The Ethnography of The Tinggians

THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TINGGUIANS
I. THE SETTING
The inland province of Abra is located in one of the Philippines’

major islands, Luzon. It is found 408 kilometers on Manila and 197
kilometers northwest of Baguio City, at the northwest portion of Region I.
It occupies a total land area of 397.8 thousand hectares. It is bounded on
the east by the Mountain Province and Kalinga Apayao on the south of
Mt. Province and Ilocos Sur, on the north of Kalinga – Apayao and on the
west by Ilocos Sur. The province is politically subdivided into 27
municipalities and 303 barangays with Bangued as the Provincial Capital
(AIADP, 1982: 1).
Tall Mountains surround the province of Abra. Along its eastern
flank areas the Gran Cordillera Central Mountain range demarcating Abra
from the province of the Kalinga – Apayao and Mountain Province. The
Malaya mountain range separate Abra from the Ilocos coastal strip on the
west. There are 21 mountains in all, the known highest of which is Mt.
Bangbanglang at 2,464 meters high.
Geographically, Abra is composed of a highland portion in the
northwest, and lowland area of plains and valleys in the south and west.
The four highland municipalities of Tineg, Tubo, Malicong, Licuan-Baay
account for nearly all of the provincial areas. Other areas occupied by the
Tingguians ethno-linguistic group are San Quintin, Langiden and
Langangilang with almost fifty percent Tingguian population.
The Abra River is the biggest and most important river in the
province. It has its source at Mt. Data (in Benguet) which naturally
irrigates and flows through the Abra and Cervantes valleys, enters Abra
south of Luba and make a northwesternly curve at Langangilang through
the Banauang gap and finally empties into the South China Sea.
In addition, the provinces narrow valleys are criss-crossed by
numerous minor rivers. These are the Binongan, Ikmin, Malanas, otip
1 /// reencoded by Mariline B. Sawey, May 2012

Sinalang, and Tineg Rivers which flows into the land join the Abra River.
They serve as source of irrigation and provide water transport into the
interior municipalities during the rainy season.
Rainfall in Abra is highest during the months of May to October
and average 2,308 millimeters a year. During this period, the flooding of
the Abra River isolates several places and makes then inaccessible to
transportation. However, during the dry season, the river and its tributaries
dry up. (AIADP, 1982).
Temperature in the whole province is cool, usually recorded at 80º
to 85ºF in the daytime, which drops around 70º at night time. (Fortin and
Rico, 1979).
Abra is rich in forest resources. Forest land constitutes around
three fourths of the total land area of the province. Forest stands are of
either pine or hard wood like almaciga. Aside from these, mossy forests
are also found. It is estimated that at least 9 million cubic meters of timber
can be logged in the province covering more than 100,000 hectares. Minor
forest products include rattan, bamboo, oleoresin and manila copal
(AIADP, 1982).
At present, two timber licenses exploit the forest wealth of the
province. These are Cellophil Resources Corporation and their sisters
company the Cellulose Processing Corporation. Jointly, these two
corporations control a logging concession covering 198,795 has. of
Benguet pines forest. 47% of this concession lies in Abra and the rest lies
in adjacent province (AIADP, 1982).
Only 36% or 114,276 has. of Abra’s land area is classified as
agricultural land. Out of this area, only 37,442 has. is under cultivation.
Production level is low, with a large part of cultivated land being mono
crop areas. Agricultural expansion is further limited by Abra’s rugged
topography (AIADP, 1982).
Mineral resources area also found in the province. The area is
sitting on untapped gold estimated at 140 million metric tons and copper

reserves of 131.3 million metric tons (RDC, 1978). Other metallic
minerals present are silver and iron. Non-metallic minerals are also found
such as clay, limestone, coal, sand and gravel.
The existence of these minerals in the area has drawn the interest
of several mining corporations including Benguet Corporation,
Marcopper, CDCP, Beloy etc.
The Abra Mining Corporation has also opened in Baay, Licuan.
However, mining exploitation has been suppressed by the local people’s
opposition to the intrusion of these corporations into their lands, as well as
by the technical difficulties encountered when faced with politicians who
are interested in a cut in the business (M and R 1972: 39). Capitalists have
also been discouraged by the low profit margin of the mining venture
attributed to extra costs for building roads and bridges. Roads in Abra are
grossly inadequate for the needs of the people in the area. The eastern
access of Abra, the Abra-Kalinga highway, is in poor conditions during
the summer and impassable during the rainy season. The southern access
through the Narvacan diversion road which links Abra to the outside is
passable all year round, but is also in poor condition.
When rivers swell during the rainy season, 21 out of Abra’s 27
municipalities are cut off from the commercial center of Bagued due to
absence of bridges. The eastern towns of Tobo, Boliney, Bocloc and
Baguio have roads directly connecting them to other municipalities.
Only 8% all roads in Abra are either cemented or asphalt. 24% is
gravel while the majority of 68% constitute dirty roads. (RDC, 1979: of
these, 64.1% are in badly – deteriorated condition, 35.8% in fair surface
condition and a small o.1% in good surface condition (AIADP, 1982).
The inadequacy of good roads in Abra partially account for the
inefficiency of other government services in the province. Postal delivery
is irregular and delayed because of the poor roads. Rural Health Centers
which are few in number are further rendered inaccessible by the
condition of the roads.

II. THE PEOPLE OF ABRA
The Tingguians are the indigenous inhabitants of Abra, they

occupy the eastern part of the province of Abra, in the rugged area of the
Grand Cordillera Central mountain range.
The 1975 population census counts 26.09% of Abra’s population

or 41,795 as Tingguians. However, recent anthropological research places
a more realistic minimum estimate of their number at 57,671 or 36% of
Abra’s total population of 160,198 in 1980. They form the majority ethnic
groups in 16 (Boliney, Buclos, Dahuiman, Danglas, Lacub, Lagayan,
Manabo, Licuan-Baay, Malicong, Penarubia, Sallapadan, San Juan, Tineg,
Tubo, and Villaviciosa) out of Abra’s 27 municipalities.
Today, there are eleven distinct Tingguian sub-groups in Abra.

These are Adasen, Mabaka, Guband, Banao, Binonga, Danak, Masadiit,
Moyadan, Dawangan, Maeng and Illaud or Itneg. Almost all of these sub-
groups are descendants of early immigrants from Bontoc, Kalinga and
Apayao. The Adasens are Isnegs from Apayao; the Mabakas are from
Mabaka, Balbalan, Kalinga); the Gubangs are from Gubang – Gubang is
found north of Pantikian, Balbalan, Kalinga) ; The Banaos are from
Pantikian Balbalan, Kalinga; the Binongan is also a sub-group of Banao;
the Danaks are from Balatoc, Pasil, Kalinga ; the Dawangan’s are from
Belwang, Sadanga, Bontoc, the Maengs are from the municipalities of
Besao and Sagada, Bontoc, the Illauds who reside in Langangilang, Patoc,
Penarubia, Lumabagan, Kalinga who moved from place to place in Banao
before landing in Langangilang and Patoc, Abra. These sub-groups refer to
themselves as Itnegs when distinguishing themselves from Ilocos and
when they do not mean to specify their sub-group.
The Tingguians sub-groups have their respective dialects and

cultural practices reflective of their origin. Te territory they occupy
comprises nearly 80% of Abra’s total land area.

The term “Tingguians” was originally used to refer to all mountain
dwellers in the Philippines. The word “Tingguians” might have been
derived from the ancient Malay from “tunggi” meaning “Mountain”. The
term “Tinggian” was earlier used by the Spaniards to refer to all mountain
or hill dwellers, such as those in Zambales, Bohol, Basilan and Mindanao.
Later, however, the name was exclusively applied to the

inhabitants of Abra and the mountains of Ilocos Sur and Ilocos Norte. The
people, though, refer to themselves as “Itneg”.
No one can trace for sure the origin of the Masadiit. They are
probably one of the earliest inhabitants of Abra whom Cole referred to as
“more akin to the Igorots than the Tingguians prior to the movement of the
latter people”. If dialect reflects their origin, the Masadiit and some people
of Besao and Sagada of Bontoc have some words in common. The
Masadiit and the Maengs have more words and customs in common.
However, this may have been influenced by their being neighbors. Or the
Masadiit may have come from the lowlands that moved to mountains
because of the Spaniards. The Masadiit, they say, lived on top and slopes
of mountains as shown by the remains of early settlements unearthed
today. When the Bontocs and Kalingas moved into the area, the Masadiit
came down to the valleys and assimilated themselves with the new
comers. These immigrants move in search of more opportunities to own
land and to exploit the abundant rivers for fish and the forest for wild
game.
The relative isolation of the Tingguians during the Spanish period

allowed them to maintain their indigenous culture for a long period of
time. With the breaking down of this isolation, the Tingguians have started
to absorb some aspects of outside culture. This is manifested mainly in
some changes in lifestyles dressings, houses and other aspects of their
culture.

III. MATERIAL CULTURE
The Tinguians to this day retain most the cultural traditions
inherited from their ancestors which pervade all important aspects of their
lives and that of the community. Their clothing, houses implements,
musical instruments and other material culture are still of dominantly of
indigenous character and usually produced in the community itself from
available local materials.
The Tingguian costume is not as elaborate or colorful as that worn
by their neighbors, the Kalingas. Skirts and g-strings are usually white
with blue borders but one may also find colors example with geometric
patterns.
The female dress consists of a straight wrap-around skirt called
tapis which reaches down to the knee, and a short-sleeved jacket worn on
special occasions. Belts are also worn by the women on special occasions.
Tinguians belts are elaborately decorated and resemble those worn by the
Ifugaos. The blue, or blue and red cloth is woven with brocade to produce
alternating bands of red and yellow geometric designs at the middle and
ends of the belt. A fringe is tied and tussled at both ends.
The Tingguians men ordinarily wear a g-string called ba-al made
of woven cloth or balibas. On special occasions, a long – sleeved jacket or
bado is added to the costume. A belt into which a long working knife is
trust is also worn, as well as a bamboo hat with a low dome-shaped top.
Beads are widely used by the Tingguians for their dresses, and
their array is often spectacular. The women’s arms, from wrist to elbow
are often completely encircled the beads, if they are not mourning. If
wealth permits, the upper arm is covered with beads as well. In earlier
times, these arm beads were tightly applied and rarely removed. This
caused a swelling at the wrist which was considered a sign of beauty.
Beads are also worn in the hair. Tied on a string, the beads are used
to catch the long hair of the woman which is parted and twisted over the
ear. Gold and copper strings are also common accessory.

The Tingguians have a wide array weapons and implement used
for hunting, butchering animals, gathering forest products, and building
houses. They have the pika say-ang tubay (spear), Kalasag (shield), gaman
(head axe), the soga (small bamboo spikes), the sabatana (blow gun) and
sinolbong (bamboo spear). The Tingguian man is rarely seen without his
bolo (long knife) stuck in his belts which serve him as a whole kit or tools.
The shield of the Tigguian which is now seldom used is similar in
form to that of the Bontocs and Kalingas. It consists of a rectangular
wooden body with three points projecting from the top and two projecting
from the bottom.
The shield bulge outward at the center, sometimes with a central
peak. Tied horizontally across the shield are kashings to prevent splitting.
In some areas of Abra, the Tingguians weave baskets for their own
domestic use. Baskets called, kaba are used for storing rice, corn and
vegetables, smaller versions of the kaba are used for serving cooked
vegetables.
Basket also plays a role in the observance of certain rituals. A
winnowing basket is used by the Tingguians for the ceremony of naming
child. The child is laid down on an inverted rice winnowing basket while
an elder gives it a name. The basket is then raised repeatedly a few inches
from the ground and then dropped while the name is spoken out.
Tingguians weave artistic blanket which are used in various
ceremonies throughout the life cycle. A special blanket called inalson is
used by the Northern Tingguians during the ritual performed at the birth of
a child (gipas). The inalson is considered to be a sacred blanket possessed
by a spirit it is white with blue and red stripes and is worn by a medium
during the gipas ceremony.
After the gipas ceremony, this blanket is spread on the floor in the
corner of the room and covered with offerings to the spirits to wait the
birth of the child.

Blankets are also used to protect the family from harm and evil
spirits. Cole describes how, on certain occasions, a rattan cord is stretched
across the end of a fishnet, etc. If an evil spirit wished to cause the
occupants harm it must first count all the threads of the blanket, all the
holes in the fishnet, etc. and it would be powerless until it had
accomplished the task.
Tingguians house are of two general types, the first type is a two to
three room dwelling surround by a porch. The second type is a one-room
house with a porch in front. These houses are usually constructed with
bamboo walls and floors, wooden posts and cogon roof.
A common feature of the Tingguian house with a wooden floor is a
corner with bamboo slats as flooring. It is customary for a Tingguian
mother to give birth in that corner. Today one often seas Tingguians
houses with galvanized iron roofing.
No definite arrangement is followed in building Tingguian
dwellings since they are usually built in clusters with rice granaries and
vegetables gardens located at the borders.
Several small bamboo structures of various shapes and sizes are
found scattered around the Tingguian village, on the trills or on the fields.
These structures are believed to house the spirits, and offerings of rice or
betel nut are invariably found inside these structures.
The balawa is the most important spirit structure among the
lowland Tingguians. It is built during the celebration of the sali-yang and
is also as a meeting place for the community people and as center for
various religious rituals and economic activities.
The sangasang is another small bamboo spirit house built by a
medium or mandadawak at the entrance of the village. The alalot is made
of bamboo arches supporting a grass roof.
The aligang is another small bamboo structure built when basi and
other offerings are placed. The ansisilit is a bamboo framework built near
the pinaing or guardian stones during the say-ang. This is a seat places

bear a ladder beneath various offerings and religious symbols, purposely
as a residence of the good spirit puduyan to guard the village.
Aside from these structures you also find other objects which serve
as religious symbols. At the post of a house is often seen a piece of
bamboo split open and a spread out at the top to prevent evil spirits from
entering on a box inside the house used specially for offerings.
The Tingguians posses many other paraphernalia’s used in
religious ceremonies. The anib is a necklace used to prevent or to protect
children. The dakidak or bagnao is used by a medium to appease the
spirits in various rituals. The sangadel and akosan are used in rituals for
the dead.
Accompanying religious rituals are the traditional Tingguian
dances. The tadek is popular courtship dance performed by a couple on all
occasions. The ganza, an iron or brass gong is used to provide music for
dances. Ganza music is always a rhythmic ensemble playing. Compared to
other Igorot rhythms, Tingguian ganza music exudes more complex and
more energetic patterns of sound. There are four kinds of ganza music
namely the toppaya, pinalla-iyun, ilload and palok or pattong. The da-eng
is another ceremonial dance accompanied by chants by the participants.
Other Tingguian musical instruments are the kalaleng or bulalek
(bamboo nose flute), salibao or ollibao (bamboo mouth sharp), bunkaka or
balimbing (bamboo rattle), kulitang (bamboo zither), paldeng (bamboo
buzzer), labit or ngabil (bamboo violin), patanggok and the tambor
(cylindrical).
Music is a significant aspect of Tingguian culture. Almost all
members of the community sing and the song are often heard in the
community at work and at play.
Tingguian songs include balaguyos, ngayowok, or dango and
oggayam which are improvisatory songs. They are usually sung in
welcome or leave taking and other occasions, differing only in their total
range, melodic ornamentation and verse form.

Popularly song is the salidommay or dongilay with its numerous
variations. There are salidommay songs for all occasions – welcome,
weddings, wakes and other social to the old ceremonial days are the dal-
leng diwas, the daing and colcolimusta which are but snatches of
remembered phrases among the Tingguian elders today.
IV. ECONOMIC LIFE
Abra presents a landscape dominated by hills and mountains thus;

expectedly agriculture is still the dominant economic activity. Rice is the
major crop grown extensively throughout the province to meet the needs
of local population.
There are several types of rice cultivation practiced by the

Tingguians. In the lowlands and terraces where irrigation is possible, the
Tingguians practice wet-rice cultivation. Dry rice cultivation or kaingin
farming is practiced by the upland Tingguians, supplemented by terrace
farming. The dry-wet dichotomy of rice, cultivation is an adaptation to the
environmental constraints of rainfall, elevation and terrain.
Aside from rice, corn is also planted as a major subsistence.

Tobacco is planted as a cash crop in the lowland areas. Other agricultural
products are camote, yams, gabi, ginger, coconuts, mango, atis, jackfruit,
santol, and banana. Sugarcane is planted for making wine or basi which is
commonly used in the various traditional rituals and ceremonies.
Vegetable patches are also found among the houses in the Tingguian
settlements.
The Tingguians raise cattle on their community owned pasture

lands. Other livestock raised are pigs, and chickens which are butchered
for food or for use in religious rituals. Carabaos are kept for farm work or
are sometimes slaughtered during big celebrations. Other animals like wild
boars, deer and fowls are caught by hunting.

The Tingguians also fish and pan for gold in the Abra river and its
tributaries.
Eels and other freshwater fish such as Paleleng, Ogadiw, Compa

and Lagdo (lobster) are caught to supplement the viands of most of the
families. Bamboo fish traps, nets and other fishing implements are found
in almost every household. Fishing is also in the paddies. With little nest,
the women scoop up the fish which they have stirred up with their feet and
put them in a “necklace” basket which hangs from their waists.
Communal forests are other valuable economics source for the

Tingguians. They provide food like wild animals, honey edible plants as
well as drinking water from the springs and raw materials for house
building and handicraft making. Conservation of their communal forests is
therefore integral in the Tingguians’ economic life. They have learned the
importance of maintaining the ecological balance in their environment and
that cutting trees from the watershed could determine wither or not their
water supply would be sufficient to irrigate their rice fields. Because of
this, they have designated certain areas in the watershed where kaingin-
making is prohibited.
Small – scale handicraft-making is also engaged in by the

Tingguian woman. Basketry, weaving, pottery and bead –making are
being undertaken in some households. Handicrafts are produced primarily
for utilization and domestic purposes rather than to other places. Woven
products include blankets, cloths and the Tingguian tapes of various colors
and designs.

V. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
Lowland Tingguians live in village communities while the upland

Tingguians live in hamlet-sized settlements. The latter are sparsely –
scattered in the mountainous country of north and eastern Abra and
northward into the Ilocos Norte.
Some of the lowland Tingguians have also moved westward over

the Ilocos range to form settlements on its coastal side. Tingguian villages
on the coast are of considerable size with the house usually grouped in
barrio clusters or scattered out among gardens and seedbeds.
The basic social unit within a Tingguian village is the family.

Kinship ties binding Tingguian families remain strong today. This
condition contributes to the unity within Tingguian society at present.
Social stratification in Tingguian society is based on economic

status in the community. The possession of ceremonial wealth in the form
of Chinese jars copper, gongs and precious beads vies closely with the
possession of rice fields and livestock in defining the status of being rich
or baknang.
Wealth is inherited in the Tingguian family. Maintaining one’s

status as baknang family entails the hosting of expensive religious
ceremonies which always require feasting, butchering of animals and
drinking of basi or sugar cane wine.
The traditional political leadership in a Tingguian village is held by

the panglakayen literally “old men”, who compose a council of leaders
representing the different puroks or settlements in the community. In
earlier times, the prestige of a Tingguian leader was won mainly by his
prowess and bravery as a warrior in wars or head taking expedition. Cole
(1982) reports of a Tingguian leader of Manabo named Bulakano who was
no ordinary mortal but a man in whom people instinctively rely. His

leadership and ability as a warrior is well established far and wide. He was
a man of bravery that his companions’ claimed he fought not only with
man-made weapons but used magic as well.
At present, the panglakayen earn their political leadership on the

basis of their wisdom in custom law, by their protection of the community
interest, as well as by their economic achievement in trade and in the
acquisition of land and property.
The prestige and status of the panglakayen is maintained as long as

they are respected and represent the will of the community. Decisions
regarding community affairs are reached by consensus after long and
heated democratic discussions involving al members on the community.
Tingguian rules of etiquette, as well as their moral code, have

come down through many generations and to follow the customs of their
ancestors is expected.
Custom law dictates that persons found guilty of committing

crimes are disciplined by social ostracism. It is believed that the best way
to correct a social offender is by subjecting him to rejection by his own
community. At times, however, the panglakayen can levy a fine on the
circumstances of the case in the financial standing of the parties
concerned.
The Tingguians maintain peaceful relations among themselves and

with other ethnic groups in the Cordillera. Each Tingguian sub-group
relates with other sub-groups within the province, as well as with
neighboring communities of the Bontoc and Kalinga, by an intricate
network of peace pact agreement called kalon.
The Tingguian kalon was originally a peace pact forged through

inter-marriage between two groups, which later on developed into an
affective mechanism for stopping head taking. In order to minimize

conflicts with other groups in the Cordillera, the Tingguians entered into
peace with other group.
The peace pact agreement, which is called kalon (which is also

the term used for “inter-marriage” is based on the same principles as the
marriage agreement between two families.)
Until today, the kalon is still an effective institution in the

maintenance of peace. It has come to mean more than the mere stopping of
wars or head taking. The forging of a kalon marks the beginning of a new
relationship between two groups which is as strong as blood kinship. It is
defined by a policy of no-aggression, mutual help and cooperation and
mutual enjoyment of available resources. The lakay or peace pact holder is
responsible for enforcing the terms of the kalon.
Ever since inter-marriage was contracted between the Tingguians

and the people of the Mountain Province, the kalon or bodong has been
used interchangeably to refer to peace pacts between these groups. To
date, 22 peace pacts have been forged between the Tingguian communities
and other ethnic groups in the Cordillera.
VI. BELIEF SYSTEM
The Tingguians are a traditionally – religious people. They believe

in the existence of numerous supernatural beings who inhabit their land
and who are endowed with powers superior to those of human beings,
enabling them to guard and guide the Tingguian’s life. These supernatural
beings or spirits which they call anitos or sasailos are believed to
determined, to a great extent, the fate and activities of the Tingguian
people, and therefore have to be respected and revered through religious
offerings and rituals. For the Tingguians, supernatural being is more
important than the spirits of the dead. This traditional religion continues to
exist today side by side with the adoption of Catholicism which was
introduced at some point during the Spanish colonial period.

The Tingguians believe in the great god, kadaklan, who lives up in
the sky and created the earth, the sun, the moon and the stars. So powerful
is kadaklan that he continues to rules over the supernatural world and can
send other spirits who are his servants to convey his message to the
people.
Kabunian is another central deity who is the friend and helper of

the people. He is a good spirit who taught them all they know: how to
pray, cure illnesses and protect themselves from evil spirits.
More than 150 other spirits are known to the Tingguians by name.
These spirits visit the people through a medium or aplogan or
mandadawak who make their wishes known. The small bamboo structures
found all around the villages are believed to house various spirits.
Another god is Apadel, or kalagang who is believed to be their

guardian and who lives in the guardian stones known as pinaing.
The pinaing is a set of modular stones of peculiar shape found at

the entrance of the village. Sometimes, these stones appear with yellow
bands around them which are tied during the celebration of the say-ang.
Another good spirit believed to guard the village is Pudayan who resides
in a bamboo structure called sangasang at the entrance of the village. The
gods relate to the Tingguians through the medium (aplogan).The medium
is usually a middle-aged female who is believed to have the power to
directly communicate with the spirits. She occupies center stage in the
celebration of rituals and prestige ceremonies. During the ceremony the
medium looses consciousness and spirits are said to posses her body and
communicate through her words.

VII. LIFE CYCLE
The life of the Tingguian is dominated by their traditional belief in the

supernatural. The important moments in the life of the Tingguian like birth,
childhood, betrothal, marriage, sickness, death and agricultural production are
and occasions for the performance of religious rituals, songs, and dances in
honor of the spirits.
Conception and pregnancy. From the moment of conception, the

Tingguians believe that supernatural beings are involved in the whole process
of pregnancy and childbirth. Thus, unnatural births are usually attributed to
supernatural conceptions. When a woman is conceiving, it is believed that an
anito or spirit gets pregnant at the same time and that both mother and the
spirit deliver their babies simultaneously.
Child birth. The Tingguian mother customarily gives birth at home in a

corner of the house, with the assistance of the midwife. During the delivery,
particularly a difficult one, the gipas, or birth rite, is performed. Offerings are
made to the anitos to ask for an easy delivery. A pig usually slaughtered for
the offering.
After delivery, it is a usual practice to keep the fire burning for 29 days
in a shallow box beside the mother. This is done to keep the mother warm
and to ward off evil spirits. The placenta is then stored in a jar with some
bamboo leaves in the belief that this will help the child grow fast like a
bamboo plant.
Two days after the child is born, another ritual called olog (baptism) is
performed. This ritual ensures the fast growth of the child.
Another ritual is performed on the child after one month called

longbus or confirmation, the ritual is performed to gain strength for the child.

The child is given a name usually after an ancestor, in another
ceremony which makes use of the winnowing basket. In earlier times, as Cole
reports, the child was placed on an inverted rice winnowing basket while an
old man and woman gave it name. Then the basket was lifted and dropped
several times while the name was repeated. (1922:265-266).
Childhood. The Tingguians carry their babies by wrapping a blanket

around the baby and fastening them around the mother’s hips. This manner of
carrying allows the mother to go about her task with her hands free at the
same time caring for the baby. Feeding is also facilitated by this manner of
carrying the baby.
As the child grows, he is taught to assume certain responsibilities in

the family and in the village.
Religious rituals again play an important role in the growth of a child.

When a child get sick, a ritual called ibal is performed by a medium to assure
the recovery of the child. The god Kabunian believed to be responsible for the
recovery, health and care of the child, is called upon by the medium to
prescribe the proper medication to be used. This ritual entails the butchering
of a pig or rooster and the praying of the diam or dimdimi.
When a child reaches the age of two, another ritual called oloy is
performed. First medium prays the diam or dimdimi, and then a rooster or a
pig is butchered as an offering to the spirits. The heart of the animal is doused
against the chest of the members of the child’s family while a thread from the
medium’s dress is touched against the child, which is believed to prevent him
from crying.
Engagement and Marriage. Among the Tinggunians, marriages are

arranged by parental groups, Arranged marriages are usually between distant
relatives, preferably the 3rd and 4th cousins. This is practiced to keep the
families closely-knit and to keep the family wealth within the kinship group.

Child betrothal contracted between the parents of the bride and the
parents of the groom is the usual prelude to marriage among Tingguians.
When the boy is about to six to eight years old, his parents select a partner for
him. Then they pay a visit to the family of the chosen girl accompanied by an
intermediary.
The proposal is done with the offering of three beads to the girls as a
sign of affection. To gain the approval of the parents of the girl, the
background of the boy’s family is recited and the advantages of marriage
presented. When the girl has accepted the proposal, the beads are tied to her
waist as a sign of engagement.
The pakalon is the next stage of the engagement process. This is

usually held at a later date and this is done when the dowry is settled. A pig is
slaughtered and feasting is done during the pakalon or wolwac. The dowry is
paid in form of animals, old jars, blankets and other items. Only an initial
payment is made during the pakalon.
The rest of the dowry is paid during the actual wedding by the groom
who proceeds to his bride’s house and gives the dowry to her parents. During
the ceremony, the couple sits together with two bowls of water before them.
Two beads are dropped into the bowls, after which the couple is asked to
drink the water assure them of eternal union.
The rice ceremony follows with the bride and the groom each holding
some rice squeezing the rice into a ball. The groom throws his ball of rice into
the air and let it fall on the floor. It is a bad omen if the ball of rice breaks or
rolls, it could mean the postponement of the marriage. The bride drops her
ball of rice in between the bamboo slats of the floor as an offering to the
spirits.
No celebration of feasting accompanies the wedding ceremony. The

guests leave right after the ceremony.

On their wedding night, the couple is supposed to sleep on the bride’s
house with a pillow between them and a head axe under the pillow of the
groom. The next night they transfer to the groom’s house with the girl
bringing along her mat and pillow to sleep in.
Separation and divorce may happen in the traditional society, but this
involves a difficult and expensive process.
Adulthood. Adulthood brings both social and a religious responsibility

which must be met of one is to lead a productive and meaningful life as a
Tingguian. Spirits must be placated and respected lest they cause harm to the
family. Rituals may therefore be performed every time and offerings are made
to the spirits in order that life will go on smoothly.
The biggest rituals performed by the Tingguians is the say-ang

ceremony originally used to be a nineteen day celebration following a
successful head taking expedition. But with the effective control of head
taking during the 19th century, the say-ang ceased to be a head taking
celebration.
At present, the say-ang is the most significant of Tingguian

ceremonies. It is celebrated to win good will from the spirit, to maintain
communication with the departed members of the family and to maintain
social status.
The celebration of the say-ang usually lasts for seventeen days and
nights involving great feasting, dancing and drinking by the community
people. These clothes are handed down as heirlooms in the family.
The windows of the house of the dead person are kept tightly closed
for sometime after to prevent evil spirits from entering. For the same reason,
the dead man’s spouse is made to sleep under a fishnet at night and to stay
behind a pile of pillows during the daytime for three consecutive days that the
corpse in the house.

During the vigil or bangongon, friends and relatives come to pay their
respect and to sing alaba-ab or dirge. Chants are sung while some women fan
the corpse. When the wake is over, the body is buries under the house, or else
in a common grave along with other dead relatives.
Some months after the burial, another ritual is performed by the

relatives and friends of the deceased. This is the layog which is meant to pay
honor to the dead man and to ease the bereavement of this family. During the
layog there is feasting of rice and meat, serve with basi. The tadek is also a
dance by the relatives. The medium that performed the rituals then goes to the
guardian stones called pinaing and prays the diam. There he offers rice mixed
with pig’s bloods to the anito who resides in the pinaing. After this is done,
the medium returns to the house of the dead man in the company of some men
who shout out along the way to frightened the evil spirits.
It is only after the layog is celebrated that the house of the deceased is
allowed to be opened.
Great quantities of rice are pound and cooked while many pigs are
slaughtered for the affair. A number of mediums preside over the activities,
supervising the construction of the balawa, and reciting prayers and
summoning the spirit from time to time.
Everyone join in the dancing of the radek and the daeng (danced only
at night). The celebration is climaxed on the last day when all the people
proceed to the entrance of the town and gather around the pinaing or guardian
stones. The medium while chanting a prayer rubs the top of each stone with
oil then ties yellow bands around them. Gongs and drunks are played while
the ritual is performed and a pig is offered to the spirits. Afterwards, betel nut
chew and rice is offered for the spirits to partake of.
Other Tingguian rituals are the dawak, calangan, sugayong and

bawbawa.

Death and Burial. The Tingguians believe life after death in a place
called maglalawa, the after world. In order that a person’s spirit is clean as it
enters manglalawa, his body is immediately cleaned and dressed by his
family. Beads, blankets, belts and other valuable items are used to decorate
the body of the person as he takes his journey to maglalawa. The Bonongan,
masadi-it and banao groups call the abode of the spirit of the dead as
magsingit.
Custom generally requires that the best items be provided for the dead.
During the funeral services the Tingguians usually bury their dead in a
valuable old blanket. If a new blanket is used, they damage it to prevent the
person’s soul from being cheated out of a new one or have it taken from him
by force as he enters the world of the dead.
During the wake, the corpse is seated on a sangadel. Beside it are

placed offerings of food and wine for the spirits, and displays of textiles like
valuable blankets, skirts, g-strings and belts. These cloths are symbolically
taken with the spirit and presented by him to his ancestors. Doors and
windows are thrown open and the occupants of the house are allowed to
resume their usual chores.
Before World War II, during the funeral of an adult, bitnag or bisnag
among the Apayaos was practiced at night among the Binongan and Banao
groups. This is an influence from their Apayao and Kalinga neighbors.
One most interesting ceremony during the funeral among the

Tingguians is the pagpagada or farewell ceremony. This is done by several
members selected from the men and women attending the wake, designated as
follows: 1- represents the deceased; 1-repsresents wife (supposing the
husband is the dead); 1 –represents another member of the family; 1-
represents the surrounding barrios and the last represents the head of the
barrio where the dead or family resides. The dead as well as the wife are
represented by a proxy each. Depending on the ability of the proxy of the dead

as well as the surviving partner, the ceremony could be very touching and
meaningful, evoking deep emotions on the parts of those who can understand
all parts. Word as endearments and comfort from the lips of the dead, as
impersonated by the proxy, could be so realistic and comforting with other
participants, that the ceremony can be a fitting end of the wake. All parts are
sung with the sentimental ariba-ab music. This ceremony is done prior to the
burial which is not most unique ceremony during funerals of married folks
when one survives the other. If a priest or minister of any church is present his
part is done right after the pagpagada.
Among the highland Tingguians the COLIAS or Wacsi is celebrated

right after the burial. This part of the funeral is a festivity in honor of the dead
to comfort the family. It is but natural that the dead is eulogized in all songs
by the people. The festivity continues all night if the burial was late in the
afternoon or at midday. If the burial was in the morning the festivity may
continue till late in the afternoon. The belief is also to hasten a happy journey
of the dead to the other world.
The LAY-OG is celebrated during the year or after a year by a well-to-

do family bereaved of a loving member of the family. This ceremony is a sort
of memorial of the dead. Any members of the clan are extended family who
died before this date is also included though the immediate family may
shoulder most of the expense. Others contribute as they are able.
The vacating of the dwelling of the deceased as indicated by some

authors is not practiced by the Tingguians in the highland. This even, is rarely
done in the lowlands if ever nowadays. What is done after the burials is that
every dwelling is placed branches of a citrus tree with thorns to deter the ghost
of the dead from entering the house. The aroma of the leaves as well as the
thorns drive the spirits away, is believed.

VIII. SOME CONCLUSION
The Tingguians of Abra have maintained until today their identity

as indigenous people. While some external influences are apparent in
some aspects of Tingguian life, basically, the Tingguians of today retains
the traditional culture, social and political organizations and economic
practices of their forefathers. Never having been effectively subjugated by
the Spanish colonizers during the 16th to 18th century, this people were not
subjected to the same degree of colonial imposition as were other Filipinos
in the lowland. Thus their values system, their leadership patterns, their
material culture were not as greatly influenced by the Spaniards and
remained largely as they were since pre-colonial times.
The persistence of these indigenous practices does not imply that

the Tingguians are resistant to progress. Firstly it illustrates the continuing
viability of Tingguian community despite the creation of barangay
structures in the panglakayen is found a venue for popular participation in
decision making within the Tingguian village.
Likewise, the practice of traditional cultural practices, belief

system and social organization has contributed much to the maintenance
of unity and stability in Tingguian society.
Agriculture continues to be the basic source of livelihood for the

Tingguians. The fruits of the land supply the bulk of the Tingguian food
requirements. Without the land and its resources, the Tingguian would be
deprived of the foundation of his people’s indigenous existence.
It is a matter of great concern, therefore that the land and resources

of the Tingguians are now being rapidly depleted by the entry of huge
corporations and infrastructure projects into Abra. Logging, mining, and
hydropower projects are depriving the Tingguians of their source of
livelihood by encroaching into their productive lands, rivers and
communal forests. Aggravating the conditions are the neglect for the

welfare and social service of the people and the absence of needed
infrastructure like roads in the provinces. If allowed to go unchecked these
could lead to the loss of life, integrity and identity of the Tingguian
people.
The Tingguians posses’ particular ethnic characteristics which are

different from but familiar to those of other Cordillera ethno-liguistic
groups. At the same time, they share the same historical experiences of
independence and struggle against colonial subjugation. Two, they
experience common problems with the rest of the Cordillera people, the
loss of their ancestral lands, the non-recognition of their political and
cultural integrity.
Finally, the Tingguians deserve, along with the other Cordillera

National Minorities, the right to a dignified and self-determining existence
within the Filipino nation of which they form a distinct part.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abra Integrated Development Program, 1982.
Blumentritt, Ferdinand. An Attempt at Writing Philippine Ethnography. Marwi City:

Mindanao State University Research Center. 1980.
Cole, Pa-cooper. The traditions of the Tingguians. Field museum of Natural History
Publication 180. Anthropological Series.
Vol.XIV. No.1, Chicago. 1915.
Dorall, Richard F. and Ma. Elena Regpala. “Dams, Pines and Tribes”, Reflections on
Frontier Development in the Philippines. Unpublished
paper prepared for the seminar on problems of
Development Environment and Natural Resources Crisis in
Asia
Malaysia ; RECSAM. October 1983.
Dumagat, Fay I. “Tale of two Heroes”. Filipino Heritage. Vol 5 Philippines; Lahing
Pilipino Publishing Inc., 1976.
Dumagat, Fay I. “The Ways of the Itneg”. Filipino
Heritage. Vol.6 Philippines; Lahing Pilipino
Publishing, Inc.,1978.
Eggan, Fred. “Some aspects of Cultural Change in the Northern Philippines”. American
Anthropologist Vol. 43, No.1 January – March 1979.
Fortin and Rico. The Tingguian, PCAS Field Reports. Philippine Center for advanced
Studies.
1979.

THE ROLES OF MYTHS, SYMBOLS AND RITUALS IN THE ABRA WORLD
VIEW
This study is limited to the study of “Wadagan Dulimaman” and three related
Tingguian stories which are examined in terms of myths, symbols and rituals. These
stories have been chosen because “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman is the first maman (story)
ever written in the history of Tingguian literature that can best present the Tingguian
folk-beliefs and traditions. “Wadagan kan Dulimaman” and the three related in terms of
the myths, symbols and rituals present in them, like the myths of the golden comb in
“Wadagan Kan Dulimaman,” and the golden raft with a golden rooster in “Dulimaman
and Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayen” which also serve as symbols of affluence in both
stories.
The cultural and social background of the Tingguian is hereby presented first in
order to better understand and to appreciate Tingguian literature through the myths,
symbols, and rituals enumerated and discussed in this work.
The Tingguian’s social and political organizations have not developed beyond the
village level. Beliefs in supernatural beings, a recurrent feature of Tingguian society,
have largely influenced their perception of their surrounding world. It underlies much of
the way the Tingguian behave and think. Rituals, social functions and celebrations have
retained their distinct Tingguian stamp.
Music is an important aspect of Tingguian culture. Singing is a normal occurrence

in the community and in the work fields. Among the instruments commonly used in
entertainment and rituals are the kalaleng, a nose flute made of a long reed of with holes
on the side; the diw-diw-as, a pan pipe made of reed of various length tied together, the
gangsa or copper and iron gongs and the bamboo agiweng or the brass kalibu instrument.
Other musical gadgets of importance to the Tingguians are the kulintang (bamboo guitar);
tambor (drum), an instrument made out from a short portion of hollowed out tree trunk,
with pig skin or cowhide covering the ends; tulali (mouth flute), and, bunkaka, a
percussion instrument. The Tingguians also give great importance to their religious
observance with various paraphernalia used in their ceremonial rites. Their religious

paraphernalia range from necklace to musical instruments. There is the anib, a protective
necklace used by children, the dakidak which is used to attract spirits believed to appease
the spirits and to aid mediums in different rituals. The akosan and the sangadel, on the
other hand, are used only in rituals for the dead. Local rituals and festivities are
incomplete without the performance of the tadek and daeng. The former is danced during
religious occasions. The latter is a ceremonial dance performed at night time to the
accompaniment of chants by participants.
Within Tingguian society, there is an evident Tingguian belief on the existence of

supernatural beings. These spirits are not confined only to their realm for they can
assume human form and can move among people. This belief shapes the conduct of
Tingguian life, putting sanctions and prohibitions on the activities of the people.
According to Fortin and Rico, Jr.:
“The Tingguians believe that the ancestor were the first inhabitants of this world.
For them, the supreme god Bagatulayan created the world and continues to govern the
activities of the spiritual world. A subordinate deity is Kadaklan, the friendly spirit who
teaches the Tingguian how to pray, harvest, ward off evil spirits, overcome bad omens
and remedy illnesses. A powerful spirits is Apadel or Kalagang, the guardian who dwells
in peculiarly shaped stones.
MYTHS
Man, by nature, wants things done easily and fast to save energy and time, hence
there is the case of Wadaganspetbird, Dumayugawan, which facilitated the activities of
its master in going from Kadallayapan to Kababtingan then back to Kadallayapan.
Likewise, Ganinawan’s petbird, Adudulan, helped her looked for Wadagan with
facility upon her command, thus:

“… Ayamkowa Adudulan, bilokan in Wadagan
Sukisukema lisan ulay diano to inna
Napanan,” nimandal si Ganinawam.
Adiamo, nakakaalen si Wadagan kangkad basalan.
/ “… My petbird, Adudulan, look for Wadagan.

Search for Him everywhere in whatever place he wants,”
Commanded Ganinawan.
Suddenly, Wadagan landed on their bamboo proch./
Labyongan, petbird of Boliwan (who was also Duliman), helped serve its mistress
by doing errands for her when Boliwas wanted her brother, Agtanang, to pass by her
before they would attend Wadagan’s sayang.
Guminga si Dulimaman :
“Ayamko, Labyongan, ingka saludsuden kan
Agtanang no in napakaamuan nga in makisayang.”
Sumangpet si Labyongan, nasdaaw si Agtanang.
“Ano itan ta gagalam?” ta inna nipatang.
“Nibaonnak kan Dulimaman nga in mangsalusud no ingka nabagaan ngain
makisayang.”
Nilawlawag ni Labyongan.
“Atta ah tan tedan,” ni sungbat ni Agtanang.
/Dulimaman spoke:
“My petbird, Labyongan, go and ask Agtanang if he was informed of going to the
sayang”
Labyongan arrived, Agtanang was surprised.
“What are you here for at this time?” he asked
“Dulimanman sent me to ask you if you were informed of going to the sayang,”
explained Labyongan.
“Yes, there is a letter of invitation,”
answered Agtanang.
There is also a psychological effect in the existence of a petbird in the midst of

Tinguian hero or heroine. The petbird makes its master or mistress physically
comfortable and emotionally secure in its role as messenger and a servant. The presence
of the petbird helps enlighten and uplift the prominent Tingguian characters from their
emotional and spiritual problems, as a true confidante and a loyal companion to them,
just like the way Dumayyuguwan loyally accompanied Wadagan in his search for a
sweetheart in Kababtiingan.

A well-to-do Tingguian in the past had household helps, governesses, or servants
to the home as it is true among affluent Tingguian families of today.
In the story “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman,” the banyalans served as guards and
servants in Ama Bibiduwans abode. This is seen in the following lines:
Wad da kan met da kad banyalan

Nga agtatamdag kantan basalan.
“Apo, imbag nga aldaw yona lisan,” ni kablaaw kan ni Wadagan.
Nagtalay metten da kad banyalan ta napalaus
Ta baindan nga simmungbat kan Wadagan.
/There was also banyalan looking through the windows.

Good day, everyone,” greeted Wadagan.
The Banayalans all ran away because they were too shy to answer Wadagan./
Adeline C. Blanco has translated “banyalan” as an aran in Ilokano as shown by
these lines:
Adda met dagiti aran nga agkalkalubaba’t tatawaan.
“Apo, naima nga aldaw you amin,” inkablaaw ni Wadagan.
/ There was also arans looking through the windows.

“Good day everyone,” greeted Wadagan.
The arans all ran away./
Based from the personal interview with Ina Matagay of Lagayan, Abra, the aran is
said to be a dwarf. However, Perraren mentioned about a gruop of lesser spirits that are
frequently mentioned in the tales which are called be the same arans in Adelina C.
Balnco’s “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman.” According to Perraren, “the arans, in practically
all instances, play the role of foster mother to the principal characters who oftentimes
appear as after-birth sons. As mentioned in the article, the alans secure drops of
menstrual blood of “afterbirth” and change these into children completely known to the
real parents. The foster children are brought up and they consequently become heirs to
the great wealth of these spirits. They are portrayed as rich beings living in a golden
houses located near springs, the pebbles of which are gold and agate beads. When the
true parents of the “afterbirth” children are ascertained, the foster parent disappears.
Dulimaman must have been attended to by an alan or aran governess although

Ama Bibiduwan was her guardian, and this writer is convinced that the arans also served

as helpers and maids, or governess in Ama Bibiduwan’s abode. This is seen in the
following lines in Ilokano:
“dakayo nga aran ingkay man yapuyan to mahgan ni Don Wadagan,” innayonna
pay.
Idi makalutodan inayabandan di sangaili a mangan.
/ “Arans, prepare some food for Don Wadagan,”

he added.
When they had finished cooking, they called for their visitor for his meal./
The banayalan gives feeling of security to the hero or heroine, just like the way a
petbird serves its owner dutifully, because the banyalan is always around as a true
confidante and loyal companion to its master or mistress.
The myth of the half-python, half-man Ama Bididuwan must have been brought
about by a curse by some unseen beings during primordial times as magic was often
practiced then where a supernatural power was imputed to a conjure who maintained
rapport with the invisible world and his power was derived from a supernatural evil
force thus resulting into the present state of Ama Bididuwan as proved below:
“Ala anakko, iyong, adak agingalan ta

beklatak nga sinisingam,” nisungbat ni Bibiduwan
/ “My child, I can’t name myself because I am a python as you can see,”
answered Bibiduwan./
When a man is hurt, he becomes vindictive, and thus, he goes to the extent of
avenging his hurt pride by doing some evil acts against his fellowmen. In ancient times,
people who hated their fellow beings resorted to magic in order to vindicate the hurt
inflicted on them. Perhaps, this happened to Ama Bibiduwan as he was turned into a
half-man, half-python and his human form was only restored upon request of Wadagan
to have Ama Bibiduwan released from human bondage. Wadagan requested his aunts to
send away the python from Ama Bibiduwan’s body to the forest. With Wadagan’s help,
Ama Bibiduwan became a peaceful man again: comfortable, contented, happy, secure,
and free!

Wealth among the Tingguians is heredity. Ownership of property remains be the
main basis of one’s classification as rich or poor which is observed this writer among
Tingguians in Lagangilang and in the other Tingguian municipalities like Lagayan and
Manabo in Abra.
The “golden table” or “balitok a bulawan nga lamisaan” may really seem so
mythical:
“Adiyo pakadanagan tan kaawan ta kasango na mangan ta paltawek ta lamisaan,

Balitoka bulawan nga inpangidasalan ta kuna ni Don Wadagan,” nibaga pay ni
Dulimaman
/ “Don’t’ you worry on the absence of someone to dine with him for I’ll send
forth
a golden table set with food for Lord Wadagan,” promised Dulimaman./
In those days, the existence of a golden table is indeed unbelievable: but many
generations ago there must have been golden tables in the homes of the affluent
Tingguians because gold abundantly existed in the mountain areas of Abra like in Lacub,
Baay and Malibcong – all municipal districts of Abra. Gold is also found in Lacub and
Licuan in the province of Abra, and in some of the adjacent municipal districts, like
Bucloc or Buklok. Gold has been coming down the Buklok River since the August
typhoon of 1984.
Although Dulimaman, who as a virgin maiden had been always kept or locked in
a room, was not willing to dine with Wadagan, it was a sign of her innate Tingguian
hospitality and an honorable gesture on her part to serve an ample food for Wadagan on a
solid golden table. This is to affirm that Wadagan must served as a wealthy guest of the
house, which he really deserved being the only son of the wealthy couple – Aglayang and
Ganinawan of Kadallayapan.
The genuineness of the golden table speaks of the purity and sincerity of the
young maiden, Dulimaman, in serving her wealthy guest well even it was not proper for a
young virgin like her to show her real feelings for her young man, Wadagan. It was not
acceptable within the bounds of the Tingguians norms and conduct and the Tingguians
sense of good morality. By adopting the customary beliefs and traditions of the

community, adolescents are informed that they have acquainted the necessary orientation
befitting their elders.
The “inalimban” or a kept or locked young woman is a Tinguian Pubescent who,

in modern concept is still a virgin, and has to be well-chaperoned as in the case of
Dulimaman. According to Tingguian customs, the “inalimba” must not talked with male
strangers until such a time when she is allowed to speak with a man at the right age in the
period of adolescence, to wit:
“Awan ah, addak annugutan,” kunkan met ni Dulimaman.

Kad nukuangen, napan ta pagsildan.
“Adinak kapatpatang ta maysaak la nga inalimba.”
Tinulbek ni Dulimaman tan pantaw ta pagsildan.
/ “No, I have to disagree.” Answered Dulimaman.

After saying thus, she went to her room.
“Don’t you speak with me for I am only a locked maiden,” she added.
Then Dulimaman locked the door of her room.
The upbringing of the Tingguian pubescent is a very strict one. Tingguian culture,
morals and traditions have safeguarded the much treasured virginity of the young
Tingguian girl. Among the Tingguians. It is a disgrace in the family to have an unmarried
daughter loses her honor. Today, the reputation of a Tingguian lady is still reparable with
money, land or animal by the man who dishonor her without the benefit of marriage.
Kissing or touching a virgin among conservative Tingguians is punishable by law. The
culprit is required to pay the victim a thousand pesos. In barrio Laguiben of Lagangilang,
Abra, a Tingguian family imposed a fine of one thousand pesos on a man who forcibly
kissed their girl for the reason that each finger of the man which touched the virgin girl
was worth one hundred pesos. That is how strict the Tingguian culture towards the
woman, especially with their virgins.
The “giningsudan” myth was rooted in a belief among the Tingguians only
believed rebirth with the dead was set afloat the river or dagsiyan where the water was
spiritual and thus could bring back the life of the dead. This shown when Wadagan’s
corpse was placed in the spiritual water or pagangngalupan and lived again.

As earlier mentioned, the Tingguians truly believed that a human being is
reincarnated if the corpse was not buried in the earth but that it should be set afloat the
river. When it would reach the end of the river it could saved by Alokotan from
“Dumanau and Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayan”:
Alokotan could be the same Baket Dullukutan who restored the lives of
Dulimaman and Wadagan after their respective deaths.
The myth of eternal return through “nine maidens” is psychological. “Nine

maidens” have psychological effect on the Tingguian, especially on the dead’s family
during a funeral rite when gentlemen are not even allowed to touch Dulimaman’s body,
and only “nine maidens” are allowed to fix her coffin as shown below:
Kunkan met ni Ganinawan:

“Ipaay-yo wa pammakawan- adi kay eg-egnan si
Dulimaman dikaya nagay – ayumman.
Maawagan ta siyama babbalasang ta ida ta mangsimpa kantan tabalang,”
/Gananawan said:
“Pardon us, gentlemen, please don’t touch the dead body of Dulimaman.
Nine maidens are called for to fix the coffin./
To the Tingguians, the virginity of the “nine maidens” would mean a possible
reincarnation of the dead, because the virginity of the “nine maidens” who fixed
Dulimamans coffin would assure Dulimaman of her acceptance by her creator while her
flawless virtue of not having been touched by the gentlemen when she died would also
assure her another life.
The tadek is a common Tingguian dance which is a part of nearly all gatherings of
a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is made by three gansas
and a drum. The gansas are presses against the thighs of the players who kneel on the
ground. Two of the coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the
third is played by the hands alone. The stick or left hand gives the initial beat which is
followed by three rapid strokes with the right palm.
The myth of eternal return through the use of a gong must have been happening
many generations ago.

“Ita adungdunguan, Mangliwan, intem tan gansa nga binuntukan ta inta
Agipiddua ta bigwang,” nibaon ni Lullukutan napan met si
Mangliwan.
/ “Now, my beloved Mangliwan, do get the gilded gong so we could

reincarnate a soul,” commanded Lullukutan. Thus went
Mangliwan.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
“Ala, insado wa atubang,

Intem tan gansa nga inambulan ta agipiddua ta bigwang,”
Kunkan ni Lullukutan kani insado wa atubang
/ “Mangliwan, my beloved, get that musical gong so we can reincarnate a

soul
a soul again,” the old woman told her husband./
Nidating na kad gansa napandan tinuktukalan.
/When he brought the gong, he played it./
The Tingguian of long ago must have believed that playing the gong and dancing
the tadek ritually with the help of the spiritual water , pagangngalupan, could bring back
the life of the dead as shown in the lines below:
Nikkuada ngalud si Padulo Wadagan ta pagangngalupan.

Intilo kan met ta pammay-ani Bakesa Lullukutan nga manggayagayan ….
/They placed the dead body of Wadagan in the spiritual water.

Old lady Lukllukutan also vigorously danced the tadek./
Even in the myth of eternal return through the Tingguian dance, tadek, life was
believed to have been reincarnated.
Kalpasana nga aglikos-likos si Bakesa Lukllukutan

Nga tambulani Mangliwan.
Adimano nadatnganen ta gidam.
Singanda, agkilebleban kad tabalang.
/Old Lady Lukllukutan also went around the coffin

Dancing the tadek with the sound of the gong
played by Mangliwan. Then afternoon came.
Suddenly they saw the cover of the coffin moved./

Although the Tingguians believe that death is the beginning of an afterlife, the
Tinguians are also people who place a premium on their health. To them, health is worth
all the wealth in the world, and all material things are useless if health could not be
restored. This attitude of the Tingguian has not made him materially endowed.
Thus, the saying which runs: “a sound min in a sound body” holds true with the
Tingguian who values his health. It gives him a sense of a full life, one he can enjoy with
gladness and merriment and can enhance in him a true spiritual upliftment. His gansas
and his tadek indicate his nobler pursuit for a full life of health and joy, more pressing
than the material demands of his day to day concern.
The myth of eternal return brought about by a rebirth or resurrection is a

Tingguian belief that accounts for the myth of a life after death. This is best proven by the
reappearance of Dulimaman to Ama Bibiduwan after her rebirth.
With respect to the traditional forms of conceptualizing and interpreting reality, it

is a deniable within Tingguian society that supernatural prevails, and this includes the
mythical belief of the supernatural powers of the gods.
The myth of the of the supernatural power of the god also shows the covetous
desire of someone in power for what a lower being possesses. Law-itan who lived in the
sky wanted so much to go down to earth. For him to do so, he had to take the life of
Wadagan at the latter’s expense with Law-itan’s power to take a life from the sky.
Human beings who are very powerful are usually, if not most of the time, abusive
at the great sacrifice of their fellow beings. Even close as a way of life, especially in
politics. Wadagan lost his life because of the covetous desire of Law-itan to be on earth
for an unexplained purpose. He can afford to sacrifice his fellow being vested interest.
Law-itan of the sky wanted to go on earth, and the only way could do so was to
take breath of Tingguian warrior, Wadagan, his own cousin; thus, he had the supernatural
power to take away the breath of Wadagan for his intentions. This would imply that Law-
itan’s power was stronger than the power of the earth and the power of the spirit triumphs

over the power of the flesh. The same case is true with old lady Lukllukutan whose main
job was to return the life of the dead.
However, Law-itan still had the compassion to return the breath of Wadagan to
whom the coveted breath or life rightfully belonged. Law-itan possessed the power to
restore life. Indeed, Wadagan deserved to live as human being on the earth he was bron
into in order to love and serve his beloved Dulimaman, his parents – Aglayang and
Ganinawan, and all his kin and people. This way, love triumphs over an abuse of power,
deceit, greed, injustice, oppression, and tyranny.
As earlier stated, health is precious to the Tingguian as in the case of the myth of
eternal return which has something to do with the restoration of Wadagan’s heath. A
compassionate heart of another being can certainly restore someone’s health by
lightening him of his burden or by returning to him what he had lost. This is seen in the
case of Law-itan who compassionately returned the spirit of Wadagan.
Likewise, the myth of the spear as a source of power manifests the natural power
of Kabunian to move huge and heavy things from one place to another.
Another supernatural power of a god is shown when Aponitolau’s power to

abduct a sea maiden guard is discovered. The great flood in Luzon was believed to have
come because of the Abduction of Humitau, go-hero of Tingguian.
Man, by nature, also wants things done the easiest way possible. Such was the
case of Aponi-tolau, the Tingguian god-hero, who abducted Humitau and made use of
hic magic hook to weaken Humitau and she had to yield to his desire for her.
Some desperate men, like Aponi-tolau in Jocano’s “Hunitau,” want to accomplish

things the easiest way, and obtaining a very conservative Tinguian maiden’s love would
one of the hardest things to attain by some interested suitors. This is also true among
Filipino lovers who have hard time winning the love of rural women who are
conservative as Dulimaman. Thus, they resort to use of “tagi-amo” or love portion tame
their lady-love which is rather unfair who is later forced to marry and live with the man
against her will.

The “tagi-amo” must have been the same charm that removed the powers of
Humitau w hen she had tasted the food her husband, Aponi-tolau, had given her.
Humitau had a hard time adjusting herself to her new life in the mountains as
contrasted from her life in the sea, because she already lost her swimming skill and her
adaptability in the water. But as a loving and faithful wife to Aponi-tolau, she learned to
adapt herself to mountain life.
The myth of the rolling stone is another manifestation of a supernatural power of

god. Here, the god instantly transforms himself from a man into a “rolling stone” to
prove that he desired the son of the goddess Aponibolinayen. It is the supernatural power
possessed by Init-init that caused him to become stone before entering Kaodamon.
However, Aponibolinayen was driven out from Kaodamon for marrying a stone
before proven below:
Her relatives ridiculed Aponibolinayen because her husband was stone. They
drove her out of the village, saying that she could go with her stone husband wherever
they want. When they had gone out of the village, Init-init changed himself into a
husband young man again.
After having been driven out from the village, Init-init instantly changed himself
into a handsome young man from a rolling stone, and went back to the region of the sky
with his wife and their son, Kanag.
Although Aponibolinayen was ridiculed for getting married to a stone, she was
personally redeemed when Init-init later changed himself into his former good looks
after he had his family went away from Kaodamon and returned to the sky. The
mysterious transformation of Init-init from a rolling stone in Kaodamon to a handsome
man in the sky would mean that worldliness in incomparable to the beauty of the
spiritual realm which is signified by the sky or heaven where Init-init lives.
In the story, “Dumanau and Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayen,” magic becomes a

facilitator of an impending activity where time and space are not tangibly specified, but

the instant movement of the activity is indeed amazing which could only be credited to
the supernatural power of a god, like in the transfers of the residence of a couple.
The desire and the decision of Dumanau to transfer his family to Kadallayapan is
not physical but spiritual. The contentment of being the Kadallayapan was spiritual on
the part of Dumanau, although Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayen as doomed to die a physical
death in this place due to Aponibolinayen’s worldly attitude against her.
The power to make a golden rooster speak a golden draft is another manifestation
of a supernatural power of a god. It is also a manifestation of Dumanau’s wealth.
The social status among the Tingguians is measured by the wealth and materials
possessions of one’s family. Thus a family is said to be baknang (wealthy) when it
possesses a sufficient number of livestock and rice fields, precious Chinese jars and
copper gongs.
The act of Aponi-tolau, god-hero of the Tingguian, in abducting Humitau from

the palace of Tau-mariu, lord of the sea, is not good and is against human nature. An act
that may offend or hurt someone’s ego and feelings is abnormal, thus it causes disorder.
Because Tau-mariu was hurt and he felt cheated, he had to revenge.
The fight of the gods is not different from a jungle war where “survival of the
fittest” is the best principle to follow so that only the strongest can survive. It is rather
hard to appease the anger of a proud god, and the only solution to temper one’s anger is
through love that emanates from the spirit. Spiritual love, also called “agape” or
Christian love is that love which can move mountains of hatred into forgiveness and
righteousness. That is the “love” bestowed on Humitau by Tau-mariu so that when his
anger was appeased, the turbulent flood and anger, hatred, and vengeance finally
subsided into a calm river of peace and tranquility.
The transformation of Dulimaman from adulthood or maidenhood to instant

childhood, then back to instant adulthood form the childhood is psychological. The
transformation is also one of the supernatural powers of a goddess in changing herself
instantly according to her desire.

The myths of childhood and young adulthood illustrate the innate desire of a
human being to be always childlike even in times of adulthood and also the desire of the
young to feel mature, especially during when they aspire so much to be free from the
controlling rains of their parents or guardians.
Dulimaman at a young age accepted the love entreaties of Wadagan only to end
up looking for him, because Wadagan was still young to think of his responsibility
towards his beloved Dulimaman. He forgot her while playing with Amiyan, the goddess
of the storm. While the worried Dulimaman was waiting for the arrival of Wadagan, she
acted like a child to while away the uncertain moment of waiting for her sweetheart.
Teenager by nature, are usually lighthearted and carefree. They would prefer, if
possible, not to burden themselves with more problems as they already have enough.
They would try to escape from the agony of carrying their own burdens by becoming
childish or childlike, wishing to go back to their carefree childhood pranks or play.
The young Wadagan, who married at very early age, still longed for his parents
and had to go home to them. But while he was there, he learned that his sweetheart
Dulimaman, whom he truly loved, was also looking for him Kadallayapan. Now, he was
confused because he was still very much in love with Dulimaman inspite of his marriage
with Iguwan. Just like any typical teenager, he still craved for Dulimaman’s love and
nearness. Wadagan, therefore, looked for Dulimaman among the children, and here,
Dulimaman instantly became an adult upon hearing the voice of her lover, Wadagan.
SYMBOLS:
The symbol reveals certain aspects of reality – the deepest aspects which defy any
other means of knowledge. Image, symbols and myths respond to a need and fulfill a
function, that of bringing to light the most hidden modalities of being. Consequently, the
study of symbols can bring about a better understanding of man – of man “as he is”
before he has come to terms with the conditions of history.
In the Tingguian society, maintaining the status and influence of a baknang in the
community entails various forms of sacrifice. One of these is the sponsorship of

expensive ceremonies associated with social and religious practices. These occasions’
necessities where animals are slaughtered and large quantities of basi are consumed.
The “ginagammuan” is a Tingguian term for basi or sugar cane wine which serves
as a symbol of acquintanceship or friendship in “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman.”
The ability of a person to win friends bespeak of his mental health, because he
possesses a normal attitude towards his fellowmen due to his optimistic attitude in life.
One way a Tingguian could win friends is by serving sugarcane wine or “panaogan”
which is a symbol of acquaintanceship or close friendship among the Tingguians.
The Tingguian are very friendly and hospitable to the extent of allowing all their
food and drinks to be consumed as long as they can serve their friends and guest who
come to enjoy their hospitability.
In the Tingguian’s life cycle, love and courtship as well as engagement and
marriage are indispensable and inevitable. The Tinguian couples are match at an early
age. When a boy is about six or eight years old, his parents start to choose a partner for
him. An intermediary, usually a relative, accompanies the boy to the house of the desired
girl.
In “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman” are two ways of engagement practices. The first
one was the engagement of Wadagan and Dulimaman while the other one was the
parental or prearranged engagement between Iguwan and Wadagan through the initiative
of the latter’s mother, Ina Ganinawan.
In the first engagement practice, Wadagan presented Dulimaman with a “bolitoka

bulawan nga singsing” or a ring of the purse or most genuine of gold which served as
their engagement symbol.
The golden ring was not only engagement symbol of the ancient Tinguian
sweethearts. It is also indicates the genuineness, and purity of the genuine love of the
man, Wadagan, for the girl, Dulimaman. The real intention of Wadagan to marry Iguwan
is the parental or pre-arranged engagement of “Adagan and Iguwan when Ganinawan

presented Iguwan with a “balitoka bulawan / kalibnosan” or the loveliest and purest of
gold which served as a marriage proposal symbol.
The Tingguian maiden valued the significance of the engagement ring so that
when the Tingguian suitor did not fulfill his promise to his ladylove, the maiden tried
hard to return the engagement ring to her suitor. If she did not return the ring, the
relatives of the maiden would all be affected with the maiden’s disappointment or even
with the disgrace of her name.
Thus, the genuineness, loveliness and purity of the gold bespeak of the good and
the sincere intentions of the giver, Wadagan, to his beloved recipient, Dulimaman, and
also for his intended wife, Iguwan, who indeed became his legal wife through the
insistence of Ina Ganinawan. Cc
Another symbol of engagement is the “apungot” or a string of beads for the head
which was a symbol of acceptance into the family as in the case of Dulimaman with
Wadagan’s family. Usually, three beads (yellow, agate and red) are offered by the
intermediary to the girl as a sign of affection. When the proposal is accepted, the beads
are attached to the girls’ waist as a sign of engagement.
During the wedding rite, a wooden dish a coconut shell filled with water is placed
before the couple. The beads are then dropped the cup and the couple are asked to drink
from the cup. The beads symbolize everlasting union and the cold water represents the
invulnerability of anger as per information obtained from Ricardo Bello of Poblacion,
Lagangilang, Abra.
However, for Wadagan and Iguwan, they called for a “nagkasalan” or marriage
contract which was symbolized of legalized marriage instead of the above mentioned
ritual.
Jealousy, like death, is experienced by both the rich and the poor. The wealthy
Iguwan, who possessed a golden knife, was not spared from getting jealous. When a
woman is jealous, there is hatred in her heart for the person she is jealous of. Iguwan
could not also tolerate the polygamous nature of her husband. Wadagan, who eventually

changed his love for Iguwan just for Dulimaman’s love. She was not aware that
Wadagan loved Dulimaman first before he loved her in marriage. But, as Wadagan legal
wife, she had all the right to claim his love for herself alone.
With hatred boiling in her heart, the wealthy Iguwan took her golden knife.
“labakas nga bulawan,” which symbolized her saw sitting close to Wadagan in his
parents’ abode. She decided to avenge her lost love by stabbing Dulimaman’s arm.
The drums and gongs or “inambulan” are also symbols of health, merriment and
peace. The Tingguian is music mined by nature. He sings the praises of his host and
feasts and festivals. He joins other in the dirge which follows a burial and in many more
occasions. Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of three copper
hongs (gansas) and only with a drum.
The possession of copper gongs also symbolized the affluence of a Tingguian

family in the community who is known as the baknang (the wealthy). As also mentioned
earlier, the gong was also played by Mangliwan, husband of Baket Lullukutan, as the
lives of Wadagan and Dulimaman were restored back to life by playing the gansa (gong),
the dancing of the tadek (Tingguian dance), and at the same time, submerging the
revived person in the spiritual water or pagangngalupan.
Tingguian women are fond of wearing gold and copper earrings (sampurado) and
other ornamentals made of gold as proven by the golden comb of Wadagan’s mother, Ina
Ganiwan.
The comb of pure gold or “sagaysay nga bukawan” is also symbol of recognition
and remembrance by invitation. It was also a way of recognizing and remembering
Agintabang and foster child, Iyam, who both lived in the depth of the water. The
importance of the golden comb as a treasured ornament also reflects the importance of
the persons being invited to the sayang and to whom this treasured ornament was
presented to.
The Tingguian also believe that they had some possessions that could help restore
a failing health.

The golden comb of Ina Ganinawan was a precious ornament that should thrown
into the depth of the water to appease the concerned spirits / souls that had caused the
sudden stomach ailment of Law-itan in order for them to be kind to him and relieve of
pain he was readily sacrificed for the restoration of Law-itan’s health although it served
as an invitation to the sayang of Wadagan.
Iyam’s com b of pure gold or sagaysay nga bulawan” and Dulimaman’s

beribboned handkerchief or “pangyo nga nasambiliyan” are symbols for the restoration
of health when both were used to cure an ailment as proven by their deeds when they
helped restore Law-itan’s health from a stomach.
Another tangible manifestation of wealth among the Tingguian character is the

“sinalmingana dumakligan” or glass house which is an outstanding symbol of affluence
or wealth of the owner. The glass house also served as a means of transportation among
the affluent Tingguians in primordial times.
Then there are some people who wish to hide their identity in this world for some
reasons only they themselves know. In “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman,” Boliwan (who as in
reality Dulimaman) kept her real identity from Wadagan who was intent on looking for
her. The gilded copper mortar or “Alsong nga ginambangan” was in itself a symbol of
revelation when Boliwan who stood on it instantly appeared as the lovely Dulimaman
upon the wish of Kabunian in the sky.
There is truth in the saying that “there is no secret in this world that will not be
known in the end.” Wadagan’s quest for Dulimaman’s soul has ended triumphantly with
the instant revelation of the real personality of the disguised Boliwan. Wadagan suffered
much in agony in search for his beloved Dulimaman. Maybe it was a form of punishment
for his having been unfaithful to her in the past.
Aside from drinking sugarcane wine while either entertaining ones visitors or in
enhancing one’s appetite for a meal, the Tingguian also chew betel nut or “mama” with a
new friend because the betel nut is also a symbol of friendship.

The “mama” or betel nut is also a kinship or relationship determination as
shown in Dumanau and Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayan.”
The betel nut is very hard to chew at the start of the chewing session when it
softens gradually as it is mixed with saliva of a person chewing this. It signifies that an
unknown person is still hard to approach at the beginning of an acquaintanceship due to
unfamiliarity, but as the two people become closer, their hearts and feelings soften. They
gradually become good friends. This is true for men and women, like the
acquaintanceship between Aponibolinayen and Init-init, and that of Dumanau and
Wanwanyen-Aponibolinayen.
The “katay nga batek” or guids becoming agate beads is also a symbol of kinship.
The Tingguian believed that when a man and a woman produced agate beads with
their guilds or saliva they were related, hence they had the right to get married. In the
past, the Tingguian people could marry their close relatives so their wealth would not go
to a stranger in their clan aside from the belief that their guilds became agate beads.
The balawa or balava (spirit shrine is of anthropological importance to the

researcher of Tingguian literature because of its cultural implications in the life of the
Tingguian. The balawa is an offering temple for the performance of magical rites; hence
it used to be constructed in connection with the Tingguian ceremony called sayang.
The construction of a balawa or balava (spirit shrine) is indispensable in the

performance of the grandest and most impressive Tingguian ritual, the sayang. It is a
form of anito temple by five feet with height of no less than nine feet and built in the
premises of the celebrant’s abode. It is like a typical hut, except that it is devoid of any
walls. Its bamboo flooring has a distance of three feet from the ground. A cellar which
accommodates the so called daydaya (offerings) is fitted into it. The daydaya constitutes
sundry goods, including suman, a boiled sacrificial animal in the form of pig or chicken,
buyo, tobacco, coconut, and others. The balawa is good only for a single use, after which
it ceases to be sacred and maybe utilized for any purpose other than what was originally
intended. Thus it may converted into a rest house, storage house or serve any other

function. In no case, however, shall it be used for another sayang. Another balawa has to
be used for that.
In the story “Dumanau and Wanwanyen – Aponibolinayen” the balawa is a

symbol for the payment of marriage price.
The use of number “nine” is again emphasized in the filling of the balawa signify
“eternal life” as well as “lasting companionship” of the couple and “eternal bounty” in
their midst.
RITUALS
Tingguian religion is steeped with a set of beliefs and practices, and it remains
undeniable that the supernatural prevails. The Tingguians believe that that their ancestors
were the first inhabitants of this world, and that the supreme god Bagattulayan created
the world and continues to govern the activities of the spiritual world.
The sayang ceremony and agsayang or performance of the sayang, that at-atang
and the “head - hunting sacrifice” rites are all anthropological in nature. In “Wadagan
Kan Dulimaman” the sayang is a ritual performed in search for a lost soul.
In this instance, Wadagan sought for the help of his parents in looking for the
missing soul of Dulimaman through the celebration of the sayang. His parents, Aglayang
and Ganinawan, prepared for the sayang celebration by sending invitations to all
relatives and friends while Wadagan went hunting the heads of the ginaang.
The performance of the sayang, or agsayang, in simpler terms, could also be a

health ritual by hunting for the heads of the ginaang or mountain people provided that the
heads are 18 numbers or “twice nine” which means “eternal life” or health that is lasting.
Dawalitan, aunt of Wadagan, had to threaten Wadagan not to attend Wadagan’s

sayang if he did not hunt for heads of the ginaang which should be “twice nine” or 18
number as it would give Wadagan “eternal life” in this world if he would follow his
aunt’s advice; otherwise, the objective would be failure, and the life of the celebrant be at
stake, especially if one gods would be missed from being invited to the sayang.

In “Wadagan Kan Dulimaman,” Wadagan did the “at-atang” or ritual offering for
a successful head-hunting expedition as part of the celebration of the sayang, which was
done in search for Dulimaman’s soul.
The “at-atang” is a ritual of minor significance to combat the working of evil

spirits and attack the good will of certain anitos or spirits. Wadagan had to offer the “at-
atang” to be sure that his head-hunting quest would be a success.
Another ritual is the head-hunting sacrifice which was done by throwing the heads
of the mountain people, ginaang, that were taken by the hero into river. While waiting
for the relatives and family friends of Wadagan, Aglayang and Ganinawan to arrive,
Wadagan had to ask the help of his visitors who had already arrived to help him throw
the heads of the ginaang which he hunted in order to facilitate as well as to enliven the
celebration of the sayang.
SUMMARY:
The petbird of Wadagan, Ganinawan, and Boliwan (who was also Dulimaman)
asserted the universal desire of a man to facilitate his movement in several places and his
communication of belongingness, physical comfort and emotional security of their
masters and mistresses with their presence as constant companions, Confidante, and
loyal friends.
The pangyalakayans in the name of Ama Bididuwan and Dulimaman gave a

feeling of economic security to their master and mistree as it was only the affluent
Tinguian who possesses them. They also served the affluent Tingguians as guards and
servants thus making them comfortable and emotionally secured as they also served as
confidants and loyal friends to the wealthy Tinguians.
Ama Bibiduwan was a universal picture of man’s abnormality and an implication

of a course on man due either to hatred, enmity or greed of another being that imprisons
man in human bondage, discomfort and disgrace.

The “balitoka” bulawan nga lamisaan” connotes affluence and price among the
Tingguians. Hospitality among the Tingguians, like Ama Bibiduwan and Dulimaman,
was an exemplary practice, especially among the very wealthy Tingguians.
The “inalimba” showed the preciousness of the virgin maiden to a Tingguian

family, because this was an important yardstick of the Tingguian’s honorable name and
reputation in the community.
“Giningsudan” depicted materialism which could not be the real hope for an
everlasting life, because the spirit or that which is spiritual hopes to be reborn into
eternal life.
The super natural power of a god, to a certain extent, bespeak of the abusive
power of man over the weak due to human covetousness, greed and other vested interest.
This is the opposite of a compassionate god who thinks more of service to and loves for
his fellow being, and who counts and considers life as a beautiful phenomenon to be
enjoyed and to be lived fully, meaningfully and purposefully.
Aponitolau’s abduction of Himitau was a bad on the part of powerful god because
it was done against human nature. Going against human nature is abnormal because it
causes chaos or disorder.
The myth of eternal return which emphasizes the importance of health that
enhances life is a precious blessing and gift from God.
The spear or “belang” is a source of power that points to the need for automatic
operations to lighten the load of man and to facilitate movement in order to save time
and energy.
The “charm” serves as a test for determination and perseverance and it fulfills the
saying, “if there is a will, there is a way,” Therefore, will-power is important, although at
times it would have negative results because anything that is easily obtained would also
easily disappear. A human being has the innate capacity to adapt himself in a new
environment, because he possesses an intellect, common sense, and wisdom.

The “handsome man turning into a rolling stone” exemplifies a man’s fidelity to
his spouse and real test for the sense of responsibility in siring a son, while the rolling
stone turning into a handsome man shows man’s loyalty to his family and his
accountability. It bespeaks a man’s chance for reform. Man has the innate capacity to
change for good, redeem himself and his society.
The speech of the golden roaster shows the importance of communication,

because it stands for understanding and wisdom among men and other beings in this
world.
The transformation of Dulimaman from adulthood to childhood then back to

adulthood shows the innate desire of a human being to always childlike, because the
young sometimes wants to feel mature, especially when it comes to early marriages and
the young man forgets his promise to a sweetheart. This is the case of Wadagan towards
Dulimaman when he married Iguwan too soon upon the prodding’s of his mother,
Ganinawan. Teenager are too light-hearted and carefree, hence their childlike
dispositions become an act of escapism in order to enjoy eternal youth with their
childlike pranks and childhood pay.
Some known magic practitioners among the Tingguians were said to be wealthy
and were rather powerful that they could manipulate things according to their will. They
could change one’s identity from a human being to oil then back to human being with the
act done for self-preservation in order to have eternal life. The early Tingguians were
resourceful, and they could manipulate objects according to their will and needs.
The freak guardians like Ama Bibiduwan and the banyalan existed due to the
dehumanizing act of a supernatural being that destroyed human nature according to his
power and will. This indicates the tyranny of evil in the world which led the victim to
human bondage. The beautiful must overpower the ugly through love and care. The love
for what is beautiful and good must prevail, and, when goodness triumphs over evil than
man is indeed living in a beautiful world.
Through the siksiklat, man is seen to be an adventurous being who grabs the first
opportunity to gain success. Alokotan was a shaman and a serest who could

communicate with the dead because she had psychic power, and she could traverse the
life beyond due to her transcendental power. She served as a bridge between the dead
and the living.
Numerology could predict a lucky Tingguian who may have eternal life through
the help of numbers, like numbers, nine and 18 for “nine maidens” and “18 heads of the
ginaang” and the power of the “nine spear” that could foretell the culprit of Wadagan’s
second death. Number “nine” connotes determination and strength, luck and eternal life.
Thus, the “nine heads of the ginaang” restored the health and prolonged the life of
Wadagan; while the “nine spears” foretold the culprit who did wrong to the victim and
the strength of Dulimaman in penetrating the realm of Kabunian in the sky for the sake
of Wadagan.
SYMBOLS:
The “ginagammuan” as well as the “panaogan” showed the Tingguian as friendly,

hospitable and sociable.
The “balitoka bulawan nga singsing” depicted the sincerity of a Tingguian to

marry the girl chosen in a prearranged marriage (tani) by the parents and also in the
engagement between Tingguian sweethearts.
The “apungot” served as a symbol of the accommodating and affectionate gesture

of a Tingguian family in welcoming a new member in the household.
The “labakas nga bulawan” showed the Tingguian as angry, jealous and
vindictive. It is also a symbol of affluence.
The spear depicted the aggressive nature of the Tingguian and his daring attitude
when he possesses it as a weapon. It used to foretell a culprit and would move huge
things from one place to another like transferring a house from Ama Bagattulayan’s
place to Kadallayapan.
The “ul-ulo ti ginaang” showed the Tingguian as someone who valued health and
strength thereby preserving his life.

The “inambulan” signified health, merriment and peace through music. The copper gongs
were also signs of affluence among the Tingguians which were played to preserved life.
The “saysay nga bulawan” shows the pre-occupation of the Tingguian women with
beauty, especially in the wearing of copper earrings and other ornaments made of gold. The
golden comb appeared the spirits that caused an ailment and it helped restore the health of an
ailing person as much as it served as a special souvenir.
The “pangyo nga nasambiliyan” with the “sagaysay nga bulawan” were meant to restore
health and cure for an ailment as well as to symbolize affluence and beauty.
The “sinalmingana dumakligan” depicted affluence or wealth of the Tingguians as much

as it was a means of transportation to them in primordial times.
The “alsong nga ginambangan” served as a means of revelation from a hidden identity in
order to punish an unfaithful lover and to enlighten the mind and inspire the heart of a desperate
lover.
The “mama” was a sign of friendship and a kinship determinator among Tingguian
lovers.
The “katay nga batek” also served as a kinship determinator among Tingguian lovers
who planned to get married.
The “balava” showed the sense of gratitude among the Tingguian and also served as the
offering temple of the religious pagan Tingguian. It helped preserve the health and life of the
Tingguian.
RITUALS:
The sayang rite was celebrated to search for a mission soul, to preserve the wealth and to
prolong the life of the Tingguian.
The “at-atang” helped combat the workings of the evil spirits as well as attract the good
will of the kind spirits.
The “head-hunting sacrifice” was also done to preserve the health of the Tingguians and
appease the evil spirits.

The Ethnography of The Tinggians

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THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE TINGGUIANS

The inland province of Abra is located in one of the Philippines’

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The Tingguians are the indigenous inhabitants of Abra, they

The 1975 population census counts 26.09% of Abra’s population

Today, there are eleven distinct Tingguian sub-groups in Abra.

The Tingguians sub-groups have their respective dialects and

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Later, however, the name was exclusively applied to the

The relative isolation of the Tingguians during the Spanish period

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IV. ECONOMIC LIFE

Abra presents a landscape dominated by hills and mountains thus;

There are several types of rice cultivation practiced by the

Aside from rice, corn is also planted as a major subsistence.

The Tingguians raise cattle on their community owned pasture

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Eels and other freshwater fish such as Paleleng, Ogadiw, Compa

Communal forests are other valuable economics source for the

Small – scale handicraft-making is also engaged in by the

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Lowland Tingguians live in village communities while the upland

Some of the lowland Tingguians have also moved westward over

The basic social unit within a Tingguian village is the family.

Social stratification in Tingguian society is based on economic

Wealth is inherited in the Tingguian family. Maintaining one’s

The traditional political leadership in a Tingguian village is held by

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At present, the panglakayen earn their political leadership on the

The prestige and status of the panglakayen is maintained as long as

Tingguian rules of etiquette, as well as their moral code, have

Custom law dictates that persons found guilty of committing

The Tingguians maintain peaceful relations among themselves and

The Tingguian kalon was originally a peace pact forged through

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The peace pact agreement, which is called kalon (which is also

Until today, the kalon is still an effective institution in the

Ever since inter-marriage was contracted between the Tingguians

VI. BELIEF SYSTEM

The Tingguians are a traditionally – religious people. They believe

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Kabunian is another central deity who is the friend and helper of

Another god is Apadel, or kalagang who is believed to be their

The pinaing is a set of modular stones of peculiar shape found at

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The life of the Tingguian is dominated by their traditional belief in the

Conception and pregnancy. From the moment of conception, the

Child birth. The Tingguian mother customarily gives birth at home in a

Another ritual is performed on the child after one month called

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Childhood. The Tingguians carry their babies by wrapping a blanket