) Modern explorers are divided on the question of the
discovered have gone undetected because they are buried and have no surface expression. utility of simple prospecting methods as a source of new
B discoveries of gold deposits.
The challenge in exploration is therefore to unravel the subsurface geology of an area and pinpoint
A 4. The theory mentioned in line 1 relates to the conceptual
the position of buried minerals. Methods widely used today include analysis of aerial images that
L yield a broad geological overview; geophysical techniques that provide data on the magnetic,
models discussed in the passage in which of the following
ways?
electrical, and mineralogical properties of the rocks being investigated; and sensitive chemical tests (A) It may furnish a valid account of ore-forming processes,
that are able to detect the subtle chemical halos that often envelop mineralization. However, none and, hence, can support conceptual models that have great
M practical significance.
of these high-technology methods are of any value if the sites to which they are applied have never
E mineralized, and to maximize the chances of discovery the explorer must therefore pay particular
(B) It suggests that certain geological formations, long
believed to be mineralized, are in fact mineralized, thus
N attention to selecting the ground formations most likely to be mineralized. Such ground selection confirming current conceptual models.
relies to varying degrees on conceptual models, which take into account theoretical studies of (C) It suggests that there may not be enough similarity across
T Archean-age gold-quartz vein systems to warrant the
relevant factors.
O formulation of conceptual models.
These models are constructed primarily from empirical observations of known mineral deposits (D) It corrects existing theories about the chemical halos of
R and from theories of ore-forming processes. The explorer uses the models to identify those gold deposits, and thus provides a basis for correcting current
geological features that are critical to the formation of the mineralization being modeled, and then conceptual models .
tries to select areas for exploration that exhibit as many of the critical features as possible.
VARC 100: RC#27
According to a recent theory, Archean-age gold-quartz vein systems were formed over two billion 5. According to the passage, methods of exploring for gold
T that are widely used today are based on which of the
years ago from magnetic fluids that originated from molten granite-like bodies deep beneath the
H surface of the Earth. This theory is contrary to the widely held view that the systems were deposited
following facts?
(A) Most of the Earth’s remaining gold deposits are still
E from metamorphic fluids, that is, from fluids that formed during the dehydration of wet molten.
sedimentary rocks. (B) Most of the Earth’s remaining gold deposits are exposed
at the surface.
V The recently developed theory has considerable practical importance. Most of the gold deposits (C) Most of the Earth’s remaining gold deposits are buried
and have no surface expression.
discovered during the original gold rushes were exposed at the Earth’s surface and were found
E because they had shed trails of alluvial gold that were easily traced by simple prospecting methods.
(D) Only one type of gold deposit warrants exploration, since
the other types of gold deposits are found in regions difficult
R Although these same methods still lead to an occasional discovery, most deposits not yet to reach.
B discovered have gone undetected because they are buried and have no surface expression.
A The challenge in exploration is therefore to unravel the subsurface geology of an area and pinpoint
the position of buried minerals. Methods widely used today include analysis of aerial images that
L
yield a broad geological overview; geophysical techniques that provide data on the magnetic,
electrical, and mineralogical properties of the rocks being investigated; and sensitive chemical tests
M that are able to detect the subtle chemical halos that often envelop mineralization. However, none
of these high-technology methods are of any value if the sites to which they are applied have never
E
mineralized, and to maximize the chances of discovery the explorer must therefore pay particular
N attention to selecting the ground formations most likely to be mineralized. Such ground selection
T relies to varying degrees on conceptual models, which take into account theoretical studies of
relevant factors.
O
R These models are constructed primarily from empirical observations of known mineral deposits and
from theories of ore-forming processes. The explorer uses the models to identify those geological
features that are critical to the formation of the mineralization being modeled, and then tries to
select areas for exploration that exhibit as many of the critical features as possible.
VARC 100: RC#26
Two impressive studies have reexamined Eric Williams’ conclusion that Britain’s abolition of the slave trade in 1. Which one of the following best describes the main idea of
1807 and its emancipation of slavers in its colonies in 1834 were driven primarily by economic rather than the passage?
T humanitarian motives. Blighted by depleted soil, indebtedness, and the inefficiency of coerced labor, these (A) Although they disagree about the degree to which
colonies, according to Williams, had by 1807 become an impediment to British economic progress.
H economic motives influenced Britain’s abolition of slavery,
Drescher and Eltis both concede that moral persuasion by
E Seymour Drescher provides a more balanced view. Rejecting interpretations based either on economic
abolitionists was a significant factor.
interest or the moral vision of abolitionists, Drescher has reconstructed the populist characteristics of British (B) Although both Drescher and Eltis have questioned
abolitionism, which appears to have cut across lines of class, party, and religion. Noting that between 1780 Williams’ analysis of the motivation behind Britain’s abolition
and 1830 antislavery petitions outnumbered those on any other issue, including parliamentary
V reform,Drescher concludes that such support cannot be explained by economic interest alone, especially
of slavery, there is support for part of Williams’ conclusion.
(C) Because he has taken into account the populist
E when much of it came from the unenfranchised masses. Yet, aside from demonstrating that such support characteristics of British abolitionism, Drescher’s explanation
must have resulted at least in part from widespread literacy and a tradition of political activism, Drescher of what motivated Britain’s abolition of slavery is finally more
R does not finally explain how England, a nation deeply divided by class struggles, could mobilize popular persuasive than that of Eltis.
support for antislavery measures proposed by otherwise conservative politicians in the House of Lords and
B approved there with little dissent.
(D) Neither Eltis nor Drescher has succeeded in explaining
why support for Britain’s abolition of slavery appears to have
A cut across lines of party, class, and religion.
David Eltis’ answer to that question actually supports some of Williams’ insights. Eschewing Drescher’ s
L idealization of British traditions of liberty, Eltis points to continuing use of low wages and Draconian vagrancy 2. Which one of the following best states Williams’ view of
laws in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to ensure the industriousness of British workers. Indeed, the primary reason for Britain’s abolition of the slave trade
certain notables even called for the enslavement of unemployed laborers who roamed the British and the emancipation of slaves in its colonies?
M countryside—an acceptance of coerced labor that Eltis attributes to a preindustrial desire to keep labor costs (A) British populism appealed to people of varied classes,
low and exports competitive. By the late eighteenth century, however, a growing home market began to alert parties, and religions.
E capitalists to the importance of “want creation” and to incentives such as higher wages as a means of (B) Both capitalists and workers in Britain accepted the moral
increasing both worker productivity and the number of consumers.
N precepts of abolitionists.
(C) Forced labor in the colonies could not produce enough
T Significantly, it was products grown by slaves, such as sugar, coffee, and tobacco, that stimulated new wants at goods to satisfy British consumers.
all levels of British society and were the forerunners of products intended in modern capitalist societies to (D) The operation of colonies based on forced labor was no
O satisfy what Eltis describes as “nonsubsistence or psychological needs.” Eltis concludes that in economy that
longer economically advantageous.
had begun to rely on voluntary labor to satisfy such needs, forced labor necessarily began to appear both
R inappropriate and counterproductive to employers. Eltis thus concludes that, while Williams may well have
underestimated the economic viability of the British colonies employing forced labor in the early 1800s, his
insight into the economic motives for abolition was partly accurate. British leaders became committed to
colonial labor reform only when they became convinced, for reasons other than those cited by Williams, that
free labor was more beneficial to the imperial economy.
VARC 100: RC#26
Two impressive studies have reexamined Eric Williams’ conclusion that Britain’s abolition of the slave trade in
1807 and its emancipation of slavers in its colonies in 1834 were driven primarily by economic rather than 3. According to Eltis, low wages and Draconian vagrancy
T humanitarian motives. Blighted by depleted soil, indebtedness, and the inefficiency of coerced labor, these laws in Britain in the seventeenth and eighteenth
colonies, according to Williams, had by 1807 become an impediment to British economic progress. centuries were intended to
H (A) protectlaborers against unscrupulous employment
practices.
E Seymour Drescher provides a more balanced view. Rejecting interpretations based either on economic interest
(B) counter the move to enslave unemployed laborers.
or the moral vision of abolitionists, Drescher has reconstructed the populist characteristics of British
abolitionism, which appears to have cut across lines of class, party, and religion. Noting that between 1780 and (C) ensure a cheap and productive work force.
1830 antislavery petitions outnumbered those on any other issue, including parliamentary reform,Drescher (D) ensure that the work force experienced no
V concludes that such support cannot be explained by economic interest alone, especially when much of it came unemployment.
E from the unenfranchised masses. Yet, aside from demonstrating that such support must have resulted at least
in part from widespread literacy and a tradition of political activism, Drescher does not finally explain how
R England, a nation deeply divided by class struggles, could mobilize popular support for antislavery measures 4. It can be inferred that the author of the passage views
proposed by otherwise conservative politicians in the House of Lords and approved there with little dissent. Drescher’s presentation of British traditions concerning
B liberty as
(A) accurately stated.
A David Eltis’ answer to that question actually supports some of Williams’ insights. Eschewing Drescher’ s
(B) somewhat unrealistic.
idealization of British traditions of liberty, Eltis points to continuing use of low wages and Draconian vagrancy
L laws in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to ensure the industriousness of British workers. Indeed, (C) carefully researched.
certain notables even called for the enslavement of unemployed laborers who roamed the British countryside— (D) unnecessarily tentative.
an acceptance of coerced labor that Eltis attributes to a preindustrial desire to keep labor costs low and exports
M competitive. By the late eighteenth century, however, a growing home market began to alert capitalists to the
importance of “want creation” and to incentives such as higher wages as a means of increasing both worker
E productivity and the number of consumers.
N Significantly, it was products grown by slaves, such as sugar, coffee, and tobacco, that stimulated new wants at
T all levels of British society and were the forerunners of products intended in modern capitalist societies to
satisfy what Eltis describes as “nonsubsistence or psychological needs.” Eltis concludes that in economy that
O had begun to rely on voluntary labor to satisfy such needs, forced labor necessarily began to appear both
inappropriate and counterproductive to employers. Eltis thus concludes that, while Williams may well have
R underestimated the economic viability of the British colonies employing forced labor in the early 1800s, his
VARC 100: RC#26
Two impressive studies have reexamined Eric Williams’ conclusion that Britain’s abolition of the slave trade in
1807 and its emancipation of slavers in its colonies in 1834 were driven primarily by economic rather than 5. The information in the passage suggests that Eltis and
T humanitarian motives. Blighted by depleted soil, indebtedness, and the inefficiency of coerced labor, these Drescher agree that
colonies, according to Williams, had by 1807 become an impediment to British economic progress. (A) people of all classes in Britain supported the abolition
H of slavery.
E Seymour Drescher provides a more balanced view. Rejecting interpretations based either on economic interest (B) the motives behind Britain’s abolition of slavery were
primarily economic.
or the moral vision of abolitionists, Drescher has reconstructed the populist characteristics of British
abolitionism, which appears to have cut across lines of class, party, and religion. Noting that between 1780 and (C) the moral vision of abolitionists played a vital part in
1830 antislavery petitions outnumbered those on any other issue, including parliamentary reform,Drescher Britain’s abolition of slavery.
V concludes that such support cannot be explained by economic interest alone, especially when much of it came (D) British traditions of liberty have been idealized by
E from the unenfranchised masses. Yet, aside from demonstrating that such support must have resulted at least historians.
in part from widespread literacy and a tradition of political activism, Drescher does not finally explain how
R England, a nation deeply divided by class struggles, could mobilize popular support for antislavery measures
proposed by otherwise conservative politicians in the House of Lords and approved there with little dissent.
B
A David Eltis’ answer to that question actually supports some of Williams’ insights. Eschewing Drescher’ s
idealization of British traditions of liberty, Eltis points to continuing use of low wages and Draconian vagrancy
L laws in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to ensure the industriousness of British workers. Indeed,
certain notables even called for the enslavement of unemployed laborers who roamed the British
countryside—an acceptance of coerced labor that Eltis attributes to a preindustrial desire to keep labor costs
M low and exports competitive. By the late eighteenth century, however, a growing home market began to alert
capitalists to the importance of “want creation” and to incentives such as higher wages as a means of
E increasing both worker productivity and the number of consumers.
N Significantly, it was products grown by slaves, such as sugar, coffee, and tobacco, that stimulated new wants at
T all levels of British society and were the forerunners of products intended in modern capitalist societies to
satisfy what Eltis describes as “nonsubsistence or psychological needs.” Eltis concludes that in economy that
O had begun to rely on voluntary labor to satisfy such needs, forced labor necessarily began to appear both
inappropriate and counterproductive to employers. Eltis thus concludes that, while Williams may well have
R underestimated the economic viability of the British colonies employing forced labor in the early 1800s, his
VARC 100: RC#25
The myth persists that in 1492 the Western Hemisphere was an untamed wilderness and that it was European 1. Which one of the following most accurately expresses the main
settlers who harnessed and transformed its ecosystems. But scholarship shows that forests, in particular, had idea of the passage?
T been altered to varying degrees well before the arrival of Europeans. Native populations had converted much (A) Despite extensive evidence that native populations had been
of the forests to successfully cultivated stands, especially by means of burning. Nevertheless, some
H researchers have maintained that the extent, frequency, and impact of such burning was minimal. One
burning North and South American forests extensively before
1492, some scholars persist in claiming that such burning was
E geographer claims that climatic change could have accounted for some of the changes in forest composition;
either infrequent or the result of natural causes.
another argues that burning by native populations was done only sporadically, to augment the effects of (B) In opposition to the widespread belief that in 1492 the
natural fires. Western hemisphere was uncultivated, scholars unanimously
V However, a large body of evidence for the routine practice of burning exists in the geographical record. One
agree that naive population were substantially altering North and
South American forests well before the arrival of Europeans.
E group of researchers found, for example, that sedimentary charcoal accumulations in what is now the (C) Although some scholars minimize the scope and importance
northeastern United States are greatest where known native American settlements were greatest. Other of the burning of forests engaged in by native populations of
R evidence shows that, while the characteristics and impact of fires set by native populations varied regionally North and South American before 1492, evidence of the
according to population size, extent of resource management techniques, and environment, all such fires had
B markedly different effects on vegetation pattern than did natural fires. Controlled burning created grassy
frequency and impact of such burning is actually quite extensive.
(D) Where scholars had once believed that North and South
A openings such as meadows and glades. Burning also promoted a mosaic quality to North and South American American forests remained uncultivated until the arrival of
ecosystems, creating forests in many different stages of ecological development. Much of the mature
Europeans, there is now general agreement that native
L forestland was characterized by open herbaceous undergrowth, another result of the clearing brought about populations had been cultivating the forests since well before
by burning. 1492.
M In North America, controlled burning created conditions favourable to berries and other fire-tolerant and sun- 2. It can be inferred that a forest burned as described in the
loving foods. Burning also converted mixed stands of trees to homogeneous forest, for example the longleaf, passage would have been LEAST likely to display
E slash pine, and scrub oak forests of the southeastern U.S. Natural fires do account for some of this vegetation, (A) numerous types of hardwood trees.
but regular burning clearly extended and maintained it. Burning also influenced forest composition in the
N tropics, where natural fires are rare. An example is the pine-dominant forests of Nicaragua, where warm
(B) extensive herbaceous undergrowth.
(C) various stages of ecological maturity.
T temperatures and heavy rainfall naturally favor mixed tropical or rain forests. While they primarily grow in (D) grassy opening such as meadows or glades.
cooler, drier, higher elevations, regions where such vegetation is in large part natural and even prehumen,
O today, the Nicaraguan pines also occur where there has been clearing followed by regular burning, and the
same is likely to have occurred in the past: such forests were present when Europeans arrived and were found
R only in areas where native settlements were substantial; when these settlements were abandoned, the land
returned to mixed hardwoods. This succession is also evident elsewhere in similar low tropical elevations in
the Caribbean and Mexico.
VARC 100: RC#25
The myth persists that in 1492 the Western Hemisphere was an untamed wilderness and that it was European
settlers who harnessed and transformed its ecosystems. But scholarship shows that forests, in particular, had 3. The “succession” mentioned in last line refers to
T been altered to varying degrees well before the arrival of Europeans. Native populations had converted much (A) forest clearing followed by controlled burning of forests.
of the forests to successfully cultivated stands, especially by means of burning. Nevertheless, some (B) tropical rain forest followed by pine forest.
H researchers have maintained that the extent, frequency, and impact of such burning was minimal. One (C) European settlement followed by abandonment of land.
(D) homogeneous pine forest followed by mixed hardwoods.
another argues that burning by native populations was done only sporadically, to augment the effects of
natural fires. 4. Which one of the following is presented by the author as
evidence of controlled burning in the tropics before the arrival
V However, a large body of evidence for the routine practice of burning exists in the geographical record. One of Europeans?
(A) extensive homogeneous forests at high elevation.
E group of researchers found, for example, that sedimentary charcoal accumulations in what is now the
(B) extensive homogeneous forests at low elevation.
northeastern United States are greatest where known native American settlements were greatest. Other
R evidence shows that, while the characteristics and impact of fires set by native populations varied regionally (C) extensive heterogeneous forests at high elevation.
according to population size, extent of resource management techniques, and environment, all such fires had (D) extensive sedimentary charcoal accumulations at high
B markedly different effects on vegetation pattern than did natural fires. Controlled burning created grassy elevation.
A openings such as meadows and glades. Burning also promoted a mosaic quality to North and South American
L forestland was characterized by open herbaceous undergrowth, another result of the clearing brought about
by burning.
M In North America, controlled burning created conditions favourable to berries and other fire-tolerant and sun-
loving foods. Burning also converted mixed stands of trees to homogeneous forest, for example the longleaf,
E slash pine, and scrub oak forests of the southeastern U.S. Natural fires do account for some of this vegetation,
T temperatures and heavy rainfall naturally favor mixed tropical or rain forests. While they primarily grow in
VARC 100: RC#25
The myth persists that in 1492 the Western Hemisphere was an untamed wilderness and that it was European 5. With which one of the following would the author be most
settlers who harnessed and transformed its ecosystems. But scholarship shows that forests, in particular, had likely to agree?
T been altered to varying degrees well before the arrival of Europeans. Native populations had converted much (A) The long-term effects of controlled burning could just as
of the forests to successfully cultivated stands, especially by means of burning. Nevertheless, some
H researchers have maintained that the extent, frequency, and impact of such burning was minimal. One
easily have been caused by natural fires.
(B) Nicaraguan pine forests could have been created either by
natural fires or by controlled burning.
another argues that burning by native populations was done only sporadically, to augment the effects of (C) European settlers had little impact on the composition of
natural fires. the ecosystems in North and South America.
V However, a large body of evidence for the routine practice of burning exists in the geographical record. One
(D) Certain species of plants may not have been as abundant
in North America without controlled burning.
E group of researchers found, for example, that sedimentary charcoal accumulations in what is now the
northeastern United States are greatest where known native American settlements were greatest. Other
R evidence shows that, while the characteristics and impact of fires set by native populations varied regionally
according to population size, extent of resource management techniques, and environment, all such fires had
B markedly different effects on vegetation pattern than did natural fires. Controlled burning created grassy
A openings such as meadows and glades. Burning also promoted a mosaic quality to North and South American
L forestland was characterized by open herbaceous undergrowth, another result of the clearing brought about
by burning.
M In North America, controlled burning created conditions favourable to berries and other fire-tolerant and sun-
loving foods. Burning also converted mixed stands of trees to homogeneous forest, for example the longleaf,
E slash pine, and scrub oak forests of the southeastern U.S. Natural fires do account for some of this vegetation,
T temperatures and heavy rainfall naturally favor mixed tropical or rain forests. While they primarily grow in
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare,
1. The author most likely wrote this passage primarily to
T have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal (A) outline and defend a contractarian view of justice.
concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (B) propose an alternative to radical solutions to social problems.
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new (C) compare the utilitarian and contractarian theories.
E conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical (D) resurrect the idea of the social contract.
revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
2. Which of the following would be classified as the utilitarian way
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice."
of conducting social affairs, as it has been mentioned in the
V passage?
Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face
E of more recent scientific knowledge—the new contractarians postulate a group of rational men and women
(A) Prohibiting homosexual relationships because they pose a
threat to the social fabric.
R gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further (B) Revoking free access to education in colleges and schools.
assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for (C) Making vaccination against a communicable disease
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at mandatory.
A which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted. (D) Implementing a progressive taxation system.
L Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a
decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus,
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable
E result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
N unequal distribution of good things, with liberty being first among them.
T While it can be and has been argued that the blind choosers envisioned by the new contractarians might
O well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
R situation. Rather, it is to provide an abstract model that is intuitively satisfactory because, in fact, it
corresponds to the ideas of "fairness" so deeply rooted in the American national psyche.
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare,
3. Which of the following is an assumption of the contractarian
T have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal model, as presented by the author?
concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (A) The decision makers act before acquiring any place in the
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new social order.
E conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical (B) All members of the contracting group will place a high value
on personal liberty.
revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
(C) Justice can only be secured by ensuring that all positions in
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice."
the social order have equal power and status.
V Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face (D) The contracting parties will seek to safeguard their own
liberties at the expense of the rights of others.
R gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further 4. The author implies that a party to the social contract who
assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for "chose to gamble on the outcome of the social order" would
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at select a principle of justice
A which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted. (A) allowing an unequal access to liberty and other social goods.
(B) based on the greatest possible equalization of both personal
L Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a freedom and material circumstances.
decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus, (C) that explicitly denied inherent inequalities among the
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its members of society.
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable (D) that valued the benefit of society in the aggregate over the
freedom of the individual.
result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
E to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
O well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare, 5. It can be inferred that the author feels the ideas of John Rawls are
have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal relevant today because
T concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (A) they present, in contrast to utilitarianism, an ethically-based
concept of justice.
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new
(B) they outline a view of justice which results in the maximum
conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical
E revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
possible liberty for all.
(C) utilitarian ideas have led to social philosophies with which the
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice." author disagrees.
(D) new evidence has strengthened the idea of the social contract.
V Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face
gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further
R assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at
which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted.
A
Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a
L decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus,
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable
result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
E to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
O The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
VARC 100: RC#23
Matisse and Picasso; Picasso and Matisse. Throughout the twentieth century, this pairing has been touted as the
quintessential artistic rivalry. In Matisse and Picasso, Yve-Alain Bois follows Hubert Damisch in proposing that the 1. The primary purpose of the passage is to
T interaction between Picasso and Matisse should be seen as a dynamic game rather than a static conflict of (A) discuss the two best painters of an epoch.
artistic polarities. Bois employs the metaphor of chess, arguing that the game represents the artists' exchange as (B) evaluate a theory and endorse a revision.
H "a competitive rivalry and a complex temporality" that can be viewed both as a linear process and a simultaneous (C) compare selected works of two masters.
E structure. But the metaphor of a competitive sport, however complex and intellectually rich, is misleading. The (D) show that Matisse's work is more sophisticated.
two artists were engaged not just in competition (even friendly competition) but also in friendly dialogue. The
two men were more than rivals: they were colleagues, critics, teachers, and occasional friends. A better model,
2. The author would most likely agree with which of the
though perhaps one with less flash, is that of a simple conversation, with all the rich variation and shifts in
V motivation and tone that are possible.
following statements?
(A) Artistic rivalries are more like Olympic competitions than
E professional sports.
Picasso's Large Nude in a Red Armchair marks the extremes of the artist's combativeness towards Matisse. The
(B) Artistic rivalries generally last for decades.
R painting is a clear parody of Matisse's earlier Odalisque with a Tambourine. The composition of the figures is
(C) Artists must be good conversationalists.
strikingly similar• a woman lounges in an armchair at the center of the painting, arm raised above her head,
B decorative wallpaper behind her. Both paintings feature vivid color contrasts, with green wallpaper, vivid reds,
(D) Artistic rivalries can actually be reciprocally nourishing.
A glaring yellows, and rich browns. But Picasso's painting, finished in 1929, mocks the achievements of Matisse's
earlier work. The sensuous, rich mood of Matisse's painting has been transformed in Picasso's work into
L something harsh and grotesque. The other extreme of the dialogue between the two artists can be seen in
Picasso's Woman with Yellow Hair and Matisse's response, The Dream. The exchange begins with Picasso's work,
in 1931. The painting depicts a woman asleep on her arms, resting on a table. She is full, rich, warm, and curved,
M her head and arms forming a graceful arabesque. This image seems a direct attempt to master Matisse's style
and to suggest to the older artist new directions for his work. While there may well be an edge of
E competitiveness to the painting, a sense that Picasso was demonstrating his ability to do Matisse's work, it
remains in large part a helpful hint.
N
T Matisse, nearly a decade later, continues the conversation in a similar tone. In The Dream of 1940, he proposes a
revision of Picasso's work. Again, a woman lies asleep on a table, her arm tucked beneath her head. Matisse
O accepts Picasso's basic suggestions for his style: sinuous curves, volumes, and shocking uses of color to express
an effect. But Matisse also modifies the earlier work significantly. Color is no longer rigidly tied to form, as bits of
R fuchsia seep outside the thick black line marking the outline of the table and the patch of yellow on the woman's
blouse refuses to be contained by the drawn line. Matisse uses Picasso's same palette of red, purple, white,
black, and yellow to create this revision, editing out only the garish green, as if to chide Picasso for the choice.
The brilliant interplay of colors in Matisse's work is far more sophisticated and subtle than that offered by
Picasso. "Thank you," Matisse seems to be saying, "but you missed a few spots."
VARC 100: RC#23
quintessential artistic rivalry. In Matisse and Picasso, Yve-Alain Bois follows Hubert Damisch in proposing that the
T interaction between Picasso and Matisse should be seen as a dynamic game rather than a static conflict of artistic
3. According to the passage, which of the following describes
Woman with Yellow Hair?
polarities. Bois employs the metaphor of chess, arguing that the game represents the artists' exchange as "a
H competitive rivalry and a complex temporality" that can be viewed both as a linear process and a simultaneous
(A) It was parody of a work by Matisse.
(B) Its colors were not rigidly tied to its form.
E structure. But the metaphor of a competitive sport, however complex and intellectually rich, is misleading. The
(C) Its color palette was larger than that of The Dream.
two artists were engaged not just in competition (even friendly competition) but also in friendly dialogue. The
(D) It was a response to a work by Matisse.
two men were more than rivals: they were colleagues, critics, teachers, and occasional friends. A better model,
though perhaps one with less flash, is that of a simple conversation, with all the rich variation and shifts in
4. The passage indicates that
(A) Large Nude in a Red Armchair conveyed a sensuous, rich
E mood.
Picasso's Large Nude in a Red Armchair marks the extremes of the artist's combativeness towards Matisse. The
R painting is a clear parody of Matisse's earlier Odalisque with a Tambourine. The composition of the figures is
(B) Matisse verbally commented about Woman with Yellow
Hair.
strikingly similar• a woman lounges in an armchair at the center of the painting, arm raised above her head,
B decorative wallpaper behind her. Both paintings feature vivid color contrasts, with green wallpaper, vivid reds,
(C) Matisse worked on The Dream for nearly a decade.
(D) Picasso was younger than Matisse.
A glaring yellows, and rich browns. But Picasso's painting, finished in 1929, mocks the achievements of Matisse's
earlier work. The sensuous, rich mood of Matisse's painting has been transformed in Picasso's work into
L something harsh and grotesque. The other extreme of the dialogue between the two artists can be seen in
Picasso's Woman with Yellow Hair and Matisse's response, The Dream. The exchange begins with Picasso's work,
N
VARC 100: RC#23
quintessential artistic rivalry. In Matisse and Picasso, Yve-Alain Bois follows Hubert Damisch in proposing that the 5. Which of the following, had it actually occurred during the
T interaction between Picasso and Matisse should be seen as a dynamic game rather than a static conflict of artists' lifetimes, would further support the author's thesis?
artistic polarities. Bois employs the metaphor of chess, arguing that the game represents the artists' exchange as (A) A joint exhibition of the two artists' work.
H "a competitive rivalry and a complex temporality" that can be viewed both as a linear process and a simultaneous(B) A radio broadcast of the two artists discussing painting.
E structure. But the metaphor of a competitive sport, however complex and intellectually rich, is misleading. The (C) A movie that dramatized the competition between the two
two artists were engaged not just in competition (even friendly competition) but also in friendly dialogue. The artists.
two men were more than rivals: they were colleagues, critics, teachers, and occasional friends. A better model, (D) A play that depicted the two artists exchanging dialogue
though perhaps one with less flash, is that of a simple conversation, with all the rich variation and shifts in through their paintings.
E 6. According to the author, all of the following are true of
Picasso's Large Nude in a Red Armchair marks the extremes of the artist's combativeness towards Matisse. The Matisse and Picasso, except
R painting is a clear parody of Matisse's earlier Odalisque with a Tambourine. The composition of the figures is (A) Some of Picasso's work served as a suggestion for Matisse to
strikingly similar• a woman lounges in an armchair at the center of the painting, arm raised above her head, rediscover his style.
B decorative wallpaper behind her. Both paintings feature vivid color contrasts, with green wallpaper, vivid reds, (B) Matisse frequently painted vivid and sensuous images of
A glaring yellows, and rich browns. But Picasso's painting, finished in 1929, mocks the achievements of Matisse's women.
earlier work. The sensuous, rich mood of Matisse's painting has been transformed in Picasso's work into (C) Color in Matisse's paintings were not necessarily contained
L something harsh and grotesque. The other extreme of the dialogue between the two artists can be seen in by the form.
Picasso's Woman with Yellow Hair and Matisse's response, The Dream. The exchange begins with Picasso's work, (D) Picasso and Matisse never vocally criticised each other's work
N
VARC 100: RC#22
At its core, history is the study of events that happened in the past. In an ideal world, we would know exactly 1. The author implies which of the following?
(A) Dates are not important in history.
T what happened, from beginning to end, and it would be presented in a logical, systematic order. For a young
mind to grasp the complexity of our history requires giving them the tools to assemble the puzzle pieces. Often (B) Historical events are complex and always interconnected.
H taking a prominent position over a whiteboard or across a wall, timelines are one of the most commonplace (C) Implicit messages can be as important as explicit ones.
classroom tools used to teach history. They present a concise chronology with dates and events listed in a linear (D) A study of American history that does not include wars is
E narrative, forming a skeletal story of history. Despite their usefulness in allowing students to gain a cursory incomplete.
knowledge of many key moments in the past, their bare-bones, fact-centered structure is symptomatic of the
2. The author's attitude toward timelines can best be described
myopic character of curricula that emphasize the What, When, and Who and eclipse the significance of Why and
as
V How.
(A) condescending and impertinent
E In the United States, by far the most common brand and format of timeline is the World Almanac for Kids US (B) suspicious and resigned
History Timeline- a banner set of 8 horizontal panels each with 8 events, beginning with Columbus's voyage in (C) wary and portentous
R 1492 and ending with Clinton's election in 1993. This timeline has photos accompanying it—about 5-6 per (D) negative and complacent.
B panel—next to most of the dates, and below each date is a 1-2 line description of an event that took place in
that year. What immediately commands one's attention when looking at this timeline are the dates themselves.
A Bolder and more prominently placed than anything else, they seem implied to be the most important feature of
the timeline—even more so than the events' descriptions. The way the dates line up in perfect order presents
L the viewer with a rigid historical narrative, complete with a beginning and end.
To analyze any particular timeline, it is important to recognize what the timeline expresses implicitly. The first
M implicit message transmitted by the World Almanac for Kids US History Timeline is that each event listed on the
timeline's face must hold some kind of particular historical significance to qualify as one of only 64 pieces of
E American history presented. though no event's entry gives even a vague explanation as to why it merits this. The
N second message the timeline conveys, simply by hanging in the classroom, is that this version of history is an
"official" ones and the only one that matters. 'third, that each of these events happened totally independent of
T one another.
Fourth. that, at most, only one significant event occurred in any given year. And finally, that American history is
O entirely made up of wars and minor baffles, punctuated by the occasional presidential election and
R technological innovation. Now, certainly, one can easily surmise that the timeline is not conscious of these
implications, and instead assumes that the viewer will automatically acknowledge that it is not a comprehensive
history but rather a simple summary of events through time The danger of using the timeline as a teaching tool,
of course, lies squarely in that assumption..
VARC 100: RC#22
At its core, history is the study of events that happened in the past. In an ideal world, we would know exactly
T what happened, from beginning to end, and it would be presented in a logical, systematic order. For a young
3. The author would most likely agree with all of the following
EXCEPT:
mind to grasp the complexity of our history requires giving them the tools to assemble the puzzle pieces. Often
H taking a prominent position over a whiteboard or across a wall, timelines are one of the most commonplace
(A) There are more than 64 important events in American history.
(B) Some students ascribe importance to prominent graphic
E classroom tools used to teach history. They present a concise chronology with dates and events listed in a linear
position,
narrative, forming a skeletal story of history. Despite their usefulness in allowing students to gain a cursory
knowledge of many key moments in the past, their bare-bones, fact-centered structure is symptomatic of the (C) Timelines have some positive uses.
myopic character of curricula that emphasize the What, When, and Who and eclipse the significance of Why and (D) Unofficial histories have no merit.
V How.
4. According to the passage. A
E In the United States, by far the most common brand and format of timeline is the World Almanac for Kids US problem with timelines is
R History Timeline- a banner set of 8 horizontal panels each with 8 events, beginning with Columbus's voyage in (A) their prominent placement in
classrooms
1492 and ending with Clinton's election in 1993. This timeline has photos accompanying it—about 5-6 per
B panel—next to most of the dates, and below each date is a 1-2 line description of an event that took place in (B) their lack of context
(C) their infinite nature
A that year. What immediately commands one's attention when looking at this timeline are the dates themselves.
Bolder and more prominently placed than anything else, they seem implied to be the most important feature of (D) their factual inaccuracy.
L the timeline—even more so than the events' descriptions. The way the dates line up in perfect order presents
the viewer with a rigid historical narrative, complete with a beginning and end.
M To analyze any particular timeline, it is important to recognize what the timeline expresses implicitly. The first
implicit message transmitted by the World Almanac for Kids US History Timeline is that each event listed on the
E timeline's face must hold some kind of particular historical significance to qualify as one of only 64 pieces of
American history presented. though no event's entry gives even a vague explanation as to why it merits this. The
T "official" ones and the only one that matters. 'third, that each of these events happened totally independent of
one another.
O Fourth. that, at most, only one significant event occurred in any given year. And finally, that American history is
entirely made up of wars and minor baffles, punctuated by the occasional presidential election and
VARC 100: RC#22
At its core, history is the study of events that happened in the past. In an ideal world, we would know exactly 5. Which of the following could be substituted for the word
T what happened, from beginning to end, and it would be presented in a logical, systematic order. For a young myopic in the first paragraph without changing the meaning of
mind to grasp the complexity of our history requires giving them the tools to assemble the puzzle pieces. Often the passage?
H taking a prominent position over a whiteboard or across a wall, timelines are one of the most commonplace
classroom tools used to teach history. They present a concise chronology with dates and events listed in a linear (A) Ignorant
E narrative, forming a skeletal story of history. Despite their usefulness in allowing students to gain a cursory (B) Bigoted
knowledge of many key moments in the past, their bare-bones, fact-centered structure is symptomatic of the (C) Parochial
myopic character of curricula that emphasize the What, When, and Who and eclipse the significance of Why and (D) Astigmatic.
V How.
E In the United States, by far the most common brand and format of timeline is the World Almanac for Kids US
R History Timeline- a banner set of 8 horizontal panels each with 8 events, beginning with Columbus's voyage in
1492 and ending with Clinton's election in 1993. This timeline has photos accompanying it—about 5-6 per
B panel—next to most of the dates, and below each date is a 1-2 line description of an event that took place in
that year. What immediately commands one's attention when looking at this timeline are the dates themselves.
A Bolder and more prominently placed than anything else, they seem implied to be the most important feature of
L the timeline—even more so than the events' descriptions. The way the dates line up in perfect order presents
the viewer with a rigid historical narrative, complete with a beginning and end.
To analyze any particular timeline, it is important to recognize what the timeline expresses implicitly. The first
M implicit message transmitted by the World Almanac for Kids US History Timeline is that each event listed on the
E timeline's face must hold some kind of particular historical significance to qualify as one of only 64 pieces of
American history presented. though no event's entry gives even a vague explanation as to why it merits this. The
"official" ones and the only one that matters. 'third, that each of these events happened totally independent of
T one another.
O Fourth. that, at most, only one significant event occurred in any given year. And finally, that American history is
entirely made up of wars and minor baffles, punctuated by the occasional presidential election and
VARC 100: RC#21
A new controversial theory challenges the long-held view of most archaeologists that primitive European
societies were patriarchal in both their social and religious structures, by suggesting that the people of 1. Which of the following most closely resembles the new
T ―Old Europe— from 8000 B.C. to 3000 B.C.—lived in stable agricultural societies in which women headed theory’s view of the European society prior 3000 B.C?
clans and men laboured as hunters and builders. This theory suggests that during the Stone Age there A. A nomadic community of hunter-gatherer-builders in which
H thrived in and around Europe peace-loving, matriarchal communities in which men and women lived women held positions of importance in clan, as men provided
E together as equals, respected nature, and worshipped a nurturing deity called the Great Goddess. for the family.
B. A female-dominated society with men’s main role limited to
Proponents of this theory contend that this peaceful and harmonious society was shattered in about the labor
year 3000 B.C., when marauders from the Indo-European steppes replaced social and sexual egalitarianism C. A warring community where groups were divided into two –
V by patriarchy and hierarchy, and warrior gods dethroned the Great Goddess. With the widespread one worshipping the male war gods and the other worshipping a
decimation of Old Europe, the goddess-centred religion went underground. However, its symbols have
E reappeared over the centuries in the forms of the female deities of Greece and Rome, in the Virgin Mary,
kind feminine deity.
D. A pacific community of nature worshippers with well-
and in the belief in spiritual forces lurking within the natural world.
R classified roles for both sexes.
B The theory of the Great Goddess has been hailed by feminist social critics, artists, and religious thinkers for
providing an important alternative to traditional, patriarchal mythologies and paradigms, as well as for 2. Based on the information in the passage, which of the
A providing a new and more positive model for the human relationship to the natural world. following statements about prehistoric European society would
traditional archaeologists most likely consider illegitimate?
L Yet many other investigators into prehistoric Europe consider the theory an unsubstantiated and idealistic A. The people were agrarian and not nomadic.
version of history. To a number of critics, the chief problem in this radical theory is one of method. B. Food was cooked in clay vessels over a fire.
Traditional archaeologists, taking issue with unorthodox speculation on ancient belief systems, contend that C. The people were worried about invasion.
archaeological evidence may tell us something about what people ate in the small villages of prehistoric
M Europe, how they built their homes, and what they traded, but cannot tell us much about what the dwellers
D. They had adopted a more patriarchal model
E of the ancient world actually thought. To them, such speculation is illegitimate.
N But supporters of the theory of a goddess-worshipping Old Europe counter that such critiques reveal a
certain narrow-mindedness on the part of scientists rather than weaknesses on the part of their theory
T arguing that some degree of speculation is important, perhaps even necessary, for the sake of progress in
archaeology and other fields. This element of speculation helps reveal the implications of a theory.
O
R
VARC 100: RC#21
A new controversial theory challenges the long-held view of most archaeologists that primitive European
societies were patriarchal in both their social and religious structures, by suggesting that the people of 3. Which of the following maxims seems most in agreement with
T ―Old Europe— from 8000 B.C. to 3000 B.C.—lived in stable agricultural societies in which women headed the argument that the supporters of the Great Goddess theory
clans and men laboured as hunters and builders. This theory suggests that during the Stone Age there put forth in response to criticism?
H thrived in and around Europe peace-loving, matriarchal communities in which men and women lived A. Those who live by the sword will die by the sword.
E together as equals, respected nature, and worshipped a nurturing deity called the Great Goddess. B. A mind is like a parachute in that it only works when open.
C. He who does not understand his opponent‘s arguments does
Proponents of this theory contend that this peaceful and harmonious society was shattered in about the not understand his own.
year 3000 B.C., when marauders from the Indo-European steppes replaced social and sexual egalitarianism D. The early bird gets the worm
V by patriarchy and hierarchy, and warrior gods dethroned the Great Goddess. With the widespread
decimation of Old Europe, the goddess-centred religion went underground. However, its symbols have
E reappeared over the centuries in the forms of the female deities of Greece and Rome, in the Virgin Mary,
4. Which of the following would be contrary to what a
proponent of the theory of the Great Goddess most likely
and in the belief in spiritual forces lurking within the natural world.
R believes?
A. The available archaeological evidence does not rule out the
B The theory of the Great Goddess has been hailed by feminist social critics, artists, and religious thinkers for
providing an important alternative to traditional, patriarchal mythologies and paradigms, as well as for idea that Old European matriarchal communities existed.
A providing a new and more positive model for the human relationship to the natural world. B. The field of archaeology has been dominated in the past by
male- oriented scholarship.
L Yet many other investigators into prehistoric Europe consider the theory an unsubstantiated and idealistic C. Matriarchy is conducive to establishing a healthy relationship
version of history. To a number of critics, the chief problem in this radical theory is one of method. with the natural world.
Traditional archaeologists, taking issue with unorthodox speculation on ancient belief systems, contend that D. The decimation of Old European society wiped away all traces
archaeological evidence may tell us something about what people ate in the small villages of prehistoric
M Europe, how they built their homes, and what they traded, but cannot tell us much about what the dwellers
of the Great Goddess religion.
E of the ancient world actually thought. To them, such speculation is illegitimate.
N But supporters of the theory of a goddess-worshipping Old Europe counter that such critiques reveal a
certain narrow-mindedness on the part of scientists rather than weaknesses on the part of their theory
T arguing that some degree of speculation is important, perhaps even necessary, for the sake of progress in
archaeology and other fields. This element of speculation helps reveal the implications of a theory.
O
R
T VARC 100: RC#20
Market economies and command economies occupy two polar extremes in the organization of economic
H activity. The primary differences lie in the division of labor, or factors of production, and the mechanisms that
determine prices. The activity in a market economy is unplanned; it is not organized by any central authority
1. According to the passage, all of the following were
benefits of privatizing state-owned industries in Canada
E but is determined by the supply and demand of goods and services. The United States, England, and Japan
are all examples of market economies.
EXCEPT:
(A) Privatized industries paid taxes to the government.
Alternatively, a command economy is organized by a centralized government which owns most, if not all, (B) The government gained revenue from selling state-
businesses and whose officials direct all the factors of production. China, North Korea, and the former Soviet
owned industries.
Union are all examples of command economies. In reality, all economies blend some combination of market
V and command economies.
Ludwig von Mises, an Austrian economist, argued that command economies were untenable and doomed to
(C) The government repaid most of its national debt.
(D) The government reduced losses in many sectors.
E failure because no rational prices could emerge without competing, private ownership of the means of
production. This would lead to necessarily massive shortages and surpluses. Milton Friedman, an American 2. According to the passage, which of the following resulted
economist, noted that command economies must limit individual freedom to operate. He also believed that in increased productivity in companies that have been
R economic decisions in a command economy would be made based on the political self-interest of
government officials and not promote economic growth.
privatized?
(A) A large number of employees chose to purchase shares
B While there is no blueprint for transforming a largely government-controlled economy into a free one, the
experience of Canada since 1980s clearly shows one approach that works: privatization, in which state-owned in their companies.
(B) Free shares were widely distributed to individual
A industries are sold to private companies. By 1980, the total borrowings and losses of state-owned industries
were running at about $3 billion a year. By selling many of these industries, the government has decreased shareholders.
these borrowings and losses, has gained over $34 billion from the sales, and now receives tax revenues from (C) The government ceased to regulate major industries.
L the newly privatized companies. Along with a dramatically improved overall economy, the government has
been able to repay 12.5 percent of the net national debt over a two-year period.
(D) Unions conducted wage negotiations for employees.
In fact, privatization has not only rescued individual industries and a whole economy headed for disaster, but
has also raised the level of performance in every area. At Canadian National railway and Air Canada, for
M example, productivity per employee has risen by 20 percent. At Associated Canadian Ports, labor disruptions
common in the 1970’s and early 1980’s have now virtually disappeared. At Canadian Telecom, there is no
longer a waiting list—as there always was before privatization—to have a telephone installed.
E Part of this improved productivity has come about because the employees of privatized industries were given
the opportunity to buy shares in their own companies. They responded enthusiastically to the offer of shares;
N at Air Canada, 89 percent of the eligible work force bought shares; at Associated Canadian Ports, 90 percent;
and at Canadian Telecom, 92 percent. When people have a personal stake in something, they think about it,
care about it, work to make it prosper. At the National Freight Consortium, the new employee-owners grew
T so concerned about their company’s profits that during wage negotiations they actually pressed their union
to lower its wage demands.
O Some economists have suggested that giving away free shares would provide a needed acceleration of the
privatization process. Yet they miss Thomas Paine’s point that “what we obtain too cheap we esteem too
R lightly.” In order for the far-ranging benefits of individual ownership to be achieved by owners, companies,
and countries, employees and other individuals must make their own decisions to buy, and they must commit
some of their own resources to the choice.
T VARC 100: RC#20
H activity. The primary differences lie in the division of labor, or factors of production, and the mechanisms
that determine prices. The activity in a market economy is unplanned; it is not organized by any central
3. It can be inferred from the passage that the author
considers labor disruptions to be
E authority but is determined by the supply and demand of goods and services. The United States, England,
and Japan are all examples of market economies.
(A) an inevitable problem in a weak national economy
Alternatively, a command economy is organized by a centralized government which owns most, if not all, (B) a positive sign of employee concern about a company
businesses and whose officials direct all the factors of production. China, North Korea, and the former (C) a predictor of employee reactions to a company’s offer
Soviet Union are all examples of command economies. In reality, all economies blend some combination of to sell shares to them
V market and command economies.
Ludwig von Mises, an Austrian economist, argued that command economies were untenable and doomed
(D) a deterrence to high performance levels in an industry
E to failure because no rational prices could emerge without competing, private ownership of the means of
production. This would lead to necessarily massive shortages and surpluses. Milton Friedman, an American
4. The passage supports which of the following statements
about employees buying shares in their own companies?
economist, noted that command economies must limit individual freedom to operate. He also believed that
(A) At three different companies, approximately nine out of
ten of the workers were eligible to buy shares in their
experience of Canada since 1980s clearly shows one approach that works: privatization, in which state-
companies.
(B) Approximately 90% of the eligible workers at three
A owned industries are sold to private companies. By 1980, the total borrowings and losses of state-owned
industries were running at about $3 billion a year. By selling many of these industries, the government has
different companies chose to buy shares in their companies.
(C) The opportunity to buy shares was discouraged by at
decreased these borrowings and losses, has gained over $34 billion from the sales, and now receives tax
L revenues from the newly privatized companies. Along with a dramatically improved overall economy, the
government has been able to repay 12.5 percent of the net national debt over a two-year period.
least some labor unions.
(D) Companies that demonstrated the highest productivity
In fact, privatization has not only rescued individual industries and a whole economy headed for disaster, were the first to allow their employees the opportunity to
but has also raised the level of performance in every area. At Canadian National railway and Air Canada, for buy shares.
M example, productivity per employee has risen by 20 percent. At Associated Canadian Ports, labor
disruptions common in the 1970’s and early 1980’s have now virtually disappeared. At Canadian Telecom,
there is no longer a waiting list—as there always was before privatization—to have a telephone installed.
E Part of this improved productivity has come about because the employees of privatized industries were
given the opportunity to buy shares in their own companies. They responded enthusiastically to the offer of
N shares; at Air Canada, 89 percent of the eligible work force bought shares; at Associated Canadian Ports, 90
percent; and at Canadian Telecom, 92 percent. When people have a personal stake in something, they think
about it, care about it, work to make it prosper. At the National Freight Consortium, the new employee-
T owners grew so concerned about their company’s profits that during wage negotiations they actually
pressed their union to lower its wage demands.
and countries, employees and other individuals must make their own decisions to buy, and they must
commit some of their own resources to the choice.
T VARC 100: RC#20
H activity. The primary differences lie in the division of labor, or factors of production, and the mechanisms
that determine prices. The activity in a market economy is unplanned; it is not organized by any central
5. Which of the following can be inferred from the passage
about the privatization process in the Canada?
E authority but is determined by the supply and demand of goods and services. The United States, England,
and Japan are all examples of market economies.
(A) It depends primarily on individual ownership of shares.
Alternatively, a command economy is organized by a centralized government which owns most, if not all, (B) It conforms in its most general outlines to Thomas
businesses and whose officials direct all the factors of production. China, North Korea, and the former Paine’s prescription for business ownership.
Soviet Union are all examples of command economies. In reality, all economies blend some combination of (C) It was originally conceived to include some giving away
V market and command economies.
Ludwig von Mises, an Austrian economist, argued that command economies were untenable and doomed
of free shares.
(D) It is taking place more slowly than some economists
E to failure because no rational prices could emerge without competing, private ownership of the means of
production. This would lead to necessarily massive shortages and surpluses. Milton Friedman, an American
suggest is necessary.
economist, noted that command economies must limit individual freedom to operate. He also believed that
experience of Canada since 1980s clearly shows one approach that works: privatization, in which state-
A owned industries are sold to private companies. By 1980, the total borrowings and losses of state-owned
industries were running at about $3 billion a year. By selling many of these industries, the government has
decreased these borrowings and losses, has gained over $34 billion from the sales, and now receives tax
L revenues from the newly privatized companies. Along with a dramatically improved overall economy, the
government has been able to repay 12.5 percent of the net national debt over a two-year period.
In fact, privatization has not only rescued individual industries and a whole economy headed for disaster,
but has also raised the level of performance in every area. At Canadian National railway and Air Canada, for
example, productivity per employee has risen by 20 percent. At Associated Canadian Ports, labor
M disruptions common in the 1970’s and early 1980’s have now virtually disappeared. At Canadian Telecom,
there is no longer a waiting list—as there always was before privatization—to have a telephone installed.
E Part of this improved productivity has come about because the employees of privatized industries were
given the opportunity to buy shares in their own companies. They responded enthusiastically to the offer of
N shares; at Air Canada, 89 percent of the eligible work force bought shares; at Associated Canadian Ports, 90
percent; and at Canadian Telecom, 92 percent. When people have a personal stake in something, they think
about it, care about it, work to make it prosper. At the National Freight Consortium, the new employee-
T owners grew so concerned about their company’s profits that during wage negotiations they actually
pressed their union to lower its wage demands.
and countries, employees and other individuals must make their own decisions to buy, and they must
commit some of their own resources to the choice.

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VARC 100: RC#30

E of the ancient world actually thought. To them, such speculation is illegitimate.

E of the ancient world actually thought. To them, such speculation is illegitimate.

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