POLU9NT Take Home Class Test

Student Number: 2717119

1. Why is a gendered lens important in studying nations and nationalism?
The role of women is one that is rarely studied in many theories of nationalism. Throughout
much of history, particularly in the west women have been considered A-political beings
that did not concern themselves with public life. This misconception is all too often carried
over into the social sciences with theories of nationalism being among them. Yet despite
this lack of study Women have a key role to play in the development and the continued
existence of the nation. This essay will demonstrate the importance of using a gendered lens
when studying nationalism by analysing the role women play in constructing and
maintaining the nation.
It was Simone De Beauvoir who popularised the idea that gender was not an intrinsic trait,
but rather one that was constructed and performed on a daily basis. Both the masculine and
feminine care constructed by society, with masculinity being taken as the default state of
being and femininity being a deviation (De Beauvoir, 1997). Just as the idea of masculinity as
constructed and then assumed to be the default, so too is the masculine conception of the
nation. Indeed, many nationalist projects will attempt to establish a direct link between
patriotism and manhood. Nation building institutions such as the military, the government,
even higher education are all dominated by men and masculine perceptions. Under this
masculine pretext the role of women is ill defined at best. If women are mentioned at all
they are subordinated, they are the supporting cast in the performance of the nation
whereas men are the leads (Nagel, 1998). Women are isolated from the public realm and
confined to the home whilst men are waging war, engaging with politics and taking part in
the numerous other nation building activities that have a traditionally masculine association.
To completely ignore the gendered aspects of nationalism would be an academic failure of
the highest order, yet that is exactly what has happened for much of history. Only since
around the 1980’s and the advent of the constructivist movement have there been efforts
to address this massive gap in our understanding of nationalism. The feminine experience of
the nation and nationalism is fundamentally different from the masculine one. Women have
historically had very different roles and positions within society and despite the fact they
have been routinely erased from history and academia the role they play in building and
maintaining ideas of the nation are vital and this role must therefore be studied in its own
right (Nagel, 1998).
There is of course the most obvious role that women and other birth givers play in the being
the reproducers of the nation in a biological sense. After all, a nation exists primarily in the
minds of its citizens, so without new citizens a nation is doomed to die. Due to this vital role,
the reproductive rights of these birth givers can often become highly politicized. Since it is
within the interests of the nation state to expand the nation as much as possible, ensuring
that birth givers are producing as many new citizens as possible is a top priority (Yuval-Davis,
1997). A particularly dark example of this trend would be the recent wave of anti-abortion
laws in the US, following the overturning of Roe v. Wade. Women will also participate in
nationalist movements in a much more direct sense as well, despite the lack of
acknowledgement from traditional academia. Particularly during times of national struggle
or revolution women are brought in and their participation in these movements plays a vital
role, both as fellow revolutionaries and as symbols to be fought for. In such movements
women are often portrayed as “mothers of the nation” such as in the French revolution
where we see liberty itself, embodied in the form of a woman. Yet once the revolution is
won or the national struggle is over, we see the efforts and concerns of women be side-
lined once again their desire for equal participation in society and the nation outright
ignored in most cases.
Another strong reason for studying nations and nationalism through a gendered lens is to
expose and hopefully address the hierarchies and power differences that exist between the
in groups of men and the out group of everyone else. Such hierarchies are often constructed
alongside ideas of gender and in particular ideas of how each gender fits, or in some cases
does not fit, within the nation. Nearly all institutions both great and small that have some
role in building and maintaining the nation are constructed in such a way as to uphold
patriarchy (Berger, Lorenz, 2008). In education, Women are pushed towards the role of
homemaker and mother whereas men are encouraged to pursue positions of authority be it
in politics or in business. Even the notions of gender itself that are instilled within us by our
families and other forces of socialisation impart the idea of man being the dominant and
woman being the subordinate. It is through analysing these institutions through the lens of
gender identity that we can expose these institutions for being what they are, not the
natural and inherent things that so many have assumed them to be but forces within society
that were deliberately constructed to maintain a gendered hierarchy.
In conclusion it is plane to see that a gendered lens is vital for a proper understanding of
nations and nationalism. Without such a lens we would not be able to properly study and
understand the gendered nature of nationalist projects, we would not understand the role
that women play in building and maintaining the nation, nor would we have the tools to
analyse and deconstruct the systems of power and oppression that these nation building
projects are often designed to uphold.
Bibliography
Nagel, J (1998). Masculinity and nationalism: gender and sexuality in the making of nations.
1st edition. Routledge: London.
Yuval-Davis, N (1997). Gender and Nation. 1st edition. Sage publications: California
Berger, S. Lorenz, C. (2008). The Contested Nation: Ethnicity, Class, Religion and Gender in
National Histories. 2008 edition. Palgrave Macmillan: London
De Beauvoir, S. (1997). The Second Sex. New Ed edition. Vintage Classics: New York
 2. How do diasporas and transnational communities challenge the nation-state?
The modern concept of the nation state is predicated on the idea of a people living within a
fixed boundary who all subscribe the idea of being a part of the nation. However, some
scholars argue that this model of nationalism is being made obsolete by a resurgence of
diaspora and transnational communities as such groups exist beyond the reach of any one
state or government. This essay will analyse and evaluate how ideas surrounding diaspora
and transnational communities challenge the concept of the nation state and how they
might provide an alternative model for understanding national communities that exist
outside of state boundaries.
Broadly speaking a diaspora can be defined as a group or community of people who have
been scattered and displaced from their native homeland. The Jewish diaspora is perhaps
the most commonly known example of this, but a diaspora can arise from almost any group
that has been separated from it’s place of origin. Historically this dispersal came from war
and conflict, individuals felling from persecution as their place of origin is invaded and
conquered and while in the modern day this is still one reason a diaspora might arise there
are also far more peaceful reason for the existence of diasporas across the world. This is
largely the result of ever-increasing globalisation making travel between nation state easier
than it has ever been before. Part of the way in which diaspora challenge the traditional
concept of the nation state is through the dissolution of the idea of nations having defined
territories be they physical or otherwise (Cohen, 2008). The classical concept of the nation
state is dependant on the idea of citizens existing within defined borders of the nation. A
Diaspora challenges this as such individuals and communities claim belonging to a nation,
displaying all the characteristics of belonging to said nation yet do not exist as citizens within
the nation state. Classical literature surrounding nationalism claims that the nation state is
essential for reproducing the nation within the minds of it’s citizens, partaking in nation
building projects within its defined borders yet with a diaspora we see the nation being
reproduced in communities beyond the state, and most importantly, outside of the control
of the nation state. This erosion of the nation states power and control over the direction
and perhaps the very soul of a nation is one manner in which a diaspora or transnational
community can challenge the very idea of the nation state and its usefulness when studying
nationalism.
In a very similar way to the nation itself a diaspora is constructed (in a cultural sense) on a
collective memory and set of cultural myths about their origin, in particular the cultural
story of how they became dispersed from their homeland is of particular importance when
building a diaspora. The collective trauma and memory of these event leads to the creation
of a nation beyond the state. Indeed, a diaspora can be thought of as something of a
stateless power. By organizing themselves in a similar manner to how a state might be
organised with distinct leaderships and layers of governance these diasporas and
transnational communities can gain high degrees of power and influence, both within the
host nation and over their homeland (Toloyan, 1996). The Social, political and economic
power gained through organization can ever represent a significant challenge to the
homeland, where a diaspora aligned itself against the nation state of their homeland. This is
usually done when a Diaspora finds itself in moral or political conflict with the actions of
their nation state of origin. One example of this would be the recent protests of American
Jews against the actions of the Israeli government, in particular their ethnic clenching of
Palestinians from within “their” borders. What makes this example particularly notable is
that these protesters did not only condemn the actions of their homelands nation state but
went on to condemn the actions of their host nation, as many of these protesters sought to
end the sale of American weapons to the Israeli government (Angel, 2021). So here we see
two ways in which the nation state is being eroded by a diaspora. In one we see members of
a nation condemning the actions of “their” state as immoral seeking to influence the nation
they are a part of from afar. And in the second we see people who are citizens of a nation
state, yet not fully members of that nation exercising social and political power to influence
the actions of their host nation. Both of these things call into question the validity of the
classical model of nationalist study, and its laser focus on the nation state as the supreme
actor in the development and building of the nation.
In conclusion, while the nation state is still a useful concept for the study of nations and
nationalism, it would be folly to define it as the sole vector by which nations are created.
The effects of diaspora in divorcing the nation from a distinct region of the world and
creating members of a nation that are not citizens of the nation state challenge the
supremacy of the nation state. The state is further challenged when these diasporas and
transnational communities organize themselves. Creating their own stories for building and
progressing the nation, stories that often conflict with the ones being told by the nation
state. Leading to yet further erosion of state power over the national myth.
Bibliography
Cohen, R. (2008). Global diasporas: an introduction. 2nd edition. Routledge: London.
Toloyan, K. (1996). Rethinking Diaspora (s): Stateless Power in the Transnational Moment. 1st
edition. University of Toronto Press: Toronto.
Angel, A. (2021). Jewish Americans are at a turning point with Israel. The Guardian. 22 May.
Available: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/may/22/jewish-americans-
israel-palestine-arielle-angel [Accessed: 3/12/22]