Dempsey ProvidenceDistributiveJustice 2009

Providence, Distributive Justice, and Divine Government in the Theology of Thomas
Aquinas: Some Implications for Ecclesial Practice

Author(s): Michael T. Dempsey
Source: New Blackfriars , May 2009, Vol. 90, No. 1027 (May 2009), pp. 365-384
Published by: Wiley
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43251298
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D01:10.1 1 1 l/j. 174 1-2005. 2008.00253.x
Providence, Distributive Justice, and Divine

Government in the Theology of Thomas
Aquinas: Some Implications for Ecclesial
Practice
Michael T. Dempsey
Abstract
Thomas Aquinas wrote his Summa Theologiae to provide Dominican

friars with solid theological instruction in moral theology and pas-
toral care on the firm foundation of scripture. Despite an increasing
awareness among scholars of the importance of Thomas' scriptural
commentaries to his thought, few have attempted to interpret his the-
ology and philosophy in light of his scriptural commentaries and the
mendicant context of the 13th century. This paper offers a reading
of Thomas' theology of providence and divine government both as a
mendicant friar and Master of the Sacred Page in order to understand
some of the implications of the doctrine of providence for distributive
justice in ecclesial practice today.
Keywords
Thomas Aquinas, divine providence, scriptural commentaries, dis-

tributive justice, mendicant
One of the most important questions facing Christian faith in public

life today is the relation between ecclesial practice and the social
and political economy. Although there have been many works both
by theologians and social and political theorists on third-world debt,
poverty, and other social problems of our time, the majority of them
are grounded in various economic models or social theories rather
than in the theological ground of scripture, doctrine, and tradition.
This is not of course the first time the church has faced the social,
political, and economic challenges of rapidly changing times. When
Thomas Aquinas wrote his Summa Theologiae in the 13th century,
for example, the church also encountered in society unprecedented
economic growth, expanding markets, and the challenges that accom-
panied the emergence of the profit economy at that time.
© The author 2008.

Journal compilation © The Dominican Council/Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford 0X4
2DQ, UK, and 350 Main Street, Maiden MA 02148, USA

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366 Some Implications for Ecclesial Practice
However, recent scholarly interest in Thomas Aquinas has gen-

erally not focused on his theological response to these kinds of
challenges to ecclesial practice. Ever since Leo XIII published an
encyclical in 1879 calling for the restoration of Christian philoso-
phy according to the teachings of the Angelic Doctor, scholars have
tended to interpret Thomas either as a neo-scholastic keeper of ortho-
doxy or as a philosophical apologist who offered rational arguments
to buttress the faith against the encroaching criticisms of modern
philosophy. Even in recent investigations in which Thomas is studied
as a Dominican friar and Master of the Sacred Page, few scholars
have paid attention to the broader social context to which his biblical
and doctrinal theology responded. Although it is widely agreed that
Thomas sought to develop his theology on the firm foundation of
scripture so as to prepare Dominican friars in moral theology and
pastoral care, little scholarly attention has been paid to the kinds of
relations that connected scripture and doctrine to the social and eco-
nomic challenges the church faced during the 13th century. In this
paper I shall offer a reading of Thomas' theology of providence in
light of his biblical commentaries and the mendicant framework of
the 13th century in order to illuminate some of the implications of
his doctrine of providence for ecclesial practice today.
I. In Search of the Mendicant Thomas
The period between the 11th and 13th centuries heralded the onse
of a movement away from the old feudal economy and toward
market-based profit economy.1 During this period, an increase in
agricultural production resulted in a population explosion that, in
turn, brought about an increase in trade and wealth in the newly
emerging urban centers of Europe. In parallel with this increase i
wealth, however, was the rise of a new form of urban poverty. While
rural poverty deprived the serfs of the opportunity to extricate them-
selves from their lords and thereby increased their limited access t
food and clothing, it rarely resulted in starvation, for the land almost
always provided something to eat.2 Urban poverty, however, was
different story. In cities whose populations were exploding into th
tens of thousands, work was characteristically irregular, pay noto
riously low, and workers subjected to the precarious fluctuation o
market supply and demand. Moreover, in cities in which merchants
bankers, and entrepreneurs became a privileged minority, the poor
not only were at risk of starvation but also became highly visible
1 Jan G.J. van den Eijnden, Poverty on the Way to God: Thomas Aquinas on Evangelical
Poverty (Leuven: Peters, 1994), p. 8.
2 Ibid.
© The author 2008

Journal compilation © The Dominican Council/Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2008

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Some Implications for Ecclesial Practice 367
outcasts in the new social hierarchy.3 This social ostracism of and

contempt for the poor engendered in them a deep distrust and hos-
tility, both toward the profit economy and its wealthy beneficiaries.
This became especially problematic for the church, for it radically
altered the way the masses had come to understand wealth, especially
the conspicuous wealth of the Church. "Wealth was now seen as a
threat to the poor resulting from greed which should not exist in the
Church. Ecclesiastical possessions became a thorn in the flesh and
gave occasion for the Church to be accused of avarice and called to
conversion."4
The mendicant reform movements of the 12th and 13th centuries
represented a grassroots, biblically based response to the increasing
wealth of the church and to the profit economy that had promoted
it. Although Thomas Aquinas and the Dominicans have usually been
distinguished from the more radical fringes of such reform move-
ments, the theology of Thomas, like that of all mendicants, was
"directly and concretely determined by the essential characteristics"5
of this society. Thus, as Marie-Dominique Chenu has argued, if we
are to understand Thomas in his time, we cannot separate the context
of his work from that of St. Francis, for it was the same evangelical
spirit and return to the Gospel that gave birth to these movements of
Catholic reform.6
Of course Francis, Dominic, and Thomas did not emerge out of
thin air, so to speak, for they were preceded by a series of lay confra-
ternities that initiated a movement of social and theological change
that challenged the practices of the institutional church and me-
dieval feudal society. The Waldensians, Poor and Barefoot Catholics,
Humiliati, and others inspired an evangelical awakening that was to
reach full expression and ecclesial approval through the rise of the
Dominican and Franciscan orders of the early 13th century. "To vow
mendicancy in the thirteenth century," Chenu writes, "was to refuse
the feudal system of the Church both institutionally and econom-
ically, including the benefices and the collection of tithes."7 One
cannot overlook, therefore, the evangelical "shock" that these poor
beggars evoked as they pledged a life of voluntary poverty, humility,
and simplicity and urged laity, clerics, and ecclesiastics to do the
same. Unlike the monastic orders in which monks withdrew from the
3 Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and Profil Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1978), p. 28.
4 Van den Eijnden, Poverty on the Way to God, p. 8.
5 Little, Religious Poverty and Profit Economy, p. 24.
6 M.-D. Chenu, Toward Understanding Saint Thomas, trans. A.M. Landry and D
Hughes (Chicago: Regency, 1963), p. 46.
7 M.-D. Chenu, Aquinas and His Role in Theology, trans. P. Philibert (Collegeville,
MN: Liturgical Press, 2002), p. 8.
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world to dedicate their lives to prayer and asceticism to further their

own salvation - often accepting generous gifts to pray for the souls
of their wealthy benefactors8 - the mendicants, initially at least,
rejected the wealth and prosperity of the world and moved into the
urban centers to gain new recruits and serve the needs of the poor.
Through their teaching, preaching, and living an exemplary life of
apostolic poverty, the mendicants carried out a cultural movement
that sought not only to root out dissenters and opponents of the faith,
but also to bring structural transformation to the church and medieval
society according to a strict reading of the Gospel itself.
Thus mendicancy was not simply a social protest against the van-
ities and corruptions of the world. Nor was it simply a strategy for
winning over heretics. Rather, it was a genuine theological movement
that sought to change the world and reform the church by returning
to the life of Jesus and the early apostles, thereby infusing both
church and society with a radical and revolutionary interpretation of
the Gospel. Inspired by a literal reading of scripture that grew weary
of overly allegorical interpretations, the mendicants sought to take
Jesus' response to the young rich man literally as the mark of apos-
tolic perfection (Mt 19:21); they gave up their possessions and lived
their faith in the service of others that their treasure in heaven might
be great.
As Dominic and Francis sent their friars to the university cen-
ters of Europe, the friars immediately encountered open hostil-
ity and often violent opposition from the secular masters and lay
and clerical feudal lords. When Thomas arrived in Paris in 1256,
the University boycotted his inaugural lecture and Thomas had to
receive special papal permission to teach. Moreover, during his first
regency, Thomas even had a Lenten homily interrupted by William
of St. Amour, a fierce opponent of the mendicants, who distributed
pamphlets and lampooned the purported hypocrisy of a fat, wealthy
beggar whose religious order siphoned off much needed resources
from local parishes. It was therefore not without reason that the King
of France had royal archers placed outside the Dominican priory in
Paris or that Thomas' mother had Thomas locked up in the family
castle at Roccasecca following his decision to join the Friar Preach-
ers. At that time, joining the mendicants was akin to running away
and marrying a gypsy9 and was not a respectable form of religious
life for the sons of noble or well to do families.
Despite intense, initial opposition, the Dominicans and Franciscans
were soon to become the intellectual leaders of a new Christianity
that sought to express their radical Gospel vision through a new
8 Little, Religious Poverty and Profit Economy, p. 67.

9 Josef Pieper, Guide to Thomas Aquinas, trans. R and C. Winston (New York: Pantheon
Books, 1962), p. 65.
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scientific method of theology that gave intellectual credence to their

evangelical awakening while offering, simultaneously, a "new exem-
plar of sanctity."10 Since Thomas wrote his magisterial Summa in
this particular context, one would expect to see evidence of this rad-
ical vision throughout his work. Yet, in most recent research, one
is hard put to find anything quite so radical. Perhaps this can be
accounted for, in part, because in the years following the Second
Vatican Council (1962-1965) many continued to identify Thomas
with neo-scholasticism and neo-Thomism. Thus little attention was
given either to an historical and biblical reading of his thought or to
the social implications of his doctrine. As Mark Jordan has argued,
Thomas' thought has been taken over by successive generations of
Thomists who function as a kind of "police" that claim their own
interpretation as the legitimate heir and final authority of his
thought." In many cases, Jordan argues, various schools of the
Thomist police used his thought for coercive purposes that had more
to do with securing power for their own theological and philosophi-
cal agendas than for opening the doors of dialogue. Such tendencies
have prevented fresh interpretations of Thomas' thought and encour-
aged an authoritarian approach to Christian doctrine, so that Thomas
need only be cited as the definitive authority on a particular matter.
As Jordan and others have shown, however, Thomas himself never
understood his own work as the final word on theology - despite his
proclivities for producing massive Summae - for the nature of
scholastic argumentation always allowed for more questions and
responses that yielded new and deeper insights into the nature of
Catholic faith.
My own aim in this paper is much more modest than the universal-
izing tendencies in much modern Thomistic interpretation. Far from
aligning myself with any one school of interpretation, I hope simply
to offer a new insight for the interpretation of Thomas' theology of
providence and suggest some implications for ecclesial practice. I
shall attempt to do this by interpreting Thomas as both a mendicant
friar and biblical theologian. Indeed, by profession, Thomas was a
Master of the Sacred Page and not a philosopher as this word often
had a pejorative connotation at that time.13 He lectured on scrip-
ture throughout his professional life and most doubt he ever lectured
10 M.-D. Chenu, "The Masters of the Theological 'Science,'" Nature, Man, and Society
in the Twelfth Century , trans. J. Taylor and L. Little (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
1997), p. 291.
Mark D. Jordan, Rewritten Theology: Aquinas after his Readers (Maiden, MA: Black-
well, 2006), pp. 1-17.
12 See Alasdair Maclntyre, Three Rival Versions of Moral Enquiry: Encyclopaedia,
Genealogy ; and Tradition (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1990), p. 124.
13 Jordan, Rewritten Theology: Aquinas after his Readers , p. 154.
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on his own systematic works. 14 As Chenu has argued, Thomas' most

rational arguments must never be understood merely as ends in them-
selves15 or as rationalistic proofs for the articles of faith. They are,
instead, analogical expressions ( ana-logia = saying again) of that
which is revealed by God in scripture. For Thomas, sacra doctrina
is sacra scriptum16 and philosophical arguments are useful only "for
the greater manifestation of those things which are handed down
[traditio] in this science."17 Therefore, as Jean-Pierre Torrell has
remarked, "If we wish ... to get a slightly less one-sided idea of the
whole theologian and his method, it is imperative to read and use in
a much deeper fashion these biblical commentaries in parallel with
the great systematic works."18
1. The Mendicant Thomas of ST 1. 1.1-10
One of the defining characteristics of the mendicants during this

period was their extraordinary sensitivity to the distress of sinners
and needs of all people, especially the poor. As Chenu tells us, "All
of the new apostles, from Robert of Abrisselles (died 1 1 17) to Francis
of Assisi, addressed their wonderful message to the little people of
the shops and cellars - 'in the winecellars, in weavers' shops, and
in other such subterranean hovels' ... to the unfortunate ones with
neither fire nor shelter, to the serfs bound to the soil."19
In his own way, Thomas also displays a profound sensitivity to the
needs of others and the responsibility of ecclesiastics to serve their
needs selflessly. As is well-known, Thomas dedicates his Summa
Theologiae not only to the advanced but especially to the begin-
ner whom the teacher of Catholic faith has a greater responsibility
to serve according to Paul: "As unto little ones in Christ, I gave
you milk to drink not meat" (1 Cor 3:1-2). Whether this refers to
beginners at the university,20 the f rat re s communes of the Dominican
14 An exception to this is Leonard Boyle, "The Setting of the Summa Theologiae of

Saint Thomas" Facing History: A Different Thomas Aquinas (Louvain-La-Neuve, 2000)
and M. Michelle Mulchahey, "First the Bow is Bent in Study Dominican Education
Before 1350 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1988).
15 Chenu, Toward Understanding St. Thomas , p. 322.
16 Saint Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica , 1. 1.10. (Tarini, Italy: Marietti, 1820). All
English translations, unless otherwise noted, will come from Summa Theologica , trans.
Fathers of Dominican Province (New York: Benzinger Brothers, 1948).
17 ST 1.1.5 ad 2 (my translation). See also 1.1.8 ad 2.
18 Jean-Pierre Torrell, Saint Thomas Aquinas: The Person and His Work , Vol. I, trans.
R. Royal (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1996), p. 55.
19 Chenu, " The Evangelical Awakening , " Nature, Man , and Society in the Twelfth Cen-
tury, p. 242.
20 See John I. Jenkins, Knowledge and Faith in Thomas Aquinas (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997), pp. 79-98.
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Studium, 21 or both, Thomas' scriptural commentary suggests that the

incipientes or parvuli in Christo are the beginners in the faith, who
are still living according to the flesh and whose lives are marked by
jealously, conflict, and vanity with their mind set on fleshly things.22
As future preachers and teachers, they are going to be entrusted with
the task of guiding others through exemplary living and their knowl-
edge of Christian faith. Thus they are in need of sound teaching
( doctrina sana ) in moral theology and justice, not in vain teaching of
the world ( doctrina vana ) or the strong meat of advanced mystical
teachings.23 Moreover, since the subject of this teaching is God, who
is the beginning and end of all things and is not available through
sensory perception, it is imperative for students to set their minds on
God's revelation in scripture. Yet, since understanding comes through
the senses, students must also be led from what they already know to
that which transcends their finite intellect, if they are to be formed to
the image of God in Christ. Hence, in order to help his students un-
derstand the transcendent subject matter of theology Thomas argues
both deductively and inductively, that is, by both revelation in scrip-
ture and the world of sense24 in order to provide basic instruction
in moral theology and pastoral care. As the sed contras of articles 1
and 2 from the first quaestio make clear: "this science pertains to the
instruction of scripture which is inspired by God 'to teach, reprove,
correct, and instruct in justice' (2 Tim. 3: 16) . . . 'whereby saving faith
is begotten, nourished, protected, and strengthened.'"25
Thomas' understanding of the responsibility to serve the needs of
the little ones in Christ is not limited to the Prologue of the Summa
where he complains that students, all too often, are not instructed
according to the demands of the divine subject matter but according
to the plan of a book or occasion of the argument. This concern is
evident throughout his work, especially, as we shall see, in his theol-
ogy of providence. Even in the first article of the ST, Thomas argues
that a science of revelation is necessary "because the truth about God
which reason could discover would only be known by a few, and that
21 See Leonard E. Boyle, "The Setting of the Summa Theologiae of Saint Thomas"
p. 67.
22 See Anthony Keaty, "The Demands of Sacred Doctrine on 'Beginners,'" New Black-
friars 84 (2003), pp. 500-509.
23 As Henri de Lubac points out, it was customary in medieval and patristic theology to
speak of the theological education of beginners in terms of the "milk" of sacred scripture
and not the "solid food" of mystical theology for the advanced. Origen, for example, states
"The food of milk in holy Scriptures is said to be the first moral instruction which is given
to beginners, as to little children. For one ought not to hand over immediately to beginning
students what pertains to the deep and more secret sacraments; rather, to them are given
correction of morals, improvement of discipline. . ." Medieval Exegesis: The Four Senses
of Scripture, Vol. II, trans, by E.M. Macierowski (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 200), p. 29.
24 ST 1.117.1.
25 ST 1.1.1; 1.1.2.
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after a long time, and with the admixture of many errors."26 While
many commentators have concentrated on the apparent inference of
the possibility of the natural knowledge of God, Thomas' point is
also that a science of revelation is necessary precisely so that the
knowledge of salvation may be known by all, especially those who
are not intellectually sophisticated or who lack the time needed for
philosophical speculation.
Thomas makes this point more forcefully in the opening pages
of the Summa Contra Gentiles where he suggests that what is most
wonderful about Christian revelation is that that "there is inspiration
given to human minds, so that simple and untutored persons, filled
with the Holy Spirit, come to possess instantaneously the highest
wisdom and readiest eloquence . . . and not [through] violent assault
of arms or the promise of pleasures [even] in the midst of the tyranny
of persecution."28 Thomas' sensitivity to the needs of the simple is
further evident in his defense of the use of metaphors in scripture, so
that "even the simple who are unable by themselves to grasp intel-
lectual things may by able to understand it;"29 and for the fittingness
of the incarnation itself:
It is easy for the human being to know and love another human
being . . . Therefore in order to open for us all an easy way to God,
God wanted to become human, so that even the little ones might
contemplate and love someone who, so to speak, would be like them,
and so, by what they are able to grasp they progress, little by little,
toward what is perfect.30
2. "Deus Elegit Abjectos: " The Wisdom of this Science
The teacher of Catholic faith not only has a greater responsibility to

meet the needs of all people, especially the little ones, but also to
order and arrange all things according to the wisdom of Christ and
26 ST 1.1.1.
27 Despite Thomas' statement in the Summa Contra Gentiles affirming the possibility of
the natural knowledge of God, in the theological Summa he argues that "even as regards
those truths about God which human reason could have discovered, it was necessary that
man should be taught by divine revelation" (1. 1.1). His point here is that there is no
place in human nature or thought that is devoid of God's grace, for even in the so-called
'natural' knowledge of God, it is necessary to be led by revelation. Unlike later Thomists,
for Thomas there is no such thing as "pure nature" or pure natural reason which can
operate apart from God. See Fergus Kerr, After Aquinas: Versions of Thomism (Oxford:
Blackwell, 2002), pp. 134-148.
28 Saint Thomas Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles I, trans. A.C. Pegis (Notre Dame:
University of Notre Dame Press, 1975), 1.6.1.
29 ST 1.1.9.
Jean-Pierre Torrell, Saint Thomas Aquinas: Spiritual Master , Vol. II, trans. R. Royal
(Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press), pp. 109-110, citing De Ra-
tionibus Fidei c. 5, n. 976.
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to judge those things that are repugnant to this teaching according to

2 Cor 10:4-5: "Destroying the councils and every height/arrogance
(superbia) that exalts itself against the knowledge of God."31 This
passage is important because Thomas also cites it to justify the use
of philosophy as "taking all understanding captive in obedience ( ob -
sequium) to Christ."32 To grasp its significance, it is necessary to
recall Paul's discussion of spiritual warfare in which we rely not on
the weapons of this world, but on the power of God to defeat the
enemies of faith "who fight," Thomas states, "according to the flesh,
or wage war [with the weapons of] riches, pleasures, and temporal
honors and power."33
In his commentary Thomas identifies three effects of spiritual war-
fare against the enemies of God. First, he argues that through God's
army the rebels are confounded, by which he means the proud and
haughty, those who elevate themselves above the power of God,
such as political tyrants, Satan, and philosophers who rely on hu-
man wisdom but not on the power of God. 4 Against these rebels,
Thomas cites Romans 12:16: "Do not be haughty, but associate
with the lowly," and condemns those who trust in the profundity
of their own intellect and knowledge of the law or human wisdom.
Against this, Thomas cites Isaiah 5:21: "Woe to you who are wise
in your own eyes."35 Second is the conversion of unbelievers and
instructs us to take all knowledge captive in obedience to Christ
to support the ministers of God. Here Thomas cites Psalm 149:8
to show God's judgment against political oppressors who use their
power and knowledge for the own gain, but not for the well being
of others: "binding their kings in shackles and their nobility in fet-
ters of iron."36 The third effect of spiritual warfare is correction of
sin by means of one's own perfect obedience.37 In this latter way,
the disobedience of another forces one to perfect one's own obedi-
ence and humility before correcting another, so that "contraries are
cured by contraries;"38 the pride and arrogance of others may be
31 ST 1.1.6 ad 2 (my translation): "Consilia destruentes et omnem altitudinem extollen-

tem se adversus scientiam Dei. "
32 ST 1.1.8.
33 Saint Thomas Aquinas, In Omnes S. Pauli Apostoli Epistolas , Super Primam Episto-
lam St. Pauli ad Corinthios, (Taurini: Marietti, 1820), X.l, p. 485 (X = chapter; 1 = lecture).
For English translations of Thomas' commentaries on 1 and 2 Corinthians, Ephesians,
Hebrews, and Colossians by Fabian Larcher O.P., see http://www.aquinas.avemaria.edu/
Commentaries.asp
34 Ibid.
Ibid.: "Vae qui sapientes estis in oculis vestris."
36 Ibid.: "Secundus effectus est conversio infidelium ad fidem. Et quantum ad hoc dicit:
Et in captivitatem redigentes, etc.; quod quidem fit quando id quod homo seit , totum
supponit ministerio Christi et fidei: A alligando reges eorum in compedibus, etc. "
37 Ibid., pp. 484-485.
38 Ibid., p. 486: " contraria enim contrariis curantur. "
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cured by the power and wisdom of God through one's perfect moral
example.
Understood in terms of the problem of simoniac bishops and feu-
dal exploitation, it should not be surprising to hear Thomas issue
prophetic warnings against the powerful and extol the power of God
and the virtues of lowliness, simplicity, and humility. Just as Thomas
understands the responsibility to teach the beginner, as well as the
advanced, he also understands, like all mendicants, that God has a
special concern for the poor and lowly.
Consider, for example, his commentary on 1 Cor 1:27 where
Thomas follows St. Paul and argues that God elects the rejected,
the poor, the weak, and the powerless and gives them a position of
power and authority in order that they might humble the proud, the
wise, and strong. For, according to Thomas, Paul himself (whose
name in Latin, Paulus, means small or little one), is the least of the
apostles.39 Yet, to the least is given a great responsibility, he states,
for God elects those who are of little consequence in the world (Eph
3:8). Moreover, that Paul himself is the least of the apostles is a
mark both of his humility and his dignity of being called by the
grace of God40 for, according to Matthew 11:25, God has hidden
these things from the wise and prudent and revealed them to the "lit-
tle ones" (parvulis ).41 By doing so, Thomas argues, God grants the
little ones "greater honor" by offering a position of great significance
to an "insignificant person."42 As Thomas explains, God elects what
is foolish in the world to shame the wise, that is, "those who trust
in the wisdom of the world." God elects instead what is weak in the
world, "such as peasants [and] plebes," he continues, "to shame the
strong [and] the powerful of this world;" and God chooses the lowly,
the ignoble, and the despised of this world to point out the defect
of worldly nobility and put down the "grand opinion" that human
beings have of them. Citing Isaiah 23:9, Thomas states that "The
Lord of hosts had purposed it, to defile the pride of all glory [and]
to dishonor all the honored of the earth."43 In these ways, he con-
cludes, God reveals God's own glory and goodness by electing and
lifting up the nobodies of the world in order than none will glorify
in themselves or in the things of the world. All worldly power and
wisdom are vanquished by the cross of Christ and by God's elec-
tion of the rejected ( abjecti ), the powerless ( impotentes ), the rustics
39 Ibid., 1. 1, p. 221.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid. "[ Q]uod hoc nomen praemittit in signum humilitatis: nam Paulus idem est quod
modicus: quod ad humilitatem pertinet. . .Consequenter describit earn a dignitate : et primo
ponit modum adipiscendae dignitatis, cum dicit, Vocatus, secundum Heb. 5:4.
42 Saint Thomas Aquinas, Commentary on Saint Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, trans.
F.R. Larcher (Albany, NY: Magi, 1966), III.2, p. 126.
Super Primam Epistolam St. Pauli ad Corinthios , 1.4, pp. 232-234.
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(rústicos), and the plebes (plebijos ) "to destroy the wisdom of the
wise and the prudence of the prudent" (1 Cor 1:19; Is 29:14).44 As
such, this wisdom is not recognized by "the rulers of the age" (1 Cor
2:8), such as kings and nobility, Satan, or philosophers, precisely
because it is a wisdom that is " contrariam sapientiae ," "contrarium
potentiae," and " contrarium nobilitati" and thus excludes the excel-
lence of race or class.45 As Thomas was fond of saying, "God is no
respecter of persons" or social class (Acts 10:34).
From this perspective, we can better understand why a science of
revelation is necessary, for it is not only the transcendence of God
that escapes the human intellect, but it is also a wisdom that is not
of this world and reverses ordinary notions of wisdom and power. As
Chenu tells us, the Gospel for 13 century mendicants is a "foolish"
Gospel "that makes no sense to wise people" for it subverts what the
ordinary mind is capable of understanding.46 Therefore, if we are to
order, arrange, and judge all things according to the wisdom of the
cross and the poor Christ, then Thomas' understanding of theology
not only will require the inspiration of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor 2:15),
but also issue prophetic judgments against those who fail to grasp
the implications of this wisdom to order and arrange their affairs for
the best interest of others, especially the poor, weak, sick, ignoble,
and the despised. This characteristic mendicant concern for the little
ones and the nobodies explains Thomas' harsh denunciations in the
Prologue of the Summa as well as his meticulous arrangement of
material according to the order of learning ( ordinem disciplinae);
and is evident throughout his writings, especially in the doctrines of
providence and divine government which, when read in the light of
his biblical commentaries, explain the ordering of this wisdom for
the pastoral care of the church in any age.
II. Distributive Justice in Thomas' Theology of Providence

and Divine Government
Thomas' theology of divine providence has often been taken as a

rational argument to demonstrate that the world is governed by an
44 It is significant that Thomas repeatedly mentions God's election of the abjecti , given
the meaning of that term in the Middle Ages. There was a descending scale of destitution
and social ostracism among the poor at that time, from "disdain, contempt, and finally,
repugnance." "The weakness of the little man ( impotens ) is close to the vulgarity of
the peasant ( ignobilis , vilis, and even vilissimus )." But at the bottom, the most repulsive
pauper was the abjectus , who was "[d]irty, dressed in rags, foul smelling, [and] covered
with sores." Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay in Social History ,
trans. A. Goldhammer (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), p. 3.
Super Primam Epistolam St. Pauli ad Corinthios , 1.4, pp. 232-233.
46 Chenu, Aquinas and His Role in Theology, p. 8.
47 ST 1.1.6.
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intelligible first cause which must exist necessarily if our experi-

ence of order is to be intelligible. Despite repeated assertions by
Thomas that the doctrine of providence is an article of faith,48 many
neo-scholastic and neo-Thomist scholars have interpreted Thomas'
argument for providence as an apologetic defense that can be demon-
strated universally on the basis of reason. John P. Rock, for example,
argues that the intelligible ordering of the world offers convincing
proof for the world's governor49 while the influential neo-scholastic,
Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange, begins his great treatise on providence
by laying out the rational foundation that "the greater does not
come from the less, the more perfect does not come from the less
perfect."50
The problem with such interpretations, however, is that they either
omit or contradict Thomas' biblical doctrine and suggest that the
doctrine of providence can be deduced from a general philosophy
of creation. For Thomas, however, such arguments can offer only
a "vague and confused" understanding of God51 and overlook the
specific ordering of the triune God as revealed in scripture. John
Rock epitomizes this problem when he argues that "In man the lower
parts are ordained to the higher, the vegetative and the sensitive to
the intellectual; so in the universe all material creation is ordained
to man - to serve his bodily needs."52 While this may be true
in the limited sense of the biological realm, whereby lower orders
serve higher orders, it is patently false in the social and ecclesiastical
realms where it is the precisely the higher orders that have the greater
responsibility to follow more perfectly the self-giving of the triune
God in the service of others. Just as mastership does not subject
others to slavery or servitude, but guides them to their own best end
for the common good,53 so too does providence govern subordinates
by superiors who use their wisdom and love for the well-being of
others and for the common good. Although all members of the body
of Christ are to have mutual care for one another, according to Paul,
the greater honor and dignity goes to those parts which appear weaker
and more dispensable (1 Cor 12:14-26). As mendicant friar and
Master of the Sacred Page, Thomas does not simply take over the
pagan cosmology of Aristotle tout court but rather subjects it to a
rigorous re-interpretation and critique according to the Gospel.
48 See ST II-II.1.7; II-II.1.8 ad 1; De Veritate 14.9 ad 8.

49 John P. Rock, "Divine Providence in St. Thomas Aquinas" The Quest for the Absolute,
ed. by F.J. Adelmann (The Hague, Netherlands: Mārtiņus Nijhoff, 1966), pp. 67-103.
50 Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange, Providence , trans. D.B. Rose (Rockford, IL: Tan Books,
1998), p. 3.
51 ST 1.2.1 ad 1.
52 Rock, "Divine Providence in St. Thomas Aquinas," p. 84 (emphasis added).
53 ST 1.96.4.
See Super Primam Epistolam St. Pauli ad Corinthios , XII, 3, pp. 356-358.
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1. "To Give Food in Due Season:" Thomas' Theology

of Providence Reconsidered
In his Summa Theologiae Thomas' defines providence as the " ratio

ordinis rerum in finem,"55 that is, the ordering of all things according
to "right reason" to their final end in God. This ordering, Thomas
states, is the ordering of all things in Christ who, according to Eph-
esians 1:11, "works all things according to the counsel of his will."
Yet this ordering can also be seen from the world of sensory expe-
rience for those who take counsel in God through prayer.56 Here,
providence or prudence may be discerned by the power of God from
the good that is in created things. Since this good must pre-exist
in the eternal divine mind, which knows all things through God's
own self-knowledge, this ordering must be certain even in the case
of future contingents.57 Moreover, since all things are created good,
Thomas argues, this good may be seen from the way in which things
or individuals are ordered to some end, just as, for example, the
way individuals order their affairs to their own best end. But this
general ordering is not a specifically Christological ordering of the
goodness of creation, Thomas argues. Rather, the specific providence
of God in Christ is understood in the way a king or man orders well
the affairs of his family, city, or kingdom to others, and not to the
end of his private self-interest, according to Matthew 24:45: "A wise
and faithful servant whom the lord has appointed over his family."58
Unfortunately, however, Thomas does not cite the full reference nor
does he explain its proper context. Thus the meaning is not immedi-
ately clear to those less familiar with scripture or unaccustomed to a
scriptural reading of the Summa.
Matthew 24:45 occurs in the context of Jesus' parables on the final
judgment when he is warning his disciples to be careful and "watch"
for they know not when their master will return. In this parable,
the master of a house elects a servant to look after his household
while the master goes away. The full reference explains that the
servant is elected to watch over the household, specifically, to "give
food in due season." Thus, the goodness of created things that bears
witness to God's providence is seen when elected servants take care
of the needs of others, principally, by giving food to those in need.
This refers not only to the spiritual nourishment of sound teaching,
preaching, and administering the sacraments, but also to the prudent
55 ST 1.22.1.
56 ST 1.22.1 ad 1.
57 See Harm Goris, "Divine Foreknowledge, Providence, Predestination, and Human
Freedom" The Theology of Thomas Aquinas , ed. by R.V Nieuwenhove and J. Wawrykow
(Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press 2005), pp. 99-122.
58 ST 1.22.1.
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distribution of the wealth of the church to others. Thomas makes this

point repeatedly in both of his commentaries on this passage.
In his collection of Patristic authors, the Catena Aurea , Thomas
turns to Hilary and states that this passage offers a "general exhor-
tation to all in common to unwearied vigilance," although it also
includes "a special charge to the rulers of the people, that is, the
bishops, to be watchful for the Lord's return."59 More specifically,
Thomas argues that the "literal sense" commands the rulers and
prelates of the church to be "faithful in dispensing the revenues
of the Church," not to "devour . . . that which belongs to widows" but
to "remember the poor" and "be prudent [in] understanding the cases
of them that are in need, whence they come to be, what has been
the education and what are the necessities of each."60 Thus, "to give
food in due season" pertains to the knowledge and execution of good
government, principally, by bishops, as Thomas cites the same pas-
sage in his article on the bishops.61 "As the Lord repeats to Peter,"
Thomas states, "Feed, feed, feed my sheep" (John 21:17). "Feed them
by word, feed them by example, and feed them with temporal assis-
tance."62 In the Catena Aurea on John 21, also cited in his article
on bishops,63 Thomas further explains that Jesus repeated this com-
mand to Peter three times because Peter denied him three times and
to "show of what importance He esteems the superintendence of His
own sheep, and how He regards it as the greatest proof of love to
Him."64 Accordingly, Thomas states that
to feed the sheep is to support the believers in Christ from falling from
the faith, to provide earthly sustenance for those under us, to preach
and exemplify with all our preaching by our lives, to resist adversaries,
to correct wanderers. [However] they who feed Christ's sheep, as if
they were their own, not Christ's ... are moved by lust of glory, power,
gain, not by the love of obeying, ministering, pleasing God. Let us
love, therefore, not ourselves, but Him, and in feeding His sheep, seek
not our own, but the things which are His.65
Unfortunately, Thomas laments, there are many who, in the words

of Philippians 2:21, "look after their own interests, [but few who
look after] those of Jesus Christ" (RSV).66
59 Saint Thomas Aquinas, Catena Aurea: St. Matthew, Vol. I, trans. J.H. Cardinal New-
man (London: St. Austin Press, 1999), p. 838.
60 Ibid., pp. 839-840.
61 57 11-11.185.1.
62 In Matthaeum Evaņģēlistam Expositio, XXIV, p. 226 in Opera Omnia , Vol. 10
(Parma: Fiaccadori, 1852-1873), Taurini, Italy: Marietti, 1820): '"Pasce, pasce, pasce oves
meas. ' Pasce verbo, pasce exemplo, pasce temporali subsidio. "
63 ST II-II. 185.1.
Saint Thomas Aquinas, Catena Aurea: St. John, Vol. I, trans, by J.H. Cardinal New-
man (London: St Austin Press, 1999), p. 623.
65 Ibid., p. 624.
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For rare indeed is such a faithful servant serving his Master for his
Master's sake, feeding Christ's sheep not for his own [profit] but for
the love of Christ, skilled to discern the abilities, the life, and the
manner of those put under him, whom the Lord sets over, that is, who
is called by God, and has not thrust himself in.67
After discussing the literal sense as "to give food in due season,"
Thomas immediately turns to the anagogical sense of eternal awards
and punishments. For those who give to the needy, he suggests, es-
pecially those who instruct others in the ways of God's justice, the
maximum award shall be forthcoming, according to Matthew 24:47,
"he will be set over all his possessions." For those faithful and pru-
dent servants, who are called by God and who feed Christ's sheep,
they shall preside over all of God's goods in eternal beatitude and
union with Christ.68 According to Daniel 12:3: "those who teach,
they will be as the splendor of the firmament, and those who en-
lighten many in justice, as the starts for ever and ever."69 However,
for those in positions of power and authority who look after their
own interests, setting an "evil example" to the flock, the maximum
punishment shall be exacted. According to Micah 3:9-10: "Hear this
you heads of the house of Jacob and rulers of the house of Israel,
who abhor justice and pervert all equity, who build Zion with blood
and Jerusalem with wrong" (RSV). Thomas warns that elders in the
church should not rule in this way, but according to what is written in
1 Peter 5:2: "Tend the flock of God that is your charge, not by con-
straint but willingly, not for shameful gain but eagerly, not as dom-
ineering over those in your charge but being examples to the flock"
(RSV)/1
Clearly, then, if we adhere to scripture as the norm and under-
stand the philosophy for its greater manifestation, then the particular
ordering of all things in Christ to their end in God is evident when-
ever superiors provide for their subordinates through their exemplary
apostolic life and the distribution of their resources to the poor. Here
we not only see Thomas using the wisdom of scripture to issue
prophetic denunciations against those who use church resources for
their own gain, but we also see the specific way in which the ratio
ordinis rerum ad finem of God's providence is evident in the pastoral
care of the church on behalf of the poor and weak, so that ecclesial
practice itself offers the strongest witness to the providential ordering
of all things in Christ.
66 In Matthaeum Evaņģēlistam Expositio, XXIV, p. 226.

67 Catena Aurea: St. Matthew , p. 838.
68 In Matthaeum Evaņģēlistam Expositio , XXIV, p. 227.
69 Ibid.
70 Ibid.
71 Ibid.
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2. Divine Government and the Perfection of the Universe: Thomas

Aquinas' Theology of the Gift
Thomas' theology of divine government expands on this basic bib-

lical meaning of providence. However, while Thomas locates his
theology of providence in the doctrine of God, his theology of divine
government is placed in his theology of creation. In this way, Thomas
ensures both the perfection of God's providential knowledge and
sovereign will and the perfection of creation, for government per-
tains to preserving creatures in their goodness and moving them to
be a cause of goodness in others.72 In both ways, creatures them-
selves become the dignified executors and intermediary agents of
God's goodness, all the more so as they are higher and nearer
to God,73 by participating in God through sharing their gifts with
others.
Every creature participates in the divine goodness, so as to diffuse the

goodness it possesses to others ... So the more an agent is established
in the share of the divine goodness, so much the more does it strive
to transmit its perfections to others as far as possible.74
Hence, for Thomas, participation in the life of God is predicated,

first, upon receiving God's wisdom and love (the essential attributes
of the Son and Holy Spirit), and, second, by using them for other
creatures. This is the "morality of divinization" whereby creatures are
enabled to attain their own perfection through perfecting the agency
of others, especially those who enjoy the very least of God's bene-
fits. The hope and expectation of receiving these gifts of God's life
is that these creatures too may also be enriched in divine goodness
and thus become a cause of goodness in others still, the net result
being nothing less than the perfection of the universe itself. Since
God is the "very essence of goodness" and since
[the] highest degree of goodness in any practical order, design, or
knowledge . . . consists in knowing the individuals acted upon, as the
best physician is not the one who can only give his attention to general
principles, but who can consider the least details ... we must say that
God has the design of government of all things, even of the very
least."15
Indeed, the government of God, he continues, "will be so much the

better in the degree the things governed are brought to perfection ."76
As Thomas states in his De Veritate :
72 ST 1.103.4.
73 ST 1.104.2.
74 57" 1.106.4.
75 ST 1.103.6 (emphasis added).
76 Ibid, (emphasis added).
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The ordering of the universe, as a result of the outpouring of God's

goodness, [requires that] superior creatures have that not only by which
they are good in themselves, but especially that by which they are the
causes of goodness for other things which participate at the greatest
remove [in extremis] from God's goodness.77
Thus, for Thomas, the right ordering of God's government is

accomplished by certain creatures that are blessed with abundance
by using the gifts of their knowledge and love for others whose need
is extreme. This pertains not only to the most excellent spiritual gifts
of administering the sacraments and teaching doctrine, but also, and
more importantly in cases of extreme need, to sharing their wealth
with those in need.78 Operating within the paternalistic framework of
medieval theology, long before the Second Vatican Council's teach-
ings on the laity, Thomas understands this responsibility to fall on
all Christians, but especially the prelates of the church. Following
Gregory the Great, Thomas maintains the radical position that the
highest creatures, such as bishops, have the greatest responsibility
to follow the perfect self-giving of the poor Christ by undertaking
any hardship and even sacrificing their lives for the salvation of oth-
ers and for the just distribution of wealth to the poor.79 Although
Thomas, unlike his Franciscan counterparts, does not hold that the
renunciation of wealth is the mark of spiritual perfection, he does
state that the perfection of one's spiritual life and love of God may
be judged from the intensity of this love and from what one is willing
to give up, suffer, and sacrifice for others.
The perfection of divine providence requires that the excess of certain
things over others be reduced to a suitable order. Now this is done
when one makes available some good for those who have less, from
the abundance of those who have more. So, since the perfection of
the universe requires that certain things participate in the divine good-
ness more than others . . . the perfection of divine providence demands
that the execution of the divine rule be accomplished by those that
participate more in divine goodness.80
Yet the government of God by superiors over inferiors is not

something that human beings can accomplish on their own. It is
only possible through the wisdom of the Son and the love of God
poured into the heart through the Holy Spirit (Rom 5:5). Indeed,
while government is accomplished by means of a descending hier-
archy of secondary agents, it is always primarily the love of God
77 Saint Thomas Aquinas, De Ventate 5.8 in Providence and Predestination: Truth Qs.
5 & 6, trans R.W. Mulligan (South Bend, IN: Henry Regency, 1961).
78 See ST II-II. 188.6; II-II. 182.1.
79 See The Perfection of the Spiritual Life translated as The Religious State by Rev.
Procter (Westminster, MD: Newman Press, 1950), pp. 81-82, 93-94.
80 SCG III.77.5.
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that enables creatures to attain their own their perfection through

distributing their abundance to others. Thomas' understanding of the
perichoretic indwelling of the Trinity in creation makes it clear that
what is accomplished by creatures is also, and more fundamentally,
the Trinitarian action of God who accomplishes even greater works
through other creatures than Christ did himself, for according to John
14:12: "the works that I do, he shall also do, and greater works than
these shall he do."81 And what could be greater, Thomas asks, than
giving the power to work miracles to others for the justification of
the unrighteous.82 This is even greater than the creation of the world
itself, for the world will one day be no more, but the justification of
the unrighteous will endure forever. Moreover, these works are even
greater than the works of Christ not simply because they are greater
in number but also because they are accomplished by Christ through
others less than he. In this way even simple and illiterate fishermen
are lifted up and included in God's work of salvation. Even Jesus
was unable to convert the young rich man, Thomas notes, but Peter
and others had brought many more to the faith so that there was not
a needy person among them and distribution was made to each as
they had need (Acts 4:33). 83
III. Some Implications for Ecclesial Practice
Thomas' theology of divine providence and government is centered

on the triune self-giving of God's Word and Spirit. Since the church
is the mystical body of Christ, it has the principal responsibility of
preaching, teaching, and exemplifying the providential goodness of
God in its work for salvation. Hence, providence is not only the
eternal plan of God that provides everything with a meaning and a
place for its existence. It is also the dynamic action of the Trinity in
and through human beings who mediate God's wisdom and love to
others.
From this radical theocentric view of God in creation and creation
in God, we can now consider some of the implications for ecclesial
practice today. Clearly, reading Thomas in the context of 13th century
mendicancy and through his biblical commentaries make it clear that
the church's work in both liturgy and temporal governance must
extend the wealth of its resources to others, the sinner, the sick, and
the poor. Fundamental to this mission is that the church must not
simply teach, preach, and administer the sacraments, but also testify
through the social, political, and economic action of all its members
81 57-1.105.8.
82 ST III.43.4 ad 2. See also Catena Aurea: St. John, p. 459.
See Evangelium Joannis, XIV, 3, p. 550.
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to the providential goodness of God who works all things together

for the good (Rom 8:28). Only in this way can the church be the light
of the world to all the nations. And since this light comes from God
and appears foolish to worldly wisdom and values, the church must
not only center itself in the love of God, but must also be prepared to
be rejected by a world that is perishing (1 Cor 1:18). Moreover, since
the veracity of its witness will be judged by the intensity with which
it is ready to suffer and sacrifice itself for the salvation of others, the
church must also consider whether its witness resembles and justifies
the wisdom and power of the world or the wisdom and power of God
in the perfect poverty of the cross of Christ. As Thomas states, since
divine truths are most clearly revealed not in great or noble things,
but in those things that are the furthest from God,84 the church's
public witness must consist essentially in the sublation ( aufhebung )
of its hierarchy while distancing itself from worldly semblances of
power and glory. In this way the church not only will carry out its
mission to those in the greatest need but will also set an example
that will lead the faithful and that will allow it to defend itself from
the many detractors who continue to accuse it, rightly or wrongly,
of avarice, pride, or corruption. This pertains to all members of the
mystical body, but especially to its rulers. For, as Thomas was fond
of saying, "If the blind lead the blind, they will both fall into a pit"
(Mt 14:15).
This is not of course to say that wealth in the church is a sin. It
is only to point out that wealth is often a temptation to sin as well
as a cause of pride that should not exist in the church.85 Hence, if
the church is seriously committed to the spiritual and material trans-
formation of an increasingly globalized world, perhaps, according to
the wisdom of the cross, it should also consider the ways in which
its own wealth and abundance both model and justify human ambi-
tions to achieve wealth and power in the private sector as well as
undermine the church's ability to convert others from their exalted
opinion of worldly glory and influence. Indeed, if contraries are cured
by contraries, then it seems that in an age of gross materialism and
an ever widening chasm between rich and poor, the church has the
greatest charge to teach through an apostolic life that trusts all things
into God's good hands, even in poverty, so that others may know that
they too may truly gain their life only as they are prepared to lose it
and become servant of all (Mark 8:35; 10:43-44).
In attempting to meet the challenges of the world today, there is
no easy way for the church to live up to such a high standard of
ecclesial conduct or even to anticipate the practical and disruptive
84 ST 1.1.9 ad 3.
85 ST III.40.1 ad 1.
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implications of embracing such a radical doctrine. It is possible only

through God, through cleaving to God and eschewing the temptations
of worldly glory and temporal honors that others might be encouraged
and enabled by God to do the same. As the great lives of the saints
readily testify both in word and deed, this is possible only to those
who are called and enabled by grace to order, direct, and judge
all things for the greater honor and glory of God, his church, and
all creation, especially, as Thomas would say, for the least, etiam
minimorum.
Conclusion
This paper has suggested an alternative way of reading Thomas

Aquinas' theology of providence as a mendicant friar and biblical
theologian who uses philosophy for the greater understanding of
scripture for moral theology and pastoral care in the church. The
purpose of this paper, however, is not to outline a practical eccle-
siology for local parishes, bishoprics, or papal government, but to
set forth the biblical and doctrinal foundation for that activity in the
being and activity of the triune God. It is the hope that others will
similarly revisit Thomas' Summa Theologiae in light of his biblical
commentaries and historical context so as to discover other gems of
saving wisdom that the Angelic Doctor has yet to teach.
Michael T. Dempsey
St. John's University
8000 Utopia Parkway
Queens, New York 11439, USA
Email: dempseym@stjohns.edu
© The author 2008


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Providence, Distributive Justice, and Divine Government in the Theology of Thomas

Aquinas: Some Implications for Ecclesial Practice

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Providence, Distributive Justice, and Divine

Thomas Aquinas wrote his Summa Theologiae to provide Dominican

Thomas Aquinas, divine providence, scriptural commentaries, dis-

One of the most important questions facing Christian faith in public

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However, recent scholarly interest in Thomas Aquinas has gen-

I. In Search of the Mendicant Thomas

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outcasts in the new social hierarchy.3 This social ostracism of and

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world to dedicate their lives to prayer and asceticism to further their

8 Little, Religious Poverty and Profit Economy, p. 67.

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scientific method of theology that gave intellectual credence to their

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on his own systematic works. 14 As Chenu has argued, Thomas' most

1. The Mendicant Thomas of ST 1. 1.1-10

One of the defining characteristics of the mendicants during this

14 An exception to this is Leonard Boyle, "The Setting of the Summa Theologiae of

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Studium, 21 or both, Thomas' scriptural commentary suggests that the

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2. "Deus Elegit Abjectos: " The Wisdom of this Science

The teacher of Catholic faith not only has a greater responsibility to

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to judge those things that are repugnant to this teaching according to

31 ST 1.1.6 ad 2 (my translation): "Consilia destruentes et omnem altitudinem extollen-

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II. Distributive Justice in Thomas' Theology of Providence

Thomas' theology of divine providence has often been taken as a

© The author 2008

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intelligible first cause which must exist necessarily if our experi-

48 See ST II-II.1.7; II-II.1.8 ad 1; De Veritate 14.9 ad 8.

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1. "To Give Food in Due Season:" Thomas' Theology

In his Summa Theologiae Thomas' defines providence as the " ratio

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distribution of the wealth of the church to others. Thomas makes this

Unfortunately, Thomas laments, there are many who, in the words

© The author 2008