Research Paper: The Drift of Conservative Ideology
Research Paper: The Drift of Conservative Ideology
Research Paper: The Drift of Conservative Ideology
Matthew Prenter
310570164
Dr Logan Masilamani
In recent years, a stark increase in the radicalization of those identifying with right-wing
ideologies has been observed. Historical events such as the January 6th Insurrection and the
indictment of former president Donald Trump are massive proponents of this divergence of
ideology. The encompassing band of what is conservatism has broadened greatly, and as a result,
What are these contemporary ideologies, where are they coming from, and is this a concern to
understand the unstable climate it is facing today. As a written ideology, conservatism is defined
by its social belief of human imperfection. “Conservatives criticise their rivals for making a
utopian exaggeration of the power of theoretical reason” (Hamilton, 2019). Conservatism largely
revolves around a fear of the human spirit and an idea of human nature centred around less
communal beliefs. As such, the ideology largely focuses on economic policy and building
national GDP, as opposed to focusing on social policy like welfare programs and social services.
surplus wealth within a population. Largely, the government's purpose is to uphold infrastructure
and to serve as law enforcement. Conservatives believe largely in imprisonment and stringent
laws and rules to retain perfect order within a society. Another important aspect of right-wing
Conservatism are closely related, and sometimes overlapping, in their policy decision-making.
Liberalism, as defined, is the belief of little to no government within a society, and a free or
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near-free market with no regulation to stimulate the creation of business and economic ideas to
generate surplus wealth. Instead of utilising a government for the upholding of laws and rules,
Liberal ideology believes in social normativity that culminates within societies that will create
order within it. Similarly, punishment through imprisonment is largely absent within liberal
beliefs, and rather rehabilitation institutions are in place to separate the public from criminals.
Infrastructure is upheld by private firms rather than governing bodies, and as such it can be said
that liberal ideology turns the concept of money into a form of social currency. We can observe
the similarities between these two beliefs, both operating under capitalist beliefs, with minimal
governance or taxation, and how the line may blur between them. As such, this blur has caused
the two ideologies to begin to overlap with each other, creating discord within the political
There is a simultaneous push and pull between liberals and conservatives. While some
conservatives find their ideologies drifting to encompass more liberal thinking, other
conservatives are seeing this change as a threat to their beliefs, and as such tighten up on their
thinking and find themselves becoming further right wing, and vice versa with liberalism. As
such, the idea of Conservatism, which is generally viewed as a not far right-of-centre ideology, is
merging with the generally further right ideology of Liberalism, this merge has expanded both
ideologies into the further right spectrum and as such has begun overlapping with further right
ideologies. As such the right-wing spectrum has become fragmented into a hodge podge of
conflicting ideologies. Conservative and Liberal ideologies, both favouring a society with
minimal government interaction, find themselves adopting ideological beliefs that tie into more
authoritarian values. As conservatives value stagnation, one could say that “Conservatives have
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not been infected with the spirit of improvement” (Roggeveen, 1999) the same way liberals have,
but this is seen shifting as the adoption of “defending the Status Quo’ (Roggeveen, 1999)
becomes normative of conservative ideology, rather than exclusive to Liberal thinking. Another
proponent in the divergence is largely attributed to the current stream of news and media.
Opinions are becoming stronger and sometimes defining an individual's beliefs. Recent law
passes observed in the United States like the repeal of the Roe V. Wade abortion protection laws
and the increasing mainstream bigotry towards queer groups, namely those identifying as
transgender, have sparked an almost patriotic attachment to right-wing beliefs. The middle
ground, or centre, of right-wing politics, is dissolving. The analogy of Income Polarisation, the
economic phenomenon of market laws allowing for the upper-class wealth to disproportionately
grow in comparison to a nation's GDP, creating a larger lower-class population and a dissolution
of the middle class, is encompassing of what is happening in the right-wing political spectrum.
So this begs the question, what are these new contemporary right-wing ideologies emerging?
While political leanings are a spectrum, and titles are not properly encompassing the
nuance of political belief, political scientists have observed and categorised more niche
Liberalism, is the most widely recognized of these beliefs and emerged through the
criss-crossing of the two ideologies. Those subscribing to the belief by and large subscribe to the
belief in minimal government, only to uphold the law, and the ability to freely navigate a
business-run market system to produce surplus value. Social programs are more commonly
found cited in this ideology compared to other forms of right-wing ideology, though are not
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comes down to which side of the two ideologies are more strongly believed in. This is a
simplification of the belief, and many of the points can be flipped in the reverse of the ideology
and still fit within the umbrella term of Libertarian Conservatism. Another widely recognized
belief is Anarcho-Capitalism, focussing almost solely on the economic side of politics. Anaracho
Capitalists believe in the dissolution of the state and the complete privatisation of all assets
within a society. This is the furthest libertarian belief and believes in a society's ability to become
determinants for traditional values. Religion is largely a proponent of social conservatism, with
the dominant religion being Christianity. Traditional structures of power are favoured in place of
modern approaches like social pluralism, as well as traditional gender norms, traditional family
structures and aesthetics, and what could be described as a yearning for the economic strength of
the 1950s-1970s America, or a pre Reagan economy, making them quite contrarian with National
Conservatives, another religious sect of Conservatism, who are staunchly pro Reagan and were
part of a movement called “The New Right” which gained Reagan his election over Carter
(Durham, 2000). National Conservatism is another sect of modern conservative ideology that
holds strong ties to notions of nationalism and patriotism. This form of conservatism is primarily
found in the United States, partly as the natural climate of desensitised patriotism is an instilled
governance, utilising a central form of governing to be the supreme upholder of the law within
society. National Conservatism is also closely intertwined with religion, and as such focuses
itself on upholding cultural identity, though, racialized political belief is commonly found within
this ideology and the notion of a true cultural identity is rarely the end goal. Rather, an idea of
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National Conservative policy. National conservatism also has a unique perspective on its
economic policy. While other branches of modern conservatism base their economic standing on
an idea of a modernised global free market, that being, an economy stimulated by strong export,
low tariff, and broadband trade communications, National Conservatism is more interested in
forming a strong self-sustaining national economy. In a way, this ideology can be viewed as a
form of Mercantilism, choosing to fortify a personal economy and to minimise the threat of 3rd
party imports. This form of economy is a callback to more classical forms of capitalist trade, and
in a sense, National Conservatism can be seen as a more raw and stripped-back form of modern
Capitalist economy within a traditional set of social values. As such with this traditional social
normativity, religion is a large proponent of social order within this ideological system and is
seen as a sort of glue within a society. Because of the hedonistic nature of right-wing politics, the
notion of religion within a mercantilist society serves to unify state beliefs and to allow for
government within these systems to more effectively engage with a nation of people through a
shared respect for religious social law. National Conservatism is perhaps the most forefronted
form of neo-conservatism in the Western Hemisphere. As new globalised policy emerges, we can
observe a pushback from the general public, sometimes shunting people's political litigations
backward into a form of more comfortable and traditional politics revolving around a single
nation. This rise of patriotism that comes in tandem with National Conservatism and
traditionalist values is a major factor in recent American political history, with the patriot
storming of the White House after the insurrection of Donald Trump, as well as the increasingly
radicalized right-wing policy that can be observed in primarily southern, midwestern, and eastern
states in the United States, such as anti LGBTQ2IA+ laws, and the repeal of Roe V Wade
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abortion laws. The final and furthest right form of Neo-Conservatism is Fascism. In recent
months and years within left-leaning circles, this word has been used often to describe much of
the modern climate of right-wing policy and decision-making, but often this word is misspoken
and the blurring of the meaning has become increasingly apparent, resulting in a normativity of
this extremist belief. Fascism at its core is very similar to National Conservatism, but with an
even more authoritarian government system, the complete merging of religion and state, and
sects of authoritative power such as secret police to create a silent political atmosphere, as not to
oppose the central state power. Fascists are firmly anti-democratic, believing in a single
authoritative power to handle decision-making for extended periods of time within a nation. This
belief stems once again from the Conservative psychological belief of human imperfection,
believing that a constant rotating door of state leaders will only result in a blurry sense of
political dominance, rather than a more stone set form of ideology that can be achieved by one
singular dictator. Because of the anti-democratic nature of Fascist society, policy and law moves
far quicker than almost all forms of other ideology. As such, many fascist states see this as
advantageous from a militant front, being able to quickly mobilise troops or perform emergency
authoritative action. The reason for the perceived rise of fascism is due to the overlapping and
discord within right wing ideological space, making these extremist beliefs able to weasel their
way into mainstream discourse. So why is this grandiose merge of right wing ideology occurring
There are two massive proponents in why the right wing is such contested territory today,
the increase of modernization, technology, and globalization, and the new pseudo-religious
dichotomy of what presidents have and are becoming. As policy shifts in western politics
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towards a new form of global governance, a pushback has been seen within all sects of politics.
Globalisation is one of the most hot button issues in modern politics and the climate of future
politics, and as such is creating a massive rift of push and pull across the board. Many are finding
their politics flipping to favour this new form of governance, and conversely many on the right
are flipping for opposite reasons. Globalisation for many can be seen as a threat to national
identity, communal cultures, and the sanctity of traditional values, and as such we see many on
the right taking a heel turn to try and embrace a society of yesteryear. This phenomena is nothing
new, in the early 20th century we saw the first rises of labour divisions and unionisation amongst
the rapidly modernising and technology progressing world, though in the past these revolts were
actually a way to turn social climate into favourable conditions for the average citizen. Is this
Secondly, presidential eschatology is the second primary reason for this rapid shift. In
2016, Donald J. Trump was elected president of the united states, and while his political
knowledge lacked in comparison to his opponents, he was able to win his election on charisma
and marketing. What Donald Trump became to his followers was not in line with other
presidents, rather than being a subsidiary to god (or any theoretical higher power), Donald
Trump became equal to god in his supporters eyes. His ability to rally his supporters, and work
them up in his favour completely changed right wing politics, possibly forever. Donald Trump is
one of the few presidents in US history to have been able to mould his supporters to fit his
agenda, rather than the other way around. As such, right wing groups that find themselves
aligned with Donald Trump have begun to recognise their own political power, and have begun
rapid radicalisation within the right wing sphere to homogenise their belief. This new dichotomy
of power is exactly what lead to the storming of the capital on January 6th (Foyle, 2022). Author
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and Sociologist Daniel Bell provides a trough and clever insight and summary on this
phenomena, stating that “What the right fears as a whole is the erosion of its own social position,
the collapse of its power, the increasing incomprensibility of a world” (Thompson, 2007)
But is conservatism really moving at such a pace to draw concern? In recent statistical
analysis, right wing extremism has been observed on an ever upward slope. In 2015, 60% of
documented radicalised movements could be associated back to Islamist groups, but as of 2018,
2 years into Donald Trump's presidency, that number changed to 20%, with almost 60% of all
extremist movements being traced back to right wing groups (Rivinius and Pizzo, 2020). Within
these same statistics, left wing extremism is on a rapid decline. In similar vain, the number of
self identifying conservatives has risen 14% in the United States since 2021, rising from 60% to
74% in 2023 (Bohannon, 2023). As such, conservative policy has become more prevalent in
mainstream news, American government is becoming further right (Unequal balance of Judicial
powers observed, prime example: The split of Republican and Democratic supreme court
judges), and left wing groups seem to remain unmoving in this push from the right. So it can be
safely concluded that right wing extremism is on the rise, and dually suppressing leftist
Though primarily delving into analysis of the Western sphere of politics, specifically the
United States, right wing politics are facing a brand new frontier in the world of politics. What
was once a more generalised notion of ideological litigation has become fragmented and primed
for new engagements within the political world. For the better? Arguable, and a heavily biassed
subject to confront, but what could be inferred from this information is that a new generation of
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politics is on the rise in the western world, with nuanced political ideology becoming an
increasingly mainstream idea within discourse, we can expect to see a similar fragmentation in
left wing politics as a revolt to the expansion of contraction of right wing politics. Conversely,
this could be a bubble, spawning a simplified three party system, of a centre right group, a
further right group, and a more encompassing left wing group. This time of political uncertainty
provides an incredible analytical standpoint for political science, and will hopefully aid in the
development of political psychology and sociology, which is observably the missing component
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