Piotrowski YouthDigitalSociety 2024

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Amsterdam University Press

Chapter Title: Youth and the Digital Society


Chapter Author(s): Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

Book Title: Communication Research into the Digital Society


Book Subtitle: Fundamental Insights from the Amsterdam School of Communication
Research
Book Editor(s): Theo Araujo, Peter Neijens
Published by: Amsterdam University Press. (2024)
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/jj.11895525.8

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5. Youth and the Digital Society
Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

Abstract
The digital transformation has impacted all aspects of society. These
impacts are most acutely seen amongst the youngest generation as they
have been born into a world that looks entirely different than generations
before. For researchers interested in how youth navigate, accommodate,
and shape the digital society, these changes have precipitated a need for
revised theorising; more precise analytic approaches; and a recognition
that many young people lack the skills necessary to fully participate in
this digital society. ASCoR scholars have contributed meaningfully to a
global dialogue about how we can ensure that youth are prepared for the
digital world they live in and remain committed to this dynamic dialogue
in the years ahead.

Keywords: adolescence, children, differential susceptibility, technological


access, digital competence

Introduction

After the introduction of television, E. B. White famously said that television


was “going to be the test of the modern world. We shall stand or fall by the
television—of that I am quite sure” (White, 1950). Fast forward to 2023—and
replace television with digitisation. Every aspect of our mediated world is, or
can be, digital. Access is at one’s fingertips, information should be bite-sized,
experiences should be interactive, narrative should be transportive, and
communication can be through and with human and non-human agents.
The digital transformation has impacted all aspects of society. These impacts
are perhaps most acutely seen amongst the youngest generation as they
have been born into a world that looks entirely different than generations

Piotrowski, J. T. (2024). Youth and the digital society. In T. Araujo & P. Neijens (Eds.), Com-
munication research into the digital society: Fundamental insights from the Amsterdam
School of Communication Research (pp. 87-100). Amsterdam University Press. https://doi.
org/10.5117/9789048560592_ch05

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88  Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

before. Communication scholars have always identified this group as a


special one for study, but digital transformations have placed this group in
a space of urgency—with society demanding answers regarding the impact
of social media on youth; the extent to which (emerging) technology such as
smartphones, wearables, streaming services, virtual assistants, social robots,
and artificial intelligence might reshape childhood; the ethical ramifications
of the digital society (see Livingstone & Third, 2017), including the right to
participation and representation, the right to (data) protection and online
safety, the right to digital competence, and the right to be forgotten; and
the skills necessary to thrive in this new digital space.
In the past decade, youth and media scholars at ASCoR have worked to
respond to these changing times and these pressing issues. Given that the
digital society has impacted many different echelons of youth and media
scholarship, there is not one theoretical, methodological, or conceptual
development that can be highlighted as pinnacle. Rather, there are a handful
of interconnected developments that together have shaped—and continue
to shape—how ASCoR researchers approach and contribute to the dynamic
topic of youth and media in the digital society.

Theoretical contributions

Perhaps most impactful to the youth and media field has been Valkenburg
and Peter’s (2013) theoretical publication “The Differential Susceptibility
to Media Effects Model.” After only a decade this publication has already
been cited nearly a thousand times and is recognised by scholars globally
as game-changing—both for communication science and for youth and
media scholars specif ically. In this manuscript, Valkenburg and Peter
argue for attention to differential susceptibility—namely, a recognition
that not all media effect all users in the same manner. To that end, they
offer a theoretical model, DSMM, which posits that individual differences
in developmental, dispositional, and social susceptibility impact media
selection and media processing—leading to differential effects.
For certainty, even before the digital transformation, the communication
science field saw us theorising about differential effects to some extent.
But Valkenburg and Peter’s model, whose development not coincidently
occurred as digital technology was fiercely grabbing hold of the youth
media landscape, has pushed scholars to rethink existing practices. In the
analogue media era, most (youth and media) scholars relied on statistical
controls to draw conclusions for all (Piotrowski & Valkenburg, 2015). As a

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Youth and the Digital Socie t y 89

result, differential susceptibility was often excluded entirely from analytic


considerations, and instead the tradition leaned towards either saying, “Yes,
effect for all” or “No, no effect for all.” But the digital transformations in the
field—moving, for example, from analogue television, books, and radio to
social media, games, interactive television, social robots, virtual assistants,
and (personal) smart devices—made it clear that the field needed to consider
“Yes, for some” as a plausible (and likely) outcome.
Consider social media, such as TikTok or YouTube, for a moment. The
uptick of social media use among youth (who are among the earliest adopters
and most frequent users of social media across all age groups) has been a
field-changer for youth and media scholars. Youth today choose amongst
an array of social media spaces where they then co-construct a unique
experience that is all their own. Both TikTok and YouTube offer a video
viewing experience, both offer opportunities for short form video content,
and both offer opportunities for social comments. Yet, they offer a very
different experience when compared to each other. Even more, within
TikTok or YouTube, teens will have a very different experience depending
upon the choices they make. Inasmuch, simply offering a “Yes” or a “No”
as to whether social media impacts young people is illogical. We need to
understand which youth choose which social media, how they use this social
media, what responses they experience when using this social media, and
what effects occur thereafter.
The DSMM is the first comprehensive theory to provide theoretical space
for these questions, and ASCoR scholars gave the DSMM its first voice via a
pair of studies. First, in a longitudinal study with adolescents, ASCoR scholars
were interested in nuancing the debate regarding (digital and analogue)
media violence and aggressive behaviour. Rather than “Yes” or “No,” they
found “Yes, for some.” Specifically, they demonstrated that children growing
up in families with higher conflict are more susceptible to the impact of
media violence as these teens experience greater arousal when consuming
violent media content and, as a result, demonstrate increased aggressive
tendencies (Fikkers, 2016; Fikkers et al., 2013; Fikkers et al., 2016). Similarly, in
a parallel longitudinal study with younger children, ASCoR researchers asked
about the relationship between ADHD behaviour and violent/scary media.
Here, too, a “Yes, for some” relationship was found. Boys with increased
ADHD behaviour were found to consume more violent/scary media and
demonstrated differences in arousal and attention to violent/scary media.
Moreover, the use of autonomy-supportive parenting was associated with
fewer ADHD behaviours and less violent/scary media consumption, and
lastly, ADHD behaviours longitudinally predicted violent/scary media

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90  Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

content consumption which then increased ADHD behaviours (Nikkelen


et al., 2014; Nikkelen et al., 2015).
These two case studies were foundational examples of the utility of the
DSMM in the digital society. And, since that time, the use of the model
across the field has exploded—paralleling the explosion of the use of digital
media throughout childhood and adolescence. ASCoR scholars have been
at the forefront of this explosion—asking precisely when, for whom, and
how the digital society impacts young people. This work has touched upon
multitasking, virtual assistants, sexual internet content, and more. For
example, Baumgartner and colleagues found longitudinal evidence for a
potential detrimental long‐term effect of media multitasking on attention
problems for early adolescents (Baumgartner et al., 2017; see also van der
Schuur et al., 2015). Van Oosten (2016) demonstrated that the link between
sexually explicit internet use and sexual uncertainty was only present
among girls with low hyper-gendered orientation and a high impersonal
sex orientation. Wald and colleagues (Wald, Piotrowski, van Oosten, et al.,
2023) found that differences in technology confidence, internet literacy, and
preferred style of media mediation best characterise whether families have
(34%) smart speakers in their homes. And Meier et al. (2022) showed that
while more automatic social media use and more frequent phone checking
predicted procrastination for teens, this occurred only in a minority of
adolescents.

Methodological contributions

Just as the theorising has shifted to encourage more nuanced answers


about today’s digital society, this theorising—combined with a quickly
changing media landscape—has necessitated a shift in methods as well.
The digital society affords (and often assumes) that the user is an active
contributor in the experience—engaging via and with technology. Children
and teens engage with digital games (Lemmens et al., 2015); they text with
friends (Valkenburg & Peter, 2009); they post images on Instagram and
comments on YouTube (de Vries et al., 2018; Möller et al., 2021); they play
with apps (Broekman et al., 2018); they talk to virtual assistants (Wald,
Piotrowski, Araujo, et al., 2023); they high-five robots (Peter & Kühne, 2018);
and they are surrounded by others using digital media throughout their
everyday lives (Wolfers et al., 2020). Youth are among the first adopters of
changing technologies, and these technologies have left us asking: What are
the differential impacts? and How do we measure the impact? In a space

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Youth and the Digital Socie t y 91

where simply posting a status update can impact one’s own sense of self
(Valkenburg, 2017), the digital society has required scholars to reconsider
our measurement and analytic approaches.
In this book, Trilling and colleagues (2024) highlight the so-called
computational turn at ASCoR—demonstrating how the digital society
has pushed ASCoR scholars to leverage computational methodology to
answer key questions of our time. This computational turn has also been
felt in the youth and media sector, with scholars relying on computational
methodology (via public data scraping and personal data donation) to assess
large corpuses of (media) content. For example, computational approaches
have been used to assess the types of sexual information that adolescents
locate online; total amount of smartphone use (Baumgartner et al., 2023);
and the types of behaviours engaged in during social media usage (van
Driel et al., 2022). These approaches have been a valuable addition in an
age of big data, handheld devices, and personalised experiences. They help
us understand aspects of the so-called black box (Fikkers & Piotrowski,
2020)—namely, what individuals are consuming as well as where and how
they are responding to this information (see also Araujo et al., 2022). Yet,
while these computational methods provide us the opportunity to gather
more precise insight into the media experience, they do not by default
capitalise on this precision—leaving incomplete answers to key questions
in the field.
Specif ically, the media effects f ield—within and outside youth and
media—has long suffered with a mismatch between theorising and analysis.
Theoretically, the media effects tradition acknowledges that media ef-
fects occur within a person and that the type of effects depend upon the
interaction between person, content, and context characteristics (i.e.,
DSMM predictions). Yet historically, analyses have primarily looked for
differences between persons. Indeed, a look across the youth and media
space (e.g., Valkenburg & Piotrowski, 2017) shows that the great majority of
(quantitative) studies have either compared one group with another group
via (quasi-)experiments or relied on a single (occasionally ±3 data points) for
a single participant in survey/longitudinal research. With such relatively
limited datasets, it was only possible to statistically compare—and make
conclusions—between people. And for the most part, this was sufficient,
particularly with analogue media where the content was largely known,
limited in scope, and interactivity was non-existent.
The digital society, however, brings with it nearly limitless media
experiences that are often precipitated upon the types of interactivi-
ties involved. The increased accessibility of computational methods and

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92  Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

in-depth measurement (e.g., experience sampling) (see Siebers et al., 2022;


Verbeij et al., 2022) offers researchers the statistical and computational
power to zoom into an individual participant’s data and actually uncover
within-person relationships between predictors and outcomes. Meier’s
work, for example, capitalised on 22,809 assessments from 312 adolescents
(Meier et al., 2022). With such data, it is increasingly possible to study the
very relationships that scientists have been theorising about all along;
enabling scholars to augment existing work by looking within (many)
persons and, in doing so, obtaining richer detail about for whom these
relationships exist or not.
ASCoR scholars have responded to this opportunity by encouraging the
youth and media field to consider the use of person-specific approaches
(Valkenburg et al., 2021) to precisely understand what the relationship
between youth and the digital society is, and how the digital society is (re)
shaping childhood and adolescence. For example, ASCoR scholars in Project
AWeSome implemented a person-specific analytic paradigm to test how
each young person is impacted. Rather than concluding a null relationship,
which would have been the case with former approaches, they found that
the majority of adolescents (88%) experience little to no effect of social
media use on self-esteem but 4% experienced positive effects and 8%
experienced negative effects (Valkenburg et al., 2021). At a societal level,
this is a meaningful distinction. And, indeed, similar patterns have been
echoed with analyses on well-being with 45% of adolescents experiencing
no changes in well-being due to social media use, 28% experiencing declines
in well-being, and 26% experiencing increases in well-being (Beyens et al.,
2021). This work, and others like it from ASCoR scholars, has helped shift
the dialogue about effects in the digital society from “Is there an effect?” to
“For whom is there which effect?”—making a strong argument for including
more advanced person-specific approaches in digital society scholarship.

Conceptual developments

While theorising and methodological approaches have evolved alongside


changes in the digital society, so have the conversations about what it means
for youth to thrive in the digital society. Here, too, ASCoR scholars have
been actively engaging in scholarship to understand the protective and
empowering factors that may be unique to this space. One topic that has
entered the lexicon of many ASCoR scholars is digital competence—namely,

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Youth and the Digital Socie t y 93

the digital knowledge and digital skills needed (for youth) to thrive in the
digital environment.
Note that the phrase “for youth” is indicated parenthetically as the concept
is truly a lifespan concept. The digital society is a powerfully beneficial force
for some individuals in some contexts. But these benefits are neither uniform
nor equitable. There are groups who remain excluded or marginalised
because of a lack of access to technology transformations. And, even within
a prosperous country such as the Netherlands, data collected in ASCoR’s
Digital Competence (DIGCOM) Project shows that technology access is
not equal (e.g., de Vries et al., 2022b). At the same time, nearly half of the
European population lacks the knowledge and skills necessary to thrive
in the digital world (Clifford et al., 2020; European Union, n.d.). Without
the right skills, the opportunities of the digital society are unlikely to be
experienced. Instead, the pitfalls—privacy and security leaks; mental health
and well-being degradation; digital addiction, and more—risk becoming
the hallmark of the digital society.
This is an urgent problem, which will only be exacerbated as artificial
intelligence advances at rapid speed. Solving the problem requires interven-
tion at numerous societal levels, with youth considered a critical point of
impact. In the Netherlands, for example, there is a robust dialogue about the
degree to which digital competence should be a required learning outcome
in early education. But enacting such a policy means understanding precisely
what digital competence is, and what knowledge and capacities youth do
(and do not) have. Only then is it possible to investigate digital diversity:
namely, who requires support, what type of support is needed, and how
best to offer it (de Vries et al., 2023).
As first step, ASCoR researchers have contributed to this dialogue by
creating the DigIQ®—a psychometrically valid assessment tool to assess
digital competence that covers the full dimension of digital competence
(strategic information; critical information; netiquette; digital content
creation; safety and control of information and devices; digital health and
well-being; sustainable/green technology; artificial intelligence), captures
variability, and facilitates comparisons across age (de Vries et al., 2022a). Even
more, this tool provides connections to local resources to help individuals
bolster their skills and is now part of a national dialogue about ways to
monitor and support digital competence. By formalising and elevating
the concept of digital competence to the (inter)national agenda, ASCoR
researchers have offered a critical foundation for future dialogue on thriving
in the digital society.

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94  Jessica Taylor Piotrowski

Next steps

At ASCoR, this foundational conversation of digital competence is already


being complemented by research on growing up in a digital society. From
asking how and whether children form relationships with social robots
(de Jong et al., 2019; Peter et al., 2019; Peter & Kühne, 2018; van Straten et
al., 2022), to asking about their interaction and accommodation of virtual
assistants (Wald, Piotrowski, Araujo, et al., 2023), to questions about youth
multitasking online (Baumgartner et al., 2017), to studying the degree to
which digital spaces support healthy solitude (Keessen et al., 2022)—ASCoR
researchers continue to make clear that young people are confronted with
a world that their (grand)parents never experienced.
It will take all of us—including the developers of this digital space (as
argued by Dekker et al., 2023)—to ensure the road ahead does more good
than harm. This means pushing for a responsible tech agenda, including
ethics by design (e.g., Helberger et al., 2018; Palomar-Garcia et al., 2023;
Slater et al., 2020). Too long have developers taken an agnostic approach to
the effects of their technology—advancing the position that they are not
responsible for how their technology is used. Yet, they are also responsible.
They are in possession of a wealth of data that informs them about how
users respond to their content—including how “like” features, stopping cues,
editing features, time indicators, data privacy tools, and more influence the
experience and safety of users. Developers can use this data to improve the
media ecosystem, and in doing so, benefit all of us. It is a choice to allow
algorithmic recommendations to reflect and reinforce inequalities in our
social system (Helberger et al., 2018). It is a choice to prioritise and push
persuasive influencer content to teens (van Reijmersdal & van Dam, 2020).
It is a choice to create platforms that are addictive (Lemmens & Hendriks,
2016). The future involves holding developers accountable, too. Developers,
researchers, policymakers, and youth themselves—all need to sit at the
same table. ASCoR researchers are ready to play their part. Just recently,
for example, Sindy Sumter, Chei Billedo, and Irene van Driel launched
SeeMeBeMe—an initiative in which ASCoR researchers are engaging with
youth, developers, and policymakers to share research insights on how youth
experience media to better ensure that “future media products … support
ALL young people in today’s digital, hyperdiverse society” (SeeMeBeMe,
2023).
At the same time, the future also involves concretely operationalising the
in vogue term “digital well-being.” At the time of this writing, it functions
as an omnibus term for any positive integration of technology into one’s

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Youth and the Digital Socie t y 95

life—and, in that regard, there is real opportunity to refine and nuance this
concept. A cursory review of the literature suggests that digital well-being
refers to the state of one’s physical, mental, and emotional health in relation
to one’s use of technology and digital devices (e.g., Burr et al., 2020; Orben
& Przybylski, 2019; Vanden Abeele, 2021). It is said to involve f inding a
balance between the benefits and risks associated with digital technology
and is often connected to practices such as setting boundaries for screen
time, taking technology breaks, using technology in a responsible way, and
developing healthy habits around technology use. While on its face this is
an interesting concept, there is much to be gained in specifying this concept
and its sub-concepts—both for measurement and intervention.
Lastly, and perhaps most difficult, the future requires changing the field’s
current reactive stance to a proactive one whereby scholarship asks how
we can ensure that youth are prepared for the next digital development.
Historically, communication science has demonstrated that—with each new
technology—society first experiences fear and panic, with the so-called
few “innovators” excitedly trying the technology (Livingstone, 2002). This
is often followed by resistance and scepticism, as people question the value
added. With time, integration often occurs—and then discussions about
limits and boundaries emerge. But as history has shown, particularly as
it relates to ethics and privacy, these discussions are often too late. These
discussions need to be at the forefront so that the process of technological
accommodation keeps humans in the loop throughout the process, not
only after.

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About the author

Jessica Taylor Piotrowski is a Full Professor at ASCoR, where she holds the
Chair in Communication in the Digital Society. As a media psychologist,
she focuses on identifying risk, resiliency, and enhancement factors that
allow youth to become engaged digital citizens. E-mail: J.Piotrowski@uva.nl

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