Leela Karwe

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IST ASSIGNMENT

Every kinship system is significantly a cultural and social system. There is no


particular pattern in this world for any kinship system. It tends to vary from
one culture to another culture.
Kinship in India can be seen in families and outside families. primary relatives
focus in kinship within family including initial intrafamily relationships
containing husbands and wife, mother and daughter, brother and sister, father
and son etc. these all are the part of the same nuclear family which is also
known as “family of procreation”

Leela Dube in her notable ‘Anthropological Explorations in Gender’ discusses


how Kinship systems serve as crucial frameworks within which gender
dynamics are situated. They provide principles for organizing various aspects
of social life, including group placement, inheritance, social identity, resource
distribution, socialization, post-marital residence patterns, women's spatial
relationships, formation of kin groups, marital and conjugal relations, as well
as authority and rights over children.

However, it's essential to recognize that kinship systems are not static or
neutral. They are influenced by material conditions but are predominantly
shaped by values, ideologies, religious beliefs, and rituals. Therefore, it's
necessary to examine the underlying assumptions guiding people's behavior
and speech within these systems.

Diverse kinship systems and family structures contribute significantly to


variations in gender dynamics across societies. Many gender disparities
observed in these societies can be attributed, at least partially, to the specific
characteristics of their kinship systems.
In simple terms, in both patrilineal and matrilineal societies, kinship is based
on the idea of common blood ties. In patrilineal communities, the emphasis is
on the male's contribution to the bloodline through his seed, which is believed
to carry life-giving blood to the offspring. On the other hand, in matrilineal
communities, it's thought that a child inherits its life and blood from the
mother and its physical traits from the father. In these communities, a nephew
and his maternal uncle are considered to share the same flesh and blood.
Kinship isn't just about moral principles; it's deeply connected to material
conditions like property and production. While Islam views matriliny as a
natural form of social organization and has laws based on it, it has also spread
to societies with different kinship systems. For instance, the inhabitants of the
Kalpeni Islands, where migrants from Kerala introduced a matrilineal system
centuries ago.

In Asia, there exists a diversity of kinship systems, primarily categorized into


three types: patrilineal, matrilineal, and bilateral. South Asia predominantly
follows a patrilineal kinship system, with notable exceptions of matrilineal
practices found in the southwest and northeast regions, and the bilateral
system prevalent in Sri Lanka. Conversely, Southeast Asia largely adopts a
bilateral kinship system, with some communities practicing matriliny, such as
the Minangkabau of West Sumatra and the people of Negeri Sembilan in
Malaysia, alongside patrilineal communities.

When comparing patrilineal and bilateral kinship systems, it's important to


note that there is no singular, uniform pattern within each system. The
distinctions between these systems are based on broad features, with some
specific variations influenced by factors like religion or historical context.

The primary differences between patrilineal societies and matrilineal or


bilateral societies lie in the status of male and female children within descent
groups and familial units. In patrilineal societies, children derive their identity
from their father and are integrated into his lineage or family unit (known as
"khandan" or "kutumb"). Sons typically hold permanent membership within
these units, while daughters are often considered transient or temporary
members. The cultural emphasis on marriage and the expectation of a girl
leaving her natal home upon marriage are deeply ingrained in South Asian
patrilineal societies.

Irawati Karve believed that the caste system influences and strengthens
kinship organisations, which follow certain patterns throughout linguistic
areas.
In her work ‘Kinship Organization in India’ she maps out kinship patterns in
India on to
linguistic zones.
According to Karve, there are distinct regional variations in kinship
organization and marital customs in India. In the northern regions, women are
often separated from their families at a young age and sent to live with
unfamiliar in-laws far away. Conversely, in the southern regions, women
typically continue to reside among their relatives even after marriage. The
central zone exhibits greater internal diversity, with some castes permitting
cross-cousin marriages, similar to practices in the south. However, most
northern castes, as noted by Karve, prohibit marriages between cousins.

Karve defines a joint family as a collective residing under one roof, sharing
meals, property, participating in common rituals, and connected through a
specific kinship network. Through her studies on kinship organization, Karve
offers insights into the structure of Indian society and its various social
arrangements. Despite her empathy for women, Karve's views were not
considered radical. She supported the joint family system, acknowledging its
complexities and joys, while not explicitly addressing issues of patriarchy and
oppression.

For Karve, a caste is characterized by several factors: adherence to endogamy,


a specific geographical area of distribution (usually within a linguistic region),
one or more traditional occupations, a position within a hierarchical social
scale, and traditionally defined modes of behavior towards other castes. In
essence, she argued that caste should be understood as a group practicing
endogamy with specific characteristics and behaviors towards other castes,
rather than as a simple uniform category.

Karve's paper "The Kinship Map of India" highlights contrasting customs of


marrying close kin in South India and the principle of extended exchange in
North India, which allows women to maintain ties with their natal families,
thereby alleviating some of the challenges faced by married women. Sundar
observes that Karve did not explicitly identify herself as a feminist, as she did
not adopt radical views. Despite this, her work remains influential in
understanding the complexities of Indian kinship systems and their
implications for women's lives.
Leela Dube similarly believed that caste plays a significant role in defining
social status. Women's sexuality is often linked to their ability to bear children,
making motherhood highly valued and integral to upholding caste boundaries.
The responsibility of maintaining caste purity falls heavily on women due to
their role in biological reproduction, including pregnancy and breastfeeding.
As a result, the concept of female purity is particularly emphasized among
Hindus compared to Muslims.
She writes about how The lack of inheritance rights for daughters and the
restrictions imposed by the caste system significantly contribute to the
practice of dowry. Both factors limit the choices available to both boys and girls
when it comes to marriage. The combination of patrilineal descent and the
caste system creates particularly challenging circumstances for women. While
widows may have some inheritance rights, married women are largely
dependent on their husbands, especially in the absence of provisions for
conjugal property. Hence, married women are typically reliant on their
husbands for financial support.

It has become evident that caste and kinship are intricately intertwined aspects
of Indian society, shaping social relationships, identity, and power dynamics.
Caste, with its hierarchical structure and rigid boundaries, influences various
facets of life, from marriage customs to inheritance rights. It plays a crucial
role in determining social status, access to resources, and opportunities.
.
Kinship, on the other hand, encompasses familial ties and social organization,
often intersecting with caste dynamics. It governs concepts of belonging,
inheritance, and family roles, shaping individuals' identities and relationships
within communities. The differing kinship systems, such as patrilineal and
matrilineal, reflect diverse cultural norms and practices, each with its own
implications for gender roles, family structure, and social organization.

Leela Dube and Iravati Karwe recognised this intricate interplay between these
social structures and other aspects of Indian society. Both scholars
acknowledged the significance of caste and kinship in shaping social
relationships, identities, and power dynamics. They also emphasized the role
of gender within these systems, highlighting how women's roles and status
are influenced by caste and kinship norms.
However, there were also differences in their perspectives. Karve's focus on
kinship, particularly her studies on kinship organization and the role of
biological ties, differed somewhat from Dube's emphasis on gender dynamics
within caste and kinship systems.

Overall, while both scholars contributed significantly to our understanding of


caste and kinship in Indian society, they approached these topics from slightly
different angles, with Karve emphasizing kinship organization and Dube
focusing more explicitly on gender within caste and kinship contexts
Karwe adds that in most of India, families and castes operate independently,
following their own customs and rules. Each caste has its own guidelines for
marriage, jobs, and religion. Families and castes are seen as important social
groups, and people strongly identify with them. Traditional joint families
provided economic and social security, and villages were crucial for support.

Moreover, the impact of caste and kinship extends beyond social spheres to
influence economic and political realms. Inheritance rights, marriage
practices, and communal ties, affect individuals' access to resources and
opportunities.

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