Opera Vivorum Omnium Bonorum Veterum
Opera Vivorum Omnium Bonorum Veterum
Opera Vivorum Omnium Bonorum Veterum
, Amsterdam
Not to I)e wproduced by photoprint or microfilm without written p ~rmission from the publisher
H. E C H U I , T I N K
417
418 H. S C H U L T I N K
word-group all ~ood old men's (1956c" 4). E ~glish 'epithets' like all,
good and old Hjelmslev considers as representing 'un syncr6tisme
tetal (exprim6 par z6ro) des formes casuelles et des nombres gram-
~naticaux quires tent distincts' in a noun su4 :h as men's (1956c: 15).
His reason for preferring the solution aax + bnx + cnx (I) to
(a + b + c)nx ([I) with regard to the content of virorum omnium
bonorum veterum and of ~//good old men's, Hjelmslev discusses in
detail in 1956c, cf. Siertsema, 1965: 265-267. Different and inde-
pendent syncretisms in the paradigms of nouns and 'epithets' play
the leading part in his argumentation. 'Une troisi~me possibilit6
peut 8~re 6cart~6e par avance" celle qui consisterMt ~ consid6rer le
g~nitif pluriel comme caract6risant le terme primaire seul (uirfrum,
men's), et les epithbtes comme des bases nues, d6nu~.es de cas et de
nombre. Une teUe interpr6tation ne rendrait pas compte du fair
essentiel que c'est ou bien l'ensemble (la jonction enti~re) ou bien
la somme de ses parties (des bases nominales) qui doit 6tre entendu
comme 6tant au g6nitif pluriel" sans rendre compte de ce fait on
tortc, rerait le sens de l'~nonc6' Ill956c" 3).
~[n an addendum to his article Hjelmslev remarks that Zellig S.
Harris decides in favour of description II: (a + b + c) nx, even in
tht: case of Latin phrases. In the passage quoted Harris, indeed,
de,;cribes ... us... us in/ilius bonus 'good son' as constituting a single
morpheme. Similarly . . . i x . . . a in victrix bona 'good victor (f.)' ur
... a . . . a in mensa parva 'small table' constitute one discontinuous
.~rpheme. But while he attributes the meaning 'male' to ... u s . . . us
in filius bonus, and 'female' to ... ix... a in victrix bona, Harris does
not assign a meaning, or in any case not the meanings 'male' and
'female' to similar morphemes in other words such as hortus parvus
'small garden', mensa parva 'small table' (1951' 165-166; cf., how-
ever, 306-309).
Anton Reichling differentiates - correctly in our opinion .- be-
tween, on the one ha,nd, torrnal word segments systematically corre-
sponding with semantic elements, and on the other haad systemati-
aily occurr/.'ng formal word segments not corresponding with
semantic elements. An example of a formal element with both
grammatical and semantic value, as Reichling calls it, is the -s in
Eng'lish plural nouns like books, chairs etc. An example of such a
fornml element with only grammatical value is the -e in Dutch een
stout-e ]ongen 'a naughty boy' beside een stout kind 'a naughty child'
OPERA VIRORUM OMNIUM BONORUM VETERUM 419
Noun~"Copula~Adj ective;
cf. Chomsky, 1957: 72. Because of the fact that gender and number
will be introduced into the Latin attribute after the nominalizing
transformation has applied, this introduction takes place simul-
taneously with the introduction of the feature [~, Case], just as in
the case of the German article. Secondly, among others, the features
[~ DC] are inherent to tb~ attributes om~,ium, bonorum and vavrum
too. This only means that: the independent feature matrices of these
lexical items are more comprehensive than the corresponding matri-
ces of German articles.
be neutral with regard ~to tense. Similarly in Fxench and other Ro-
mance languages, verbs generally have a 'base rtd~ inherent feature'
mood, but in certain embedded sentences, which are constituents of
a VP, the presence of a subjunctive is obligatory again.
On the other hand, it should be detemfined whether the features
gender in adjectives and case may sometimes make an independent
contribution to the meaning of a sentence and in this case belong to
deep structure. Concerning the latter we have in mi'ad Latin loca-
tives such as Romam 'to Rome', Roma 'from Rome', Romae 'in
Rome', dora6 'from home', dotal 'at home'. In addition Bierwisch
mentions instrumentals and elatives having semantic characteristics
of the same kind (1967" 2,',2 In. 12). Finally, with regard to the
adjectival feature [7 Gender] we attempted to make a similar
distinction. In some special cases the difference between Dutch
adjectives with and without final -e, such as stout a.nd stoute, does
not reflect a difference in gender or a difference in other transfor-
mationally introduced features, but indicates a difference in sema:a-
tic value (Schultink, 1962: 64--72)P)
One aim of this article has been to point out some of the similari-
ties (and dissimilarities) in the ways linguists during the last fifty
years have treated certain inflectional phenomena. Linguistics ~ d
not start yesterday, in 1957 or in 1922. This has also always been
one of the main themes in professor Reichling's long, important and
fnfitful teaching activities.
Uni,versity o/Utrecht
A m',hor's address" Van Diepenburchstraat ~28, The Hague,
The Netherlands
REFERENCES