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S E R V I C E S

Ten Days That Shook The World

By: John Reed
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Title: Ten Days That Shook the World Author: John Reed
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Ten Days That Shook the World

by John Reed
Table of Contents
Preface.
Notes and Explanations. Chapter 1. Background. Chapter 2. The Coming Storm. Chapter 3
Eve.
Chapter 4. The Fall of the Provisional Government. Chapter S. Plunging Ahead.
Chapter 6. The Committee for Salvation. Chapter 7. The Revolutionary Front.
Chapter 8. Counter-Revolution.
Chapter 9. Victory.
Chapter 10. Moscow.
Chapter 11. The Conquest of Power. Chapter 12. The Peasants' Congress. Appendices I

Preface
This book is a slice of intensified history—history as I saw it. It does not pretend to be any
a detailed account of the November Revolution, when the Bolsheviki, at the head of the wo
soldiers, seized the state power of Russia and placed it in the hands of the Soviets.
Naturally most of it deals with “Red Petrograd,” the capital and heart of the insurrection. Bu
reader must realize that what took place in Petrograd was almost exactly duplicated, with g
lesser intensity, at different intervals of time, all over Russia.
In this book, the first of several which I am writing, I must confine myself to a chronicle of t
events which I myself observed and experienced, and those supported by reliable evidence
preceded by two chapters briefly outlining the background and causes of the November Re
I am aware that these two chapters make difficult reading, but they are essential to an
understanding of what follows.
Many questions will suggest themselves to the mind of the reader. What is Bolshevism? W
of a governmental structure did the Bolsheviki set up? If the Bolsheviki championed the Co
Assembly before the November Revolution, why did they disperse it by force of arms afterw
And if the bourgeoisie opposed the Constituent Assembly until the danger of Bolshevism b
apparent, why did they champion it afterward?
These and many other questions cannot be answered here. In another volume, “Kornilov t
Litovsk,” I trace the course of the Revolution up to and including the German peace. There
the origin and functions of the Revolutionary organisations, the evolution of popular sentim
dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the structure of the Soviet state, and the course a
outcome of the Brest-Litovsk negotiations. ...
In considering the rise of the Bolsheviki it is necessary to understand that Russian econom
the Russian army were not disorganised on November 7th, 1917, but many months before
logical result of a process which began as far back as 1915. The corrupt reactionaries in co
the Tsar's Court deliberately undertook to wreck Russia in order to make a separate peace
Germany. The lack of arms on the front, which had caused the great retreat of the summer
the lack of food in the army and in the great cities, the break-down of manufactures and
transportation in 1916—all these we know now were part of a gigantic campaign of sabotag
was halted just in time by the March Revolution.
For the first few months of the new régime, in spite of the confusion incident upon a great
Revolution, when one hundred and sixty millions of the world's most oppressed peoples su
achieved liberty, both the internal situation and the combative power of the army actually im
But the “honeymoon” was short. The propertied classes wanted merely a political revolution
would take the power from the Tsar and give it to
them. They wanted Russia to be a constitutional Republic, like France or the United States
constitutional Monarchy, like England. On the other hand, the masses of the people wanted
industrial and agrarian democracy.
William English Walling, in his book, “Russia's Message,” an account of the Revolution of 1
describes very well the state of mind of the Russian workers, who were later to support Bol
almost unanimously:
They (the working people) saw it was possible that even under a free Government, if it fe
hands of other social classes, they might still continue to starve....
The Russian workman is revolutionary, but he is neither violent, dogmatic, nor unintelligent
ready for barricades, but he has studied them, and alone of the workers of the world he has
about them from actual experience. He is ready and willing to fight his oppressor, the capit
class, to a finish. But he does not ignore the existence of other classes. He merely asks tha
other classes take one side or the other in the bitter conflict that draws near. ...
They (the workers) were all agreed that our (American) political institutions were preferable
own, but they were not very anxious to exchange one despot for another (i.e., the capitalist
The workingmen of Russia did not have themselves shot down, executed by hundreds in M
Riga and Odessa, imprisoned by thousands in every Russian jail, and exiled to the deserts
arctic regions, in exchange for the doubtful privileges of the workingmen of Goldfields and
Creek. ...
And so developed in Russia, in the midst of a foreign war, the Social Revolution on top of t
Political Revolution, culminating in the triumph of Bolshevism.
Mr. A. J. Sack, director in this country of the Russian Information Bureau, which opposes th
Government, has this to say in his book, “The Birth of the Russian Democracy”: The Bolsh
organised their own cabinet, with Nicholas Lenine as Premier and Leon Trotsky—Minister o
Affairs. The inevitability of their coming into power became evident almost immediately
after the March Revolution. The history of the Bolsheviki, after the Revolution, is a history o
steady growth. ...
Foreigners, and Americans especially, frequently emphasise the “ignorance” of
the Russian workers. It is true they lacked the political experience of the peoples of the We
they were very well trained in voluntary organisation. In 1917 there were more than twelve
members of the Russian consumers' Cooperative societies; and the Soviets themselves ar
wonderful demonstration of their organising genius. Moreover, there is probably not a peop
world so well educated in Socialist theory and its practical application.
William English Walling thus characterises them:
The Russian working people are for the most part able to read and write. For many years th
country has been in such a disturbed condition that they have had the advantage of leader
only of intelligent individuals in their midst, but of a large part of the equally revolutionary ed
class, who have turned to the working people with their ideas for the political and social
regeneration of Russia. ...
Many writers explain their hostility to the Soviet Government by arguing that the last phase
Russian Revolution was simply a struggle of the “respectable” elements against the brutal
Bolshevism. However, it was the propertied classes, who, when they realised the growth in
of the popular revolutionary organisations, undertook to destroy them and to halt the Revol
this end the propertied classes finally resorted to desperate measures. In order to wreck th
Kerensky Ministry and the Soviets, transportation was disorganised and internal troubles p
to crush the Factory-Shop Committees, plants were shut down, and fuel and raw materials
to break the Army Committees at the front, capital punishment was restored and military de
connived at.
This was all excellent fuel for the Bolshevik fire. The Bolsheviki retorted by preaching the c
and by asserting the supremacy of the Soviets.
Between these two extremes, with the other factions which whole-heanedly or half-hearted
supported them, were the so-called “moderate” Socialists, the Mensheviki and Socialist
Revolutionaries, and several smaller parties. These groups were also attacked by the prop
classes, but their power of resistance was crippled by their theories.
Roughly, the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries believed that Russia was not econo
ripe for a social revolution—that only a political revolution
was possible. According to their interpretation, the Russian masses were not educated eno
take over the power; any attempt to do so would inevitably bring on a reaction, by means o
some ruthless opportunist might restore the old régime. And so it followed that when the “m
Socialists were forced to assume the power, they were afraid to use it.
They believed that Russia must pass through the stages of political and economic develop
known to Western Europe, and emerge at last, with the rest of the world, into full-fledged S
Naturally, therefore, they agreed with the propertied classes that Russia must first be a
parliamentary state—though with some improvements on the Western democracies. As a
consequence, they insisted upon the collaboration of the propertied classes in the Govern
From this it was an easy step to supporting them. The “moderate” Socialists needed the
bourgeoisie. But the bourgeoisie did not need the “moderate” Socialists. So it resulted in th
Socialist Ministers being obliged to give way, little by little, on their entire program, while the
propertied classes grew more and more insistent.
And at the end, when the Bolsheviki upset the whole hollow compromise, the Mensheviki a
Socialist Revolutionaries found themselves fighting on the side of the propertied classes....
every country in the world to-day the same phenomenon is visible.
Instead of being a destructive force, it seems to me that the Bolsheviki were the only party
with a constructive program and the power to impose it on the country. If they had not suc
the Government when they did, there is little doubt in my mind that the armies of Imperial G
would have been in Petrograd and Moscow in December, and Russia would again be ridde
Tsar. . ..
It is still fashionable, after a whole year of the Soviet Government, to speak of the Bolshevi
insurrection as an “adventure.” Adventure it was, and one of the most marvellous mankind
embarked upon, sweeping into history at the head of the toiling masses, and staking every
their vast and simple desires.
Already the machinery had been set up by which the land of the great estates could be dis
among the peasants. The Factory-Shop Committees and the Trade Unions were there to p
operation workers' control of industry. In every village, town, city, district and province there
Soviets of Workers',
Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, prepared to assume the task of local administration.
No matter what one thinks of Bolshevism, it is undeniable that the Russian Revolution is on
great events of human history, and the rise of the Bolsheviki a phenomenon of world-wide
importance. Just as historians search the records for the minutest details of the story of the
Commune, so they will want to know what happened in Petrograd in November, 1917, the
which animated the people, and how the leaders looked, talked and acted. It is with this in
I have written this book.
In the struggle my sympathies were not neutral. But in telling the story of those great days
tried to see events with the eye of a conscientious reporter, interested in setting down the t
J. R.
New York, January 1st 1919.

Notes and Explanations

To the average reader the multiplicity of Russian organisations—political groups, Committe
Central Committees, Soviets, Dumas and Unions—will prove extremely confusing. For this
am giving here a few brief definitions and explanations.

Political Parties
In the elections to the Constituent Assembly, there were seventeen tickets in Petrograd, a
some of the provincial towns as many as forty; but the following summary of the aims and
composition of political parties is limited to the groups and factions mentioned in this book.
essence of their programmes and the general character of their constituencies can be notic
1. Monarchists, of various shades, Octobrists, etc. These once-powerful factions no longer
openly; they either worked underground, or their members joined the Cadets, as the Cadet
by degrees to stand for their political programme. Representatives in this book, Rodzianko,
2. Cadets. So-called from the initials of its name, Constitutional Democrats. Its official nam
of the People's Freedom.” Under the Tsar composed of Liberals from the propertied classe
Cadets were the great party of political reform, roughly corresponding to the Progressive P
America. When the Revolution broke out in March, 1917, the Cadets formed the first Provis
Government. The Cadet Ministry was overthrown in April because it declared itself in favo
Allied imperialistic aims, including the imperialistic aims of the Tsar's Government. As the R
became more and more a social economic Revolution, the Cadets grew more and more
conservative. Its representatives in this book are: Miliukov, Vinaver, Shatsky.
2a. Group o[Public Men. After the Cadets had become unpopular through their relations wi
Kornilov counter-revolution, the Group o[Public Men was formed in Moscow. Delegates fro
Group o[Public Men were given portfolios in the last Kerensky Cabinet. The Group declare
non-panisan, although its intellectual leaders were men like Rodzianko and Shulgin. It was
composed of the more “modern” bankers, merchants and manufacturers, who were intellig
enough to realise that the Soviets must be fought by their own weapon—economic organis
Typical of the Group: Lianozov, Konovalov.
3. Populist Socialists, or Trudoviki (Labour Group). Numerically a small party, composed of
intellectuals, the leaders of the Cooperative societies, and conservative peasants. Professi
Socialists, the Populists really supported the interests of the petty bourgeoisie—clerks,
shopkeepers, etc. By direct descent, inheritors of the compromising tradition of the Labour
the Fourth Imperial Duma, which was composed largely of peasant representatives. Keren
the leader of the Trudoviki in the Imperial Duma when the Revolution of March, 1917, brok
Populist Socialists are a nationalistic party. Their representatives in this book are: Peshekh
Tchaikovsky.
4. Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. Originally Marxian Socialists. At a party congre
in 1903, the party split, on the question of tactics, into two factions—the Majority (Bolshinst
the Minority (Menshinstvo). From this sprang the names “Bolsheviki” and “Mensheviki”—“m
of the majority” and “members of the minority.” These two wings became two separate part
calling themselves “Russian Social Democratic Labour Party,” and both professing to be M
Since the Revolution of 1905 the Bolsheviki were really the minority, becoming again the m
September, 1917.
a. Mensheviki. This party includes all shades of Socialists who believe that society must pr
natural evolution toward Socialism, and that the working-class must conquer political powe
Also a nationalistic party. This was the party of the Socialist intellectuals, which means: all
means of education having been in the hands of the propertied classes, the intellectuals in
reacted to their training, and took the side of the propertied classes. Among their represent
this book are: Dan, Lieber, Tseretelli.
b. Mensheviki Internationalists. The radical wing of the Mensheviki, internationalists and op
all coalition with the propertied classes; yet unwilling to break loose from the conservative
Mensheviki, and opposed to the dictatorship of the working-class advocated by the Bolshe
Trotzky was long a member of this group. Among their leaders: Martov, Martinov.
c. Bolsheviki. Now call themselves the Communist Party, in order to emphasise their comp
separation from the tradition of “moderate” or “parliamentary” Socialism, which dominates t
Mensheviki and the so-called Majority Socialists in all countries. The Bolsheviki proposed i
proletarian insurrection, and seizure of the reins of Government, in order to hasten the
coming of Socialism by forcibly taking over industry, land, natural resources and financial
institutions. This party expresses the desires chiefly of the factory workers, but also of a lar
section of the poor peasants. The name “Bolshevik” can not be translated by “Maximalist.”
Maximalists are a separate group. (See paragraph 5b). Among the leaders: Lenin, Trotzky,
Lunatcharsky.
d. United SoCial Democrats InternatiORaliStS. Also called the Novaya Zhizn (New Life) gro
the name of the very influential newspaper which was its organ. A little group of intellectual
very small following among the working-class, except the personal following of Maxim Gork
leader. Intellectuals, with almost the same programme as the Mensheviki Internationalists,
that the Novaya Zhizn group refused to be tied to either of the two great factions. Opposed
Bolshevik tactics, but remained in the Soviet Government. Other representatives in this boo
Kramarov.
e. Yedinstvo. A very small and dwindling group, composed almost entirely of the personal f
of Plekhanov, one of the pioneers of the Russian Social Democratic movement in the 80’s,
greatest theoretician. Now an old man, Plekhanov was extremely patriotic, too conservative
the Mensheviki. After the Bolshevik coup d'etat, Yedinstvo disappeared.
5. Socialist Revolutionary party. Called Essaires from the initials of their name. Originally t
revolutionary party of the peasants, the party of the Fighting Organisations—the Terrorists.
March Revolution, it was joined by many who had never been Socialists. At that time it stoo
abolition of private property in land only, the owners to be compensated in some fashion. F
increasing revolutionary feeling of peasants forced the Essaires to abandon the “compens
clause, and led to the younger and more fiery intellectuals breaking off from the main party
of 1917 and forming a new party, the Le[t Socialist Revolutionary party. The Essaires, wh
afterward always called by the radical groups “Right Socialist Revolutionaries,” adopted the
attitude of the Mensheviki, and worked together with them. They finally came to represent t
wealthier peasants, the intellectuals, and the politically uneducated populations of remote r
districts. Among them there was, however, a wider difference of shades of political and eco
opinion than among the Mensheviki. Among their leaders mentioned in these pages: Avkse
Gotz, Kerensky, Tchernov, “Babuschka” Breshkovskaya.
a. Le[t Socialist Revolutionaries. Although theoretically sharing the Bolshevik programme o
dictatorship of the working-class, at first were reluctant to follow the ruthless Bolshevik tact
However, the Le{t Socialist Revolutionaries remained in the Soviet Government, sharing th
portfolios, especially that of Agriculture. They withdrew from the Government several times
always returned. As the peasants left the ranks of the Essaires in increasing numbers, they
the Left Socialist Revolutionary party, which became the great peasant party supporting the
Government, standing for confiscation without compensation of the great landed estates, a
disposition by the peasants themselves. Among the leaders: Spiridonova, Karelin, Kamkov
Kalagayev.
b. Maximalists. An off-shoot of the Socialist Revolutionary party in the Revolution of 1905,
was a powerful peasant movement, demanding the immediate application of the maximum
programme. Now an insignificant group of peasant anarchists.

Parliamentary Procedure
Russian meetings and conventions are organised after the continental model rather than o
The first action is usually the election of officers and the
presidium.
The presidium is a presiding committee, composed of representatives of the groups and po
factions represented in the assembly, in proportion to their numbers. The presidium arrang
Order of Business, and its members can be called upon by the President to take the chair
Each question vopros) is stated in a general way and then debated, and at the close of th
resolutions are submitted by the different factions, and each one voted on separately. The
Business can be, and usually is, smashed to pieces in the first half hour. On the plea of
“emergency,” which the crowd almost always grants, anybody from the floor can get up and
anything on any subject. The crowd controls the meeting, practically the only functions of t
speaker being to keep order by ringing a little bell, and to recognise speakers.
Almost all the real work of the session is done in caucuses of the different groups and poli
factions, which almost always cast their votes in a body and are represented by floor-leade
result is, however, that at every important new point, or vote, the session takes a recess to
the different groups and political factions to hold a caucus.
The crowd is extremely noisy, cheering or heckling speakers, over-riding the plans of the p
Among the customary cries are: “Prosim! Please! Go on!” “Pravilno!” or “Eto vierno! That's
Right!” “Do volno! Enough!” “Dolor! Down with him!” “Posor! Shame!” and “Teesche! Silen
so noisy!”

Popular Organisations
1. Soviet. The word soviet means “council.” Under the Tsar the Imperial Council of State w
Gosudarstvennyi Soviet. Since the Revolution, however, the term Soviet has come to be a
with a certain type of parliament elected by members of working-class economic organisati
Soviet of Workers', of Soldiers', or of Peasants' Deputies. I have therefore limited the word
bodies, and wherever else it occurs I have translated it “Council.”
Besides the local Soviets, elected in every city, town and village of Russia—and in large ci
Ward (Raionny) Soviets—there are also the oblastne or gubiernsky (district or provincial) S
and the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Soviets in the capital, called from
Tsay-ee-kah. (See
below, “Central Committees”).
Almost everywhere the Soviets of Workers' and of Soldiers' Deputies combined very soon
March Revolution. In special matters concerning their peculiar interests, however, the Work
the Soldiers' Sections continued to meet separately. The Soviets of Peasants' Deputies did
the other two until after the Bolshevik coup d'etat. They, too, were organised like the worke
soldiers, with an Executive Committee of the All-Russian Peasants' Soviets in the capital.
2. Trade Unions. Although mostly industrial in form, the Russian labour unions were still ca
Trade Unions, and at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution had from three to four million me
These Unions were also organised in an All- Russian body, a sort of Russian Federation of
which had its Central Executive Committee in the capital.
3. Factory-Shop Committees. These were spontaneous organisations created in the factor
workers in their attempt to control industry, taking advantage of the administrative break-do
incident upon the Revolution. Their function was by revolutionary action to take over and ru
factories. The Factory-Shop Committees also had their All-Russian organisation, with a Ce
Committee at Petrograd, which co-operated with the Trade Unions.
4. Dumas. The word duma means roughly “deliberative body.” The old Imperial Duma, whic
persisted six months after the Revolution, in a democratised form, died a natural death in
September, 1917. The City Duma referred to in this book was the reorganised Municipal C
often called “Municipal Self- Government.” It was elected by direct and secret ballot, and its
reason for failure to hold the masses during the Bolshevik Revolution was the general decl
influence of all purely political representation in the fact of the growing power of organisatio
on economic groups.
5. Zemstvos. May be roughly translated “county councils.” Under the Tsar semi- political, s
bodies with very little administrative power, developed and controlled largely by intellectual
among the land-owning classes. Their most important function was education and social se
among the peasants. During the war the Zemstvos gradually took over the entire feeding a
clothing of the Russian Army, as well as the buying from foreign countries, and work amon
soldiers generally corresponding to the work of the American Y. M.
C. A. at the Front. After the March Revolution the Zemstvos were democratized, with a view
making them the organs of local government in the rural districts. But like the City Dumas,
could not compete with the Soviets.
6. Cooperatives. These were the workers' and peasants' Consumers' Cooperative societie
had several million members all over Russia before the Revolution. Founded by Liberals an
“moderate” Socialists, the Cooperative movement was not supported by the revolutionary S
groups, because it was a substitute for the complete transference of means of production a
distribution into the hands of the workers. After the March Revolution the Cooperatives spr
rapidly, and were dominated by Populist Socialists, Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionarie
acted as a conservative political force until the Bolshevik Revolution. However, it was the
Cooperatives which fed Russia when the old structure of commerce and transportation coll
7. Army Committees. The Army Committees were formed by the soldiers at the front to co
reactionary influence of the old regime officers. Every company, regiment, brigade, division
corps had its committee, over all of which was elected the Army Committee. The Central A
Committee cooperated with the General Staff. The administrative break-down in the army i
upon the Revolution threw upon the shoulders of the Army Committees most of the work o
Quartermaster's Department, and in some cases, even the command of troops.
8. Fleet Committees. The corresponding organisations in the Navy.

Central Committees
In the spring and summer of 1917, All-Russian conventions of every sort of organisation we
at Petrograd. There were national congresses of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Soviets
Unions, Factory-Shop Committees, Army and Fleet Committees—besides every branch of
military and naval service, Cooperatives, Nationalities, etc. Each of these conventions elec
Central Committee, or a Central Executive Committee, to guard its particular interests at th
Government. As the Provisional Government grew weaker, these Central Committees were
to assume more and more administrative powers.
The most important Central Committees mentioned in this book are:
Union o/ Unions. During the Revolution of 1905, Professor Miliukov and other Liberals esta
unions of professional men—doctors, lawyers, physicians, etc. These were united under on
organisation, the Union oJ Unions. In 1905 the Union o/ Unions acted with the revolutionar
democracy; in 1917, however, the Union o/ Unions opposed the Bolshevik uprising, and un
Government employees who went on strike against the authority of the Soviets.
Tsay-ee-kah. All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Sol
Deputies. So called from the initials of its name.
Tsentroflot. “Centre-Fleet”—the Central Fleet Committee.
Vikzhel. All-Russian Central Committee of the Railway Workers' Union. So called from the
its name.
Other Organisations
Red Guards. The armed factory workers of Russia. The Red Guards were first formed duri
Revolution of 1905, and sprang into existence again in the days of March, 1917, when a fo
needed to keep order in the city. At that time they were armed, and all efforts of the Provisi
Government to disarm them were more or less unsuccessful. At every great crisis in the Re
the Red Guards appeared on the streets, untrained and undisciplined, but full of Revolution

White Guards. Bourgeois volunteers, who emerged in the last stages of the Revolution, to
private property from the Bolshevik attempt to abolish it. A great many of them were Univer
students.
Tekhintsi. The so-called “Savage Division” in the army, made up of Mohametan tribesmen
Central Asia, and personally devoted to General Kornilov. The Tekhintsi were noted for the
obedience and their savage cruelty in warfare.
Death Battalions. Or Shock Battalions. The Women's Battalion is known to the world as the
Battalion, but there were many Death Battalions composed of men. These were formed in
summer of 1917 by Kerensky, for the purpose of strengthening the discipline and combativ
the army by heroic example. The Death Battalions were composed mostly of intense young
These came for the most part from among the sons of the propertied classes.
Union o{Officers. An organisation formed among the reactionary officers in the army to com
politically the growing power of the Army Committees.
Knights o[St. George. The Cross of St. George was awarded for distinguished action in bat
holder automatically became a “Knight o[St. George.” The predominant influence in the or
was that of the supporters of the military idea.
Peasants' Union. In 1905, the Peasants' Union was a revolutionary peasants' organisation.
however, it had become the political expression of the more prosperous peasants, to fight t
growing power and revolutionary aims of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies.

Chronology and Spelling

I have adopted in this book our Calendar throughout, instead of the former Russian Calend
was thirteen days earlier.
In the spelling of Russian names and words, I have made no attempt to follow any scientific
transliteration, but have tried to give the spelling which would lead the English-speaking rea
the simplest approximation of their pronunciation.

Sources
Much of the material in this book is from my own notes. I have also relied, however, upon a
heterogeneous file of several hundred assorted Russian newspapers, covering almost eve
the time described, of files of the English paper, the Russian Daily News, and of the two F
papers, Journal de Russie and Entente. But far more valuable than these is the Bulletin de
Presse issued daily by the French Information Bureau in Petrograd, which reports all impor
happenings, speeches and the comment of the Russian press. Of this I have an almost com
from the spring of 1917 to the end of January, 1918.
Besides the foregoing, I have in my possession almost every proclamation,
decree and announcement posted on the walls of Petrograd from the middle of September
the end of January, 1918. Also the official publication of all Government decrees and order
official Government publication of the secret treaties and other documents discovered in th
of Foreign Affairs when the Bolsheviki took it over.

Ten Days That Shook The World

Chapter I
Background
Toward the end of September, 1917, an alien Professor of Sociology visiting Russia came
in Petrograd. He had been informed by business men and intellectuals that the Revolution
slowing down. The Professor wrote an article about it, and then travelled around the count
visiting factory towns and peasant communities—where, to his astonishment, the Revolutio
seemed to be speeding up. Among the wage-earners and the land-working people it was c
to hear talk of “all land to the peasants, all factories to the workers.” If the Professor had vis
front, he would have heard the whole Army talking Peace. ...
The Professor was puzzled, but he need not have been; both observations were correct. T
property-owning classes were becoming more conservative, the masses of the people mor
There was a feeling among business men and the intelligentsia generally that the Revolutio
gone quite far enough, and lasted too long; that things should settle down. This sentiment w
shared by the dominant “moderate” Socialist groups, the oborontsi (See App. I, Sect. 1) Me
and Socialist Revolutionaries, who supported the Provisional Government of Kerensky.
On October 14th the official organ of the “moderate” Socialists said:
The drama of Revolution has two acts; the destruction of the old régime and the creation o
one. The first act has lasted long enough. Now it is time to
go on to the second, and to play it as rapidly as possible. As a great revolutionist put it, “Le
hasten, friends, to terminate the Revolution. He who makes it last too long will not gather th
”
Among the worker, soldier and peasant masses, however, there was a stubborn feeling tha
act” was not yet played out. On the front the Army Committees were always running foul of
who could not get used to treating their men like human beings; in the rear the Land Comm
elected by the peasants were being jailed for trying to carry out Government regulations co
the land; and the workmen (See App. I, Sect. 2) in the factories were fighting black-lists an
lockouts. Nay, furthermore, returning political exiles were being excluded from the country
“undesirable” citizens; and in some cases, men who returned from abroad to their villages w
prosecuted and imprisoned for revolutionary acts committed in 1905.
To the multiform discontent of the people the “moderate” Socialists had one answer: Wait f
Constituent Assembly, which is to meet in December. But the masses were not satisfied wi
The Constituent Assembly was all well and good; but there were certain definite things for w
Russian Revolution had been made, and for which the revolutionary martyrs rotted in their
Brotherhood Grave on Mars Field, that must be achieved Constituent Assembly or no Cons
Assembly: Peace, Land, and Workers' Control of Industry. The Constituent Assembly had b
postponed and postponed—would probably be postponed again, until the people were calm
—perhaps to modify their demands! At any rate, here were eight months of the Revolution
and little enough to show for it....
Meanwhile the soldiers began to solve the peace question by simply deserting, the peasan
manor-houses and took over the great estates, the workers sabotaged and struck. ... Of co
was natural, the manufacturers, land- owners and army officers exerted all their influence a
any democratic compromise. ...
The policy of the Provisional Government alternated between ineffective reforms and stern
repressive measures. An edict from the Socialist Minister of Labour ordered all the Workers
Committees henceforth to meet only after working hours. Among the troops at the front, “ag
of opposition political parties were arrested, radical newspapers closed down, and capital
punishment applied—to revolutionary propagandists. Attempts were made to disarm the Re
Guard. Cossacks were sent to keep order in the provinces. ...
These measures were supported by the “moderate” Socialists and their leaders in the Minis
considered it necessary to cooperate with the propertied classes. The people rapidly deser
and went over to the Bolsheviki, who stood for Peace, Land, and Workers' Control of Indus
Government of the working-class. In September, 1917, matters reached a crisis. Against th
overwhelming sentiment of the country, Kerensky and the “moderate” Socialists succeeded
establishing a Government of Coalition with the propertied classes; and as a result, the Me
and Socialist Revolutionaries lost the confidence of the people forever.
An article in Rabotchi Put (Workers’ Way) about the middle of October, entitled “The Socia
Ministers,” expressed the feeling of the masses of the people against the “moderate” Socia
Here is a list of their services.(See App. I, Sect. 3)
Tseretelli: disarmed the workmen with the assistance of General Polovtsev, checkmated th
revolutionary soldiers, and approved of capital punishment in the army.
Skobeliev: commenced by trying to tax the capitalists 100% of their profits, and finished—a
finished by an attempt to dissolve the Workers' Committees in the shops and factories.
Avksentiev: put several hundred peasants in prison, members of the Land Committees, an
suppressed dozens of workers' and soldiers' newspapers.
Tchernov: signed the “Imperial” manifest, ordering the dissolution of the Finnish Diet.
Savinkov: concluded an open alliance with General Kornilov. If this saviour of the country
able to betray Petrograd, it was due to reasons over which he had no control.
Zarudny: with the sanction of Alexinsky and Kerensky, put some of the best workers of the
Revolution, soldiers and sailors, in prison.
Nikitin: acted as a vulgar policeman against the Railway Workers.
Kerensky: it is better not to say anything about him. The list of his services is too long....
A Congress of delegates of the Baltic Fleet, at Helsingfors, passed a resolution which bega
follows:
We demand the immediate removal from the ranks of the Provisional Government of the “S
the political adventurer—Kerensky, as one who is scandalising and ruining the great Revol
with it the revolutionary masses, by his shameless political blackmail on behalf of the bourg
The direct result of all this was the rise of the Bolsheviki.. ..
Since March, 1917, when the roaring torrents of workmen and soldiers beating upon the Ta
Palace compelled the reluctant Imperial Duma to assume the supreme power in Russia, it
masses of the people, workers, soldiers and peasants, which forced every change in the c
the Revolution. They hurled the Miliukov Ministry down; it was their Soviet which proclaime
world the Russian peace terms—“No annexations, no indemnities, and the right of self-
determination of peoples”; and again, in July, it was the spontaneous rising of the unorgani
proletariat which once more stormed the Tauride Palace, to demand that the Soviets take o
Government of Russia.
The Bolsheviki, then a small political sect, put themselves at the head of the movement. As
of the disastrous failure of the rising, public opinion turned against them, and their leaderles
slunk back into the Viborg Quarter, which is Petrograd's St. Antoine. Then followed a savag
the Bolsheviki; hundreds were imprisoned, among them Trotzky, Madame Kollontai and Ka
Lenin and Zinoviev went into hiding, fugitives from justice; the Bolshevik papers were supp
Provocators and reactionaries raised the cry that the Bolsheviki were German agents, until
all over the world believed it.
But the Provisional Government found itself unable to substantiate its accusations; the doc
proving pro-German conspiracy were discovered to be forgeries;[1] and one by one the Bo
were released from prison without trial, on nominal or no bail-until only six remained. The im
and indecision of the ever-changing Provisional Government was an argument nobody cou
The Bolsheviki raised again the slogan so dear to the
masses, “All Power to the Soviets!”—and they were not merely self-seeking, for at that time
majority of the Soviets was “moderate” Socialist, their bitter enemy.
[1] Part of the famous “Sisson Documents”.
But more potent still, they took the crude, simple desires of the workers, soldiers and peasa
from them built their immediate programme. And so, while the oborontsi Mensheviki and S
Revolutionaries involved themselves in compromise with the bourgeoisie, the Bolsheviki ra
captured the Russian masses. In July they were hunted and despised; by September the
metropolitan workmen, the sailors of the Baltic Fleet, and the soldiers, had been won almos
to their cause. The September municipal elections in the large cities (See App. I, Sect. 4) w
significant; only 18 per cent of the returns were Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary, aga
more than 70 per cent in June. ...
There remains a phenomenon which puzzled foreign observers: the fact that the Central Ex
Committees of the Soviets, the Central Army and Fleet Committees,[2] and the Central Com
of some of the Unions—notably, the Post and Telegraph Workers and the Railway Workers
opposed the Bolsheviki with the utmost violence. These Central Committees had all been e
the middle of the summer, or even before, when the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionar
an enormous following; and they delayed or prevented any new elections. Thus, according
constitution of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the All-Russian Congress sh
have been called in September; but the Tsar-ee-kah[2] would not call the meeting, on the g
that the Constituent Assembly was only two months away, at which time, they hinted, the S
would abdicate. Meanwhile, one by one, the Bolsheviki were winning in the local Soviets al
country, in the Union branches and the ranks of the soldiers and sailors. The Peasants' So
remained still conservative, because in the sluggish rural districts political consciousness d
slowly, and the Socialist Revolutionary party had been for a generation the party which ha
among the peasants. But even among
the peasants a revolutionary wing was forming. It showed itself clearly in October, when th
of the Socialist Revolutionaries split off, and formed a new political faction, the Left Socialis
Revolutionaries.
[2] See Notes and Explanations.
At the same time there were signs everywhere that the forces of reaction were gaining con
(See App. I, Sect. S) At the Troitsky Farce theatre in Petrograd, for example, a burlesque c
Sins o the Tsar was interrupted by a group of Monarchists, who threatened to lynch the ac
“insulting the Emperor.” Certain newspapers began to sigh for a “Russian Napoleon.” It wa
usual thing among bourgeois intelligentzia to refer to the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies (Ra
Deputatov) as Sabatchikh Deputatov—Dogs’ Deputies.
On October 15th I had a conversation with a great Russian capitalist, Stepan Georgevitch
known as the “Russian Rockefeller”—a Cadet by political faith.
“Revolution,” he said, “is a sickness. Sooner or later the foreign powers must intervene her
one would intervene to cure a sick child, and teach it how to walk. Of course it would be m
less improper, but the nations must realise the danger of Bolshevism in their own countries
contagious ideas as ‘proletarian dictatorship, and ‘world social revolution’... There is a cha
this intervention may not be necessary. Transponation is demoralised, the factories are clo
down, and the Germans are advancing. Starvation and defeat may bring the Russian peop
senses ”
Mr. Lianozov was emphatic in his opinion that whatever happened, it would be impossible
merchants and manufacturers to permit the existence of the workers' Shop Committees, or
the workers any share in the management of industry.
“As for the Bolsheviki, they will be done away with by one of two methods. The Governmen
evacuate Petrograd, then a state of siege declared, and the military commander of the dist
deal with these gentlemen without legal formalities. ... Or i , [or example, the Constituent A
mani[ests any Utopian tendencies, it can be dispersed by [orce o[arms. ”
Winter was coming on—the terrible Russian winter. I heard business men speak of it so: “W
was always Russia's best friend. Perhaps now it will rid us of Revolution.” On the freezing f
miserable armies continued to starve and die, without enthusiasm. The railways were brea
down, food lessening, factories closing. The desperate masses cried out that the bourgeois
sabotaging the life of the people, causing defeat on the Front. Riga had been surrendered
General Kornilov said publicly, “Must we pay with Riga the price of
bringing the country to a sense of its duty?”[3]
[3] See “Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk” by John Reed. Boni and Liveright N.Y., 1919.
To Americans it is incredible that the class war should develop to such a pitch. But I have p
met officers on the Northern Front who frankly preferred military disaster to cooperation wit
Soldiers' Committees. The secretary of the Petrograd branch of the Cadet party told me tha
break-down of the country's economic life was part of a campaign to discredit the Revolutio
Allied diplomat, whose name I promised not to mention, confirmed this from his own knowle
know of certain coal-mines near Kharkov which were fired and flooded by their owners, of t
factories at Moscow whose engineers put the machinery out of order when they left, of railr
officials caught by the workers in the act of crippling locomotives.. ..
A large section of the propertied classes preferred the Germans to the Revolution
—even to the Provisional Government—and didn't hesitate to say so. In the Russian hous
where I lived, the subject of conversation at the dinner table was almost invariably the com
Germans, bringing “law and order.”... One evening I spent at the house of a Moscow merch
during tea we asked the eleven people at the table whether they preferred “Wilhelm or the
Bolsheviki.” The vote was ten to one for Wilhelm...
The speculators took advantage of the universal disorganisation to pile up fortunes, and to
them in fantastic revelry or the corruption of Government officials. Foodstuffs and fuel were
or secretly sent out of the country to Sweden. In the first four months of the Revolution, for
example, the reserve food-supplies were almost openly looted from the great Municipal wa
of Petrograd, until the two-years' provision of grain had fallen to less than enough to feed th
one month.... According to the official report of the last Minister of Supplies in the Provision
Government, coffee was bought wholesale in Vladivostok for two rubles a pound, and the c
in Petrograd paid thirteen. In all the stores of the large cities were tons of food and clothing
the rich could buy them.
In a provincial town I knew a merchant family turned speculator—maradior (bandit, ghoul) t
Russians call it. The three sons had bribed their way out of military service. One gambled i
foodstuffs. Another sold illegal gold from the
Lena mines to mysterious parties in Finland. The third owned a controlling interest in a cho
factory, which supplied the local Cooperative societies— on condition that the Cooperative
furnished him everything he needed. And so, while the masses of the people got a quarter
black bread on their bread cards, he had an abundance of white bread, sugar, tea, candy,
butter.... Yet when the soldiers at the front could no longer fight from cold, hunger and exha
how indignantly did this family scream “Cowards!”—how “ashamed” they were “to be Russi
When finally the Bolsheviki found and requisitioned vast hoarded stores of provisions, wha
“Robbers” they were.
Beneath all this external rottenness moved the old-time Dark Forces, unchanged since the
Nicholas the Second, secret still and very active. The agents of the notorious Okhrana still
functioned, for and against the Tsar, for and against Kerensky—whoever would pay. ... In t
darkness, underground organisations
of all sorts, such as the Black Hundreds, were busy attempting to restore reaction in some
other.
In this atmosphere of corruption, of monstrous half-truths, one clear note sounded day afte
the deepening chorus of the Bolsheviki, “All Power to the Soviets! All power to the direct
representatives of millions on millions of common workers, soldiers, peasants. Land, bread
to the senseless war, an end to secret diplomacy, speculation, treachery.. .. The Revolution
danger, and with it the cause of the people all over the world!”
The struggle between the proletariat and the middle class, between the Soviets and the
Government, which had begun in the first March days, was about to culminate. Having at o
leaped from the Middle Ages into the twentieth century, Russia showed the startled world t
systems of Revolution—the political and the social—in mortal combat.
What a revelation of the vitality of the Russian Revolution, after all these months of starvati
disillusionment! The bourgeoisie should have better known its Russia. Not for a long time in
will the “sickness” of Revolution have run its course....
Looking back, Russia before the November insurrection seems of another age, almost incr
conservative. So quickly did we adapt ourselves to the newer, swifter life; just as Russian p
swung bodily to the Left—until the Cadets were outlawed as “enemies of the people,” Kere
became a “counter-
revolutionist,” the “middle” Socialist leaders, Tseretelli, Dan, Lieber, Gotz and Avksentiev, w
reactionary for their following, and men like Victor Tchernov, and even Maxim Gorky, belon
the Right Wing. ...
About the middle of December, 1917, a group of Socialist Revolutionary leaders paid a priv
to Sir George Buchanan, the British Ambassador, and implored him not to mention the fact
had been there, because they were “considered too far Right.”
“And to think,” said Sir George. “One year ago my Government instructed me not to receive
Miliukov, because he was so dangerously Left!”
September and October are the worst months of the Russian year—especially the Petrogra
Under dull grey skies, in the shortening days, the rain fell drenching, incessant. The mud u
was deep, slippery and clinging, tracked everywhere by heavy boots, and worse than usua
of the complete break-down of the Municipal administration. Bitter damp winds rushed in fr
Gulf of Finland, and the chill fog rolled through the streets. At night, for motives of economy
as fear of Zeppelins, the street-lights were few and far between; in private dwellings and ap
houses the electricity was turned on from six o'clock until midnight, with candles forty cents
and little kerosene to be had. It was dark from three in the afternoon to ten in the morning.
Robberies and housebreakings increased. In apartment houses the men took turns at all-n
guard duty, armed with loaded rifles. This was under the Provisional Government.
Week by week food became scarcer. The daily allowance of bread fell from a pound and a
pound, then three quarters, half, and a quarter-pound.
Toward the end there was a week without any bread at all. Sugar one was entitled to at the
two pounds a month—if one could get it at all, which was seldom. A bar of chocolate or a p
tasteless candy cost anywhere from seven to ten rubles—at least a dollar. There was milk
half the babies in the city; most hotels and private houses never saw it for months. In the f
season apples and pears sold for a little less than a ruble apiece on the street-corner....
For milk and bread and sugar and tobacco one had to stand in queue long hours in the chi
Coming home from an all-night meeting I have seen the kvost (tail) beginning to form befor
mostly women, some with babies in their
arms.. .. Carlyle, in his French Revolution, has described the French people as distinguishe
all others by their faculty of standing in queue. Russia had accustomed herself to the pract
begun in the reign of Nicholas the Blessed as long ago as 1915, and from then continued
intermittently until the summer of 1917, when it settled down as the regular order of things
the poorly- clad people standing on the iron-white streets of Petrograd whole days in the R
winter! I have listened in the bread-lines, hearing the bitter, acrid note of discontent which f
to time burst up through the miraculous goodnature of the Russian crowd....
Of course all the theatres were going every night, including Sundays. Karsavina appeared
Ballet at the Marinsky, all dance-loving Russia coming to see her. Shaliapin was singing. A
Alexandrinsky they were reviving Meyerhold's production of Tolstoy's “Death of Ivan the Te
and at that performance I remember noticing a student of the Imperial School of Pages, in
uniform, who stood up correctly between the acts and faced the empty Imperial box, with it
all erased.... The Krivoye Zerkalo staged a sumptuous version of Schnitzler's “Reigen.”
Although the Hermitage and other picture galleries had been evacuated to Moscow, there w
weekly exhibitions of paintings. Hordes of the female intelligentzia went to hear lectures on
Literature and the Easy Philosophies. It was a particularly active season for Theosophists.
Salvation Army, admitted to Russia for the first time in history, plastered the walls with
announcements of gospel meetings, which amused and astounded Russian audiences. . ..
As in all such times, the petty conventional life of the city went on, ignoring the Revolution a
as possible. The poets made verses—but not about the Revolution. The realistic painters p
scenes from medieval Russian history
—anything but the Revolution. Young ladies from the provinces came up to the capital to le
French and cultivate their voices, and the gay young beautiful officers wore their gold-trimm
crimson bashliki and their elaborate Caucasian swords around the hotel lobbies. The ladies
minor bureaucratic set took tea with each other in the afternoon, carrying each her little go
silver or jewelled sugar-box, and half a loaf of bread in her muff, and wished that the Tsar w
back, or that the Germans would come, or anything that would solve the servant problem. .
daughter of a friend of mine came home one afternoon in hysterics because the woman str
conductor had called her “Comrade!”
All around them great Russia was in travail, bearing a new world. The servants one used t
like animals and pay next to nothing, were getting independent. A pair of shoes cost more
hundred rubles, and as wages averaged about thirty-five rubles a month the servants refus
stand in queue and wear out their shoes. But more than that. In the new Russia every man
woman could vote; there were working-class newspapers, saying new and startling things;
were the Soviets; and there were the Unions. The izvoshtchiki (cab-drivers) had a Union; th
also represented in the Petrograd Soviet. The waiters and hotel servants were organised, a
refused tips. On the walls of restaurants they put up signs which read, “No tips taken here—
“Just because a man has to make his living waiting on table is no reason to insult him by o
him a tip!”
At the Front the soldiers fought out their fight with the officers, and learned self- governmen
their committees. In the factories those unique Russian organisations, the Factory-Shop
Committees,[4] gained experience and strength and a realisation of their historical mission
combat with the old order. All Russia was learning to read, and reading—politics, economic
—because the people wanted to know. ... In every city, in most towns, along the Front, eac
faction had its newspaper—sometimes several. Hundreds of thousands of pamphlets were
distributed by thousands of organisations, and poured into the armies, the villages, the fact
streets. The thirst for education, so long thwarted, burst with the Revolution into a frenzy of
expression. From Smolny Institute alone, the first six months, went out every day tons, car-
train- loads of literature, saturating the land. Russia absorbed reading matter like hot sand
water, insatiable. And it was not fables, falsified history, diluted religion, and the cheap ficti
corrupts—but social and economic theories, philosophy, the works of Tolstoy, Gogol, and G
[4] See Notes and Explanations.
Then the Talk, beside which Carlyle's “flood of French speech” was a mere trickle. Lecture
debates, speeches—in theatres, circuses, school-houses, clubs, Soviet meeting-rooms, Un
headquarters, barracks. ... Meetings in the trenches at the Front, in village squares, factorie
What a marvellous sight to see Putilovsky Zavod (the Putilov factory) pour out its forty thou
listen to Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries, Anarchists, anybody, whatever they h
say, as long as they would talk! For months in Petrograd, and all over Russia, every street-
was a public tribune. In railway trains, street-cars, always the spurting up of impromptu deb
everywhere. ...
And the All-Russian Conferences and Congresses, drawing together the men of two contin
conventions of Soviets, of Cooperatives, Zemstvos,[5] nationalities, priests, peasants, polit
parties; the Democratic Conference, the Moscow Conference, the Council of the Russian R
There were always three or four conventions going on in Petrograd. At every meeting, attem
limit the time of speakers voted down, and every man free to express the thought that was
[5] See Notes and Explanations.
We came down to the front of the Twelfth Army, back of Riga, where gaunt and bootless m
sickened in the mud of desperate trenches; and when they saw us they started up, with the
pinched faces and the flesh showing blue through their torn clothing, demanding eagerly, “D
bring anything to read?”
What though the outward and visible signs of change were many, what though the statue o
Catharine the Great before the Alexandrinsky Theatre bore a little red flag in its hand, and
somewhat faded—floated from all public buildings; and the Imperial monograms and eagle
either torn down or covered up; and in place of the fierce gorodovoye (city police) a mild-m
and unarmed citizen militia patrolled the streets—still, there were many quaint anachronism
For example, Peter the Great's _Tabel o Rangov—_Table of Ranks—which he rivetted upo
with an iron hand, still held sway. Almost everybody from the school-boy up wore his presc
uniform, with the insignia of the Emperor on button and shoulder-strap. Along about five o'c
the afternoon the streets were full of subdued old gentlemen in uniform, with portfolios, goin
from work in the huge, barrack-like Ministries or Government institutions, calculating perha
great a mortality among their superiors would advance them to the coveted tchin (rank) of
Assessor, or Privy Councillor, with the prospect of retirement on a comfortable pension, an
possibly the Cross of St. Anne. ...
There is the story of Senator Sokolov, who in full tide of Revolution came to a meeting of th
one day in civilian clothes, and was not admitted because he did not wear the prescribed li
the Tsar's service!
It was against this background of a whole nation in ferment and disintegration

that the pageant of the Rising of the Russian Masses unrolled.

Chapter II
The Coming Storm
In September General Kornilov marched on Petrograd to make himself military dictator of
Behind him was suddenly revealed the mailed fist of the bourgeoisie, boldly attempting to c
Revolution. Some of the Socialist Ministers were implicated; even Kerensky was under sus
(See App. II, Sect. 1) Savinkov, summoned to explain to the Central Committee of his party
Socialist Revolutionaries, refused and was expelled. Kornilov was arrested by the Soldiers'
Committees. Generals were dismissed, Ministers suspended from their functions, and the C
fell.
Kerensky tried to form a new Government, including the Cadets, party of the bourgeoisie. H
the Socialist Revolutionaries, ordered him to exclude the Cadets. Kerensky declined to obe
threatened to resign from the Cabinet if the Socialists insisted. However, popular feeling ra
that for the moment he did not dare oppose it, and a temporary Directorate of Five of the o
Ministers, with Kerensky at the head, assumed the power until the question should be settl
The Kornilov affair drew together all the Socialist groups—“moderates” as well as revolutio
a passionate impulse of self-defence. There must be no more Kornilovs. A new Governmen
be created, responsible to the elements supporting the Revolution. So the Tsay-ee-kah inv
popular organisations to send delegates to a Democratic Conference, which should meet a
Petrograd in September.
In the Tsay-ee-kah three factions immediately appeared. The Bolsheviki demanded that t
Russian Congress of Soviets be summoned, and that they take over the power. The “centr
Socialist Revolutionaries, led by Tchernov, joined with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, le
Kamkov and Spiridonova,
the Mensheviki Internationalists under Martov, and the “centre” Mensheviki,[6] represented
Bogdanov and Skobeliev, in demanding a purely Socialist Government. Tseretelli, Dan and
at the head of the right wing Mensheviki, and the right Socialist Revolutionaries under Avks
and Gotz, insisted that the propertied classes must be represented in the new Government
[6] See Notes and Explanations.
Almost immediately the Bolsheviki won a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, and the Soviets
Moscow, Kiev, Odessa and other cities followed suit.
Alarmed, the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries in control of the Tsay-ee- kah decid
after all they feared the danger of Kornilov less than the danger of Lenin. They revised the
representation in the Democratic Conference, (See App. II, Sect. 2) admitting more delega
the Cooperative Societies and other conservative bodies. Even this packed assembly at fir
for a ÛO€IIifÏOn Government without the Cadets. Only Kerensky's open threat of resignati
the alarming cries of the “moderate” Socialists that “the Republic is in danger” persuaded th
Conference, by a small majority, to declare in favour of the principle of coalition with the
bourgeoisie, and to sanction the establishment of a sort of consultative Parliament, without
legislative power, called the Provisional Council of the Russian Republic. In the new Minist
propertied classes practically controlled, and in the Council of the Russian Republic they o
disproportionate number of seats.
The fact is that the Tsay-ee-kah no longer represented the rank and file of the Soviets, and
illegally refused to call another All-Russian Congress of Soviets, due in September. It had
intention of calling this Congress or of allowing it to be called. Its official organ, Izviestia (N
began to hint that the function of the Soviets was nearly at an end, (See App. II, Sect. 3) a
they might soon be dissolved... At this time, too, the new Government announced as part o
policy the liquidation of “irresponsible organisations”—i.e. the Soviets.
The Bolsheviki responded by summoning the All-Russian Soviets to meet at Petrograd on
November 2, and take over the Government of Russia. At the same time they withdrew from
Council of the Russian Republic, stating that they would not participate in a “Government o
to the People.” (See App. II, Sect. 4)
The withdrawal of the Bolsheviki, however, did not bring tranquillity to the ill- fated Council.
propertied classes, now in a position of power, became arrogant. The Cadets declared that
Government had no legal right to declare Russia a republic. They demanded stern measur
Army and Navy to destroy the Soldiers' and Sailors' Committees, and denounced the Sovie
the other side of the chamber the Mensheviki Internationalists and the Left Socialist Revolu
advocated immediate peace, land to the peasants, and workers' control of industry—practi
Bolshevik programme.
I heard Martov's speech in answer to the Cadets. Stooped over the desk of the tribune like
mortally sick man he was, and speaking in a voice so hoarse it could hardly be heard, he s
finger toward the right benches:
“You call us defeatists; but the real defeatists are those who wait for a more propitious mom
conclude peace, insist upon postponing peace until later, until nothing is left of the Russian
until Russia becomes the subject of bargaining between the different imperialist groups. Y
trying to impose
upon the Russian people a policy dictated by the interests of the bourgeoisie. The question
should be raised without delay. ... You will see then that not in vain has been the work of th
whom you call German agents, of those Zimmerwa1dists[7] who in all the lands have prepa
awakening of the conscience of the democratic masses. ”
[7] Members of the revoloutionary internationalist wing of the Socialists of Europe, so-called
because of their participation in the International Conference held at Zimmerwald, Switzerla
1915.
Between these two groups the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries wavered, irresistib
to the left by the pressure of the rising dissatisfaction of the masses. Deep hostility divided
chamber into irreconcilable groups.
This was the situation when the long-awaited announcement of the Allied Conference in Pa
brought up the burning question of foreign policy. ...
Theoretically all Socialist parties in Russia were in favour of the earliest possible peace on
democratic terms. As long ago as May, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet, then under control of th
Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries, had proclaimed the famous Russian peace-cond
They had demanded that the Allies hold a conference to discuss war-aims. This conference
been promised for August;
then postponed until September; then until October; and now it was fixed for November 10
The Provisional Government suggested two representatives—General Alexeyev, reactiona
man, and Terestchenko, Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Soviets chose Skobeliev to speak
and drew up a manifesto, the famous nakaz—(See App. II, Sect. 5) instructions. The Prov
Government objected to Skobeliev and his nakaz; the Allied ambassadors protested and fi
Bonar Law in the British House of Commons, in answer to a question, responded coldly, “A
know the Paris Conference will not discuss the aims of the war at all, but only the methods
conducting it. ”
At this the conservative Russian press was jubilant, and the Bolsheviki cried, “See where th
compromising tactics of the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries have led them!”
Along a thousand miles of front the millions of men in Russia's armies stirred like the sea ri
pouring into the capital their hundreds upon hundreds of delegations, crying “Peace! Peace
I went across the river to the Cirque Moderne, to one of the great popular meetings which o
all over the city, more numerous night after night. The bare, gloomy amphitheatre, lit by fiv
lights hanging from a thin wire, was packed from the ring up the steep sweep of grimy benc
the very roof— soldiers, sailors, workmen, women, all listening as if their lives depended u
soldier was speaking—from the Five Hundred and Forty-eight Division, wherever and what
was:
“Comrades,” he cried, and there was real anguish in his drawn face and despairing gesture
people at the top are always calling upon us to sacrifice more, sacrifice more, while those w
everything are left unmolested.
“We are at war with Germany. Would we invite German generals to serve on our Staff? We
war with the capitalists too, and yet we invite them into our Government. ...
“The soldier says, ‘Show me what I am fighting for. Is it Constantinople, or is it free Russia?
democracy, or is it the capitalist plunderers? If you can prove to me that I am defending th
Revolution then I'll go out and fight without
capital punishment to force me.’
“When the land belongs to the peasants, and the factories to the workers, and the power to
Soviets, then we'll know we have something to fight for, and we'll fight for it!”
In the barracks, the factories, on the street-corners, end less soldier speakers, all clamouri
end to the war, declaring that if the Government did not make an energetic effon to get pe
army would leave the trenches and go home.
The spokesman for the Eighth Army:
“We are weak, we have only a few men left in each company. They must give us food and
reinforcements, or soon there will be left only empty trenches. Peace or supplies... either le
Government end the war or support the Army ”
For the Forty-sixth Siberian Artillery:
“The officers will not work with our Committees, they betray us to the enemy, they apply the
penalty to our agitators; and the counter-revolutionary Government supports them. We thou
the Revolution would bring peace. But now the Government forbids us even to talk of such
and at the same time doesn't give us enough food to live on, or enough ammunition to figh
From Europe came rumours of peace at the expense of Russia. (See App. II, Sect. 6)...
News of the treatment of Russian troops in France added to the discontent. The First Briga
tried to replace its officers with Soldiers' Committees, like their comrades at home, and had
an order to go to Salonika, demanding to be sent to Russia. They had been surrounded an
and then fired on by artillery, and many killed. (See App. II, Sect. 7)...
On October 29th I went to the white-marble and crimson hall of the Marinsky palace, where
Council of the Republic sat, to hear Terestchenko's declaration of the Government's foreign
awaited with such terrible anxiety by all the peace-thirsty and exhausted land.
A tall, impeccably-dressed young man with a smooth face and high cheek-bones, suavely r
his careful, non-committal speech. (See App. II, Sect. 8) Nothing.... Only the same platitud
crushing German militarism with the help of the Allies—about the “state interests” of Russia
the “embarrassment” caused by Skobeliev's nakaz. He ended with the key-note:
“Russia is a great power. Russia will remain a great power, whatever happens. We must al
her, we must show that we are defenders of a great ideal, and children of a great power.”
Nobody was satisfied. The reactionaries wanted a “strong” imperialist policy; the democrati
wanted an assurance that the Government would press for peace.... I reproduce an editoria
Rabotchi i Soldat (Worker and Soldier), organ of the Bolshevik Petrograd Soviet:

THE GOVERNMENT'S ANSWER TO THE TRENCHES

The most taciturn of our Ministers, Mr. Terestchenko, has actually told the trenches the foll
1. We are closely united with our Allies. (Not with the peoples, but with the Governments.)
2. There is no use for the democracy to discuss the possibility or impossibility of a winter ca
That will be decided by the Governments of our Allies.
3. The 1st of July offensive was beneficial and a very happy affair. (He did not mention the
consequences.)
4. It is not true that our Allies do not care about us. The Minister has in his possession very
important declarations. (Declarations? What about deeds? What about the behaviour of the
fleet? (See App. II, Sect. 9) The parleying of the British king with exiled counter-revolutiona
General Gurko? The Minister did not mention all this.)
5. The nakaz to Skobeliev is bad; the Allies don't like it and the Russian diplomats don't like
Allied Conference we must all ‘speak one language.’
And is that all? That is all. What is the way out? The solution is, faith in the
Allies and in Terestchenko. When will peace come? When the Allies permit. That is how th
Government replied to the trenches about peace!
Now in the background of Russian politics began to form the vague outlines of a sinister po
Cossacks. Novaya Zhizn (New Life), Gorky's paper, called attention to their activities:
At the beginning of the Revolution the Cossacks refused to shoot down the people. When K
marched on Petrograd they refused to follow him. From passive loyalty to the Revolution th
Cossacks have passed to an active political offensive (against it). From the back-ground of
Revolution they have suddenly advanced to the front of the stage. ...
Kaledin, ataman of the Don Cossacks, had been dismissed by the Provisional Governmen
complicity in the Kornilov affair. He flatly refused to resign, and surrounded by three immen
Cossack armies lay at Novotcherkask, plotting and menacing. So great was his power that
Government was forced to ignore his insubordination. More than that, it was compelled form
recognise the Council of the Union of Cossack Armies, and to declare illegal the newly- for
Cossack Section of the Soviets. ...
In the first part of October a Cossack delegation called upon Kerensky, arrogantly insisting
charges against Kaledin be dropped, and reproaching the Minister-President for yielding to
Soviets. Kerensky agreed to let Kaledin alone, and then is reported to have said, “In the ey
Soviet leaders I am a despot and a tyrant. ... As for the Provisional Government, not only d
depend upon the Soviets, but it considers it regrettable that they exist at all.”
At the same time another Cossack mission called upon the British ambassador, treating wi
boldly as representatives of “the free Cossack people.”
In the Don something very like a Cossack Republic had been established. The Kuban decl
an independent Cossack State. The Soviets of Rostov-on- Don and Yekaterinburg were dis
by armed Cossacks, and the headquarters of the Coal Miners' Union at Kharkov raided. In
manifestations the Cossack movement was anti-socialist and militaristic. Its leaders were n
great land-owners, like Kaledin, Kornilov, Generals Dutov, Karaulov and Bardizhe, and it w
backed by the powerful merchants and bankers of Moscow. ...
Old Russia was rapidly breaking up. In Ukraine, in Finland, Poland, White Russia, the natio
movements gathered strength and became bolder. The local Governments, controlled by th
propertied classes, claimed autonomy, refusing to obey orders from Petrograd. At Helsingf
Finnish Senate declined to loan money to the Provisional Government, declared Finland
autonomous, and demanded the withdrawal of Russian troops. The bourgeois Rada at Kie
extended the boundaries of Ukraine until they included all the richest agricultural lands of S
Russia, as far east as the Urals, and began the formation of a national army. Premier Vinni
hinted at a separate peace with Germany—and the Provisional Government was helpless.
the Caucasus, demanded separate Constituent Assemblies. And in all these countries ther
beginning of a bitter struggle between the authorities and the local Soviets of Workers' and
Deputies.. ..
Conditions were daily more chaotic. Hundreds of thousands of soldiers were deserting the
beginning to move in vast, aimless tides over the face of the land. The peasants of Tambov
Tver Governments, tired of waiting for the land, exasperated by the repressive measures o
Government, were burning manor-houses and massacring land-owners. Immense strikes
outs convulsed Moscow, Odessa and the coal-mines of the Don. Transportation was paraly
army was starving and in the big cities there was no bread.
The Government, torn between the democratic and reactionary factions, could do nothing:
forced to act it always supported the interests of the propertied classes. Cossacks were se
restore order among the peasants, to break the strikes. In Tashkent, Government authoritie
suppressed the Soviet. In Petrograd the Economic Council, established to rebuild the shatt
economic life of the country, came to a deadlock between the opposing forces of capital an
and was dissolved by Kerensky. The old régime military men, backed by Cadets, demande
harsh measures be adopted to restore discipline in the Army and the Navy. In vain Admiral
Verderevsky, the venerable Minister of Marine, and General Verkhovsky, Minister of War, i
that only a new, voluntary, democratic discipline, based on cooperation with the soldiers' an
Committees, could save the army and navy. Their recommendations were ignored.
The reactionaries seemed determined to provoke popular anger. The trial of Kornilov was c
on. More and more openly the bourgeois press defended him, speaking of him as “the grea
patriot.” Burtzev's paper, Obshtchee
Dielo (Common Cause), called for a dictatorship of Kornilov, Kaledin and Kerensky!
I had a talk with Bunzev one day in the press gallery of the Council of the Republic. A smal
figure with a wrinkled face, eyes near-sighted behind thick glasses, untidy hair and beard s
with grey.
“Mark my words, young man! What Russia needs is a Strong Man. We should get our mind
Revolution now and concentrate on the Germans.
Bunglers, bunglers, to defeat Kornilov; and back of the bunglers are the German agents. K
should have won. ”
On the extreme right the organs of the scarcely-veiled Monarchists, Purishkevitch's Narodn
(People's Tribune), Novaya Rus (New Russia), and Zhivoye Slovo (Living Word), openly ad
the extermination of the revolutionary democracy. ...
On the 23rd of October occurred the naval battle with a German squadron in the Gulf of Rig
the pretext that Petrograd was in danger, the Provisional Government drew up plans for ev
the capital. First the great munitions works were to go, distributed widely throughout Russia
then the Government itself was to move to Moscow. Instantly the Bolsheviki began to cry o
the Government was abandoning the Red Capital in order to weaken the Revolution. Riga
sold to the Germans; now Petrograd was being betrayed!
The bourgeois press was joyful. “At Moscow,” said the Cadet paper Ryetch
(Speech), “the Government can pursue its work in a tranquil atmosphere,
without being interfered with by anarchists.” Rodzianko, leader of the right wing of the Cade
declared in Utro fiossii (The Morning of Russia) that the taking of Petrograd by the Germa
be a blessing, because it would destroy the Soviets and get rid of the revolutionary Baltic F
Petrograd is in danger (he wrote). I say to myself, “Let God take care of Petrograd.” They f
Petrograd is lost the central revolutionary organisations will be destroyed. To that I answer
rejoice if all these organisations are destroyed; for they will bring nothing but disaster upon
Russia. ...
With the taking of Petrograd the Baltic Fleet will also be destroyed. But there
will be nothing to regret; most of the battleships are completely demoralised....
In the face of a storm of popular disapproval the plan of evacuation was repudiated.
Meanwhile the Congress of Soviets loomed over Russia like a thunder-cloud, shot through
lightnings. It was opposed, not only by the Government but by all the “moderate” Socialists
Central Army and Fleet Committees, the Central Committees of some of the Trade Unions,
Peasants' Soviets, but most of all the Tsay-ee-kah itself, spared no pains to prevent the m
Izviestia and Golos Soldata (Voice of the Soldier), newspapers founded by the Petrograd S
now in the hands of the Tsay-ee-kah, fiercely assailed it, as did the entire artillery of the So
Revolutionary party press, Dielo Naroda (People's Cause) and Vofia Naroda (People's Wil
Delegates were sent through the country, messages flashed by wire to committees in charg
Soviets, to Army Committees, instructing them to halt or delay elections to the Congress. S
public resolutions against the Congress, declarations that the democracy was opposed to t
meeting so near the date of the Constituent Assembly, representatives from the Front, from
Union of Zemstvos, the Peasants' Union, Union of Cossack Armies, Union of Officers, Knig
George, Death Battalions,[8] protesting. The Council
of the Russian Republic was one chorus of disapproval. The entire machinery set up by the
Revolution of March functioned to block the Congress of Soviets. . ..
[8] See Notes and Explanations.
On the other hand was the shapeless will of the proletariat—the workmen, common soldier
poor peasants. Many local Soviets were already Bolshevik; then there were the organisatio
industrial workers, the Fabritchno- Zavodskiye Comitiefi—Factory-Shop Committees; and t
insurgent Army and Fleet organisations. In some places the people, prevented from electin
regular Soviet delegates, held rump meetings and chose one of their number to go to Petro
others they smashed the old obstructionist committees and formed new ones. A ground-sw
revolt heaved and cracked the crust which had been slowly hardening on the surface of
revolutionary fires dormant all those months. Only an spontaneous mass-movement could
about the All- Russian Congress of Soviets. ...
Day after day the Bolshevik orators toured the barracks and factories, violently denouncing
Government of civil war.” One Sunday we went, on a top- heavy steam tram that lumbered
oceans of mud, between stark factories and immense churches, to Obukhovsky Zavod, a
Government munitions-plant out on the Schlüsselburg Prospekt.
The meeting took place between the gaunt brick walls of a huge unfinished building, ten tho
black-clothed men and women packed around a scaffolding draped in red, people heaped
of lumber and bricks, perched high upon shadowy girders, intent and thunder-voiced. Throu
dull, heavy sky now and again burst the sun, flooding reddish light through the skeleton win
upon the mass of simple faces upturned to us.
Lunatcharsky, a slight, student-like figure with the sensitive face of an artist, was telling wh
power must be taken by the Soviets. Nothing else could guarantee the Revolution against
enemies, who were deliberately ruining the country, ruining the army, creating opportunities
new Konilov.
A soldier from the Rumanian front, thin, tragical and fierce, cried, “Comrades! We are starv
front, we are stiff with cold. We are dying for no reason. I ask the American comrades to ca
to America, that the Russians will never give up their Revolution until they die. We will hold
with all our strength until the peoples of the world rise and help us! Tell the American worke
and fight for the Social Revolution!”
Then came Petrovsky, slight, slow-voiced, implacable: “Now is the time for deeds, not word
economic situation is bad, but we must get used to it. They are trying to starve us and freez
They are trying to provoke us. But let them know that they can go too far—that if they dare
their hands upon the
organisations of the proletariat we will sweep them away like scum from the face of the ear
The Bolshevik press suddenly expanded. Besides the two party papers, Rabotchi Put and
(Soldier), there appeared a new paper for the peasants, Derevenskaya Byednota (Village P
poured out in a daily half-million edition; and on October 17th, Rabotchi i Soldat. Its leadin
summed up the Bolshevik point of view:
The fourth year's campaign will mean the annihilation of the army and the
country.... There is danger for the safety of Petrograd. Counter-revolutionists
rejoice in the people's misfortunes. ... The peasants brought to desperation come out in op
rebellion; the landlords and Government authorities massacre them with punitive expedition
factories and mines are closing down, workmen are threatened with starvation. ... The bour
and its Generals want to restore a blind discipline in the army.... Supported by the bourgeo
Kornilovtsi are openly getting ready to break up the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. .
The Kerensky Government is against the people. He will destroy the country.... This paper
for the people and by the people—the poor classes, workers, soldiers and peasants. The p
only be saved by the completion of the Revolution... and for this purpose the full power mu
the hands of the Soviets. ...
This paper advocates the following: All power to the Soviets—both in the capital and in the
provinces.
Immediate truce on all fronts. An honest peace between peoples. Landlord estates—withou
compensation—to the peasants.
Workers' control over industrial production.
A faithfully and honestly elected Constituent Assembly.
It is interesting to reproduce here a passage from that same paper—the organ of those Bol
so well known to the world as German agents:
The German kaiser, covered with the blood of millions of dead people, wants to push his ar
against Petrograd. Let us call to the German workmen, soldiers and peasants, who want pe
less than we do, to... stand up against this damned war!
This can be done only by a revolutionary Government, which would speak really for the wo
soldiers and peasants of Russia, and would appeal over the heads of the diplomats directly
German troops, fill the German trenches with proclamations in the German language. ... Ou
would spread these proclamations all over Germany....
In the Council of the Republic the gulf between the two sides of the chamber
deepened day by day.
“The propertied classes,” cried Karelin, for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, “want to explo
revolutionary machine of the State to bind Russia to the war-chariot of the Allies! The revol
parties are absolutely against this policy. ”
Old Nicholas Tchaikovsky, representing the Populist Socialists, spoke against giving the la
peasants, and took the side of the Cadets: “We must have immediately strong discipline in
... Since the beginning of the war I have not ceased to insist that it is a crime to undertake s
economic reforms in war-time. We are committing that crime, and yet I am not the enemy o
reforms, because I am a Socialist.”
Cries from the Left, “We don't believe you!” Mighty applause from the Right. ...
Adzhemov, for the Cadets, declared that there was no necessity to tell the army what it wa
for, since every soldier ought to realise that the first task was to drive the enemy from Russ
territory.
Kerensky himself came twice, to plead passionately for national unity, once bursting into te
end. The assembly heard him coldly, interrupting with ironical remarks.
Smolny Institute, headquarters of the Tsay-ee-kah and of the Petrograd Soviet, lay miles o
edge of the city, beside the wide Neva. I went there on a street-car, moving snail-like with a
groaning noise through the cobbled, muddy streets, and jammed with people. At the end of
rose the graceful smoke- blue cupolas of Smolny Convent outlined in dull gold, beautiful; a
it the great barracks like facade of Smolny Institute, two hundred yards long and three lofty
high, the Imperial arms carved hugely in stone still insolent over the entrance. . ..
Under the old régime a famous convent-school for the daughters of the Russian nobility, pa
by the Tsarina herself, the Institute had been taken over by the revolutionary organisations
workers and soldiers. Within were more than a hundred huge rooms, white and bare, on th
enamelled plaques still informing the passerby that within was “Ladies’ Class-room Numbe
“Teachers’ Bureau”; but over these hung crudely-lettered signs, evidence of the vitality of th
order: “Central Committee of the Petrograd Soviet” and
“Tsay-ee-kah” and “Bureau of Foreign Affairs”; “Union of Socialist Soldiers,” “Central Comm
the All-Russian Trade Unions,” “Factory-Shop Committees,” “Central Army Committee”; an
central offices and caucus- rooms of the political parties....
The long, vaulted corridors, lit by rare electric lights, were thronged with hurrying shapes o
and workmen, some bent under the weight of huge bundles of newspapers, proclamations,
propaganda of all sorts. The sound of their heavy boots made a deep and incessant thunde
wooden floor.... Signs were posted up everywhere: “Comrades! For the sake of your health
preserve cleanliness!” Long tables stood at the head of the stairs on every floor, and on the
landings, heaped with pamphlets and the literature of the different political parties, for sale.
The spacious, low-ceilinged refectory downstairs was still a dining-room. For two rubles I b
ticket entitling me to dinner, and stood in line with a thousand others, waiting to get to the lo
serving-tables, where twenty men and women were ladling from immense cauldrons cabba
hunks of meat and piles of kasha, slabs of black bread. Five kopeks paid for tea in a tin cu
basket one grabbed a greasy wooden spoon.... The benches along the wooden tables wer
with hungry proletarians, rolfing their food, plotting, shouting rough jokes across the room.

[Graphic, page 33: text of placard in russian, translation follows]

COMRADES FOR THE SAKE OF YOUR HEALTH, PRESERVE CLEANLINESS.
Upstairs was another eating-place, reserved for the Tsay-ee-kah— though every one went
Here could be had bread thickly buttered and endless glasses of tea. ...
In the south wing on the second floor was the great hall of meetings, the former ball-room o
Institute. A lofty white room lighted by glazed-white chandeliers holding hundreds of ornate
bulbs, and divided by two rows
of massive columns; at one end a dais, flanked with two tall many-branched light standards
gold frame behind, from which the Imperial portrait had been cut. Here on festal occasions
banked brilliant military and ecclesiastical uniforms, a setting for Grand Duchesses. . ..
Just across the hall outside was the office of the Credentials Committee for the Congress o
I stood there watching the new delegates come in—burly, bearded soldiers, workmen in bla
blouses, a few long-haired peasants. The girl in charge—a member of Plekhanov's Fedinst
group—smiled contemptuously. “These are very different people from the delegates to the
Siezd (Congress),” she remarked. “See how rough and ignorant they look! The Dark Peopl
was true; the depths of Russia had been stirred, and it was the bottom which came upperm
The Credentials Committee, appointed by the old Tsay-ee-kah, was challenging delegate a
delegate, on the ground that they had been illegally elected. Karakhan, member of the Bols
Central Committee, simply grinned. “Never mind,” he said, “When the time comes we'll see
get your seats ”
[9] See Notes and Explanations.
Rabotchi i Soldat said:
The attention of delegates to the new All-Russian Congress is called to attempts of certain
of the Organising Committee to break up the Congress, by asserting that it will not take pla
that delegates had better leave Petrograd.... Pay no attention to these lies.... Great days ar
coming....
It was evident that a quorum would not come together by November 2, so the opening of t
Congress was postponed to the 7th. But the whole country was now aroused; and the Men
and Socialist Revolutionaries, realising that they were defeated, suddenly changed their tac
began to wire frantically to their provincial organisations to elect as many “moderate” Socia
delegates as possible. At the same time the Executive Committee of the Peasants' Soviets
an emergency call for a Peasants' Congress, to meet December 13th and offset whatever
workers and soldiers might take...
What would the Bolsheviki do? Rumours ran through the city that there would be an armed
“demonstration,” a vystuplennie—“coming out” of the workers and soldiers. The bourgeois
reactionary press prophesied insurrection, and urged the Government to arrest the Petrogr
Soviet, or at least to prevent the meeting of the Congress. Such sheets as Novaya Rus ad
general Bolshevik massacre.
Gorky's paper, Novaya Zhizn, agreed with the Bolsheviki that the reactionaries
were attempting to destroy the Revolution, and that if necessary they must be resisted by
arms; but all the parties of the revolutionary democracy must present a united front.
As long as the democracy has not organised its principal forces, so long as the resistance
influence is still strong, there is no advantage in passing to the attack. But if the hostile elem
appeal to force, then the revolutionary democracy should enter the battle to seize the powe
will be sustained by the most profound strata of the people. ...
Gorky pointed out that both reactionary and Government newspapers were inciting the Bol
violence. An insurrection, however, would prepare the way for a new Kornilov. He urged th
Bolsheviki to deny the rumours.
Potressov, in the Menshevik Dren (Day), published a sensational story, accompanied by a
which professed to reveal the secret Bolshevik plan of campaign.
As if by magic, the walls were covered with warnings, (See App. II, Sect. 10) proclamation
appeals, from the Central Committees of the “moderate” and conservative factions and the
ee-kah, denouncing any “demonstrations,” imploring the workers and soldiers not to listen t
agitators. For instance, this from the Military Section of the Socialist Revolutionary pany:
Again rumours are spreading around the town of an intended vystuplennie. What is the sou
these rumours? What organisation authorises these agitators who preach insurrection? Th
Bolsheviki, to a question addressed to them in the Tsay- ee-kah, denied that they have any
do with it. But these rumours
themselves carry with them a great danger. It may easily happen that, not taking into consi
the state of mind of the majority of the workers, soldiers and peasants, individual hot-heads
out part of the workers and soldiers on the streets, inciting them to an uprising.... In this fea
through which revolutionary Russia is passing, any insurrection can easily turn into civil wa
there can result from it the destruction of all organisations of the proletariat, built up with so
labour.... The counter-revolutionary plotters are planning to take advantage of this insurrec
destroy the Revolution, open the front to Wilhelm, and wreck the Constituent Assembly.... S
stubbornly to your posts! Do not come out!
On October 28th, in the corridors of Smolny, I spoke with Kameniev, a little man
with a reddish pointed beard and Gallic gestures. He was not at all sure that enough delega
would come. “If there is a Congress,” he said, “it will represent the overwhelming sentime
people. If the majority is Bolshevik, as I
think it will be, we shall demand that the power be given to the Soviets, and the Provisional
Government must resign ”
Volodarsky, a tall, pale youth with glasses and a bad complexion, was more definite. “The ‘
Dans’ and the other compromisers are sabotaging the Congress. If they succeed in preven
meeting,—well, then we are realists enough not to depend on that!”
Under date of October 29th I find entered in my notebook the following items culled from th
newspapers of the day:
Moghilev (General Staff Headquarters). Concentration here of loyal Guard Regiments, the
Division, Cossacks and Death Battalions.
The bunkers of the Officers' Schools of Pavlovsk, Tsarskoye Selo and Peterhof ordered by
Government to be ready to come to Petrograd. Oranienbaum yunkers arrive in the city.

Part of the Armoured Car Division of the Petrograd garrism stationed in the Winter Palace.
Upon orders signed by Trotzky, several thousand rifles delivered by the Government Arms
at Sestroretzk to delegates of the Petrograd workmen.
At a meeting of the City Militia of the Lower Liteiny Quarter, a resolution demanding that all
given to the Soviets.
This is just a sample of the confused events of those feverish days, when everybody knew
something was going to happen, but nobody knew just what.
At a meeting of the Petrograd Soviet in Smolny, the night of October 30th, Trotzky branded
assertions of the bourgeois press that the Soviet contemplated armed insurention as “an a
the reactionaries to discredit and wreck the Congress of Soviets.... The Petrograd Soviet,”
declared, “had not ordered any uystuplennie. If it is necessary we shall do so, and we will
supported by the Petrogruad garrison.... They (the Government) are preparing a counter-r
and we shall answer with an offensive which will be
merciless and decisive.”
It is true that the Petrograd Soviet had not ordered a demonstration, but the Central Comm
the Bolshevik party was considering the question of insurrection. All night long the 23d the
There were present all the party intellectuals, the leaders—and delegates of the Petrograd
and garrison. Alone of the intellectuals Lenin and Trotzky stood for insurrection. Even the m
men opposed it. A vote was taken. Insurrection was defeated!
Then arose a rough workman, his face convulsed with rage. “I speak for the Petrograd pro
he said, harshly. “We are in favour of insurrection. Have it your own way, but I tell you now
you allow the Soviets to be destroyed, we're through with for!” Some soldiers joined him. ..
after that they voted again—insurrection won.. ..
However, the right wing of the Bolsheviki, led by Riazanov, Kameniev and Zinoviev, continu
campaign against an armed rising. On the morning of October 31st appeared in Rabotchi P
first instalment of Lenin's “Letter to the Comrades,” (See App. II, Sect. 11) one of the most
audacious pieces of political propaganda the world has ever seen. In it Lenin seriously pre
the arguments in favour of insurrection, taking as text the objections of Kameniev and Riaz
“Either we must abandon our slogan, ‘All Power to the Soviets,”’ he wrote, “or else we mus
insurrection. There is no middle course ”
That same afternoon Paul Miliukov, leader of the Cadets, made a brilliant, bitter speech (Se
Sect. 12) in the Council of the Republic, branding the Skobeliev nakaz as pro-German, de
that the “revolutionary democracy” was destroying Russia, sneering at Terestchenko, and o
declaring that he preferred German diplomacy to Russian. ... The Left benches were one ro
tumult all through. ...
On its part the Government could not ignore the significance of the success of the Bolshev
propaganda. On the 29th joint commission of the Government and the Council of the Repu
hastily drew up two laws, one for giving the land temporarily to the peasants, and the other
pushing an energetic foreign policy of peace. The next day Kerensky suspended capital pu
in the army. That same afternoon was opened with great ceremony the first session of the
“Commission for Strengthening the Republican Régime and Fighting Against Anarchy and
Revolution”—of which history shows not the slightest further trace.. .. The following mornin
other correspondents I interviewed Kerensky (See App. II, Sect. 13)—the last time he rece
journalists.
“The Russian people,” he said, bitterly, “are suffering from economic fatigue— and from
disillusionment with the Allies! The world thinks that the Russian Revolution is at an end. D
mistaken. The Russian Revolution is just beginning. ...” Words more prophetic, perhaps, th
knew.
Stormy was the all-night meeting of the Petrograd Soviet the 30th of October, at which I wa
present. The “moderate” Socialist intellectuals, officers, members of Army Committees, the
kah, were there in force. Against them rose up workmen, peasants and common soldiers,
passionate and simple.
A peasant told of the disorders in Tver, which he said were caused by the arrest of the Lan
Committees. “This Kerensky is nothing but a shield to the pomieshfchiki (landowners),” he
“They know that at the Constituent Assembly we will take the land anyway, so they are tryi
destroy the Constituent Assembly!”
A machinist from the Putilov works described how the superintendents were closing down t
departments one by one on the pretext that there was no fuel or raw materials. The Factory
Committee, he declared, had discovered huge hidden supplies.
“It is a provocatzia,” said he. “They want to starve us—or drive us to violence!”
Among the soldiers one began, “Comrades! I bring you greetings from the place where me
digging their graves and call them trenches!”
Then arose a tall, gaunt young soldier, with flashing eyes, met with a roar of welcome. It wa
Tchudnovsky, reported killed in the July fighting, and now risen from the dead.
“The soldier masses no longer trust their officers. Even the Army Committees, who refused
meeting of our Soviet, betrayed us. ... The masses of the soldiers want the Constituent Ass
be held exactly when it was called for, and those who dare to postpone it will be cursed—a
only platonic curses
either, for the Army has guns too. ”
He told of the electoral campaign for the Constituent now raging in the Fifth Army. “The offi
especially the Mensheviki and the Socialist Revolutionaries, are trying deliberately to crippl
Bolsheviki. Our papers are not allowed to circulate in the trenches.
Our speakers are arrested—”
“Why don't you speak about the lack of bread?” shouted another soldier. “Man shall not live
bread alone,” answered Tchudnovsky, sternly.... Followed him an officer, delegate from the
Soviet, a Menshevik
oboronetz. “It isn't the question of who has the power. The trouble is not with the Governm
with the war.... and the war must be won before any change—” At this, hoots and ironical c
“These Bolshevik agitators are demagogues!” The hall rocked with laughter. “Let us for a m
forget the class struggle—” But he got no farther. A voice yelled, “Don't you wish we would
Petrograd presented a curious spectacle in those days. In the factories the committee-roo
filled with stacks of rifles, couriers came and went, the Red Guard[10] drilled. ... In all the b
meetings every night, and all day long interminable hot arguments. On the streets the crow
thickened toward gloomy evening, pouring in slow voluble tides up and down the Nevsky, f
the newspapers. . .. Hold-ups increased to such an extent that it was
dangerous to walk down side streets. ... On the Sadovaya one afternoon I saw a crowd of
hundred people beat and trample to death a soldier caught stealing.... Mysterious individua
circulated around the shivering women who waited in queue long cold hours for bread and
whispering that the Jews had cornered the food supply—and that while the people starved,
Soviet members lived luxuriously. ...
[10] See Notes and Explanations.
At Smolny there were strict guards at the door and the outer gates, demanding everybody's
The committee-rooms buzzed and hummed all day and all night, hundreds of soldiers and
slept on the floor, wherever they could find room. Upstairs in the great hall a thousand peo
crowded to the uproarious sessions of the Petrograd Soviet....
Gambling clubs functioned hectically from dusk to dawn, with champagne flowing and stak
twenty thousand rubles. In the centre of the city at night prostitutes in jewels and expensive
walked up and down, crowded the cafés. . ..
Monarchist plots, German spies, smugglers hatching schemes....
And in the rain, the bitter chill, the great throbbing city under grey skies rushing faster and faste
—what?

Chapter III
On the Eve
In the relations of a weak Government and a rebellious people there comes a time when ev
the authorities exasperates the masses, and every refusal to act excites their contempt. ...
The proposal to abandon Petrograd raised a hurricane; Kerensky's public denial that the
Government had any such intention was met with hoots of derision.
Pinned to the wall by the pressure of the Revolution (cried Rabotchi Put), the Government
“provisional” bourgeois tries to get free by giving out lying assurances that it never thought
from Petrograd, and that it didn't wish to surrender the capital.. ..
In Kharkov thirty thousand coal miners organised, adopting the preamble of the
I. W. W. constitution: “The working class and the employing class have nothing in common
Dispersed by Cossacks, some were locked out by the mine-owners, and the rest declared
strike. Minister of Commerce and Industry Konovalov appointed his assistant, Orlov, with p
powers, to settle the trouble. Orlov was hated by the miners. But the Tsay-ee-kah not only
supported his appointment, but refused to demand that the Cossacks be recalled from the
Basin. ...
This was followed by the dispersal of the Soviet at Kaluga. The Bolsheviki, having secured
majority in the Soviet, set free some political prisoners. With the sanction of the Governme
Commissar the Municipal Duma called in troops from Minsk, and bombarded the Soviet
headquarters with artillery. The Bolsheviki yielded, but as they left the building Cossacks a
them, crying, “This is what we'll do to all the other Bolshevik Soviets, including those of Mo
Petrograd!” This incident sent a wave of panic rage throughout
Russia. ...
In Petrograd was ending a regional Congress of Soviets of the North, presided over by the
Krylenko. By an immense majority it resolved that all power should be assumed by the All-R
Congress; and concluded by greeting the Bolsheviki in prison, bidding them rejoice, for the
their liberation was at hand. At the same time the first All-Russian Conference of Factory-S
Committees (See App. III, Sect. 1) declared emphatically for the Soviets, and continued sig
After liberating themselves politically from Tsardom, the working-class wants to see the dem
régime triumphant in the sphere of its productive activity.
This is best expressed by Workers' Control over industrial production, which naturally arose
atmosphere of economic decomposition created by the criminal policy of the dominating cla
The Union of Railwaymen was demanding the resignation of Liverovsky, Minister of Ways
Communications....
In the name of the Tsay-ee-kah, Skobeliev insisted that the nakaz be presented at the Allie
Conference, and formally protested against the sending of Terestchenko to Paris. Terestch
offered to resign....
General Verkhovsky, unable to accomplish his reorganisation of the army, only came to Ca
meetings at long intervals....
On November 3d Burtzev's Obshtchee Dielo came out with great headlines: Citizens! Save
fatherland!
I have just learned that yesterday, at a meeting of the Commission for National Defence, M
War General Verkhovsky, one of the principal persons responsible for the fall of Kornilov, p
to sign a separate peace, independently of the Allies.
That is treason to Russia!
Terestchenko declared that the Provisional Government had not even examined Verkhovsk
proposition.
“You might think,” said Terestchenko, “that we were in a madhouse!” The members of the
Commission were astounded at the General's words. General Alexeyev wept.
No! It is not madness! It is worse. It is direct treason to Russia!
Kerensky, Terestchenko and Nekrassov must immediately answer us concerning the word
Verkhovsky.
Citizens, arise!
Russia is being sold!
Save her!
What Verkhovsky really said was that the Allies must be pressed to offer peace, because t
Russian army could fight no longer. ...
Both in Russia and abroad the sensation was tremendous. Verkhovsky was given “indefinit
of absence for ill-health,” and left the Government. Obshtchee Dielo was suppressed. ...
Sunday, November 4th, was designated as the Day of the Petrograd Soviet, with immense
planned all over the city, ostensibly to raise money for the organisation and the press; reall
make a demonstration of strength. Suddenly it was announced that on the same day the C
would hold a Krestny Khod
—Procession of the Cross—in honour of the Ikon of 1612, through whose miraculous interv
Napoleon had been driven from Moscow. The atmosphere was electric; a spark might kind
war. The Petrograd Soviet issued a manifesto, headed “Brothers—Cossacks!”
You, Cossacks, are being incited against us, workers and soldiers. This plan of Cain is bein
into operation by our common enemies, the oppressors, the privileged classes—generals,
landlords, former officials, former servants of the Tsar. We are hated by all grafters, rich
princes, nobles,
generals, including your Cossack generals. They are ready at any moment to destroy the P
Soviet and crush the Revolution.. ..
On the 4th of November somebody is organising a Cossack religious procession. It is a qu
the free consciousness of every individual whether he will or will not take part in this proces
do not interfere in this matter, nor do we obstruct anybody. ... However, we warn you, Coss
Look out and see to it that under the pretext of a Krestni Khod, your Kaledins do not instiga
against workmen, against soldiers. ...
The procession was hastily called off....
In the barracks and the working-class quarters of the town the Bolsheviki were preaching, “
to the Soviets!” and agents of the Dark Forces were urging the people to rise and slaughte
Jews, shop-keepers, Socialist leaders....
On one side the Monarchist press, inciting to bloody repression—on the other Lenin's grea
roaring, “Insurrection!.... We cannot wait any longer!”
Even the bourgeois press was uneasy. (See App. III, Sect. 2) Birjevya Viedomosti (Excha
Gazette) called the Bolshevik propaganda an attack on “the most elementary principles of
personal security and the respect for private property.”
[Graphic, page 46: Appeal of the Petrograd Soviet]
Appeal of the Petrograd Soviet to the Cosacks to call off their Krestny Khod— the religious
procession planned for November 4th (our calendar). “Brothers— Cossacks!” it begins. “Th
Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies addresses you.”
But it was the “moderate” Socialist journals which were the most hostile. (See App. III, Sec
Bolsheviki are the most dangerous enemies of the Revolution,” declared Diefo Naroda. Sa
Menshevik Dren, “The Government ought to defend itself and defend us.” Plekhanov's pap
Yedinstvo (Unity) (See App. III, Sect. 4), called the attention of the Government to the fact
Petrograd workers were being armed, and demanded stern measures against the Bolshevi
Daily the Government seemed to become more helpless. Even the Municipal administratio
down. The columns of the morning papers were filled with accounts of the most audacious
and murders, and the criminals were
unmolested.
On the other hand armed workers patrolled the streets at night, doing battle with marauder
requisitioning arms wherever they found them.
On the first of November Colonel Polkovnikov, Military Commander of Petrograd, issued a
proclamation:
Despite the difficult days through which the country is passing, irresponsible appeals to arm
demonstrations and massacres are still being spread around Petrograd, and from day to da
robbery and disorder increase.
This state of things is disorganising the life of the citizens, and hinders the systematic work
Government and the Municipal Institutions.
In full consciousness of my responsibility and my duty before my country, I command:
1. Every military unit, in accordance with special instructions and within the territory of its g
afford every assistance to the Municipality, to the Commissars, and to the militia, in the gua
Government institutions.
2. The organisation of patrols, in co-operation with the District Commander and the represe
of the city militia, and the taking of measures for the arrest of criminals and deserters.
3. The arrest of all persons entering barracks and inciting to armed demonstrations and ma
and their delivery to the headquarters of the Second Commander of the city.
4. To suppress any armed demonstration or riot at its start, with all armed forces at hand.
5. To afford assistance to the Commissars in preventing unwarranted searches in houses a
unwarranted arrests.
6. To report immediately all that happens in the district under charge to the Staff of the Pet
Military District.
I call upon all Army Committees and organisations to afford their help to the
commanders in fulfilment of the duties with which they are charged.
In the Council of the Republic Kerensky declared that the Government was fully aware of t
Bolshevik preparations, and had sufficient force to cope with any demonstration. (See App
5) He accused Novaya bus and Robotchi Put of both doing the same kind of subversive wo
owing to the absolute freedom of the press,” he added, “the Government is not in a position
combat printed lies.[11]. ...” Declaring that these were two aspects of the same propaganda
had for its object the counter-revolution, so ardently desired by the Dark Forces, he went o
“I am a doomed man, it doesn't matter what happens to me, and I have the audacity to sa
other enigmatic part is that of the unbelievable provocation created in the city by the Bolshe
[11] This was not quite candid. The Provisional Government had suppressed Bolshevik pap
before, in July, and was planning to do so again.
On November 2d only fifteen delegates to the Congress of Soviets had arrived. Next day th
a hundred, and the morning after that a hundred and seventy-five, of whom one hundred a
were Bolsheviki. Four hundred
constituted a quorum, and the Congress was only three days off....
I spent a great deal of time at Smolny. It was no longer easy to get in. Double rows of sent
guarded the outer gates, and once inside the front door there was a long line of people wai
let in, four at a time, to be questioned as to their identity and their business. Passes were g
and the pass system was changed every few hours; for spies continually sneaked through.
[Graphic, page 49: Russian Pass to Reed, translation follows]
Pass to Smolny Institute, issued by the Military Revolutionary Committee, giving me the rig
entry at any time. (Translation)
Military Revolutionary Committee attached to the
Petrograd Soviet of W. & S. D. Commandant's office
16th November, 1917
No. 955

Smolny Institute
PASS
Is given by the present to John Reed, correspondent of the American Socialist press, until
December 1, the right of free entry into Smolny Institute.
Commandant Adjutant
One day as I came up to the outer gate I saw Trotzky and his wife just ahead of me. They
halted by a soldier. Trotzky searched through his pockets, but could find no pass.
“Never mind,” he said finally. “You know me. My name is Trotzky.” “You haven't got a pass
answered the soldier stubbornly.
“You cannot go in. Names don't mean anything to me.” “But I am the president of the Petro
Soviet.”
“Well,” replied the soldier, “if you're as important a fellow as that you must at least have on
paper.”
Trotzky was very patient. “Let me see the Commandant,” he said. The soldier hesitated, gr
something about not wanting to disturb the Commandant for every devil that came along. H
beckoned finally to the soldier in command of the guard. Trotzky explained matters to him.
name is Trotzky,” he repeated.
“Trotzky?” The other soldier scratched his head. “I've heard the name somewhere,” he said
length. “I guess it's all right. You can go on in, comrade. ”
In the corridor I met Karakhan, member of the Bolshevik Central Committee, who explaine
what the new Government would be like.
“A loose organisation, sensitive to the popular will as expressed through the Soviets, allow
forces full play. At present the Provisional Government obstructs the action of the local dem
will, just as the Tsar's Government did. The initiative of the new society shall come from be
The form of the
Government will be modelled on the Constitution of the Russian Social Democratic Labour
The new Tsay-ee-kah, responsible to frequent meetings of the All-Russian Congress of So
be the parliament; the various Ministries will be headed by coIfepia—committees—instead
Ministers, and will be directly responsible to the Soviets. ”
On October 30th, by appointment, I went up to a small, bare room in the attic of Smolny, to
Trotzky. In the middle of the room he sat on a rough chair at a bare table. Few questions fr
were necessary; he talked rapidly and steadily, for more than an hour. The substance of hi
his own words, I give here:
“The Provisional Government is absolutely powerless. The bourgeoisie is in control, but thi
is masked by a fictitious coalition with the oborontsi parties. Now, during the Revolution, on
revolts of peasants who are tired of waiting for their promised land; and all over the country
the toiling classes, the same disgust is evident. This domination by the bourgeoisie is only
by means of civil war. The Kornilov method is the only way by which the bourgeoisie can co
it is force which the bourgeoisie lacks. The
Army is with us. The conciliators and pacifists, Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki, h
all authority—because the struggle between the peasants and the landlords, between the w
and the employers, between the soldiers and the officers, has become more bitter, more
irreconcilable than ever. Only by the concerted action of the popular mass, only by the victo
proletarian dictatorship, can the Revolution be achieved and the people saved....
“The Soviets are the most perfect representatives of the people—perfect in their revolution
experience, in their ideas and objects. Based directly upon the army in the trenches, the wo
the factories, and the peasants in the fields, they are the backbone of the Revolution.
“There has been an attempt to create a power without the Soviets—and only powerlessnes
been created. Counter-revolutionary schemes of all sorts are now being hatched in the cor
the Council of the Russian Republic. The Cadet party represents the counter-revolution mil
the other side, the Soviets represent the cause of the people. Between the two camps ther
groups of serious importance. ... It is the lutte [inale. The bourgeois counter- revolution org
its forces and waits for the moment to attack us. Our answer will be decisive. We will comp
work scarcely begun in March,
and advanced during the Kornilov affair. ”
He went on to speak of the new Government's foreign policy:
“Our first act will be to call for an immediate armistice on all fronts, and a conference of peo
discuss democratic peace terms. The quantity of democracy we get in the peace settlemen
depends on the quantity of revolutionary response there is in Europe. If we create here a
Government of the Soviets, that will be a powerful factor for immediate peace in Europe; fo
Government will address itself directly and immediately to all peoples, over the heads of th
Governments, proposing an armistice. At the moment of the conclusion of peace the press
Russian Revolution will be in the direction of ‘no annexations, no indemnities, the right of s
determination of peoples, and a Federated Republic o[Europe....
“At the end of this war I see Europe recreated, not by the diplomats, but by the proletariat.
Federated Republic of Europe—the United States of Europe— that is what must be. Nation
autonomy no longer suffices. Economic evolution demands the abolition of national frontier
Europe is to remain split into national groups, then Imperialism will recommence its work. O
Federated Republic of Europe can give peace to the world.” He smiled—that fine, faintly iro
smile of his. “But without the action of the European masses, these ends cannot be realise
”
Now while everybody was waiting for the Bolsheviki to appear suddenly on the streets one
and begin to shoot down people with white collars on, the real insurrection took its way quit
naturally and openly.
The Provisional Government planned to send the Petrograd garrison to the front.
The Petrograd garrison numbered about sixty thousand men, who had taken a prominent p
Revolution. It was they who had turned the tide in the great days of March, created the Sov
Soldiers' Deputies, and hurled back Kornilov from the gates of Petrograd.
Now a large pan of them were Bolsheviki. When the Provisional Government talked of evac
the city, it was the Petrograd garrison which answered, “If you are not capable of defending
capital, conclude peace; if you cannot conclude peace, go away and make room for a Peo
Government which can do both. ”
It was evident that any attempt at insurrection depended upon the attitude of the Petrograd
The Government's plan was to replace the garrison regiments with “dependable” troops—C
Death Battalions. The Army Committees, the “moderate” Socialists and the Tsay-ee-kah s
the Government. A wide-spread agitation was carried on at the Front and in Petrograd, em
the fact that for eight months the Petrograd garrison had been leading an easy life in the ba
the capital, while their exhausted comrades in the trenches starved and died.
Naturally there was some truth in the accusation that the garrison regiments were reluctant
exchange their comparative comfort for the hardships of a winter campaign. But there were
reasons why they refused to go. The Petrograd Soviet feared the Government's intentions,
the Front came hundreds of delegates, chosen by the common soldiers, crying, “It is true w
reinforcements, but more important, we must know that Petrograd and the Revolution are w
guarded. ... Do you hold the rear, comrades, and we will hold the front!”
On October 25th, behind closed doors, the Central Committee of the Petrograd Soviet disc
formation of a special Military Committee to decide the whole question. The next day a mee
the Soldiers' Section of the Petrograd Soviet elected a Committee, which immediately proc
boycott of the bourgeois newspapers, and condemned the Tsay-ee-kah for opposing the C
of Soviets. On the 29th, in open session of the Petrograd Soviet, Trotzky proposed that the
formally sanction the Military Revolutionary Committee. “We ought,” he said, “to create our
organisation to march to battle, and if necessary to die....” It was decided to send to the fro
delegations, one from the Soviet and one from the garrison, to confer with the Soldiers' Co
and the General Staff.
At Pskov, the Soviet delegates were met by General Tcheremissov, commander of the Nor
Front, with the curt declaration that he had ordered the Petrograd garrison to the trenches,
was all. The garrison committee was not allowed to leave Petrograd. ...
A delegation of the Soldiers' Section of the Petrograd Soviet asked that a representative be
to the Staff of the Petrograd District. Refused. The Petrograd Soviet demanded that no ord
issued without the approval of the Soldiers' Section. Refused. The delegates were roughly
only recognise
the Tsay-ee-kah. We do not recognise you; if you break any laws, we shall arrest you.”
On the 30th a meeting of representatives of all the Petrograd regiments passed a resolutio
Petrograd garrison no longer recognises the Provisional Government. The Petrograd Sovie
Government. We wilf obey only the orders o[the Petrograd Soviet, through the Military
Revolutionary Committee.” The local military units were ordered to wait for instructions from
Soldiers' Section of the Petrograd Soviet.
Next day the Tsay-ee-kah summoned its own meeting, composed largely of officers, forme
Committee to cooperate with the Staff, and detailed Commissars in all quaners of the city.
A great soldier meeting at Smolny on the 3d resolved:
Saluting the creation of the Military Revolutionary Committee, the Petrograd garrison prom
complete support in all its actions, to unite more closely the front and the rear in the interes
Revolution.
The garrison moreover declares that with the revolutionary proletariat it assures the mainte
revolutionary order in Petrograd. Every attempt at provocation on the part of the Kornilovts
bourgeoisie will be met with merciless resistance.
Now conscious of its power, the Military Revolutionary Committee peremptorily summoned
Petrograd Staff to submit to its control. To all printing plants it gave orders not to publish an
appeals or proclamations without the Committee's authorisation. Armed Commissars visite
Kronversk arsenal and seized great quantities of arms and ammunition, halting a shipment
thousand bayonets which was being sent to Novotcherkask, headquarters of Kaledin. ...
Suddenly awake to the danger, the Government offered immunity if the Committee would
Too late. At midnight November 5th Kerensky himself sent Malevsky to offer the Petrograd
representation on the Staff. The Military Revolutionary Committee accepted. An hour later
Manikovsky, acting Minister of war, countermanded the offer. ...
Tuesday morning, November 6th, the city was thrown into excitement by the appearance o
placard signed, “Military Revolutionary Committee attached to the Petrograd Soviet of Wor
Soldiers' Deputies.”
To the Population of Petrograd. Citizens!
Counter-revolution has raised its criminal head. The Kornilovtsi are mobilising their forces i
crush the All-Russian Congress of Soviets and break the Constituent Assembly. At the sam
the pogromists may attempt to call upon the people of Petrograd for trouble and bloodshed
Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies takes upon itself the guarding of revol
order in the city against counter-revolutionary and pogrom attempts.
The Petrograd garrison will not allow any violence or disorders. The population is invited to
hooligans and Black Hundred agitators and take them to the Soviet Commissars at the nea
barracks. At the first attempt of the Dark Forces to make trouble on the streets of Petrograd
whether robbery or fighting, the criminals will be wiped off the face of the earth!
Citizens! We call upon you to maintain complete quiet and self-possession. The cause of o
Revolution is in strong hands.
List of regiments where there are Commissars of the Military Revolutionary Committee....
On the 3rd the leaders of the Bolsheviki had another historic meeting behind closed doors.
by Zalkind, I waited in the corridor outside the door; and Volodarsky as he came out told m
was going on.
Lenin spoke: “November 6th will be too early. We must have an all-Russian basis for the ris
on the 6th all the delegates to the Congress will not have arrived. ... On the other hand, No
8th will be too late. By that time the Congress will be organised, and it is difficult for a large
organised body of people to take swift, decisive action. We must act on the 7th, the day the
Congress meets, so that we may say to it, ‘Here is the power! What are you going to do w
In a certain upstairs room sat a thin-faced, long-haired individual, once an officer in the arm
Tsar, then revolutionist and exile, a certain Avseenko, called Antonov, mathematician and
player; he was drawing careful plans for the seizure of the capital.
On its side the Government was preparing. Inconspicuously certain of the most loyal regim
from widely-separated divisions, were ordered to Petrograd.
The yunker artillery was drawn into the Winter Palace. Patrols of Cossacks made their app
in the streets, for the first time since the July days. Polkovnikov issued order after order, th
to repress all insubordination with the “utmost energy.” Kishkin, Minister of Public Instructio
worst-hated member of the Cabinet, was appointed Special Commissar to keep order in Pe
he named as assistants two men no less unpopular, Rutenburg and Paltchinsky. Petrograd
Cronstadt and Finland were declared in a state of siege— upon which the bourgeois Novoy
Vremya (New Times) remarked ironically:
Why the state of siege? The Government is no longer a power. It has no moral authority an
not possess the necessary apparatus to use force In the
most favourable circumstances it can only negotiate with any one who consents to parley.
authority goes no farther. ...
Monday morning, the 5th, I dropped in at the Marinsky Palace, to see what was happening
Council of the Russian Republic. Bitter debate on Terestchenko's foreign policy. Echoes of
Burtzev-Verkhovski affair. All the
diplomats present except the Italian ambassador, who everybody said was prostrated by th
disaster....
As I came in, the Left Socialist Revolutionary Karelin was reading aloud an editorial from th
Times which said, “The remedy for Bolshevism is bullets!” Turning to the Cadets he cried, “
what for think, too!”
Voices from the Right, “Yes! Yes!”
“Yes, I know you think so,” answered Karelin, hotly. “But you haven't the courage to try it!”
Then Skobeliev, looking like a matinée idol with his soft blond beard and wavy yellow hair,
apologetically defending the Soviet nakaz. Terestchenko followed, assailed from the Left b
“Resignation! Resignation!” He insisted that the delegates of the Government and of the Ts
kah to Paris should have a common point of view—his own. A few words about the restora
discipline in the army, about war to victory Tumult, and over
the stubborn opposition of the truculent Left, the Council of the Republic passed to the sim
of the day.
There stretched the rows of Bolshevik seats—empty since that first day when they left the
carrying with them so much life. As I went down the stairs it seemed to me that in spite of
wrangling, no real voice from the rough world outside could penetrate this high, cold hall, a
the Provisional Government was wrecked—on the same rock of War and Peace that had w
the Miliukov Ministry.... The doorman grumbled as he put on my coat, “I don't know what is
becoming of poor Russia. All these Mensheviki and Bolsheviki and Trudoviki.... This Ukrai
this Finland and the German imperialists and the English imperialists. I am forty-five years
in all my life I never heard so many words as in this place. ”
In the corridor I met Professor Shatsky, a rat-faced individual in a dapper frock- coat, very i
in the councils of the Cadet party. I asked him what he thought of the much-talked-of Bolsh
vystuplennie. He shrugged, sneering.
“They are cattle—canaille,” he answered. “They will not dare, or if they dare they will soon
flying. From our point of view it will not be bad, for then they will ruin themselves and have
in the Constituent Assembly.. ..
“But, my dear sir, allow me to outline to you my plan for a form of Government to be submit
Constituent Assembly. You see, I am chairman of a commission appointed from this body,
conjunction with the Provisional Government, to work out a constitutional project. ... We wil
legislative assembly of two chambers, such as you have in the United States. In the lower
will be territorial representatives; in the upper, representatives of the liberal professions, ze
Cooperatives—and Trade Unions. ”
Outside a chill, damp wind came from the west, and the cold mud underfoot soaked throug
shoes. Two companies of bunkers passed swinging up the Morskaya, tramping stiffly in the
coats and singing an oldtime crashing chorus, such as the soldiers used to sing under the
At the first cross- street I noticed that the City Militiamen were mounted, and armed with re
bright new holsters; a little group of people stood silently staring at them. At the corner of th
I bought a pamphlet by Lenin, “Will the Bolsheviki be Able to Hold the Power?” paying for it
of the stamps which did duty for small change. The usual street-cars crawled past, citizens
soldiers clinging to the outside in a way to make Theodore P. Shonts green with envy.. .. A
sidewalk a row of deserters in uniform sold cigarettes and sunflower seeds. ...
Up the Nevsky in the sour twilight crowds were battling for the latest papers, and knots of p
were trying to make out the multitudes of appeals (See App. III, Sect. 6) and proclamations
in every flat place; from the Tsay-ee-kah, the Peasants' Soviets, the “moderate” Socialist p
the Army Committees— threatening, cursing, beseeching the workers and soldiers to stay
support the Government. ...
An armoured automobile went slowly up and down, siren screaming. On every corner, in ev
space, thick groups were clustered; arguing soldiers and students. Night came swiftly down
wide-spaced street-lights flickered on, the tides of people flowed endlessly. ... It is always l
Petrograd just before trouble. ...
The city was nervous, starting at every sharp sound. But still no sign from the Bolsheviki; th
soldiers stayed in the barracks, the workmen in the factories. ... We went to a moving pictu
near the Kazan Cathedral—a bloody Italian film of passion and intrigue. Down front were s
soldiers and sailors, staring at the screen in childlike wonder, totally unable to comprehend
there should
be so much violent running about, and so much homicide. ...
From there I hurried to Smolny. In room 10 on the top floor, the Military Revolutionary Com
in continuous session, under the chairmanship of a tow-headed, eighteen-year-old boy na
Lazimir. He stopped, as he passed, to shake hands rather bashfully.
“Peter-Paul Fortress has just come over to us,” said he, with a pleased grin. “A minute ago
word from a regiment that was ordered by the Government to come to Petrograd. The men
suspicious, so they stopped the train at Gatchina and sent a delegation to us. ‘What's the m
they asked. ‘What have you got to say? We have just passed a resolution, “All Power to the
Soviets.”’... The Military Revolutionary Committee sent back word, ‘Brothers! We greet you
name of the Revolution. Stay where you are until further instructions!”’
All telephones, he said, were cut off: but communication with the factories and barracks wa
established by means of military telephonograph apparatus. ...
A steady stream of couriers and Commissars came and went. Outside the door waited a do
volunteers, ready to carry word to the farthest quarters of the city. One of them, a gypsy-fa
in the uniform of a lieutenant, said in French, “Everything is ready to move at the push of a
”
There passed Podvoisky, the thin, bearded civillian whose brain conceived the strategy of
insurrection; Antonov, unshaven, his collar filthy, drunk with loss of sleep; Krylenko, the squ
faced soldier, always smiling, with his violent gestures and tumbling speech; and Dybenko,
bearded sailor with the placid face. These were the men of the hour—and of other hours to
Downstairs in the office of the Factory-Shop Committees sat Seratov, signing orders on the
Government Arsenal for arms—one hundred and fifty rifles for each factory.... Delegates w
line, forty of them....
In the hall I ran into some of the minor Bolshevik leaders. One showed me a revolver. “The
on,” he said, and his face was pale. “Whether we move or not the other side knows it must
or be finished ”
The Petrograd Soviet was meeting day and night. As I came into the great hall Trotzky was
finishing.
“We are asked,” he said, “if we intend to have a vystuplennie. I can give a clear answer to
question. The Petrograd Soviet feels that at last the moment has arrived when the power m
into the hands of the Soviets. This transfer of government will be accomplished by the All-R
Congress. Whether an armed demonstration is necessary will depend on... those who wish
interfere with the All-Russian Congress.. ..
“We feel that our Government, entrusted to the personnel of the Provisional Cabinet, is a p
helpless Government, which only awaits the sweep of the broom of History to give way to a
popular Government. But we are trying to avoid a conflict, even now, to-day. We hope that
Russian Congress will take... into its hands that power and authority which rests upon the o
freedom of the people. If, however, the Government wants to utilise the short period it is e
to live—twenty-four, forty-eight, or seventy-two hours—to attack us, then we shall answer w
counter-attacks, blow for blow, steel for iron!”
Amid cheers he announced that the Left Socialist Revolutionaries had agreed to send
representatives into the Military Revolutionary Committee....
As I left Smolny, at three o'clock in the morning, I noticed that two rapid-firing guns had bee
mounted, one on each side of the door, and that strong patrols of soldiers guarded the gate
the near-by street-corners. Bill Shatov[12] came bounding up the steps. “Well,” he cried, “W
Kerensky sent the yunkers to close down our papers, Soldat and Rabotchi Put. But our tro
down and smashed the Government seals, and now we're sending detachments to seize th
bourgeois newspaper offices!” Exultantly he slapped me on the shoulder, and ran in....
[12] Well known in the American labor movement.
On the morning of the 6th I had business with the censor, whose office was in the Ministry
Foreign Affairs. Everywhere, on all the walls, hysterical appeals to the people to remain “ca
Polkovnikov emitted prikaz after prikaz:
I order all military units and detachments to remain in their barracks until further orders from
Staff of the Military District. ... All officers who act without orders from their superiors will be
martialled for mutiny. I forbid absolutely any execution by soldiers of instructions from othe
organisations....
The morning papers announced that the Government had suppressed the papers Novaya
Zhivoye Slovo, Rabotchi Put and Soldat, and decreed the arrest of the leaders of the Petro
Soviet and the members of the Military Revolutionary Committee....
As I crossed the Palace Square several batteries of yunker artillery came through the Red
jingling trot, and drew up before the Palace. The great red building of the General Staff was
unusually animated, several armoured automobiles ranked before the door, and motors ful
officers were coming and going.. .. The censor was very much excited, like a small boy at a
Kerensky, he said, had just gone to the Council of the Republic to offer his resignation. I hu
down to the Marinsky Palace, arriving at the end of that passionate and almost incoherent
Kerensky's, full of self-justification and bitter denunciation of his enemies.
“I will cite here the most characteristic passage from a whole series of articles published in
Put by Ulianov-Lenin, a state criminal who is in hiding and whom we are trying to find.... Th
criminal has invited the proletariat and the Petrograd garrison to repeat the experience of th
18th of July, and insists upon the immediate necessity for an armed rising. ... Moreover, oth
Bolshevik leaders have taken the floor in a series of meetings, and also made an appeal to
immediate insurrection. Panicularly should be noticed the activity of the present president o
Petrograd Soviet, Bronstein-Trotzky....
“I ought to bring to your notice... that the expressions and the style of a whole series of arti
Rabotchi Put and Soldat resemble absolutely those of Novaya Rus. ... We have to do not s
with the movement of such and such political party, as with the exploitation of the political i
and criminal instincts of a part of the population, a sort of organisation whose object it is to
in Russia, cost what it may, an inconscient movement of destruction and pillage; for given
of mind of the masses, any movement at Petrograd will be followed by the most terrible ma
which will cover with eternal shame the name of free Russia. ...
“... By the admission of Ulianov-Lenin himself, the situation of the extreme left wing of the S
Democrats in Russia is very favourable.” (Here Kerensky read the following quotation from
article.):
Think of it!... The German comrades have only one Liebknecht, without
newspapers, without freedom of meeting, without a Soviet. ... They are opposed by the inc
hostility of all classes of society—and yet the German comrades try to act; while we, having
of newspapers, freedom of meeting, the majority of the Soviets, we, the best-placed interna
proletarians of the entire world, can we refuse to support the German revolutionists and
insurrectionary organisations?...
Kerensky then continued:
“The organisers of rebellion recognise thus implicitly that the most perfect conditions for the
action of a political party obtain now in Russia, administered by a Provisional Government
head of which is, in the eyes of this party, ‘a usurper and a man who has sold himself to the
bourgeoisie, the Minister-President Kerensky. ’
“... The organisers of the insurrection do not come to the aid of the German proletariat, but
German governing classes, and they open the Russian front to the iron fists of Wilhelm and
friends. ... Little matter to the Provisional Government the motives of these people, little ma
they act consciously or unconsciously; but in any case, from this tribune, in full consciousn
responsibility, I quality such acts of a Russian political party as acts of treason to Russia!
“... I place myself at the point of view of the Right, and I propose immediately to proceed to
investigation and make the necessary arrests.” (Uproar from the Left.) “Listen to me!” he cr
powerful voice. “At the moment when the state is in danger, because of conscious or uncon
treason, the Provisional Government, and myself among others, prefer to be killed rather th
the life, the honour and the independence of Russia. ”
At this moment a paper was handed to Kerensky.
“I have just received the proclamation which they are distributing to the regiments. Here is
contents.” Reading: “’The Petrograd Soviet o[ Workers’ and Soldiers’Deputies is menaced.
immediately the regiments to mobilise on a war [ooting and tO aWait new orders. All delay
executiOR 0[ this order will be considered as an act o[treason to the devolution. The Milita
Revolutionary Committee. For the President, PodvoiSkf. The Secretary, Antonov.’
“In reality, this is an attempt to raise the populace against the existing order of things, to br
Constituent and to open the front to the regiments of the iron fist of Wilhelm. ...
“I say ‘populace’ intentionally, because the conscious democracy and its Tsay-ee- kah, all
organisations, all that free Russia glorifies, the good sense, the honour and the conscience
great Russian democracy, protests against these things. ...
“I have not come here with a prayer, but to state my firm conviction that the Provisional Go
which defends at this moment our new liberty—that the new Russian state, destined to a b
future, will find unanimous support except among those who have never dared to face the t
“... The Provisional Government has never violated the liberty of all citizens of the State to
political rights.... But now the Provisional Government.... declares: in this moment those ele
the Russian nation, those groups and parties who have dared to lift their hands against the
of the Russian people, at the same time threatening to open the front to Germany, must be
liquidated with decision!...
“Let the population of Petrograd understand that it will encounter a firm power, and perhaps
last moment good sense, conscience and honour will triumph in the hearts of those who sti
possess them ”
All through this speech, the hall rang with deafening clamour. When the Minister-Presiden
stepped down, pale-faced and wet with perspiration, and strode out with his suite of officer
speaker after speaker from the Left and Centre attacked the Right, all one angry roaring. E
Socialist Revolutionaries, through Gotz:
“The policy of the Bolsheviki is demagogic and criminal, in their exploitation of the popular
discontent. But there is a whole series of popular demands which have received no satisfa
to now.... The questions of peace, land and the democratization of the army ought to be sta
such a fashion that no soldier, peasant or worker would have the least doubt that our Gove
attempting, firmly and infallibly, to solve them.. ..
“We Mensheviki do not wish to provoke a Cabinet crisis, and we are ready to defend the Pr
Government with all our energy, to the last drop of our
blood—if only the Provisional Government, on all these burning questions, will speak the cl
precise words awaited by the people with such
impatience. ”
Then Martov, furious:
“The words of the Minister-President, who allowed himself to speak of ‘populace’ when it is
of the movement of important sections of the proletariat and the army—although led in the
direction—are nothing but an incitement to civil war.”
The order of the day proposed by the Left was voted. It amounted practically to a vote of la
confidence.
1. The armed demonstration which has been preparing for some days past has for its objec
d'etat, threatens to provoke civil war, creates conditions favourable to pogroms and
counterrevolution, the mobilization of counter- revolutionary forces, such as the Black Hund
which will inevitably bring about the impossibility of convoking the Constituent, will cause a
catastrophe, the death of the Revolution, paralyse the economic life of the country and des
Russia;
2. The conditions favourable to this agitation have been created by delay in passing urgent
measures, as well as objective conditions caused by the war and the general disorder. It is
necessary before everything to promulgate at once a decree transmitting the land to the pe
Land Committees, and to adopt an energetic course of action abroad in proposing to the A
proclaim their peace terms and to begin peace-parleys;
3. To cope with Monarchist manifestations and pogromist movements, it is indispensable to
immediate measures to suppress these movements, and for this purpose to create at Petro
Committee of Public Safety, composed of representatives of the Municipality and the organ
revolutionary democracy, acting in contact with the Provisional Government....
It is interesting to note that the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries all rallied to this
resolution.... When Kerensky saw it, however, he summoned Avksentiev to the Winter Pala
explain. If it expressed a lack of confidence in the Provisional Government, he begged Avk
to form a new Cabinet. Dan, Gotz and Avksentiev, the leaders of the “compromisers,” perfo
their
last compromise. ... They explained to Kerensky that it was not meant as a criticism of the
Government!
At the corner of the Morskaya and the Nevsky, squads of soldiers with fixed bayonets were
all private automobiles, turning out the occupants, and ordering them toward the Winter Pa
large crowd had gathered to watch them. Nobody knew whether the soldiers belonged to th
Government or the Military Revolutionary Committee. Up in front of the Kazan Cathedral th
thing was happening, machines being directed back up the Nevsky. Five or six sailors with
came along, laughing excitedly, and fell into conversation with two of the soldiers. On the s
bands were Avrora and Zaria Svobody,— the names of the leading Bolshevik cruisers of t
Fleet. One of them said, “Cronstadt is coming!”... It was as if, in 1792, on the streets of Pa
one had said: “The Marseillais are coming!” For at Cronstadt were twenty-five thousand sa
convinced Bolsheviki and not afraid to die....
Rabotchi i Soldat was just out, all its front page one huge proclamation: SOLDIERS! WORK
CITIZENS!
The enemies of the people passed last night to the offensive. The Kornilovists of the Staff a
to draw in from the suburbs yunkers and volunteer battalions. The Oranienbaum yunkers a
Tsarskoye Selo volunteers refused to come out. A stroke of high treason is being contemp
against the Petrograd
Soviet. ... The campaign of the counter-revolutionists is being directed against the All-Russ
Congress of Soviets on the eve of its opening, against the Constituent Assembly, against t
people. The Petrograd Soviet is guarding the Revolution. The Military Revolutionary Comm
directing the repulse of the conspirators' attack. The entire garrison and proletariat of Petro
ready to deal the enemy of the people a crushing blow.
The Military Revolutionary Committee decrees:
1. All regimental, division and battle-ship Committees, together with the Soviet Commissar
revolutionary organisations, shall meet in continuous session, concentrating in their hands
information about the plans of the conspirators.
2. Not one soldier shall leave his division without permission of the Committee.
3. To send to Smolny at once two delegates from each military unit and five
from each Ward Soviet.
4. All members of the Petrograd Soviet and all delegates to the All-Russian Congress are
immediately to Smolny for an extraordinary meeting.
Counter-revolution has raised its criminal head.
A great danger threatens all the conquests and hopes of the soldiers and workers. But the
the Revolution by far exceed those of its enemies.
The cause of the People is in strong hands. The conspirators will be crushed. No hesitation
doubts! Firmness, steadfastness, discipline, determination! Long live the Revolution!
The Military Revolutionary Committee.
The Petrograd Soviet was meeting continuously at Smolny, a centre of storm, delegates fa
asleep on the floor and rising again to take part in the debate, Trotzky, Kameniev, Volodars
speaking six, eight, twelve hours a day....
I went down to room 18 on the first floor where the Bolshevik delegates were holding caucu
harsh voice steadily booming, the speaker hidden by the crowd: “The compromisers say th
isolated. Pay no attention to them. Once it begins they must be dragged along with us, or e
their following. ”
Here he held up a piece of paper. “We are dragging them! A message has just come from
Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries! They say that they condemn our action, but that
Government attacks us they will not oppose the cause of the proletariat!” Exultant shouting
As night fell the great hall filled with soldiers and workmen, a monstrous dun mass, deep-h
in a blue haze of smoke. The old Tsay-ee-kah had finally decided to welcome the delegate
new Congress which would mean its own ruin—and perhaps the ruin of the revolutionary o
had built. At this meeting, however, only members of the Tsay-ee-kah could vote....
It was after midnight when Gotz took the chair and Dan rose to speak, in a tense silence, w
seemed to me almost menacing.
“The hours in which we live appear in the most tragic colours,” he said. “The enemy is at th
of Petrograd, the forces of the democracy are trying to organise to resist him, and yet we a
bloodshed in the streets of the capital, and famine threatens to destroy, not only our homog
Government, but the Revolution itself....
“The masses are sick and exhausted. They have no interest in the Revolution. If the Bolshe
anything, that will be the end of the Revolution...” (Cries, “That's a lie!)” “The counter-revolu
are waiting with the Bolsheviki to begin riots and massacres.... If there is any vystuplennie
will be no Constituent Assembly....” (Cries, “Lie! Shame!”)
“It is inadmissible that in the zone of military operations the Petrograd garrison shall not su
the orders of the Staff.. .. You must obey the orders of the Staff and of the Tsay-ee-kah ele
you. All Power to the Soviets—that means death! Robbers and thieves are waiting for the
to loot and burn. ... When you have such slogans put before you, ‘Enter the houses, take a
shoes and clothes from the bourgeoisie—”’ (Tumult. Cries, “No such slogan! A lie! A lie!”) “
may stan differently, but it will end that way!
“The Tsay-ee-kah has full power to act, and must be obeyed.... We are not afraid of bayon
The Tsay-ee-kah will defend the Revolution with its body. ”
(Cries, “It was a dead body long ago!”)
Immense continued uproar, in which his voice could be heard screaming, as he pounded th
“Those who are urging this are committing a crime!”
Voice: “You committed a crime long ago, when you captured the power and turned it over t
bourgeoisie!”
Gotz, ringing the chairman's bell: “Silence, or I'llhave you put out!” Voice: “Try it!” (Cheers a
whistling.)
“Now concerning our policy about peace.” (Laughter.) “Unfortunately Russia can no longer
the continuation of the war. There is going to be peace, but not permanent peace—not a de
peace.... To-day, at the Council of the
Republic, in order to avoid bloodshed, we passed an order of the day demanding the surre
the land to the Land Committees and immediate peace negotiations. ...” (Laughter, and cri
late!”)
Then for the Bolsheviki, Trotzky mounted the tribune, borne on a wave of roaring applause
into cheers and a rising house, thunderous. His thin, pointed face was positively Mephistop
its expression of malicious irony.
“Dan's tactics prove that the masses—the great, dull, indifferent masses—are absolutely w
(Titantic mirth.) He turned toward the chairman, dramatically. “When we spoke of giving the
the peasants, you were against it. We told the peasants, ‘If they don't give it to you, take i
yourselves!’ and the peasants followed our advice. And now you advocate what we did six
ago....
“I don't think Kerensky's order to suspend the death penalty in the army was dictated by hi
think Kerensky was persuaded by the Petrograd garrison, which refused to obey him....
“To-day Dan is accused of having made a speech in the Council of the Republic which pro
to be a secret Bolshevik. ... The time may come when Dan will say that the flower of the Re
participated in the rising of July 16th and 18th.... In Dan's resolution to-day at the Council o
Republic there was no mention of enforcing discipline in the army, although that is urged in
propaganda of his party. ...
“No. The history of the last seven months shows that the masses have left the Mensheviki.
Mensheviki and the Socialist Revolutionaries conquered the Cadets, and then when they g
power, they gave it to the Cadets.. ..
“Dan tells you that you have no right to make an insurrection. Insurrection is the right of all
revolutionists! When the down-trodden masses revolt, it is their right. ”
Then the long-faced, cruel-tongued Lieber, greeted with groans and laughter.
“Engels and Marx said that the proletariat had no right to take power until it was ready for it
bourgeois revolution like this.... the seizure of power by the masses means the tragic end o
Revolution.... Trotzky, as a Social Democratic theorist, is himself opposed to what he is no
advocating.. ..” (Cries,
“Enough! Down with him!”)
Martov, constantly interrupted: “The Internationalists are not opposed to the transmission o
to the democracy, but they disapprove of the methods of the Bolsheviki. This is not the mo
seize the power. ”
Again Dan took the floor, violently protesting against the action of the Military Revolutionary
Committee, which had sent a Commissar to seize the office of Izviestia and censor the pap
wildest uproar followed. Martov tried to speak, but could not be heard. Delegates of the Arm
the Baltic Fleet stood up all over the hall, shouting that the Soviet was their Government. ..
Amid the wildest confusion Ehrlich offered a resolution, appealing to the workers and soldie
remain calm and not to respond to provocations to demonstrate, recognising the necessity
immediately creating a Committee of Public Safety, and asking the Provisional Governmen
to pass decrees transferring the land to the peasants and beginning peace negotiations....
Then up leaped Volodarsky, shouting harshly that the Tsay-ee-kah, on the eve of the Cong
no right to assume the functions of the Congress. The Tsay-ee- kah was practically dead, h
and the resolution was simply a trick to bolster up its waning power....
“As for us, Bolsheviki, we will not vote on this resolution!” Whereupon all the Bolsheviki left
and the resolution was passed. ...
Toward four in the morning I met Zorin in the outer hall, a rifle slung from his shoulder.
“We're moving!” (See App. III, Sect. 7) said he, calmly but with satisfaction. “We pinched th
Assistant Minister of Justice and the Minister of Religions. They're down cellar now. One re
on the march to capture the Telephone Exchange, another the Telegraph Agency, another
Bank. The Red Guard is out. ”
On the steps of Smolny, in the chill dark, we first saw the Red Guard—a huddled group of b
workmen's clothes, carrying guns with bayonets, talking nervously together.
Far over the still roofs westward came the sound of scattered rifle fire, where the
yunkers were trying to open the bridges over the Neva, to prevent the factory workers and
of the Viborg quarter from joining the Soviet forces in the centre of the city; and the Cronsta
were closing them again....
Behind us great Smolny, bright with lights, hummed like a gigantic hive....

Chapter IV
The Fall of the Provisional Government
Wednesday, November 7th, I rose very late. The noon cannon boomed from Peter-Paul as
down the Nevsky. It was a raw, chill day. In front of the State Bank some soldiers with fixe
bayonets were standing at the closed gates.
“What side do you belong to?” I asked. “The Government?”
“No more Government,” one answered with a grin, “Slava Bogu! Glory to God!” That was a
get out of him....
The street-cars were running on the Nevsky, men, women and small boys hanging on ever
projection. Shops were open, and there seemed even less uneasiness among the street cr
than there had been the day before. A whole crop of new appeals against insurrection had
blossomed out on the walls during the night—to the peasants, to the soldiers at the front, to
workmen of Petrograd. One read:

FROM THE PETROGRAD MUNICIPAL DUMA:

The Municipal Duma informs the citizens that in the extraordinary meeting of November 6th
Duma formed a Committee of Public Safety, composed of members of the Central and Wa
Dumas, and representatives of the following revolutionary democratic organizations: The T
kah, the All-Russian Executive Committee of Peasant Deputies, the Army organisations, th
Tsentropot, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (!), the Council of Trad
Unions, and others.
Members of the Committee of Public Safety will be on duty in the building of the Municipal
Telephones No. 15-40, 223-77, 138-36.
November 7th, 1917.
Though I didn't realize it then, this was the Duma's declaration of war against the Bolshevik
I bought a copy of Rabotchi Put, the only newspaper which seemed on sale, and a little late
soldier fifty kopeks for a second-hand copy of Dren. The Bolshevik paper, printed on large-
sheets in the conquered office of the Russkaya Vofia, had huge headlines: “ALL POWER—
SOVIETS OF WORKERS, SOLDIERS AND PEASANTS! PEACE! BREAD! LAND!” The
leading article was signed “Zinoviev,”—Lenin’s companion in hiding. It began:
Every soldier, every worker, every real Socialist, every honest democrat realises that there
two alternatives to the present situation.
Either—the power will remain in the hands of the bourgeois-landlord crew, and this will mea
kind of repression for the workers, soldiers and peasants, continuation of the war, inevitabl
and death. . ..
Or—the power will be transferred to the hands of the revolutionary workers, soldiers and pe
and in that case it will mean a complete abolition of landlord tyranny, immediate check of t
capitalists, immediate proposal of a just peace. Then the land is assured to the peasants, t
control of industry is assured to the workers, then bread is assured to the hungry, then the
this nonsensical war!...
Dren contained fragmentary news of the agitated night. Bolsheviki capture of the Telephon
Exchange, the Baltic station, the Telegraph Agency; the Peterhof yunkers unable to reach
Petrograd; the Cossacks undecided; arrest of some of the Ministers; shooting of Chief of th
Militia Meyer; arrests, counter-arrests, skirmishes between clashing patrols of soldiers, yun
Red Guards. (See App. IV, Sect. 1)
On the corner of the Morskaya I ran into Captain Gomberg, Menshevik oboronetz, secretar
Military Section of his party. When I asked him if the insurrection had really happened he s
his shoulders in a tired manner and replied, “Tchorf znayef! The devil knows! Well, perhap
Bolsheviki can seize the power, but they won't be able to hold it more than three days. The
the men to run a government. Perhaps it's a good thing to let them try—that will furnish the
The Military Hotel at the corner of St. Isaac's Square was picketed by armed sailors. In the
were many of the smart young officers, walking up and down or muttering together; the sai
wouldn't let them leave. ...
Suddenly came the sharp crack of a rifle outside, followed by a scattered burst of firing. I ra
Something unusual was going on around the Marinsky Palace, where the Council of the Ru
Republic met. Diagonally across the wide square was drawn a line of soldiers, rifles ready,
the hotel roof.
“Provacatzia! Shot at us!” snapped one, while another went running toward the door.
At the western corner of the Palace lay a big armoured car with a red flag flying from it, new
lettered in red paint: “S.R.S.D.” psoviet Rabotchikh Soldatskikh Deputatov); all the guns tr
toward St. Isaac's. A barricade had been heaped up across the mouth of Novaya Ulitza—b
barrels, an old bed-spring, a wagon. A pile of lumber barred the end of the Moika quay. Sh
from a neighbouring wood-pile were being built up along the front of the building to form
breastworks....
“Is there going to be any fighting?” I asked.
“Soon, soon,” answered a soldier, nervously. “Go away, comrade, you'll get hurt. They will
from that direction,” pointing toward the Admiralty.
“Who will?”
“That I couldn't tell you, brother,” he answered, and spat.
Before the door of the Palace was a crowd of soldiers and sailors. A sailor was telling of th
the Council of the Russian Republic. “We walked in there,” he said, “and filled all the doors
comrades. I went up to the counter- revolutionist Kornilovitz who sat in the president's cha
more Council, I says. ‘Run along home now!”’
There was laughter. By waving assorted papers I managed to get around to the door of the
gallery. There an enormous smiling sailor stopped me, and when I showed my pass, just sa
you were Saint Michael himself, comrade, you couldn't pass here!” Through the glass of th
made out the distorted face and gesticulating arms of a French correspondent, locked in....
Around in front stood a little, grey-moustached man in the uniform of a general, the centre o
of soldiers. He was very red in the face.
“I am General Alexeyev,” he cried. “As your superior officer and as a member of the Counc
Republic I demand to be allowed to pass!” The guard scratched his head, looking uneasily
corner of his eye; he beckoned to an approaching officer, who grew very agitated when he
it was and saluted before he realised what he was doing.
“Vashe Vuisokoprevoskhoditelstvo—yow: High Excellency—” he stammered, in the manne
old régime, “Access to the Palace is strictly forbidden—I have no right—”
An automobile came by, and I saw Gotz sitting inside, laughing apparently with great amus
few minutes later another, with armed soldiers on the front seat, full of arrested members o
Provisional Government. Peters, Lettish member of the Military Revolutionary Committee, c
hurrying across the Square.
“I thought you bagged all those gentlemen last night,” said I, pointing to them.
“Oh,” he answered, with the expression of a disappointed small boy. “The damn fools let m
them go again before we made up our minds ”
Down the Voskressensky Prospect a great mass of sailors were drawn up, and behind them
marching soldiers, as far as the eye could reach.
We went toward the Winter Palace by way of the Admiralteisky. All the entrances to the Pa
Square were closed by sentries, and a cordon of troops stretched clear across the western
besieged by an uneasy throng of citizens. Except for far-away soldiers who seemed to be c
wood out of the Palace courtyard and piling it in front of the main gateway, everything was
We couldn't make out whether the sentries were pro-Government or pro-Soviet. Our paper
Smolny had no effect, however, so we approached another part of the line with an imponan
showed our American passports, saying “Official business!” and shouldered through. At the
the Palace the same old shveitzari, in their brass-buttoned blue uniforms with the red-and-g
collars, politely took our coats and hats, and we went up-stairs. In the dark, gloomy corrido
of its tapestries, a few old attendants were lounging
about, and in front of Kerensky's door a young officer paced up and down, gnawing his mo
We asked if we could interview the Minister-president. He bowed and clicked his heels.
“No, I am sorry,” he replied in French. “Alexander Feodorvitch is extremely occupied just no
looked at us for a moment. “In fact, he is not here. ”
“Where is he?”
“He has gone to the Front. (See App. IV, Sect. 2) And do you know, there wasn't enough g
for his automobile. We had to send to the English Hospital and borrow some.”
“Are the Ministers here?”
“They are meeting in some room—I don't know where.’ “Are the Bolsheviki coming?”
“OI course. Certainly, they are coming. I expect a telephone call every minute to say that th
coming. But we are ready. We have bunkers in the front of the Palace. Through that door t
“Can we go in there?”
“No. Certainly not. It is not permitted.” Abruptly he shook hands all around and walked awa
turned to the forbidden door, set in a temporary partition dividing the hall and locked on the
On the other side were voices, and somebody laughing. Except for that the vast spaces of
Palace were silent as the grave. An old shveitzar ran up. “No, barin, you must not go in the
“Why is the door locked?”
“To keep the soldiers in,” he answered. After a few minutes he said something about havin
of tea and went back up the hall. We unlocked the door.
Just inside a couple of soldiers stood on guard, but they said nothing. At the end of the cor
a large, ornate room with gilded cornices and enormous crystal lustres, and beyond it seve
smaller ones, wainscoted with dark wood. On both sides of the parquetted floor lay rows of
mattresses and blankets,
upon which occasional soldiers were stretched out; everywhere was a litter of cigarette-but
bread, cloth, and empty bottles with expensive French labels. More and more soldiers, with
shoulder-straps of the yunker- schools, moved about in a stale atmosphere of tobacco-smo
unwashed humanity. One had a bottle of white Burgundy, evidently filched from the cellars
Palace. They looked at us with astonishment as we marched past, through room after room
last we came out into a series of great state-salons, fronting their long and dirty windows o
Square. The walls were covered with huge canvases in massive gilt frames—historical batt
scenes. “12
October 1812” and “6 November 1812” and “16/28 August 1813.” One had a
gash across the upper right hand corner.
The place was all a huge barrack, and evidently had been for weeks, from the look of the fl
walls. Machine guns were mounted on window-sills, rifles stacked between the mattresses
As we were looking at the pictures an alcoholic breath assailed me from the region of my le
and a voice said in thick but fluent French, “I see, by the way you admire the paintings, tha
foreigners.” He was a short, puffy man with a baldish head as he removed his cap.
“Americans? Enchanted. I am Stabs—Capitan Vladimir Artzibashev, absolutely at your ser
did not seem to occur to him that there was anything unusual in four strangers, one a wom
wandering through the defences of an army awaiting attack. He began to complain of the s
Russia.
“Not only these Bolsheviki,” he said, “but the fine traditions of the Russian army are broken
Look around you. These are all students in the officers' training schools. But are they gent
Kerensky opened the officers' schools to the ranks, to any soldier who could pass an exam
Naturally there are many, many who are contaminated by the Revolution. ”
Without consequence he changed the subject. “I am very anxious to go away from Russia
made up my mind to join the American army. Will you please go to your Consul and make
arrangements? I will give you my address.” In spite of our protestations he wrote it on a pie
paper, and seemed to feel better at once. I have it still—“Oranien-baumskaya Shkola
Praporshtchikov 2nd, Staraya Peterho[.”
“We had a review this morning early,” he went on, as he guided us through the rooms and
everything. “The Women's Battalion decided to remain loyal to the Government.”
“Are the women soldiers in the Palace?”
“Yes, they are in the back rooms, where they won't be hurt if any trouble comes.” He sigh
a great responsibility,” said he.
For a while we stood at the window, looking down on the Square before the Palace, where
companies of long-coated bunkers were drawn up under arms, being harangued by a tall, e
looking officer I recognised as Stankievitch, chief Military Commissar of the Provisional Go
After a few minutes two of the companies shouldered arms with a clash, barked three shar
and went swinging off across the Square, disappearing through the Red Arch into the quiet
“They are going to capture the Telephone Exchange,” said some one. Three cadets stood
and we fell into conversation. They said they had entered the schools from the ranks, and g
names—Robert Olev, Alexei Vasilienko and Erni Sachs, an Esthonian. But now they didn't
be officers any more, because officers were very unpopular. They didn't seem to know wha
as a matter of fact, and it was plain that they were not happy.
But soon they began to boast. “If the Bolsheviki come we shall show them how to fight. Th
dare to fight, they are cowards. But if we should be overpowered, well, every man keeps o
for himself. ”
At this point there was a burst of rifle-fire not far off. Out on the Square all the people bega
falling flat on their faces, and the izvoshfchiki, standing on the corners, galloped in every di
Inside all was uproar, soldiers running here and there, grabbing up guns, rifle-belts and sho
“Here they come!
Here they come!” ... But in a few minutes it quieted down again. The izvoshfchiki came bac
people lying down stood up. Through the Red Arch appeared the yunkers, marching a little
step, one of them supported by two comrades.
It was getting late when we left the Palace. The sentries in the Square had all disappeared
great semi-circle of Government buildings seemed deserted. We went into the Hotel Franc
dinner, and right in the middle of soup the
waiter, very pale in the face, came up and insisted that we move to the main dining-room a
of the house, because they were going to put out the lights in the café. “There will be much
shooting,” he said.
When we came out on the Morskaya again it was quite dark, except for one flickering stree
the corner of the Nevsky. Under this stood a big armored automobile, with racing engine an
smoke pouring out of it. A small boy had climbed up the side of the thing and was looking d
barrel of a machine gun. Soldiers and sailors stood around, evidently waiting for something
walked back up to the Red Arch, where a knot of soldiers was gathered staring at the brigh
Winter Palace and talking in loud tones.
“No, comrades,” one was saying. “How can we shoot at them? The Women's Battalion is in
they will say we have fired on Russian women.”
As we reached the Nevsky again another armoured car came around the corner, and a ma
his head out of the turret-top.
“Come on!” he yelled. “Let's go on through and attack!”
The driver of the other car came over, and shouted so as to be heard above the roaring en
“The Committee says to wait. They have got artillery behind the wood-piles in there. ”
Here the street-cars had stopped running, few people passed, and there were no lights; bu
blocks away we could see the trams, the crowds, the lighted shop-windows and the electric
the moving-picture shows—life going on as usual. We had tickets to the Ballet at the Marin
Theatre—all theatres were open—but it was too exciting out of doors....
In the darkness we stumbled over lumber-piles barricading the Police Bridge, and before t
Stroganov Palace made out some soldiers wheeling into position a three-inch field-gun. Me
various uniforms were coming and going in an aimless way, and doing a great deal of talkin
Up the Nevsky the whole city seemed to be out promenading. On every corner immense cr
were massed around a core of hot discussion. Pickets of a dozen soldiers with fixed bayon
lounged at the street-crossings, red-faced old men in rich fur coats shook their fists at them
dressed women screamed epithets; the soldiers argued feebly, with embarrassed grins. A
cars
went up and down the street, named after the first Tsars—Oleg, Rurik, Svietoslav—and da
huge red letters, “R. S. D. R. P.” (Rossiskaya Parfia)[13]. At the Mikhailovsky a man appea
an armful of newspapers, and was immediately stormed by frantic people, offering a rouble
roubles, ten roubles, tearing at each other like animals. It was Rabotchi i Soldat, announci
victory of the Proletarian Revolution, the liberation of the Bolsheviki still in prison, calling up
Army front and rear for support... a feverish little sheet of four pages, running to enormous
containing no news. ...
[13] (Russian Social Democratic Labor Party).
On the corner of the Sadovaya about two thousand citizens had gathered, staring up at the
tall building, where a tiny red spark glowed and waned.
“See!” said a tall peasant, pointing to it. “It is a provocator. Presently he will fire on the peo
Apparently no one thought of going to investigate.
The massive facade of Smolny blazed with lights as we drove up, and from every street co
upon it streams of hurrying shapes dim in the gloom. Automobiles and motorcycles came a
an enormous elephant-coloured armoured automobile, with two red flags flying from the tur
lumbered out with screaming siren. It was cold, and at the outer gate the Red Guards had
themselves a bon-fire. At the inner gate, too, there was a blaze, by the light of which the se
slowly spelled out our passes and looked us up and down. The canvas covers had been ta
the four rapid-fire guns on each side of the doorway, and the ammunition-belts hung snake
their breeches. A dun herd of armoured cars stood under the trees in the court-yard, engin
The long, bare, dimly-illuminated halls roared with the thunder of feet, calling, shouting.... T
an atmosphere of recklessness. A crowd came pouring down the staircase, workers in blac
and round black fur hats, many of them with guns slung over their shoulders, soldiers in rou
coloured coats and grey fur shapki pinched flat, a leader or so—Lunatcharsky, Kameniev—
along in the centre of a group all talking at once, with harassed anxious faces, and bulging
under their arms. The extraordinary meeting of the Petrograd Soviet was over. I stopped K
—a quick moving little man, with a wide, vivacious face set close to his shoulders. Without
he read in rapid French a copy of the resolution just passed:
The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, saluting the victorious Revolution
Petrograd proletariat and garrison, particularly emphasises the unity, organisation, disciplin
complete cooperation shown by the masses in this rising; rarely has less blood been spilled
rarely has an insurrection succeeded so well.
The Soviet expresses its firm conviction that the Workers' and Peasants' Government whic
government of the Soviets, will be created by the Revolution, and which will assure the indu
proletariat of the support of the entire mass of poor peasants, will march firmly toward Soci
only means by which the country can be spared the miseries and unheard-of horrors of wa
The new Workers' and Peasants' Government will propose immediately a just and democra
to all the belligerent countries.
It will suppress immediately the great landed property, and transfer the land to the peasan
establish workmen's control over production and distribution of manufactured products, and
up a general control over the banks, which it will transform into a state monopoly.
The Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies calls upon the workers and the pe
Russia to support with all their energy and all their devotion the Proletarian Revolution. The
expresses its conviction that the city workers, allies of the poor peasants, will assure comp
revolutionary order, indispensable to the victory of Socialism. The Soviet is convinced that
proletariat of the countries of Western Europe will aid us in conducting the cause of Sociali
real and lasting victory.
“You consider it won then?”
He lifted his shoulders. “There is much to do. Horribly much. It is just beginning. ”
On the landing I met Riazanov, vice-president of the Trade Unions, looking black and biting
beard. “It's insane! Insane!” he shouted. “The European working-class won't move! All Rus
waved his hand distractedly and ran off. Riazanov and Kameniev had both opposed the ins
and felt the lash of Lenin's terrible tongue. ...
It had been a momentous session. In the name of the Military Revolutionary Committee Tr
declared that the Provisional Government no longer existed.
“The characteristic of bourgeois governments,” he said, “is to deceive the people. We, the
of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, are going to try an experiment unique in his
are going to found a power which will have no other aim but to satisfy the needs of the sold
workers, and peasants.”
Lenin had appeared, welcomed with a mighty ovation, prophesying world-wide Social Revo
And Zinoviev, crying, “This day we have paid our debt to the international proletariat, and s
terrible blow at the war, a terrible body- blow at all the imperialists and particularly at Wilhe
Executioner ”
Then Trotzky, that telegrams had been sent to the front announcing the victorious insurrec
no reply had come. Troops were said to be marching against Petrograd—a delegation mus
to tell them the truth.
Cries, “You are anticipating the will of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets!”
Trotzky, coldly, “The will of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets has been anticipated by th
the Petrograd workers and soldiers!”
So we came into the great meeting-hall, pushing through the clamorous mob at the door. In
rows of seats, under the white chandeliers, packed immovably in the aisles and on the side
perched on every window-sill, and even the edge of the platform, the representatives of the
and soldiers of all Russia waited in anxious silence or wild exultation the ringing of the chai
bell. There was no heat in the hall but the stifling heat of unwashed human bodies. A foul b
of cigarette smoke rose from the mass and hung in the thick air.
Occasionally some one in authority mounted the tribune and asked the comrades not to sm
then everybody, smokers and all, took up the cry “Don't smoke, comrades!” and went on sm
Petrovsky, Anarchist delegate from the Obukhov factory, made a seat for me beside him. U
and filthy, he was reeling from three nights' sleepless work on the Military Revolutionary Co
On the platform sat the leaders of the old Tsay-ee-kah—toy the last time
dominating the turbulent Soviets, which they had ruled from the first days, and which were
against them. It was the end of the first period of the Russian revolution, which these men
attempted to guide in careful ways. ... The three greatest of them were not there: Kerensky
the front through country towns all doubtfully heaving up; Tcheidze, the old eagle, who had
contemptuously retired to his own Georgian mountains, there to sicken with consumption; a
high-souled Tseretelli, also mortally stricken, who, nevertheless, would return and pour out
beautiful eloquence for a lost cause. Gotz sat there, Dan, Lieber, Bogdanov, Broido, Fil1ipo
white-faced, hollow-eyed and indignant. Below them the second siezd of the All-Russian S
boiled and swirled, and over their heads the Military Revolutionary Committee functioned w
holding in its hands the threads of insurrection and striking with a long arm. ... It was 10.40
Dan, a mild-faced, baldish figure in a shapeless military surgeon's uniform, was ringing the
Silence fell sharply, intense, broken by the scuffling and disputing of the people at the door
“We have the power in our hands,” he began sadly, stopped for a moment, and then went o
low voice. “Comrades! The Congress of Soviets in meeting in such unusual circumstances
such an extraordinary moment that you will understand why the Tsay-ee-kah considers it
unnecessary to address you with a political speech. This will become much clearer to you i
recollect that I am a member of the Tsay-ee-kah, and that at this very moment our party co
are in the Winter Palace under bombardment, sacrificing themselves to execute the duty p
them by the Tsay-ee-kah.” (Confused uproar.)
“I declare the first session of the Second Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' De
open!”
The election of the presidium took place amid stir and moving about. Avanessov announce
agreement of the Bolsheviki, Left Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki Internationalists
decided to base the presidium upon proportionality. Several Mensheviki leaped to their fee
protesting. A bearded soldier shouted at them, “Remember what you did to us Bolsheviki w
were the minority!” Result—14 Bolsheviki, 7 Socialist Revolutionaries, 3 Mensheviki and 1
Internationalist (Gorky's group). Hendelmann, for the right and centre Socialist Revolutiona
that they refused to take part in the presidium; the same from Kintchuk, for the Mensheviki;
the
Mensheviki Internationalists, that until the verification of certain circumstances, they too co
enter the presidium. Scattering applause and hoots. One voice, “Renegades, you call yours
Socialists!” A representative of the Ukrainean delegates demanded, and received, a place.
old Tsay-ee-kah stepped down, and in their places appeared Trotzky, Kameniev, Lunatcha
Madame Kollentai, Nogin. ... The hall rose, thundering. How far they had soared, these Bol
from a despised and hunted sect less than four months ago, to this supreme place, the hel
great Russia in full tide of insurrection!
The order of the day, said Kameniev, was first, Organisation of Power; second, War and Pe
third, the Constituent Assembly. Lozovsky, rising, announced that upon agreement of the b
all factions, it was proposed to hear and discuss the report of the Petrograd Soviet, then to
floor to members of the Tsay-ee-kah and the different parties, and finally to pass to the ord
day.
But suddenly a new sound made itself heard, deeper than the tumult of the crowd, persiste
disquieting,—the dull shock of guns. People looked anxiously toward the clouded windows
sort of fever came over them. Martov, demanding the floor, croaked hoarsely, “The civil wa
beginning, comrades!
The first question must be a peaceful settlement of the crisis. On principle and from a politi
standpoint we must urgently discuss a means of averting civil war. Our brothers are being
in the streets! At this moment, when before the opening of the Congress of Soviets the que
Power is being settled by means of a military plot organised by one of the revolutionary par
—” for a moment he could not make himself heard above the noise, “All of the revolutionary
must face the fact! The first vopros (question) before the Congress is the question of Powe
this question is already being settled by force of arms in the streets!... We must create a po
which will be recognised by the whole democracy. If the Congress wishes to be the voice
revolutionary democracy it must not sit with folded hands before the developing civil war, th
of which may be a dangerous outburst of counter- revolution.... The possibility of a peacefu
outcome lies in the formation of a united democratic authority. ... We must elect a delegatio
negotiate with the other Socialist parties and organisation. ”
Always the methodical muffled boom of cannon through the windows, and the delegates, s
at each other. ... So, with the crash of artillery, in the dark, with hatred, and fear, and reckle
daring, new Russia was being born.
The Left Socialist Revolutionaries and the United Social Democrats supported Martov's pro
It was accepted. A soldier announced that the All-Russian Peasants' Soviets had refused
delegates to the Congress; he proposed that a committee be sent with a formal invitation. “
delegates are present,” he said. “I move that they be given votes.” Accepted.
Kharash, wearing the epaulets of a captain, passionately demanded the floor. “The politica
hypocrites who control this Congress,” he shouted, “told us we were to settle the question o
—and it is being settled behind our backs, before the Congress opens! Blows are being str
against the Winter Palace, and it is by such blows that the nails are being driven into the co
political party which has risked such an adventure!” Uproar. Followed him Gharra: “While w
here discussing propositions of peace, there is a battle on in the streets. . .. The Socialist
Revolutionaries and the Mensheviki refuse to be involved in what is happening, and call up
public forces to resist the attempt to capture the power. ...” Kutchin, delegate of the 12th Ar
representative of the Troudoviki: “I was sent here only for information, and I am returning a
the Front, where all the Army Committees consider that the taking of power by the Soviets,
three weeks before the Constituent Assembly, is a stab in the back of the Army and a crim
the people—!” Shouts of “Lie! You lie!”... When he could be heard again, “Let's make an en
adventure in Petrograd! I call upon all delegates to leave this hall in order to save the coun
the Revolution!” As he went down the aisle in the midst of a deafening noise, people surge
him, threatening. Then Khintchuk,
an officer with a long brown goatee, speaking suavely and persuasively: “I speak for the d
from the Front. The Army is imperfectly represented in this Congress, and furthermore, the
does not consider the Congress of Soviets necessary at this time, only three weeks before
opening of the Constituent—” shouts and stamping, always growing more violent. “The Arm
not consider that the Congress of Soviets has the necessary authority—” Soldiers began to
all over the hall.
“Who are you speaking for? What do you represent?” they cried.
“The Central Executive Committee of the Soviet of the Fifth Army, the Second F
— regiment, the First N— Regiment, the Third S— Rifles. ”
“When were you elected? You represent the officers, not the soldiers! What do the soldiers
about it?” Jeers and hoots.
“We, the Front group, disclaim all responsibility for what has happened and is happening, a
consider it necessary to mobilise all self-conscious revolutionary forces for the salvation of
Revolution! The Front group will leave the Congress. . .. The place to fight is out on the stre
Immense bawling outcry. “You speak for the Staff—not for the Army!” “I appeal to all reaso
soldiers to leave this Congress!” “Kornilovitz! Counter-revolutionist! Provocator!” were hurle
On behalf of the Mensheviki, Khintchuk then announced that the only possibility of a peace
solution was to begin negotiations with the Provisional Government for the formation of a n
Cabinet, which would find support in all strata of society. He could not proceed for several
Raising his voice to a shout he read the Menshevik declaration:
“Because the Bolsheviki have made a military conspiracy with the aid of the Petrograd Sov
without consulting the other factions and parties, we find it impossible to remain in the Con
and therefore withdraw, inviting the other groups to follow us and to meet for discussion of
situation!”
“Deserter!” At intervals in the almost continuous disturbance Hendelman, for the Socialist
Revolutionaries, could be heard protesting against the bombardment of the Winter Palace.
are opposed to this kind of anarchy. ”
Scarcely had he stepped down than a young, lean-faced soldier, with flashing eyes, leaped
platform, and dramatically lifted his hand:
“Comrades!” he cried and there was a hush. “My {amilia (name) is Peterson—I speak for th
Lettish Rifles. You have heard the statements of two representatives of the Army committe
statements would have some value i{their authors had been representatives o[the Army—”
applause. “But they do not represent the soldiers!” Shaking his fist. “The Twelfth Army has
insisting for a long time upon the re-election of the Great Soviet and the Army Committee, b
as your own Tsay-ee-kah, our Committee refused to call a meeting of the representatives o
masses until the end of September, so that the reactionaries could elect their own false de
this Congress. I tell you now, the Lettish soldiers have many times said, ‘No more resolutio
No more talk! We want deeds—the Power must be in our hands!’ Let these impostor deleg
leave the Congress! The Army is not with them!”
The hall rocked with cheering. In the first moments of the session, stunned by the rapidity o
startled by the sound of cannon, the delegates had hesitated. For an hour hammer-blow af
hammer-blow had fallen from that tribune, welding them together but beating them down. D
stand then alone? Was Russia rising against them? Was it true that the Army was marchin
Petrograd? Then this clear-eyed young soldier had spoken, and in a flash they knew it for
truth. ... This was the voice of the soldiers—the stirring millions of uniformed workers and p
were men like them, and their thoughts and feelings were the same...
More soldiers ... Gzhelshakh; for the Front delegates, announcing that they had only decid
leave the Congress by a small majority, and that the Bolshevik members had not even take
the vote, as they stood for division according to political parties, and not groups. “Hundred
delegates from the Front,” he said, “are being elected without the participation of the soldie
because the Army Committees are no longer the real representatives of the rank and file...
Lukianov, crying that officers like Kharash and Khintchuk could not represent the Army in th
congress,—but only the high command. “The real
inhabitants of the trenches want with all their hearts the transfer of Power into the hands of
Soviets, and they expect very much from it!”... The tide was turning.
Then came Abramovitch, for the Bund, the organ of the Jewish Social Democrats—his eye
snapping behind thick glasses, trembling with rage.
“What is taking place now in Petrograd is a monstrous calamity! The Bund group joins with
declaration of the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries and will leave the Congress!” H
his voice and hand. “Our duty to the Russian proletariat doesn't permit us to remain here a
responsible for these crimes. Because the firing on the Winter Palace doesn't cease, the M
Duma together with the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries, and the Executive Comm
the Peasants' Soviet, has decided to perish with the Provisional Government, and we are g
them! Unarmed we will expose our breasts to the machine guns of the Terrorists. ... We inv
delegates to this Congress—” The rest was lost in a storm of hoots, menaces and curses w
to a hellish pitch as fifty delegates got up and pushed their way
out.. ..
Kameniev jangled the bell, shouting, “Keep your seats and we'll go on with our business!” A
Trotzky, standing up with a pale, cruel face, letting out his rich voice in cool contempt, “All t
called Socialist compromisers, these frightened Mensheviki, Socialist Revolutionaries, Bun
them go! They are just so much refuse which will be swept into the garbage-heap of history
Riazanov, for the Bolsheviki, stated that at the request of the City Duma the Military Revolu
Committee had sent a delegation to offer negotiations to the Winter Palace. “In this way w
done everything possible to avoid blood-shed. ”
We hurried from the place, stopping for a moment at the room where the Military Revolutio
Committee worked at furious speed, engulfing and spitting out panting couriers, despatchin
Commissars armed with power of life and death to all the corners of the city, amid the buzz
telephonographs.
The door opened, a blast of stale air and cigarette smoke rushed out, we caught a glimpse
dishevelled men bending over a map under the glare of a shaded electric-light.... Comrade
Josephov-Dukhvinski, a smiling youth with a mop of pale yellow hair, made out passes for
When we came into the chill night, all the front of Smolny was one huge park of arriving an
departing automobiles, above the sound of which could be heard the far-off slow beat of th
A great motor-truck stood there, shaking to the roar of its engine. Men were tossing bundle
and others receiving them, with guns beside them.
“Where are you going?” I shouted.
“Down-town—all over—everywhere!” answered a little workman, grinning, with a large exul
gesture.
We showed our passes. “Come along!” they invited. “But there'll probably be shooting—” W
climbed in; the clutch slid home with a raking jar, the great car jerked forward, we all topple
backward on top of those who were climbing in; past the huge fire by the gate, and then the
the outer gate, glowing red on the faces of the workmen with rifles who squatted around it,
bumping at top speed down the Suvorovsky Prospect, swaying from side to side One
man tore the wrapping from a bundle and began to hurl handfuls of papers into the air. We
him, plunging down through the dark street with a tail of white papers floating and eddying
behind. The late passerby stooped to pick them up; the patrols around bonfires on the corn
out with uplifted arms to catch them. Sometimes armed men loomed up ahead, crying “Sht
raising their guns, but our chauffeur only yelled something unintelligible and we hurtled on.
I picked up a copy of the paper, and under a fleeting street-light read:

TO THE CITIZENS OF RUSSIA!

The Provisional Government is deposed. The State Power has passed into the hands of th
of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, the Military Revolutionary Com
which stands at the head of the Petrograd proletariat and garrison.
The cause for which the people were fighting: immediate proposal of a democratic peace, a
of landlord property-rights over the land, labor control over production, creation of a Soviet
Government—that cause is securely achieved.

LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION OF WORKMEN, SOLDIERS AND PEASANTS!

Military Revolutionary Committee
Petrograd SOviet o[ Workers' and Soldiers’Deputies.
[Graphic, page 96: Proclamation in Russian, title follows]
Proclamation of the Fall of the Provisional Government issued by the Military Revolutionary
Committee on the night of November 7th (our calendar), which we helped to distribute from
truck just after the surrender of the Winter Palace.
A slant-eyed, Mongolian-faced man who sat beside me, dressed in a goat-skin Caucasian
snapped, “Look out! Here the provocators always shoot from the windows!” We turned into
Znamensky Square, dark and almost deserted, careened around Trubetskoy's brutal statue
swung down the wide Nevsky, three men standing up with rifles ready, peering at the windo
Behind us the street was alive with people running and stooping. We could no longer hear
cannon, and the nearer we drew to the Winter Palace end of the city the quieter and more
were the streets. The City Duma was all brightly lighted.
Beyond that we made out a dark mass of people, and a line of sailors, who yelled furiously
stop. The machine slowed down, and we climbed out.
It was an astonishing scene. Just at the corner of the Ekaterina Canal, under an arc-light,
of armed sailors was drawn across the Nevsky, blocking the way to a crowd of people in co
fours. There were about three or four hundred of them, men in frock coats, well-dressed wo
officers—all sorts and conditions of people. Among them we recognised many of the deleg
the Congress, leaders of the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries; Avksentiev, the lea
bearded president of the Peasants' Soviets, Sarokin, Kerensky's spokesman, Khintchuk,
Abramovitch; and at the head white-bearded old Schreider, Mayor of Petrograd, and Proko
Minister of Supplies in the Provisional Government, arrested that morning and released. I c
sight of Malkin, reporter for the Russian Daily News. “Going to die in the Winter Palace,” h
cheerfully. The procession stood still, but from the front of it came loud argument. Schreide
Prokopovitch were bellowing at the big sailor who seemed in command.
“We demand to pass!” they cried. “See, these comrades come from the Congress of Sovie
at their tickets! We are going to the
Winter Palace!”
The sailor was plainly puzzled. He scratched his head with an enormous hand, frowning. “I
orders from the Committee not to let anybody go to the Winter Palace,” he grumbled. “But I
a comrade to telephone to Smolny ”
“We Insist upon passing! We are unarmed! We will march on whether you permit us or not!
old Schreider, very much excited.
“I have orders—” repeated the sailor sullenly.
“Shoot us if you want to! We will pass! Forward!” came from all sides. “We are ready to die
have the heart to fire on Russians and comrades! We bare our breasts to your guns!”
“No,” said the sailor, looking stubborn, “I can't allow you to pass.” “What will you do if we g
forward? Will you shoot?”
“No, I'm not going to shoot people who haven't any guns. We won't shoot unarmed Russian
”
“We will go forward! What can you do?”
“We will do something,” replied the sailor, evidently at a loss. “We can't let you pass. We w
something.”
“What will you do? What will you do?”
Another sailor came up, very much irritated. “We will spank you!” he cried, energetically. “A
necessary we will shoot you too. Go home now, and leave us in peace!”
At this there was a great clamour of anger and resentment, Prokopovitch had mounted som
box, and, waving his umbrella, he made a speech:
“Comrades and citizens!” he said. “Force is being used against us! We cannot have our inn
blood upon the hands of these ignorant men! It is beneath our dignity to be shot down here
street by switchmen—” (What he meant by “switchmen” I never discovered.) “Let us return
Duma and discuss the
best means of saving the country and the Revolution!”
Whereupon, in dignified silence, the procession marched around and back up the Nevsky,
column of fours. And taking advantage of the diversion we slipped past the guards and set
direction of the Winter Palace.
Here it was absolutely dark, and nothing moved but pickets of soldiers and Red Guards gri
intent. In front of the Kazan Cathedral a three-inch field-gun lay in the middle of the street,
sideways from the recoil of its last shot over the roofs. Soldiers were standing in every doo
talking in low tones and peering down toward the Police Bridge. I heard one voice saying: “
possible that we have done wrong. ...” At the corners patrols stopped all passersby—and t
composition of these patrols was interesting, for in command of the regular troops was inva
Red Guard The shooting had ceased.
Just as we came to the Morskaya somebody was shouting: “The yunkers have sent word t
us to go and get them out!” Voices began to give commands, and in the thick gloom we ma
dark mass moving forward, silent but for the shuffle of feet and the clinking of arms. We fel
the first ranks.
Like a black river, filling all the street, without song or cheer we poured through the Red Arc
the man just ahead of me said in a low voice: “Look out, comrades! Don't trust them. They
surely!” In the open we began to run, stooping low and bunching together, and jammed up
behind the pedestal of the Alexander Column.
“How many of you did they kill?” I asked. “I don't know. About ten. ”
After a few minutes huddling there, some hundreds of men, the army seemed reassured an
any orders suddenly began again to flow forward. By this time, in the light that streamed ou
the Winter Palace windows, I could see that the first two or three hundred men were Red G
with only a few scattered soldiers. Over the barricade of firewood we clambered, and leapin
inside gave a triumphant shout as we stumbled on a heap of rifles thrown down by the bun
had stood there. On both sides of the main gateway the doors stood wide open, light stream
and from the huge pile came not the slightest sound.
Carried along by the eager wave of men we were swept into the right hand entrance, open
great bare vaulted room, the cellar of the East wing, from which issued a maze of corridors
stair-cases. A number of huge packing cases stood about, and upon these the Red Guards
soldiers fell furiously, battering them open with the butts of their rifles, and pulling out carpe
curtains, linen, porcelain plates, glassware. . .. One man went strutting around with a bronz
perched on his shoulder; another found a plume of ostrich feathers, which he stuck in his h
looting was just beginning when somebody cried, “Comrades! Don't touch anything! Don't t
anything! This is the property of the People!” Immediately twenty voices were crying, “Stop
everything back! Don't take anything! Property of the People!” Many hands dragged the sp
down. Damask and tapestry were snatched from the arms of those who had them; two men
away the bronze clock. Roughly and hastily the things were crammed back in their cases, a
appointed sentinels stood guard. It was all utterly spontaneous. Through corridors and up
cases the cry could be heard growing fainter and fainter in the distance, “Revolutionary dis
Property of the People. ”
We crossed back over to the left entrance, in the West wing. There order was also being
established. “Clear the Palace!” bawled a Red Guard, sticking his head through an inner do
“Come, comrades, let's show that we're not thieves and bandits. Everybody out of the Pala
the Commissars, until we get sentries posted.”
Two Red Guards, a soldier and an officer, stood with revolvers in their hands. Another sold
a table behind them, with pen and paper. Shouts of “All out! All out!” were heard far and ne
and the Army began to pour through the door, jostling, expostulating, arguing. As each man
appeared he was seized by the self-appointed committee, who went through his pockets an
under his coat. Everything that was plainly not his property was taken away, the man at the
noted it on his paper, and it was carried into a little room. The most amazing assortment of
were thus confiscated; statuettes, bottles of ink, bed-spreads worked with the Imperial mon
candles, a small oil-painting, desk blotters, gold-handled swords, cakes of soap, clothes of
description, blankets. One Red Guard carried three rifles, two of which he had taken away
yunkers; another had four portfolios bulging with written documents. The culprits either sull
surrendered or pleaded like children. All talking at once the committee explained that steali
not worthy of the people's champions; often those who had been caught turned around and
to help go through the rest of the comrades. (See App. IV, Sect. 3)
Yunkers came out, in bunches of three or four. The committee seized upon them with an e
zeal, accompanying the search with remarks like, “Ah, Provocators! Kornilovists! Counter-
revolutionists! Murderers of the People!” But there was no violence done, although the yun
were terrified. They too had their pockets full of small plunder. It was carefully noted down
scribe, and piled in the little room. ... The bunkers were disarmed. “Now, will you take up ar
against the People any more?” demanded clamouring voices.
“No,” answered the bunkers, one by one. Whereupon they were allowed to go free.
We asked if we might go inside. The committee was doubtful, but the big Red Guard answ
firmly that it was forbidden. “Who are you anyway?” he asked. “How do I know that you are
Kerenskys? (There were five of us, two women.)
“Pazhal'st’, touarishtchi! Way, Comrades!” A soldier and a Red Guard appeared in the doo
the crowd aside, and other guards with fixed bayonets. After them followed single file half a
men in civilian dress—the members of the Provisional Government. First came Kishkin, his
drawn and pale, then Rutenberg, looking sullenly at the floor; Terestchenko was next, glan
sharply around; he stared at us with cold fixity. ... They passed in silence; the victorious
insurrectionists crowded to see, but there were only a few angry mutterings. It was only late
learned how the people in the street wanted to lynch them, and shots were fired—but the s
brought them safely to
Peter-Paul. . ..
In the meanwhile unrebuked we walked into the Palace. There was still a great deal of com
going, of exploring new-found apartments in the vast edifice, of searching for hidden garris
yunkers which did not exist. We went upstairs and wandered through room after room. This
the Palace had been entered also by other detachments from the side of the Neva. The pa
statues, tapestries and rugs of the great state apartments were unharmed; in the offices, h
every desk and cabinet had been ransacked, the papers scattered over the floor, and in th
rooms beds had been stripped of their coverings and ward-robes wrenched open. The mos
prized loot was clothing, which the working people needed. In a room where furniture was
stored we came upon two soldiers ripping the elaborate Spanish leather upholstery from ch
They explained it was to make boots with. ...
The old Palace servants in their blue and red and gold uniforms stood nervously about, from
habit repeating, “You can't go in there, barin! It is forbidden
—” We penetrated at length to the gold and malachite chamber with crimson brocade hang
where the Ministers had been in session all that day and night, and where the shveitzari ha
betrayed them to the Red Guards. The long table covered with green baize was just as the
it, under arrest. Before each empty seat was pen and ink and paper; the papers were scrib
with beginnings of plans of action, rough drafts of proclamations and manifestos.
Most of these were scratched out, as their futility became evident, and the rest of the sheet
with absent-minded geometrical designs, as the writers sat despondently listening while Mi
after Minister proposed chimerical schemes. I took one of these scribbled pages, in the ha
of Konovalov, which read, “The Provisional Government appeals to all classes to support th
Provisional Government—”
All this time, it must be remembered, although the Winter Palace was surrounded, the Gov
was in constant communication with the Front and with provincial Russia. The Bolsheviki h
captured the Ministry of War early in the morning, but they did not know of the military teleg
office in the attic, nor of the private telephone line connecting it with the Winter Palace. In
a young officer sat all day, pouring out over the country a flood of appeals and proclamatio
when he heard that the Palace had fallen, put on his hat and walked calmly out of the build
Interested as we were, for a considerable time we didn't notice a change in the attitude of
soldiers and Red Guards around us. As we strolled from room to room a small group follow
until by the time we reached the great picture- gallery where we had spent the afternoon w
bunkers, about a hundred men surged in after us. One giant of a soldier stood in our path,
dark with sullen suspicion.
[Graphic, page 104: Doodling by Konavalov, title follows]
Facsimile of the beginning of a proclamation, written in pencil by A.I. Konovalov, Minister o
Commerce and Industry in he Provisional Government, and then scratched out as the hope
of the situation became more and
more evident. The geometrical figure beneath was probably idly drawn while the Ministers
waiting for the end.
“Who are you?” he growled. “What are you doing here?” The others massed slowly around
and beginning to mutter. “Provocatori!” I heard somebody say. “Looters!” I produced our pa
from the Military Revolutionary Committee. The soldier took them gingerly, turned them ups
and looked at them without comprehension. Evidently he could not read. He handed them
spat on the floor. “Bumagi! Papers!” said he with contempt. The mass slowly began to clos
wild cattle around a cowpuncher on foot.
Over their heads I caught sight of an officer, looking helpless, and shouted to him. He mad
shouldering his way through.
“I'm the Commissar,” he said to me. “Who are you? What is it?” The others held back, wait
produced the papers.
“You are foreigners?” he rapidly asked in Franch. “It is very dangerous. ” Then
he turned to the mob, holding up our documents. “Comrades!” he cried. “These people are
comrades—from America. They have come here to be able to tell their countrymen about t
bravery and the revolutionary discipline of the proletarian army!”
“How do you know that?” replied the big soldier. “I tell you they are provocators! They say
came here to observe the revolutionary discipline of the proletarian army, but they have be
wandering freely through the Palace, and how do we know they haven't got their pockets fu
loot?”
“Pravilno!” snarled the others, pressing forward.
“Comrades! Comrades!” appealed the officer, sweat standing out on his forehead. “I am C
of the Military Revolutionary Committee. Do you trust me? Well, I tell you that these passes
signed with the same names that are signed to my pass!”
He led us down through the Palace and out through a door opening onto the Neva quay, be
which stood the usual committee going through pockets... “You have narrowly escaped,” he
muttering, wiping his face.
“What happened to the Women's Battalion?” we asked.
“Oh—the women!” He laughed. “They were all huddled up in a back room. We had a terribl
deciding what to do with them—many were in hysterics, and so on. So finally we marched
to the Finland Station and put them on a train for Levashovo, where they have a camp. (Se
IV, Sect. 4) ”
We came out into the cold, nervous night, murmurous with obscure armies on the move, el
with patrols. From across the river, where loomed the darker mass of Peter-Paul, came a h
shout. ... Underfoot the sidewalk was littered with broken stucco, from the cornice of the Pa
where two shells from the battleship Avrora had struck; that was the only damage done by
bombardment. ...
It was now after three in the morning. On the Nevsky all the street-lights were again shining
cannon gone, and the only signs of war were Red Guards and soldiers squatting around fir
city was quiet—probably never so quiet in its history; on that night not a single hold-up occ
a single robbery.
But the City Duma Building was all illuminated. We mounted to the galleried Alexander Hal
with its great, gold-framed, red-shrouded Imperial portraits. About a hundred people were g
around the platform, where Skobeliev was speaking. He urged that the Committee of Publi
be expanded, so as to unite all the anti-Bolshevik elements in one huge organisation, to be
the Committee for Salvation of Country and Revolution. And as we looked on, the Committ
Salvation was formed— that Committee which was to develop into the most powerful enem
Bolsheviki, appearing, in the next week, sometimes under its own partisan name, and som
the strictly non-partisan Committee of Public Safety....
Dan, Gotz, Avkesntiev were there, some of the insurgent Soviet delegates, members of the
Executive Committee of the Peasants' Soviets, old Prokopovitch, and even members of th
of the Republic—among whom Vinaver and other Cadets. Lieber cried that the convention
Soviets was not a legal convention, that the old Tsay-ee-kah was still in office. An appe
country was drafted.
We hailed a cab. “Where to?” But when we said “Smolny,” the izvoshtchik shook his head.
said he, “there are devils. ...” It was only after weary wandering that we found a driver willi
us—and he wanted thirty rubles, and stopped two blocks away.
The windows of Smolny were still ablaze, motors came and went, and around the still-leapi
the sentries huddled close, eagerly asking everybody the latest news. The corridors were f
hurrying men, hollow-eyed and dirty. In some of the committee-rooms people lay sleeping o
floor, their guns beside them. In spite of the seceding delegates, the hall of meetings was
with people, roaring like the sea. As we came in, Kameniev was reading the list of arrested
Ministers. The name of Terestchenko was greeted with thunderous applause, shouts of sat
laughter; Rutenburg came in for less; and at the mention of Paltchinsky, a storm of hoots,
cries, cheers burst forth. It
was announced that Tchudnovsky had been appointed Commissar of the Winter Palace.
Now occurred a dramatic interruption. A big peasant, his bearded face convulsed with rage
mounted the platform and pounded with his fist on the presidium table.
“We, Socialist Revolutionaries, insist upon the immediate release of the Socialist Ministers
in the Winter Palace! Comrades! Do you know that four comrades who risked their lives an
freedom fighting against tyranny of the Tsar, have been flung into Peter-Paul prison—the h
tomb of Liberty?” In the uproar he pounded and yelled. Another delegate climbed up beside
and pointed at the presidium.
“Are the representatives of the revolutionary masses going to sit quietly here while the Okh
the Bolsheviki tortures their leaders?”
Trotzky was gesturing for silence. “These ‘comrades’ who are now caught plotting the crus
the Soviets with the adventurer Kerensky—is there any reason to handle them with gloves?
July 16th and 18th they didn't use much ceremony with us!” With a triumphant ring in his vo
cried, “Now that the oborontsi and the faint-hearted have gone, and the whole task of defe
saving the Revolution rests on our shoulders, it is particularly necessary to work—work—w
have decided to die rather than give up!”
Followed him a Commissar from Tsarskoye Selo, panting and covered with the mud of his
“The garrison of Tsarskoye Selo is on guard at the gates of Petrograd, ready to defend the
and the Military Revolutionary Committee!” Wild cheers. “The Cycle Corps sent from the fro
arrived at Tsarskoye, and the soldiers are now with us; they recognise the power of the
Soviets, the necessity of immediate transfer of land to the peasants and industrial control to
workers. The Fifth Battalion of Cyclists, stationed at Tsarskoye, is ours. ”
Then the delegate of the Third Cycle Battalion. In the midst of delirious enthusiasm he told
cycle corps had been ordered three days be[ore from the South-west front to the “defence
Petrograd.” They suspected, however, the meaning of the order; and at the station of Pered
were met by representatives of the Fifth Battalion from Tsarskoye. A joint meeting was held
was discovered that “among the cyclists not a single man was found willing to shed the blo
brothers, or to support a Government of bourgeois and land- owners!”
Kapelinski, for the Mensheviki Internationalists, proposed to elect a special committee to fin
peaceful solution to the civil war. “There isn't any peaceful solution!” bellowed the crowed.
the only solution!” The vote was overwhelmingly against, and the Mensheviki Internationali
the Congress in a Whirlwind of Jocular insults. There was no longer any panic fear. ...
Kameniev from the platform shouted after them, “The Mensheviki Internationalists claimed
‘emergency’ for the question of a ‘peaceful solution, but they always voted for suspension
order of the day in favour of declarations of factions which wanted to leave the Congress. I
evident,” finished Kameniev, “that the withdrawal of all these renegades was decided upon
beforehand!”
The assembly decided to ignore the withdrawal of the factions, and proceed to the appeal t
workers, soldiers and peasants of all Russia:

TO WORKERS, SOLDIERS AND PEASANTS

The Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has open
represents the great majority of the Soviets. There are also a number of Peasant deputies.
upon the will of the great majority of the workers', soldiers and peasants, based upon the tr
uprising of the Petrograd workmen and soldiers, the Congress assumes the Power.
The Provisional Government is deposed. Most of the members of the Provisional Governm
already arrested.
The Soviet authority will at once propose an immediate democratic peace to all nations, an
immediate truce on all fronts. It will assure the free transfer of landlord, crown and monaste
to the Land Committees, defend the soldiers rights, enforcing a complete democratisation o
Army, establish workers' control over production, ensure the convocation of the Constituen
Assembly at the proper date, take means to supply bread to the cities and articles of first n
to the villages, and secure to all nationalities living in Russia a real right to independent exi
The Congress resolves: that all local power shall be transferred to the Soviets of Workers',
and Peasants' Deputies, which must enforce revolutionary order.
The Congress calls upon the soldiers in the trenches to be watchful and steadfast. The Co
Soviets is sure that the revolutionary Army will know how to defend the Revolution against
attacks of Imperialism, until the new Government shall have brought about the conclusion o
democratic peace which it will directly propose to all nations. The new Government will take
necessary steps to secure everything needful to the revolutionary Army, by means of a det
policy of requisition and taxation of the propertied classes, and also to improve the situation
soldiers' families.
The Kornilovitz-Kerensky, Kaledin and others, are endeavouring to lead troops against Pet
Several regiments, deceived by Kerensky, have sided with the insurgent People.
Soldiers! Make active resistance to the Kornilovitz-Kerensky! Be on guard!
Railway men! Stop all troop-trains being sent by Kerensky against Petrograd!
Soldiers, Workers, Clerical employees! The destiny of the Revolution and democratic peac
your hands!
Long live the Revolution!
The All-RLlSSian Congress o[Soviets o[ Workers' and Soldiers’Deputies. Delegates [ro
Peasants’SOviets.
It was exactly 5:17 A.M. when Krylenko, staggering with fatigue, climbed to the
tribune with a telegram in his hand.
“Comrades! From the Northern Front. The Twelfth Army sends greetings to the Congress o
announcing the formation of a Military Revolutionary Committee which has taken over the c
of the Northern Front!” Pandemonium, men weeping, embracing each other. “General Tche
has recognised the Committee-Commissar of the Provisional Government Voitinsky has re
So. Lenin and the Petrograd workers had decided on insurrection, the Petrograd Soviet ha
overthrown the Provisional Government, and thrust the coup d'etat upon the Congress of S
Now there was all great Russia to win—and then the world! Would Russia follow and rise?
world—what of it? Would the peoples answer and rise, a red world-tide?
Although it was six in the morning, night was yet heavy and chill. There was only a faint un
pallor stealing over the silent streets, dimming the watch- fires, the shadow of a terrible daw
rising over Russia....
 U L . S E R V I C E S

Shook The World

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TENBERG EBOOK TEN DAYS THAT SHOOK THE WORLD ***

orrections by Andrew Sly and Stefan Malte Schumacher

osed of text, footnotes, and appendices. The footnotes are

while the Appendix No. and Section are referred to in the text in
ng the book text. There are 17 graphic figures in the text. These
age number in the original book.]
Background. Chapter 2. The Coming Storm. Chapter 3. On the

l Government. Chapter S. Plunging Ahead.

ion. Chapter 7. The Revolutionary Front.

Chapter 12. The Peasants' Congress. Appendices I - XII

ory—history as I saw it. It does not pretend to be anything but

Revolution, when the Bolsheviki, at the head of the workers and
ussia and placed it in the hands of the Soviets.
etrograd,” the capital and heart of the insurrection. But the
ace in Petrograd was almost exactly duplicated, with greater or
of time, all over Russia.
h I am writing, I must confine myself to a chronicle of those
experienced, and those supported by reliable evidence;
ining the background and causes of the November Revolution.
make difficult reading, but they are essential to an

ves to the mind of the reader. What is Bolshevism? What kind

olsheviki set up? If the Bolsheviki championed the Constituent
olution, why did they disperse it by force of arms afterward?
Constituent Assembly until the danger of Bolshevism became
fterward?
nnot be answered here. In another volume, “Kornilov to Brest-
volution up to and including the German peace. There I explain
utionary organisations, the evolution of popular sentiment, the
bly, the structure of the Soviet state, and the course and
tions. ...
iki it is necessary to understand that Russian economic life and
sed on November 7th, 1917, but many months before, as the
an as far back as 1915. The corrupt reactionaries in control of
ok to wreck Russia in order to make a separate peace with
ont, which had caused the great retreat of the summer of 1915,
e great cities, the break-down of manufactures and
know now were part of a gigantic campaign of sabotage. This
Revolution.
égime, in spite of the confusion incident upon a great
ixty millions of the world's most oppressed peoples suddenly
uation and the combative power of the army actually improved.
propertied classes wanted merely a political revolution, which
and give it to
onstitutional Republic, like France or the United States; or a
d. On the other hand, the masses of the people wanted real

“Russia's Message,” an account of the Revolution of 1905,

of the Russian workers, who were later to support Bolshevism

s possible that even under a free Government, if it fell into the

ight still continue to starve....
ry, but he is neither violent, dogmatic, nor unintelligent. He is
ied them, and alone of the workers of the world he has learned
He is ready and willing to fight his oppressor, the capitalist
ore the existence of other classes. He merely asks that the
her in the bitter conflict that draws near. ...
hat our (American) political institutions were preferable to their
to exchange one despot for another (i.e., the capitalist class). ...
ave themselves shot down, executed by hundreds in Moscow,
usands in every Russian jail, and exiled to the deserts and the
ubtful privileges of the workingmen of Goldfields and Cripple

midst of a foreign war, the Social Revolution on top of the

e triumph of Bolshevism.
y of the Russian Information Bureau, which opposes the Soviet
ook, “The Birth of the Russian Democracy”: The Bolsheviks
holas Lenine as Premier and Leon Trotsky—Minister of Foreign
ng into power became evident almost immediately
ry of the Bolsheviki, after the Revolution, is a history of their

y, frequently emphasise the “ignorance” of

 cked the political experience of the peoples of the West, but
ry organisation. In 1917 there were more than twelve million
Cooperative societies; and the Soviets themselves are a
anising genius. Moreover, there is probably not a people in the
heory and its practical application.
erises them:
he most part able to read and write. For many years the
condition that they have had the advantage of leadership not
midst, but of a large part of the equally revolutionary educated
ng people with their ideas for the political and social

the Soviet Government by arguing that the last phase of the

uggle of the “respectable” elements against the brutal attacks of
pertied classes, who, when they realised the growth in power
tions, undertook to destroy them and to halt the Revolution. To
resorted to desperate measures. In order to wreck the
ansportation was disorganised and internal troubles provoked;
es, plants were shut down, and fuel and raw materials diverted;
front, capital punishment was restored and military defeat

shevik fire. The Bolsheviki retorted by preaching the class war,

e Soviets.
e other factions which whole-heanedly or half-heartedly
moderate” Socialists, the Mensheviki and Socialist
parties. These groups were also attacked by the propertied
e was crippled by their theories.
st Revolutionaries believed that Russia was not economically
a political revolution
 pretation, the Russian masses were not educated enough to
do so would inevitably bring on a reaction, by means of which
ore the old régime. And so it followed that when the “moderate”
power, they were afraid to use it.
through the stages of political and economic development
ge at last, with the rest of the world, into full-fledged Socialism.
the propertied classes that Russia must first be a
me improvements on the Western democracies. As a
collaboration of the propertied classes in the Government.
porting them. The “moderate” Socialists needed the
not need the “moderate” Socialists. So it resulted in the
ve way, little by little, on their entire program, while the
ore insistent.
upset the whole hollow compromise, the Mensheviki and
selves fighting on the side of the propertied classes.... In almost
same phenomenon is visible.
t seems to me that the Bolsheviki were the only party in Russia
power to impose it on the country. If they had not succeeded to
e is little doubt in my mind that the armies of Imperial Germany
oscow in December, and Russia would again be ridden by a

ar of the Soviet Government, to speak of the Bolshevik

nture it was, and one of the most marvellous mankind ever
y at the head of the toiling masses, and staking everything on

up by which the land of the great estates could be distributed

hop Committees and the Trade Unions were there to put into
. In every village, town, city, district and province there were
epared to assume the task of local administration.
vism, it is undeniable that the Russian Revolution is one of the
he rise of the Bolsheviki a phenomenon of world-wide
h the records for the minutest details of the story of the Paris
what happened in Petrograd in November, 1917, the spirit
the leaders looked, talked and acted. It is with this in view that

not neutral. But in telling the story of those great days I have
conscientious reporter, interested in setting down the truth.

y of Russian organisations—political groups, Committees and

and Unions—will prove extremely confusing. For this reason I
and explanations.

ssembly, there were seventeen tickets in Petrograd, and in

y as forty; but the following summary of the aims and
ed to the groups and factions mentioned in this book. Only the
e general character of their constituencies can be noticed. ...
ctobrists, etc. These once-powerful factions no longer existed
und, or their members joined the Cadets, as the Cadets came
programme. Representatives in this book, Rodzianko, Shulgin.
 of its name, Constitutional Democrats. Its official name is “Party
Tsar composed of Liberals from the propertied classes, the
al reform, roughly corresponding to the Progressive Party in
out in March, 1917, the Cadets formed the first Provisional
s overthrown in April because it declared itself in favour of
e imperialistic aims of the Tsar's Government. As the Revolution
nomic Revolution, the Cadets grew more and more
his book are: Miliukov, Vinaver, Shatsky.
adets had become unpopular through their relations with the
p o[Public Men was formed in Moscow. Delegates from the
olios in the last Kerensky Cabinet. The Group declared itself
leaders were men like Rodzianko and Shulgin. It was
kers, merchants and manufacturers, who were intelligent
ust be fought by their own weapon—economic organisation.
ovalov.
abour Group). Numerically a small party, composed of cautious
erative societies, and conservative peasants. Professing to be
rted the interests of the petty bourgeoisie—clerks,
inheritors of the compromising tradition of the Labour Group in
s composed largely of peasant representatives. Kerensky was
erial Duma when the Revolution of March, 1917, broke out. The
party. Their representatives in this book are: Peshekhanov,

r Party. Originally Marxian Socialists. At a party congress held

on of tactics, into two factions—the Majority (Bolshinstvo), and
s sprang the names “Bolsheviki” and “Mensheviki”—“members
minority.” These two wings became two separate parties, both
emocratic Labour Party,” and both professing to be Marxians.
sheviki were really the minority, becoming again the majority in
 shades of Socialists who believe that society must progress by
nd that the working-class must conquer political power first.
e party of the Socialist intellectuals, which means: all the
he hands of the propertied classes, the intellectuals instinctively
side of the propertied classes. Among their representatives in

adical wing of the Mensheviki, internationalists and opposed to

es; yet unwilling to break loose from the conservative
atorship of the working-class advocated by the Bolsheviki.
oup. Among their leaders: Martov, Martinov.
e Communist Party, in order to emphasise their complete
erate” or “parliamentary” Socialism, which dominates the
y Socialists in all countries. The Bolsheviki proposed immediate
of the reins of Government, in order to hasten the
g over industry, land, natural resources and financial
desires chiefly of the factory workers, but also of a large
me “Bolshevik” can not be translated by “Maximalist.” The
ee paragraph 5b). Among the leaders: Lenin, Trotzky,

ORaliStS. Also called the Novaya Zhizn (New Life) group, from
paper which was its organ. A little group of intellectuals with a
ng-class, except the personal following of Maxim Gorky, its
same programme as the Mensheviki Internationalists, except
to be tied to either of the two great factions. Opposed the
e Soviet Government. Other representatives in this book: Avilov,

ling group, composed almost entirely of the personal following

the Russian Social Democratic movement in the 80’s, and its
n, Plekhanov was extremely patriotic, too conservative even for
oup d'etat, Yedinstvo disappeared.
 ed Essaires from the initials of their name. Originally the
he party of the Fighting Organisations—the Terrorists. After the
any who had never been Socialists. At that time it stood for the
nly, the owners to be compensated in some fashion. Finally the
asants forced the Essaires to abandon the “compensation”
more fiery intellectuals breaking off from the main party in the fall
Le[t Socialist Revolutionary party. The Essaires, who were
l groups “Right Socialist Revolutionaries,” adopted the political
ed together with them. They finally came to represent the
and the politically uneducated populations of remote rural
wever, a wider difference of shades of political and economic
Among their leaders mentioned in these pages: Avksentiev,
ka” Breshkovskaya.
ough theoretically sharing the Bolshevik programme of
rst were reluctant to follow the ruthless Bolshevik tactics.
naries remained in the Soviet Government, sharing the Cabinet
re. They withdrew from the Government several times, but
the ranks of the Essaires in increasing numbers, they joined
, which became the great peasant party supporting the Soviet
n without compensation of the great landed estates, and their
es. Among the leaders: Spiridonova, Karelin, Kamkov,

ocialist Revolutionary party in the Revolution of 1905, when it

demanding the immediate application of the maximum Socialist
up of peasant anarchists.

re organised after the continental model rather than our own.

of officers and the
 ee, composed of representatives of the groups and political
, in proportion to their numbers. The presidium arranges the
can be called upon by the President to take the chair pro tern.
a general way and then debated, and at the close of the debate
rent factions, and each one voted on separately. The Order of
shed to pieces in the first half hour. On the plea of
t always grants, anybody from the floor can get up and say
controls the meeting, practically the only functions of the
ng a little bell, and to recognise speakers.
n is done in caucuses of the different groups and political
eir votes in a body and are represented by floor-leaders. The
rtant new point, or vote, the session takes a recess to enable
ons to hold a caucus.
ng or heckling speakers, over-riding the plans of the presidium.
sim! Please! Go on!” “Pravilno!” or “Eto vierno! That's true!
Down with him!” “Posor! Shame!” and “Teesche! Silence! Not

ouncil.” Under the Tsar the Imperial Council of State was called
evolution, however, the term Soviet has come to be associated
ted by members of working-class economic organisations—the
Peasants' Deputies. I have therefore limited the word to these
I have translated it “Council.”
every city, town and village of Russia—and in large cities, also
lso the oblastne or gubiernsky (district or provincial) Soviets,
e of the All-Russian Soviets in the capital, called from its initials
 orkers' and of Soldiers' Deputies combined very soon after the
concerning their peculiar interests, however, the Workers' and
meet separately. The Soviets of Peasants' Deputies did not join
coup d'etat. They, too, were organised like the workers and
e of the All-Russian Peasants' Soviets in the capital.
ustrial in form, the Russian labour unions were still called
Bolshevik Revolution had from three to four million members.
n an All- Russian body, a sort of Russian Federation of Labour,
mittee in the capital.
were spontaneous organisations created in the factories by the
ustry, taking advantage of the administrative break-down
unction was by revolutionary action to take over and run the
ees also had their All-Russian organisation, with a Central
perated with the Trade Unions.
ughly “deliberative body.” The old Imperial Duma, which
ution, in a democratised form, died a natural death in
erred to in this book was the reorganised Municipal Council,
ment.” It was elected by direct and secret ballot, and its only
during the Bolshevik Revolution was the general decline in
entation in the fact of the growing power of organisations based

ed “county councils.” Under the Tsar semi- political, semi-social

power, developed and controlled largely by intellectual Liberals
ir most important function was education and social service
the Zemstvos gradually took over the entire feeding and
as the buying from foreign countries, and work among the
he work of the American Y. M.
evolution the Zemstvos were democratized, with a view to
ernment in the rural districts. But like the City Dumas, they

kers' and peasants' Consumers' Cooperative societies, which

Russia before the Revolution. Founded by Liberals and
ve movement was not supported by the revolutionary Socialist
or the complete transference of means of production and
kers. After the March Revolution the Cooperatives spread
ulist Socialists, Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries, and
e until the Bolshevik Revolution. However, it was the
the old structure of commerce and transportation collapsed.
mittees were formed by the soldiers at the front to combat the
e officers. Every company, regiment, brigade, division and
which was elected the Army Committee. The Central Army
eral Staff. The administrative break-down in the army incident
shoulders of the Army Committees most of the work of the
some cases, even the command of troops.
ding organisations in the Navy.

l-Russian conventions of every sort of organisation were held

ngresses of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Soviets, Trade
Army and Fleet Committees—besides every branch of the
ves, Nationalities, etc. Each of these conventions elected a
cutive Committee, to guard its particular interests at the seat of
ernment grew weaker, these Central Committees were forced
ative powers.
ees mentioned in this book are:
 ion of 1905, Professor Miliukov and other Liberals established
, lawyers, physicians, etc. These were united under one central
n 1905 the Union o/ Unions acted with the revolutionary
nion o/ Unions opposed the Bolshevik uprising, and united the
n strike against the authority of the Soviets.
ecutive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers'
of its name.
ral Fleet Committee.
ee of the Railway Workers' Union. So called from the initials of

kers of Russia. The Red Guards were first formed during the
existence again in the days of March, 1917, when a force was
hat time they were armed, and all efforts of the Provisional
ore or less unsuccessful. At every great crisis in the Revolution
eets, untrained and undisciplined, but full of Revolutionary zeal.

who emerged in the last stages of the Revolution, to defend

ttempt to abolish it. A great many of them were University

ision” in the army, made up of Mohametan tribesmen from

to General Kornilov. The Tekhintsi were noted for their blind
n warfare.
s. The Women's Battalion is known to the world as the Death
h Battalions composed of men. These were formed in the
purpose of strengthening the discipline and combative fire of
ath Battalions were composed mostly of intense young patriots.
mong the sons of the propertied classes.
med among the reactionary officers in the army to combat
rmy Committees.
St. George was awarded for distinguished action in battle. Its
ht o[St. George.” The predominant influence in the organisation
ary idea.
nts' Union was a revolutionary peasants' organisation. In 1917,
expression of the more prosperous peasants, to fight the
s of the Soviets of Peasants' Deputies.

ndar throughout, instead of the former Russian Calendar, which

words, I have made no attempt to follow any scientific rules for

he spelling which would lead the English-speaking reader to
onunciation.

om my own notes. I have also relied, however, upon a

ed assorted Russian newspapers, covering almost every day of
glish paper, the Russian Daily News, and of the two French
nte. But far more valuable than these is the Bulletin de la
ormation Bureau in Petrograd, which reports all important
ment of the Russian press. Of this I have an almost complete file
January, 1918.
possession almost every proclamation,
n the walls of Petrograd from the middle of September, 1917, to
ficial publication of all Government decrees and orders, and the
e secret treaties and other documents discovered in the Ministry
ki took it over.

an alien Professor of Sociology visiting Russia came to see me

by business men and intellectuals that the Revolution was
n article about it, and then travelled around the country,
mmunities—where, to his astonishment, the Revolution
he wage-earners and the land-working people it was common
ts, all factories to the workers.” If the Professor had visited the
Army talking Peace. ...
eed not have been; both observations were correct. The
ming more conservative, the masses of the people more radical.
men and the intelligentsia generally that the Revolution had
o long; that things should settle down. This sentiment was
Socialist groups, the oborontsi (See App. I, Sect. 1) Mensheviki
upported the Provisional Government of Kerensky.
the “moderate” Socialists said:
s; the destruction of the old régime and the creation of the new
ugh. Now it is time to
 rapidly as possible. As a great revolutionist put it, “Let us
olution. He who makes it last too long will not gather the fruits

ant masses, however, there was a stubborn feeling that the “first
ont the Army Committees were always running foul of officers
eir men like human beings; in the rear the Land Committees
ailed for trying to carry out Government regulations concerning
. I, Sect. 2) in the factories were fighting black-lists and
political exiles were being excluded from the country as
ases, men who returned from abroad to their villages were
utionary acts committed in 1905.
ople the “moderate” Socialists had one answer: Wait for the
eet in December. But the masses were not satisfied with that.
ell and good; but there were certain definite things for which the
and for which the revolutionary martyrs rotted in their stark
at must be achieved Constituent Assembly or no Constituent
s' Control of Industry. The Constituent Assembly had been
obably be postponed again, until the people were calm enough
At any rate, here were eight months of the Revolution gone,

e the peace question by simply deserting, the peasants burned

at estates, the workers sabotaged and struck. ... Of course, as
- owners and army officers exerted all their influence against

ment alternated between ineffective reforms and stern

he Socialist Minister of Labour ordered all the Workers'
after working hours. Among the troops at the front, “agitators”
rested, radical newspapers closed down, and capital
y propagandists. Attempts were made to disarm the Red
order in the provinces. ...
the “moderate” Socialists and their leaders in the Ministry, who
with the propertied classes. The people rapidly deserted them,
stood for Peace, Land, and Workers' Control of Industry, and a
September, 1917, matters reached a crisis. Against the
ry, Kerensky and the “moderate” Socialists succeeded in
on with the propertied classes; and as a result, the Mensheviki
confidence of the people forever.
Way) about the middle of October, entitled “The Socialist
he masses of the people against the “moderate” Socialists:
pp. I, Sect. 3)
h the assistance of General Polovtsev, checkmated the
of capital punishment in the army.
ax the capitalists 100% of their profits, and finished—and
e Workers' Committees in the shops and factories.
sants in prison, members of the Land Committees, and
soldiers' newspapers.
fest, ordering the dissolution of the Finnish Diet.
e with General Kornilov. If this saviour of the country was not
o reasons over which he had no control.
ky and Kerensky, put some of the best workers of the
ison.
against the Railway Workers.
hing about him. The list of his services is too long....
c Fleet, at Helsingfors, passed a resolution which began as

rom the ranks of the Provisional Government of the “Socialist,”

s one who is scandalising and ruining the great Revolution, and
is shameless political blackmail on behalf of the bourgeoisie. ...
se of the Bolsheviki.. ..
torrents of workmen and soldiers beating upon the Tauride
rial Duma to assume the supreme power in Russia, it was the
ers and peasants, which forced every change in the course of
kov Ministry down; it was their Soviet which proclaimed to the
annexations, no indemnities, and the right of self-
, in July, it was the spontaneous rising of the unorganised
the Tauride Palace, to demand that the Soviets take over the

sect, put themselves at the head of the movement. As a result

public opinion turned against them, and their leaderless hordes
hich is Petrograd's St. Antoine. Then followed a savage hunt of
oned, among them Trotzky, Madame Kollontai and Kameniev;
fugitives from justice; the Bolshevik papers were suppressed.
the cry that the Bolsheviki were German agents, until people

d itself unable to substantiate its accusations; the documents

e discovered to be forgeries;[1] and one by one the Bolsheviki
al, on nominal or no bail-until only six remained. The impotence
Provisional Government was an argument nobody could refute.
an so dear to the
—and they were not merely self-seeking, for at that time the
e” Socialist, their bitter enemy.
ments”.
ude, simple desires of the workers, soldiers and peasants, and
amme. And so, while the oborontsi Mensheviki and Socialist
in compromise with the bourgeoisie, the Bolsheviki rapidly
y they were hunted and despised; by September the
the Baltic Fleet, and the soldiers, had been won almost entirely
ipal elections in the large cities (See App. I, Sect. 4) were
urns were Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary, against

puzzled foreign observers: the fact that the Central Executive

al Army and Fleet Committees,[2] and the Central Committees
Post and Telegraph Workers and the Railway Workers—
ost violence. These Central Committees had all been elected in
efore, when the Mensheviki and Socialist Revolutionaries had
ayed or prevented any new elections. Thus, according to the
s' and Soldiers' Deputies, the All-Russian Congress should
he Tsar-ee-kah[2] would not call the meeting, on the ground
nly two months away, at which time, they hinted, the Soviets
ne, the Bolsheviki were winning in the local Soviets all over the
he ranks of the soldiers and sailors. The Peasants' Soviets
in the sluggish rural districts political consciousness developed
ry party had been for a generation the party which had agitated
ong
as forming. It showed itself clearly in October, when the left wing
off, and formed a new political faction, the Left Socialist
verywhere that the forces of reaction were gaining confidence.
Farce theatre in Petrograd, for example, a burlesque called
group of Monarchists, who threatened to lynch the actors for
spapers began to sigh for a “Russian Napoleon.” It was the
entzia to refer to the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies (Rabotchikh
—Dogs’ Deputies.
n with a great Russian capitalist, Stepan Georgevitch Lianozov,
—a Cadet by political faith.
Sooner or later the foreign powers must intervene here—as
hild, and teach it how to walk. Of course it would be more or
ealise the danger of Bolshevism in their own countries—such
atorship, and ‘world social revolution’... There is a chance that
ry. Transponation is demoralised, the factories are closing
ng. Starvation and defeat may bring the Russian people to their

nion that whatever happened, it would be impossible for

mit the existence of the workers' Shop Committees, or to allow
ement of industry.
ne away with by one of two methods. The Government can
iege declared, and the military commander of the district can
gal formalities. ... Or i , [or example, the Constituent Assembly
can be dispersed by [orce o[arms. ”
Russian winter. I heard business men speak of it so: “Winter
haps now it will rid us of Revolution.” On the freezing front
and die, without enthusiasm. The railways were breaking
ng. The desperate masses cried out that the bourgeoisie was
sing defeat on the Front. Riga had been surrendered just after
we pay with Riga the price of
 duty?”[3]
John Reed. Boni and Liveright N.Y., 1919.
class war should develop to such a pitch. But I have personally
ho frankly preferred military disaster to cooperation with the
of the Petrograd branch of the Cadet party told me that the
c life was part of a campaign to discredit the Revolution. An
sed not to mention, confirmed this from his own knowledge. I
rkov which were fired and flooded by their owners, of textile
s put the machinery out of order when they left, of railroad
act of crippling locomotives.. ..
ses preferred the Germans to the Revolution
nt—and didn't hesitate to say so. In the Russian household
ation at the dinner table was almost invariably the coming of the
One evening I spent at the house of a Moscow merchant;
le at the table whether they preferred “Wilhelm or the
for Wilhelm...
he universal disorganisation to pile up fortunes, and to spend
ption of Government officials. Foodstuffs and fuel were hoarded,
Sweden. In the first four months of the Revolution, for
were almost openly looted from the great Municipal warehouses
vision of grain had fallen to less than enough to feed the city for
l report of the last Minister of Supplies in the Provisional
lesale in Vladivostok for two rubles a pound, and the consumer
tores of the large cities were tons of food and clothing; but only

nt family turned speculator—maradior (bandit, ghoul) the

bribed their way out of military service. One gambled in
om the
Finland. The third owned a controlling interest in a chocolate
perative societies— on condition that the Cooperatives
And so, while the masses of the people got a quarter pound of
had an abundance of white bread, sugar, tea, candy, cake and
front could no longer fight from cold, hunger and exhaustion,
m “Cowards!”—how “ashamed” they were “to be Russians”...
d requisitioned vast hoarded stores of provisions, what

moved the old-time Dark Forces, unchanged since the fall of

very active. The agents of the notorious Okhrana still
for and against Kerensky—whoever would pay. ... In the
s
eds, were busy attempting to restore reaction in some form or

monstrous half-truths, one clear note sounded day after day,

iki, “All Power to the Soviets! All power to the direct
s of common workers, soldiers, peasants. Land, bread, an end
et diplomacy, speculation, treachery.. .. The Revolution is in
eople all over the world!”
and the middle class, between the Soviets and the
first March days, was about to culminate. Having at one bound
twentieth century, Russia showed the startled world two
and the social—in mortal combat.
Russian Revolution, after all these months of starvation and
uld have better known its Russia. Not for a long time in Russia
run its course....
ember insurrection seems of another age, almost incredibly
t ourselves to the newer, swifter life; just as Russian politics
adets were outlawed as “enemies of the people,” Kerensky
eaders, Tseretelli, Dan, Lieber, Gotz and Avksentiev, were too
en like Victor Tchernov, and even Maxim Gorky, belonged to

, a group of Socialist Revolutionary leaders paid a private visit

Ambassador, and implored him not to mention the fact that they
considered too far Right.”
year ago my Government instructed me not to receive
ously Left!”
st months of the Russian year—especially the Petrograd year.
ng days, the rain fell drenching, incessant. The mud underfoot
ked everywhere by heavy boots, and worse than usual because
unicipal administration. Bitter damp winds rushed in from the
d through the streets. At night, for motives of economy as well
were few and far between; in private dwellings and apartment-
from six o'clock until midnight, with candles forty cents apiece
dark from three in the afternoon to ten in the morning.
ased. In apartment houses the men took turns at all-night
This was under the Provisional Government.
The daily allowance of bread fell from a pound and a half to a
a quarter-pound.
thout any bread at all. Sugar one was entitled to at the rate of
et it at all, which was seldom. A bar of chocolate or a pound of
seven to ten rubles—at least a dollar. There was milk for about
s and private houses never saw it for months. In the fruit
ttle less than a ruble apiece on the street-corner....
bacco one had to stand in queue long hours in the chill rain.
ng I have seen the kvost (tail) beginning to form before dawn,
heir
ution, has described the French people as distinguished above
in queue. Russia had accustomed herself to the practice,
essed as long ago as 1915, and from then continued
17, when it settled down as the regular order of things. Think of
he iron-white streets of Petrograd whole days in the Russian
nes, hearing the bitter, acrid note of discontent which from time
us goodnature of the Russian crowd....
every night, including Sundays. Karsavina appeared in a new
ng Russia coming to see her. Shaliapin was singing. At the
yerhold's production of Tolstoy's “Death of Ivan the Terrible”;
noticing a student of the Imperial School of Pages, in his dress
een the acts and faced the empty Imperial box, with its eagles
ged a sumptuous version of Schnitzler's “Reigen.”
cture galleries had been evacuated to Moscow, there were
es of the female intelligentzia went to hear lectures on Art,
. It was a particularly active season for Theosophists. And the
or the first time in history, plastered the walls with
which amused and astounded Russian audiences. . ..
ntional life of the city went on, ignoring the Revolution as much
—but not about the Revolution. The realistic painters painted
y
g ladies from the provinces came up to the capital to learn
d the gay young beautiful officers wore their gold-trimmed
Caucasian swords around the hotel lobbies. The ladies of the
each other in the afternoon, carrying each her little gold or
a loaf of bread in her muff, and wished that the Tsar were
me, or anything that would solve the servant problem. ... The
me one afternoon in hysterics because the woman street-car
 travail, bearing a new world. The servants one used to treat
were getting independent. A pair of shoes cost more than a
ged about thirty-five rubles a month the servants refused to
oes. But more than that. In the new Russia every man and
ng-class newspapers, saying new and startling things; there
Unions. The izvoshtchiki (cab-drivers) had a Union; they were
viet. The waiters and hotel servants were organised, and
nts they put up signs which read, “No tips taken here—” or,
s living waiting on table is no reason to insult him by offering

heir fight with the officers, and learned self- government through
se unique Russian organisations, the Factory-Shop
nd strength and a realisation of their historical mission by
was learning to read, and reading—politics, economics, history
w. ... In every city, in most towns, along the Front, each political
es several. Hundreds of thousands of pamphlets were
ions, and poured into the armies, the villages, the factories, the
ong thwarted, burst with the Revolution into a frenzy of
one, the first six months, went out every day tons, car-loads,
e land. Russia absorbed reading matter like hot sand drinks
es, falsified history, diluted religion, and the cheap fiction that
heories, philosophy, the works of Tolstoy, Gogol, and Gorky.. ..

s “flood of French speech” was a mere trickle. Lectures,

uses, school-houses, clubs, Soviet meeting-rooms, Union
in the trenches at the Front, in village squares, factories....
ovsky Zavod (the Putilov factory) pour out its forty thousand to
Revolutionaries, Anarchists, anybody, whatever they had to
months in Petrograd, and all over Russia, every street-corner
, street-cars, always the spurting up of impromptu debate,
d Congresses, drawing together the men of two continents—
ves, Zemstvos,[5] nationalities, priests, peasants, political
the Moscow Conference, the Council of the Russian Republic.
ventions going on in Petrograd. At every meeting, attempts to
n, and every man free to express the thought that was in him. ...

elfth Army, back of Riga, where gaunt and bootless men

nches; and when they saw us they started up, with their
blue through their torn clothing, demanding eagerly, “Did you

signs of change were many, what though the statue of

ndrinsky Theatre bore a little red flag in its hand, and others—
blic buildings; and the Imperial monograms and eagles were
n place of the fierce gorodovoye (city police) a mild-mannered
the streets—still, there were many quaint anachronisms.
el o Rangov—_Table of Ranks—which he rivetted upon Russia
most everybody from the school-boy up wore his prescribed
eror on button and shoulder-strap. Along about five o'clock in
subdued old gentlemen in uniform, with portfolios, going home
Ministries or Government institutions, calculating perhaps how
rs would advance them to the coveted tchin (rank) of Collegiate
e prospect of retirement on a comfortable pension, and

v, who in full tide of Revolution came to a meeting of the Senate

not admitted because he did not wear the prescribed livery of

whole nation in ferment and disintegration

Russian Masses unrolled.

ched on Petrograd to make himself military dictator of Russia.
he mailed fist of the bourgeoisie, boldly attempting to crush the
nisters were implicated; even Kerensky was under suspicion.
moned to explain to the Central Committee of his party, the
d was expelled. Kornilov was arrested by the Soldiers'
ed, Ministers suspended from their functions, and the Cabinet

ment, including the Cadets, party of the bourgeoisie. His party,

d him to exclude the Cadets. Kerensky declined to obey, and
t if the Socialists insisted. However, popular feeling ran so high
oppose it, and a temporary Directorate of Five of the old
assumed the power until the question should be settled.
he Socialist groups—“moderates” as well as revolutionists—in
. There must be no more Kornilovs. A new Government must
nts supporting the Revolution. So the Tsay-ee-kah invited the
tes to a Democratic Conference, which should meet at

mmediately appeared. The Bolsheviki demanded that the All-

moned, and that they take over the power. The “centre”
ernov, joined with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, led by
er Martov, and the “centre” Mensheviki,[6] represented by
ing a purely Socialist Government. Tseretelli, Dan and Lieber,
viki, and the right Socialist Revolutionaries under Avksentiev
classes must be represented in the new Government.

on a majority in the Petrograd Soviet, and the Soviets of

es followed suit.
st Revolutionaries in control of the Tsay-ee- kah decided that
rnilov less than the danger of Lenin. They revised the plan of
nference, (See App. II, Sect. 2) admitting more delegates from
conservative bodies. Even this packed assembly at first voted
t the Cadets. Only Kerensky's open threat of resignation, and
Socialists that “the Republic is in danger” persuaded the
eclare in favour of the principle of coalition with the
blishment of a sort of consultative Parliament, without any
nal Council of the Russian Republic. In the new Ministry the
ed, and in the Council of the Russian Republic they occupied a

onger represented the rank and file of the Soviets, and had
ussian Congress of Soviets, due in September. It had no
f allowing it to be called. Its official organ, Izviestia (News),
Soviets was nearly at an end, (See App. II, Sect. 3) and that
s time, too, the new Government announced as part of its
organisations”—i.e. the Soviets.
ning the All-Russian Soviets to meet at Petrograd on
rnment of Russia. At the same time they withdrew from the
ing that they would not participate in a “Government of Treason
wever, did not bring tranquillity to the ill- fated Council. The
of power, became arrogant. The Cadets declared that the
clare Russia a republic. They demanded stern measures in the
rs' and Sailors' Committees, and denounced the Soviets. On
nsheviki Internationalists and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries
the peasants, and workers' control of industry—practically the

o the Cadets. Stooped over the desk of the tribune like the
ing in a voice so hoarse it could hardly be heard, he shook his

efeatists are those who wait for a more propitious moment to

ng peace until later, until nothing is left of the Russian army,
bargaining between the different imperialist groups. You are

tated by the interests of the bourgeoisie. The question of peace

u will see then that not in vain has been the work of those
ose Zimmerwa1dists[7] who in all the lands have prepared the
democratic masses. ”
ernationalist wing of the Socialists of Europe, so-called
nternational Conference held at Zimmerwald, Switzerland, in

heviki and Socialist Revolutionaries wavered, irresistibly forced

g dissatisfaction of the masses. Deep hostility divided the

-awaited announcement of the Allied Conference in Paris

reign policy. ...
ussia were in favour of the earliest possible peace on
ay, 1917, the Petrograd Soviet, then under control of the
aries, had proclaimed the famous Russian peace-conditions.
old a conference to discuss war-aims. This conference had
n until October; and now it was fixed for November 10th.
ted two representatives—General Alexeyev, reactionary military
Foreign Affairs. The Soviets chose Skobeliev to speak for them
s nakaz—(See App. II, Sect. 5) instructions. The Provisional
nd his nakaz; the Allied ambassadors protested and finally
mmons, in answer to a question, responded coldly, “As far as I
scuss the aims of the war at all, but only the methods of

ss was jubilant, and the Bolsheviki cried, “See where the

viki and Socialist Revolutionaries have led them!”
millions of men in Russia's armies stirred like the sea rising,
s upon hundreds of delegations, crying “Peace! Peace!”
Moderne, to one of the great popular meetings which occurred
t after night. The bare, gloomy amphitheatre, lit by five tiny
packed from the ring up the steep sweep of grimy benches to
men, women, all listening as if their lives depended upon it. A
Hundred and Forty-eight Division, wherever and whatever that

real anguish in his drawn face and despairing gestures. “The

upon us to sacrifice more, sacrifice more, while those who have

we invite German generals to serve on our Staff? Well we're at

we invite them into our Government. ...
m fighting for. Is it Constantinople, or is it free Russia? Is it the
derers? If you can prove to me that I am defending the
ithout
 nts, and the factories to the workers, and the power to the
mething to fight for, and we'll fight for it!”
street-corners, end less soldier speakers, all clamouring for an
Government did not make an energetic effon to get peace, the
o home.

en left in each company. They must give us food and boots and
left only empty trenches. Peace or supplies... either let the
he Army ”

ommittees, they betray us to the enemy, they apply the death

nter-revolutionary Government supports them. We thought that
ut now the Government forbids us even to talk of such things,
enough food to live on, or enough ammunition to fight with. ”
e at the expense of Russia. (See App. II, Sect. 6)...
ops in France added to the discontent. The First Brigade had
ers' Committees, like their comrades at home, and had refused
g to be sent to Russia. They had been surrounded and starved,
ny killed. (See App. II, Sect. 7)...
marble and crimson hall of the Marinsky palace, where the
Terestchenko's declaration of the Government's foreign policy,
all the peace-thirsty and exhausted land.
 n with a smooth face and high cheek-bones, suavely reading
See App. II, Sect. 8) Nothing.... Only the same platitudes about
help of the Allies—about the “state interests” of Russia, about
believ's nakaz. He ended with the key-note:
remain a great power, whatever happens. We must all defend
ders of a great ideal, and children of a great power.”
ries wanted a “strong” imperialist policy; the democratic parties
nment would press for peace.... I reproduce an editorial in
r), organ of the Bolshevik Petrograd Soviet:

CHES
r. Terestchenko, has actually told the trenches the following:
es. (Not with the peoples, but with the Governments.)
to discuss the possibility or impossibility of a winter campaign.
ents of our Allies.
eficial and a very happy affair. (He did not mention the

care about us. The Minister has in his possession very

? What about deeds? What about the behaviour of the British
eying of the British king with exiled counter-revolutionary
mention all this.)
e Allies don't like it and the Russian diplomats don't like it. In the
one language.’
e way out? The solution is, faith in the
 l peace come? When the Allies permit. That is how the
about peace!
olitics began to form the vague outlines of a sinister power—the
Gorky's paper, called attention to their activities:
e Cossacks refused to shoot down the people. When Kornilov
o follow him. From passive loyalty to the Revolution the
political offensive (against it). From the back-ground of the
nced to the front of the stage. ...
s, had been dismissed by the Provisional Government for his
atly refused to resign, and surrounded by three immense
k, plotting and menacing. So great was his power that the
insubordination. More than that, it was compelled formally to
Cossack Armies, and to declare illegal the newly- formed

delegation called upon Kerensky, arrogantly insisting that the

and reproaching the Minister-President for yielding to the
din alone, and then is reported to have said, “In the eyes of the
yrant. ... As for the Provisional Government, not only does it not
ders it regrettable that they exist at all.”
ission called upon the British ambassador, treating with him
Cossack people.”
sack Republic had been established. The Kuban declared itself
Soviets of Rostov-on- Don and Yekaterinburg were dispersed
arters of the Coal Miners' Union at Kharkov raided. In all its
nt was anti-socialist and militaristic. Its leaders were nobles and
ilov, Generals Dutov, Karaulov and Bardizhe, and it was
nd bankers of Moscow. ...
 In Ukraine, in Finland, Poland, White Russia, the nationalist
ecame bolder. The local Governments, controlled by the
y, refusing to obey orders from Petrograd. At Helsingfors the
ey to the Provisional Government, declared Finland
hdrawal of Russian troops. The bourgeois Rada at Kiev
until they included all the richest agricultural lands of South
began the formation of a national army. Premier Vinnitchenko
many—and the Provisional Government was helpless. Siberia,
Constituent Assemblies. And in all these countries there was the
n the authorities and the local Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers'

Hundreds of thousands of soldiers were deserting the front and

des over the face of the land. The peasants of Tambov and
r the land, exasperated by the repressive measures of the
uses and massacring land-owners. Immense strikes and lock-
d the coal-mines of the Don. Transportation was paralysed; the
s there was no bread.
emocratic and reactionary factions, could do nothing: when
interests of the propertied classes. Cossacks were sent to
o break the strikes. In Tashkent, Government authorities
the Economic Council, established to rebuild the shattered
a deadlock between the opposing forces of capital and labour,
old régime military men, backed by Cadets, demanded that
e discipline in the Army and the Navy. In vain Admiral
of Marine, and General Verkhovsky, Minister of War, insisted
c discipline, based on cooperation with the soldiers' and sailors'
d navy. Their recommendations were ignored.
d to provoke popular anger. The trial of Kornilov was coming
eois press defended him, speaking of him as “the great Russian
dictatorship of Kornilov, Kaledin and Kerensky!
he press gallery of the Council of the Republic. A small, stooped
r-sighted behind thick glasses, untidy hair and beard streaked

Russia needs is a Strong Man. We should get our minds off the
he Germans.
v; and back of the bunglers are the German agents. Kornilov

e scarcely-veiled Monarchists, Purishkevitch's Narodny Tribun

w Russia), and Zhivoye Slovo (Living Word), openly advocated
y democracy. ...
naval battle with a German squadron in the Gulf of Riga. On
nger, the Provisional Government drew up plans for evacuating
works were to go, distributed widely throughout Russia; and
ove to Moscow. Instantly the Bolsheviki began to cry out that
Red Capital in order to weaken the Revolution. Riga had been
was being betrayed!
Moscow,” said the Cadet paper Ryetch
ue its work in a tranquil atmosphere,
chists.” Rodzianko, leader of the right wing of the Cadet party,
g of Russia) that the taking of Petrograd by the Germans would
roy the Soviets and get rid of the revolutionary Baltic Fleet:
ay to myself, “Let God take care of Petrograd.” They fear that if
nary organisations will be destroyed. To that I answer that I
destroyed; for they will bring nothing but disaster upon

c Fleet will also be destroyed. But there

battleships are completely demoralised....
pproval the plan of evacuation was repudiated.
oomed over Russia like a thunder-cloud, shot through with
y the Government but by all the “moderate” Socialists. The
the Central Committees of some of the Trade Unions, the
e Tsay-ee-kah itself, spared no pains to prevent the meeting.
the Soldier), newspapers founded by the Petrograd Soviet but
, fiercely assailed it, as did the entire artillery of the Socialist
oda (People's Cause) and Vofia Naroda (People's Will).
ntry, messages flashed by wire to committees in charge of local
ting them to halt or delay elections to the Congress. Solemn
ess, declarations that the democracy was opposed to the
stituent Assembly, representatives from the Front, from the
nion, Union of Cossack Armies, Union of Officers, Knights of St.
ng. The Council
orus of disapproval. The entire machinery set up by the Russian
ock the Congress of Soviets. . ..

s will of the proletariat—the workmen, common soldiers and

ere already Bolshevik; then there were the organisations of the
avodskiye Comitiefi—Factory-Shop Committees; and the
ns. In some places the people, prevented from electing their
meetings and chose one of their number to go to Petrograd. In
ionist committees and formed new ones. A ground-swell of
which had been slowly hardening on the surface of
months. Only an spontaneous mass-movement could bring
oviets. ...
oured the barracks and factories, violently denouncing “this
y we went, on a top- heavy steam tram that lumbered through
es and immense churches, to Obukhovsky Zavod, a
he Schlüsselburg Prospekt.
gaunt brick walls of a huge unfinished building, ten thousand
ed around a scaffolding draped in red, people heaped on piles
pon shadowy girders, intent and thunder-voiced. Through the
he sun, flooding reddish light through the skeleton windows
ned to us.
gure with the sensitive face of an artist, was telling why the
Nothing else could guarantee the Revolution against its
ng the country, ruining the army, creating opportunities for a

in, tragical and fierce, cried, “Comrades! We are starving at the

ying for no reason. I ask the American comrades to carry word
ver give up their Revolution until they die. We will hold the fort
of the world rise and help us! Tell the American workers to rise

oiced, implacable: “Now is the time for deeds, not words. The
st get used to it. They are trying to starve us and freeze us.
them know that they can go too far—that if they dare to lay

ll sweep them away like scum from the face of the earth!”
ded. Besides the two party papers, Rabotchi Put and Soldat
er for the peasants, Derevenskaya Byednota (Village Poorest),
on; and on October 17th, Rabotchi i Soldat. Its leading article
ew:
n the annihilation of the army and the
 ety of Petrograd. Counter-revolutionists
. The peasants brought to desperation come out in open
ent authorities massacre them with punitive expeditions;
n, workmen are threatened with starvation. ... The bourgeoisie
nd discipline in the army.... Supported by the bourgeoisie, the
o break up the meeting of the Constituent Assembly. ...
t the people. He will destroy the country.... This paper stands
e poor classes, workers, soldiers and peasants. The people can
he Revolution... and for this purpose the full power must be in

All power to the Soviets—both in the capital and in the

est peace between peoples. Landlord estates—without

uction.
stituent Assembly.
assage from that same paper—the organ of those Bolsheviki
n agents:
blood of millions of dead people, wants to push his army
German workmen, soldiers and peasants, who want peace not
st this damned war!
nary Government, which would speak really for the workmen,
would appeal over the heads of the diplomats directly to the
hes with proclamations in the German language. ... Our airmen
l over Germany....
f between the two sides of the chamber
 n, for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, “want to exploit the
bind Russia to the war-chariot of the Allies! The revolutionary
licy. ”
ing the Populist Socialists, spoke against giving the land to the
adets: “We must have immediately strong discipline in the army.
ave not ceased to insist that it is a crime to undertake social and
e committing that crime, and yet I am not the enemy of these

e you!” Mighty applause from the Right. ...

that there was no necessity to tell the army what it was fighting
se that the first task was to drive the enemy from Russian

ad passionately for national unity, once bursting into tears at the

interrupting with ironical remarks.
Tsay-ee-kah and of the Petrograd Soviet, lay miles out on the
a. I went there on a street-car, moving snail-like with a
muddy streets, and jammed with people. At the end of the line
s of Smolny Convent outlined in dull gold, beautiful; and beside
molny Institute, two hundred yards long and three lofty stories
y in stone still insolent over the entrance. . ..
ent-school for the daughters of the Russian nobility, patronised
ad been taken over by the revolutionary organisations of
ore than a hundred huge rooms, white and bare, on their doors
passerby that within was “Ladies’ Class-room Number 4” or
ung crudely-lettered signs, evidence of the vitality of the new
rograd Soviet” and
gn Affairs”; “Union of Socialist Soldiers,” “Central Committee of
ory-Shop Committees,” “Central Army Committee”; and the
the political parties....
e electric lights, were thronged with hurrying shapes of soldiers
weight of huge bundles of newspapers, proclamations, printed
f their heavy boots made a deep and incessant thunder on the
p everywhere: “Comrades! For the sake of your health,
ood at the head of the stairs on every floor, and on the
d the literature of the different political parties, for sale. ...
y downstairs was still a dining-room. For two rubles I bought a
d in line with a thousand others, waiting to get to the long
d women were ladling from immense cauldrons cabbage soup,
abs of black bread. Five kopeks paid for tea in a tin cup. From a
n spoon.... The benches along the wooden tables were packed
food, plotting, shouting rough jokes across the room. ...

russian, translation follows]

H, PRESERVE CLEANLINESS.
eserved for the Tsay-ee-kah— though every one went there.
ered and endless glasses of tea. ...
was the great hall of meetings, the former ball-room of the
y glazed-white chandeliers holding hundreds of ornate electric

is, flanked with two tall many-branched light standards, and a

mperial portrait had been cut. Here on festal occasions had been
stical uniforms, a setting for Grand Duchesses. . ..
office of the Credentials Committee for the Congress of Soviets.
ates come in—burly, bearded soldiers, workmen in black
The girl in charge—a member of Plekhanov's Fedinstvo[9]
se are very different people from the delegates to the first
ee how rough and ignorant they look! The Dark People. ...” It
een stirred, and it was the bottom which came uppermost now.
ed by the old Tsay-ee-kah, was challenging delegate after
d been illegally elected. Karakhan, member of the Bolshevik
Never mind,” he said, “When the time comes we'll see that you

w All-Russian Congress is called to attempts of certain members

k up the Congress, by asserting that it will not take place, and
grad.... Pay no attention to these lies.... Great days are

ot come together by November 2, so the opening of the

But the whole country was now aroused; and the Mensheviki
ng that they were defeated, suddenly changed their tactics and
ncial organisations to elect as many “moderate” Socialist
me the Executive Committee of the Peasants' Soviets issued
ongress, to meet December 13th and offset whatever action the

ours ran through the city that there would be an armed

ming out” of the workers and soldiers. The bourgeois and
ction, and urged the Government to arrest the Petrograd
ting of the Congress. Such sheets as Novaya Rus advocated a

d with the Bolsheviki that the reactionaries

 ution, and that if necessary they must be resisted by force of
tionary democracy must present a united front.
ganised its principal forces, so long as the resistance to its
vantage in passing to the attack. But if the hostile elements
y democracy should enter the battle to seize the power, and it
nd strata of the people. ...
ary and Government newspapers were inciting the Bolsheviki to
would prepare the way for a new Kornilov. He urged the

ay), published a sensational story, accompanied by a map,

Bolshevik plan of campaign.
d with warnings, (See App. II, Sect. 10) proclamations,
s of the “moderate” and conservative factions and the Tsay-
ions,” imploring the workers and soldiers not to listen to
Military Section of the Socialist Revolutionary pany:
the town of an intended vystuplennie. What is the source of
uthorises these agitators who preach insurrection? The
o them in the Tsay- ee-kah, denied that they have anything to

anger. It may easily happen that, not taking into consideration

e workers, soldiers and peasants, individual hot-heads will call
on the streets, inciting them to an uprising.... In this fearful time
s passing, any insurrection can easily turn into civil war, and
n of all organisations of the proletariat, built up with so much
lotters are planning to take advantage of this insurrection to
t to Wilhelm, and wreck the Constituent Assembly.... Stick
e out!
Smolny, I spoke with Kameniev, a little man
 lic gestures. He was not at all sure that enough delegates
” he said, “it will represent the overwhelming sentiment of the
as I
the power be given to the Soviets, and the Provisional

asses and a bad complexion, was more definite. “The ‘Lieber-

re sabotaging the Congress. If they succeed in preventing its
enough not to depend on that!”
tered in my notebook the following items culled from the

s). Concentration here of loyal Guard Regiments, the Savage

ons.
of Pavlovsk, Tsarskoye Selo and Peterhof ordered by the
Petrograd. Oranienbaum yunkers arrive in the city.

ad garrism stationed in the Winter Palace.

ral thousand rifles delivered by the Government Arms Factory
trograd workmen.
Lower Liteiny Quarter, a resolution demanding that all power be

events of those feverish days, when everybody knew that

nobody knew just what.
in Smolny, the night of October 30th, Trotzky branded the
t the Soviet contemplated armed insurention as “an attempt of
ck the Congress of Soviets.... The Petrograd Soviet,” he
plennie. If it is necessary we shall do so, and we will be
n.... They (the Government) are preparing a counter-revolution;
e which will be
 d not ordered a demonstration, but the Central Committee of
the question of insurrection. All night long the 23d they met.
lectuals, the leaders—and delegates of the Petrograd workers
ls Lenin and Trotzky stood for insurrection. Even the military
nsurrection was defeated!
ce convulsed with rage. “I speak for the Petrograd proletariat,”
f insurrection. Have it your own way, but I tell you now that if
d, we're through with for!” Some soldiers joined him. ... And
ion won.. ..
eviki, led by Riazanov, Kameniev and Zinoviev, continued to
n the morning of October 31st appeared in Rabotchi Put the
e Comrades,” (See App. II, Sect. 11) one of the most
nda the world has ever seen. In it Lenin seriously presented
on, taking as text the objections of Kameniev and Riazonov.
‘All Power to the Soviets,”’ he wrote, “or else we must make an
se ”
eader of the Cadets, made a brilliant, bitter speech (See App. II,
blic, branding the Skobeliev nakaz as pro-German, declaring
as destroying Russia, sneering at Terestchenko, and openly
diplomacy to Russian. ... The Left benches were one roaring

ignore the significance of the success of the Bolshevik

ission of the Government and the Council of the Republic
ng the land temporarily to the peasants, and the other for
f peace. The next day Kerensky suspended capital punishment
s opened with great ceremony the first session of the new
Republican Régime and Fighting Against Anarchy and Counter-
not the slightest further trace.. .. The following morning with two
erensky (See App. II, Sect. 13)—the last time he received

y, “are suffering from economic fatigue— and from

orld thinks that the Russian Revolution is at an end. Do not be
just beginning. ...” Words more prophetic, perhaps, than he

he Petrograd Soviet the 30th of October, at which I was

ellectuals, officers, members of Army Committees, the Tsay-ee-
m rose up workmen, peasants and common soldiers,

er, which he said were caused by the arrest of the Land

ng but a shield to the pomieshfchiki (landowners),” he cried.
ssembly we will take the land anyway, so they are trying to

escribed how the superintendents were closing down the

xt that there was no fuel or raw materials. The Factory-Shop
ered huge hidden supplies.
want to starve us—or drive us to violence!”
mrades! I bring you greetings from the place where men are
nches!”
r, with flashing eyes, met with a roar of welcome. It was
uly fighting, and now risen from the dead.
heir officers. Even the Army Committees, who refused to call a
. The masses of the soldiers want the Constituent Assembly to
r, and those who dare to postpone it will be cursed—and not
 the Constituent now raging in the Fifth Army. “The officers, and
ocialist Revolutionaries, are trying deliberately to cripple the
ed to circulate in the trenches.

of bread?” shouted another soldier. “Man shall not live by

y, sternly.... Followed him an officer, delegate from the Vitebsk

ho has the power. The trouble is not with the Government, but
won before any change—” At this, hoots and ironical cheers.
gogues!” The hall rocked with laughter. “Let us for a moment
ot no farther. A voice yelled, “Don't you wish we would!”
acle in those days. In the factories the committee-rooms were
me and went, the Red Guard[10] drilled. ... In all the barracks
g interminable hot arguments. On the streets the crowds
ouring in slow voluble tides up and down the Nevsky, fighting for
sed to such an extent that it was
. ... On the Sadovaya one afternoon I saw a crowd of several
death a soldier caught stealing.... Mysterious individuals
en who waited in queue long cold hours for bread and milk,
ed the food supply—and that while the people starved, the

the door and the outer gates, demanding everybody's pass.

ummed all day and all night, hundreds of soldiers and workmen
d find room. Upstairs in the great hall a thousand people
of the Petrograd Soviet....
 from dusk to dawn, with champagne flowing and stakes of
of the city at night prostitutes in jewels and expensive furs
afés. . ..
ugglers hatching schemes....
at throbbing city under grey skies rushing faster and faster toward

nt and a rebellious people there comes a time when every act of

es, and every refusal to act excites their contempt. ...
aised a hurricane; Kerensky's public denial that the
was met with hoots of derision.
the Revolution (cried Rabotchi Put), the Government of
ee by giving out lying assurances that it never thought of fleeing
h to surrender the capital.. ..
rs organised, adopting the preamble of the
ass and the employing class have nothing in common.”
ocked out by the mine-owners, and the rest declared a general
ustry Konovalov appointed his assistant, Orlov, with plenary
as hated by the miners. But the Tsay-ee-kah not only
ed to demand that the Cossacks be recalled from the Don

the Soviet at Kaluga. The Bolsheviki, having secured a

political prisoners. With the sanction of the Government
ed in troops from Minsk, and bombarded the Soviet
heviki yielded, but as they left the building Cossacks attacked
all the other Bolshevik Soviets, including those of Moscow and
e of panic rage throughout
Congress of Soviets of the North, presided over by the Bolshevik
resolved that all power should be assumed by the All-Russian
g the Bolsheviki in prison, bidding them rejoice, for the hour of
ame time the first All-Russian Conference of Factory-Shop
eclared emphatically for the Soviets, and continued significantly,
from Tsardom, the working-class wants to see the democratic
s productive activity.
Control over industrial production, which naturally arose in the
ion created by the criminal policy of the dominating classes.. ..
nding the resignation of Liverovsky, Minister of Ways and

believ insisted that the nakaz be presented at the Allied

against the sending of Terestchenko to Paris. Terestchenko

mplish his reorganisation of the army, only came to Cabinet

ee Dielo came out with great headlines: Citizens! Save the

a meeting of the Commission for National Defence, Minister of

principal persons responsible for the fall of Kornilov, proposed
ntly of the Allies.

sional Government had not even examined Verkhovsky's

, “that we were in a madhouse!” The members of the
General's words. General Alexeyev wept.
s direct treason to Russia!
sov must immediately answer us concerning the words of

t the Allies must be pressed to offer peace, because the

..
tion was tremendous. Verkhovsky was given “indefinite leave
Government. Obshtchee Dielo was suppressed. ...
ted as the Day of the Petrograd Soviet, with immense meetings
o raise money for the organisation and the press; really, to
uddenly it was announced that on the same day the Cossacks

ur of the Ikon of 1612, through whose miraculous intervention

cow. The atmosphere was electric; a spark might kindle civil
manifesto, headed “Brothers—Cossacks!”
ainst us, workers and soldiers. This plan of Cain is being put
es, the oppressors, the privileged classes—generals, bankers,
vants of the Tsar. We are hated by all grafters, rich men,

nerals. They are ready at any moment to destroy the Petrograd

s organising a Cossack religious procession. It is a question of
idual whether he will or will not take part in this procession. We
we obstruct anybody. ... However, we warn you, Cossacks!
pretext of a Krestni Khod, your Kaledins do not instigate you
.
....
s quarters of the town the Bolsheviki were preaching, “All Power
rk Forces were urging the people to rise and slaughter the
s....
citing to bloody repression—on the other Lenin's great voice
wait any longer!”
y. (See App. III, Sect. 2) Birjevya Viedomosti (Exchange
anda an attack on “the most elementary principles of society—
private property.”
rograd Soviet]
Cosacks to call off their Krestny Khod— the religious
h (our calendar). “Brothers— Cossacks!” it begins. “The
diers' Deputies addresses you.”
urnals which were the most hostile. (See App. III, Sect. 3) “The
nemies of the Revolution,” declared Diefo Naroda. Said the
ought to defend itself and defend us.” Plekhanov's paper,
4), called the attention of the Government to the fact that the
d, and demanded stern measures against the Bolsheviki.
come more helpless. Even the Municipal administration broke
apers were filled with accounts of the most audacious robberies
trolled the streets at night, doing battle with marauders and
und them.
kovnikov, Military Commander of Petrograd, issued a

ch the country is passing, irresponsible appeals to armed

till being spread around Petrograd, and from day to day

he life of the citizens, and hinders the systematic work of the

utions.
bility and my duty before my country, I command:
with special instructions and within the territory of its garrison, to
pality, to the Commissars, and to the militia, in the guarding of

operation with the District Commander and the representatives

easures for the arrest of criminals and deserters.
barracks and inciting to armed demonstrations and massacres,
s of the Second Commander of the city.
ation or riot at its start, with all armed forces at hand.
ssars in preventing unwarranted searches in houses and

pens in the district under charge to the Staff of the Petrograd

organisations to afford their help to the

es with which they are charged.
sky declared that the Government was fully aware of the
cient force to cope with any demonstration. (See App. III, Sect.
otchi Put of both doing the same kind of subversive work. “But
press,” he added, “the Government is not in a position to
g that these were two aspects of the same propaganda, which
on, so ardently desired by the Dark Forces, he went on:
ter what happens to me, and I have the audacity to say that the
believable provocation created in the city by the Bolsheviki!”
Provisional Government had suppressed Bolshevik papers
do so again.
es to the Congress of Soviets had arrived. Next day there were
t a hundred and seventy-five, of whom one hundred and three

ess was only three days off....

y. It was no longer easy to get in. Double rows of sentries
side the front door there was a long line of people waiting to be
d as to their identity and their business. Passes were given out,
very few hours; for spies continually sneaked through....
Reed, translation follows]
he Military Revolutionary Committee, giving me the right of

ached to the
mandant's office
, correspondent of the American Socialist press, until
to Smolny Institute.

ate I saw Trotzky and his wife just ahead of me. They were
through his pockets, but could find no pass.
ow me. My name is Trotzky.” “You haven't got a pass,”

n anything to me.” “But I am the president of the Petrograd

as important a fellow as that you must at least have one little

e the Commandant,” he said. The soldier hesitated, grumbling

rb the Commandant for every devil that came along. He
mand of the guard. Trotzky explained matters to him. “My

d his head. “I've heard the name somewhere,” he said at

go on in, comrade. ”
ber of the Bolshevik Central Committee, who explained to me
like.
e popular will as expressed through the Soviets, allowing local
ional Government obstructs the action of the local democratic
d. The initiative of the new society shall come from below....
Constitution of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.
o frequent meetings of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, will
ies will be headed by coIfepia—committees—instead of by
sible to the Soviets. ”
went up to a small, bare room in the attic of Smolny, to talk with
sat on a rough chair at a bare table. Few questions from me
d steadily, for more than an hour. The substance of his talk, in

olutely powerless. The bourgeoisie is in control, but this control

h the oborontsi parties. Now, during the Revolution, one sees
waiting for their promised land; and all over the country, in all
is evident. This domination by the bourgeoisie is only possible
method is the only way by which the bourgeoisie can control. But
s. The
pacifists, Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki, have lost
etween the peasants and the landlords, between the workers
iers and the officers, has become more bitter, more
concerted action of the popular mass, only by the victory of
olution be achieved and the people saved....
presentatives of the people—perfect in their revolutionary
s. Based directly upon the army in the trenches, the workers in
e fields, they are the backbone of the Revolution.
e a power without the Soviets—and only powerlessness has
schemes of all sorts are now being hatched in the corridors of
The Cadet party represents the counter-revolution militant. On
the cause of the people. Between the two camps there are no
the lutte [inale. The bourgeois counter- revolution organises all
o attack us. Our answer will be decisive. We will complete the
 air. ”
ernment's foreign policy:
mediate armistice on all fronts, and a conference of peoples to
e quantity of democracy we get in the peace settlement
ary response there is in Europe. If we create here a
be a powerful factor for immediate peace in Europe; for this
y and immediately to all peoples, over the heads of their
e. At the moment of the conclusion of peace the pressure of the
ction of ‘no annexations, no indemnities, the right of self-
erated Republic o[Europe....
ecreated, not by the diplomats, but by the proletariat. The
United States of Europe— that is what must be. National
mic evolution demands the abolition of national frontiers. If
groups, then Imperialism will recommence its work. Only a
ve peace to the world.” He smiled—that fine, faintly ironical
f the European masses, these ends cannot be realised—now

the Bolsheviki to appear suddenly on the streets one morning

white collars on, the real insurrection took its way quite

d to send the Petrograd garrison to the front.

bout sixty thousand men, who had taken a prominent part in the
ed the tide in the great days of March, created the Soviets of
Kornilov from the gates of Petrograd.
eviki. When the Provisional Government talked of evacuating
n which answered, “If you are not capable of defending the
ot conclude peace, go away and make room for a People's
urrection depended upon the attitude of the Petrograd garrison.
ce the garrison regiments with “dependable” troops—Cossacks,
ees, the “moderate” Socialists and the Tsay-ee-kah supported
ation was carried on at the Front and in Petrograd, emphasizing
rograd garrison had been leading an easy life in the barracks of
mrades in the trenches starved and died.
accusation that the garrison regiments were reluctant to
for the hardships of a winter campaign. But there were other
Petrograd Soviet feared the Government's intentions, and from
s, chosen by the common soldiers, crying, “It is true we need
we must know that Petrograd and the Revolution are well-
mrades, and we will hold the front!”
s, the Central Committee of the Petrograd Soviet discussed the
ttee to decide the whole question. The next day a meeting of
d Soviet elected a Committee, which immediately proclaimed a
, and condemned the Tsay-ee-kah for opposing the Congress
ion of the Petrograd Soviet, Trotzky proposed that the Soviet
ionary Committee. “We ought,” he said, “to create our special
f necessary to die....” It was decided to send to the front two
one from the garrison, to confer with the Soldiers' Committees

met by General Tcheremissov, commander of the Northern

e had ordered the Petrograd garrison to the trenches, and that
not allowed to leave Petrograd. ...
of the Petrograd Soviet asked that a representative be admitted
Refused. The Petrograd Soviet demanded that no orders be
ldiers' Section. Refused. The delegates were roughly told, “We
se you; if you break any laws, we shall arrest you.”
ives of all the Petrograd regiments passed a resolution: “The
ses the Provisional Government. The Petrograd Soviet is our
orders o[the Petrograd Soviet, through the Military
military units were ordered to wait for instructions from the
viet.
d its own meeting, composed largely of officers, formed a
ff, and detailed Commissars in all quaners of the city.
the 3d resolved:
evolutionary Committee, the Petrograd garrison promises it
unite more closely the front and the rear in the interests of the
 with the revolutionary proletariat it assures the maintenance of
ry attempt at provocation on the part of the Kornilovtsi or the
s resistance.
ary Revolutionary Committee peremptorily summoned the
ol. To all printing plants it gave orders not to publish any
Committee's authorisation. Armed Commissars visited the
quantities of arms and ammunition, halting a shipment of ten
sent to Novotcherkask, headquarters of Kaledin. ...
Government offered immunity if the Committee would disband.
Kerensky himself sent Malevsky to offer the Petrograd Soviet
ary Revolutionary Committee accepted. An hour later General
ountermanded the offer. ...
e city was thrown into excitement by the appearance of a
ry Committee attached to the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and

ens!
minal head. The Kornilovtsi are mobilising their forces in order to
oviets and break the Constituent Assembly. At the same time
pon the people of Petrograd for trouble and bloodshed. The
diers' Deputies takes upon itself the guarding of revolutionary
lutionary and pogrom attempts.
any violence or disorders. The population is invited to arrest
rs and take them to the Soviet Commissars at the nearest
ark Forces to make trouble on the streets of Petrograd,
nals will be wiped off the face of the earth!
n complete quiet and self-possession. The cause of order and
mmissars of the Military Revolutionary Committee....
viki had another historic meeting behind closed doors. Notified
tside the door; and Volodarsky as he came out told me what

oo early. We must have an all-Russian basis for the rising; and

ngress will not have arrived. ... On the other hand, November
Congress will be organised, and it is difficult for a large
ft, decisive action. We must act on the 7th, the day the
to it, ‘Here is the power! What are you going to do with it?”’
aced, long-haired individual, once an officer in the armies of the
ertain Avseenko, called Antonov, mathematician and chess-
for the seizure of the capital.
paring. Inconspicuously certain of the most loyal regiments,
e ordered to Petrograd.
he Winter Palace. Patrols of Cossacks made their appearance
the July days. Polkovnikov issued order after order, threatening
e “utmost energy.” Kishkin, Minister of Public Instruction, the
was appointed Special Commissar to keep order in Petrograd;
less unpopular, Rutenburg and Paltchinsky. Petrograd,
in a state of siege— upon which the bourgeois Novoye
cally:
ment is no longer a power. It has no moral authority and it does
s to use force In the
n only negotiate with any one who consents to parley. Its

n at the Marinsky Palace, to see what was happening in the

er debate on Terestchenko's foreign policy. Echoes of the
ambassador, who everybody said was prostrated by the Carso

utionary Karelin was reading aloud an editorial from the London

olshevism is bullets!” Turning to the Cadets he cried, “That's

Karelin, hotly. “But you haven't the courage to try it!”

ée idol with his soft blond beard and wavy yellow hair, rather
akaz. Terestchenko followed, assailed from the Left by cries of
ed that the delegates of the Government and of the Tsay-ee-
point of view—his own. A few words about the restoration of
ctory Tumult, and over
ent Left, the Council of the Republic passed to the simple order

k seats—empty since that first day when they left the Council,
went down the stairs it seemed to me that in spite of the bitter
gh world outside could penetrate this high, cold hall, and that
cked—on the same rock of War and Peace that had wrecked
grumbled as he put on my coat, “I don't know what is
Mensheviki and Bolsheviki and Trudoviki.... This Ukraine and
ists and the English imperialists. I am forty-five years old, and
words as in this place. ”
ky, a rat-faced individual in a dapper frock- coat, very influential
sked him what he thought of the much-talked-of Bolshevik
.
ered. “They will not dare, or if they dare they will soon be sent
ot be bad, for then they will ruin themselves and have no power
 to you my plan for a form of Government to be submitted to the
m chairman of a commission appointed from this body, in
ernment, to work out a constitutional project. ... We will have a
s, such as you have in the United States. In the lower chamber
he upper, representatives of the liberal professions, zemstvos,
”
m the west, and the cold mud underfoot soaked through my
assed swinging up the Morskaya, tramping stiffly in their long
g chorus, such as the soldiers used to sing under the Tsar.. ..
the City Militiamen were mounted, and armed with revolvers in
eople stood silently staring at them. At the corner of the Nevsky
he Bolsheviki be Able to Hold the Power?” paying for it with one
all change. The usual street-cars crawled past, citizens and
ay to make Theodore P. Shonts green with envy.. .. Along the
m sold cigarettes and sunflower seeds. ...
owds were battling for the latest papers, and knots of people
s of appeals (See App. III, Sect. 6) and proclamations pasted
-kah, the Peasants' Soviets, the “moderate” Socialist parties,
cursing, beseeching the workers and soldiers to stay home, to

up and down, siren screaming. On every corner, in every open

arguing soldiers and students. Night came swiftly down, the
n, the tides of people flowed endlessly. ... It is always like that in

ry sharp sound. But still no sign from the Bolsheviki; the

workmen in the factories. ... We went to a moving picture show
Italian film of passion and intrigue. Down front were some
reen in childlike wonder, totally unable to comprehend why
 d so much homicide. ...
om 10 on the top floor, the Military Revolutionary Committee sat
airmanship of a tow-headed, eighteen-year-old boy named
o shake hands rather bashfully.
ver to us,” said he, with a pleased grin. “A minute ago we got
ed by the Government to come to Petrograd. The men were
at Gatchina and sent a delegation to us. ‘What's the matter?’
y? We have just passed a resolution, “All Power to the
y Committee sent back word, ‘Brothers! We greet you in the
you are until further instructions!”’
but communication with the factories and barracks was
phonograph apparatus. ...
mmissars came and went. Outside the door waited a dozen
e farthest quarters of the city. One of them, a gypsy-faced man
French, “Everything is ready to move at the push of a button.

earded civillian whose brain conceived the strategy of

collar filthy, drunk with loss of sleep; Krylenko, the squat, wide-
s violent gestures and tumbling speech; and Dybenko, the giant
hese were the men of the hour—and of other hours to come.
y-Shop Committees sat Seratov, signing orders on the
hundred and fifty rifles for each factory.... Delegates waited in

or Bolshevik leaders. One showed me a revolver. “The game is

Whether we move or not the other side knows it must finish us

ay and night. As I came into the great hall Trotzky was just
 d to have a vystuplennie. I can give a clear answer to that
that at last the moment has arrived when the power must fall
ansfer of government will be accomplished by the All-Russian
nstration is necessary will depend on... those who wish to
ss.. ..
sted to the personnel of the Provisional Cabinet, is a pitiful and
aits the sweep of the broom of History to give way to a really
ng to avoid a conflict, even now, to-day. We hope that the All-
hands that power and authority which rests upon the organised
he Government wants to utilise the short period it is expected
venty-two hours—to attack us, then we shall answer with
for iron!”
Left Socialist Revolutionaries had agreed to send
olutionary Committee....
e morning, I noticed that two rapid-firing guns had been
or, and that strong patrols of soldiers guarded the gates and
v[12] came bounding up the steps. “Well,” he cried, “We're off!
down our papers, Soldat and Rabotchi Put. But our troops went
seals, and now we're sending detachments to seize the
ntly he slapped me on the shoulder, and ran in....
or movement.
ness with the censor, whose office was in the Ministry of
e walls, hysterical appeals to the people to remain “calm.”
az:
ents to remain in their barracks until further orders from the
cers who act without orders from their superiors will be court-
ely any execution by soldiers of instructions from other
 the Government had suppressed the papers Novaya Rus,
dat, and decreed the arrest of the leaders of the Petrograd
ry Revolutionary Committee....
ral batteries of yunker artillery came through the Red Arch at a
Palace. The great red building of the General Staff was
d automobiles ranked before the door, and motors full of
he censor was very much excited, like a small boy at a circus.
he Council of the Republic to offer his resignation. I hurried
g at the end of that passionate and almost incoherent speech of
d bitter denunciation of his enemies.
ic passage from a whole series of articles published in Rabotchi
l who is in hiding and whom we are trying to find.... This state
d the Petrograd garrison to repeat the experience of the 16th-
mediate necessity for an armed rising. ... Moreover, other
or in a series of meetings, and also made an appeal to
hould be noticed the activity of the present president of the
..
the expressions and the style of a whole series of articles in
bsolutely those of Novaya Rus. ... We have to do not so much
political party, as with the exploitation of the political ignorance
population, a sort of organisation whose object it is to provoke
scient movement of destruction and pillage; for given the state
nt at Petrograd will be followed by the most terrible massacres,
he name of free Russia. ...
n himself, the situation of the extreme left wing of the Social
ble.” (Here Kerensky read the following quotation from Lenin's

have only one Liebknecht, without

 ting, without a Soviet. ... They are opposed by the incredible
d yet the German comrades try to act; while we, having dozens
the majority of the Soviets, we, the best-placed international
we refuse to support the German revolutionists and

e thus implicitly that the most perfect conditions for the free
n Russia, administered by a Provisional Government at the
arty, ‘a usurper and a man who has sold himself to the
erensky. ’
do not come to the aid of the German proletariat, but of the
open the Russian front to the iron fists of Wilhelm and his
onal Government the motives of these people, little matter if
y; but in any case, from this tribune, in full consciousness of my
Russian political party as acts of treason to Russia!
of the Right, and I propose immediately to proceed to an
y arrests.” (Uproar from the Left.) “Listen to me!” he cried in a
n the state is in danger, because of conscious or unconscious
, and myself among others, prefer to be killed rather than betray
ence of Russia. ”
to Kerensky.
n which they are distributing to the regiments. Here is the
Soviet o[ Workers’ and Soldiers’Deputies is menaced. We order
se on a war [ooting and tO aWait new orders. All delay or non-
dered as an act o[treason to the devolution. The Military
esident, PodvoiSkf. The Secretary, Antonov.’
 the populace against the existing order of things, to break the
he regiments of the iron fist of Wilhelm. ...
se the conscious democracy and its Tsay-ee- kah, all the Army
rifies, the good sense, the honour and the conscience of the
gainst these things. ...
but to state my firm conviction that the Provisional Government,
w liberty—that the new Russian state, destined to a brilliant
xcept among those who have never dared to face the truth....
never violated the liberty of all citizens of the State to use their
onal Government.... declares: in this moment those elements of
d parties who have dared to lift their hands against the free will
me threatening to open the front to Germany, must be

erstand that it will encounter a firm power, and perhaps at the

e and honour will triumph in the hearts of those who still

g with deafening clamour. When the Minister-President had

ith perspiration, and strode out with his suite of officers,
nd Centre attacked the Right, all one angry roaring. Even the
otz:
gogic and criminal, in their exploitation of the popular
s of popular demands which have received no satisfaction up
nd and the democratization of the army ought to be stated in
nt or worker would have the least doubt that our Government is
ve them.. ..
ke a Cabinet crisis, and we are ready to defend the Provisional
e last drop of our
nment, on all these burning questions, will speak the clear and
with such

who allowed himself to speak of ‘populace’ when it is question

ns of the proletariat and the army—although led in the wrong
ent to civil war.”
e Left was voted. It amounted practically to a vote of lack of

as been preparing for some days past has for its object a coup
creates conditions favourable to pogroms and
counter- revolutionary forces, such as the Black Hundreds,
mpossibility of convoking the Constituent, will cause a military
ion, paralyse the economic life of the country and destroy

gitation have been created by delay in passing urgent

tions caused by the war and the general disorder. It is
ulgate at once a decree transmitting the land to the peasants'
nergetic course of action abroad in proposing to the Allies to
gin peace-parleys;
ations and pogromist movements, it is indispensable to take
se movements, and for this purpose to create at Petrograd a
ed of representatives of the Municipality and the organs of the
ontact with the Provisional Government....
heviki and Socialist Revolutionaries all rallied to this
however, he summoned Avksentiev to the Winter Palace to
fidence in the Provisional Government, he begged Avksentiev
d Avksentiev, the leaders of the “compromisers,” performed
o Kerensky that it was not meant as a criticism of the

e Nevsky, squads of soldiers with fixed bayonets were stopping

e occupants, and ordering them toward the Winter Palace. A
hem. Nobody knew whether the soldiers belonged to the
nary Committee. Up in front of the Kazan Cathedral the same
g directed back up the Nevsky. Five or six sailors with rifles
fell into conversation with two of the soldiers. On the sailors' hat
dy,— the names of the leading Bolshevik cruisers of the Baltic
s coming!”... It was as if, in 1792, on the streets of Paris, some
ming!” For at Cronstadt were twenty-five thousand sailors,
o die....
front page one huge proclamation: SOLDIERS! WORKERS!

st night to the offensive. The Kornilovists of the Staff are trying

and volunteer battalions. The Oranienbaum yunkers and the
o come out. A stroke of high treason is being contemplated

er-revolutionists is being directed against the All-Russian

opening, against the Constituent Assembly, against the
ding the Revolution. The Military Revolutionary Committee is
ors' attack. The entire garrison and proletariat of Petrograd are
e a crushing blow.
e decrees:
ship Committees, together with the Soviet Commissars, and all
et in continuous session, concentrating in their hands all
nspirators.
sion without permission of the Committee.
legates from each military unit and five
 iet and all delegates to the All-Russian Congress are invited
dinary meeting.
minal head.
quests and hopes of the soldiers and workers. But the forces of
f its enemies.
hands. The conspirators will be crushed. No hesitation or
cipline, determination! Long live the Revolution!
e.
ontinuously at Smolny, a centre of storm, delegates falling down
o take part in the debate, Trotzky, Kameniev, Volodarsky
ay....
oor where the Bolshevik delegates were holding caucus, a
eaker hidden by the crowd: “The compromisers say that we are
nce it begins they must be dragged along with us, or else lose

e are dragging them! A message has just come from the

aries! They say that they condemn our action, but that if the
oppose the cause of the proletariat!” Exultant shouting....
oldiers and workmen, a monstrous dun mass, deep-humming
ay-ee-kah had finally decided to welcome the delegates to that
own ruin—and perhaps the ruin of the revolutionary order it
nly members of the Tsay-ee-kah could vote....
 the chair and Dan rose to speak, in a tense silence, which

n the most tragic colours,” he said. “The enemy is at the gates

cracy are trying to organise to resist him, and yet we await
l, and famine threatens to destroy, not only our homogeneous
f....
. They have no interest in the Revolution. If the Bolsheviki start
Revolution...” (Cries, “That's a lie!)” “The counter-revolutionists
in riots and massacres.... If there is any vystuplennie, there
Cries, “Lie! Shame!”)
military operations the Petrograd garrison shall not submit to
bey the orders of the Staff and of the Tsay-ee-kah elected by
means death! Robbers and thieves are waiting for the moment
such slogans put before you, ‘Enter the houses, take away the
sie—”’ (Tumult. Cries, “No such slogan! A lie! A lie!”) “Well, it
at way!
act, and must be obeyed.... We are not afraid of bayonets....
volution with its body. ”
!”)
his voice could be heard screaming, as he pounded the desk,
mitting a crime!”
ago, when you captured the power and turned it over to the

ence, or I'llhave you put out!” Voice: “Try it!” (Cheers and

ace.” (Laughter.) “Unfortunately Russia can no longer support

going to be peace, but not permanent peace—not a democratic
e
d, we passed an order of the day demanding the surrender of
immediate peace negotiations. ...” (Laughter, and cries, “Too

nted the tribune, borne on a wave of roaring applause that burst

erous. His thin, pointed face was positively Mephistophelian in

—the great, dull, indifferent masses—are absolutely with him!”

chairman, dramatically. “When we spoke of giving the land to
e told the peasants, ‘If they don't give it to you, take it
ed our advice. And now you advocate what we did six months

pend the death penalty in the army was dictated by his ideals. I
e Petrograd garrison, which refused to obey him....
ade a speech in the Council of the Republic which proves him
may come when Dan will say that the flower of the Revolution
and 18th.... In Dan's resolution to-day at the Council of the
forcing discipline in the army, although that is urged in the

nths shows that the masses have left the Mensheviki. The
ionaries conquered the Cadets, and then when they got the

to make an insurrection. Insurrection is the right of all

en masses revolt, it is their right. ”
ieber, greeted with groans and laughter.
ariat had no right to take power until it was ready for it. In a
eizure of power by the masses means the tragic end of the
mocratic theorist, is himself opposed to what he is now
nternationalists are not opposed to the transmission of power
e of the methods of the Bolsheviki. This is not the moment to

otesting against the action of the Military Revolutionary

ssar to seize the office of Izviestia and censor the paper. The
to speak, but could not be heard. Delegates of the Army and
hall, shouting that the Soviet was their Government. ...
fered a resolution, appealing to the workers and soldiers to
ovocations to demonstrate, recognising the necessity of
Public Safety, and asking the Provisional Government at once
to the peasants and beginning peace negotiations....
g harshly that the Tsay-ee-kah, on the eve of the Congress, had
e Congress. The Tsay-ee- kah was practically dead, he said,
to bolster up its waning power....
e on this resolution!” Whereupon all the Bolsheviki left the hall

in in the outer hall, a rifle slung from his shoulder.

7) said he, calmly but with satisfaction. “We pinched the
Minister of Religions. They're down cellar now. One regiment is
ne Exchange, another the Telegraph Agency, another the State

ark, we first saw the Red Guard—a huddled group of boys in

h bayonets, talking nervously together.
e the sound of scattered rifle fire, where the
ges over the Neva, to prevent the factory workers and soldiers
Soviet forces in the centre of the city; and the Cronstadt sailors

ights, hummed like a gigantic hive....

ent
ery late. The noon cannon boomed from Peter-Paul as I went
day. In front of the State Bank some soldiers with fixed
d gates.
d. “The Government?”
ed with a grin, “Slava Bogu! Glory to God!” That was all I could

Nevsky, men, women and small boys hanging on every

ere seemed even less uneasiness among the street crowds
A whole crop of new appeals against insurrection had
e night—to the peasants, to the soldiers at the front, to the

ens that in the extraordinary meeting of November 6th the

Safety, composed of members of the Central and Ward
llowing revolutionary democratic organizations: The Tsay-ee-
mittee of Peasant Deputies, the Army organisations, the
Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (!), the Council of Trade

Safety will be on duty in the building of the Municipal Duma.

36.
as the Duma's declaration of war against the Bolsheviki.
only newspaper which seemed on sale, and a little later paid a
d copy of Dren. The Bolshevik paper, printed on large-sized
Russkaya Vofia, had huge headlines: “ALL POWER—TO THE
S AND PEASANTS! PEACE! BREAD! LAND!” The
—Lenin’s companion in hiding. It began:
al Socialist, every honest democrat realises that there are only
on.
hands of the bourgeois-landlord crew, and this will mean every
ldiers and peasants, continuation of the war, inevitable hunger

he hands of the revolutionary workers, soldiers and peasants;

ete abolition of landlord tyranny, immediate check of the
ust peace. Then the land is assured to the peasants, then
workers, then bread is assured to the hungry, then the end of

the agitated night. Bolsheviki capture of the Telephone

egraph Agency; the Peterhof yunkers unable to reach
arrest of some of the Ministers; shooting of Chief of the City
s, skirmishes between clashing patrols of soldiers, yunkers and

nto Captain Gomberg, Menshevik oboronetz, secretary of the

asked him if the insurrection had really happened he shrugged
replied, “Tchorf znayef! The devil knows! Well, perhaps the
hey won't be able to hold it more than three days. They haven't
ps it's a good thing to let them try—that will furnish them ”
 Isaac's Square was picketed by armed sailors. In the lobby
rs, walking up and down or muttering together; the sailors

rifle outside, followed by a scattered burst of firing. I ran out.

ound the Marinsky Palace, where the Council of the Russian
wide square was drawn a line of soldiers, rifles ready, staring at

one, while another went running toward the door.

ay a big armoured car with a red flag flying from it, newly
iet Rabotchikh Soldatskikh Deputatov); all the guns trained
een heaped up across the mouth of Novaya Ulitza—boxes,
A pile of lumber barred the end of the Moika quay. Shon logs
being built up along the front of the building to form

asked.
rvously. “Go away, comrade, you'll get hurt. They will come
he Admiralty.

answered, and spat.

crowd of soldiers and sailors. A sailor was telling of the end of
“We walked in there,” he said, “and filled all the doors with
evolutionist Kornilovitz who sat in the president's chair. ‘No
me now!”’
ted papers I managed to get around to the door of the press
ailor stopped me, and when I showed my pass, just said, “If
rade, you couldn't pass here!” Through the glass of the door I
iculating arms of a French correspondent, locked in....
 ustached man in the uniform of a general, the centre of a knot
ce.
As your superior officer and as a member of the Council of the
pass!” The guard scratched his head, looking uneasily out of the
approaching officer, who grew very agitated when he saw who
what he was doing.
yow: High Excellency—” he stammered, in the manner of the
strictly forbidden—I have no right—”
Gotz sitting inside, laughing apparently with great amusement. A
d soldiers on the front seat, full of arrested members of the
ish member of the Military Revolutionary Committee, came

lemen last night,” said I, pointing to them.

on of a disappointed small boy. “The damn fools let most of
ur minds ”
great mass of sailors were drawn up, and behind them came
could reach.
y way of the Admiralteisky. All the entrances to the Palace
a cordon of troops stretched clear across the western end,
zens. Except for far-away soldiers who seemed to be carrying
d piling it in front of the main gateway, everything was quiet.
entries were pro-Government or pro-Soviet. Our papers from
e approached another part of the line with an imponant air and
ing “Official business!” and shouldered through. At the door of
n their brass-buttoned blue uniforms with the red-and-gold
ats, and we went up-stairs. In the dark, gloomy corridor, stripped
were lounging
or a young officer paced up and down, gnawing his moustache.
Minister-president. He bowed and clicked his heels.
. “Alexander Feodorvitch is extremely occupied just now....” He
he is not here. ”

IV, Sect. 2) And do you know, there wasn't enough gasoline

o the English Hospital and borrow some.”

don't know where.’ “Are the Bolsheviki coming?”

g. I expect a telephone call every minute to say that they are
bunkers in the front of the Palace. Through that door there.”

” Abruptly he shook hands all around and walked away. We

temporary partition dividing the hall and locked on the outside.
omebody laughing. Except for that the vast spaces of the old
old shveitzar ran up. “No, barin, you must not go in there.”

ed. After a few minutes he said something about having a glass

unlocked the door.
on guard, but they said nothing. At the end of the corridor was
ices and enormous crystal lustres, and beyond it several
wood. On both sides of the parquetted floor lay rows of dirty
 stretched out; everywhere was a litter of cigarette-butts, bits of
expensive French labels. More and more soldiers, with the red
ls, moved about in a stale atmosphere of tobacco-smoke and
e of white Burgundy, evidently filched from the cellars of the
ishment as we marched past, through room after room, until at
at state-salons, fronting their long and dirty windows on the
huge canvases in massive gilt frames—historical battle-

2” and “16/28 August 1813.” One had a

ner.
d evidently had been for weeks, from the look of the floor and
on window-sills, rifles stacked between the mattresses.
n alcoholic breath assailed me from the region of my left ear,
ench, “I see, by the way you admire the paintings, that you are
n with a baldish head as he removed his cap.
—Capitan Vladimir Artzibashev, absolutely at your service.” It
re was anything unusual in four strangers, one a woman,
n army awaiting attack. He began to complain of the state of

“but the fine traditions of the Russian army are broken down.
ents in the officers' training schools. But are they gentlemen?
s to the ranks, to any soldier who could pass an examination.
are contaminated by the Revolution. ”
e subject. “I am very anxious to go away from Russia. I have
an army. Will you please go to your Consul and make
dress.” In spite of our protestations he wrote it on a piece of
nce. I have it still—“Oranien-baumskaya Shkola
o[.”
” he went on, as he guided us through the rooms and explained
decided to remain loyal to the Government.”
e?”
here they won't be hurt if any trouble comes.” He sighed. “It is

ooking down on the Square before the Palace, where three

ere drawn up under arms, being harangued by a tall, energetic-
evitch, chief Military Commissar of the Provisional Government.
anies shouldered arms with a clash, barked three sharp shouts,
uare, disappearing through the Red Arch into the quiet city.
hone Exchange,” said some one. Three cadets stood by us,
aid they had entered the schools from the ranks, and gave their
ko and Erni Sachs, an Esthonian. But now they didn't want to
s were very unpopular. They didn't seem to know what to do,
hat they were not happy.
e Bolsheviki come we shall show them how to fight. They do not
we should be overpowered, well, every man keeps one bullet

-fire not far off. Out on the Square all the people began to run,
oshfchiki, standing on the corners, galloped in every direction.
g here and there, grabbing up guns, rifle-belts and shouting,

utes it quieted down again. The izvoshfchiki came back, the

the Red Arch appeared the yunkers, marching a little out of
omrades.
Palace. The sentries in the Square had all disappeared. The
dings seemed deserted. We went into the Hotel France for
p the
p and insisted that we move to the main dining-room at the back
ng to put out the lights in the café. “There will be much

again it was quite dark, except for one flickering street-light on

stood a big armored automobile, with racing engine and oil-
had climbed up the side of the thing and was looking down the
d sailors stood around, evidently waiting for something. We
ere a knot of soldiers was gathered staring at the brightly-lighted
es.
ow can we shoot at them? The Women's Battalion is in there—
n women.”
other armoured car came around the corner, and a man poked

rough and attack!”

r, and shouted so as to be heard above the roaring engine.
ave got artillery behind the wood-piles in there. ”
ning, few people passed, and there were no lights; but a few
the crowds, the lighted shop-windows and the electric signs of
on as usual. We had tickets to the Ballet at the Marinsky
t it was too exciting out of doors....
mber-piles barricading the Police Bridge, and before the
ldiers wheeling into position a three-inch field-gun. Men in
oing in an aimless way, and doing a great deal of talking. ...
d to be out promenading. On every corner immense crowds
scussion. Pickets of a dozen soldiers with fixed bayonets
aced old men in rich fur coats shook their fists at them, smartly-
he soldiers argued feebly, with embarrassed grins. Armoured
 after the first Tsars—Oleg, Rurik, Svietoslav—and daubed with
ssiskaya Parfia)[13]. At the Mikhailovsky a man appeared with
mmediately stormed by frantic people, offering a rouble, five
other like animals. It was Rabotchi i Soldat, announcing the
the liberation of the Bolsheviki still in prison, calling upon the
everish little sheet of four pages, running to enormous type,

or Party).
two thousand citizens had gathered, staring up at the roof of a
lowed and waned.
it. “It is a provocator. Presently he will fire on the people. ...”
o investigate.
d with lights as we drove up, and from every street converged
dim in the gloom. Automobiles and motorcycles came and went;
oured automobile, with two red flags flying from the turret,
was cold, and at the outer gate the Red Guards had built
ate, too, there was a blaze, by the light of which the sentries
oked us up and down. The canvas covers had been taken off
of the doorway, and the ammunition-belts hung snakelike from
ed cars stood under the trees in the court-yard, engines going.
s roared with the thunder of feet, calling, shouting.... There was
owd came pouring down the staircase, workers in black blouses
em with guns slung over their shoulders, soldiers in rough dirt-
nched flat, a leader or so—Lunatcharsky, Kameniev— hurrying
ng at once, with harassed anxious faces, and bulging portfolios
meeting of the Petrograd Soviet was over. I stopped Kameniev
de, vivacious face set close to his shoulders. Without preface
resolution just passed:
d Soldiers' Deputies, saluting the victorious Revolution of the
articularly emphasises the unity, organisation, discipline, and
masses in this rising; rarely has less blood been spilled, and
so well.
ion that the Workers' and Peasants' Government which, as the
eated by the Revolution, and which will assure the industrial
mass of poor peasants, will march firmly toward Socialism, the
be spared the miseries and unheard-of horrors of war.
vernment will propose immediately a just and democratic peace

t landed property, and transfer the land to the peasants. It will

duction and distribution of manufactured products, and will set
which it will transform into a state monopoly.
d Soldiers' Deputies calls upon the workers and the peasants of
y and all their devotion the Proletarian Revolution. The Soviet
workers, allies of the poor peasants, will assure complete
the victory of Socialism. The Soviet is convinced that the
n Europe will aid us in conducting the cause of Socialism to a

ch to do. Horribly much. It is just beginning. ”

president of the Trade Unions, looking black and biting his grey
ed. “The European working-class won't move! All Russia—” He
off. Riazanov and Kameniev had both opposed the insurrection,
ngue. ...
 the name of the Military Revolutionary Committee Trotzky had
ment no longer existed.
ernments,” he said, “is to deceive the people. We, the Soviets
Deputies, are going to try an experiment unique in history; we
have no other aim but to satisfy the needs of the soldiers,

a mighty ovation, prophesying world-wide Social Revolution....

ave paid our debt to the international proletariat, and struck a
dy- blow at all the imperialists and particularly at Wilhelm the

en sent to the front announcing the victorious insurrection, but

d to be marching against Petrograd—a delegation must be sent

f the All-Russian Congress of Soviets!”

ussian Congress of Soviets has been anticipated by the rising of

all, pushing through the clamorous mob at the door. In the

eliers, packed immovably in the aisles and on the sides,
en the edge of the platform, the representatives of the workers
nxious silence or wild exultation the ringing of the chairman's
t the stifling heat of unwashed human bodies. A foul blue cloud
ss and hung in the thick air.
mounted the tribune and asked the comrades not to smoke;
k up the cry “Don't smoke, comrades!” and went on smoking.
he Obukhov factory, made a seat for me beside him. Unshaven
nights' sleepless work on the Military Revolutionary Committee.
e old Tsay-ee-kah—toy the last time
 ch they had ruled from the first days, and which were now risen
rst period of the Russian revolution, which these men had
. The three greatest of them were not there: Kerensky, flying to
oubtfully heaving up; Tcheidze, the old eagle, who had
eorgian mountains, there to sicken with consumption; and the
stricken, who, nevertheless, would return and pour out his
Gotz sat there, Dan, Lieber, Bogdanov, Broido, Fil1ipovsky,—
ant. Below them the second siezd of the All-Russian Soviets
ads the Military Revolutionary Committee functioned white-hot,
surrection and striking with a long arm. ... It was 10.40 P. M.
shapeless military surgeon's uniform, was ringing the bell.
by the scuffling and disputing of the people at the door. ...
e began sadly, stopped for a moment, and then went on in a
s of Soviets in meeting in such unusual circumstances and in
ou will understand why the Tsay-ee-kah considers it
olitical speech. This will become much clearer to you if you will
say-ee-kah, and that at this very moment our party comrades
bardment, sacrificing themselves to execute the duty put on
d uproar.)
cond Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies

ace amid stir and moving about. Avanessov announced that by

cialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki Internationalists, it was
proportionality. Several Mensheviki leaped to their feet
d at them, “Remember what you did to us Bolsheviki when we
eviki, 7 Socialist Revolutionaries, 3 Mensheviki and 1
delmann, for the right and centre Socialist Revolutionaries, said
residium; the same from Kintchuk, for the Mensheviki; and from
 l the verification of certain circumstances, they too could not
use and hoots. One voice, “Renegades, you call yourselves
krainean delegates demanded, and received, a place. Then the
in their places appeared Trotzky, Kameniev, Lunatcharsky,
rose, thundering. How far they had soared, these Bolsheviki,
s than four months ago, to this supreme place, the helm of
n!
was first, Organisation of Power; second, War and Peace; and
ovsky, rising, announced that upon agreement of the bureau of
and discuss the report of the Petrograd Soviet, then to give the
and the different parties, and finally to pass to the order of the

lf heard, deeper than the tumult of the crowd, persistent,

People looked anxiously toward the clouded windows, and a
, demanding the floor, croaked hoarsely, “The civil war is

settlement of the crisis. On principle and from a political

a means of averting civil war. Our brothers are being shot down
before the opening of the Congress of Soviets the question of
military plot organised by one of the revolutionary parties
himself heard above the noise, “All of the revolutionary parties
question) before the Congress is the question of Power, and
by force of arms in the streets!... We must create a power
e democracy. If the Congress wishes to be the voice of the
sit with folded hands before the developing civil war, the result
st of counter- revolution.... The possibility of a peaceful
ted democratic authority. ... We must elect a delegation to
ies and organisation. ”
of cannon through the windows, and the delegates, screaming
f artillery, in the dark, with hatred, and fear, and reckless
 d the United Social Democrats supported Martov's proposition.
d that the All-Russian Peasants' Soviets had refused to send
sed that a committee be sent with a formal invitation. “Some
ove that they be given votes.” Accepted.
aptain, passionately demanded the floor. “The political
,” he shouted, “told us we were to settle the question of Power
acks, before the Congress opens! Blows are being struck
y such blows that the nails are being driven into the coffin of the
an adventure!” Uproar. Followed him Gharra: “While we are
e, there is a battle on in the streets. . .. The Socialist
efuse to be involved in what is happening, and call upon all
capture the power. ...” Kutchin, delegate of the 12th Army and
was sent here only for information, and I am returning at once to
ttees consider that the taking of power by the Soviets, only
Assembly, is a stab in the back of the Army and a crime against
!”... When he could be heard again, “Let's make an end of this
l delegates to leave this hall in order to save the country and
e aisle in the midst of a deafening noise, people surged in upon

speaking suavely and persuasively: “I speak for the delegates

tly represented in this Congress, and furthermore, the Army
oviets necessary at this time, only three weeks before the
and stamping, always growing more violent. “The Army does
viets has the necessary authority—” Soldiers began to stand up

you represent?” they cried.

the Soviet of the Fifth Army, the Second F
the Third S— Rifles. ”
sent the officers, not the soldiers! What do the soldiers say
 ponsibility for what has happened and is happening, and we
self-conscious revolutionary forces for the salvation of the
e the Congress. . .. The place to fight is out on the streets!”
for the Staff—not for the Army!” “I appeal to all reasonable
nilovitz! Counter-revolutionist! Provocator!” were hurled at him.
uk then announced that the only possibility of a peaceful
th the Provisional Government for the formation of a new
all strata of society. He could not proceed for several minutes.
he Menshevik declaration:
a military conspiracy with the aid of the Petrograd Soviet,
and parties, we find it impossible to remain in the Congress,
ther groups to follow us and to meet for discussion of the
 continuous disturbance Hendelman, for the Socialist
esting against the bombardment of the Winter Palace.... “We
”
a young, lean-faced soldier, with flashing eyes, leaped to the
and:
a hush. “My {amilia (name) is Peterson—I speak for the Second
atements of two representatives of the Army committees; these
{their authors had been representatives o[the Army—” Wild
the soldiers!” Shaking his fist. “The Twelfth Army has been
election of the Great Soviet and the Army Committee, but just
mittee refused to call a meeting of the representatives of the
so that the reactionaries could elect their own false delegates to
ish soldiers have many times said, ‘No more resolutions!
Power must be in our hands!’ Let these impostor delegates
with them!”
first moments of the session, stunned by the rapidity of events,
delegates had hesitated. For an hour hammer-blow after
bune, welding them together but beating them down. Did they
against them? Was it true that the Army was marching on
ng soldier had spoken, and in a flash they knew it for the
diers—the stirring millions of uniformed workers and peasants
hts and feelings were the same...
Front delegates, announcing that they had only decided to
ty, and that the Bolshevik members had not even taken part in
ccording to political parties, and not groups. “Hundreds of
are being elected without the participation of the soldiers
o longer the real representatives of the rank and file....”
arash and Khintchuk could not represent the Army in this
nd. “The real
 all their hearts the transfer of Power into the hands of the
rom it!”... The tide was turning.
d, the organ of the Jewish Social Democrats—his eyes
bling with rage.
ad is a monstrous calamity! The Bund group joins with the
cialist Revolutionaries and will leave the Congress!” He raised
Russian proletariat doesn't permit us to remain here and be
e the firing on the Winter Palace doesn't cease, the Municipal
and Socialist Revolutionaries, and the Executive Committee of
perish with the Provisional Government, and we are going with
reasts to the machine guns of the Terrorists. ... We invite all
st was lost in a storm of hoots, menaces and curses which rose
t up and pushed their way

“Keep your seats and we'll go on with our business!” And

el face, letting out his rich voice in cool contempt, “All these so-
frightened Mensheviki, Socialist Revolutionaries, Bund—let
se which will be swept into the garbage-heap of history!”
hat at the request of the City Duma the Military Revolutionary
offer negotiations to the Winter Palace. “In this way we have
ood-shed. ”
or a moment at the room where the Military Revolutionary
engulfing and spitting out panting couriers, despatching
and death to all the corners of the city, amid the buzz of the

and cigarette smoke rushed out, we caught a glimpse of

under the glare of a shaded electric-light.... Comrade
h with a mop of pale yellow hair, made out passes for us.
l the front of Smolny was one huge park of arriving and
und of which could be heard the far-off slow beat of the cannon.
king to the roar of its engine. Men were tossing bundles into it,
beside them.

answered a little workman, grinning, with a large exultant

g!” they invited. “But there'll probably be shooting—” We

a raking jar, the great car jerked forward, we all toppled
climbing in; past the huge fire by the gate, and then the fire by
ces of the workmen with rifles who squatted around it, and went
orovsky Prospect, swaying from side to side One
and began to hurl handfuls of papers into the air. We imitated
street with a tail of white papers floating and eddying out
o pick them up; the patrols around bonfires on the corners ran
Sometimes armed men loomed up ahead, crying “Shtoi!” and
only yelled something unintelligible and we hurtled on....
under a fleeting street-light read:

sed. The State Power has passed into the hands of the organ
nd Soldiers' Deputies, the Military Revolutionary Committee,
ograd proletariat and garrison.
fighting: immediate proposal of a democratic peace, abolition
nd, labor control over production, creation of a Soviet
achieved.

SOLDIERS AND PEASANTS!

oldiers’Deputies.
ussian, title follows]
ional Government issued by the Military Revolutionary
7th (our calendar), which we helped to distribute from a motor-
Winter Palace.
who sat beside me, dressed in a goat-skin Caucasian cape,
ators always shoot from the windows!” We turned into
deserted, careened around Trubetskoy's brutal statue and
men standing up with rifles ready, peering at the windows.
eople running and stooping. We could no longer hear the
he Winter Palace end of the city the quieter and more deserted
all brightly lighted.
ss of people, and a line of sailors, who yelled furiously at us to
d we climbed out.
the corner of the Ekaterina Canal, under an arc-light, a cordon
he Nevsky, blocking the way to a crowd of people in column of
hundred of them, men in frock coats, well-dressed women,
eople. Among them we recognised many of the delegates from
viki and Socialist Revolutionaries; Avksentiev, the lean, red-
Soviets, Sarokin, Kerensky's spokesman, Khintchuk,
bearded old Schreider, Mayor of Petrograd, and Prokopovitch,
l Government, arrested that morning and released. I caught
an Daily News. “Going to die in the Winter Palace,” he shouted
but from the front of it came loud argument. Schreider and
ig sailor who seemed in command.
ee, these comrades come from the Congress of Soviets! Look
ratched his head with an enormous hand, frowning. “I have
anybody go to the Winter Palace,” he grumbled. “But I will send
”
rmed! We will march on whether you permit us or not!” cried

sullenly.
s! Forward!” came from all sides. “We are ready to die, if you
d comrades! We bare our breasts to your guns!”
n, “I can't allow you to pass.” “What will you do if we go

ho haven't any guns. We won't shoot unarmed Russian people.

o?”
ailor, evidently at a loss. “We can't let you pass. We will do

”
ritated. “We will spank you!” he cried, energetically. “And if
home now, and leave us in peace!”
anger and resentment, Prokopovitch had mounted some sort of
ade a speech:
orce is being used against us! We cannot have our innocent
ant men! It is beneath our dignity to be shot down here in the
ant by “switchmen” I never discovered.) “Let us return to the
d the Revolution!”
procession marched around and back up the Nevsky, always in
ge of the diversion we slipped past the guards and set off in the

hing moved but pickets of soldiers and Red Guards grimly

l a three-inch field-gun lay in the middle of the street, slewed
ot over the roofs. Soldiers were standing in every doorway
n toward the Police Bridge. I heard one voice saying: “It is
.” At the corners patrols stopped all passersby—and the
resting, for in command of the regular troops was invariably a
ed.
mebody was shouting: “The yunkers have sent word they want
egan to give commands, and in the thick gloom we made out a
for the shuffle of feet and the clinking of arms. We fell in with

without song or cheer we poured through the Red Arch, where

w voice: “Look out, comrades! Don't trust them. They will fire,
stooping low and bunching together, and jammed up suddenly
Column.
ked. “I don't know. About ten. ”
ome hundreds of men, the army seemed reassured and without
flow forward. By this time, in the light that streamed out of all
ee that the first two or three hundred men were Red Guards,
ver the barricade of firewood we clambered, and leaping down
e stumbled on a heap of rifles thrown down by the bunkers who
e main gateway the doors stood wide open, light streamed out,
slightest sound.
men we were swept into the right hand entrance, opening into a
the East wing, from which issued a maze of corridors and
ng cases stood about, and upon these the Red Guards and
open with the butts of their rifles, and pulling out carpets,
sware. . .. One man went strutting around with a bronze clock
nd a plume of ostrich feathers, which he stuck in his hat. The
ebody cried, “Comrades! Don't touch anything! Don't take
People!” Immediately twenty voices were crying, “Stop! Put
Property of the People!” Many hands dragged the spoilers
atched from the arms of those who had them; two men took
hastily the things were crammed back in their cases, and self-
was all utterly spontaneous. Through corridors and up stair-
g fainter and fainter in the distance, “Revolutionary discipline!

ance, in the West wing. There order was also being

ed a Red Guard, sticking his head through an inner door.
're not thieves and bandits. Everybody out of the Palace except
s posted.”
ficer, stood with revolvers in their hands. Another soldier sat at
per. Shouts of “All out! All out!” were heard far and near within,
the door, jostling, expostulating, arguing. As each man
appointed committee, who went through his pockets and looked
lainly not his property was taken away, the man at the table
ed into a little room. The most amazing assortment of objects
ttles of ink, bed-spreads worked with the Imperial monogram,
otters, gold-handled swords, cakes of soap, clothes of every
d carried three rifles, two of which he had taken away from
bulging with written documents. The culprits either sullenly
All talking at once the committee explained that stealing was
s; often those who had been caught turned around and began
mrades. (See App. IV, Sect. 3)
ee or four. The committee seized upon them with an excess of
remarks like, “Ah, Provocators! Kornilovists! Counter-
le!” But there was no violence done, although the yunkers
kets full of small plunder. It was carefully noted down by the
The bunkers were disarmed. “Now, will you take up arms
nded clamouring voices.
one. Whereupon they were allowed to go free.
committee was doubtful, but the big Red Guard answered
you anyway?” he asked. “How do I know that you are not all
wo women.)
ades!” A soldier and a Red Guard appeared in the door, waving
th fixed bayonets. After them followed single file half a dozen
of the Provisional Government. First came Kishkin, his face
king sullenly at the floor; Terestchenko was next, glancing
cold fixity. ... They passed in silence; the victorious
here were only a few angry mutterings. It was only later that we
wanted to lynch them, and shots were fired—but the sailors

ed into the Palace. There was still a great deal of coming and
ments in the vast edifice, of searching for hidden garrisons of
upstairs and wandered through room after room. This part of
other detachments from the side of the Neva. The paintings,
eat state apartments were unharmed; in the offices, however,
nsacked, the papers scattered over the floor, and in the living
ir coverings and ward-robes wrenched open. The most highly
orking people needed. In a room where furniture was
pping the elaborate Spanish leather upholstery from chairs.
with. ...
and red and gold uniforms stood nervously about, from force of
e, barin! It is forbidden
old and malachite chamber with crimson brocade hangings
sion all that day and night, and where the shveitzari had
he long table covered with green baize was just as they had left
eat was pen and ink and paper; the papers were scribbled over
ugh drafts of proclamations and manifestos.
their futility became evident, and the rest of the sheet covered
gns, as the writers sat despondently listening while Minister
hemes. I took one of these scribbled pages, in the hand writing
sional Government appeals to all classes to support the

, although the Winter Palace was surrounded, the Government

the Front and with provincial Russia. The Bolsheviki had
the morning, but they did not know of the military telegraph
elephone line connecting it with the Winter Palace. In that attic
ut over the country a flood of appeals and proclamations; and
allen, put on his hat and walked calmly out of the building. ...
able time we didn't notice a change in the attitude of the
As we strolled from room to room a small group followed us,
t picture- gallery where we had spent the afternoon with the
d in after us. One giant of a soldier stood in our path, his face

avalov, title follows]

amation, written in pencil by A.I. Konovalov, Minister of
onal Government, and then scratched out as the hopelessness
 beneath was probably idly drawn while the Ministers were

re you doing here?” The others massed slowly around, staring

i!” I heard somebody say. “Looters!” I produced our passes
mittee. The soldier took them gingerly, turned them upside down
ension. Evidently he could not read. He handed them back and
said he with contempt. The mass slowly began to close in, like
foot.
officer, looking helpless, and shouted to him. He made for us,

Who are you? What is it?” The others held back, waiting. I

ed in Franch. “It is very dangerous. ” Then

documents. “Comrades!” he cried. “These people are foreign
e come here to be able to tell their countrymen about the
ne of the proletarian army!”
big soldier. “I tell you they are provocators! They say they
ary discipline of the proletarian army, but they have been
and how do we know they haven't got their pockets full of

ng forward.
e officer, sweat standing out on his forehead. “I am Commissar
ee. Do you trust me? Well, I tell you that these passes are
signed to my pass!”
nd out through a door opening onto the Neva quay, before
ng through pockets... “You have narrowly escaped,” he kept

talion?” we asked.
y were all huddled up in a back room. We had a terrible time
y were in hysterics, and so on. So finally we marched them up
n a train for Levashovo, where they have a camp. (See App.

night, murmurous with obscure armies on the move, electric

here loomed the darker mass of Peter-Paul, came a hoarse
littered with broken stucco, from the cornice of the Palace
Avrora had struck; that was the only damage done by the

. On the Nevsky all the street-lights were again shining, the

war were Red Guards and soldiers squatting around fires. The
iet in its history; on that night not a single hold-up occurred, not

uminated. We mounted to the galleried Alexander Hall, hung

ded Imperial portraits. About a hundred people were grouped
v was speaking. He urged that the Committee of Public Safety
nti-Bolshevik elements in one huge organisation, to be called
ry and Revolution. And as we looked on, the Committee for
tee which was to develop into the most powerful enemy of the
ek, sometimes under its own partisan name, and sometimes as
f Public Safety....
ome of the insurgent Soviet delegates, members of the
s' Soviets, old Prokopovitch, and even members of the Council
ver and other Cadets. Lieber cried that the convention of
hat the old Tsay-ee-kah was still in office. An appeal to the

en we said “Smolny,” the izvoshtchik shook his head. “Niet!”

nly after weary wandering that we found a driver willing to take
d stopped two blocks away.
 aze, motors came and went, and around the still-leaping fires
sking everybody the latest news. The corridors were full of
In some of the committee-rooms people lay sleeping on the
e of the seceding delegates, the hall of meetings was crowded
we came in, Kameniev was reading the list of arrested
o was greeted with thunderous applause, shouts of satisfaction,
; and at the mention of Paltchinsky, a storm of hoots, angry

ad been appointed Commissar of the Winter Palace.

. A big peasant, his bearded face convulsed with rage,
with his fist on the presidium table.
upon the immediate release of the Socialist Ministers arrested
you know that four comrades who risked their lives and their
he Tsar, have been flung into Peter-Paul prison—the historical
unded and yelled. Another delegate climbed up beside him,

utionary masses going to sit quietly here while the Okhrana of

”
hese ‘comrades’ who are now caught plotting the crushing of
nsky—is there any reason to handle them with gloves? After
uch ceremony with us!” With a triumphant ring in his voice he
he faint-hearted have gone, and the whole task of defending and
houlders, it is particularly necessary to work—work—work! We
up!”
arskoye Selo, panting and covered with the mud of his ride.
n guard at the gates of Petrograd, ready to defend the Soviets
ittee!” Wild cheers. “The Cycle Corps sent from the front has
s are now with us; they recognise the power of the
 ransfer of land to the peasants and industrial control to the
ts, stationed at Tsarskoye, is ours. ”
Battalion. In the midst of delirious enthusiasm he told how the
days be[ore from the South-west front to the “defence of
r, the meaning of the order; and at the station of Peredolsk
ifth Battalion from Tsarskoye. A joint meeting was held, and it
sts not a single man was found willing to shed the blood of his
t of bourgeois and land- owners!”
ationalists, proposed to elect a special committee to find a
ere isn't any peaceful solution!” bellowed the crowed. “Victory is
whelmingly against, and the Mensheviki Internationalists left
lar insults. There was no longer any panic fear. ...
after them, “The Mensheviki Internationalists claimed
aceful solution, but they always voted for suspension of the
ons of factions which wanted to leave the Congress. It is
e withdrawal of all these renegades was decided upon

withdrawal of the factions, and proceed to the appeal to the

Russia:

Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies has opened. It

Soviets. There are also a number of Peasant deputies. Based
he workers', soldiers and peasants, based upon the triumphant
nd soldiers, the Congress assumes the Power.
sed. Most of the members of the Provisional Government are
 ose an immediate democratic peace to all nations, and an
ssure the free transfer of landlord, crown and monastery lands
soldiers rights, enforcing a complete democratisation of the
production, ensure the convocation of the Constituent
eans to supply bread to the cities and articles of first necessity
onalities living in Russia a real right to independent existence.
power shall be transferred to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers'
enforce revolutionary order.
s in the trenches to be watchful and steadfast. The Congress of
Army will know how to defend the Revolution against all
Government shall have brought about the conclusion of the
y propose to all nations. The new Government will take all
g needful to the revolutionary Army, by means of a determined
he propertied classes, and also to improve the situation of

d others, are endeavouring to lead troops against Petrograd.

nsky, have sided with the insurgent People.
he Kornilovitz-Kerensky! Be on guard!
ing sent by Kerensky against Petrograd!
s! The destiny of the Revolution and democratic peace is in

ets o[ Workers' and Soldiers’Deputies. Delegates [rom the

nko, staggering with fatigue, climbed to the

 . The Twelfth Army sends greetings to the Congress of Soviets,
y Revolutionary Committee which has taken over the command
m, men weeping, embracing each other. “General Tchermissov
missar of the Provisional Government Voitinsky has resigned!”
had decided on insurrection, the Petrograd Soviet had
ent, and thrust the coup d'etat upon the Congress of Soviets.
n—and then the world! Would Russia follow and rise? And the
s answer and rise, a red world-tide?
ght was yet heavy and chill. There was only a faint unearthly
dimming the watch- fires, the shadow of a terrible dawn grey-