Global Repertories
Global Repertories
Global Repertoires
Popular music within and beyond the transnational
music industry
E d ited by
AN D REA S G EB ESM A IR
M ediacult, In tern a tio n a l Research In stitu te fo r M edia,
C om m unication a n d C u ltu ra l D evelopm ent, A u stria
A LFRED SM UDITS
Institute o f M usic Sociology, U niversity o f M usic a n d
P erform ing Arts, A u stria
First published 2001 by Ashgate Publishing
The author has asserted his moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to
be identified as the author o f this work.
All rights reserved. No part o f this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any
electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and re-
cording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publish-
ers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifica-
tion and explanation without intent to infringe.
Introduction
Andreas Gebesm air 1
V
7 G lobalization - localization, hom ogenization -
diversification and other discordant trends:
A challenge to m usic policy m akers
K rister M alm 89
Index 171
vi
List of Contributors
vi i
General Editor’s Series Preface
The upheaval that occurred in m usicology during the last two decades o f the
twentieth century has created a new urgency for the study o f popular music
alongside the developm ent o f new critical and theoretical models. A relativ-
istic outlook has replaced the universal perspective o f m odernism (the inter-
national am bitions o f the 12-note style); the grand narrative o f the evolution
and dissolution o f tonality has been challenged, and em phasis has shifted to
cultural context, reception and subject position. Together, these have con-
spired to eat away at the status o f canonical com posers and categories o f high
and low in music. A need has arisen, also, to recognize and address the em er-
gence of crossovers, mixed and new genres, to engage in debates concerning
the vexed problem o f what constitutes authenticity in music and to offer a cri-
tique of musical practice as the product o f free, individual expression.
Popular m usicology is now a vital and exciting area o f scholarship, and
the Ashgate Popular and Folk M usic Series aim s to present the best research
in the field. Authors will be concerned with locating musical practices,
values and meanings in cultural context, and may draw upon m ethodologies
and theories developed in cultural studies, sem iotics, poststructuralism , psy -
chology and sociology. The series will focus on popular m usics o f the tw en-
tieth and twenty-first centuries. It is designed to em brace the w orld’s popular
musics from Acid Jazz to Zydeco, whether high tech or low tech, com m er-
cial or non-com m ercial, contem porary or traditional.
ix
Preface
T his is an im portant and timely publication in the A shgate Popular and Folk
M usic Series. For many people, globalization m eans, in cultural term s, an
Am erican entertainm ent em pire that places the many and varied cultures of
the world at the mercy o f transnational corporations and their marketing
teams. Some people see globalization as the spread of a consum er dem o-
cracy. Andy Warhol once com m ented that no am ount o f wealth or power
could buy you a better Coca-Cola than the one the next person was drinking.
C om pare that with the social elitism associated with F rance’s best-know n
drink, C ham pagne. Yet, should we not be concerned, as are the w riters here,
that local and regional music cultures face an unprecedented onslaught from
transnational industries and their ever-increasing production o f cultural
goods for global distribution? And what about the popular musicians who are
prom oted by these industries? Does the music business now have them in a
stranglehold? Are they no more than cogs in a corporate machine?
In this book an international group o f scholars are not seeking to provide
easy answers to such complex questions. Instead, they are intent on deepen-
ing our understanding o f the key issues concerning globalization. Their
critical scrutiny ranges from the structure and strategies o f the transnational
music industries to an exam ination of the local and individual appropriation
o f global goods. They also discuss dissem ination through m igration and
com m unities o f interest, and the ideological and political use o f different
kinds o f music. In addition, the book offers a valuable aid to future research
in its accom plished presentation o f theoretical m odels and m ethodologies for
analyzing the globalization o f music.
Xi
Introduction
Andreas Gebesmair
ceed 15%, in others, like Japan, the UK, Brazil, or Russia, the dom estic share
accounts for more than 50% of the national markets. The category ‘dom estic
share’, however, does not necessarily mean that this music sounds unlike ‘in-
ternational repertoire’ (see Andreas Gebesmair).
The effort to adjust the repertoire to regional markets has its limits in the
m edia industry. C ontent analysis o f regional M TV program s undertaken by
Keith Roe and G ust de M eyer has shown that the regionalization o f the media
industry does not mean that program ing is getting more ‘regional’. Even
though M TV-Europe abandoned English as their dom inant language for
m oderation, little has changed in term s o f the origins o f artists and the lan-
guage o f the songs purveyed: Anglo-Am erican and English repertoire is still
predom inant.
The global use and abuse of popular music - beyond the transnational
music industry
The analysis of the music industry has shown the following: there is indeed a
globally expanding ( ‘im perialistic’) music industry which seeks to distribute
standardized products all over the world at high profits. But this industry has
no identifiable cultural center: Their products do not represent the culture of
a single country. Additionally, the industry considers local dem ands and pro-
duces local repertoire to satisfy this demand.
Yet there is a third argument for rejecting the ‘cultural im perialism the-
sis’: The dom inance of the m ajor industry and its repertoire does not mean
that local culture has vanished. Beyond the interests of the majors, there are
multiple ways o f using international music. Describing the developm ent o f
‘A ustropop’, Edward Larkey (1992) identified four different stages o f the in-
tegration o f international repertoire into local contexts: consum ption, im ita-
tion o f the im ported music by local artists, de-Anglicization and re-
ethnification. In this last stage, international repertoire merges with local tra-
ditions to form new genres which rely on different sources. This phenom e-
non o f ‘hybridization’ caused by new com m unication technologies and
global industries has struck all over the world since the seventies and eighties
(Wallis and M alm 1984, G arofalo 1993, Taylor 1997) and has given rise to an
abundance o f new genres from Bhangra to Zouk, from Reggae to Rai, from
Austro- to Turkpop. (See also the exam ples in the contributions o f A lenka
Barber-Kersovan, Susanne Binas, Deborah Pacini H ernandez, Harald H u-
ber, K rister M alm , Ina Zukrigl and Joana Breidenbach.)
But what chance has this music to reach the ears of listeners beyond the
im m ediate environm ent o f its origin?
The record industry has of course recognized that there is a profitable
global dem and for music with local color. But this process has also been
4 Global Repertoires
boosted by m ovem ents beyond the transnational music industry. In the eight-
ies for instance, w hen many D om inicans began m igrating to the USA , new
m arkets em erged for the distribution o f meringue, the D om inican R epublic’s
m ost com m on genre o f popular music. Deborah Pacini H ernandez argues
that m igration is a key but often under-appreciated aspect o f globalization.
K rister M alm also points to the translocation o f persons rather than sound
carriers. He reports o f ‘interlocal com m unities o f interest’ which exist be-
yond the transnational culture industry. Fans o f Trinidad carnival m usic, soca
and steel bands, have established a global web o f m utual exchange which
connects such distant countries as Sw eden, C anada, and Trinidad. The Inter-
net has proved to be an im portant device w hich supports this global ex-
change. Follow ers o f the Syrian O rthodox C hurch living in diaspora all over
the w orld created a virtual Syrian nation on the W orld W ide Web, which sat-
isfies all prerequisites o f a real nation from anthem s to children’s books.
B ut popular m usic, especially so-called ‘dom estic’ repertoire, is also sub-
je c t to political use and abuse. M usic and the term s w hich denote it are used
to strengthen ideological positions. Ideological content was transported for
exam ple in Serbian popular m usic production by relying on folk music ele-
m ents, w hile C roatian music production avoided references to Balkan folk
m usic by using international repertoire form s (A lenka B arber-Kersovan).
M ore generally, A lfred Sm udits shows that definitions o f 'dom estic reper-
to ire’ differ according to econom ic and political interests, ju st as ideological-
ly biased m arketing categories (like ‘Latin m usic’) represent a certain
‘h eg em o n ic’ view w hich som etim es contrasts with the dem ands o f ethnic mi-
norities (see D eborah Pacini H ernandez).
W ithout regarding the w ide range o f different approaches and methods in the
history o f popular m usic research (see e.g. Shuker 1994, Negus 1996), I’d
like to touch on som e m ethodological aspects m entioned in the following ar-
ticles.
As described above, two different research areas are connected in the
analysis o f the globalization o f music. On the one hand, the transnational
m usic industry, its w orldw ide structure and the resulting conditions o f music
production is concerned. On the other hand, the diversity o f consum ption and
production on a local level is o f great im portance. Hence two different ‘ap-
p ro ach es’ seem to converge in the study o f global music production: one
which concerns more the ‘structural constraints’ through which m usic is
form ed and one which looks at the daily routine o f music activities and the
production o f 'm ean in g ’ in different cultures. Richard A. Peterson, Joana
Introduction 5
Breidenbach and Ina Zukrigl give a short introduction to the basis o f each ap-
proach, term ed ‘production o f culture’ and ‘anthropology’. R ather than
forming opposing research traditions, their m erger provides som e advan-
tages for the study o f globalization. Recent anthropology dealing with global
cultural exchange (e.g. A ppadurai 1990, Hannerz 1992) has considered the
role of industry and technology. On the other hand, sociologists in the pro-
duction-of-culture tradition take also m odalities o f consum ption into account
(Peterson 1994).
Though the articles in this publication represent a wide range of ap-
proaches and their authors em ploy different m ethods, I ’d like to mention
three aspects which could be considered a com m on thread running through
the discussion.
First, the cultural developm ent is seen neither as a product o f solitary cre-
ators nor as an im m ediate consequence o f social change. C reation and con-
sumption o f cultural goods are interm ediated by a variety o f relatively
autonomous m ilieus or fields of production which deserve special scrutiny
(Peterson 1976, Becker 1982, Bourdieu 1983). Keith Negus explains how
popular music emerges from a com plex and conflict-ridden process o f bar-
gaining between different actors within the music industry. Furtherm ore, the
production process is constrained by a num ber o f factors such as industry
structure (Robert Burnett), m arketing strategies (K e ith R o e an d G u s t de
Meyer, Deborah Pacini Hernandez, Richard A. Peterson), legal and political
circumstances (Alenka Barber-Kersovan, Alfred Sm udits) and, m ost prom i-
nently, technology (Susanne Binas, Krister M alm, R obert Burnett).
This production process does not end with the delivery o f products but is
extended to consum ers who appropriate these cultural goods. In this sense
we can regard reception too as a process where the m eaning o f culture is pro-
duced and som etimes reappropriated by the transnationals. (See the term
‘autoproduction o f culture’ in Peterson 1994.)
Second, the research presented in this book relies on em pirical research
instead of a speculative and som etim es arbitrary search for ‘traces o f uncon-
sciousness’ or ‘preferred readings’ in m usical texts. The m ethods range from
the quantitative analysis o f industry statistics to participant observation, from
the qualitative interviews to style analysis. It is im portant to say that all these
approaches rely on a kind o f ‘controlled observation' o f reality and research
is accom panied by a continuous discussion of reliability and validity o f indi-
cators (Andreas Gebesmair). Even the interpretation o f m usical texts is
based on the analysis o f different m usical dim ensions which has to be de-
fined as exactly as possible (Harald Huber).
Third, the authors o f these articles hesitate to dem onize m ass culture (as
representatives o f the Frankfurt School have done) as well as to rom anticize
creative subcultures (as Cultural Studies academ ics have done). As Simon
Frith (1992) noted, the high affinity of some academ ics to youth culture and
6 Global Repertoires
the resulting m yth o f resistance are more reflections o f the situation o f intel-
lectuals than o f the reality o f young m usicians. Therefore, a closer look at the
m eanings people attribute to cultural goods is indispensable in understanding
different cultures. A nthropologists call for a so-called ‘em ic’ perspective, or
as B ronislaw M alinow ski put it: The goal o f ethnography is ‘to grasp the na-
tive’s point o f view, his relation to life, to realize his vision o f his world.’ (See
Joana Breidenbach/lna Z ukrigl.)
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