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PLATO’S PHAEDO
EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY:

JOHN BURNET

OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
Oxford University Press, Amen House, London E.C.4
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON

BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA

CAPE TOWN SALISBURY NAIROBI IBADAN ACCRA

KUALA LUMPUR HONG KONG

FIRST EDITION IQII

REPRINTED 1924, 1930, 1937, 1949, 1953, 1956, 1959, 1963

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
 PREPAGE

THE text of this edition is that prepared by me for

the Scrzptorum Classicorum Bibliotheca Oxoniensis with
a few corrections and modifications. Such as it is, it
is the only text based on the three archetypal MSS.,
the Clarkianus (B), the Marcianus (T), and the Vindo-
bonensis (W). The readings of T are taken from
a photograph in my possession, those of W from the
collation of Professor Kral of Prague.
In the Introduction and Notes I have chiefly en-
deavoured to elucidate the argument, and to show the
importance of the Paedo as an historical document.
Grammatical points have only been dealt with when
they seemed to have a direct bearing on these problems.
The interpretation of an ancient document must always
be based on grammar, but an edition of the P/aedo is
not the place for a full discussion of general grammatical
problems like the constructions of ov py and pi) ov.
I have given references throughout to the second
edition of my Larly Greek Philosophy (E. Gr. Ph.?),
where I have discussed more fully the historical back-
7
ground of the dialogue. i hope to have an early
1251
vi PREFACE

opportunity of discussing certain textual problems in

a more scientific way than is possible in an edition like
the present.
The reader will see that Iam under great obligations
to the editions of Wyttenbach and Heindorf. Of more
recent editions Iowe most to that of the late Sir William
Geddes.
J. B.
INTRODUCTION

NOLES. ‘« e e e e ° « . ’ . I

Appenpix I, Deatu sy Hemiock ; ‘ ‘ - 149

Appenpix IJ. YAavxov réxvn . ‘ ° « Se ERO
InDEX TO THE NOTES:
I. Proper Names ‘ ; : ; ‘ « 851
II. Greek Words : ; ‘ ‘ . +, hee
III. Grammatical .
 INTRODUCTION
I
IF only we may take the Phacdo for what it professes
to be, it surely stands quite by itself in European litera-
ture. It does not, indeed, claim to be a word for word
report of all Socrates said to the inner circle of his
followers on the day he drank the poison in prison. By
letting us know incidentally (59b10) that he was not
present, Plato seems to decline responsibility for the
literal exactitude of every detail. But, for all that, it
does on the face of it bear to be such an account of that
memorable day as its author could conceive a favourite
disciple giving not long afterwards to a group of deeply
interested listencrs. That means a great deal. Though
he was not present when the Master died, it is certain
that Plato continued in close association with others who
were,! and they must often have talked about Socrates
together. Further, the narrative is put into the mouth
of Phaedo of Elis, who was certainly still living when the
dialogue called by his name was written. So, no doubt,
were the chief interlocutors, Simmias and Cebes, and
1 The statement in Diog. Laert. ii, 1c6, iii. 6 that, just after the death
of Socrates, Plato retired with other Socratics to Megara, the home of
Euclides (cp. 59 c2.), rests on the authority of Hermodorus, who was a
disciple of Plato and wrote a book about him. Even apart from this, it is
certain that the Socratics kept together and remained in touch with
Plato. Some of them, like Theaetetus and the younger Socrates, were
subsequently members of the Academy.
x INTRODUCTION

probably others of the company.’ In these circumstances,

it is not easy to believe that Plato intended his readers to
regard the Phaedo simply as an ‘imaginary conversation a
Of course, as has been indicated, he need not have
meant every detail to be taken as historically exact. If
we choose to suppose that he introduced into the Phaedo
sayings and doings of Socrates which really belonged to
other occasions, there is nothing to be said against that ;
for such concentration of characteristic traits in a single
scene is quite legitimate in dramatic composition. A
certain idealization might also be allowed for; but we
should expect the idealizing process to have taken place
in the minds of Plato and the rest before the dialogue
was written, and to have been in the main unconscious.
We may say, then, that the Phacdo professes to be
nothing jess than a faithful picture of Socrates as Plato
conceived him when he wrote it. It professes to be even
more. We are certainly led to believe that it gives us
a truthful record of the subjects on which Socrates dis-
coursed on the last day of his life, and of his manner of
treating them. No reader who made his first acquain-
tance with Socrates here could possibly suppose anything
else. This, then, is what the P/aedo professes to be ; and
if only it is this, it is the likeness of a great philosopher
in the supreme crisis of his life, drawn by a philo-

1 It is impossible to discuss the date of the Phaedo here; for this

would involve an inquiry into that of the Republic. I may say, however,
that I regard it as proved that the Phaedo is earlier than the Republic,
and as probable that it was written within ten years of the death of
Socrates. But, in any case, Phaedo, who lived to found the school
of Elis, is a mere lad in 399 B.c. (cp. 89b3), while Simmias and Cebes
are veavicxo (8Qa3). No one would assign the Phaedo to a date at
which it is reasonable to suppose they were dead.
 INTRODUCTION xl

sopher who was greater still, and was also one of the
most consummate dramatic artists the world has known.
It would not be easy to find the match of such a work.

i
But are we entitled to take the P/aedo for what it pro-
fesses to be? The general opinion apparently is that we
are not.' It is admitted, indeed, that the narrative
portion of the dialogue is historical, but most interpreters
doubt whether Socrates talked about immortality at all,
and many deny that he held the belief set forth in our
dialogue. Hardly any one ventures to suppose that the
reasons given for holding this belief could have been
given by Socrates ; it is assumed that they are based on
doctrines formulated by Plato himself at least ten years
after Socrates had passed away. I cannot accept this
account of the matter. I cannot, indeed, feel sure that
all the incidents of the narrative are strictly historical.
These are, in my opinion, the very things for which
a dramatic artist might fairly draw on his imagination.
I have only an impression that they are, broadly speak-
ing, true to life,and that they all serve to bring before us
a picture of Socrates as he really was. But the religious
and philosophical teaching of the Phaedo is on a very
different footing. Whatever Plato may or may not have
done in other dialogues—and I say nothing here about
that 2—I cannot bring myself to believe that he falsified
1 { refer mainly to current opinion in this country. Some references
to views of another character will be found below (p. xiv, 7. 2).
2 It is obvious that we must apply a somewhat different standard to a
dialogue like the Phaedo, which is supposed to take place when Plato
was twenty-eight years old, and to one like the Parmenides, which deals
with a time at least twenty years before he was born. If it can be
 e

xl INTRODUCTION

the story of his master’s last hours on earth by using him

as a mere mouthpiece for novel doctrines of his own.
That would have been an offence against good taste and
an outrage on all natural piety; for if Plato did this
thing, he must have done it deliberately. There can be
no question here of unconscious development ; he must
have known quite well whether Socrates held these
doctrines or not. I confess that I should regard the
Phaedo as little better than a heartless mystification if
half the things commonly believed about it were true.

iit
The interpretation which finds nothing in the Phaedo
but the speculations of Plato himself is based on the
belief that‘ the historical Socrates ’, of whom we may get
some idea from Xenophon, is quite a different person
from ‘the Platonic Socrates’. What the latter is made
to say is treated as evidence for the philosophy of Plato,
but not for that of Socrates himself. This does not mean
merely that Plato's Socrates is idealized. That might be
allowed, if it were admitted that Xenophon too idealized
Socrates after his own fashion. If it were only meant
that each of these men drew Socrates as he saw him, and
that Socrates was, in fact, a different man for each of
them, the truth of such a view would be self-evident.
We should only have to ask which of the two had the
better opportunity of seeing Socrates as he really was,
and which was the more capable of understanding and
portraying him, But very much more than this is meant.
shown, as I believe it can, that the latter dialogue is accurate in its
historical setting (cp. E. Gr. Ph.? p. 192) and involves no philosophical
anachronism, the Phaedo will a fortiori be a trustworthy document,
 INTRODUCTION xii

It is meant that Plato has used Socrates as a mask to

conceal his own features, and that the Platonic ‘ Socrates’
is, in fact, Plato.
The general acceptance of this view in recent times is
apparently due to the authority of Hegel. Speaking of
Socrates, he lays down that ‘we must hold chiefly to
Xenophon in regard to the content of his knowledge,
and the degree in which his thought was developed ’,}
and this dictum became a sort of dogma with the He-
gelian and semi-Hegelian writers to whom we owe so
much of the best nineteenth-century work in the history
of Greek philosophy. It can only be made plausible,
however, by isolating the AZemoradilia from Xenophon’s
other writings in a way which seems wholly illegitimate.
We must certainly take the Oeconomicus and the Symzpo-
sium into account as well; and,in estimating Xenophon’s
claim to be regarded as a historian, we must never forget
that he was the author of the Cyropaedia.
The Apology of Socrates which has come down to us
under Xenophon’s name raises another question. It is
pretty clearly based on Plato’s Apology, and it contains
a rather clumsy plagiarism from the Phaedo.* This has
led many scholars to deny the authenticity of the work ;
but the more Xenophon’s methods are studied the less
cogent do such arguments appear, and there is now
a growing disposition to regard the Apology as Xenophon's
after all. Ifso, we have to face the possibility that he
derived much of his knowledge of Socrates from the
writings of Plato.
As for the Memorabilia itself, there is no doubt that it
is a strangely constructed work, and the ‘higher critics’
1 Gesch. der Phil. ii. 69. 2 Cp. 8gban.
xiv INTRODUCTION

have condemned whole chapters as interpolations.’ It is

not necessary to discuss their theories here; I only
mention them at all in order to show that the book
presents a real problem, and that the time has gone by
for speaking of its historical character as something be-
yond cavil. If, however, we wish to avoid the conclusions
of the critics, we can only do so by putting something
better in their place. The question we must ask is
whether it is possible to give an account of Xenophon’s
Socratic writings which will explain them as they stand.
I believe that it is; but I also believe that it is ‘the.
historical Socrates’ who will then appear as the fictitious
character.?

IV
By his own account of the matter, Xenophon was quite
young—hardly more than five and twenty—when he saw

* It has quite recently been argued that two of the most important
conversations (i. 4 and iv. 3) are derived from Plato’s 7imaeus, and
were inserted in their present place by Zeno, the founder of Stoicism
(K. Lincke, Xenophon und die Stoa, Neue Jahrbiicher, xvii (1906),
pp. 673 sqq.).
? This view is gradually making its way. Raeder, while speaking of
the distinction between the Platonic and the historical Socrates as
‘a recognized truth’, is equally emphatic in stating that the Platonic
Socrates must be distinguished from Plato himself (Platons philosophische
Entwickelung, p. 53). Ivo Bruns |Das lterarische Portraét der Griechen,
1896) insists upon the fact that both Plato and Xenophon give faithful
portraits of Socrates as they knew him, only it was a different Socrates
that they knew. C. Ritter (Plafon, i, p. 71) says that Plato’s Socrates,
‘even though poetically transfigured, is yet certainly the true one, truer
not only than the Socrates of comedy, but also than that of Xenophon’.
My colleague Professor Taylor's Vania Socratica (St. Andrews University
Publications, No. 1X. Oxford, Parker) came into my hands too late for
me to refer to it in detail. Though I cannot accept all his conclusions,
I am glad to find myselfin substantial agreement with him.
 INTRODUCTION Xv

Socrates for the last time.t When he made his acquain-

tance we do not know; but of course Socrates was a
familiar figure to most Athenian lads. We can see pretty
clearly, however, that Xenophon cannot have associated
regularly with Socrates after he reached the age of mili-
tary service. It is very significant that, as he tells us
himself (Az. iii. 1. 4), it was the Boeotian Proxenus who
wrote to him suggesting that he should attach himself to
the expedition of Cyrus. That certainly looks as if he
had already served a pretty serious military apprentice-
ship, and in these years most of the fighting was at a dis-
tance from Athens. The fact that a Boeotian professional
soldier knew him to be a likely man for an adventure of
this kind seems to imply that he had already given proof
of such inclinations ; and, if so, his intercourse with the
teacher who had not left Athens for years must have been
intermittent at best.
That Xenophon did know Socrates personally, I see,
however, no reason to doubt.” What he tells us on the
subject in the Avabasis rings true, and is in complete
harmony with what we know otherwise. He says (Ax.
iii, I. 5) that, when he had read the letter of Proxenus
1 The youth of Xenophon at the time of the expedition of Cyrus was
first pointed out clearly by Cobet (Vovae Lectiones, pp. 539 and 543). In
the Axabasis (iii. 1. 14 and 23) he tells us himself that he hesitated to
take command of the Ten Thousand because of his youth. Now two of
the generals who had been killed were thirty-five and Proxenus was
thirty, so Xenophon must have been appreciably younger. Cp. also iii.
2. 37, lil. 3 sq., and iv. 2 where he insists upon his youth. As Croiset
says (Litt. grecque, vol. iv, p. 340, 2.1), ‘Si l’on se laissait aller & l'im-
pression générale que donne |’Anabase, on attribuerait 4 Xénophon en
399 plutdt vingt-cing ans quetrente.’ The fact that Apollodorus gave his
floruit as the archonship of Xenaenetus (401/o B.c.) does not weigh
against this; for that is merely the date of the expedition.
? It has been doubted by E. Richter, whose work I have not seen.
xV1 INTRODUCTION

he consulted Socrates the Athenian on the matter.

Socrates had misgivings. He was afraid—and the event
proved him right—that, if Xenophon attached himself to
Cyrus, it would damage his prospects at Athens, so he
advised him to consult the Delphic oracle. But Xeno-
phon had already made up his mind, and only asked the
Pythia to what gods he should pray and sacrifice to en-
sure a prosperous issue to the journey he had in view and
a safercturn. The oracle. of course, gave him the answer
he sought. but Socrates blamed him for not asking first
whether he should undertake the journey at all. As it
was, he bade him do as the god commanded. This story
throws great light on what Xenophon afterwards wrote in
the Wemorabilia. We read there (i. 1. 4) that Socrates
used to warn his friends to do this and not to do that, on
the strencth of premonitions from his ‘divine sign’, and
that for those who didas he told them it turned out well,
while those who did not repented of it later on. We are
also told that Socrates used to advise his friends to consult
oracles on difficult questions, but in matters within the
reach of human intelligence to use their own judgement.
It is not, surely, without significance that Xenophon
should tell us this at the very beginning of the A/emora-
bilia, just as the story given above from the Azabasis
occurs at the precise point in the narrative where he in-
troduces his own personality. It seems as if it had been
the centre round which his personal memories of Socrates
naturally grouped themselves. In those days, as we
know from other sources, Socrates struck many young
men chiefly as one possessed of a sort of ‘ second sight’.
In the 7heages (wrongly included in the Platonic canon,
but still an carly work) we read (128d 8sqq.) how
 INTRODUCTION Xvll

Charmides consulted Socrates before beginning to train

for the foot-race at Nemea. He neglected the advice
given him, ‘and it is worth while to ask him what he got
by that training!’ So, too, Timarchus declared, when
he was being led to execution, that he owed his plight to
disregard of a warning given by Socrates. And there
were others. A certain Sannio consulted Socrates, just
like Xenophon, before starting for the wars. and Socratcs
is represented as saying that he expects him either to
lose his life or come within an ace of doing so.
It was not his second sight alone, however, that
attracted these young men to Socrates. If they had re-
garded him as a mere clairvoyant, their feelings to him
would not have been what they plainly were. No doubt
it was Alcibiades who did most to make Socrates the
fashion ; but we can see from the Symposium that Plato
had good grounds for believing that his enthusiasm was
based on a conviction that Socrates was a man of no
common strength of character. In particular, all these
young men knew him to be a brave soldier and a good
citizen. His services at Potidaea, where he saved the
life of Alcibiades, and at Amphipolis, and above all his
personal courage in the field of Delium, were matter of
common report. In the dialogue called by his name
(181 a 7 sqq.), Plato makes Laches express the high esteem
in which Socrates was held in military circles, and all that
would appeal strongly to the group of young men I am
trying to characterize. Theclose of the war with Sparta
_ had left them without any very definite occupation, and
they were very ready to try their luck as soldiers of
- fortune. They were not all Athenians—the Thessalian
Meno was one of them—and in any case they had no local
1261 b
XViil INTRODUCTION

patriotism to speak of. They were willing to fight for

any one who would employ them, and they were naturally
attracted by a man who had not only given proof of
bravery in the field, but had also a mysterious gift of
foreseeing the chances of military adventures.
Nor would these young men think any the worse of
Socrates because he was an object of suspicion to the
leaders of the Athenian democracy. They were mostly
hostile, if not actually disloyal, to the democracy them-
selves. They would certainly be impressed by the action
of Socrates at the trial of the generals after Arginusae.
Xenophon was very likely present on that occasion,
and he mentions the matter with some emphasis in the
fTlellenica (i. 7. 15).
That Xenophon belonged to this group we may readily
admit, without supposing him to have been a member of
the more intimate Socratic circle. As we have seen, he
can have had little time for that, and this makes his
testimony to the existence of such an inner circle all the
more valuable. In dealing with the charge that Critias
and Alcibiades had been associates of Socrates, he points
out that they were so only for a time and to serve their
own ends. Besides these, and others like them, there
were many who associated with Socrates in order to
become good men, and not to further any political —

ambitions of their own. The names he gives—Crito,

Chaerephon, Chaerecrates, Hermocrates, Simmias, Cebes, | =_—

Phaedondas '—are all familiar to the readers of Plato. -

1 Mem. i. 2. 48. The mention of the Theban Phaedondas, of whom .
nothing is known (cp. 5Qc2x%.), might suggest the suspicion that Xeno-
phon merely took his list from the Phaedo, were it not that Plato calls
him Phaedondes, just as he calls Archytas Archytes. It almost seems as
if Xenophon knew him personally by his Boeotian name.
 INTRODUCTION XIX

With one doubtful exception! they are those of men

whom he represents as supporting Socrates at the trial or
in the prison or both.
Now, if Xenophon is here speaking from his own per-
sonal knowledge, he confirms the statements of Plato in
the most remarkable way; for he bears witness to the
existence of a circle of true disciples which included the
Theban Pythagoreans, Simmias and Cebes. If, on
the other hand, he has merely taken his list of names
from Plato’s Apology, Crito,and Phaedo, he must mean at
the very least that Plato’s account of the matter is quite
in keeping with the memories of his youth, The refer-
ence to Simmias and Cebes in the conversation with
Theodote (Mem. iii. 11. 17) shows further that he knew
they had been attracted to Athens from Thebes by their
desire to associate with Socrates, or at least that he
accepted this as a true account of the matter.
There is nothing so far to suggest that Xenophon had
any special information about Socrates, or that he was in
any real sense his follower. His behaviour in the matter
of the Delphic oracle is highly characteristic, and he tells
the story himself. It represents him as a self-willed lad
who thought he might guard against the consequences of
his actions by getting a favourable response, no matter

1 Most editors follow Groen van Prinsterer in changing the MS.

‘Eppoxpatns to ‘Eppoyévns, which would bring Xenophon and Plato into
complete agreement. It is to be observed, however, that, in the Zimacus
and Critias, Plato represents Hermocrates as present, and that he meant
to make him the leading speaker in the third dialogue of the trilogy.
I do not think it likely that Plato should have invented an impossible
meeting, and Hermocrates may have come to Athens and made the
acquaintance of Socrates during his exile. If he did, the fact would cer-
tainly interest Xenophon.
b 2
xx INTRODUCTION

how, from the Pythia. That is quite human, and we

need not be too severe upon him for it; but it hardly
inspires confidence in him as a witness to the beliefs of
Socrates about things unseen and eternal.
V
Turning a deaf ear to the warnings of Socrates, young
Xenophon left Athens to join the expedition of Cyrus,
and he never saw Socrates again. He had, therefore, no
first-hand knowledge of his trial and death, while Plato
was certainly present at the trial. Further, though it is
just possible that Xenophon revisited Athens for a short
time in the interval between his return from Asia and >
his fresh departure with Agesilaus, he spent practically
all the rest of his life in exile. He was, therefore, far
less favourably situated than Plato for increasing his
knowledge of Socrates by conversation with others who
had known him. Phaedo, indeed, was not far off at
Elis, but he never mentions Phaedo at all. He might
very casily have made inquiries among the Pythagoreans
of Phlius; but, in spite of the exceptional sympathy he
shows for Phlius in the /Yel/enica, he never says a word
about Echecrates or any of them. We have seen that
he does mention Simmias and Cebes twice (in both cases
for a special purpose), but it is very significant that no
conversations with them are reported in the Memorabilia.
It seems to follow that Xenophon did not belong to the
same circle as these men did, and we can very well
believe his sympathy with them to have been imperfect.
He does appear to have known Hermogenes, son of
Hipponicus (Phaed. 59 b 7 2.), but that is apparently all.
Where, then, did he get the conversations recorded in
 INTRODUCTION XX!

the Memorabilia? To a considerable extent they are

discussions at which he cannot have been present, and
which he had no opportunity of hearing about from oral
tradition, as Plato may easily have done in similar cases.
It does not seem probable that they are pure inventions,
though he has given them an unmistakable colouring
which is quite his own. In some cases they seem to be
adaptations from Plato. It is difficult to believe that
what he makes Socrates say about Anaxagoras, and the
hazy account he gives of the method of hypothesis, have
any other source than the Phaedo.1 It is highly probable
that some of the conversations come from Antisthenes,
though I think it a mistake to regard Antisthenes as his
main source. We must bear in mind that there were
many ‘Socratic discourses’, of which we get a very fair
idea from what Wilamowitz calls ‘the Socratic Apo-
crypha’. If we take up the Memorabilia when we are
fresh from the ZAcages or the Clitopho (to the latter of
which there seems to be an allusion in the Memorabilia *).
we shall find the book much easier to understand in
many respects. If I mistake not, we shall have the
feeling that Xenophon got the substance of many of his
conversations from sources of this kind, and fitted these
as well as he could into his own recollections of the
1 For Anaxagoras cp. Mem. iv. 7. 6 with Phaed. 97b8, and for
trddeois cp. Mem. iv. 6.13 and Phaed. g2d6m. That both passages are
misunderstood proves nothing against this view.
2 Chitopho 408d2 mas more viv anodeydpeba THY ZwKpatous mpot pony
Huadv éw dpernv ; ws dvtTos povov TovTou, éemeLedOeiv 58 ovK Eve TO Tpaypari
kat AaBety ato TeAEws 3... GIO D4 vopicas cE TO ey MpoTpemely eis GpETIs
éxiuéAcay kadar’ dvOpwrowv Spav ... pwaxpdrepov Se ovdev. Cp. Xen. Mem.
4. 4. I Ei d€ tives Swxparnv vouiCovaiy, ws evict ypapovoi Te Kal A€youst Tepi
QUTOU TExpapdpevor, TpoTpépacba pev dvOpwmous én’ apeTiY KpaTiaToY yeEyo-
_véevat, mpoayayeiv 8 én’ avriy ovx ikavdy KTA.
XXil INTRODUCTION

brave old man with the gift of second sight, whose

advice he had sought in early life without any particular
intention of taking it.

VI
It is not even necessary for our purpose to discuss the
vexed question of Xenophon’s veracity, though it is right
to mention that, when he claims to have been an eye-
witness, his statements are not to be trusted. At the
beginning of his Syspostum he says he was present at
the banquet which he describes, though he must have
been a child at the time. He also claims in the Oeco-
nomicus to have heard the conversation with Critobulus,
in the course of which (4. 18sqq.) Socrates discusses the
battle of Cunaxa, though it is certain that Xenophon
saw Socrates for the last time before that battle was
fought. These things show clearly that we are not to
take his claims to be a first-hand witness seriously, but
the misstatements are so glaring that they can hardly
have been intended to deceive. Xenophon was eager to
defend the memory of Socrates; for that was part of the
case against the Athenian democracy. He had to eke
out his own rather meagre recollections from such sources
as appealed to him most, those which made much of the
‘divine sign’ and the hardiness of Socrates, and occa-
sionally he has to invent, as is obviously the case in the
passage of the Oeconomicus referred to. When Plato
} The banquet is supposed to take place in 421/o B.c. In Athenaeus
216d we are told that Xenophon was perhaps not born at that date, or
was at any rate a mere child. It follows that Herodicus (a follower of
Crates of Mallos), whom Athenaeus is here drawing upon, supposed
Xenophon to have been only twenty years old at the time of the Ro
E

Anabasis. This is probably an exaggeration of his youth at that date.

e
 INTRODUCTION xxill

reports conversations at which he cannot have been

present, he is apt to insist upon the fact that he is
speaking at second- or third-hand with what seems to us
unnecessary elaboration,! but Xenophon’s manner is
different. He says ‘I was there’, or ‘I heard’, but that
is only to make the narrative vivid. We are not sup-
posed to believe it.

VII
In view of all this, it is now pretty generally admitted
that Xenophon’s Socrates must be distinguished from
the historical Socrates quite as carefully as Plato’s. That
seems to leave us with two fictitious characters on our
hands instead of one, though of course it is allowed that
in both cases the fiction is founded upon fact. But how
are we to distinguish the one from the other? We re-
quire, it would seem, a third witness, and such a witness
has been found in Aristotle. It is pointed out that he
was a philosopher, and therefore better able to appreciate
the philosophical importance of Socrates than Xenophon
was. On the other hand, he was far enough removed
from Socrates to take a calm and impartial view of him,
a thing which was impossible for Plato. Where, there-
fore, Aristotle confirms Plato or Xenophon, we may be
sure we have at last got that elusive figure, ‘ the historical
Socrates.’
This method rests wholly, of course, on the assumption
that Aristotle had access to independent sources of infor-
1 Cp. especially the openings of the Parmenides and the Symposium.
2 This is the distinctive feature of Joel’s method in his work entitled
Der echte und der Xenophontische Sokrates. Though I cannot accept his
conclusions, I must not be understood to disparage Joel’s learning and
industry. '
XXIV INTRODUCTION

mation about Socrates. There can be no question of

first-hand evidence ; for Socrates had been dead fifteen
years when Aristotle was born, and a whole generation
had passed away before he came to Athens for the first
time. He might certainly have learnt something from
conversation with Plato and the older members of the
Academy, and he might have read Socratic dialogues no
longer extant. It is impossible to suggest any other
source from which he could have derived his information,
and these do not come to much. It is to be supposed
that Plato and his friends would represent Socrates much
as he appears in the dialogues, while the lost Socratic
writings would not take him far beyond Xenophon.
In practice, too, this criterion proves of little value.
Aristotle himself does not tell us a great deal, and the
Aristotelian Socrates has to be reconstructed with the
help of the Audemzan Ethics and the Magna Moralia.
This seriously vitiates the results of the method ; for the
considerations urged in support of Aristotle's trustworthi-
ness cannot be held to cover these later works. As to
the remainder, Zeller is clearly right in his contention
that Aristotle never says anything about Socrates which
he might not have derived from works which are still ex-
tant.’ There is no sign that he had even read the Wemora-
bilia. and in fact the presumption is that, when Aristotle
says ‘Socrates’, he regularly means the Socrates of
Plato's dialogues. No doubt, like all of us, he sometimes
refers to the Platonic Socrates as Plato, but that is
natural enough on any supposition; the really significant
fact is that he so often calls him Socrates. Indeed, he
was so much in the habit of regarding the dialogues
1 Phil. der Griechen* ii, 94, n. 4.
 INTRODUCTION XXV

of Plato as ‘discourses of Socrates’ that he actually

includes the Laws under this title! It is surely quite
impossible to suppose that he really meant to identify
the Athenian Stranger with Socrates. If he was
capable of making a blunder like that, it would not be
worth while to consider his evidence on the subject
at all. It is far simpler to assume that, for Aristotle,
Socrates was just the Platonic Socrates, and that, in
speaking of the Laws as ‘discourses of Socrates’, he has
made a slip which would be intelligible enough on that
supposition, but wholly inexplicable on any other. If
that is so, and if ‘discourses of Socrates’ meant to
Aristotle ‘dialogues of Plato’, we can make no use of
what he says to check the statements of Xenophon, and
still less to support the view that the Platonic Socrates
is unhistorical. Aristotle is always ready to criticize
Plato, and if he had been in a position to contrast the
real Socrates with Plato’s, we may be sure he would
have done so somewhere in unmistakable language.
It cannot be said either that Aristotle’s statements as
to what ‘ Socrates’ really meant are of much help to us.
He is by no means a good interpreter of philosophical
views with which he is not in sympathy. He is, for
instance, demonstrably unfair to the Eleatics, and the
Platonic Socrates is almost equally beyond his range.

1 Pol. B. 6.1265 a1 70 pév ovv mepitrov Exovor waves of TOV SwKparous

Adyo. Kal TO Kopipov Kal TO KatvoTOpov Kal TO QyTHTiKOY KTA, Aristotle has
just been speaking of the Republic, the paradoxes of which he also ascribes
to Socrates, and he goes on to the Laws with these words (1265 a 1) ray
Be Népov 76 perv mActaTov pépos vopor TUYXavoval dyes, dAiya 5é wept THs
mokiTeias eipnxev (sc. 6 Zwxpdrns). The editors say that the Athenian
Stranger is identified with Socrates, and seem to be unconscious of the
absurdity of such an identification.
XXVI INTRODUCTION

VIII
It looks after all as if our only chance of learning any-
thing about Socrates was from Plato, but we must of
course subject his evidence to the same tests as we have
applied to Xenophon and Aristotle. In the first place
we must ask what opportunities he had of knowing the
true Socrates. He is singularly reticent on this point in
his dialogues. We learn from them that he was present
at the trial of Socrates but not at his death, and that is
all. He has completely effaced his own personality from
his writings. We may note, however, that he likes to
dwell on the fact that his kinsmen, Critias and Charmides,
and his brothers, Glaucon and Adimantus, were intimate
with Socrates.
Plato was twenty-eight years old when Socrates was
put to death,’ and we cannot doubt thai he had known
him from his boyhood. The idea that Plato first made
the acquaintance of Socrates when he was grown up may
be dismissed.?_ It is inconsistent with all we know about
Athenian society, and especially that section of it to
which Plato’s family belonged. It was common for
parents and guardians to encourage boys to associate
with Socrates, and to beg Socrates to talk with them.
Plato was the nephew of Charmides, and we know that
1 This rests on the authority of Hermodorus (ap. Diog. Laert, iii. 6),
Co. t. 1x, 94. I:
2 The current story that Plato made the acquaintance of Socrates when
he was twenty does not rest on the authority of Hermodorus at all,
though it is quoted in Diogenes Laertius just before the statement re-
ferred to in». 1. Others said that Plato associated with Socrates for ten
years. Both figures, I take it, are arrived at by a calculation based on
the solitary datum furnished by Hermodorus. Some counted from the
beginning and others from the end of Plato’s two years as an égnBos. If
that is so, there was no genuine tradition.

S
 INTRODUCTION XXVil

Charmides was warmly attached to Socrates when Plato

was in his ’teens. Even later, as we know from Xeno-
phon, Socrates prevented Glaucon from speaking in
public before he was twenty, ‘being well-disposed to
him because of Charmides and Plato.’! In these circum-
stances, it is inconceivable that Plato did not meet
Socrates over and over again in the gymmnasia and else-
where. Xenophon may have known Socrates in this way
too, but the presumption is far stronger in the case
of Plato. Moreover, the son of Ariston would certainly
be a far cleverer boy than the son of Gryllus, while his
artistic susceptibility and his keen eye for the character-
istic would be early developed. The sketches he has
left us of the Master's way with boys in the gymuasia are
too vivid to be wholly imaginary.
When he grew up, Plato does not seem to have left
Athens. No doubt he saw some service; but he tells us
himself that his ambitions were political,? and by his time
the political and military careers were quite distinct. If
he had qualified himself, like Xenophon, to be a pro-
fessional soldier, we should have known something
about it.

! We learn from the dialogue called by his name that Charmides

came under the influence of Socrates as a boy, three or four years before
the birth of Plato. We learn from Xenophon that he kept up the close
relationship to him which began then. It was Socrates who did him the
doubtful service of urging him to enter public life in spite of his shyness
(Mem. iii. 7), and in the Symposium (1.3) Xenophon represents him as
associating with Socrates along with Critobulus, Hermogenes, and Anti-
sthenes. He is made to say that he could associate more freely with
Socrates when reduced to poverty by the war. For the conversation with
Glaucon, cp. Mem. iii. 6. 1. These data cover the whole period of Plato's
boyhood and early manhood.
2 Ep. vii. 32458 sqq.
XXVill INTRODUCTION

Plato, then, had exceptional opportunities of knowing

Socrates, but this does not prove that he belonged to the
inner Socratic circle! The evidence does not carry us
beyond the probability that he belonged to the group of
young men—‘the sons of the richer citizens, who have
most time to spare’ *—who gathered round Socrates for
the pleasure of hearing him expose the ignorance of pre-
tenders to knowledge. That is a different group from
the one to which Xenophon belonged, but it is equally
well marked, and it is not the inner circle. We can
infer no more from the passage in the Apology where
Socrates offers to call Adimantus to prove that Plato had
got no harm from associating with him. The fact that
Phaedo thinks it necessary to explain Plato’s absence
from the scene in the prison may mean a little more, but
that refers to a later date.
If we regard the Seventh Epistle as Plato’s—and I do
not see who else could have written it—the matter
appears in a clearer light. Plato does not say a word in
it about having been a disciple of Socrates, though he
speaks of him as an older friend for whose character he
had a profound admiration. His ambitions, as we have
seen, were political, not scientific. He was in his twenty-
fourth year when the Thirty were established, and his
kinsmen urged him to take office under them; but the
behaviour of Socrates in the affair of Leon of Salamis ®
* We cannot draw any inference from Xenophon’s omission of his
name from the list. To mention the kinsman of Critias and Charmides
would have spoilt the point he is trying to make.
* Apol. 23.¢2, * Apol. 348.7.
‘ Ep. vii. 324.d8 pirov dvipa éuol mpecBirepoy Swxparn, bv eyo oxedov
ovk av aigxuvoiuny eimav Sixatdratov Elva. TaY TOTE.
® Ep. vii. 324. 2 éwi twa tev TOATOV ped Erépav émeutov, Bia dfovTa ws
 INTRODUCTION xxix

opened his eyes to the real character of the oligarchy.

When the Thirty fell, he was at first impressed by the
moderation of the restored democracy, and once more
thought of entering public life, but the condemnation of
Socrates proved to him that there was no hope in that
direction either.) In fact, though his first awakening
went back to the year of the Thirty, his final conversion
dated only from the death of Socrates. He probably
rose a new man from the sick-bed on which he was then
lying. It would not be the only case of a man called to
be an apostle after the death of his Master.
Such seems to me the most probable account of the
relations between Socrates and Plato; but, even if he was
not a disciple in the strict sense, his opportunities for
learning to know Socrates as he really was were vastly
greater than those of Xenophon. Above all, he was at
Athens during the last two years of his life, while Xeno-
phon was in Asia. So far as the Phacdo is concerned,
the statement of our earliest authority, Hermodorus, that,
after the death of Socrates, Plato threw in his lot with the
Socratics and retired with them to Megara, the home of
Euclides and Terpsion, is of the first importance.2— We
may be sure that he made it his business to hear every
detail of the Master’s last words and actions from all who
had been present, and he makes Phaedo express the
delight they all took in speaking of him, while Echecrates
drodavovpevor, iva 57) peTéexot THY mpaypatwy avdTois, eire BovAciTo eiTE pT’
6 & ov« éweidero, wav 5é tapexwdivevoev madeiy mply dvociwy avTots épywy
yevéoOat kowvwvds. The story is told in Apol. 324 sqq., where the name
of Leon is given.
1 Ep. vii. 325a58qq. Plato says that he was prevented from entering
public life by the impossibility of effecting anything without a party and
the proved impossibility of acting with either party.
Gp. prix M4.
XXX INTRODUCTION

voices the desire of all admirers of Socrates for exact

information about him. That Plato was really in a
position to give a full and true account of the day
described in the P/aedo is not, therefore, open to doubt.

IX
Still, it will be said, the ancient idea of historical truth
was so different from ours, that we cannot look for what
is called an ‘objective narrative’ from such a writer as
Plato. It is usual to refer to the speeches of Thucydides
in support of this contention, and they are really rather
to the point. It seems to me, however, that they prove
something different from the position they are supposed
to illustrate. Thucydides tells us that he has put into
the mouth of each speaker the sentiments proper to the
occasion, expressed as he thought he would be likely to
express them, while at the same time endeavouring, as
nearly as he could, to give the general purport of what
was actually said.1. Even that would carry us a consider-
able way in the case of the Platonic Socrates in the
Phaedo. It would surely mean at the very least that
Socrates discussed immortality with two Pythagoreans
on his dying day, and that implies a good many other
things.
But it is really the contrast between the speeches of
Thucydides and the dialogues of Plato that is most
instructive. Broadly speaking, all the orators in Thu-
cydides speak in the same style. Even Pericles and
Cleon can hardly be said to be characterized. In Plato
" Thuc. i. 22, Observe that he only professes to give Ta Séovra, what
was called for by the occasion, not ra Tpuonkovta, What was appropriate
to the character of the speakers.
 INTRODUCTION XXxl

we find just the opposite. Even the Eleatic Stranger

and the speakers in the Laws have a character of their
own, and only seem shadowy by contrast with the rich
personalities of the earlier dialogues. This realism is
just one of the traits which distinguishes the literature of
the fourth century from that of the fifth. Aristotle had
observed the existence of the new literary gezre and calls
attention to the fact that it had not received a name.
It had two distinctive marks, it used prose for its instru-
ment and it was an imitation. It included the mimes
of Sophron and Xenarchus and also ‘the Socratic dis-
courses’! This classification of the Platonic dialogue
with the mime is one of Aristotle’s happiest thoughts.
If the anecdotes which are told of Plato’s delight in
Sophron are historical,? we can see what suggested it;
but in any case, it is true. Plato’s dialogues really are
mimes, but with this difference, that the characters are all
real and well-known people. They are just the opposite
of the speeches in Thucydides.
The critics have, no doubt, discovered a _ certain
number of apparent anachronisms in the dialogues. It
is said that, in the Symposium (193a 2), Plato makes
Aristophanes refer to the d:orcicpds of Mantinea which
took place in 385 B.C., and that, in the A7enxo (goa 4), he
makes Socrates refer to the enrichment of Ismenias by
Persian gold as recent, whereas it happened after the
death of Socrates. The latter instance, however, is
extremely doubtful; for Ismenias was an important
figure at Thebes considerably before the death of

' Poet. 1447 b2 sqq.

2 The story that Socrates was a student and imitator of Sophron rests
on the authority of Duris of Samos (FHG. ii, p. 480).
XXX11 INTRODUCTION

Socrates.) and the former is probably a misunderstanding.

Aristophanes does not mention Mantinea, and what he
says about the d:orxiopés of the Arcadians by Sparta
may very well refer to the dissolution of the Arcadian
Confederacy, which was quite recent when the banquet
described in the Syiposium is supposed to take place.’
For my part, I am quite ready to accept the dictum
of Wilamowitz that there are no anachronisms in Plato;
but, even if there were one or two of the kind just men-
tioned, they would be of little account. They would
have to be regarded as slips which no one would have
noticed unless he had been looking for them, and which
do not detract in the least from the historical character
of the dialogues in which they occur.
On the other hand, we must note certain positive
features which show that Plato was not only a realist
in his character-drawing, but had also a strong sense of
historical perspective and a genuine feeling for historical
values. In particular, he has avoided completely a very
subtle form of anachronism. He has a wonderful way of
keeping up the illusion that his dialogues belong to the
pre-revolutionary period. The Revolutions of 404 and

1 Cp E. Meyer, Gesch. des Alterth. v. §§ 854, 855. The chronology of

the //ellenica is certainly at fault in regard to these transactions, and
Persian gold may well have found its way to Thebes before the supposed
date of the conversation described in the Meno.
? Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Die Xenophontische Apologie, Hermes xxxvi
(1897), p. 102, #. 1. He points out that Plato does not make Aristophanes
mention Mantinea at all, and that the allusion does not correspond to
what we know of the Spartan treatment of Mantinea in 385 B.c. The
Arcadian League struck coins with the superscription ’Apxadixéy, and
these coins cease afier the battle of 418 B.c. As the Symposium is sup-
posed to take place in 416 B.c., Aristophanes is alluding in a natural way
to an event then recent,
 INTRODUCTION XXXII]

403 B.C. made a complete break in the politics and

literature of Athens. A new world had arisen, and the
carry-over, so to speak, was far Iess than at the French
Revolution. There is hardly a single statesman or
writer of the fifth century whose activity was prolonged
into the fourth. Aristophanes is the exception that
proves the rule; for the Aristophanes of the Acclestazusae
and the Plutus is a different man from the Aristophanes
of the Lyszstrata and the Birds. It is important to
realize this gap between the centurics and to keep it
constantly in view if we wish to understand Platoss art.
The majority of the dialocues are supposed to take
place before the Revolutions, and Plato never loses sight
of this for a moment, though many of his personages
came to piay a leading part in the troubled times which
he had cause to remember so vividly. Critias and
Charmides were kinsmen of his own, and he must have
been affected by the tragedy of the life of Alcibiades.
Yet there is not the slightest hint of all this in the
Charmides or the Symposium. Critias is still a cultured
politician and poet; Charmides is still a modest and
beautiful lad; Alcibiades is still at the height of his
wild career, Coming evcnts are not even suffered to
cast their shadows before, as an inferior artist would
have made them do. Like the great dramatist he was,
Plato has transported himself back to the age of Pericles
and the age of Alcibiades, and portrayed them as they
seemed to the men who lived in them, not as they must
have appeared to his contemporaries and to himself,
when the glamour of the great time had passed away.
Nowhere, perhaps, is Plato’s self-restraint in this
respect better seen than in the picture he has drawn
1251 Cc
XXXIV INTRODUCTION

of Aristophanes. It is almost the only one of his literary

portraits which we can fully appreciate. We can form
a fairly clear idea of Aristophanes from his comedies,
and there can be no doubt that Plato’s Aristophanes
corresponds admirably to it. The Platonic Aristophanes
is thoroughly Aristophanic, and this raises at least a
presumption that the Platonic Socrates is Socratic. But,
above all, what strikes us is the relation of good fellow-
ship in which Socrates and Aristophanes stand to one
another. The Clouds had been produced some years -
before, but they are still the best of friends. At that
time. there was really no reason why Socrates should
resent the brilliant caricature of Aristophanes, and
Alcibiades does not hesitate to quote it in his encomium
(Symp. 221b3). No one in these days would take a
comedy tooseriously. Ata later date, things were rather
different. Even if what Socrates is made to say about
Aristophanes in the Apology is not to be taken quite
literally, the Socratic circle must have felt some resent-
ment against him after the condemnation. Yet Plato
keeps all that out of sight; such thoughts belong to the
fourth century and not to the fifth.
It seems to me that the reason why Plato’s power of
transporting himself back to an earlier time has met with
such scant recognition is just the success with which he
has done it. As we read him, we can hardly realize that
he is calling up a time which was passing away when he
himself was a boy. The picture is so actual that we feel
it must be contemporary. That is why so many writers
on Plato speak as if the first half of the fourth century
ran concurrently with the second half of the fifth.! They
1 It is no wonder that lesser writers should be deceived, seeing that
 INTRODUCTION XXXV

think of Plato as the adversary of the ‘ Sophists’, though,

when he wrote, there were no longer any sophists in the
sense intended. They were merely memories in his day;
for they had no successors. Even Thrasymachus belongs
to the generation which flourished when Plato was a
child.! So, too, the problems discussed in the dialogues
Eduard Meyer, who has done more than any one to make the historical
background of Plato’s life intelligible, falls under the illusion. He says
(Gesch. des Alterthums, vol. iv, p. 429) that the Symposium ‘ proves nothing
as to the relations of Socrates with Aristophanes, but only as to those of
Plato. . . Two such diametrically opposed natures as Socrates and
Aristophanes could have no relations with one another, but it is quite
natural that Plato and Aristophanes should have found and understood
each other’. He finds a confirmation of this in the Ecclestazusae, which
he regards as a parody of Plato’s Republic, but which he says is quite free
from the bitterness and malice of the Clomds, so that Plato and Aristo-
phanes may have been on excellent terms. Now Meyer also holds
(loc. ert.) that Aristophanes was in earnest when he attacked Socrates,
and that Plato was quite right in ascribing the chief responsibility for his
master’s death to him. We must apparently believe then that, some
half-dozen years after the death of Socrates (the Ecclesiagusae was pro-
bably produced in 392 B.c.), and within a few years of the time he wrote
the Phaedo, Plato ‘found and understood’ the man whom he rightly re-
garded as mainly responsible for the death of Socrates, and then thought
it appropriate to write a dialogue in which he represents Socrates and
Aristophanes as boon companions, If that can be true, anything may.
The fact is that the Aristophanes whom Plato might very well have
‘found and understood’ is just the Aristophanes of the Symposium, not
the revenant who wrote the Ecclestazusae and the Plutus. But Plato was
only a baby when the Clouds was produced, and a mere boy at the time
the Sympostum took place. What we may really infer is that the
references to Aristophanes in the Apology are little more than Socratic
persiflage like the similar allusion in the Phaedo itself (7Oc 1), and that
Plato knew very well that Aristophanes was not in earnest, and that no
one supposed he was. Constantin Ritter has, in my opinion, put this
matter in a truer light (Platon, i, p. 50, ”. 1).
1 Thrasymachus is about the last representative of the ‘Sophists’
(though Plato never gives him that name), and he was early enough to
be satirized in the Aa:raAjs, the first comedy which Aristophanes wrote.
That was in 427 B.c., before Plato had learned to speak. It is improbable
c 2
XXXVI INTRODUCTION

are those which were of interest at the time they are

supposed to take place. That of the Strong Man, for
instance, which is the subject of the Gorgias, belongs to
the end of the fifth century. It is also the theme of the
Herakles of Euripides.
It naturally follows from this that, when Plato does
wish to discuss questions which had come up in his own
time, he is quite conscious of the impropriety of making
Socrates the leading speaker. If we adopt the chronology
of the dialogues now generally received, the 7Aeaetetus
is, with one striking exception, the latest in which Socrates —
leads the discussion. In the Parmenides, he is quite
a youth, and the immature character of his views is shown
by Parmenides and Zeno. In form, the Sop/zst and the
Statesman area sequel to the 7heaetetus ; but Socrates,
though present, takes hardly any part in the argument,
which is conducted by an anonymous stranger from Elea.
The 7zmaeus and the Crztias profess in the same way
to continue the Republic, but here too Socrates is no
more than an ‘honorary president’, as a recent writer
puts it. We can see that the same was meant to be the
case in the //ermocrates, a dialogue which Plato designed
but never wrote. In the Laws, Socrates disappears
altogether, and his place is taken by an ‘Athenian
Stranger’ who seems really to be Plato himself. The
only exception to this rule is the PAzlebus, and that
exception is easily accounted for, as the dialogue deals
with subjects which Plato makes Socrates discuss else-
where. In fact the PAzlebus is the crucial case. It must

that he was still living when Plato began to write, and the theories
which he is made to uphold in the /tepublic are not such as any one is
likely to have maintained in the fourth century.
 INTRODUCTION XXXV11

be later than some, at least, of the dialogues just men-

tioned, and the fact that Plato once more makes Socrates
take the lead shows that it was solely in the interests of
historical verisimilitude that he refrained from doing so
in other dialogues.

Xx
Of course, if we are to regard Plato as our best
authority, we shall have to revise our estimate of Socrates
as a philosopher. The need for such a revision has long
been felt, though it has never been taken thoroughly in
hand. Even before Hegel laid down that Xenophon
was our only authority for the philosophy of Socrates,
Schleiermacher had suggested a much more fruitful method
of studying the question.’ He started from the considera-
tion that, as Xenophon himself was no philosopher, and
as the A7emorabilia does not profess to be anything more
than a defence of Socrates against certain definite accusa-
tions, we are entitled to assume that Socrates may have
been more than Xenophon is able to tell us, and that
there #zay have been other sides to his teaching than
Xenophon thinks it convenient to disclose in view of his
immediate purpose. He goes on to show that Socrates
must have been more than Xenophon tells us, if he was
to exercise the attraction he did upon the ablest and
most speculative men of his time. The question, then,
is: ‘What may Socrates have been, besides what Xeno-
phon tells us of him, without, however, contradicting the
traits of character and principles of life which Xenophon
definitely sets up as Socratic; and what must he have
1 Ueber den Werth des Sokrates als Philosophen (Works, Section III,
vol, ii, pp. 287 sqq.).
XXXViil INTRODUCTION

been to give Plato the occasion and the right to represent

him as he does in his dialogues?’ This is surely the
proper light in which to regard the question, and it was
formally acknowledged to be so by Zeller, though the
consequences of so regarding it have not been fully
recognized. I would only add one more question to
Schleiermacher’s, and it is quite in harmony with his
method. We must ask, I think, very specially ‘What
must Socrates have been to win the enthusiastic devotion
of the Pythagoreans of Thebes and Phlius and of the
Eleatics of Megara?’ That question is forced upon us
by any serious study of the Phaedo, and the answer to it
reveals Socrates to us in a very different light from
Xenophon’s Memorabilia.
XI
For one thing, this consideration suggests that Socrates
cannot have stood aloof from the scientific movement of
his time. Xenophon does not really say that he did.
He tells us, indeed, that Socrates dissuaded his friends
from spending their lives in the study of higher mathe-
matics and astronomy, but he adds in both cases that
Socrates was not unversed in these subjects himself. It
would be quite like Socrates to tell a young man to leave
these things alone till he had learnt to know himself, and
that would account for all Xenophon says.! Nor does
1 Mem. iv. 7. 3 Kaito ovK dneipos ye abray jy (sc. Tov bvacuvéTov ba-
ypapparwy, as Xenophon quaintly calls them), 1b. 5 xairot ov5e TovTwY ye
dvnkoos jv (sc. the planetary orbits, their distances from the earth, the
times of their revolutions and their causes, i.e. the whole higher
astronomy of the Pythagoreans). Certainly Socrates held that there
was something more important than this knowledge, and what Xenophon
tells us as to his advice not to waste one’s life in such studies would be
amply accounted for by the recollection of some such saying as that re-
 INTRODUCTION XXXix

Aristotle say anything inconsistent with the account

given by Socrates of his intellectual development in the
Phaedo (96a 6sqq.). He only says that he applied his
new method of universal definitions to ethical subjects
alone; and, as the Phaedo represents the discovery of
the new method as subsequent to the scientific studies of
Socrates, there is no contradiction at all.!. On the other
hand, the narrative in the P/aedo is confirmed in a striking
way byour earliest witness, Aristophanes. As was pointed
out long ago by F. A. Wolf,? Socrates was only about
forty-five years old, and Plato and Xenophon were babies,
when the Clouds came out (423 B.C.), and it is quite
possible that Socrates was still known chiefly as a student
of natural science at that time. The really decisive
argument, however, is this, that, if we take the Phaedo
and the Clouds seriously, making due allowance for comic
exaggeration in the latter, we get an account of the
scientific position of Socrates which fits exactly into
what we know of the intellectual atmosphere of the middle
of the fifth century B. C., and which would be inconceivable
at any other date.
In the first place, the cosmological theories burlesqued
in the Clouds are mainly those of Diogenes of Apollonia,
who had revived the theory of Anaximenes that Air was
corded in the Phaedrus (229 €5) ov Svvapai mw kata Td AcAguikdy ypaupa
yavar épavrdv* yedotov 64 po paiverat TodTo ett ayvoovvra Ta GAACTpLA
ckoneiv. Cp. Mem, i. 1. 12 nal mp@rov pey abradv écxomer métepa rote
vopioavtes ixavas H5n TavOpwmiva eld€vac EpxovTa emt 7d mEpi Trav ToovTwY
gppovricey KTrA.
1 Cp. Met. 987b1; 1078b17. Part. An. 642a28. These statements
only mean that Socrates did not apply his special method to cosmological
subjects. Aristotle nowhere denies that Socrates started from the science
of his time.
® See his edition of the Clouds (1811), pp. ix sqq.
 xl INTRODUCTION

the primary substance! Indeed, the whole comedy is

based on this. According to Diogenes, Air condenses
into Mist, and becomes visible in the form of Clouds.
That is why the Clouds are the divinities of the Socratic
school.?- Further, Diogenes held that Air was ‘ what we
think with’, and that is why Socrates swings aloft in the
air. The damp of the earth would clog his thought.®
The theories of Diogenes were fashionable at Athens
when Socrates was a young man, and it would only be
natural for him to adopt them at that date.
Another influence with which we must reckon is that
of the Anaxagorean Archelaus. The statement that
Socrates was his disciple is far too well attested to be
ignored. Ion of Chios apparently said that he visited
Samos with Archelaus, and in any case the statement
was known to Aristoxenus and (what is more important)
to Theophrastus.* It is, therefore, no Alexandrian fig-
ment. Archelaus is not mentioned in the Phaedo by
1 See Diels in Ithein. Mus, N.F. xlii, p. 12 sqq. and Vors.? pp. 340, 341.
Cp. also E.. Gre Pn. p. 40s) 9.3.
4 See E. Gr: Ph:* pp..409'sqq,
* Cp. Phaedo 96b4n. and Clouds 225 sqq. where Socrates explains
that he could not rightly have discovered ‘the things aloft’, €i wy xpeudoas
TO voypa Kat THY ppovtida | AenTiv KaTapelgas és Tov Suorov dépa. If he had
tried to do so on the ground, he would have failed ob ydp aad’ 4 v7 Bia |
éAnee mpds abriy TH ixpada THs ppovridos. Cp. Theophrastus, de Sens. 44
(of Diogenes) ppovety 3°, Wamep EAEXON, TH dept KaBapH al EnpO KwAvev yap
THY ikpada TOY voor,
* Diog. Laert. li, 22 “Iwy 5@ 6 Xios nal véov dvra (sc. Swxpdrn) eis Sapo
aw ’ApxeAaw dnodnufjoa. Ion may, however, have meant another
Socrates, as Wilamowitz suggests (PAtlol. Unters. i. 24), viz. Socrates of
Anagyrus, who was a colleague of Pericles and Sophocles in the Samian
War. For the evidence of Aristoxenus, see Diels, Vors.2 P. 323. 34 sqq.
For Theophrastus, cp. Diels, Dox. p. 479. 17 Kal *Apxédaos 6 ’AOnvatos, @
kal Swxpary ovyyeyoveva paaiv, ’Avagaydpov yevouéerp paénrn. See also
Chiapelli in Arch.f.Gesch. der Phil. iv, pp. 369 sqq:
 INTRODUCTION xli

name, but Socrates says he had heard the book of

Anaxagoras read aloud by ‘some one’ and had been
deeply impressed by it (97 b 8 sqq.).
The narrative in the Phaedo goes on to tell us how
Socrates grew dissatisfied with the doctrines of Anaxa-
goras. That also is characteristic of the time. Gorgias
certainly, and Protagoras probably, had given up science
in the same way. And we can see pretty clearly that
the dialectic of the Eleatic Zeno was what shook the
faith of all three.1 In the Parmenides, Plato has told us
this of Socrates in so many words, while the problem of
the unit, which had been raised by Zeno, holds a pro-
minent place in the enumeration of his doubts and diffi-
culties in the Phaedo (c6 e 7 sqq.).
But there is another influence at work and from a
different quarter. In the Phaedo there are several
references to the doctrines of Empedocles. Socrates
was in doubt whether ‘ what we think with’ was Air or
Blood (96b 4). The latter was the doctrine of Empe-
docles, and Aristotle tells us it was adopted by Critias ?
What is more important still is that Socrates was troubled
in his youth by the question whether the earth was flat
or round (97d 8), and that implies Pythagorean influence.
The philosophers of Ionia all held that the earth was
flat, and it was only from some Italian source that
Socrates could have learned the other theory.’
1 Cp. E. Gr. Ph.? p. 417. Gorgias had been an Empedoclean (#6. p. 234,
. 4), and Plato at least suggests that Protagoras had been a Heraclitean
(1b. p. 188). The experience of Socrates was only one effect among
others of the ‘bankruptcy of science’ in the middle of the fifth century
(tb. 406).
? Arist. de An, A. 2. 405b6. As Empedocles joined the Athenian
colony of Thurii in 444 3.c., his views may easily have become known at
Athens. § Cp. 97d8x.
xlil INTRODUCTION

This influence of Western cosmological ideas upon

Socrates is confirmed in a curious way by Aristophanes.
It is quite natural that Socrates should be classed with
those who busy themselves with ‘things aloft’ (7a
peTéwpa), but we regularly find that ‘the things beneath
the earth’ (ra bd ys) are associated with these in his
case.| Now it was Empedocles who first paid much
attention to the subterranean. The volcanic phenomena
of Sicily and the Orphic interest in the House of Hades
both led him to dwell upon the question of the earth’s
interior,2 and this double interest is beautifully brought
out in the closing myth of the PAaedo. Aristophanes
knows this point too, and his words €peBodidoou bd
tov Tdprapov® might have been written in ridicule of
the very theories which Plato has put into the mouth
of Socrates at the end of our dialogue.
Further details as to the science of the Phaedo will be
found in the notes; here I only wish to point out that
the curious fusion of Ionian and Western theories which
characterizes it is inexplicable unless we regard it as
belonging to Athens in the middle of the fifth century
B.c. At no other date, and in no other place, could
such a fusion well have taken place.*
1 Cp. Apol. 18b7 Ta Te peréwpa Ppovrioris Kal 7a b1d ys navra ave(n-
tykws, Clouds 188 (nrovow otra Ta Kata Yi.
2 E. Gr. Ph.? p. 277, 2. a. Diels, Vors? p. 164. 1.
8 Clouds 192. The interest of the myth in the Phaedo is mainly
eschatological, but it also gives us a complete theory of ta tnd ys,
explaining incidentally tides, volcanoes, earthquakes, and the like. The
subterranean rivers are specially Empedoclean,
‘ The Ionians remained unaffected by the more scientific cosmology of
the West. Democritus still believed that the earth was a disk hollow
in the centre. As explained in the note to Phaedo 109 b3, the theory of
Socrates represents an attempt to combine this view with the theory
of a spherical earth. At any date earlier or later than that of Socrates,
 INTRODUCTION xliii

XII
According to the Phaedo, when Socrates gave up
natural science in despair, he found satisfaction in what
is generally known as the Theory of Ideas. I have
tried to explain this theory simply in the Notes, so far
as such an explanation is necessary for a right under-
standing of the Phaedo; we have only to do here with
the fact that it is represented in our dialogue as already
familiar to Socrates and all his associates, whereas it is
generally held to be a specifically Platonic doctrine, and
one which was not even formulated by Plato in any
dialogue earlier than the P/aedo itself. This is evidently
a problem of the first magnitude and cannot be treated
fully here. I can only restate the conclusion to which
I have come elsewhere, namely, that the doctrine in
question was not originated by Plato, or even by Socrates,
but is essentially Pythagorean, as Aristotle tells us it
was.| A few further considerations, which tend to con-
firm this view are, however, strictly pertinent to the
present inquiry.
We have seen that there was a point beyond which
Plato did not think it right to go in making Socrates the
leader of his dialogues. Now, if the ‘ Ideal Theory’ had
originated with himself, and if, as is commonly believed,
it was the central thing in his philosophy, we should
certainly expect the point at which Socrates begins ta
take a subordinate place to be that at which the theory
is introduced. What we do find is exactly the opposite.
such an attempt would have been an anachronism, and it is only at
Athens that it would seem worth making. The Ionians did not trouble
themselves about a spherical earth nor the Westerns about a flat one.
1 E. Gr. Ph.? pp. 354 sqq.
xliv INTRODUCTION

The dialogues where Socrates falls into the background

are just those in which the ‘Ideal Theory’ is criticized,
or in which nothing at all is said about it ;where it is
assumed and affirmed, Plato has no hesitation in making
Socrates its mouthpiece. Indeed, with one remarkable
and significant exception, no speaker but Socrates is
ever made to expound the doctrine at all, and the excep-
tion is the Pythagorean Timaeus."
It has been said that to question Plato’s authorship of
the ‘Ideal Theory’ is ‘to deprive him of his birthright’.
It is at any rate a birthright he has never claimed ; in-
deed, he has done everything in his power to bar any
such claim on his part. He has made Socrates discuss
the theory with Parmenides and Zeno almost a genera-
tion before his own birth, and he has indicated that it
was not unknown to the Eleatics. Nor is it only Socrates
who is represented as familiar with the theory. In the
Phacdo, the Theban Pythagoreans, Simmias and Cebes,
know all about it and are enthusiastic believers in it.
Men of such divergent views as Antisthenes and Euclides
of Megara are present, but no one asks for a proof of it,
or even for an explanation. It is simply taken for
granted. When Phaedo repeats all this to the Pytha-
goreans at Phlius, the same thing happens. Echecrates,
who shows himself anxious for exact information on
other points, asks no questions about this one. As I
have argued elsewhere (E. Gr. Ph? p. 355), it is surely
incredible that any philosopher should introduce a novel

1 Tim. 51c4 elval ri paper efdos Exdotov vonrév. Here we have the
‘we’, which is such a marked feature of the discussions of the Phaedo,
and this time it is used by a Pythagorean. The Zimaeus was written
years after the Phaedo, but it still preserves the old way of speaking.
 INTRODUCTION xlv

theory of his own by representing it as already familiar

to a number of distinguished living contemporaries, and
that in reporting a conversation at which he distinctly
states he was not present.
Plato’s own contribution to philosophy is a great
enough thing, quite apart from the theory of ‘forms’
expounded in the Phaedo. This is not the place to
discuss it, but it seems worth while to consider how it
has come about that in modern times the ‘ Ideal Theory’
of the Phaedo and the Republic has often been regarded
as practically the whole of it. In the first place, about
the middle of the nineteenth century, most of the dia-
logues from which we can learn anything of Plato’s riper
thought, the dialogues in which Socrates no longer takes
the leading part, were declared to be spurious. In the
second place, the importance of Plato’s oral teaching in
the Academy, which did not find full expression in his
dialogues, was seriously underrated. This was due to
a natural reaction against the theory of an ‘esoteric
doctrine’, which had been much abused; but it cannot
really be disputed that many of Plato’s fundamental
doctrines were only expounded orally. Aristotle over
and over again attributes to him precise statements which
may be implicit in the later dialogues, but are certainly
not to be found there in so many words. The task of
reconstructing Plato’s mature philosophy from the un-
sympathetic criticisms of Aristotle is a delicate but not,
I believe, an impossible one.
During the latter half of the nineteenth century, the
later dialogues were reinstated one by one in the positions
from which they had been thrust, and a serious attempt
was made to understand Aristotle’s criticism of Plato.
xlvi INTRODUCTION

It was assumed that there was a ‘ later theory of Ideas’?

which in many respects contradicted that set forth in the
Phaedo and the Republic, and this had one very salutary
effect, that of directing attention once more to those
dialogues which had always been held in antiquity to
contain the genuine philosophy of Plato. At the same
time, I am convinced that the theory of an earlier and
later theory of Ideas is only a half-way house. Aristotle
knows nothing of such a distinction, and he would have
delighted to insist upon it if he had. The time has
come, I believe, for a return to the older and better view.
I prefer, accordingly, not to speak of ‘ Plato’s earlier
theory of Ideas’, because I do not believe the theory
was Plato's at all; and I prefer not to speak of ‘ Plato’s
later theory of Ideas’, because I am not clear that
Platonism proper is adequately described as a ‘ theory
of Ideas’, however true it may be that it is based on the
Pythagorean doctrine to which alone that name is really
appropriate.*
1 This view is specially associated with the name of Professor Henry
Jackson. Though I cannot accept all his results, I must not be taken to
undervalue his great services to Platonic study. The genuineness of
Plato’s later dialogues was first clearly established by my predecessor,
Professor Lewis Campbell.
2 Aristotle is commonly said to have denied that Socrates held ‘the
theory of Ideas’, but there is really no such statement in all his writings.
What he does say is that Socrates did not make universals ‘separate’
(xwptora) from particulars, and that is quite true of the Platonic Socrates.
In the Parmenides he is represented as puzzled about the precise relation
of the forms to particular things, and in the Phaedo (100 d5) he is not
sure whether mapovoia or cowwvia is the right term. So, too, particulars
‘partake in’ or ‘imitate’ the forms: but always and everywhere the
particular thing is what it is because the efSos is immanent in it. We
know from Plato’s Sofhist that there were ‘friends of the e’4n’ who did
‘separate’ the intelligible from the sensible, and it is with these that Aris-
totle contrasts Socrates. The true Peripatetic interpretation is preserved
 INTRODUCTION xl]vil

It remains to be added that I have only discussed in

the notes that aspect of the theory of Ideas with which
we are concerned in reading the Phaedo. So far as that
dialogue goes, it is a purely logical and scientific doctrine.
The possibility of science extends just as far as the theory
of Ideas will carry us and no further. Where it can no
longer be applied, the region of myth begins. I am well
aware that the doctrine has another aspect, to which
attention has been specially called by Professor Stewart
In certain dialogues the Ideas are regarded as objects of
ecstatic contemplation, and appear, to some extent, in
a mythical setting. With that we have nothing to do at
present. I may say, however, to avoid misunderstanding,
that, while I quite agree with the demand for a ‘ psycho-
logical’ explanation of this way of presenting the doc-
trine, 1 can by no means admit that the explanation is
to be looked for in the Wuy7 of Plato son of Ariston.
The idea of ecstatic vision is most prominent in the
Symposium and the Phaedrus, that is to say, in just
those dialogues where Plato’s dramatic art is at its best,
and where, therefore, if my general principles of inter-
pretation are sound, Socrates is most truly Socrates.
The soul of the man who stood transfixed in silent,
brooding thought for twenty-four hours in the camp at
Potidaea is surely the soul to which we must look for
a psychological explanation of the beatific vision de-
scribed in the Phaedrus. On what else can his thoughts
by Aristocles the teacher of Alexander of Aphrodisias (fr. 1) Ovx morta
5€ kal Sweparns, avto 57 TO Acyopevov, éyéveTo np Emi Tupi, KaDanep adTos
én TlAarwy, ebpvéoraros ydp dv kal Sewds dmophoa mepi mavtds drovovr,
émeconveyke Tas TE 1OtKas Kal ToALTIKGS OKEWEs, ETL FE THY TEpl TAY LdEay,
mparos émyeipnoas dpifecdar mavta Se éyelpwv Adyov Kal wepl mavtwy (nTav,
&pOn TeAEUTHOGS.
xlvil INTRODUCTION

have been concentrated during that day and night?

Surely not on the things he discusses in the Memorabilia?
SIU
The best book on Greek beliefs about the soul has no
chapter on Socrates. Even Plato, the writer says, had
not clearly conceived the thought of immortality so long
as he continued to regard the world from the standpoint
of a slightly developed Socraticism.' This view is based
on two considerations. It is said, in the first place, that
in the Apology Plato makes Socrates treat the question
of immortality as an open one, and that the Apology is
more historical than the Paedo. In the second place, it
is pointed out that Xenophon does not make Socrates
say anything about immortality in the Memorabilia.
The inference is that the belief was foreign to ‘ the
historical Socrates’.
When, however, we look a little closer at these facts,
their significance is seen to be rather different. Plato's
Apology professes to give us the speeches delivered by
Socrates at his trial; and, though it would be absurd to
treat it as a word for word report, it is doubtless
historical in its main outlines.2 Even if it is not, it
is clear that Plato has taken pains to make it such
a speech as might actually have been delivered in an
Athenian court, and it is quite certain from the practice
of the orators that, in addressing the judges, it was
impossible to assume immortality as distinct from mere
survival. The old belief in powerful and dangerous
ghosts had disappeared, and nothing very definite had
' E. Rohde, Psyche, ii, p. 265 (557).
* As Gomperz puts it, the 4 fology is ‘stilisierte Wahrheit’.
S
 INTRODUCTION xlix

taken its place. No doubt the average Athenian would

allow that the souls of the departed had some sort of
existence—the religious observances connected with the
dead imply that—but he had lost all faith in the primi-
tive belief that they continued to interest themselves
in the affairs of this world. ‘If by any means,’ says
Demosthenes, ‘the departed should be made aware of
what is now taking place, and that is the standing
formula.! Nor is there any evidence that people thought
of the next life as a better life, or of the house of Hades
as a better world. It was believed, indeed, that those
who had been initiated at Eleusis enjoyed a better lot
than others. They alone could properly be said to live
after death ; but even that was a shadowy sort of life,
and as far removed as possible from the immortality
preached by the Orphic sectaries and the Pythagoreans.
According to them, the soul was divine and immortal in
its own right, and it was only after separation from the
body that it could become truly itself. The soul of the
Orphic votary dwelt with God and the saints and attained
to complete purity and wisdom, while the initiated of
Eleusis were at best a class of privileged shades.
Had there been any real belief in a better life, it must
have found expression in the Funeral Speeches, and
especially in that part of them which was regularly
devoted to the consolation of the survivors?; but we
1 Cp. Dem. Left. 87 ef tives ToUTwY THY TETEAEVTNKOTWY AdBoLEY TpoTw
tit Tov vurl yryvopevov mpaypuatos aicénow. At the end of his speech
against Eratosthenes (100) Lysias goes so far as to say olpat 8 avrois
(robs TeOvewras) Huay TE axpodoba Kal buds elcecOar THY YHpov PéporTas,
which is the strongest statement in the orators. Cp. also Isocr. 19. 42
ei Tis EgTLV aidOnos ToOis TEOvEWoL TEpl THY evOaSe yiyvouevwv, Plato, Menex.
248b7 ef tis ore Tots TeTEAMEUTHKIOLY aiaOnas TOY CwYTwY,
2 Rohde, Psyche, ii, p. 203 (495), %. 3
1251 d
| INTRODUCTION

find nothing of the sort even in the Menexenus, which is

put into the mouth of Socrates. The writer, whether
Plato or another, has felt bound to conform to the usual
practice in this respect. Nor is there any trace in
Aeschylus or Sophocles of a belief in a blessed im-
mortality. It is Euripides who says ‘Who knows if life
be death and death be life?’, and is laughed at by
Aristophanes for doing so. We see from this how
foreign such a thought was to the Athenian mind.
Euripides, like Socrates, had been influenced by strange
doctrines, and he, like Socrates, was considered ‘im-
pious’.
In the Apology, then, Socrates only speaks as he was >
bound to speak. He wishes to show that death is no
evil to a good man, even if the ordinary view of it is
correct. At the worst, it is a dreamless sleep, and
a night of dreamless sleep is better than most waking
days. But that is only one possibility. There are
certain ‘sayings’! according to which death is really
a migration of the soul to another world ; and, if these
are true, we may hope after death to join the company
of Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer. It is
surely clear that Socrates himself is more in sympathy
with this belief than the other, though he may not say
so in as many words, and though he speaks with a
certain reserve on the subject. Even in the Phaedo he
makes certain reservations. He is sure that the soul
is immortal, and that the purified soul only leaves the
1 This, and not ‘popular opinion’, I take to be the meaning ofra Aeyé-
peva in Apol. 40c¢7,d6. Cp. notes on Phaedo 63¢6 and 70c5. The
term belongs originally to the language of the mysteries, in which ra
Aeyopeva are opposed to ta dpwyeva, and is used elsewhere in Plato of
the mystic doctrine or fepds Adyos.
 INTRODUCTION li

body to be with the wise and good God; he is not sure

that it will enjoy the company of the saints and heroes
of old. Both in the Pkaedo and elsewhere he steadily
declines to commit himself to the details of the Orphic
doctrine. It is a ‘ probable tale ’, and we may hope that
it, or something like it, is true. In this respect the
Phaedo does not go a step further than the Afology, and
the language of the Apology really implies the belief
explicitly stated in the Phaedo, Whatever concessions
he may make for the sake of argument, Socrates lets
it be clearly seen that his beliefs about the soul are not
those of the man in the street.
The same considerations help to explain the silence of
Xenophon in the Memorabilia. He is seeking to prove
that the belief of Socrates about the gods was just the
same as that of other pious people,’ and it would never
have done to suggest that he held peculiar views about
the soul. The doctrine of the soul’s immortality was,
and remained, a heresy. Even Plato’s brother Glaucon
is represented in the Republic as startled when Socrates
propounds it as something he seriously believes and
thinks he can prove. And yet Xenophon knew the
doctrine perfectly well. Even in the Memorabilia, he
lets slip the statement that the soul ‘partakes in the
divine ’, a phrase which really implies the whole theory.‘

' Phaed. 631.

2 Mem. i. 1. 3.6 8 obdev wawdrepov elaépepe THY GAAwY KTH.
$ Rep. 608 dg Ove jobnoa, Av & éyw, G71 dOavaros Huey 77 Wuxi) Kal ov-
Sémore dmodAAvTaL ;—Kai ds éuBrePas por kal Oavyaoas elwe* Ma Al’, ovK éEywye’
av 5e rovr’ Exes Ayer ;
4 Mem. iv. 3. 14 GAAG pry Kai dvOpwrou ye Pux7, T, eitEp Te Kal GAAO TOY
avOpwrivev, Tov Oeiov peréxer, OTt prev Bacirever ev Huy pavepuv, dparar be
o¥5’ airy. The invisibility and divine nature of the soul are just the
d2
li INTRODUCTION

Further, this view, which could not safely be developed |

in the Memorabilia, is worked out at considerable length
in the Cyropaedia, where the dying Cyrus is made to
formulate it in language almost identical with that of
the Phaedo.! Of this fact there can only be two ex-
planations. Either Xenophon is borrowing from the
Phaedo, or Plato and Xenophon are drawing from a
common source. Further, this source must be Socratic;
for the kinship of the dying speech of Cyrus with the
argument about the invisibility of the soul ascribed to
Socrates in the AZemorabilia is patent.2 It is possible
that Xenophon derived it from Hermogenes, from whom
he professes to have heard what he knew of the trial and
death of Socrates? ; but, on the whole, it is more likely

points made in Phaedo 79 bi and 80a8, while Baoiever refers to the

argument of Phaedo 79e8. Cp. Rohde, Psyche, ii, p. 2 (205). ‘If the
soul is immortal, it is in its essential property identical with God.
Among the Greeks, whoever says 1mortal says God; these are inter-
changeable notions. Now in the religion of the Greek people the true
fundamental proposition is that, in the divine order of the world, humanity
and divinity are locally and essentially distinct and must remainso. A
deep gulf separates the worlds of man and God.’ Even so innocent-
looking a phrase as Tov O¢eiov peréyec ignores this gulf, and therefore implies
the mystic doctrine. There are some other passages about the yuxr
which seem to be reminiscences of the Phaedo. Cp. i. 2. 4 tiv Ths
Yuxys Empéecav ovK euTodiCev (cp. Phaed. 65a 10), i. 4. 13 THY Yoyny
KpaTiaTny TO avOpwrw évépuoe (5 Oeds\, i. 2. 53 THs Wuyhs eedOovons, év
n pOvN yiyverae dpdovnats. These go far beyond the popular use of the
word Yuyn.
1 Xen. Cyr. viii. 7. 17 sqq. Cp. especially 19 otro éywye, @ aides,
ovSé TOUTO TwWTOTE EmEiaONY, Ws WuX7) Ews pev av év OvnTe owpaTr 7, CH, Otay
d€ ToUTOV dma\Aayh, TEOVNKEV ... OVSE YE SWS dppwv ~cTra H WuxXN, émecdav
Tov appovoes gwyaros bixa yévnTa, ovde TOTO Témercpatt GAA’ bray dxputos
kat kabapos 6 vous éxxpiOn, TOTE Kal ppovtpwratov avrov elkds elvat.
2 Cp. Cyr. vii. 7. 17 0058 yap viv rou hv y’ ephy Wuxiv éwpare with the
passage about the invisibility of the soul quoted p. li., m. 4.
3 Xen. Apo. a,
 INTRODUCTION lili

that he simply took it from the Phaedo, adding some

touches of his own. If so, he at least knew nothing
inconsistent with the ascription of such arguments to
Socrates.
But we can go much further than this. We have
positive evidence, dating from a time when Plato and
Xenophon were children, that Socrates was commonly
believed to hold strange doctrine about the soul. In the
Clouds of Aristophanes (v. 94), Strepsiades says, pointing
to the house of Socrates—-
Wuyav copay Tobr’ éoti PpovTiaTyHpioy,
and, however natural such a way of speaking may appear
to us, it was not natural for an ordinary Greek in the fifth
century B.c. It is sufficiently established that the use of
the word wWvy7 to express a living man’s true personality
is Orphic in its origin, and came into philosophy from
mysticism. Properly speaking, the wuy7 of a man is
a thing which only becomes important at the moment
of death. In ordinary language it is only spoken of as
something that may be lost; it is, in fact, ‘the ghost’
which a man ‘gives up’) Yet we find Aristophanes
trying to raise a lauch by representing Socrates and his
disciples as ‘souls’ or ‘ghosts’ even in their lifctime.?

1 The giAdyvyos is the man who clings to life. To risk one’s life is
Oeiv, rpéxewv, eevSvuveve rept Yuxjs. Cp. Rohde, Psyche, i, p. 47 (43), ”. 13
ii, p. 141 (432), #1. From Homer downwards, the yYvy7 is so regarded;
wherever it means more than this, we may trace the influence of mysti-
cism or philosophy.
2 Cp. van Leeuwen, ad Joc. ‘innuit non vivos vegetosque illic habitare
homines sed mera eiSwAa kapdvtwy, vexdwy quaedam dpernva kapnva quibus
peeves ove Eutredoi ciow, Socrati Puxaywy@ (Av. 1555 qui locus omnino est
conferendus) obtemperantia. Cf. infra vs. 504, ubi unus ex eorum numero
dicitur #y.6vjs.’ This is the popular view of the pedérn Oavarov (81a 1)
See note on Oavataar, Phaed. 64.5.
liv INTRODUCTION

The same point is made in the chorus of the BSzrds

where Socrates is represented as calling up the souls
of the dead.} This, at any rate, cannot be aimed at
‘the Sophists’, and the caricature would be wholly
pointless unless the real Socrates taught even at that
date something like the doctrine of immortality and the
‘practice of death’ (“eAérn POavarov) which, as we know |
from the P/aedo itself, seemed so ridiculous to the mass
of men.”
The truth is that, apart from the prejudice which
insists on seeing Socrates as a ‘rationalist’, there is
nothing to cause surprise in the fact that he was influenced
by mystic doctrines. We have only to remember the
character of the man and the times he lived in. The
fusion of science and mysticism, to the great ad-
vantage of both, had been the characteristic feature of
the generations immediately preceding his own, and his
youth was passed at a time when it was much in evidence.
He had even spoken with Parmenides at Athens,® and
he was only about twenty years younger than Em-
pedocles, who joined the Athenian colony of Thurii
when Socrates was about five and twenty. A little
later, the Pythagoreans were expelled from the cities of
Magna Graecia, and took refuge at Thebes, Phlius, and
' Cp. van Leeuwen, ad loc, ‘Sic ridetur philosophus de animi immortali-
tate disputare solitus dum vitae lenocinia aspernatur’. The context makes
it clear that puxaywyel is to be taken in the strict sense of ghost-raising.
Chaerephon ‘the bat’ is represented as playing the part of the ‘ spirit’.
2 Phaed. 64b1sqq.
* E. Gr. Ph.? p. 192, and, for the connexion of Parmenides with Pytha-
goreanism, 1b. pp. 194 and 221.
* FE. Gr. Ph.? pp. 229 and 237. It is nowhere stated that Empedocles
visited Athens, but it would be strange if he did not, seeing that he went
to Thurn.
 INTRODUCTION lv

elsewhere.’ All this could not but impress a young man

who had a strong vein of mysticism in his own nature, as
is shown by what we know of his ecstatic trances and the
‘divine sign’. We are told expressly that he had the
latter from boyhood.2 It would be much more difficult
to account for all this, if we were to suppose Plato rather
than Socrates to have been the mystic. By his time
Orphicism had degenerated into a mere superstition, and
the barefooted Pythagorists who still maintained the
original practices of their order would be quite un-
sympathetic to him.® The Pythagoreans whom he
knew had dropped all that, and busied themselves
only with science and politics. It is a fine historical
touch in the Phaedo that the young Pythagoreans,
Simmias and Cebes, are not very familiar with the mystic
doctrine, and rcquire to have it explained to them by
Socrates.
XIV
But Socrates was no Orphic for all that. He had
another characteristic which kept him from turning
mystic out and out. That was the Attic elpwvefa, that
shrewd, non-committal spirit, natural to a people of
farmers and tradesmen, which Aristophanes has depicted
for us in his typical Athenian figures, and which
Demosthenes denounced. Enthusiasm tempered by
1 E. Gr. Ph.* p. 99.
2 Apol. 31d 2 épol 5é rotr’ early x madds dpfauevov, The twenty-four
hours trance at Potidaea happened when Socrates was about thirty-seven,
five years before Plato was born,
*E. Gr. Ph.? p. 103, #. 2.
¢ EF. Gr. Ph.” p. 919 sq.
5 The proper meaning of etpwy is ‘sly’, ‘cunning’, malin, and elpwreia
is not regarded as exactly a good quality. In the Platonic dialogues, it is
lvi INTRODUCTION

irony (using both words in their Greek sense) may serve

as a formula for the Socratic 700s.! Xenophon gives us
too little enthusiasm and Aristophanes too little irony;
it is only in the Platonic Socrates that both elements are
harmoniously combined in a character with a marked
individuality of his own. The Platonic Socrates is no
mere type, but a living man. That, above all, is our
justification for believing that he is in truth ‘the historical
Socrates’.

only the opponents of Socrates who ascribe it ‘to him. The Scots words
‘canny’ and ‘pawky’ express something similar. Demosthenes speaks
of it as a bad trait in the Athenian character (PAil. i. 7, 37). At its
worst, it leads people to shirk their responsibilities ; at its best, it is
a salutary vade xal péuvac admorety. For the way in which Socrates
refuses to commit himself to the positive details of the mystic theology
cp. 63c1m._ It is clearly a personal trait.
1 Or, as Gomperz puts it, ‘a hot heart under a cool head.’
 NOTE UPON THE TEXT

Tue dialogues of Plato were arranged in nine tetralogies by

the grammarian Thrasyllus in the reign of Tiberius. The first
tetralogy comprised the Luthyphro, Apology, Crito, and Phaedo,
i.e. those dialogues which deal specially with the trial and death
of Socrates,
At some subsequent date the dialogues were edited in two
volumes, the first of which contained tetralogies I-VII, the
second, tetralogies VIII-IX, with some spurious works. As
one or other of the two volumes was apt to be lost, the MS.
authority for tetralogies I-VII is quite different from that for
tetralogies VIII-IX and the spurious dialogues.
The leading representatives of the first volume are the Bodleian
MS., E. D. Clarke 39 (B), the Venice MS. App. class. 4, 1 (T),
and the Vienna MS. 54, suppl. phil. gr. 7 (W).
B. The Bodician MS., commonly called the Clarktanus
after E. D. Clarke, who discovered it in the island of Patmos,
was written for Arethas in the year 895 a.p. It was held by
Cobet and others that it was our sole independent authority,
and all recent texts of the Phaedo are based more or less
consistently on this hypothesis.
T. The Venice MS. or Marczanus (tenth century a.p.?) is
the original of the great majority of existing Plato MSS., and
in particular of the MS. from which the Aldine text was derived.
The text of Stephanus also goes back to the same source.
These MSS. were arbitrarily classed by Cobet and at one time
by Schanz as defertores, and the chief work of Platonic critics
lvili NOTE UPON THE TEXT

down to the last quarter of the nineteenth century was to

bring the text more and more into accordance with B, and tu
eliminate readings which came from other MSS.
The credit of inaugurating a better method belongs to Schanz
himself. In 1877 he showed that T was of co-ordinate authority
with B, and that we must take account of both. In some ways
T represents the tradition even more faithfully than B. For |
instance, it contains the old scholta, while B has a new set com-
posed in the ninth century a.p., probably by Arethas himself.
Unfortunately, Schanz had edited the PAaedo before he made
this discovery, and he has not republished it since. The readings
of T were first published by the present editor in 1899.
W. The importance of this MS. had been seen by Bast,
and an imperfect collation of it was used to some extent by
Stallbaum, but its omission from Bekker’s apparatus criticus led
to its being generally ignored till Professor Kral of Prague once
more called attention to it. Its claims to be regarded as a co-
ordinate authority with B and T were warmly contested by
Schanz, but on insufficient grounds. The publication of the
anonymous commentary on the Zheaefe‘us from a Berlin papyrus
showed conclusively that W represented a very ancient tradition
of the text. The MS. was brought to Vienna from Florence,
and it seems to have come there from Sicily. The Latin
version of the Phaedo made by Euericus Aristippus, Archdeacon
of Catana, in the twelfth century, a.p., was made either from it
or from a very similar MS. It is to be noted further that the
corrections made by the second hand in the Clark¢anus (B*),
which is probably that of Arethas himself, are taken from a
MS. closely resembling W, so that it must represent a tradition
older than B.
A special feature of W is the number of ancient variants
which it records in the margin. If all the other MSS. were
lost, we could still construct a good text from W alone, and
that is more than can be said either of B or of T.:
 NOTE UPON THE TEXT lix

In this edition, when W alone is quoted, it is to be understood

that B and T have the reading adopted in the text; when B and
T alone are quoted, it is to be understood that W agrees with B.
Thus, on the first page, it may be inferred that B and T have
TO dppakoy émev and ayyetda, while W has éyw axotoay, olds r jv
and ri ovv Ay.
An interesting addition to our knowledge of the text was
made by the publication by Professor Flinders Petrie of some
papyrus fragments which must have been written within a century
of Plato’s death (Ars. i.e. papyrus Arstnoitica). On the whole,
their text is inferior to that of our MSS., though these are more
than a thousand years later. The papyrus represents the cheap
texts current in early times, while our costly MSS. are copied
from careful editions.
The quotations in ancient writers, especially Eusebius and
Stobaeus, sometimes preserve old readings, and often confirm
TW as against B. They are, however, taken from MSS. of
various degrees of authority and must be used with great
caution.
TMAATQNOZ PATAOQN
 PATAQN

EXEKPATHE ®AIAQN

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 PAIAQN 58e

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59
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 PAIAQN 60b

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"AAAG [Kal] SvecAnupevny ye olpat ITO TOU TwpaToELOOds,
6 avr) 7) OuiAla TE Kat ovvovola TOV oopatos ola TO ael
e n fa) X x

cvvetvat Kal dud THY TOAARY peAETHVY EVETTOINTE TUULUTOV;

an \ \ o, \ / ! if x

Hav ye.
"EuBpies o€ ye, @ pire, TodTo oler Mar xpy Elvar Kal
Bap Kat yeGdes Kal dpardv: 0 b1) Kal Exovoa 7) ToLadTy
an , / \ / > \ c x ,
Io Wry?) Bapvvetat TE Kal EAKEeTAL TAAW Els TOV OpaToY TOTOV
ee Tov aloots Te Kal “Atdov, womeEp ee TEpL TA
ed (of / be a

d Bunar Te Kal Tovs Tapovs KvAWdovpEeVY, TEptL & 67) Kat

Opon arta Wxdv oKwEd) pavTdopara, ola TapexovTat ai
Tovatra, Woyat eldwda, ai pr) KaOapds atoAvdetoat adda
Tod dparob peTeéxovoat, 610 Kal OpovTat.
nn a / n

Eixos ye, @ Ywxpares.

ae if: “ ae ap \ vy / x na > a
Eixos pevtor, @ Kens: Kal ov ti ye Tas Tov ayabor
5 ZY > N \ a , A \ Ae 4 hea
auTas ¢«lwalt, aAAa tas Tov davAwy, al TEpt Ta ToLlavTa
dvaykacovrat TAavacOar Oikny Tivoveal THs TpoTepas Tpo-
5 , la n

pis Kakis ovons. Kal wexXpl ye TOUTOV TAAVOVTAL, Ews av TH

na na + Ne an i\ n

an a an a /
Tov cvvEeTTAakoAOVvOobyTOS, TOD TwaToEdovs, ETLOVUALa TAAL
evoedaow els TOua evdodvTat b€, ®oTeEp elkds, Els TOLadTA
70)
}0n omot
O77 arr av Kal d tar TIXwaw
ai pepedernaviat TU ey THTO BiPig.
ep
Ta rota 67) ratra A€yets, @ men oe: |
gy Otov rovs perv Tart piemess TE Kal UBpets Kal pirororias
peeeTnkoras Kal pr) SinvraSnuevovs els TA TOV Over yern
Kal TOV TOLOVTMY Onpiwy EiKos EVvdvVETIaL. 1) OUK OLEL;
\ n , Fa <% > , By b) 4
82
Ilavv peév oty eikdos A€yers.
/ .

\ 5 27
ag Bom: BYT Are; Stok: dvecAnuuevn pr. B C5 Te
ionsa C8 5é€ ye TovTO - pire)? Ars. ofecOai ye W cg i
Ka Stob. : 5 W d2...xwv pay... Ars. et mox w Tag.
obever a5 eixérws Ars. ® Saxpares] %py Ars. d7 av’ras
Ars. : tavtas BT W Stob. a8 rpopis B Stob : tpupis T
€ 2 towdtTa BT Stob.: rd rodra W Eus. e6 Schau ievavs
T (sed 7 punct. not. b: S:evAaBoumévous B Stob.
 PAIAQN 82a

| Tovs b€ ye Eaicias Te Kal rupavnidas Kal pooreyas, apo

. rere KoTas) els Ta TOV AvKwv TE Kal iepdxwon kat ikriver
yevn’ 1) Tot Gy dddooe paper Tas ToLvavTas lévat;
. 7Aperet, ey 6 KeBns, eis Ta Tovabra.
— Odxoiv, 7) 8 Os, SHAa 6} Kal TaAAG 7) Gv Exacta tov
kara Tas adrey dpournras THs medeTNS;
AjAov on, edn TOs 0° Ov;
Odvxobv edoatpovéararoy, on Kal TovTwY elol Kal els 10

BeAtioTov TéTov, lovTes ob THY SyMoTLKyY Kal TOALTLKIY

apeTiy emureTnoevkoTes, iv 62) Kadotor cwdppootynv TE Kal
duxacoovyyy, €& COovs TE Kal ped€ETNS yeyovviay avev dido-
codpias TE KQL VOU;
If 01) OvTOL EvOalovEedTaToL;
, “Ore rodrovs eixds €oTW €is ToLOdTOY Tad adixveto dat
mouTiKOY Kal juepov yevos, 7} Tov peditTOy 7) TpyKOv 7)
pupunkov, Kat els tabtdv ye madw TO avOpdawov yévos,
Kal ylyvecOar €€ avtev avdpas perpiovs.
Eikos.
Els 6¢€ us deov yevos yay pirooopyoavre Kal TAaVTEAOS To

Kabap® amdvte ov bes apixvetaOar GAN 7 TO hiropadel.

GANG TOUTMY EvEKA,, o éraipe Lyupia te kat Kens, ot
opdas shent Gas dmexovrat TOV KATA TO Gop émiBypudy
dmav@y Kal KapTEpovou Kai ov Tapabibdarw avtats EavTovs,
ov TL oixopBoplay Te Kal Teviay poBovpevor, wWoTEP ot on

TOAAOL Kal Piroxpynaror: ovde ad atiuiav te Kal ado€giar

Hox Onpias ded.oTes, WaTEP Ol idapxol TE Kal dddTimoL,
eTELTA Us ae avTov.
Ov hat dy mpéro1, en, @ ToKpares, 0 KeBns.
Od pévror pa Alia, 7 8 bs. Tovyapro. TovTOLs pev
>

a3 ye om. W a4 Te om. W a5 léva: B’T: eivar B

a774 BTW Eus. : # Stob. : of rece. éxaota BW Stob. : éxaorn
T Eus, ait «al B Eus. : re «al T Stob. b5 67: B?TW Eus.
Stob. : 87: ob B éoti om. Ars. apicéobar Ars. b6 xal
T Eus. Stob.: re xal B (imé)repov Ars. (ut vid.) b7 Kal
T: 4 W: 4 «al Bw Eus. Stob. Cr aad’ B: &A@ B*TW Iambl.
Stob. C3 gpirdcopa T Ars. Iambl.: girocopodvytes B améxovTat
TW Ars. Iambl.: éxovra B C4 macav W C5 ott: B?TW:
ovx) Jambl. : gr. B
82d MAATQNO®

amacw, @ KeBns, €xeivor ols TL pedeL TIS EQUuT@V prexne |

adda my TOLATL TAaTTOVTES (GOL, yalpew elndvtes, ov
KaTa TATA TOpEVoVTaL avTOts ws OvK ElddoW OT epXovTaly
avrol d& nyovpevot od dety evavtia TH piAocodia mparreuw
> A \ ¢ vA P tay :] ‘4 las

en
= : A , \ , /
kal TH) exelyns AVoeL TE Kal KaOapya TavTH 61) TpETOVTAL
EKELLI] ETOLEVOL, 1) EKELYN VPNYELTAL
r] 4 ¢€ , eee te € in

[las, @ Soxpares;
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a » / 9 ., 4 na

OTL TapadaBotca atrov Tv Wuy7v 7 dirocodia atrexvos

a r lal an : p] avy an

OLUOEOEMLELNY EV TO TOPMATL KAL TPOTKEKOAAHMEVHY, AvayKa-

> / , an / % / )

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/ x e an vas

” 3 SS \ a-a% ’ Ca al a} / > ie
OVTAa AGAAG pq) aUTHY Ob ag Kal €v TAC?) apabia KUAW-
cyt dovperny, Kal TOU aa THY i ‘kat obra OTL bu
ev7Ovpias €oTiv, ws av pahwora avTos 6 tne ovddiaToop
83 ely TOU Senco da —oTep ouv dE yersOe Oo ol hang
Bets Ort ouTw TapavaBpotca 7 prooopia exovray avT av
THD vox ripeHa Regnery Kal Avew erixetpel, evderKvv-
evn OTL aTaTNS peVv pEeoT?) 7) Ola TOV OupaTaVv cKEYis,
amaTys 6€ 7» bla TOV @TwWY Kal TOV GArAwWY aicOjcEw?,
» / N < lal a i

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ae gS 5) LS a ° Ns

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> aoe a >] cco% / - \

‘poller bat Tapaehevopern, mloTEvEL O€ pndent dAAw arr’

7) abriy abr, OTe Gy vojon arti) Kad’ abriv adtd Kad’
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aicOnrov Te Kal hes 0 6€ avri pa VvOnTOV TE Kal“Qudées,
TavTn ovv TH AvoEL OK OlopEern Seiv évarreodebal 1) TOU OS
d2é@B: én @ BTW a3 cwuar: B: vitae BT W
d4 mopevoovra Ars. d6 ral 7G kabapus Ars. 5y Ars. : om.
BY A7 exeivy om. Ars, d8 rws| was Aeyets Epn Ars.
dg épn om. Ars. e1%7BT: om. W € 2 dedeuevny
W a@ I Tov eee 7@ BT W Ars. a5 &Twy
BT Jambl. : dkodv W kal|# Ars. a6 amoxwpety W a7 av-
Tots om. Ars. a8 aad’ et mox adrhy om. Ars. bi 67: &v|
étav Ars. et mox avdro nad’ aitd Te (ut vid.) b2 dy om. Ars.
b4 te om. Ars, a... 6pa|
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pooexX Ars. b5 otv| Seb
 bAIAQN 83b
adnOas PUOsep ay Wry?) oUrws amexeTat TOV TO0VOV TE
kai emOvuiav Kal AvTov [Kal PdBwv| Kab’ dooy dvvarat,
AoyiCopeon OTL, eTELoaY Tis opddpa oH 7) popnOh [7)
dum Of] ” eTOvupnon, ovdey ToTodTOV KAKO enader am
aitév) ov ay tis Rainn otov 7) voojoas } Tu avadéoas Cc
dua Tas emOvpilas, adr’ 6 TAVTO@V PeyloTOv TE KAKOV Kal
éoyardv €OTL, TOUTO TAaTYXEL Kal ob Aoyicerat avro.
Ti rovro, @ Bapepares: epn 6 KéBys. :
"Ort Wuxi’ TavTOos id wo avayKacerar éane TE hoOhvat 5
opodpa y7 umn diva ent TH kal yet Bat da 0 ay paAd.ora
TOUTO ndoxy, TobTo évapyéotatov Te, eivat Kal Sever ray
“oby oUTws €xov’ Tatta O& padiora Cras 6Opara* 1) ov;
Ilavu ye. |
Ovxoty €v TovTH TO 7dbee pddwora earanetras Wox7) v70 A
TO"ATOS;
los pai
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avTiVY Tpos TO Toya Kal TPOCTEOVE Kal Tovet wenpleiroad, 5
do€adoveav tadra adnOn etvar Gmep av Kai TO oop pi.
EK yap TOU bpodogeiv TO TOMATL Kal Tols avTots Yalpew
dvaryraceras( olpat dudt pods TE Kal Oporpoos ee
Kal ola pndeTrore els “Avdov| cee aprKeou ay GAG Gel
\ TOD TOPATOS dvarhéa eidvau, Gore Taxv Taw Tintew els ro
, ado as kal WoTEep oTELpouern eupverOat, Kal ek TOUTWY e
yf
:meiudipos eivat THs TOU Oelov Te Kal KaOapov kal uovoetdods
ovvovelas.

b7 Aumav Kal émbuucav W kal poswy B et in marg. T: om. T

Ars. Iambl. b8 ris] tis te Ars. }) Auwndn T: post nod) BY W
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C6 opddpa } AumnOjva: Ars. Iambl.: 4} AuwnOjvat cpddpa B et marg.
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(5%) efvac todro Ars. c8 ra add. Heindorf di tix BT Iambl.:
tims Tov B? W d6 xa om. Ars. A8 déudtpopos kal dudtpomos
B? W Ars. dog kadapas els &i50v W Ars. mndémore post &idou
Ars. Gio dvamtAéa Tod oHuatros IT W Ars. Iambl.
83e NMAATQNOS

’"AAnO€otara, dy, Aeyers, 0 KEBns, @ Lwxpares.

i Ce 3 ei hd

Tovrwy tolveyv évexa, ® KéBys, ot dixatws cidopnadets ¢ S Tarde / ~

KOoLOL EloL Kal avdpEtol, OVX WV ol TOAAOL EVEKA ac:

an 2 & € \ e /

7 ov Ole;
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R an +X ta

, ees , aL “ , a ¢ a N
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, \ | ra (¢ x / 3 SS

yadiynv tTovTwy TapacKkevacovea, ETOMEVN TO AOYLONO Kal

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del €v TOUTH OTA, TO GANOEs Kal 76 Oeloy Kal TO add<acTOP

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dempervn Kal vm €kelvovu Tpepoyern, Cv TE OleTAaL OUTW

Ue ’ 3 / an 5) /

a e AN = x7 9 \ , B) eer N
dely Ews av Ci, Kal emevday TeAEvTHON, Els TO TUYYEVES
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a 5) Na On , a ION \ \ a.
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ss Sa / / a /
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€5 ® KeBns om. Ars. e6 nat BT: re nat BPW pac

om. Ars, a3 avTiv Ars.: éavtyy BT Iambl. a4 avTy
Ars. a5 av BT lambl.: om. W éykatadery| ém: in marg. B?
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 PATAQN 84Cc

TOUTwWY aTOpEiToV, pNdev ATOoKVHONTE Kat avTol ElTEty Kal

n 4 ’ \ ta

SueAOeiv, ef my bpiv saiverar BedATiov avy A€XOival, Kal

na a / x ~

ad Kal eve ovptapadaBetv, et TL paddAov oleoOe peT €ELOv

a a a y e yY >. -% nN

EVTOPITELV.
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r oY] iF / iy ”~

ép@. TdAal yap Nuav ExaTepos aTopov TOV ETEpov TPOwOEL

las / ig a V4 nan \ ¢ an

Kal KeAever epeOar dua TO emOvuEty ev Akovoal, OKVELW O€

‘ - b>) i aN \ b) la aN 5 nN b an %

OXAOY TAPEX EL, [11] TOL aNdES 7) GLa THY Tapotoay crppopav.
y of rd Vd 5 be 3 Py q\ \ an /

k
alNr 0s
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akovoas
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Kal / dnow: , B Bafa,7
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ns % FP Pa
TALL ws ov oUuopay Hyodpat THY Tapotoay TUXNY, OTE
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> a % r a

, a / ee | na , y/ f >® yy
TEPOV TL VOV OLAKELUAL 7) EV TH TpoocbeV lw? Kal, WS EOLKE,
Tov KUKYwY b0KG avdctepos tiv evar THY paVTLKHY, ot
n n a iy / é

b] 9X ” ld a > Ss b) a ” \ b]
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\ lan Ys / 7 P \ ny

\ r \ , ‘i
tov Oavatov bro AUTNs e€adeL, Kal ov AoyiCoyTaL OTL ovoeV
pveov
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dua AVTnY OpnvotvTa ddew. GAN ovTE TatTa pow aiverat
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/ A es ro eee,

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ih /

yada 2 adovot
ayada Kati TépTovTat
rép , exeivyy Ty\ Hpepnpepav
exeivyny TiHV povtws
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) €v TO EuTpotbev Xpovm. €yw 6€ Kal aUTOS Nyovpat
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9 > an Le nN tA

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ay add. ci. Heindorf e€3 7: om. Stob. @I KaAAtora W (conie-
cerat Blomfield) : wdAiora BT Stob. et s.v. W a6 pryot BT W
a7é6om.W b3 nal B: te xa) TW b 4 nyodua Tb Stob. :
mov oluat B (ut vid.) W b5 re T W Stob.: ye B b6 xeipov’
Hermann
85b WAATQNOS

ovde OvaOupoTepov av’tav Tov Biov amadAarrecOar. adAAG

n an 2 ts

TovTou y eveka Aeyew TE xpr Kal Epwray OTL av BovAncde,

/ i 4 / \ sa o 4 ON 7

€ws av AOnvaiwy éGow dvodpes EvdeKa.

3 la Yj ed

Karas, én, A€yets, 6 Siyuplass Kal eyo TE cou €po 6

r an \ ra / o~ iN
oO

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yap doKel, ® Soxkpates, Tepl TOV TOLOVTMV lows WoTEp Kal

\ an S n es

\ \ s X DIN 3 ca) an Z Lae ENT A =

Tol TO pev cages Eeldevar EV TH VOY Bim 7 advVaTOY ElvaL
1) TAYXGAETOV TL, TO pEVTOL aD TA AEYOpEVA TEPL aVTOY fA)
\ x / io %\ / ’ ny \

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TAVTAX 1} TKOTOY anE€izyH Tis, TavY padOakod eivar avdpds

na as i fal &

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[Naas \ XN e / X\ a

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TATOV, ETL TOUTOV OXOVPLEVOY WoTEP ETL TYEOLas KIWdvVEVOVTA
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Ps , 7. d 3 if xX é 7
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la = 4 / > / S: \ \

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 PBATAQN 86a

ai xopoat cwpuata TE Kal owpaToEelon Kal ovvOeTa Kal

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b 32 exetva: évaytiov TW: eévavriov éxetva: B (éxetvas fecit B*)
116 b MAATQNOS
5) / ee A a. Xk S aa I, ee aes \ oe y
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. : /
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c p las oe ¢€ A \ SS f \
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‘a Cay / /
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Tavta T
 PAIAQN

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cba & d)] Kal éyo¥ evyomat

pe Te Kal Y yévoito TavTy.ite Kat ap’
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yap 01) exeivov ye, GAAa THY €uavtod TVxNV, olov avdpos
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¢ A 5. / Lid
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17.0 MAATQNOS ®PATAQN
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nan nan x be be ‘6 i 5 2 z XN

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, XN

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avopos, ws nets Patwev ay, TOV TOTE OV ETTELPAOnwEV AplaTov
it) , c id a la na e 9 /

Kal dAAws dpovipwTarov Kal OuKaLoTaTov.

\ oo» / \ /

d5 natéxAace T: katéxAavoe B e3 te BT: ye W ' én-

éxouey pr. T €5 KatexrAidn BT W a2 olTws july B:
Nuiy ovTws jnuiv T: oftws juiv avtois B? W miyvuTo BT W
a8 Siauedjontre W &Q TavTa tata epyn T a4 Kal B: re
kal T
 NOLES

introductory dialogue in dramatic form, 57a1—59 C 7.

The scene is the Pythagorean cuvédpiov at Phlius. The only
Pythagorean who speaks is Echecrates, but the presence of the
others is implied (cp. especially 58d7 and 102a8). The time is
not long after the death of Socrates; for the Pythagoreans have
not yet heard any details. As Geddes first pointed out, it would be
natural for Phaedo to visit the Pythagoreans of Phlius on his way
home from Athens to Elis. It is not far off the road.
For the Pythagoreans of Phlius, cp. Diog. Laert. vill. 46 reAeuratos
yap eyevorto trav HvOayopeiwy, ods Kai ’Aptotdéevos eide, Zevddidrds re 6
Xadkidevs ad Opakns kai Pavrwv 6 PAtdovos Kal "Eyekparns kai Atoxdjs
kai Ilokvpvacros, PAcaovoe Kai atrot. joav & akpoatat @Piroddov kal
Evpvrov tov Tapartivey (cp. E. Gr, Ph.? p. 320).
Phlius lay in the upper valley of the Asopus (893 ft. above sea-
level), where Argolis, Arcadia, and the territory of Sicyon meet. It
was surrounded by mountains 4,000 to 5,000 feet high, ‘ under whose
immemorial shadow’ (dackiors PAevodvtos év wyvylots opecw, Pind.
Nem. vi. 45) ‘the high discourse is supposed to be held’ (Geddes).
The territory of Phlius, which was only a few miles square, con-
sisted of a triangular valley with its apex to the north. The town
was on the eastern side of the valley and built in the form of an
amphitheatre. A few ruins are still left. The people were Dorians
and faithful allies of Sparta.
Tradition connected Pythagoras himself with the place (E. Gr.
Ph.? p. 94, 2. 1), and he is said to have assumed the name of
giAdoodos for the first time there or in the neighbouring Sicyon
_(E. Gr. Ph. p. 321, 7. 2).
Phaedo of Elis is said (Diog. Laert. ii. 105) to have been a
prisoner of war brought as a slave to Athens, where he attracted
the notice of Socrates, who secured his liberation. At the time of
1251 : B
 57 NOTES

this dialogue he is quite a youth and still wears his hair long
(8gb5). At a later date he founded the school of Elis. We
know nothing of his teaching; but, as the school of Eretria was an
offshoot from that of Elis, and as both are commonly mentioned
along with that of Megara, it is probable that he busied himself
chiefly with the difficulties which beset early Logic. For us, as
Wilamowitz says, he chiefly represents the conquest of the most
unlikely parts of the Peloponnese by Athenian culture, which is
the distinguishing feature of the fourth century B.C.

57 aI Aitcs «tA. We seem to be breaking in on a conversation

already begun; for *kovoas has no expressed object. Perhaps
Phaedo has already spoken of something Socrates said or did on
the day of his death.
mapeyévou: the verbs mapetvat and mapaytyvecOa are specially
used of deiéng at hand to support any one in times of trouble or
rejoicing. So in Lat. adesse alicuz. We should say, ‘Were you
with Socrates?’ Cp. also mapakadetv, advocare.
+o hdppakov, SC. TO k@vevor, It is nowhere expressly stated in the
Phaedo that it was hemlock; but that was the drug commonly em-
ployed, and the symptoms described at the end of the dialogue|
(117esSqq.) correspond to those elsewhere ascribed to it. It has
been doubted whether hemlock-juice would really produce these
symptoms, but see Appendix I.
a5 Ti...éorw atta: this is the regular construction (cp. 58c6),
though in 102 a 9 we have riva...7yv... Ta... AexOevra.
é dvqp is an emphatic avrds or exetvos. Cp. 85¢8; 61¢3, and
note on 58 € 3 dvnp.
a7 [trav mwodttav] PAaaciwv: Riddell (Dig. § 36) defends this by
making ®dAecagioy depend on ovdeis tay rodirHy, ‘for neither of the
Phliasians does any citizen,’ which seems unnatural. Most editors
bracket @Aeracioy, but I think v. Bamberg is right in suspecting
rather ray mo\:rov. In Stephanus of Byzantium and elsewhere we
regularly find notices like Olos* of roNrat, Olaiou Kat Td €Oyixdy Gpotws,
and we can understand how, in the absence of capital letters, such
an explanation might seem desirable. Further, the form deaceor
is exceptional (cp. however ’Avayupdovot), and Cicero tells us (ad Adz.
vi. 2) that he himself wrote PA/iunti¢é by mistake. A similar case
2
 NOTES 57
is possibly Meno 70 b2 of rod aod éraipov [wodtra] Aapioaio. The
absence of the article with the ¢@uxév is normal, and the form
Previoror (PAtdotow MSS.) is guaranteed by inscriptions and coins.
7 ovbeis avy tr, “no one to speak of.’ The phrase does not neces-
sarily mean ‘no one at all’, though it tends to acquire that sense.
Cp. ov wavy (Riddell, Dig. § 139) and the English ‘not very’. It is
unnecessary to discuss, as most editors do, why communications
between Athens and Phlius were interrupted. There is no state-
ment that they were, and it must often have happened that no
Phliasian had business in Athens and no Athenian at Phiius.
There was, however, at least one such (58 4 3).
émywpiater... AQyqvale: there seems to be no other instance of
emyopuiCev in this sense. It usually means ‘to be native’, and is
used of local dialects, customs, &c. Here apparently it is equivalent
to emtOnueiv and takes the construction of that verb. Cp. Par.
126 b 3 emednpnoa Sedpo ex KAalopnevar.
I oadés tr: In Such expressions cag¢7s means ‘sure’, ‘ trustworthy’
(not ‘clear’). So capis hidros, cadns partis.
3. «etxev, SC. 6 ayyetkas. He has not been mentioned, but he has
been implied.
I ta wept tis Sikns: the normal construction would be ra mepi rip
dikny (cp. 58 c 6 ra Tept auTov TOV @avaroy), but the prepositional
phrase is influenced by émidec@e. Heindorf compares Xen. Cyr.
V. 3. 26 emei mUOurTo Ta Tept Tov Ppovpiov, Arad, 11. 5. 37 Omws pador ri
Trept Il po€evov.
4 word vorepov: Xen. Alem, iv. 8. 2 avaykn pev yap eyeveto aito
peta THY Kpiowy TpLaKovTa nuepas Bi@vat.
6 Tvyxy has always the implication of cozzcZdence, which is here
made explicit by the cognate verb éruxev. In most of its uses, the
meaning of rvyxavev is best brought out in English by using the
adverb ‘just’.
éruyev .. . oteppévn, ‘had just been crowned.’ The Ionic orépecy
is only used in a ritual sense in Attic prose. So, with mock
solemnity, in Rep. 398 a7 ¢piw orévartes. The common word is
oregavovuv.
8 méprovow. In the Bodleian (Clarke) MS. (B) Bishop Arethas, for
whom the MS. was written, has added kur’ éros in his own hand (B’).
These words are also found in the Vienna MS. (W). The correc-
. 3 B2
 58 NOTES

tions of B? were taken throughout from a MS. very closely

resembling W. The additional words may well be an ancient
variant.
aro. 76 tAotov: i.e. the Gewpis. For the Delian Oewpia, cp. Aristotle,
‘AO. mod. 56 xabiornat Oe kal (6 dpxawy) eis Arjov Xopnyovs Kal dpxibéw-
pov T@ Tpiakovtopim Te tovs HO€ovs dyovtt. ‘The seven youths and ~
seven maids were technically called the 7@eo. (masc. and comm. of
mapOévot), The story is told in Bacchylides xvi (xvii), a dithyramb
entitled "Hider. Cp. also Plut. Zhes. 23 1d d€ mdoiov ev & peta trav
nidewy émevoe Kal Tad €awOn, THY TpLaKdYTOpOY, diype TOV AnunTpiov
Tov Padnpéws ypdvou StepvAarroy vf ’"AGnvaiot. Of course none of the
original timbers were left, and Plutarch tells us the philosophers
took it as their stock example in discussing the question of identity.
Was it the same ship or not?
AII Tots “Sis éEwta” éxeivous: this was also a traditional name. Cp.
Bacchyl. xvi. (xvii.) I Kvavdmpopa pev vais pevextumov | Onoéa dis extra
T ayhaovs dyovea | Kovpous *ladvev | Kpntixov tapve méAayos. In the
Laws (706 b7) Plato says it would have been better for the Athenians
to lose mAeovakis Exta... maidas than to become vaurtkol. |
b2 Ocwpiav, ‘ pilgrimage’, ‘mission’. A dewpds is simplya ‘ spectator’ |
(Acafdpos, Dor. Oeapds), but the word was specialized in the mean-
ing of an envoy sent by the State to the Great Games, to Delphi
or to Delos. The Oewpiat were Aynrovpyiat (cp. Dict. Ant., s.v.
Theorta).
b 3. amdgew: the avo- has the same force as in aroduddvar and aroépety,
that of rendering what is due. Cp. the technical amdyew tov ddpor,
(opov araywyn, and Ditt. Syll. p. 43 ryv amapxny annyayov.
b 5 KaSapevew, sc. ddvov, ‘to be clean from bloodshed.’ Cp. Plut.
Phocton 37 kabapetoat Snpociov ddvov tiv méAw €optagovcay. So Xen.
Mem. iv. 8. 2 Sut ro Arua pev exeivou rod pyvds etvat, rov b€ vdpov
pndéva eay Snpocia arobvyckey Ews av 7 Oewpia ex Ardov éeravedy.
b 7 detpo, ‘to Athens.’ It is true that Phaedo is speaking at Phlius,
but he is quoting the Athenian voyos.
b 8 é& modded xpéve yiyverat, ‘takes a long time.’ This meaning o
ev, which is not clearly explained in most grammars, is well proush
out by an anecdote Plutarch tells of Zeuxis (epi roAvpirias 94 f) :
6 Zev&ts aittwpevov aitov rivev ot Cwypapet Bpadéws, ‘Opodroya, cizer,
€v TOAAG xpdva ypadbew, kal yap els wodvy.
4
 NOTES 58
) Srav tUywoiv... GmoAaBéovTes, Sat times when the winds detain
them’ (synchronous aor. pcp.). The regular term for ‘cut off’,
‘intercept ’, is dmo\auBavev, especially of ships ‘detained’ by con-
trary winds. Cp. Hdt. il, 115 tm’ avépwr dn aodaudbévres, Thuc.
Vi. 22 Hv mov Uo amdolas avoapBavopneba, Dem. Chers. 35 vdo@ Kat
Xela Kal ToAEmors arwoAnPOertos, Plato, Alenex. 24302 arewnp-
peveoy ev MutiAnvy Tov veaor.
avtovs: the Greek thinks of the crew rather than the ship. In
Thucydides and elsewhere a plural pronoun often stands for woXus,
vats, and the like.
3 €ruxev... yeyovés, ‘had just been done.’ Cp.a 6,
} Ta Tept avTov Tov Odvatov: Cp. a I 7.
at qv: cp. 57a52. W has iva here also, and B® corrects accord-
ingly.
7 ol wapayevopevor: Cp.57a1 2. So mapeiva just below.
3. otk etwv, ‘would they not allow?’ ‘ Did they not allow?? is ov
etagav, The difference between a negatived imperfect and a nega-
tived aorist may generally be brought out in some such way as this.
ot dpxovtes, of evdexa, as we shall see.
I kai woAAXot ye, ‘ quite a number in fact.’ There is something to be
said, however, for the division indicated in some MSS., ®AI. Ovda-
pos. EX. AANA mapnody tives 3 PAL. Kai woddol ye. Cp. Euthypliro
2b 3Q, Ov yap ovv, EYO. ’ANAG oe GAXos 3 TQ. Tavu ye.
3 ei py... TUyXaver ovca, ‘unless you are engaged jzs/ now.’
5 +O pepviobat Swxparous: cp. Xen. A/evz. iv. 1. 1 ewe Kai TO ekeivov
perio Oat pr) mapdvtos ov pixpa were (a Characteristic Xenophontean
touch) rots etwOdras te ait@ cvreivat Kai avodeXopevovs ekewor,
8 sovotrous érépous, ‘just such others’ (pred.), cp. 80d5, ‘ Well,
you will find your hearers of the same mind.’ The enthusiasm of
the Pythagoreans for Socrates can hardly be an invention of Plato’s.
&s... dkptBéorara, ‘as minutely as you can.’
I wapayevépevos (Synchronous aor. pcp.), cp. 57a1#. and mapivra
just below.
2 ovtte: the second o@re does not occur till 59 a3 after this sentence
has been resumed by 61a 67) tavta kr,
pe... elope: we can say déus, éAcos, eAmis eloepxeTai pe, as here,
_ Or eloépyxerai por, as at 59 al.
3 avhp: cp.57a5”. The MSS. have nowhere preserved this form.
5
 58 NOTES
but write either dvjp or 6 aynp, though we see from examples in the
oblique cases (e.g. 58 c8 ; 613) that the article is required. The
existence of the craszs is proved by the metre in Aristophanes.
©.3 kal tod tTpdtrov kat Tav Adywv, ‘both in his bearing and his words’
(Church). Here evdaiuwy efaivero takes the construction of edda-
povicev, for which see C7vzfo 43 b6 quoted in the next note. (The
reading ray Adywv (TW) is better attested than rod Adyou, which is
a mere slip in B corrected by Arethas.)
e 4 as (Seas... erehevta, ‘so fearlessly and nobly did he pass away.’
Such clauses are best regarded as dependent exclamations. Cp.
Crito 43b6 moddaks. .. oe... nudaipdmea Tod TpiTov,... ws padiws
avtiy (SC. THY rapectacay cup popay) hépers. Cp. below 8g a2; 117C9.
“5 Hore por... twaptotacOa, ‘sothat I was made to feel’, ‘so that I
realized’. In the act. mapioravat ri tu is ‘to impress a thing on
some one’s mind’. Cp. Dem. Cor. 1 totto mapaotioa: tovs Geovs
vpiv, ‘that the gods may put it into your hearts,’ A/¢d@. 72 7d devo
Tapagtnoat Tols akovovaw, ‘to make the audience realize the out-
rage.’ In the mid. we can say dd€a pou rapiorara, ‘the belief
impresses itself upon me,’ ‘the thought comes home to me’ (cp.
66b1), or the verb may be used impersonaily as here and Adc.’|
143¢€8 « got atrixa pddra wapectain, ‘if it should come into your,
head.’ |
dvev Qclas potpas, lit. ‘ without a divine dispensation’. The mean-|
ing is that ‘ Providence’ would watch over him on his way. The |
phrase @eia poipa is common in Plato and Xenophon as the religious |
equivalent of rvyn. Hdt. 111. 139 says ein ruxn. Cp. Xen. AZol. 32!
€uoi pev ovv Ooket GeodiArots poipas Teruxnkevat (Tw@xparns).
59
a 2 mapévre tévOer, ‘one who takes part in a scene of mourning.’ The’
meaning of mapetva was so fixed in this connexion (57a1 2.) that.
no Greek would be tempted to take it as neuter in agreement with.
révoet. It is dependent on eioréva to be supplied from efoye, and|
governs révGeu. |
a 3 ovte at: the first otre is at 58 2.
év didocodla évrwv, ‘occupied with philosophy.’ Heindorf com-)
pares Xen, Cyr. iii. 1. 1 6 pev 67 Kopos ev rovrois jy, iv. 3. 23 of per
3} €v rovros Trois Adyas joav. See below 8448 dei ev rovT@ (TH Aoyer
oTyu@)
ee
ovoa.
EA

a4 rovodtot tives, i.e. philosophical.

 NOTES 59

|4 drexvds, ‘just.’ The phrase is equivalent to dreyvads dromiy re

érabov, for which cp. Symp. 198 c2 Sore dreyvas Td TOD “Opnpou
exendvOn, Arist. Clouds 408 vi) A eye yotv dreyvas érabov rourl more
Atavioww. In this connexion the adverb means that the description
of the ma@os is to be taken ‘literally’, as we say.
8 yeAavres.. . Saxptiovres: the participles explain odrw, and are not
dependent on dtekeiyea.
éviore 8€: a variation of the usual roré dé. Cp. Theaet.150a9
e€viore pev ... €ote 0 Gte..., Soph. 242d 1 eviore... tore dé $e 6

Plato avoids formal symmetry with pév and dé,

9 Kai Siadepdvtws, ‘quite exceptionally’ (kui as in kai pada). Cp.
mie 13 117.¢ 4.
"AroANSSwpos is mentioned as a disciple in Afo/. 34a2, and
Plato has chosen him as the narrator of the Sywfosium. In that
dialogue, the friend to whom he narrates it says (173 d 4) ’Aet Gpows
7 3 Q PR RE , - \ ‘ » ,
et, ®@ ’Amo\ACCwpr* aEt yap TavTOY TE KaKNyopets Kal Tos MdAoUS, Kal
Soxeis pou arexv@s mavras aOXlous HyeioOat TANY TeoxKparovs, ars Gavtod
apgapevos. Xenophon mentions him along with Antisthenes (lem.
ili. 11.17) "AmwoAASSwpdv re tévde Kat Avticbevny otSéror€é pow amroNel-
meoOat), So he seems to have belonged to the Cynic section of the
Socratic circle, which agrees very well with the tendency to kaky-
yopia and with other traits mentioned in the Syzfoscum. In the
Xenophontean Afology 28 we are told that he was émupn-
THS bev iaXyup@s avrov (Swxparovs), GArws O evsOns (vazf, ‘silly’). In
most editions of the SymPoscum we read that he had the nickname
(emwvupia) of parxds (173 d 8), but padraxds has better MS. authority
and suits the context better. His friend says he does not know how
Apollodorus got the name of ‘soft’; for he is always savage with
himself and every one but Socrates. Certainly his conduct here and
at 117 d 3 is wadakia rather than pavia.
6 av émyepiov, ‘of native Athenians.’ Cp. Prot. 315 b2 jirav de
Twes Kal TOV emxwploy év To xXop@ (as opposed to the Sev, whom
Protagoras brought in his train), Rep. 327 a 4 1 Tov em yo, lov TopT)
(as opposed to the Thracian procession).
it KptréBovdos, son of Crito, was chiefly known for his beauty. In
Xenophon’s Symfosium Socrates undertakes to prove himself to be
‘more beautiful than Critobulus.
. 8 warip aitoo: W adds the name Kpiror, and so B’; but he was
 59 NOTES
so well known that this is unnecessary. Crito was of the same age
and deme (’Ad@mexndev) as Socrates (Afol. 3349 nrtxtorns kal
dnpdrns), and Plato has drawn a touching picture of his devotion
here and in the Crzto. We gather that he watched over his friend
and master’s worldly interests without fully understanding his
philosophy.
b 7 ‘Eppoyévns, brother of Callias son of Hipponicus, who had
spent more money on ‘sophists’ than any man of his time (Aol.
20.24), and in whose house the scene of the Protagoras is laid.
Hermogenes is one of the speakers in the Craty/us, where the
poverty into which he had fallen is alluded to (Cvaz. 384.5), and he
isincluded in Xenophon’s list of the inner Socratic circle (1/em. 1. 2.
48). In Jem. ii. 10 Socrates persuades his friend Diodorus to
assist him, and in iv. 8. 4 he is quoted as the authority for the trial.
of Socrates, which took place after Xenophon left Athens.
b8 ’Emyivys: cp. Afol. 33.62 Arvtipdy 6 Knqioteds obrovt, Entyévous
matnp. This Antiphon must not be confused with the orator, who
was Tay Ojnuwyv Papvovaios. There is a conversation with Epigenes
in Xen. Alem, iii. 12, where Socrates says to him as (d:wrkds (‘in
bad training’) 1rd capa éyes, & "Emiyeves, and urges him to take
more exercise.
Aicyivys: i.e. Aeschines Socraticus, so called to distinguish him
from the orator. Cp. Afpol. 33e1 Avaarias 6 Shyrtios, Aloyivou
tovde watnp. After the death of Socrates, he appears to have fallen
into great poverty, but was given some place at the court of Diony-
sius II on the recommendation of Plato (or Aristippus). He was
one of the most highly appreciated writers of Socratic dialogues.
The Axiochus, the Eryxias, and the [epi aperns were at one time
ascribed to him and have been edited under his name, but are
certainly of later date.
"AviiaGévys is the well-known founder of the Cynic school. The}
date of his birth is uncertain, but he certainly belonged to the|
generation before Plato. He is probably the source of a good many
things in Xenophon’s account of Socrates. It has been held in
recent times that many of Plato’s dialogues were directed against
Antisthenes, and references to him have been discovered ina great
many places. It is well, however, to be sceptical regarding these.
We really know very little about Antisthenes, and it is not safe to
8
 NOTES 59
reconstruct him from doubtful allusions. So far as the Phaedo is
concerned, we may be sure there are no attacks upon him in it,
seeing that he is supposed to be present.
8 fv, ‘there was also.’ Though it is true that compound verbs are
repeated by the simple (60b37.), it is not necessary to take jp
here as equivalent to mapiy. Cp. Prot. 315 € 3 rotrd 7 fv To petpuxcor,
kat T@ Adetuavtw audoréw, Rep. 615.7 joav dé Kai ididrai tives.
“9 Kryourmos: in the Luthydemus he is called (273 a7) veavioxos
tis Ilatamevs, pada Kadds re kayabds tiv piow, dooy py LBpiorijs Ova
70 véos evar. He also appears in the Lys/s.
Mevéfevos: the same after whom the JAZenexenus is called. He
was son of Demopho and cousin of the Ctesippus just mentioned,
as we learn from the Lyszs (206d 3), in which dialogue he plays
a leading part as the young friend of Lysis. He must not be
confused with his namesake, the son of Socrates (60 a2 7.).
TlAatowv € ofpar yo@éver. Many strange things have been written
about this simple statement. Of course, it is an advantage from
a dramatic point of view for Plato to keep himself out of his
dialogues ; and, as a matter of fact, he only mentions his own name
in two other places (Afo/. 34 at and 38 b6). At the same time,
it is hardly credible that he should represent himself as absent on
this occasion unless he had actually been so. It has been said
that, had Plato really been ill, he would have had no occasion to
make the reservation implied by ofua. He must have known
whether he was ill or not. That is so; but it does not follow that
Phaedo was equally well informed, and he is the speaker, not
Plato,
Sipptas... «ai KéBys. These are the chief interlocutors in the
Phaedo. We shall see presently that they were disciples of
Philolaus at Thebes, which, like Phlius, was a city of refuge for the
Pythagoreans (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 99). From the Crito (45b3) we
learn that they had brought a sum of money from Thebes to aid the
escape of Socrates, another case of Pythagorean devotion to him.
It is all the more important to observe that Xenophon confirms
this by including Simmias and Cebes in his list of true Socratics
(Mem. i. 2. 48). Cp. also Mem. iii. 11. 17 (immediately after the
mention of Antisthenes and Apollodorus) dea ri d€ (otes) kai Ké8yra
kal Sippiay OnBnbev mapuyiyverda; It is probable that Sipcas is the
9
 59 NOTES

correct form of the name (from ods), but I have not ventured to
introduce it.
C2 Padavins: the MSS. vary between this form and @adwvidns.
Xenophon (JZem. 1. 2. 48) mentions him along with Simmias and
Cebes as a true Socratic, giving the correct Boeotian form of his
name, Padaveus.
EixAetSys: Euclides was the head of a philosophical school at
Megara, which held a form of the Eleatic doctrine. He is also
represented in the Zheactefus as devoted to the memory of
Socrates.
Tepiwv. All we know of Terpsion is that he is associated with
Euclides in the dramatic introduction to the Theuetetus, which
serves to dedicate that dialogue to the Megarians just as the Piuedo
is dedicated to the Pythagoreans.
C3. ‘Apiotmmos. Many anecdotes are told of Aristippus of Cyrene,
which may be apocryphal, but agree in representing him as a
versatile cosmopolitan (ommzs Aristippum decuit color et status et
res, Horace, //. 1. 17.23). Many allusions to his doctrine have
been found in Plato’s writings; but the same caution applies here
(cp. b 82.) as in the case of Antisthenes.
KAeépBpotos : Callimachus has an epigram (24) on Cleombrotus
of Ambracia who threw himself into the sea after reading the
Phaedo, and he has often been identified with the Cleombrotus
mentioned here. Nothing, however, is known of him.
c4 & Aiyivp yap «7A. In antiquity this was supposed to be an
innuendo. Demetrius says (Ilepi é€punveias 288) that Socrates
had been in prison for a number of days and they did not take the
trouble to sail across, though they were not 200 stades from Athens.
To make this more pointed, Cobet inserted ov before mapeyevorto,
and took the clause as a question, which only proves that the
immuendo is not very apparent in the text as it stands. Wemust be
very careful in reading such covert meanings into Plato’s words.
Athenaeus (s04f) makes it a grievance that he does not mention
Xenophon here, though Xenophon had left Athens two years before.
If the words TAdrep d€ otwat noOévee had been used of any one else,
that would have been set down to malice. As we shall see, it had
only become known the day before that the ship had returned from
Delos, and we learn from the C7//o (43 d 3) that the news came from
Io
a ee ee
NOTES 59

Sunium where she had touched. Aristippus and Cleombrotus could

hardly have heard this in time, if they were in Aegina. There is
no evidence that they had been there during the whole of the thirty
days, as Demetrius suggests.

Introductory Narrative.—The attitude of Socrates towards death

(59 ¢8—70 C3).
(1) Preliminary Narrative (59 c8—63e 8).
3 TH... mpotepaia : Attic usage seems to require either 17 mporepa
nuépa OY TH mpotepaia. I have therefore followed Hermann in
bracketing 7pépa.
4 wtrakovew, ‘to answer the door.’ Cp. Crtto43a5 Oavydlo orws
nOéEAnTE Gor 6 TOU SeanaTnpiov Prdrak Urakovoat.
elev meptpéeverv, ‘told us to wait.’ T has emipeéverv, which seems
less suitable. It would mean ‘to stay as we were’ (Riddell, Dig.
§ 127).
5 éws dv: we should expect spy dy after mpérepov, but Kal py mpdrepor
maptévat is merely a ‘polar’ antithesis placed 41a peoov and does not
affect the construction.
6 ot évSexa: on the Eleven and their functions, see Arist. ’A@. wrod,
52, where we are told that the people elected them zwéer alia ém-
peAnoopevous Tov ev TO OegporTnplo.
7 Snws dv... TeAcuTG, ‘are giving instructions for his death to-day.’
For this rare construction after verbs of commanding, where the
dependent clause contains the substance of the order, cp. Gorg.
523.07 rovro pev ovv kai 6) eipnrat (‘instructions have been given’)
To LUpopunbet Srws div maton, Isaeus 7. 27 dtexeNeverO Omws av, et Te
mdOot mpdrepov, éyypapwci pe. The present redevza (T) is more likely
to have been altered to reAeutyon (B) than vice versa.
od mod... xpdvov émoyay, lit. ‘after waiting (é7éx@ intrans.) no
long time’. Cf. 95e7 cuxvdv xpdvov éemicxwv. Similarly 117e 7
Stadia ypdovoy, 118 II dAtyov xpivov Scadiroy, ‘after a short interval.’
8 éxéXevev: W has éxéAevoey (and so, accordingly, B’), but this is
less idiomatic. The English verbs ‘send’ and ‘ bid’ refer to the
starting of the action, but méyrew and xeAevew operate throughout
the action. ‘The thought follows the motion’ (Gildersleeve). The
imperfect is therefore natural where we should expect the aorist.
LE
 59 NOTES

It is for the same reason that wéymecy can mean ‘convey’, ‘escort’,
and xeAevewv, ‘urge on’, ‘incite’.
e 8 eiovovtes: W has eiced@dyres (and so B?), but the present pcp.
goes better with xareXapBavopev. There were a number of them, so
the action is resolved into successive parts (‘as we entered, we
foultid 4...)
Goal kateAapBavopev, ‘we found.’ When xaradapuBarey is used in this
sense, it takes the construction of verbs of knowing.
EavOinmyy. There is no hint in the Phaedo, or anywhere else in
Plato, that Xanthippe was a shrew. Xenophon makes her son
Lamprocles say of her (Alem. il. 2. 7) ovdeis dv Stvaito adris ava xeé-
oda thy xaderdtnra, and in Xen. Symp. 2. 10 Antisthenes says she
was the most ‘ difficult ’ (yaNerwrarn) of all wives, past, present, or
future. The traditional stories about her appear to be of Cynic
origin.
vo wavsiov. Socrates had three sons (Aol. 34 d6 cis pev peipa-
kiov Hn, dvo Oe watdia). The pecpaxcoy must be the Lamprocles men-
tioned by Xenophon (see last note). There was one called Sophro-
niscus after his paternal grandfather, so he would be the second.
The child here mentioned must accordingly be Menexenus (not to
be confused with Menexenus, son of Demopho, cp. 59b9z.). It
is worthy of note that the names Xanthippe and Lamprocles
suggest aristocratic connexions, and possibly Lamprocles was called
after his maternal grandfather (cp. Arist. Clouds 62 sqq.). Socrates
was not always a poor man; for he had served as a hoplite, and in
A pol. 23b9 he ascribes his poverty to his service of Apollo (é»
mevia pupia eipt Ota thy tov Geov darpeiav), This may explain the
xaXerdrns of Xanthippe, if such there was.
a3 avyvdypnoe Ought to mean ‘raised a cry of evdnpeire’ (bona
verba, favete linguts), and that gives a perfectly good sense. The
rule was ev evdnuia ypn teXevTay (1171), and evdnpeire was there-
fore a natural address to people approaching a scene of death.
That she should use it and then break the edqnpia herself is only
human—and feminine. Byzantine scholars took, however, another
view. In the recently discovered portion of the Lexicon of the
Patriarch Photius (ninth cent. A.D.) we read aveudyjpnoev’ avri Tov
eOpnvncev (Reitzenstein, Auf. des Phot. p. 135), and the rest follow
suit. It was explained kar’ dvtippacw, i.e. by a curious figure of
12
 NOTES 60
speech which consisted in saying the opposite of what you meant
(lucus a non lucendo). Very similar is Soph. Zrach. 783 dras
8 avnvpnpnoev oipwyn hews (where G. Hermann took the word in its
natural sense) and Eur. Or. 1335 em aé&iowoi rip’ aveverpet ddpos.
In both these cases death is imminent. It may be said that the
olpwyn itself is duagnuor, but that is not necessarily so; at any rate
evpnpots yours is quoted from Aeschylus (fr. 4o Sidgwick).
+ ota 84: these words might have been used even without eia@acu,
in the sense of ‘just like’. Cp. Xen. Cy~. i. 3. 2 ofa 61) wats (‘ just like
a boy’), Thuc. viii. 84. 3 ofa 6) vairat.
5 toratov §y, ‘so this is the last time that...’ Cp.89b4 avproy by.
7 dmayétw tis adtHy KTA. With this reading (that of B: TW have
ravtnv) the words are kindly and considerate. Xanthippe had ap-
parently passed the night with Socrates and their child (at any rate
she was found there when the doors were opened), and it was only
right she should go home and rest. She is sent for again just before
the end to say farewell. I do not see any ground for the remarks
which some editors take occasion to make here on the Athenians’
treatment of their wives. Would it have been right to keep
Xanthippe there all day, in her overwrought condition, and allow her
to witness the actual agony? Some women would have insisted on
staying, but we can find no fault with the behaviour of Socrates
in the matter.
9 tives TOV TOD Kpitwvos, ‘some of Crito’s people.’
I komtTopévny: the original meaning of kémrec@at was ‘to beat the
breasts’, but it came to mean simply ‘to lament’ (cp. the xoppos
in tragedy). The history of the Lat. plango (whence Planctus,
‘plaint’) is similar.
dvaxaiLépevos: the use of this verb in the medical writers shows
that the meaning is ‘sitting up’. Cp. Hippocrates, Progn. 37
dvaxabiley BovrAecOat Tov voréovra THs vdcou axnafovuns movnpov. We
might expect éy rH kNivy, but (ifecOa) kabiferOar sometimes retain
the construction of (ifw) xai¢w, which are verbs of motion. The
variant émt thy kdivnvy (W and B?) may be due to the idea that the
verb means vesidens, ‘sitting down.’ Wohlrab argues that Socrates
must have got up to welcome his friends, and adopts émi accord-
ingly ;but this would spoil the picture. We are led to understand
that he put his feet on the ground for the first time at 61c 10. The
13
 60 NOTES

fetters had just been struck off, and at first he would be too stiff to
get up.
b 2 cvvéxape: this verb is specially used of bending the joints. Cp.
Arist. //zst. Am. 502 b 11 miOnxos médas ovykayrret, GomEep yYeipas.
It is opposed to éxreive.
éEérpipe, ‘rubbed down,’ as with a towel. Athenaeus (409 e)
quotes Philoxenos for ¢xrpippa in the sense of xeipdpakrpor.
b 3. tpiBwv: the compound verb is regularly repeated by the simple.
Cp. 71e8 avrarodamcopev ... amodotvat, 84.07 dierevae.. . SvedOetv,
104 d 10 amepyagynrat... eipydcero.
os dtotmov... 7: the unemphatic res is often postponed by hyper-
baton (Riddell, Dig. § 290 c).
b 4 ds Cavpaciws mépuxe mpds, ‘how strangely it is related to —’
Relation is expressed by medhukevat mpos ..., design or adaptation
by wegukevat evi...
b5 716 Gpapev rd., ‘to think that they will not —. The exclama-
tory infinitive is often used after some expression of feeling (in the
present case os Oavpaciws) which it serves to justify. Cp. Eur.
Alc. 832 adda god, To py Ppacat, ‘Out on thee! to think thou didst
not tell!’, AZed. 1051 ddd THs «uns KaKns, TO Kal mpoécOat KTA.,
Arist. Clouds 819 11s pwpias, 6 Ata vopifey dyta tndtxovtrovi. This
explanation, which is due to Riddell (Dig. § 85), makes it unneces-
sary to read r# with inferior MS. authority and Stobaeus.
b6 pry OeAav: editors speak of personification and ‘ the lively fancy
of the Greeks’ here, but even we say ‘ won't’ In such cases.
b7 oxedév 1... del, ‘in almost every case.” The omission of dei in
B is probably accidental. The relativity of pain and pleasure is
a Heraclitean doctrine, cp. fr. 104 Bywater vovcos vyteiny éeroinoey
nov, Kakov ayaddy, Atos Kdpoyv, Kdpatos avaravow, and it is not,
perhaps, fanciful to suppose that this is intended to prepare us for
the Heraclitean arguments as to the relativity of life and death
below (7o d 7 sqq.).
b 8 = ék pids Kopudfs jppéevw, ‘fastened to (Greek says ‘fastened from’)
a single head,’ a grotesque imagination like those of Empedocles
and of Aristophanes in the Syszfoszum. Bhas cvvnupéve, but that
seems to be an anticipation of c 3 curn er.
CI Aicwmos: Aesop was a Phrygian slave of whom many odd tales
were told (cp. Wilamowitz-Marchant, Greek Reader, ii, p. 1), and
14
 NOTES 60

the Athenians attributed to him the beast-fables which play so

large a part in all popular literature. The prose collection which
has come down to us under the title of Alowmov pido is of Byzantine
date; but many of the fables were well known from popular verses
and Archilochus.
, avrois: this is rather neater than the variant atray. ‘ He fastened
their heads together for them.’
; avT@ pot €oukev, SC. emakodovdetv. The clause ered) xrd. iS in
apposition (asyndeton explicattvum), and the original statement is,
as usual, restated more fully after the explanation (a 6 a).
) tard Tod Seapod: Cp. Ud Tov Séovs, rae metu.
3 frroAaBav.. . épy, ‘rejoined’ (synchronous aor. pcp.). The mean-
ing of troAapBavey is not ‘to interrupt’, but ‘to rejoin’ or ‘retort’.
Cp. Lat. suscipere (Aen. vi. 723 suscipit Anchises) and contrast
mapadapBave (rov Adyor) excifere.
) ed y émolnoas dvapviyoas pe, ‘thank you for reminding me’ (syn-
chronous aor. pcp.). So Euthyd. 282 c 6 «v éroinoas anaddd€as pe
okéews TmodAjs. Cp. Hdt. v. 24 €d eroinoas amixdpevos, Eur. Jed.
472 «vO eroinaas podwr.
— évteivas, ‘setting to music.’ Cp. Prot. 326 b 1 moujuatra... els ra
xOapicpata évteivovtes. This seems to come from the geometrical
use of the term which we find in (Zeno 87 a1 «i oid Te els Tovde Tov
Kukdoy 16d€ TO xwpiov.. .évta@jvat, where it refers to the ‘inscrip-
tion’ of rectangular figures in a circle (for which Euclid uses
éyypapev). That in turn, like many geometrical terms (e.g. a7¢,
chora, subtend, hypotenuse, cp. E, Gr. Ph.? p.116 2. 1), comes from
the use of ropes or strings in geometrical constructions. The
Pythagoreans were much concerned with the inscription of polygons
in circles and polyhedra in spheres (cp. 110b 6 .), and it was
natural that the same word should be used of making words fit into
a musical scheme. Cp. also Phileb. 382 évretvas eis havny of
putting thought into words.
Abyous, ‘tales.’ This was the usual name (cp. Ar. Birds 651 ev
Alowmov Adyous, Herodotus ii. 134 Al’a@mov Tov Aoyorrotov) ; but, when
it is important to mark their fictitious character, they are called
pvdo. and opposed to Adya (61b4). In Ionic pios means the
same as Adyos in Attic ; the Ionic for ‘ fable’ is atvos (cp. Archil. fr. 96
€péw tw’ ipiv atvov, @ Knpukidn).
15
 60 NOTES

d2 +6 els tov "AndAXw mpootprov: Thucydides (iii. 104) gives this

name to the Homeric ‘Hymn’ to Apollo. Properly speaking,
mpooiuia are ‘preludes’ intended to attach the rhapsode’s epic re-
citations to the praise of the god at whose mavijyvpis they were
delivered. This instance shows that éevreivas is ‘ setting to music’, not
merely ‘ versifying ’; for no mpootstov could have been in prose. In
the Phaedo, Socrates is represented throughout as the servant of
Apollo (cp. esp. 85b4sqq.). Apollo Hyperboreus of Delos was in
a syecial sense the god of the Pythagoreans (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 97, 2. 3),
and there would be no difficulty in identifying him with the Pythian
Apollo who had given the famous oracle, and to whose service, as
we know from the Afology, Socrates regarded himself as conse-
crated. They were identified in the public religion of Athens
(Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iv, p. 110). Geddes’s suggestions
about ‘the God of Day’ must be rejected. Apollo was not a sun-
god at this date (Farnell, ib., p. 136 sq.).
kai GAAou tTwés...dartdp kai... So we find dei péev... drap kat
viv (rote)... In these uses drap kal... is equivalent to «al 67
ae ee
d 3 Evyvos: from Afol. 20b8 we learn that Evenus was a Parian
who taught “human goodness’ for 5 minae. In Phaedr. 267 a 3
we are told that he invented certain rhetorical devices such as
vrobrAwots and ruperatvos. Some said he even composed rapawoyor
in metre pyjpuns yap. He was also an elegiac poet.
mpanv, ‘the other day.’ We know from the Apology 20a 3 that
Evenus was at Athens about the time of the trial of Socrates.
dg _ avrirexvos, ‘competitor’, ‘rival’, Soin Ar. Frogs 816 Euripides
is the avrireyvos of Aeschylus.
€ 2 drometpmpevos: cp. Hdt. i. 46 rdv pavrnioyv droreipwpevos. Plato
makes Socrates confess his belief in dreams elsewhere. Cp. AZo.
33c5 and Cvifo 444.
apoctovpevos: the verb adootodpa means facto aliquid animé re-
ligitone solvendi causa. Tr. ‘to satisfy my conscience’.
€3 «i dpa moddAduis, ‘on the chance that,’ sz forte. This use of
mohAakes 1S fairly common after e? (€ay) apa and py. Cp. 61a.
TAVTHY THY povotkKyy, ‘music in the ordinary sense.’ The pronoun
ovros is often depreciatory like zs/e.
@7 «Kal ¢pyafov, sc. povotxny. As distinguished from zovety, ‘ compose,’
1A
 NOTES 60
épya¢eoOa means ‘to make a business of’, ‘ practise , and is regu-
larly used of arts and trades (L. S., s.v. II. 5, 6).
mapakeAeveoOar hortart aiguem ut aliguia faciat: émxedever 191-
citare facientem (Fischer). Comparatzo autem auta est ex pro-
verbio currentem tncitare (Wyttenbach). Cf. Xen. Cyr. vi. 3. 27
Tos... TO O€oy TOLOvGLY emikeAevELY.
bomep... kai €poi ovtw: the simile brings out the meaning of
éemtxeAevety and is therefore added appositively (asyndeton explica-
tivum), after which the original fact is more fully restated (a 0 a).
For this regular Platonic structure, cp. 1oge4 (Riddell, Dig.
§ 209).
StakeAevopevor: the proper meaning of Siacedever Oat is ‘to exhort
one another’, Cp. Hdt. ix. 5 dtaxedevoapern dé yur yuvatxi, but
Plato often uses the word as equivalent to mapaxedevecOa. Here.
I think, it is merely employed for variety; it could hardly refer to
the partisans of different runners exhorting their favourites.
prrocodpias ... ovons peyiotns povoikys: this is a distinctively
Pythagorean doctrine. We have the authority of Aristoxenus for
saying that the Pythagoreans used medicine to purge the body and
music to purge the soul (E. Gr. Ph.’ p. 107), and Aristotle’s doctrine
of the tragic xa@apo.s seems to be ultimately derived from this
source. We shall see that philosophy is the true soul-purge.
Strabo, who had access to Italiote and Siceliote historians now
lost, says, in discussing the orgiastic dances of the Curetes (x. 468)
kat Oia rovTo povatkny exddecer 6 LAdroy, kai €rt mpdtepoy of Ludaydpecor,
tiv pirocopiav. Cp. also Rep. 548b8 ris ary Owns Movons THs pera
Adywr Te kai Piroaodias, Laws 689467 KadXNioty kal peyiorn TOV CUp-
gaudy (‘harmonies’) peyiorn dtkawdrar dv déyoto copia. This is
quite different from the metaphor put into the mouth of Laches in
Lach. 188d3. There the povorxos avyp is he whose character
is tuned in a noble key. Any educated Athenian might have
said that; but here we have a definite doctrine, which is further
developed in the sequel.
ei dpa modAdkis: cp. 60 e 3 7.
m@Qopevov: this was originally the reading of T and should,
I think, be preferred to wettdpevor if kai is deleted and the participle
made dependent on manoavra. Tr. ‘by composing poems in obedi-
ence to the dream’, We often find «ai interpolated between two
125) E7 Cc
 61 NOTES

participles, one of which is subordinated to the other. It is omitted

here by W, and Schanz had bracketed it without knowing this.
b 4 pvOovs ddd’ ot Adyous: cp. Godiz. Cp. Gorg. 523a1 dkove
. . « Adyou, bv aU pev nynon pibov, .. . eyw b€ Adyov, Prot. 324d6
TOUTOV ... TEPL... OUKETL Ody Gor Ep® adda Abyov, Tz7m. 26e 4 bm
mraobevra ptOov add’ adnOivdv Adyov. The distinction is almost the
same as ours between ‘ fiction’ and $fact’.
b 5 kai aités ovk 4: the construction ceases to be indirect, as if
emetn, NOt €vyvonaas ore had preceded.
b6 Amorapnv, ‘knew off by heart.’ Cp. Prot. 339 b 4 rovro eniotuca
ro dopa; Gorg. 484 b10 7d yap dopa ovk éxiorapat.
rovs Alowmou: the antecedent is incorporated in the relative clause
(Riddell, Dig. § 218).
b 7 ols mpwrots évervyov: the clause ots mpoxeipous ecyov is restated after
the explanation (a 6 a) (Riddeil, Dig. § 218).
b 8 éppacba, sc. Ppage. ‘Bid him farewell from me.’ The regular
word for delivering messages is dpdev, and ¢ppwoo (perf. imper.
mid. of pwvyuy) means ‘farewell’ and was regularly used in ending
letters, whence Lat. va/e.
dv gwdpovy, ‘if he is wise,’ the regular phrase in this sense,
gwppovery being used in its originally sense of sapere, ‘to be in one’s
right mind.’ The more common meaning of cwPpovety is an exten-
sion of the idea of ‘ sanity’ to a wider sphere.
as taytora: the comission of these words in T spoils the sense.
Cp. Theaet.176a8 reipacOa xpn évOev0e éxeioe (‘from this world to
the other’) devyeuv ort rayrora.
Cc 2. otov: an exclamation, not a question. Cf. 117d 7 ola... motetre.
C3 ToAAd ... éevterixynka, ‘I have had many dealings with him.’
Cp. Lach. 19743 6 d€ Adpav r@ Ipodikw moda rAnorale, Crat. 396
d5 €wOev... 70a ait@ ouvn, Parm. 126b9 Uvdodwpm... wodda
EVTETUXNKE.
c 4 oxeddv: used as in the phrase oyeddy (rt) ofda, Tr. ‘I am pretty
sure that —’,
éxav etvat: always with a negative, ‘if he can (could) help it.’
C6 ov ptAdcohos: as addressed to Pythagoreans, the word has a
special sense (E. Gr. Ph.? p, 321), that of a man who follows a cer-
tain ‘way of life’. It is much as if we should ask: ‘Is he not
a religious man?
18
 NOTES 61

€eAnoer, ‘ will be willing ’, ‘will be ready’, not ‘ will wish’.

Tov10u Tov mpaypatos, SC. piiocopias, regarded as an occupation.
Cp. Aol. 20¢ 5 10 abv ti €ort mpaypa; The term is natural if we
remember that ‘ philosophy’ is a life.
#iAoAdw : Philolaus was one of the most distinguished of the later
Pythagoreans, and had taken refuge at Thebes when the community
was expelled from Magna Graecia (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 99). There seems
to have been a regular cvvedpiov at Thebes as well as at Phlius.
The Pythagorean Lysis was the teacher of Epaminondas.
ovdév ... cadées, ‘nothing certain’ rather than ‘nothing clear’ (cp.
57b12.). We shall see that there were good reasons for the
teaching of Philolaus about the soul being doubtful (86b6~%.).
I do not think there is any reference to the Pythagoreans’ custom
of speaking &¢ aivvypir@y, as Olympiodorus fancies.
0dvos ovSeis A€yew, ‘1 don’t mind telling you.’
kai padiata, vel maxime. Cp. 59a9 7.
éxeioe . .. THS Ket: the adverbs evOade and exet are regularly used
of ‘this life and the next’, ‘ this world and the other’. Cp. 64a1;
117c2. So Zheaet. 176a8 quoted in 61b8~., and Aristophanes,
Frogs 82 6 & etxodos pev evOad evxodos 8 exet. There is no need to
read rijs €xeioe for tis exe’, for amodnpia means a residence abroad as
well as a journey abroad. Tr. ‘our sojourn in the other world’.
pvOodoyetv, ‘to tell tales.’ Socrates regards all definite state-
ments with regard to the next life as pido. Cp. Afol. 39 € 4 where
he introduces what he has to say about it by ovdev yap kaAver Stapv-
Oodoyhoat mpos add7jAovs. The immortality of the soul is capable of
scientific proof; the details of the amrodnuia are not. Cp. below
wo bi#. and 114d 1.
péxpt hAlov Svepav: executions could not take place till sunset.
Cp. 89C7 ws é1t has ear, GEL Ere FAoy etvat emi ToIs peo Kat
ovmw Sedukévat.
~~
vuvbq, ‘just now,’ i.e. ‘a little ago’ (Ayo nmpoabev). In this
sense, the grammarians accent as in the text, to distinguish the
adverb from viv 67, ‘now indeed ’, ‘ now at last’ (cp.107¢4). As
a rule the MSS. have viv 57 in both senses.
7 Ste wap’ hpiv Siytaro : it appears from these words that Philolaus
had left Thebes some time before 399 B.C. We hear of him at Taren-
tum (Taras), which was the chief seat of scientific Pythagoreanism
19 C2
 61 NOTES

in the fourth century B.c. The leading man then was Archytas
(E.Gr. Ph.* p.3i¢),
62a2 icws pévto. ktA. As the construction of this sentence has been
much disputed, I will first give what I take to be the right transla-
tion. This will be justified in the following notes, from which it
will also appear how it differs from other interpretations. I
render: ‘I dare say, however, it will strike you as strange if this
is the solitary case of a thing which admits of no distinctions—
I mean, if it never turns out, as in other cases, that for man (that
is at certain times and for certain men) it is better to die than tolive
—and, in such cases, I dare say it further strikes you as strange
that it is not lawful for those for whom it is better to die to do
this good office for themselves, but that they have to wait for some
one else to do it for them.’ This comes nearest to Bonitz’s inter- |
pretation (Plat. Stud., ed. 3 (1886), pp. 315 sqq.), and I shall note
specially the points in which it differs.
el tovTo ... atAodv éortv: I take this clause as the expression in
a positive form of what is stated negatively in the next. If we must
say what rodro means, it will be ro Bédrtov elvar Cyv 7) TeOvavar, but
the pronoun is really anticipatory and only acquires a definite
meaning as the sentence proceeds. Bonitz once took rovro as
meaning 70 reOvava, but in his latest discussion of the passage he
substitutes rd avrov éavtoy adrokrewvuvat, I do not think it necessary
to look backwards for a definite reference, and I think Bonitz does
not do justice to the clearly marked antithesis of udvoy ray dddwv
dravtoy and aomep kai trahda, The adda must surely be the same
in both clauses, and if so these must be positive and negative
expressions of the same thought. I hold, with Bonitz, that the
interpretation of most recent editors (rovro = 1d py Oeperdy eivat
avTov avTov amokrewtvat) is untenable, if only because it gives an
impossible meaning to awAovvy. Further, no one has suggested that
the lawlessness of suicide is the only rule which is absolute, and
the suggestion would be absurd. On the other hand, many people
would say that life is always better than death. It may be added
that rovro is the proper anticipatory pronoun ; it is constantly used
praeparative, as the older grammars say.
a3 wav dAAwv atravrwv: Riddell, Dig. § 172.
amAotv: that is dmAovy which has no dtadopat (cp. Polit. 306 c 3
20
 NOTES 62

morepoy dour €ott TOUTO, }... €xet Siadopdv). It is what admits of

no distinctions such as gor dre kai ots. Cp. Symp. 18344 ody
aroby €or... ove Kady Eivat adTd KaB’ abd obre ala xpd, AANA Karas
pev mpatrouevoy Kandy, aicxpas b€ aicypdv, Phaedr.244a5 ef pev yap nv
avoby 76 paviay Kakdv elvac (where Socrates immediately proceeds to
enumerate the different kinds of madness), Prof. 331b 8 od mavu por
Soket .. . oUrw@s dmovy elvat ... dAda Ti pot Soket ev abt@ Sudhopoy elvat.
This is the origin of the Aristotelian use of dm\os. Bonitz has
shown once for all that dr\ovy does not mean s7mpliciter verum,
as many editors say after Heindorf.
ovdémote Tuyxdver . . . BeAtiov (ov): these words must be taken
together, whether we add 6», as suggested by Heindorf, or not. It
is, I think, safer to add it; for the certain instances of the poetical
use of ruyyavw without a participle come from later dialogues where
poctical idioms are commoner.
to avOpomw, ‘for man’ generally. The dative is governed by
BéArvov, not by ruyyaver, as some editors suppose.
dSomep kai taAAa, fas other things do.’ Olympiodorus rightly
Says: émayqdotepi(dvt@y t@v GAhwv Kat ayad@v Kal Kaxov Suvapevwv
ewat (the rest of his interpretation is wrong). The phrase is an
abbreviation of some such clause as this: Somep éviore €viows BéAriov
by rvyxavet vooeiv, méverOat KTA., 7) Vytaivery, mAOUTELY KTA,
éomiv Ste Kai ots: i.e. €or Ore kal éotw ois, eviore Kal éviots.
Bonitz’s proposal to delete the comma at ra\Xa and take da7ep kai
radX\a éorw Ore kal ois together is at first sight attractive. It gets
rid of the pleonasm of gorwy dre after ovdérore and the change from
singular to plural involved in taking éorw ois with to davOporo.
These are not, however, insuperable difficulties, and I feel that the
ellipse involved in éomep cai raé\da is easier if it is total than if it is
partial.
teQvavar: in such phrases reOvdvac may properly be translated
‘to die’; for dmo@vijcxew lays stress on the process of dying, of
which reOydvat is the completion. The translation ‘to be dead’ is
clearly inadmissible in such common phrases as wod\akis, puptakis
reOvava. Cp. also Crito 43d1 od Set adptkopevov (sc. rod mdoiov)
reOvdvat pe, 52C6 ovk ayavakray ei €or reOvavar oe, Aol. 30 C1 ovd
ef peAXw TroAAdKLS TeOvdvat, 38 € 4 TOAD padAov aipovpat dde drrooyn=
adpevos reOvdvar } éxelyws (iv, 39e3 ovmw epxopat of eAOdvTa pe dei
21
 62 NOTES

reOvavat, 41a8 modddkis eOeX\w TeOvavar ef tai éorw adnO7. So

below 62c3 Gre BovArAe aird reOvava, 64026; c 5, 67e2; 8ral.
Cp. the similar use of drodwXéva and that of reOvdrw in criminal
law, and see Vahlen, Ofusczu/a, ii. 211 on the whole subject.
a 8 irtw Zevs: Schol. rd irrw emiywpeacorrds eore. In Ar. Ach. oti the
Boeotian says irrw Aevs, ‘let Zeus know’ (irrw = Fidtw = Att. loro),
‘Zeus be my witness. The meaning is much attenuated, and
the French Pardleu / comes nearest to it. LEfist. vii. 34543 irra
Zevs, dno 6 OnBaios may or may not be a reminiscence of this
passage. It is more likely that the phrase struck Athenian ears
as a quaint one. The expletives of a language generally strike
foreigners in this way.
49 dovq, ‘dialect. Cp. Afol.17d5 and Crat. 398d 8 ev ry ’ArriKy
povy. Sowe say Botwridfew, Swpicev, EAAnvicev, Eevitew tH hor7.
|
In classical Greek d:ad\exros means ‘ conversation’, ‘manner of
speech’. Aristotle uses it (Poe¢. 1458 b 32) for ‘everyday language’
as opposed to the diction of poetry. It only acquires the meaning
of ‘dialect’ at a later date.
cor LaovTw y’, ‘put in that way.’
éxet tid Adyov: lit. it admits of something being said for it’, i.e.
‘is justifiable’ or ‘intelligible’ (opp. ddoydv eoruy, ‘it is unjustifiable ’,
‘inexplicable’, syn. etAoydv ear). For the sense of ¢yev cp.
avyyvepny é€xet, excusationem habet, ‘it admits of excuse’, ‘is
excusable’. The phrase is sometimes personal as in Aol. 31b7
elyoy dy twa Adyorv, ‘my conduct would be intelligible,’ 34 b1 rdy’ a
Adyov €xotey BonOoryres, ‘their conduct would be explicable.’ That
Aoyos does not mean ‘reason’ in this phrase is shown by the words
which immediately follow in the last of these passages: riva GAov
éxovat Adyov... aX’ fy Tv dpOdv Te Kai Sixacoy; ‘ what explanation can
be given except the straight and honest one?’
oi} év droppyros, ‘ina mystery.’ Cp. Eur. Rhes. 943 pvotnpiov re
tev atoppytev davas | édeEev "Oppeis. The doctrine of the immor-
tality of the soul is Orphic in origin (cp. 70c52.). There is not
the slightest reason for doubting that Socrates held it, or that he
derived it from this source (cp. Introd. XIII). At the same time, he
always refers to the details of Orphic theology with a touch of
ironical deference as here. Cp. below 69c 4x.
év tie ppoupg, ‘in ward.’ This is Archer-Hind’s translation, and
22
 NOTES 62
conveniently retains the ambiguity of the original, which was some-
times understood to mean (1) ‘ watch’, and sometimes (2) ‘ prison’.
Cicero took it in the first sense. Cp. de Senectute 20, vetatque
Pythagoras iniussu tmperatoris, td est det, de praesidio et statione
vitae decedere. Inthe Somntum Scipionis (3. 10) he uses the word
custodia, clearly a translation of @povpa: pits omnibus retinendus
est antmus in custodia corporis, nec iniussu etus a quo ille est vobis
datus ex hominum vita migrandum est. Antiphon the Sophist,
a contemporary of Socrates, says rd (nv doce ppovpa epnpepw, but
that may be merely a simile like the Psalmist’s ‘ watch in the night’.
The Stoic formula that we must live €ws ay 6 Beds onprvn To dvakAn-
rixov (dum receptut canat) seems to be derived from an interpreta-
tion of this kind, and we must remember that gpovpa is the
Peloponnesian word for orpareia. The other view, however, that
gdpovpa means ‘ prison’, is strongly supported by the Axiochis, an
Academic dialogue of the third century B.C., where we read
(365 €6) nets pev yap eopev Wuyn, Cwov adivatov évy Oynta Kabetpy-
pevoy ppovpiw, There is no doubt that the Orphics did speak of the
body as the prison of the soul. The Christian apologist Athenagoras
says (Diels, Vors.? p. 245. 19) kat Bidddaos b€ Gorep ev Gpovpa navta
tro Tov Geov mepiccAn Pda Aéywr, with which we may compare Plato,
Crat. 400C4 Soxovat pertot por padriora OécOa of audi ’'Oppéa Tovto
TO Ovopa (cHpa), ws dSixny dSidovans ths Yuxns dy dn evexa Sidwour, rodTov
dé mepiBorov éxetv, (va oo (ynrat, Serpwrnpiov eikdva. Cp. also the use
of evSeiaGat ‘to be imprisoned’ below 8re1 (€ws dv) mudw evdebdouy
els gpa, Q2al mpiy ev te couate evdeOjva. So too Tim. 4345
evédovy eis émippuTov capa kat amopputor, 44 b 1 Grav (Wyn) eis cana
evdebn Ovntov. Cp. also évdedéo0ae in the fragment of Euxitheus
quoted in the next note. The gpovpd in Gorg. 52547 is the
‘ prison-house’ of the other world, not the body.
4 kai ot Set Sy «7A, The genuinely Pythagorean origin of this is
vouched for by a passage from an unknown Pythagorean called
Euxitheus, quoted by Athenaeus from the Peripatetic Clearchus
(Diels, Vors.? p. 245. 8), Evéideos 6 Tv@ayopikds, @ Nikiov, as dnat
KNéupyos 6 Hepimarnrixos ev devtépm Biwv, édeyev evdedéoOa (cp. pre-
ceding note) ré cwpatt kai to Sedpo Bip tas dmavrwv Wuxas Tinwplas
xapiv* Kat StelracOat Tov Gedy ws, ef pu) pevovaw em TOUTOLS, Ews ay ExwY
avtovs Avon, mAciogt Kal peiCoow eumecodyra TOTE Avpats’ Std TavTas
23
 62 NOTES

ev aBoupevous thy ray Kuptov (i.e. Seamoray, émiatarav) avdracw (‘threat’)

poBeicGa rov nv exdvtas exGnvat, povoy te Tov ev Ta yrpa Oavarov
doracios mpocierOat, memetopevous THY amdAvoL THS Wuxis pera THs
Tay Kupiov ylyverbar yyouns. As Clearchus of Soli wrote about
300 B.C., this fragment is almost certainly genuine.
b5 uweéyas, ‘high.’ Cp. Gorg. 493¢3, where Socrates says of the
most characteristic of the Orphic doctrines tavr’ é€metkos pév éeorw
umé tt aroma (‘rather queer’).
b8 = xrnpdtov, ‘chattels.’ The word is often used of flocks and herds,
in which sense it is opposed to ypypara. This doctrine of the
divine herdsman appears more than once in Plato’s jater dialogues.
Cp. esp. Laws 906 a6 cippayoe O€ nuiv Ocoi re Gua kat Saipoves, nuets
Sad xrnpa (vil. xrijpata) Oedv Kat Saysdvov. In describing the
Saturnia vegna he says (Polit. 271e 5) Geds evepev adrovs avros éemt-
atatwy, ‘God was their shepherd and tended them himself.” Again,
in Laws go2b8 we have Gcap ye pry krnyward papev eivat wavta ondaa
6ynta faa, @omep Kal Tov ovpavdy 6\ov.—Il@s yap od ;—'Hdn roivuy
opikpa if) peydda tis Patw Tavita etvat Tots Oeois* ovderépws yap Tots
kekrnuevors tas (i.e, tots Seomdrats nuav) apedetv dy etn mpoonkoy,
emipedeotadtows ye ovat Kai dpicros. The similarity of phrase here
points to a common Orphic-Pythagorean origin for the two pas-
sages. Cp. also Crztzas 109b6 karotkioavtes, olov voprns moipyea,
KTiatTa Kat Opeppata eavTay ras érpepor.
C3 reOvavar: cp. 62a5 7%,
C7 piv... émmpipy: it is easy to insert ay before dvdyxny with
Heindorf, but it is more likely that this archaic and poetical con-
struction is used to give solemnity to the sentence. Unless we are
prepared to emend a large number of passages, we must admit that
Plato sometimes used it to produce a particular effect. It is
especially common in the solemn, formal diction of the Lavzws,
cp. 872e€10 ovde éxmAvTov eOerAEww yiyverOat TO plavOev mpl ddvov
Povo bpolw dporov n Spdvaca Wuxn Tein.
CIO fadiws, ‘lightly’, ‘without complaining’, as in padiws pépev. Cp.
6347.
d2 ectAdcyws éxer: a frequent equivalent of etAoydy éore (cf. supra
b2). That which it is easy to explain or justify is evAoyor.
®eov: the transition from the popular @eovs to the philosophic
éedv seems quite unconscious.
24
 NOTES 62

t tovs ppovipwrdrous: in Plato dpdmpos and cofdés mean exactly

the same thing. Aristotle distinguished dpdéynots from codia as
practical from theoretical wisdom, a distinction which he shows to
be in conformity with popular usage. See my edition of the E¢/zcs,
p. 261 sq.
wet
émortatovow ...éemordtar: these are the regular terms in this
connexion. Cp. Polit. 271e5 Oeds évepev airovs avros entoratav.
wt ovK exer Adyov, 1.€. GAoydy Eott, ovk edAdyws exer (cp. b 23 d 2).
aitos: the shift from plural to singular is not uncommon. Cp.
esp. 104d 17.
mapapeverv, ‘not to run away,’ the regular opposite of amodiSpdokecv.
ovrws, ‘ putting it that way,’ more often ovr y’ as above b 1.
Touvavtiov... %: We Say ‘opposite to’, We cannot always render
# by ‘or’ or ‘than’; for its meaning is wider than either. Cp.
especially the common diadépev 7...
ddpovas: as Ppdvipos = aodpds, SO ddpav = auaOns (daodos is not
in ordinary use).
ampaypareta, ‘diligence’, ‘ painstaking’, the noun of rpayparevopa,
which is equivalent to mpdypata é€xw, ‘take pains’, ‘ take trouble’.
In late Greek zo\umpaypoovrn is ‘curiosity’ in a good sense, and
the meaning here is similar.
[6] KeBys: it is Plato’s almost uniform practice to insert the
article with proper names in the narrative (cp. tov Ké8nros just
above) and to omit it in the dialogue when directly reported (cp.
KéBns twice in the next speech, introduced by kai 6 Suppias), See
Beare in Hermathena, 1895, vol. ix, pp. 197 sqq. As 6 was omitted
by the first hand of T, I have ventured to bracket it.
Aéyous Tivds dvepevva, ‘is always on the track of some argument.’
Metaphors from hunting are often used by Socrates in speaking of
arguments, and the Adyos is regularly the game which is hunted.
Cp. pertévae tov Adyov (88dgz.) and pebodos (7Qge3%.). This
metaphor has survived in the word ‘investigation’. (Cp. kar’
tyyn 115b 9 7.)
ov mavu... é0éAa, Sis not very ready to believe at once.’ Note
the interlaced order (ada 0); ov mavv belongs to edéda: and evOéws
to weider Ga.
"AAG piv... ye: the emphasis is on viv. ‘ Even I think that
this time (‘for once’) there is something in what Cebes says.’
25
 63 NOTES

a6 ds ddnOds belongs to coo.

a7 fadiws, ‘lightly” Cp. 62c 10,
eis oe Teiverw Tov Adyov, ‘to be aiming his words at you.’ For an
elaboration of the same metaphor, cp. Symp. 219b3 taira...
elmwv kat adets Oomrep Bedn, Terp@oOat airoy @pnv.
b6 mapa Ocots dAAous, sc. rods xOoviovs. Archer-Hind compares
Laws 959b4 mapa Geovs addAous amtévat Swoovra Adyov. Geddes
refers to Aesch. SufP/. 230 kaket dexafer tapmrakrjpab’, ws Adyos, | Zeds
aAXos €y kapovow voratas Oikas.
oer tap’ avOpatous: who these were, appears from 4Zo/, 41a 6, where
Socrates mentions Orpheus, Musaeus, Hesiod, and Homer (in that
order) as persons whom one would give anything to meet after
death.
CI otk av wavy... Sucyuptcaipynv: another touch of the Socratic
irony which Plato has reproduced elsewhere. Cp. above 62b 5 x.,
114d1#., and Meno 86b6, where, after explaining the doctrine
of avdurnows, Socrates says: kat Ta pey ye adda ovk ay ravu Urép Tov
Adyou Sucyuvptcaipny, ore Oe KTA.
C2 om... fev: the sentence begins as if it were to end j7éew eArri~w
(€dwis is Orphic for ‘ faith’ and quite in place here) ev iscre. Instead
of that, it takes a fresh start at ev tore, and the remainder of it is
accommodated to the parenthesis kai rovro pev ov« dv mavu Suc xupt-
caipnv. In T and Stobaeus the construction is regularized by writing
ro for 671, but this looks suspiciously like an ‘emendation’,
C4 ody Spotws, 202 perinde (Heindorf), ‘not to the same extent,’ as
if Iwere without this hope.
C5 etvai m: cp. g1b3 ef de pndev €ore redevtyoavtt.
C6 mwmddar Aéyerat: we must interpret this in the light of the ma\auss
Adyos at 7oc 5, where the reference is certainly to Orphic doctrine.
Such a belief as is here mentioned formed no part of ordinary
Greek religion. According to that, only a few great sinners (Sisy-
phus, Tantalus, Ixion) were punished in the other world, while only
a few favourites of heaven (Menelaus, Diomede, Achilles, and, in
Athenian belief, Harmodius and Aristogiton) were carried off to
the Isles of the Blessed.
c8 aurds éxwv, ‘ keeping to yourself’ (‘ atrds 1. 2. est solus,’ Heindorf).
di1_ «owwédv, ‘to beshared’ (as in kowwds ‘Epuns). Cp. Phaedr. 27Q9c6
Kowa yap Ta Tay didwy, which is a Pythagorean rule.
26
 NOTES 63

h atodoyia, ‘the defence’ (of which you spoke a little ago, 63 b).
The article should be kept, though omitted in B.
tmpatov «tA. This interlude marks the end of the preliminary
narrative.
t mada, ‘for some time past.’ The adverb does not necessarily
refer to a Jong time.
Ti 8€...dAAo ye H... ‘Why, simply that...’ The first hand
of B omits de, but the weight of MS. authority is in its favour. Cp.
Hipp. ma. 281c9 Ti & ote, & Swxpates, Ado yeh...
Tpoahépev TO happake : aS mpocPéepey Means ‘to apply ’, especially
in a medical sense, the usual construction is that seen in Charm.
157C 4 mpocolow TO pdppakoy tH Keadn.
éviote dvaynalecar ktA. In Plut. Phocion 36 we have this story:
Tleraxdtwov & dn mavrav, TO Pappakov emeXAtre, Kat 6 Snudoros ov« ey
tpivvery erepov ef pry AaBoe Swdexa Spaypas, dvov THY SAKIY wyveEtTat.
xpovou dé dtayevopevov kai dtatpu3ns, 6 Pwkiwy kadéoas tia TOY pitwv
kai ein@v* "H pnde amobavetv ’AOnvnat Swpedy Cori, ekeAevTe TO avOpor@
Sovvat TO keppartov. The suggestion has accordingly been made that
the dnyudotos or Sypuos here was thinking less of Socrates than his
own pocket.
fa... xaipetv avtov, ‘never mind him.’ The phrases yaipev éav,
and yaipevy eimeiv (‘ to bid farewell to’) are used of dismissing any-
thing from one’s mind. Cp. 64c1; 65c7.
oyedov péev te Sy: oxeddy te go together and yey is solitarium.
Cp. Lach. 192 C5 wyxeddv yap te oida.

(2) Zhe amonroyiaof Socrates. The philosopher will not fear death s
Jor his whole life has been a rehearsal of death. 63¢8—6ge5.
Sy marks these words as a reference to 63 b 2 sqq.
tov Adyov doBSotvar, ‘to render my account’ (rvationem reddere)
to the persons who are entitled to demand it (Adyov amateiv) and to
get it (Adyov AapBavev, drro\auBdvev) from me (rap’ evov). For the
article roy cp. 7 amodoyia above d2.
dvijp... Siatpias, ‘a man who has spent,’ quite general, and
only a more emphatic form of 6 d:arpiwas.
+o 6vtt: in his earlier dialogues Plato uses only ré dvr, in his
latest only évrws. The dialogues in which both occur are “ep.,
Phaedr., Theaet. In Soph. there are twenty-one cases of dytas to
27
 63 NOTES

one of r@ dvrt. The absence of dvrws from the Phaedo is one

reason among others for dating it before the Refzzdlic.
€ 10 Oappetv, ‘not to fear’, ‘to have no fear of’ (opp. ded:évar and
hoBeicOa). We have no single word for this in English. See
88b4.
64a ékei: cp. 6GreIn.
a4 Soot tuyxdvovow... drtopévor, ‘all who really engage in’. So
commonly dnrecOa yewperpias, povotkns, yupraortikis, ‘to go in for’,
‘to study’. For dpéas ‘in the true sense of the word’, cp. below
67b42.
as AeAndévar rods GAAovs STL ..., “it looks as if men did not know
that —.’ As the negative of verbs of knowing, Aavéavey may take
ore as well as a participial complement.
avtot, ‘of themselves’, ‘of their own accord’.
a6 émrmSevovory, ‘practise. Cp. Cicero, Z2sc. i. 30 tota enim philo-
sophorum vita, ut att tdem (sc. Socrates), commentatio mortis est,
zh. 31 secernere autem a corpore animum ecquid aliud est guam
mort discere? Seneca, Ep. xxvi egregia res est mortem condiscere
...meditare mortem. The phrase meditatio mortis means the
‘practising’ or ‘rehearsal’ of death; for medz¢atzo is a translation
of pehérnua, 67d 8.
amolvnokev te kai TeOvavar, ‘dying’ (the process) ‘and death’ (its
completion). Cp. 62a5 #.
29 65... mpovdupotvro: Plato often restates the first member of a
period with emphasis at the end (Pal:ndromia of the period, Schanz,
Nov. Comm., p. to). A good instance is Afol. 27d Ovxotv etrep
Ouipovas ryovpat... emeOnmep ye Oaivovas nyotpa. As the first
member here is mpoOupetoOat ... pndev dAXo 4 Tovro, 6 must be the
object of mpovéupovvro, and not of dyavaxreiy.
bir. ov wavy ... yeAacetovra, ‘not very inclined to laugh’, ‘in no
laughing mood’. In prose only the participle of desideratives in
-cew is used, though Sophocles says ti 8’ épyaceiets 5 (PAzloct. 1001)
and Euripides qdev&eiw (/ferc. 628). Aristophanes has dpaceiet in
parody (Wasps 168).
2 dv... Soxeiv, ‘would think.’
b 3 eipfic@a goes closely with b § dr. That the words kal ovppdvan
. kal wavu are parenthetical is clear; for @yui and its compounds
do not take ért.
28
 NOTES 64
TOUS... Tap’ Hpiv dvOpdtrovus: i.e. the Thebans (not the Athenians,
as Schleiermacher held). Olympiodorus says ekérws* OnBaios yap
jv 6 Stupias, wap’ ofs kal Bowwria is. That, however, is hardly
adequate ; for Simmias was not likely to share Athenian prejudice
on this subject. More probably we have here a reflexion of the im-
pression made by the Pythagorean refugees on the dons vivants of
Thebes. The dirdcopoe would not appreciate Copaic eels and
ducks. In any case, it is distinctly implied that the word dirscodos
in its technical sense was well known at Thebes before the end
of the fifth century, and this confirms the view that it was originally
Pythagorean (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 321 7. 2).
Qavataor, ‘are moribund’, ‘are ripe for death’. The scholium is
Oavatov é¢miOvpovo., and late writers certainly use the word (or
@avartay) in this sense. But it is not the meaning required here,
and a glance at the list in Rutherford, Mew Phrynichus, p. 153, will
show that verbs in -dw (-1aw) express morbid states of body or
mind, and are only occasionally and secondarily desiderative.
Thus vavriay is not ‘to long to go to sea’, but ‘to have passenger-
sickness’, i.e. ‘to be sea-sick’, For the real meaning of of rodAoi
cp. below eyyvs tt reivey tod treOvavar (65a6%.). They think
philosophers ‘as good as dead’, and look upon them as ‘living
corpses’ (cp. Sophocles quoted 7/7. ¢.). They do not trouble about
their desires. ‘The picture of the pale-faced students in the
povtiotnpiov of the Clouds is the best commentary on this popular
impression’ (Geddes). Cp. v. 103 rods ®xpi@vtas, Tos avurodirous
héyeisy 504 NucOvns yernoopuar (if 1 become like Chaerephon).
odds, SC. rovs moAAovs.
5 rotto macyev, SC. reOvdvar. Tr. ‘It would serve them right’,
I xaipew eimdvtes exeivois, ‘dismissing them from our thoughts.’
Tr. ‘Never mind them, but let us discuss among ourselves’, Cp.
63 e 3 2.
2 jyovpeOa mm Tov Odvarov etvar: Socrates regularly begins a dia-
lectical argument by asking whether we attach a definite meaning
to the name of the thing under discussion. Cp. Gorg. 464a1
o&pa tov KaXeis te kal Wuxnv, Prot. 358d 5 kadeiré te Sos kat PdBov;
Meno, '75€1 redevtny cadets tt; 7J6al emiredov xadeis tt; SO below
103. CII Oeppdy re kadets Kat Wuxpoy ;
dAdo m1 4, ‘anything else than.’ Here the words have their full
29
 64 NOTES

sense; but, if we suppress the dpa py which introduces them, we

see how ‘i\Xo tt 7 came to be used as an interrogative = xonne.
¢ 5 otro: pred. ‘that death is this’, which is further explained by
xopis ev ktA. The same definition is given in Gorg. 524b2 6
Oavatos tuyxavet Ov, ws epot Soxet, ovdev GAXO 7 Svoty mpayparou dta-
Aves, THS Wuyns Kal rovU ga@patos, am adAjd@v. For 76 reOvavar cp.
62a 5%.
c6 avd xa’ atté, ‘alone by itself.’ The emphatic airés often
acquires a shade of meaning which we can only render by ‘alone’.
So ev avrots nuiy eipnoOa, avtot yap eopev. Observe especially the
substitution of pdévny ka atriy, 67d 1.
c8 dpa py...; ‘surely it can be nothing else than this, can it?’
The interrogative form of the idiomatic ‘7 in cautious assertions’
is very rare, and occurs only four times in Plato (Goodwin, JZ. 7,,
§ 268).
CIO. XSKaar 84 KtA. Three arguments are given (1) the philosopher
holds bodily pleasures cheap, (2) the body impedes the search for
truth, (3) the things which the philosopher seeks to know cannot
be perceived by the bodily senses.
éav does not mean ‘ whether’ like ei, but ‘on the chance that’,
‘if haply’, s¢ forte. Goodwin, JZ. 7., §§ 489-93.
d 3 otev has become purely adverbial and always stands outside the
construction of the sentence. Cp. 73d3; 78di0; 83c1.
d6 Tt 8€ tds tav ddppodtciwv; ‘what of the pleasures of love?’
Riddell (Dig. § 21) seems to be right in regarding this as a case
where ri de stands for a sentence, or part of asentence, unexpressed,
but hinted at in a following interrogation (here Soxet cou xrd., d 8).
Cp. e.g. Phileb. 27e1 ri d€ 6 Gos (Bios) 5 ev Tim yever... dpbas
mote \ێyotto 3 and below 78d Io.
d8 tds wept to cdpa Ocpateias, cults corporis. We see here how
mepl Cc. acc, comes to be used as equivalent to a genitive. So just
below, d II.
dg évripous fyetoOar, ie. Tunav, ‘to value’, ‘esteem’, ‘appreciate’
(ttun, ‘ price’), opp. ampafev, ‘to hold cheap.’
Siadepdvtwv, ‘better than other people’s.’
€4 mtpaypateia, ‘business’, ‘concern’, rather different from 63a1
above.
65425 © pydev.-.pydé vertex adtav, ‘that, for the man Zo whom none
30
 NOTES 65
of these things is pleasant, azd who takes no part in them.’ The
rule is that, when the second relative would be in a different case
from the first, it is either omitted (cp. 81b5; 82d 2) orreplaced by
a demonstrative. Not understanding the construction BTW give
peréxew, but the true reading is preserved by Iamblichus (fourth
cent. A.D.).
éyyvs TL tTelverv Tod TeAvdvar, ‘that he runs death hard.’ Cp. Ref.
548d8 eyyis te avroy TAavkwvos rovrovi reivew evexd ye dtdovixias,
Theaet. 16929 ot Sé€ por Soxeis mpds Tov Skipwva paddov reiver. It
seems to me that this ‘objectless’ use of reivery is derived from
racing (reiveww Spduov, cursum tendere), and that the meaning is ‘to
run hard’, ‘to run close’. This view is confirmed by a comparison
of Crat. 402 C2 (radra) mpos ra Tov ‘HpakXelrov mavra reiver with 20,
409 a7 tovT0.... haiverat rov ’Avagaydpay meCerv, where meCecy may
very well mean premere, ‘to press hard.’ The use of reivew in this
sense, ‘to hold one’s course’ in a certain direction, ‘to be bound
for,’ ‘tend’ points to the same interpretation. So also éyyvs, opou
tt éNavvev. For the thought, cp. Soph. Amz. 1165 ras yap ndSovas |éray
mpodacw avdpes, ov TiOnp eyw | (nv TovTOY, GAN’ Epuxoy tyovpat veKpov.
This is a good commentary on 64.) 6 @avaraar.
Ti 8 «tA. The second argument. The body impedes the search
for truth.
Tis ¢povycews, syn. Tis copias. Cp. 62d42.
kai of moinrai: this cannot, I think, refer to Parmenides and
Empedocles, as Olympiodorus suggests and most editors repeat.
They would hardly be spoken of as ‘even the poets’. Epicharmus,
whom he also mentions, is more possible (cp. fr. 249 vots dp7 xat vous
axover' TaAAa Koda Kai rupAd). More likely still, the reference is, as
Olympiodorus also suggests, to Hom. //. v. 127 axtv 8 ad rot ar’
bpOarpav dor, f mplv exjev, | Spp’ ed yryvookns Npev Oedv nO€ Kal dvSpa.
At any rate, the dy\vs of this passage is often referred to by later
Platonists as an allegory of the infirmity of sense-perception,
and such allegorizing interpretation was already common in the
fifth cent. B.C.
mepi TO Tapa, i.e. ToD cwpatos. Cp. 64d 8 2.
cadets, ‘trustworthy.’ Cp. 57b1 2.
oxoAq, Vix. Cp. our phrase ‘It will take him all his time’.
év ro AoyifecOar, ‘in mathematical reasoning.’ The primary sense
St
 65 NOTES

of the word is arithmetical ‘calculation’? (Wyo Aoyiter Oa), frorn

which it was extended to geometrical demonstration, and finally to
all exact and scientific reasoning. It is no paradox, but an obvious
fact, that in mathematics the sense of sight only misleads, and yet
we are sure that there we reach the truth. The sense of hearing is
inentioned with reference to the science of ‘harmonics’, which was
just the mathematical treatment of the octave, and is more exact
than tuning ‘by ear’ can ever be. To take the stock instance, ‘the
ear’ does not reveal to us the impossibility of dividing a tone
into two equal semitones; we only discover that by means of 76
NoyiCer Gat.
5 tav évrwv: the term ra évra is used very vaguely in Plato, and
may generally be rendered ‘things’. Here, however, it is equivalent
to ray ddnPov. The verb eiva: often means ‘to be true’, especially
in Herodotus and Thucydides (cp. L.S., s. uv. eiui A. III).
c 6 mapadumy, ‘annoys’, ‘irritates’. For the force of rapa-, cp. rap-
EVOXAELY.
pydé tis Sov, ‘nor any pleasure either.” This is preferable to
the pte tus 7Oovn of TW.
oy ait Ka8’ airy, ‘alone by itself.’ Cp. 64c62.
éGoa xatpev, cp. 63 e 3 7.
Tov dvTos, 1. €. TOU dAndovs. Cp. above c 3 %.
“9
ae kal évrat0a, ‘in this case too,’ i.e. ev rH THs Ppovnocws KTiovet
(65a9). The kat refers to mparov pev ey rois roovros (64 € 8).
d4 ‘Tt S€ 84 ta torade ktA. The third argument. The things the
philosopher seeks to know are not perceptible by the bodily senses,
but can only be apprehended by thought.
The present passage introduces us to what is generally called the
‘Theory of Ideas’, The name is unfortunate ; for in English ‘idea’
ineans something which is ‘in the mind’, and an ‘idea’ is often
opposed to a ‘reality’, whereas the ‘forms’ (yopqat, eidn, idéac) are
more real than anything else.
On the other hand, the ‘forms’ are not ‘things’ in time or
space.
It we will only translate literally, and avoid loose ‘ philosophical?
terminology, there is nothing in the doctrine here set forth which
should be unintelligible to any one who understands a few proposi-
tions of Euclid and recognizes a standard of right conduct.
32
 NOTES 65

Let us begin with a mathematical instance. The geometer makes

a number of statements about ‘the triangle’, as, for instance, that
its interior angles are equal to two right angles, and we know that
his statements are true. Of what is he speaking? Certainly not of
any triangle which we can perceive by our senses (for all these are
only approximately triangles), nor even of any we can imagine. He
is speaking of what is ‘just a triangle’ (avro rpiywvov) and nothing
more. Now, if geometry is true, that triangle must be the true
triangle. It is from this consideration that the theory seems to
have arisen.
The next step is to extend it to such things as ‘right? (S/cacov)
and ‘ beautiful’ (caddy). We seem to be able to make true state-
ments about these too; and, if so, it follows that ro Sikacoyv and 16
kahév must be real in the same sense as ‘the triangle’. We have
never had experience of a perfectly right action or a perfectly
beautiful thing, yet we judge actions and things by their greater or
less conformity to what is ‘just right’ (adrd Sikaov) and ‘just
beautiful’ (avrd Kaddv).
The ‘ forms’, then, are what we really mean by ‘triangle’, ‘right’,
‘beautiful’, and it will be found helpful to think of them in the first
place as meanings. There are, of course, further difficulties, but
these can be dealt with as they arise. On the whole subject see
A. E. Taylor, P/afo, Chap. II.
hapev tr eivar... 7 otSév; ‘Do we Say there is such athing...
or not?’ It is to be noticed that, in introducing the doctrine,
Socrates says ‘we’, and Simmias, to whom it is apparently familiar,
accepts it enthusiastically, also using the first person plural. The
suggestion clearly is that Socrates and Simmias are using the
language of a school to which both belong. The same phenomenon
recurs whenever the doctrine is mentioned. Cp. E. Gr. Ph.
P- 354 sq.
avté, ‘by itself.’ In this technical sense airé is a development
of atrés, ‘alone.’ It has become almost adverbial, as we see from
such expressions as avro 7) apety, avto Stxatoovvn (Riddell, Dig. § 47).
We come nearest the meaning by rendering it ‘just’. The transla-
tion ‘27 itself’ is highly misleading ; for it suggests the modern
doctrine that we cannot know the ‘ thing in itself’, whereas the advo
Tplywvoy is just the only triangle we can know.
1251 33 D
 65 NOTES

d6 apév pévror vy Ata, ‘I should think we do!’ The particle pévros

is used when the emphatic word of a question is repeated in
an affirmative answer (cp. 81d6; 93c¢2), and may be further
strengthened by v7) Aia (cp.68b7; 73d11). Olympiodorus gives
us the orthodox Platonist interpretation of this remark: 6 Sippias
éroiuws ovykatatideraue (‘assents’) T@ mepi Tav eav Adyw@ ws cuY7/Ons
(‘familiar’) Tv@ayopetos.
d 12 vytetas, ioyvos: the addition of medical eidy like health and
strength is significant. It has quite recently become known that
Philolaus played an important part in the history of medicine
(E. Gr. Ph.® p. 322). If medicine is a true science, its objects must
be real like those of geometry.
raeie: kat tOv dAAwv «tA. The construction is xal évl Ady@ mept ris
ovotas Tv GAhwy dravtwy, 1.€. Trav Gddwy dnayrwy is governed by
ovatas, which is governed by wepi understood. Tr. ‘And, to sum up,
I am speaking of the reality of all the rest, i.e. of what each of them
really is’.
évi Aoyw: this phrase is not quite accurately rendered by ‘in one
word’; for Adyos does not mean ‘a word’, nor is there any Greek
word for ‘a word’. A Adyos is always a statement, and in the great
majority of cases consists of several ‘ words’.
THs ovotas, ‘the reality.” In this sense the term ovata was not
familiar at Athens (where it meant ‘ property’, ‘estate’), and it is
explained by 6 tuyxdver éxagrrov dv, ‘what a given thing really is’
(cp. Afeno 72b1 peditrrns wept ovaias Gtt mor’ eoriv). It was not,
however, invented by Socrates, and still less by Plato. In Cyrazt.
401C 3 we read 6 nyets “ otalav” Kadovpev, eioly ot ecolav” Kadovow,
ot 0’ av “‘woiav’’, and we see from 401d 3 that Socrates there means
THY TavT@v ovcoiay, just as he does here. We could hardly be told
more plainly that the term is Pythagorean. The fem. pcp. éoga =
ovaa is genuine Doric, and égova is therefore a correct Doric form,
while daia, though only found now in pseudo-Pythagorean writings,
may be justified by the boeotian toca.
€ 3 auto €kaorov, ‘any given thing by itself,’ generalizing avdrd Sikaoy,
avro Ka\dv, avro péyeOos, &c. If we wish to know a thing, we must
think ‘just that’, e. g. ‘ just the triangle’, leaving out of account its
material, colour, &c., and even its particular shape (equilateral,
isosceles, or scalene).
34
 NOTES 65
kaNapotata, ‘most cleanly.” To the mathematical mind irrele-
vancy suggests dirt. Later mathematicians speak of the ‘elegance’
of a demonstration in a similar sense.
avtTp Ty Stavoia, ‘with thought alone.’
pate... mapatiOepevos, ‘ without taking into account.’ As ridevar
is used of ‘setting down’ an item in an account, it is probable that
napariOeva is here equivalent to apponere (cp. Hor. Carm.i.g. 15 lucro
appone), though I can find no exact parallel. The middle, as often,
would give the sense ‘setting down to his own account’. If this is
correct, we must understand ra Aoy:ope from the context.
aw’ ou: I have written rw for rjv as being more idiomatic, and
because B has a superfluous tia in the next line, which I take to be
a correction of ryv added after the wrong pre.
épéAkwy, ‘trailing after him.’
avTy Ka’ aityv .. . ait xaQ’ atto: thought ‘alone by itself’
apprehends its object ‘alone by itself’. Cp. 64c6.
eiAuxpivet . .. eiAtkptvis: Cicero (Of i. 4) translates szmcerium,
Tertullian (de An. 41) germanum. The etymology is uncertain,
but the meaning is ‘ unmixed’, ‘ unadulterated’. Valckenaer (quoted
by Stallbaum) says : proprie signtficat volvendo s. volubilt agitatione
secretum, aigue adeo cribro purgatum, and ‘sifted clean’ would
certainly suit very well.
Onpeve : the favourite metaphor of Socrates. Cp. above 63a 2 .,
and 66 c2 tip Tov dvt0s Onpay, 115 bg worep Kar’ ixyn.
tov ovtey, ‘things,’ apparently, but at a 8 tod évros is ‘the truth’.
é«e mavtwv TovTwv, as a conclusion from the three arguments Just
given.
mapiotacGar Séfav, ‘that a belief like this should be brought home
to—.’ Cp. 58e5 7.
» yvnotws, ‘ genuinely,’ much the same as opés (64a 4; 67€ 4) and
d:xalos (83 €5).
3 Somep dtpamés [ts], ‘it looks as if a sort of by-way’, ‘a short cut
as it were’. The weight of evidence is slightly against the addition
of ts (W omits it in the text, and adds it in the margin) ; but,
whether it is added or not, the phrase is the subject of xwdweves
(cp. Meno 70c 4 éomep adxpos tts, ‘a sort of drought’), and there is
no reason for inserting 6 Odvaros after it with Tournier. Further,
the short cut is not death—the yrynoiws gidcoopot know there is no
35 D2
 66 NOTES

thoroughfare that way—but the pedern Oardrov or philosophy itself.

An arparnés is properly a ‘track’ over hills or through woods (semzza,
sentter), which does not follow the turnings of the high road. The
mountain-path taken by the Persians at Thermopylae is so called
(Hdt. vii. 215, Thuc. iv. 36). There was a Pythagorean precept ras
Aewpdpous yy Badi¢erv, ‘not to walk on highways,’ and Olympiodorus
supposes a reference to this here. Though no doubt originally
a mere taboo, it may quite possibly have received some such applica-
tion as this by the end of the fifth century B.c. (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 105).
The Pythagorean idea of the ‘Way’ (650s Biov) would naturally
suggest the idea of the Narrow Path.
b 4 expéepew pas: as the metaphor of hunting dominates the whole
passage (cp. 66423. and c2 tiv Tov dvros Oypav), the meaning is
really settled by Soph. Az. 7 ed S€ o° exéper | kvvds Aakaivyns &¢ ts
eUpivos Baois. ‘ The by-way brings us on to the trail in our hunt
after truth.’ It will be seen that the metaphor of the drpamés gains
very much when we bring it into close connexion with the hunt.
peta tod AGyou év tH oxcer: these words have been variously
interpreted. ‘There is no difficulty about ¢v 77 oxéyree except that
the phrase is superfluous. As to pera rod Adyouv it must mean the
same thing as peta tov Aoyopod above (66a1). Schleiermacher
transposed the words, placing them after ¢xwp<y, where they make
excellent sense; but, on the whole, it seems more likely that they
are a marginal note on €xywyey which has got into the wrong
place.
bs om, because,’
cupteduppivy ; the word suggests the opposite of xa@apwrara
(65 e6).
b7 pupias... doyoAias, ‘countless distractions.’
C2 tov dvtos: i,€. Tov adnOovs (cp. b7).
e3 eiSeAwv, ‘imaginations.’
C 4 +O Aeyopevov, ‘as the saying is. This must refer to the phrase
ovde Ppovnoa eyytyverat, ‘we don’t even get a chance of thinking
for it... We do not know what quotation or proverb Socrates
refers to.
as GAnPas to Svtt, ‘in very truth.’ The two phrases are placed
€x mapa\AnAov, as the grammarians say, and their effect is cumulative.
Both (and in later dialogues 6yrws) are used to emphasize the
36
 NOTES 66
-appositeness of quotations. We also find dreyvés in the same sense.
Cp. 90 C4.
Sid ydp ktA. The same account of the origin of war is put into
the mouth of Socrates in ep. 373¢6. The dialogue of the
Republic is supposed to take place during the Peloponnesian War,
and that of the Paedo while the memory of it was still fresh, and
it was Clearly recognized, especially by opponents of the war like
Aristophanes, that commercial interests had a great deal to do with
it. (Cp. the Acharnians on the Megarian decree.)
ro 8 éxyartov, ‘and the worst of all is that —.’ Cp. 75 b€ péyeoror
ort (followed also by ydp).
mapamimtov, ‘turning up,’ when you least expect it. Cp. Ref.
561b 3 ry mapanintoven aet (jS0vy), Laws 832b6 to maparentaxore
Neyo.
aitd tad mpaypata, ‘things by themselves’, ‘just the things
themselves’. There is no distinction between mpaypara and évra.
dpovyjcews iS assimilated in case to the preceding relative (Riddell,
Dig. § 192). The phrase @povycews epagrai is an explication of the
name duddcogor.
&s 6 Adyos onpaive, ‘as the a:gument signifies.’ This is the only
rendering which will suit all the passages where this phrase occurs,
so we must not think of the fepos Adyos here.
' Svoiv Odtepov: the regular way of introducing a dilemma.
| 87 pry waoa dvayky: cp. 64e1 Kad” dvov ju) WOAH avayKn peréyew
avt@v, 83.26 dcoy py avayKy aitois xpjoGa.
5 pydé dvamiprAmpeba, ‘nor suffer the contagion of.” Cp. Thuc. ii.
51 (in the description of the Plague) érepos ad’ €répou Oepureias ava-
mimAdpevo. (‘one catching the infection from tending another’)
aonep mpdBara €Oyyoxov. So also 83d 10 100 ca@patos avarhea.
3 peta torcovTwv: sc. kadapev (Riddell, Dig. § 54). Some suppose
this to be neuter and refer it to atra ra mpayputa or dvra, but it is far
better to take it of the ‘great company’ of which Socrates speaks
above (63b8). The xa§apoi are in Orphic language ‘ the saints’.
Su’ fpav adtav: no longer ‘through a glass darkly’,
I Totro 8’ éotiv icws to GAnOés, ‘and that, I take it, is the truth.’
Cp. 66b7 dapey de rodro iva 76 adnOés. No real doubt is expressed
by icws. Cp. opinor.
2 py od... ‘I fear it is not.’
a4
For this characteristically
37
 67 NOTES

Platonic idiom (he has it thirty-five times) see Goodwin, 1/7. 7.,
> 265.
b 4 rovs (p%as prropabets, equivalent to rovs yrynoiws didoadpous (cp.
66 b 2); for dudouaéns is freely used as an equivalent of dirdcodos,
and 6p6as refers to the dp@drns dvopdtwy. It means those who are
pirdcogot ‘in the true sense of the word’, those who ‘ have a right to
the name’. So in 82c2 of dp0as diAcoodo are the same as oi dtxalws
diropabeis 83e5. For this sense of dpéas cp. Eur. Alc. 636 ovk
jo tip’ dpbes tovde Gapatos natnp; Lipp. 1169 ws ap nod “pos
ratip | pas, Androm. 376 oitives pirat | 6pOas repiKaa(t).
b 8 é\nis ... KtyoacGar: the aor. inf. is preferred after éAmis éorw
(cp. 68aI eAmis éorw ... TuxEt).
bio mpaypateta : Cp. 64 e 4.
piv: i.e. the Socratic circle.
a2 ddA av&pt, ‘for any one else,’ a more emphatic d\Xo revi.
Kd€apois: this is the central idea of Orphicism (cp. 61a 3 7.).
ae)
The Pythagoreans seem to have added the practice of xaOapous
by science to the original ca@apots by abstinence and the like (E.
Gr Pit p17):
rodto is the predicate, and is used fraeparative. Cp. 62a2m.
oupBaive. is here personal. For the other construction cp.
14.42.
Omep Tada ... A€yevat: this has not been said in the course of
the present argument, and must, I think, be understood in the light
of 636 Somep . .. marae A€yerae and the zadads Adyos Of FO C5.
Cp. also 69c5 mada aivitrecOat, It seems to be the regular way of
referring to the Orphic fepds Adyos, Sas is said by those of old in the
Word. (ep. © Gre Ph 5746, 2.9).
c 6 TO xwpifew «tA. As Wohlrab justly remarked, this is to be
understood in the light of the account given in Symp. 174.c and
220 c of Socrates standing stilland silent for hours at atime. The
religious term for this was éxoraous, ‘stepping outside’ the body.
di povyy Kad’ ateqv: syn. avtny Kal’ avriv. Cp. 64c6 7.
Sotep [ék] Seopav ktA. There is considerable uncertainty about
the reading. The commonest idiom is éomep éx deapav tov caparos,
but sometimes the preposition is repeated (cp. 82e€3; 115) 9).
In 72m. 79 a3 we have domep atdAa@vos Ota TOU Gaparos.
d 8 op§as: cp. 67b 4a.
38
 NOTES 67
Tedoiov’ 1as 8’ of ; The MSS. have ov yeXotov 3 and give the words
to Socrates, but we should then expect7 ov yeAoiov; The Petrie
papyrus has only room for seven letters, so I have deleted od and
given yeAotov to Simmias.
ei. . . StaPeBAnvrar, ‘if they are at variance with’, ‘ estranged
from’ the body. The original sense of d:afadAew is ‘to set at
variance’, els éyOpav kaOiorava.
ei poBotvro: T omits e/, but its repetition is natural in a binary
protasis like this, especially as there is a change of mood, and ei has
a slightly different meaning in the two clauses.
et pr... forav: this simply repeats ef @oBoivro in a negative
form (aéa). Cp. Afol. 20€ aod ye otdev tov GANwy Tepittdérepoy
TpaypaTevopevov ... €¢ pr) Te empartes GAXotov 7 of ToAXol.
7} 6vOpwrmivev pev k7A. A good instance of the disjunctive question,
in which two statements are bound together ina single interrogation
to signify that they cannot or should not both be true at once. In
such questions dpa (a7) is regular in the second clause. We
must subordinate the first to the second (‘Can it be that, where-
as ...?’) or use two sentences. In Sym. 179bsqq. Alcestis,
Eurydice, and Patroclus are given as examples of ‘ human loves’
whom men have gone to seek beyond the grave. Such loves are
contrasted with the ‘divine beloved’ of which Socrates speaks in
the Gorgias (482a4 dirovodiay, ra €ua madcKa).
peteAOetv, ‘to go in quest of.’ The MS. authority is in favour of
eAGetv, but the pereAOeiy of T is too good for a mere error.
dpovycews ... épdv: syn. Piidaogos. Cp. 66e3 7.
»
‘ ole bai ye xpq, ‘I should think so!’
} pydapod dAdo xtA. It is noteworthy that the reading which the
original scribe (B, not B?) has added in the margin (with the mono-
gram for ypadera) is that of the Petrie papyrus, which was written
within a hundred years of Plato’s death. This shows how old some
of those variants are.
) Omrep Gpte éAeyov, sc. 67e9. The antecedent to the relative is the
following question.
7 pevro. vy Ata: cp. 65d 6 2.
3 todro is used praeparative (cp. 62a 2 #.) and refers to the relative
clause dy dy idns xrA. This construction is as old as Homer (//.
xiv. 81 BéArepor ds hevywy mpopvyn kaxdy né addon). Cp. Thue. vi.
39
 68 NOTES

14 7) Kards dpa rovr’ etvar bs dy ry matpioa apedknon, Xen. Oec. 4.

19 é€ym S€ rovTo yyoi pa peéya TEK}LN ploy apxovtos apetis etvat, @ ap
€KOVTES ETWVTAL,

bg ov dp’ Hv: the use of the imperfect of something just realized was
first explained by Heindorf in his note on this passage. With this
imperfect apa represents our ‘So!’ of surprise. ‘So he isn’t a
philosopher after all!’
giroxpypatos Kai gdiAdtipos: the tripartite division of the soul
which plays so great a part in the Repfud/ic is here implied; for
xpnuara are the object of éewiuuia and Tun Of Oupds. We find
pedoxpyuaros as a synonym of em@vynrixds in Lep. 436a13 549b2;
580c2 enOupntixoy yap adro Kekdijxapev .. . kal dtdoxprparoy 84),
ore Sud xpnudtroy pddiota arorehovvtat ai roradrat emiOupiat, 581a5
ToUTO THs Wuyxis TO pepos. « « Kadovrres Gidoypynyatoy Kal idrokepdées
opO0as av kadoiper. So didSripos is a regular synonym of dupoedis,
e.g. 551a7 avti Oy pidovikwy Kal Piroriwoy avdpov diroxpnuatioral —
kat iioyprparoe tedevT@vTEs eyevovto, This somewhat primitive
psychology is doubtless older than Socrates ; for it stands in close
relation to the Pythagorean doctrine of the ‘ Three Lives’ (E. Gr.
Ph. pp. 108, 109, 2.1). To Plato the soul is really one and in-
divisible, in spite of the use he makes ofthe older view. Cp. Galen,
de Hipp. et Plat., p. 425 ws xat 6 Tlovedwmds gyow éxeivou (Hvda-
yopov) mpatov pev elvar Aéywr To Séypa, TAdtova b€ eEepydoacba Kai
Katagkevacat Tehewtepov avtd, 20. 478 Tloaedaveos dé kat WvOayépav
pyoiv, avrov pey tov IvOaydpov cvyypappatos ovdevos eis nuas Siacwto-
yévov, Tekpatpopevos b€ €€ ay érot TOY pabnTray avtov yeypahacw. Tam-
blichus, ap. Stob. £cé. 1, p. 369 (Wachsmuth) Oi d¢ epi TAdrova kat
"Apxeras Kat of Aowrot TvOuydpecou thy Wuxiy tptyepy anodaivortai,
Ovatpouvres els Aoyto pov Kal Ovpov Kal émtOuptay. Posidonius is not likely
to have been mistaken on such a point.
+a érepa . .. dpddtepa: for the plural pronouns referring toa
single fact see Riddell, Dig. § 42.
C5 kat dvopafopevy: this is more clearly expressed atc 8 iy kai oi
TmodXat ovopacovat.
c6 Tois oUTw Staketpéevors : this is made more explicit below, c II.
cs Oixotv is repeated by c 10 dp’ ov.
hv kal ot moAAoi ktA, This is best explained by Laws 7J10a5 thy
Snpwsn ye (swPpoovvynv) . . ~ Kal ovx BY Ts TepvUvar dv Aéyoar, Ppovnowy
40
 NOTES 68

mpoaavaykilor eivat tO cwodpovetv. We are not speaking here of

courage and gwpoovyy in the high Socratic sense in which they are
identical with knowledge. Vy ee 7

émtofjo@a, ‘to be excited? This verb suggests primarily the

quickened heartbeat of fear or desire. Cp. Hom. Od. xxii. 298 ppéves
erroindev, Sappho 2. 6 rd poe pay | Kapdiay ev ornbeoww emroacer.
év didogodia Lao. : Philosophy is a life. Cp. 7heaet.174b1 &v
gurtiocogia Suayovor and 61a 3 2.
e ... @éAas, ‘if you care” Cp. Prot. 324a3; 342d6.
Meno 7jial.
tav peyiAwv kakav: it is unnecessary to add eva to the partitive
genitive, but there was evidently an ancient variant tay peyiotov
kak@v eivact Which is hardly consistent with pelovwv kakav just
below, by which phrase such things as dishonour and slavery are
intended.
dtav tropevwow : the addition of such phrases is almost a man-
nerism. There is no emphasis, and the meaning is merely éxdorore,
otavy tuxn, §on occasion. Cp. Euthyphro 7d 4 ¢xé@poi addAnros
yryvopeOa, dray yeyvopeda.
ddoyov: cp. 62b2 2.
ol Kooprot: syn. of cappoves. Cp. 83e6. Attic tends to substitute
less emphatic words for adjectives implying praise. So dyads is
represented by omovdatos, emvetkis, xpnords, pérpros, and aodis by
xapies, kouos, &c. There is the same tendency in English; cp.
‘decent’, ‘ respectable’ as substitutes for ‘ good’.
dkokacia tii xtA., ‘it is immorality that makes them moral?
The appositive structure is regular after rovro rarvxeww. Cp. below
7347 (Riddell, Dig. § 207). The regular opposite of cappoovvn
(the virtue of moral sanity, for which English has no name) is
dkohacia. The literal meaning of akdAaoros is ‘unchastened ’.
Kaito. dapév ye... GAA’ Cpos..., ‘we say, indeed... but yet...’
For this combination of particles, which marks a concession after-
wards partially retracted, cp. below e 7 and Euthyphro 32 xairos
ovdév Ort ork aAnOes Elpnka Gv mpoeimov, GAN’ Opas . ++
cupBaiver ...Sporov, ‘turns out in their case to be like this.” TW
add civa, but cp. Gorg. 479 C8 cupBaiver péyioroy kakov 7 adcKia,
+5 md00s 1O mepi KTA., ‘the condition of —’ (wep, ¢ acc. as a
genitive equivalent).
4l
 68 NOTES

e5 TAUTHV, 2SAIM.
ev On, ‘naive’, ‘unsophisticated’, ‘artless’. The Petrie papyrus
reads avdpanodwdn, but that seems to be an anticipatory recollection
of 69 b8.
69a 6 py... ovx atty 4, ‘perhaps this is not —.’ Cp. 67b2 2.
mpos cperyv, ‘judged by the standard of goodness.’ Cp. Isocr.
4. 76 odd mpis apyvpioy ry evdatpoviay éxpivoy (Riddell, Dig. § 128).
We can hardly give mpés the same sense as in the next line ; for
there is no question of exchanging pleasures and pains for goodness.
Govudness is the standard of value, and wisdom (dpéynats) is the
only currency in which it can be rightly estimated. Nor can mpds
mean ‘towards’, ‘in the direction of’. That interpretation is
a survival from the time of the vulgate text, which omitted aAd\ayn
and had to be understood as 7 6p07 mpos dpetnv (sc. 656s). The
disappearance of a\A\ay7 from the text is an interesting study in
corruption. B has adda, and T must have had the same; for it
presents us with an erasure of four letters. The vulgate text came
from a copy of T. W and Iamblichus preserve the word.
a7 mpos Sovas, ‘for pleasures,’ contra voluptates.
a 8 peiLo mpos éAdttw, i.e. greater pains and fears for less, and lesser
pleasures for greater, e.g. the fear of slavery for the fear of death,
the pleasures of the table for the pleasures of health.
a9 GAN’ q, i.e. dAAG py) 7, the construction being carried on from a 6.
Pleasures and pains are to be exchanged for wisdom, which alone
makes goodness truly good. If we give up the pleasures of the
table, not merely to enjoy the pleasures of health, but because they
stand in the way of the acquisition of wisdom, we may be said to
exchange them for wisdom, and that is true cappoavvn. So, if we
only face death to escape slavery, that is mere popular courage.
To put the thing in a modern way, this is a sort of ethical mono-
metallism, wisdom being the gold standard of value.
bi kal rovrou pév mavta ktA. I think it certain that this sentence
is interpolated. The words rovrov pév wavra clearly belong to wvov-
pevad Te Kat mimpackspeva, and their meaning must be ‘all things
bought and sold for wisdom’, but it is hardly credible that Plato
should use ®votpeva as a passive, or that he should use murpackopeva
at all. For dreicOac in a passive sense, the grammars can only
quote Xen. £g. 8. 2 dre pev yap ewveiro, meipaoGat exehevouer et Suvacro
42
 NOTES 69
6 imros ratra roetv, but there it is clearly active, ‘at the time he
was buying it.’ As to mupackdépeva, Cobet’s remark is true: Megue
Tones neque Attici ea forma utuntur, sed apud sequiores protrita
est (Nov. Lect. p. 158). It occurs only in one other place (Soph.
224 a3), where also it seems to be interpolated. I believe, then,
that rovrov péev mdvta wvovpeva kal murpackdspeva is a scholium on
kai pera tovrov. The interpretation is wrong, as Wyttenbach saw;
for we are not supposed to buy and sell goodness for wisdom, but to
buy wisdom with pleasures, &c. If we take the sentence thus, the
simile does not break down, as Geddes and Archer-Hind say
it does.
peTa ToUTOV TH Svt. H, ‘When accompanied by this (i.e. wisdom)
our goodness really is goodness.’ The words pera rovrov are ex-
plained by b4 pera dpovnoews and opposed to b6 yapitopeva b€
gpovnoews. I should like to read pera pev rovrov. If I am right
about the interpolation, it implies this reading.
Kat dvSpeta ktA. In the Profagoras Socrates shows that true
courage only belongs to those who are @appadéot per éemtotnuns.
This is the way in which he interpreted the doctrine, which was
common to him and to the ‘ Sophists’, that Goodness is Knowledge.
The distinction between ‘philosophic’ and ‘popular’ goodness
came to be of great importance. Cp. my edition of Aristotle’s
Ethics, pp. 65 sqq. (where, however, I have ascribed to Plato what
I now see belongs to Socrates).
} kal mpooyyvopivey Kai droyyvopévev, ‘ whether they be added or
not.’ The verbs are virtual passives of mpooriGévar and adaipeir,
‘to add’ and ‘to subtract’, Cp. mpocetvat, rpookeia bat
5 xupthdpeva S€ «th. As the participle agrees with mavra tavra
(b 1), i.e. pleasures, pains, &c., there is a slight anacoluthia in
py... 4%) Tolavrn apern. Socrates means ‘the goodness which
depends upon the exchange of fears, pleasures, &c., for one another
apart from wisdom’.
) [kai] dAAattépeva: as kai is omitted in B, it is probably an inter-
polation arising from failure to see that ywpi(dueva is dependent on
dAXarrépeva (cp. 64b22.). The meaning will then be ‘exchanged
for one another apart from wisdom’ (opp. pera rovrov).
oxtaypadia tis, ‘a sort of scene-painting’ (Cope). Cp. Photius
oxiaypados 6 viv oxnvoypapos. The term does not mean ‘a rough
43
 69 NOTES

sketch’, but implies the use of painted shadows to produce the

impression of solid relief on a flat surface. This art has two chief
characteristics: (1) it is deceptive, cp. Critias 107d1 oxiaypadia
... dgahet kal aratnd@, (2) it only produces its effect froma distance.
Cp. Theaet. 208€7 €redn eyyis Gorep oxiaypapnuatos yéyova tov
Acyopevov, Tuvinut ovdE opixpdv’ Ews O€ aheotiKn méppaber, epaivero Ti
po. N\eyeo€at. The most instructive passage is Wep. 365 c 3 mpddupa
pev Kal oxnpa KUKA@ Tepl euavroy oKLaypadiay apetns mepryparréoy,
where the idea is that of a ‘ painted fagade’, on which columns, &c.,
are made to appear solid by skilful shading. Cp.also Rep. 583b 5
and Parm.165c7. When Aristotle (ez. 1414 a 8) compares the
diction of the public speaker (Snpnyopexy A€Eis) to cxtaypadia, he
does not mean that it is ‘sketchy’, but that it requires the light
and shade to be ‘laid on thick’.
b 7 dv8parro8a5ys : so in Rep. 430b7 Socrates opposes true courage
to Thy... Onpi@dn kai avdparodadn, and in Phaedr. 258e5 he says of
bodily pleasures dixkaiws dvSparodades Kéxdynvra, just because they
imply preceding pain (ro mpoAurnOjvat).
b 8 ovdév tyes... éxq, ‘has nothing sound about it.’ The word
vyeys is used of earthen or metal vessels which have no crack or
flaw (opp. ca@pés). The old variant éyovea for éyn gives a smoother
construction, but we may easily understand # after re in b 8. See
Vahlen, Ofzsc. ii. 361.
70 8 dAnOes, ‘the real thing’, of which the cxaypadia gives a
deceptive appearance.
C1 «dGapors, ‘purgation.’ Cp. 61a3 %. In Xen. Symp. 1. 4 Callias
son of Hipponicus uses the phrase dvdpdaoww éxxexabappévois ras
Wuxas Sorep vwiv in addressing Socrates, Critobulus, Hermogenes,
Antisthenes, and Charmides. He seems to have heard something
of Socrates’ teaching on this point, unless he is merely drawing
on the Phaedo.
C2 Kaappés: this is the specifically religious term for the initiatory
ceremony of ‘purgation’. The religious poem of Empedocles was
entitled kadappoi (E. Gr. Ph.? pp. 256 sqq.).
C3 tds teXeTas: the mystic ‘initiations’, The context shows that
the people referred to are the ’Opdeoredeorai.
C4. ovtor, “st? The touch of ironical condescension is characteristi-
cally Socratic (cp. 62b5z.). It is plain that Socrates did not
44
 NOTES 69
think much of the actual ’Opdeoredecrai of his time, who are
described in the Refudlic (364 e 3 sqq.) in terms which suggest the
itinerant friars, pardoners, and traffickers in indulgences of the later
Middle Ages.
kataotyoavtes: Cp. Eur. Bacch. 21 xdxet yopevoas kai xataotnoas
epas | TedeTas,
aivitterOat, ‘to speak in riddles’ (aiviyyata). The word is regu-
larly used of allegorical statements. It comes from Ion. aivos,
‘fable’, ‘riddle’ (cp. 61b4 2.). For mwéAau cp. 67¢5 #.
év BopBopw Keloetar, ‘will lie inthe Slough.’ Cp. Ref. 363d 5 (of
the Orpheotelestae) rods dé dvociovs ad Kai adixous els mdov tiva
katopittoval ev “Atwdov. The BdpBopos is also referred to in Ar.
Frogs 145 etra BépSopov rodvy | kat oxap deivwy* ev d€ rovT@ Ketpevous
ei wou E€vov tis NOiknoe KTA., and Olympiodorus is doubtless right in
saying mapwdet éros ’Opduxdv. Heindorf quotes a saying of the Cynic
Diogenes (Diog. Laert. vi. 39) yeActov ef "Aynaidaos pev kal “Erapet-
vavdus ev To BopBdpw diaovow, evredets S€ tives peuvnpevoe ev Tals
pakdpey vygos ێoovra. We must interpret Rep. 533d 1 Te ove
ev BopBipa BupBapik@ runt TO THs Wuyns 6upa KaTopwpvypevoy in the
light of this.
vapOynkodcpot pév moAAot: Plato often adapts the beginning of
a verse to his own prose, preferring to slip into the verse rather
than give a formal quotation. The origina! must have been voAdoi
pev vapOnkodpdpor, The vapOn€& (ferula communts) was the plant of
which the Dionysiac /Ayrsus was made.
Baxyor: the true worshippers were so called (cp. the Baxxa of
Euripides). Schol. Ar. Az/ghts 406 Baxxov ov tov Atdvucov éxddovy
pdvov, adda kal mavtas Tovs TeAOUVTUs Ta Opyta. See Farnell, Cz/ts of
the Greek States, vol. v, p. 151.
-- 8p0as, ‘in the true sense of the word.’ Cp. 67b 42.
dv ... yevéeoOar, ‘to become one of whom’, ‘to join whose
number’.
we
ovdév daréAutrov, ‘I have left nothing undone.’ The phrase states
negatively what is positively stated by wavri tpor@ mpovOupnOny (cp.
Meno 7723 mpoOvpias ovdev arodeiw), ‘I have done my best in
_ every Way.’
kal +L Avvcapev: i.e. ‘I and the rest of the band’. The shift from
singular to plural is quite natural. To read jyvodyny with Heindorf
45
 69 NOTES

would make the plurals which follow (€A@dvres ... elodpeOa) very
awkward.
d5 6 ca¢és, ‘for certain.” Cp. 57b1%.
d7 tatr’... dmodoyotpar as ..., ‘this is the defence I make to
show that —.’ Cp. 63e8.
d8_ tots év0i8e SeomdTas: cp. 62e1; 63a6 sqq.
er kdaKkel: cp. 64a1 2.
e3 Toisdé... mapéxer: these words seem to have been interpolated
here from 7oal. They break the sentence awkwardly and spoil
the effect of the phrase when it comes in its proper place. Such
things do not happen often in the text of Plato, but they happen
sometimes.

(3) Cebes points out that all this ¢tmplies the tmmortality of the
soul, and asks that this should be established (69 e6—70 Cc 3).
€6 trodaBov: cp. 60 c8 2.
70a4 eb0vs dmaddattopevy KTA. Riddell (Dig. § 207) takes these words
down to ovdapyov 7 as explanatory of the preceding clause (‘ binary
structure’). I have punctuated after a 4 coparos with Heindorf.
Then xat will co-ordinate Scabdeipytrat Kut amoddvnrat with ofynrat,
and é«Baivovea will belong only to the second clause. It is easy to
‘understand’ copuros with it.
a5 hotep rvedpa Kkatvos StacKkedac0ctoa: this is the belief assumed
throughout the Homeric poems. The Wuy7 is the ‘ghost’ which
a man ‘gives up’, the breath which he ‘expires’ at death. For the
carves cp. //, xxill, 100 Wuyn dé kata xOovds nite Kxarvos | dxeTO
rerpiyvia, a verse Selected for special reprobation by Socrates in the
Republic (387 a1).
a6 ovdév €rt ovSapod 4: Homer does not go so far as this; for even
in the House of Hades there is a Wuyy kat cidwAov. But it might
just as well be nothing and nowhere; for it is witless (drap ppéves
OUK Et TdapTray, (il, 104).
avuty Kal’ atryv cuvynPpoicpéevy: Cp. 67 8.
b2 apapv@ias, ‘persuasion’, ‘reassurance’. Cp. Laws 720 a1 mapa-
pudias ... kat wedovs. The original sense of mapapudcica is ‘to
talk over’ (cp. mapaddnut, wapetroyv, mapareiOw) as in 83a3. The
meanings ‘encourage’, ‘console’, as in 115 d5, are secondary.
miotews, ‘ proof,’ not ‘belief’.
46
 NOTES 7oO

} ux: there seems to be no rule for the addition or omission of

the article with wuyy. Where MSS. differ, the less commonplace
use without the article is to be preferred.
Svvapiv éxe. kai dpdvyow: even Homer allows that souls ‘are
somewhere’ after death, but Cebes wishes to be assured that they
are not merely dyeynva kapynva (this is the point of dvvauw exet), of
whom it can be said peves otk €m mayrav. Here, then, dpdvnars is
not equivalent to codia, but is used in its popular sense, answering
to the Homeric dpéeves.
"AAnOG, <hn, A€yers, 6 Swxpirys: for the interlaced order (a 4 a 4)
ep. 97C1; 78alo0; 78es5; 82c9; 8364 (Riddell, Dig. $ 288),
as Stapv0cAcyGpev: cp. pvdodroyeiv, 61e2 ”. The word is specially
appropriate as introducing etre efkos Kr).
|Lon kwpwdororés : Aristophanes was not the only comic poet who made
fun of Socrates. Eupolis said (fr. 352) Mica 6¢ xai (rov) Swxparn, Tov
nmtw@yxov ado\€axny, | 6s TadAa pev medpdvtikev, | drdbev dé Katapayeiv
€yot TovTou KarnpéAnkevy, a fragment preserved by Olympiodorus in
his commentary on this passage. The charge of adoAecyia (‘ gar-
rulity’) was commonly brought against all men of science by the
practical Athenians and the comic pocts who wrote to please
them.
od Tept tpoonkévtwy, ‘about things which do not concern me’,
‘things I have nothing to do with’, For the position of the pre-
position see Riddell, Dig. § 298 and cp. 110 c2.

First Proof of Immortality (joc 4—7745).

This proof is based upon two considerations (1) the doctrine of
martyysveota, (2) the doctrine of avapynows, Neither of these taken
by itself furnishes a proof, though taken together they may be said
to do so (77¢7).
With regard to the proofs of immortality, it should be observed
that the first two are successively abandoned as inadequate, while
even the third is said to require further examination (107b 5). The
proof which satisfied Plato himself is not one of them (cp. 94 b 4 7.).
Nevertheless each contributes something to our knowledge of the
subject.
 70 NOTES

(1) Zhe ancient doctrine of radtyyevecia ts shown to rest on the

law of avrarddoots (JOC 4—72e 1).

c 4 av7é, ‘the matter.’ |

C5 madatos ...Adyos: cp. the way in which the same Orphic doctrine |
is introduced in Meno 81a 5 akykoa yap avdpay te kal yuvatkav copav
mept Ta Oeia TpaypaTa... a 10 Of perv Aeyortés eiot Ta iepewy TE Kal TOY
ieper@y Soois pewéeAyke TEpt Gy petayerpiCovra Adyor olor 7” etvar OcOdvae*
héyet O€ Kat livdapos Kat GAXot trodXot TOv ToLnT@v Gon Oetol eto. a Se
Aéyovew, TauTi €oTiv*... Hag yup THY Wuyxny Tov avOparrov etvat aOdvarov,
Kal rote pev TeMevTav—d Oy atroOvycKery KaNovgI—ToTe bE Tau ylyverOat,
amrdA\Avoba 8 ovderote., So Lfzs/. vil. 33542 mweiGerOa b€ ovras cet
Xp) Tots madawis Te Kal lepois Nvyous, of b) pnvvovTww Auiv aBdvarov
wWouyny evar ktA. For madads cp. 67¢5#. Herodotus (ii. 123) is
mistaken in assigning an Egyptian origin to this doctrine (E. Gr. Ph.?
Pp. 95).
c 6 ds eioiv évOéevSe ddixdpevar éxet, ‘that they are in the other world,
having come there from this.” There is no parallel to justify us in
taking eloiv adixduevat together as if it were eloiv adiypévat, Note
the interlaced order (a da 8).
Cs madw yiyveo8ar: the regular name for this doctrine in later writers
is madtyyeveoia. The word pereuyvywors, though it has found its
way into all modern languages, is quite inaccurate, and is not used
before Graeco-Roman times, and then very seldom (Diodocus,
Galen). Cp. Servius on 4en, ili. 68 nom pereprxwow sed madvyye-
veatay esse dictt (Pythagoras). WHippolytus, Clement, and other
Christian writers say perevowpdtwois (‘reincarnation’), which is
accurate but cumbrous.
tov tatt eivat, ‘of the truth of this.’ For the neuter plural cp.
Riddell, Dig. § 41.
d 7 kat dvOpotwv: cp. Meno 76 a5 xara yap mavros oNipartos TovTO héyo
(Riddell, Dig. § 121). Originally card, ¢. gev., is quite neutral in
meaning, especially in the phrase kata ravtwy (Isocr. 15. 189 Taira...
kata Tac@v héyopev TOY Texvav). From this use comes the Aristotelian
Katnyopew Te kata Tivos, ‘to predicate something of anything,’ and
kara Odov (eno 7726), ka@’ ddov, kaOddov.
el dp’: indirect questions are not infrequently introduced by dpa.
48
 NOTES 70

Cp. Lach. 18549 cxoreiv dpa... ., Meno 93 b 2 16d¢ oxoroiper, dpa...

Rep. 5269 oxeWwpeda dpa ..., and just below e 4.
I ottwoi: this is explained by otk dAdobev krA. Cp. 71a 9. Socrates
generalizes the Orphic doctrine that the living are born from the
dead, and treats it as a case of the principle, maintained by
Heraclitus, of the generation of opposites from opposites (E. Gr.
Ph.” p. 186).
2 bcos Tuyxaver dv ToLodTOv TL, ‘everything, that is, which has an
opposite,’ equivalent to e 5 dcos €ore Te evaytior.
kai dAAa 84 pupia ktA. For this way of breaking off an enumera-
tion cp. 73d 10; 94b 10 (Riddell, Dig. § 257).
5 Soos...av7d: for the singular pronoun referring to the plural
doo Cp. 104.02 (avroo referring to 4).
Svo yeveoers: if Opposites arise from one another, it follows that
between every pair of opposites (ueta&d awporepwr ravrwy T&v evartiwr’)
there must be two processes (yevéoers), one by which A arises from B,
another by which B arises from A.
3 at&yois Kai pOiors, ‘increase and decrease.’ We see from this
passage that much attention had already been given to accuracy of
terminology.
6 SraxpiverOar Kai ovykpiveoOar, ‘decomposing and combining.’
These terms were used by the early natural philosophers to denote
the analysis of compound bodies into their constituents, and the
formation of compound bodies out of something more primitive,
such as what were called at a later date e/ements (crotyeia).
7 av et py ktA. The attempt to construct an accurate termino-
logy in any language is sure to reveal gaps. In the £7/rcs Aris-
totle often has to say that the mean, or one or other of the extremes,
is dvovupov, Cp. Bywater on Poet. 144769.
19 ovfvylav, ‘pair’ (originally of oxen or horses). The word may be
applied, however, to a larger number of things than two. In
grammar it is a ‘conjugation’, i.e. a class of verbs similarly
inflected.
gy cot, thy, épd, 6 Swxpatys: for the interlaced order (a@6aé) cp.
70b5 2.
24 Toiv wept tadta, i.e. Tow router (repli ¢. ace. = gen.).
QB otk dvtamo8acopev; ‘shall we not assign it an opposite process
to balance it?’
1251 49 &
 71 NOTES
=> xwodAn, Shalt’, ‘lame in one foot’. Cp. the advice of Cimon pnre
tiv “EXAdda yodyy, unre thy TodAwW érepdtuya mepudeiv yeyernpevny
(Plat. Cyt. 46).
es: avaBidoKerOar, ‘to come to life again.’ Sometimes the verb is
transitive, ‘to bring to life again’ (e.g. Crzto 48c5); but in that
case the aorist 1s avaBi@oaaGar (not dvaBi@vat), as below 8gb Io.
72a6 eSdxer: 7Od 2.
aL St. oS dbixws KtA., ‘that we were not wrong either—’. Cp.
63b8 ndikovy ay, ‘I should be wrong.’
ai12 el... pr... dvramodtSoin, ‘unless there were a constant correspon-
dence.’ The verb is here intransitive, as below b 8. Cp. L. S. s.v.
arodiOwpe II,
br kuKAw tepucvta: the xvcAos tris yeveoews iS Orphic. It was just
from the Wheel of Birth that redemption (Avows) was sought by
means of purgatory observances (xa@appoi). On one of the gold
plates from Thurii (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 88) the ransomed soul says
kukhou © e€érrayv BapuTevOcos apyahéoto. Here, of course, the refer-
ence is to cyclical processes generally, but that is characteristic of
the way in which a scientific sense is given to religious ideas
throughout the passage.
2 eVOeia tts, ‘In a straight line.” A rectilinear process is only in one
direction, a circular has two.
b3 kal pr dvakapmro. ktA. The metaphor is taken from the diavios,
in which the runners turned round the caymrnp and came back to
the starting-point (Dict. Ant. s.v. Stadium, ii. 693 b). Cp. Aesch.
Ag. 344 xapat StavAov Oatepov K@dov radu.
bog TeXcuTOvTGa.. . aTodelEerev, ‘ would end by making Endymion seem
a thing of naught (a ‘bagatelle’) by comparison.’ This use of
amroSeckvupt is fully illustrated in Wyttenbach’s note. Cp. e.g. Plato,
Phaedr, 278 C6 héyav airtis... Ta yeypappeva dpaddra anodetEa, ELpist.
vil. 32447 xpvaov amodelEavras thy éumporbey modtretay, ‘making
the previous constitution seem like gold by comparison.’ Plut.
C. Gracch. 1 awédeak&e tovs addous pyropas maidov pndev diad€portas,
Plato, Epist. iv. 320 d 6 mapackevalou Tov Te AvKodpyov ekeivoy apyatoy
anodeEwv Kai Tov Kupoy, ‘to make them seem out of date by compari-
son.’ Wyttenbach shows too that Ayjpos is regularly used in such
comparisons. Cp. e.g. Arist. Lys. 860 Anpos eart TaAXa mpos Kivy-
ciav, Antiphanes fr. 232 dp’ €or Anpos mavra mpos TO xXpvoiov; Xen.
50
 NOTES 72
An. vii. 7. 41 ‘Hpakdei8n Anpos ravta eSdKet elvat mpos rd apytpioy eeu
€x Tavtos Tpo7ov. The meaning is not ‘to make the story of Endy-
mion appear an idle tale’, as most editors say. On the contrary,
it would be all the more credible.
-_ ovSapod dv daivorro, ‘he (note change of subject) would be no-
where,’ an expression taken, like its English equivalent, from the
race-course. Cp. Gorg. 456b8 ovdapod dv davnva tov larpor, ‘ the
doctor would come in nowhere.” Dem. de Cor. 310 ey ots otdapov
‘ s ‘ > - > ’ > , -
av davion YEYOV@S, OV TPWTOS, OV devrepos, ov Tpiros, ov TETAPTOS, OU
TEMMTOS, OVX EKTOS, OVX OTOTTOTOLY.
3. KxadevSav: just as rotro macxe &c. are regularly followed by a
clause in apposition (cp. 68e27.), so rovro macyxew (merovOévat) 1S
regularly followed by an infinitive in apposition. Cp. 73b7; 74a
6; 78c2. There is, therefore, no reason for deleting the word with
Dobree.
4 76 tod ’Avataydpov: cp. Anaxagoras fr. 1 ad init. “Opovd nuvra
xpnpara nv (E.Gr. Ph.? p.299). There is a similar jesting use of the
phrase in Govg. 465d 3 10 tov ‘Avagaydspou av word jy... Gyo dy
mavTa Xpy pata e:bipero €v TO avTa.

I «ce... Tv dddov, 1.e. from some other source than the dead who
were once alive.
8 ék Tav TeAOVeOTwv KTA. It is important to observe that in this
passage vi reOve@res are simply souls existing in the other world.
They are certainly not dead bodies. Ali through this argument
yéveors means the union of soul to body and @avaros their separa-
tion.
1 kal tats pév ye ktA. These words appear to repeat 63.¢6, where
the statement is in place.
(2) Zhe doctrine of avapynots is shown to rest on the theory of
forms (72€3—77a5)-
3 tmodaBav: cp. 60c8 7.
kal Kat’ éxetvov...e€ 6 Kat kata TodTov: the «ai means ‘as well as’
according to the madatds Adyos Of JOC S.
14 Svov ciwOas Sapa Aéyev: it is surely very difficult to regard this
definite statement as a fiction. The doctrine is also ascribed to
Socrates in the 1Zevo and the Phaedrus. It is to be noted, further,
that Cebes speaks of it as one peculiar to Socrates, while Simmias
+ E2
 72 NOTES

knows very little about it. It did not, therefore, belong to fifth-
century Pythagoreanism, though there can be little doubt of its
Orphic and Pythagorean origin. The legend of Pythagoras makes
a point of his remembering his earlier incarnations, and Empedo-
cles professed to remember his (E. Gr. Ph.® p. 259, ~. 1). The
apparent contradiction is to be explained as follows. The scientific
Pythagoreans of the fifth century had to some extent dropped the
religious doctrines of their founder (E. Gr. Ph.? pp. 319 sqq.), and
their teaching was really inconsistent with a belief in the soul’s
immortality (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 343). The originality of Socrates seems
19 have consisted just in this, that he applied the old religious
doctrine of avapyrynots to science, and especially to mathematical
science.
€5 oT. jjpiv KtA., ‘that our learning is really nothing else than
reminiscence,’ 1.e. that it is simply the process of being vremzuded
of what we once knew. It is important to bear in mind that the
process is one of bezug reminded, not merely one of remembering
or recollection.
e 6 kal Kata TovTov repeats and emphasizes car’ exeivov ..«. TOY Adyor
above (e 3).
€7 & viv dvaptpvyoKdpeba, ‘what we are now reminded of.’ Cp.
Meno 817 ovdev Oavpactoyv...otdy rt elvar adryy (Sc. THY Wuyny)
dvapynoOnvat & ye Kal mpérepov nriotato, d 2 Ev povoyv avapynabévta—éb
57) padnow Karovow avOparor—radXa ravta avtoy aveupetv.
10 271 mpiv... yeveoOat, ‘ before entering into this human frame.’ Here
eidos is practically equivalent to copa. Cp. 77b7 amply kal els
av@parevov capa adixcecOur. So Symp. 210b2 ro en’ etder Kaddv,
Phaedr, 249 a8 akiws of ev avOp@rov cider €Biwcay Biov, Rep. 402d 1
ey TE TH Wuxn... kal €y Ta etde.
a7 évi pev Aoyw (Sc. dwodelkvuTat)...a10émeata... We regularly
find emera (usually without dé) in the sense of ‘secondly’ after
mpa@tov pev... ‘firstly’. This fixes the meaning of ev Ady here.
It does not mean ‘to sum up’, as it does above 65d 13, but ‘ by
one argument’. I think Mr. R. G. Bury is right in holding (C/ass.
Rev. Xx, p. 13) that the process emt ra Staypappara ayev is opposed
to, rather than included in, the process kad@s épwray, and I would
illustrate his point further from 7heaet. 165 a1 jpeis 5é mws Oarrov
ek Tov Wier Adywv (arguments without diagrams) mpds thy yewperpiav
52
ee ee ee

NOTES 73
amevevoanpevy. I am also inclined to accept his reading mpérov for
évi, though it is not absolutely necessary. The use of a’, 8, y’ as
numerals has certainly affected the reading in several passages of
Plato. In any case this is better than altering ére:ta to eémei ros
with Heindorf.
8 avdrol, ‘of themselves.’ Cp. 64a 5.
10 ©6p0ds Adyos, ‘a right account of the matter” An dvona is dpAdv
when applied to something which we are justified in applying
it to (cp. 69d2z.). In the same way a \éyos or statement is
6p0vs when it expresses the truth. The rendering ‘right reason’ is
misleading; for it suggests that Adyos is a mental ‘ faculty’.
Ln émi ra Staypappata: this seems a fairly certain reference to JZeno
82b9sqq., where Socrates questions a slave about a geometrical
diagram, in order to prove that padnots is avapynots. No doubt, if
we hold this doctrine and its proof to be genuinely Socratic, the
reference to the J/evo is less certain; but, on the whole, Plato
seems to indicate that, as he has already treated it elsewhere, he
need not repeat the proof here.
LS) karnyopel, Sit is proof positive’ (Riddell, Dig. § 97), ‘it is mani-
fest? (velut passim occurrunt édidwoe, Tpoonpaive, Oei€er et id genus
alia, Heindorf). The verb xatnyopew is used just like the Latin
arguere (L.S.s.v. 11) and might very well take the impersonal
construction of dn\odv, for which cp. Gorg. 483.d2 dyroi d€ ratra
mod\axov ore ovtws éxyet. If the verb is personal we must supply
6 dywv ent ra Suaypappata, which is not satisfactory.
16 atte... TovTo... wWabeiv... dvapvya Ova, ‘to have done to me the
very thing we are speaking of, namely, to be reminded.’ The MSs.
have padeiv, and madeiv is a conjecture of Heindort’s (not of Serranus,
as Stallbaum says). The words are constantly confused ; for in
uncial writing M is very like N, both being written without lifting
the pen. This is one of the comparatively few corrections in the
text of the Phaedo which may be called certain, though it is not
adopted in the most recent edition (Wohlrab, 1908). Cp. Gorg.
505 C3 aitos rovTo macy mrept ob 6 Adyos €aTI, KoAaCOpEvOS.
7 dvapyynoOfvar: in apposition to rotto mabe. Cp. 72037.
8 émeyelpyore Aéyetv, ‘attacked the proof.’ We see here the begin-
nings of the use of émyetpeiv as a technical term of dialectic. Cp,
also éemxeipnua.
53
 73 NOTES
C1 ei tis Te dvapvyoOqoetat, ‘if a man is to be reminded of a thing.’
Cp. 7267 2,
C5 tpotw torovtm, ‘in such a way as this.’ Here rowotros refers for-
ward, and the explanation of it is introduced by the question and
answer ‘What way do I mean? This.’ For similar rhetorical
interrogations see Riddell, Dig. § 325.
C6 édv ris t Erepov ktA. Here we have a careful psychological
analysis of what is meant by ‘being reminded’. A modern treatise
would say ‘If a man, having seen A (re érepov) ... also thinks
of B’. The reading ri érepoy is sufficiently well attested (T), and
the double ado is used in the same way below 74.13, while the
other reading, zpérepov (B), is easily accounted for and yields no
satisfactory sense. Recent editors mostly adopt wpcrepoy and then
enclose it in square brackets.
7 tla GAAnv aicOyow AaBav, equivalent to 7 run GAA aicOnoe
aig@ouevos, but Plato avoids the juxtaposition of cognate words.
The same phrase is used below 76 a2.
C7 pr povov éxetvo yvm kTA., ‘not only apprehends A, but also thinks
of B.’
C8 ov py fatty éemorhpy: this is an important reservation. Certain
things, notably opposites, must be known together or not at all
(Tay evaytiwy pla emtotynun). It proves nothing that odd reminds us
of even, or that darkness reminds us of light; for in this case the
knowledge of the one is zfso_ facto knowledge of the other.
Cg otro: internal object of dveuyjaéy (cp. 72e7 7.) and antecedent
of of, ‘that he was reminded of that which he thought of (B).’ The
words o& rij évvotay éXaBe refer to adda Kat Erepoy evyoran above.
Sikaiws is used much like dpdas. Cp. 72all a”.
d6 wtdacyovar totto: followed as usual by a clause in apposition.
Cp. 68e37. —
d7 %yverav: empirical (‘gnomic’) aorist. Cp. 113 d 3.
év TH Stavoia éAaBov: equivalent to ¢vevdnoay, but with more em-
phasis on the ingressive force of the aorist.
+6 etS0s, ‘the bodily form,’ Cp. 73a1m.
d8 otro: pred. ‘and reminiscence is just this’. Cp. 75d Io.
dg modAduts... dvepvqoOn : empirical aorist with temporal adverb.
Gildersleeve, S. C. G. § 259.
d 10 «al dAAa wou pupia ktA. Cp. 70€3%.
54
 NOTES 73

I pévrorvy Aia: cp. 68b7 2,

5 immov yeypappevov, ‘a painted horse.’ This is a more complex case.
We are reminded of B not by A, but by an image of A, which we
may Call a.
'Q atrod Xippiov: Simmias as opposed to the picture of Simmias.
In this case we are reminded of A by a, or of B by 4. This is the
case described just below as ad’ 6yuotwr, the two first being dé
avopviov, It is for the sake of this distinction that the point is
elaborated.
6 évwoelv: in apposition to mpoomacyewv, cp. 72¢3%. When aman
is reminded of A by a or of B by 4, an additional thought neces-
sarily presents itself to his mind, the thought of the presence or
absence of any deficiency in the likeness of a or to Aor B. This
thought is only forced upon us when we are reminded aq’ dpo0iwy.
eite Tt €AAcitrer ToiTO... éxeivou..., ‘whether this (@ or 8) falls
short in any respect of that of which he has been reminded by it
(A or B).’ The intransitive use of €AAeimew was familiar in Pytha-
gorean geometry. Cp. Proclus, 2% Eucl. J, p. 419 (Friedlein) “Eors
pev apxata, pacty ot mepi roy Evdnpor, kai rns Tey Uvdayopetwy Motons
evpijmata Tavta, 7 Te MapaBodr Tov Xwpliwv kai y UmEepBodAr Kai 1) EANeLWnS.
The use of the words farabola, hyperbola, and ellipse in Conic
Sections comes from this, but Conics are post- Platonic.
Q apéev mou kth, Cp. 65442.
We have seen already that the ‘forms’ (what we really seazz
when we speak of ‘triangle’, ‘right’, ‘ beauti/ul’, &c.) are not per-
ceptible by the senses, but can only be apprehended by thought.
We are now introduced to a second point in the theory. The
‘forms’ are ¢yfes (mapadetypata) to which particular sensible things
approximate more or less closely. A given triangle is never what
we really sean by ‘triangle’, nor a right action what we really
mean by right.
According to this view, particular sensible things are pupnpara or
eixdves of the ‘forms’. There is ample evidence that a doctrine like
this was held by the later Pythagoreans (E. Gr. Ph.’ pp. 353 sqq.).
v7 etvar ioov... atitd Td icov: we speak of sticks and stones being
‘equal’, but this is not the equality with which arithmetic and
geometry deal. We only call them equal at all because they
remind us of what we really mean by ‘equal’. This is something
55
 74 NOTES

different (€repdv tr), ‘over and above’ all these things (mapa mavta
tatta), which is ‘just the equal’ (adro 76 igor).
br. peéevto vy At(a): cp.65d6%. Simmias was not familiar with
the doctrine of Reminiscence, but now he feels at home once more.
b 2. avtd 5 éottv: W adds ioov and so do the margins of B and T.
It is, perhaps, unnecessary, but gives the full technical expression
for this kind of reality, ‘the what it is by itself’, ‘the just what
itis’.
b 4 &€ &v vuv8i éAéyopev: we certainly have an exact scientific know-
ledge (értornun) of equality, but we have seen (65d 9) that equality
cannot be perceived by the senses. These, then, are not the source
of our knowledge. Sensible objects only vemznd us of equality.
But we cannot be reminded of a knowledge which we never
possessed.
b8 ro pév...708 od: there is an ancient variant rote (i.e. roré) pev...
tore (i.e. tore) & ot, Either reading gives a good sense. Sticks
and stones sometimes seem equal and sometimes unequal to the
same persons, and they appear equal to one person, uncqual to
another. This shows that the ‘really equal’ (atré 6 gary ivov) is
something different.
CI atta td ioa: things that are ‘just equal’. There is no difficulty
about the plural, When Euclid says (4%. 1) Ta ré adr@ toa kai
a\Andots €or toa, he is not speaking of sticks or stones, but of aira
Ta toa. Cp. attra ra dpo.a, Parm. 129b1. The two angles at the
base of an isosceles triangle are an instance of at’ra ra toa.
C4 ‘atta... 7d toa: the sticks and stones mentioned above, not atra
Tu loa.
CII Otxotv ... d 3 Ildavv pév otv: this step in the argument is not,
perhaps, strictly necessary, and some critics would bracket the
words. It must be observed, however, that they serve to make the
proof that our knowledge of the equal is reminiscence clearer, by
reminding us of the preceding discussion, The equality of sticks
and stones must either be like or unlike real equality, but in either
case it is different from it, and our conception of real equality
therefore corresponds to the account already given of reminiscence.
Socrates does not assume at this stage that the equality of sticks
and stones is ‘like’ real equality. That is the next step in the
argument.
56
 NOTES 74
3. ews dv...: dummodo, so long as’... For the formula which
follows cp. 73c6; 76a2.
2 avo, ‘the process in question.’
4 7 tovodtov refers forward. The fact here noted indicates that we
have to do with dvapvnots ad’ 6polor. Cp. 744 5.
6H évBet tu éxeivov.. . 4 odSev; ‘do they fallshort of it atall...or not?’
For the rare use of evdetv as equivalent to eAdcive cp. Rep. 345 d 4 €ws
y av pydev ev0€én Tod rotpeviky evar, 52Q9d1 tov b€ drAnOwav woh
evoetv. There is no need, then, to read exeivw with Madvig.
7 7 Torodrov efvat oiov 76 icov, ‘in being such as the equal.’ For
the dative of that in which one Is deficient cp. Thuc. il. 87, 177...
mapagkevy evdens eyeveto, Isocr. Puneg. 105 trovs tuts obcias evdee-
oréepovs. Owing to a misunderstanding of this construction late
MSS. insert pr after ro, and various conjectures have been proposed
by modern critics.
Q BovtAetar... etvat, ‘aims at being.’ The phrase is often used to
express a /endency, especially by Aristotle.
I |[ioov]: this seems a clear case of an ‘adscript’ which has crept
into the text. Though it is in W it is not translated in the version
of Aristippus, who has simply ¢a/e esse guavle tl/ud.
2 davAdtepov, ‘ inferior.’
3. evBeertepws Sé éxewv, ‘but of which it falls short.” The relative of
cannot be repeated after o, though a’rot might have been added. Cp.
652527.
9 ‘Avaykaiov dpa... mpoadévar: the point of the argument is that we
could not judge the equality of sticks and stones to be defective
unless we were in possession of a standard by which to judge them.
Sensible things could never furnish us with such a standard, there-
fore we must have derived it from some other source.
2 opéyerar: equivalent to Botvdverat, 74.09.
17 tairdv Sé «rA., ‘I count all these as the same thing’ (for the
purposes of the present argument, as appears from the reply). Cp.
Meno 75€2 mdvra taita taitdy te heyw' tows 0 ay nuiy LUpddcKos
Staeporro.
Ir “AAAGpév8y «7A. It can only be from the senses that our judgement
of the inferiority of sensible objects originates, and yet that Judge-
ment implies previous knowledge of the standard by which we
judge them and find them inadequate.
57
 75 NOTES

br ra &v tats aloOjoecw, sc. toa. The phrase is modelled on the

common ev dddadpois.
éexetvou ... T00 & éotiv ioov: for the terminology cp. 74b2. and
below d2n.
b 4 IIpd rod dpa dpfac@ar ktA. The reasoning is quite sound, as we
shall see if we remember that we should never call sticks or stones
equal at all, unless we knew clearly what we meant by equality.
Tada aicbaveoOar, ‘make use of our other senses’; for 7éAAa is
internal accusative (Riddell, Dig. § 2).
b6 rd & Tv aicOycewv is substituted for ra ev tats ailcO,ceow under
the influence of dvotvey. This is simply a case of the ‘attraction’
of prepositions with the article by verbs of motion. Cp. 76d9;
109 e€ 4.
b7 avotcev, ‘to refer.” Reference to a standard is regularly
expressed by avadépew mpos..., referread... Cp. 76d9.
dt seems to be used as if avadeporres evvoijcev had preceded
instead of dvoicew. Vahlen (i. 489) proposes to insert cai evvoncety
before or.
mpoOupetrar, ‘do their best,’ a still more picturesque way of ex-
pressing ¢emdency than BovAerat or dpéyetat above.
TavtTa, SC. Ta €v Tals aidOnoecw toa.
bio yevdpevor edOus, immediately upon birth.’
cr po tovtwv: before we saw, heard, &c.
c ei... €xovtes EyevopeOa, sc. airny, ‘if we were born with it,’ ie.
the knowledge of the equal.
CQ 76 petfov kai 76 CAatrov: the knowledge of rd tov implies these ;
for together they make up its opposite, rd dugoy, and ray éevartioy
pia emeorypn.
CII wepiattot tot kadotKtA. We see here how the theory originated
in mathematics, and was thence transferred to what we call morals
and aesthetics. The beautiful and the good resemble the equal in
this, that they are nowhere perfectly realized.
d2 ols émodpaytfspebakrA., ‘on which we set the seal of air 6 gor.’
Here again we have ‘we’ in connexion with a technical term, and
this implies the work of aschool. Cp.65d4#. For the metaphor
cp. Polit, 258¢ 5 (rn mwoditixyn) play (id€av) emurppayicacba, Philed,
26d 1 éemodpay:obévta tO Tov paddoy kal evarriou yévet.
to “attd 6 tom”, ‘the just what it is’: so I have ventured to
58
 NOTES 15

write for the rotro 6 €or: of the MSS. JIamblichus has simply 1d 6
€or, and it seems to me that ré must be right. The reading which
I have given accounts sufficiently for the others. Most editors
write rovro, 6 €or.
2 kal év tats épwrynceow KTA.: 1.€. dtaleyduevor, for question and
answer are the two sides of the Socratic dialectic. We see from
78d1 that this phrase also was technical in the Socratic school.
Cp. Crito 50c8 ereidn Kai clobas xypyobar To epwray Te Kal aro-
kpiverOa, Rep. 534 d9 (Otarexrixy) e& fs epwrav te Kal amoxpiverOar
oltol T €ooVTal.

7 Ei... édorore ph émAcAfopefa, ‘unless we forget them on

each occasion’ of our birth. The doctrine of radtyyeveoia seems to
be implied by ékdorore and del yiyverOar (‘to be born on each
occasion’) below. There would be no room for reminiscence unless
birth involved forgetting. Heindorf proposed to insert yryvdpevor
after €xiarore to make this clear; but we may easily ‘under-
stand” it.
9 AaPédvra xtA., ‘having acquired knowledge of a thing, to have it
and not to have lost it.’ €yew «al pr) dwoAwAexevar is an instance of
‘polar expression’. Cp. 86a5 ére etvat . . . Kal py dohwd€vat,
[0 émorHpys dmoPoAny, ‘loss of knowledge’ (amdAAupe and amoSahro
are synonyms in this sense). For other definitions of Aj@n cp.
Syms, 208 a4 AnOn yap emornpuns eE0d0s, Phileb. 33€3 €or yap
Ayn pynuns €E060s.
2 El... yyvopevor dtwdécapev, ‘if we lost it in the process of
birth.’
3. wepi atta: here aird means simply ‘the things in question’. Cp.
6oc1; 76c2. There is no need to read ratra with W; for the
reference is plain.
:4 mpiv: the use of mpiv as an adverb — almost unexampled in prose
(except with the article).
:5 oikelav . . . emoTHpTY dvahapBavev, ‘to recover knowledge
which is our own.’ This is the real meaning of the whole doctrine,
which can only be adequately expressed in a mystical form. The
mystery of knowledge is the same as the mystery of love. It is
a ‘mystical union’ with what at first seems alien (d\Xorptov), but is in
time recognized to be our very own.
se 7 op0as: cp. 62b2 2.
so
 76 NOTES

"6a1 4 i86vra wtA. These participles are subordinate to alc@dpevor,

‘whether by sight or hearing or any other sense.’
a5 mavtes is opposed to ots hapyev pavOavey and repeated below b 8.
We must not, therefore, read wavrtis.
a6 ovdév dN’ 4, ‘nothing but? The phrase ddd’ # is used after
negatives and treated as a single word (cp. 68b4). It is wrong to
write adN’ (for d\Xo) as is shown by 81b 4 pydév dAdo... GAN Hoe,
97d 2 ovdey GAO... GAN Le.
b5 Bodvar Adyov, ‘to give an account of it.’ This is the mark of the
Otadextixos. Cp. Lep. 534 b 37H kal duadexrikov kadeis Tov Adyov ExdoTov
AapBadvovra rijs ovaias (cp. 78 d1)3 Kat Tov py Zyovta, Ka?” Soo dv py
€x7 Adyov avT@ te Kat GA@ dOdvat, Kata ToTOdTOY vody TeEpl TOUTOV Ov
pices €xety5
bg dv vuevS éA€yopev, SC. Tod trou, Tov Kadov, Tot dyabod, &c.
bIr avpiov tHvKade, ‘this time to-morrow.’ It seems to me that, if
Plato originated the theory, he could not possibly have put this
statement into the mouth of Simmias. Cp. Prot. 336 b 8, where
Alcibiades says rov dé d:ahéyeo Oar oids 7 etrat Kat émiotacbat \b-yov
te Oovvat kal deEacbar Oavpufoip dv et te dvOponev mapaywpe
(Swxpartns).
C12 ~~ €v dv@pamtrov etde., ‘in human form.’ We sec from the next words
how close eiSos in such phrases comes to the meaning of oépa.
Co. 73412.
kat gpovyaow etyov, ‘and had intelligence.” For the sense of
gdpovnors here cp. 70b4#. The doctrine of dvapvnors gives the
first indication of the intelligence of the disembodied soul.
di év mol dAAw xpive ; SC. i) ev TH TOU ylyvecOat. The interrogative
moim is not a mere equivalent of rim. It always expresses feeling of
some sort, surprise, scorn, or incredulity. Here we may reproduce
the effect by saying, ‘ And at what other time do we lose it, pray?’
d2 apn: 7544,
d8& 4 OpvdAodtpev def, ‘the things we are always talking of.’ Once more
we have the ‘we’ which implies that this doctrine was perfectly
familiar to the school.
dg _ otaia: cp. 65d 13 #.
Ta €K TOV aidOjocewv: Cp. 75b62,
dvadfpopev: cp. 75D 7 272.
El fpetipav otoav: equivalent to olkeiay above 75€ §.
60
 NOTES 76
ratta, SC. Ta ey Tals aicAnoeow.
ovtws Somep kai, ‘in just the same way that’, ‘just as surely as’,
rsadta, SC. kaddv ré te kTA. There is no real difficulty in the fact
that ratra here and in the next line has a different reference from
raira ine2. The reference is quite plain in all three cases.
4 dd\Aws ... eipnpéevos, ‘spoken in vain’, ‘this argument will go for
nothing’, Cp. 115d 5 dddas Aéyerr. Cp. L.S. 5. vu. addos II. 3.
eis kaAév: this phrase can hardly have any other than its usual
meaning ofportunely. Cp. Meno 89 €9 «els kadov nuiv”Avutos Tape-
xabéCero, Symp.174e5 eis kadov jxes, and often. The phrase is
purely adverbial, and it is not correct to say, with most editors, that
it is explained by the words eis rd éuoiws elvar xtd., which depend
directly on xatapevyet.
katagevye, ‘is taking refuge.’ The Adyos or argument is over
and over again spoken of as the thing hunted (cp. 63a2%., and
below 88d92.). I take the meaning to be that it has ‘taken cover’
very conveniently for us who are hunting tt. From Rep. 432 Dsq.
we see that the idea is that of a hare or other animal taking refuge
in a bush (@auves), which the huntsmen surround so that it cannot
escape (Adam’s note zz /oc.). When the argument is proved, it is
caught. Cp. Lyszs 218 c 4 éxaipov, donep Onpevtns tis, Exov ayanntas
d €Onpevdopny.
Spoiws, ‘in the same way’, ‘just as surely’, equivalent to ovrws
domep kat... ovT@s Kul above (76 e 2).
5 amodéSetxrar, ‘the demonstration is adequate.’ The words épocye
Soxec are parenthetical, and do not affect the construction. Cp.
108d8. The omission of doxe? in TW is an attempt to normalize
the construction. The answer shows that doxet is right ; for it is
the only word that can be supplied after Ti de 5) Ké3nre;
(3) The doctrines of radyyeveria and avapynos afford an incom-
plete demonstration until they are combined (77a6—77 45).
8 ‘Ikavas, sc. drodcSeckrat. Simmias and Cebes point out, however,
that the argument from dvapynots only proves the antenatal existence
of the soul, not its survival after death. Socrates replies that we
must take the argument from dvrarddoors and that from avapyyors
together. At the same time, he admits that a more thorough
discussion is required.
61
 "77 NOTES

b 3. évéorneev, ‘there is still the objection.’ This is originally an

agonistic metaphor; for evorjva is ‘to stand upto’. Cp. Lysias,
3. 8 elOvs pe TUTTety erexeipnoev® eretd) O€ aitoy Nuvvduny évortas.. .,
Isocr. 5. 39 €vorivar rois e(pnuevors. Hence comes the technical
use of évoraots (tvstantia) in dialectics of an ‘objection’ to an
argument (€mtyeipnua). Plutarch uses the word for the tribunes’
tnlercesslo.
b4 Smes py... StackeSavvuTat «tA. For the use of ras pun after verbs
of fearing instead of wy cp. below 84 b5. There are four or five
instances of this construction in Plato. The verb is subjunctive
and has long v, but the termination should not be accented -ira as
if it were contracted from -vyra. It is really an older form of the
subjunctive (Kiihner-Blass, § 281.3). So d:acxedarrvvow, 771, and
the opt. Tiyyvuro, 118 a2.
b 6 dAdAobév aoev, ‘from some other source’ than from the souls in
the other world which have come there from this (the évéévSe aduks-
pevat of 7oc6). I formerly read dydéev wodév with Bekker; but,
apart from the fact that the regular phrase is dus@ev yé modev, I now
think the meaning is settled by 72 dI ék pev ray GhAwy, where see
note.
c1 Ei Ayes utA. For the interlaced order cp. 7ob 5 #.
cs tidos ... ebew, 2. 9. TeAeia EoetOau, ‘to be complete.” Cp. rédos
AapBaverv, TeA0S EmOewa, &c. In Greek philosophy the word rédos
always implies the idea of completion or full growth. An animal
or plant sedos éyee when its growth is complete, when it is full
grown. 5B has éyew for e€ev, which would be equally correct.
It is impossible to draw any distinction between the two con-
structions. For the fut. inf. in this use cp. eg. Ned. 567b 8 «i
pedrer cipServ.
C7 «al viv, ‘even as it is.” The sense of vv is the same as in the
common vip 6: ..., mumcvero..., ‘ but, as it is.’
ouvOcivar. .. els TavTov, ‘to combine the present argument (viz.
that the soul exists and is conscious before our birth) with the
argument we assented to before it.’
d 5 ep Aéyere, ‘the point you mention.’ This reading comes from
a late MS, and is probably due to conjecture alone. It gives, how-
ever, a much better sense than the ézep Aeyera of the oldest MSS.,
which is supposed to mean ‘as is said’, i.e. ‘as 1 say’. We should
62
ee Se eee eee

NOTES 77
certainly expect ém7ep Aéyw in that sense, and the confusion of -te
and -ra is common; both being pronounced alike.

(4) Practical Application.—_We must rid ourselves of the fear

of death at all costs (77d 5—178b4).
This digression (cp. 78 a 10) marks the end of the First Argument
and leads up to the Second.
6 Starpaypatevoac@ar, ‘to discuss thoroughly.’ Cp. below g5e9 and
the use of mpaypateia above 63 al.
7 70 Tav Taidwv, ‘as children do.’ That the phrase does not
necessarily mean ‘as children say’, is shown e.g. by Xen. Oec. 16.7
aveurycOnv ro TOV GAtewr, Which in the context must mean ‘ what
fishermen do’.
an) StacKkeSavvuew is probably subjunctive and to be pronounced with
long v (cp.77542.). The indicative would not be so appropriate ;
for the fear refers to the future. If the verbs were indicative, we
should have to render ‘lest the wind puffs it away and scatters it’
on each occasion when it issues from the body.
2 &vypeyddw tivi mvetpar, ‘in a high wind,’ the regular phrase. So
peyas mvet 6 dvepos. This clause is, of course, a humorous addition
to the theory.
as SeStoTwv, SC. ruov, in spite of the fact that strict grammar
would require dedtdras in agreement with npas, the unexpressed
object of dvaveifeww, The genitive absolute is often used in this way.
Cp. Riddell, Dig. § 274.
4. HaAAov 8¢é, vel potius, ‘or rather,’ the regular phrase in intro-
ducing a correction.
py belongs to dedurwr, but is anticipated for emphasis. A strik-
ing instance of this is Crito 47d 9 metOdpevor py) TH TaY emaidvTwy
d6&7.
év fpiv, ‘in us. It is necessary to state this, as it has been sug-
gested that the words mean ‘among us’ and refer to Apollodorus !
This makes nonsense of the passage. The ‘child in us’ is often
referred to by later Platonist writers like Porphyry, Themistius, and
Simplicius (cp. Wyttenbach’s note).
dons differs from 6s as gué with the subjunctive from guz with
the indicative. Its use here is justified by the preceding ts.
16 Wetp@ petarre(Meav was conjectured63 by Heindorf, and is now known
 a9 NOTES

to be the reading of W. It is far better than the metpopeba reibeww

of BT; for it resumes rretp@ avarreiGery above with a slight variation
which is quite in Plato’s manner.
€ 7 ta poppodvcea, ‘bugbears.” Mopuo (whose full name was Mop-
podvkn) was a she-goblin used, like "Akko, "Eumovoa, and Aduia to
frighten naughty children. Cp. Theocritus xv. 40 otk d&@ tv, réxvoy,
Moppo, Saxver inmmos, Xen. Hell. iv. 4. 17 poBeicOa tos metactas,
aonep popudvas matdapra, Lucian, Philops. 2 raidwy ert tiv Moppo
kat thy Adutay Sediér@y, According to the Platonic Lexicon of
Timaeus, poppodvcera were masks, ra qoBepa trois raat mpovwr7eia.
The verb poppodvtrecOu is used in Crito 46c4 and Gorg.
473 d 3.
e 8 émadeww, t2cantare, ‘to sing charms’ (cavmztna, ém@bal). Socrates
makes an elaborate use of this idea in Charm. 155 €Sqq., Cp. eSp.
15723 OeparevesOa dé tiv Weyry ey (Zadpokis), @ pakdple, eT@dais
tis, ras & er@dds Tavtas Tovs Adyous elvat TOUS KaNOUS" ex SE TOY TOLOU-
Tov Adywr ev tais Wuxats coppoctyny eyylyverOat, fs eyyevoperns Kat
mapovons padsov HOn evar THY vylerav Kal TH Keay Kal TO GAA@ Topare
mopttev, Theascription of this to the Thracian Zalmoxis shows it to
be Pythagorean; for Herodotus tells us (iv. 95) that Zalmoxis (or
Zamolxis) had been a slave of Pythagoras (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 93), and
it goes well with what we know of the Pythagorean musical kaOapats
(cp. 61a37.). Socrates also used the term in connexion with his
peuevtexn (Zheaet. 149 d 1).
€g9 éws dv éekemaonte, ‘till you have charmed it out of him.’ This is
another conjecture of Heindorf’s which has been confirmed by
fuller knowledge of the MSS.; for it is actually found in a Vienna
MS. and virtually in TW. The reading of B is é&udionra, and it
appears from the margin ofW that this was an ancient variant. It
cannot, of course, be passive ; but we might supply ves as its subject.
‘One must sing charms... till one has healed him.’
78 a3 ToAdn... ij ‘EdAds, wide enough, for instance, to include Southern
Italy, where the Pythagoreans were once more becoming powerful.
For this use of mwodvs cp. the Homeric roAAn yata, wodAdn xopn (L2.
Xxili. 520), Thuc. vii. 13. 3 moAAq 6’7 SexeAia, Theocr. xxii. 156 modAy
ro. Sraptn, wo\A O immndatos HXus.
&24 +a tdv BapBapwv yevy: Socrates is no doubt thinking primarily of
Thracians and Phrygians. The Orphic ‘orgia’ came from the
64
| Agi ie i are |

NOTES 78
former, the Corybantic ‘purifications’ from the latter. DPlato
regarded the distinction between Hellenes and barbarians as an
unscientific division of mankind (Po/zt, 262d1sqq.), but it was
revived by Aristotle.
5 eis Sti Gv evxatpotepov: this is the reading of T and seems far
better than the variant efs 6ri avaykatore pov. The corruption is
an extremely easy one, and the omission of dy in the variant is. to
say the least of it, hard to justify, while the insertion of dv after
ér. would spoil the rhythm. Of course evxaipitepoy is the com-
parative adverb, not the adjective.
7 kai avtovs per GAAnAwv, ‘by yourselves too’ (as well as by
questioning Hellenes and barbarians), ‘along with one another’ (for
joint search is the true Socratic method). We cannot take per’
a\An\wyv to mean ‘among yourselves’ as some do. Apart from the
unheard-of sense thus given to pera c. gen., the pronoun adAn\ov
excludes such a rendering. We should have had ev nyw atrois.
8 icws yap dv «tA. The usual hint that Orpheotelestae and
Corybantic ka@aprat are not to be taken too seriously. Cp. 69
4 7.
9 tavta... tmdptea, ‘that shall be done’, ‘you may count on that’.
For the interlaced order cp. 70 b 5 #.

Second Proof of Immortality (78 b 4—84 b 8).

This proof is based, not upon ancient doctrines, but on a con-
sideration of the soul’s own nature, which is shown to resemble that
of the eternal forms. From this we may infer that, like them, it is
indissoluble.
5 éavtovs is an emphatic aAnrouvs.
6 TO StackeSdvvucbar is better attested than the rod diackeddvyvaa.
of B. We have seen (72c 3%.) that rovro maoyxew takes an infini-
tive in apposition. ‘The article is added in this case because ro
maOos precedes.
4 Kal to moiw twi (ot) : some of the early editors deleted kai rp Trol@
Twi as a tautology; but the pronoun zérepoy in b 8 shows that two
kinds of things have been distinguished. We must therefore add
ov with Heindorf, though it appears in no MS. and Olympiodorus
did not read it; for he tries to get rid of the tautology by taking the
first r@ moi rivi of things and the second of persons.
1251 65 ¥
 78 NOTES
b 8 wétepov, ‘ which of the two,’ not ‘ whether’,
bg 9appeiv 4 Se5vévar, ‘ to fear or not to fear.’ Cp. 63e 107,

(1) Only that ts dissoluble which ts composite, and the things whtch
are constant and invariable are not composite. Further, the
things which are constant and invariable are invisible. We
have to ask, then, whether the soul belongs to the class of in-
visible, constant and invartable, non-composite things, or to
that of visible, vartable, composite, and therefore adtssoluble
things (78c 1—8o0c1).
CI To... cvv0éTw évtt dice: if we take these words together with
Wyttenbach, they add a fresh touch to t@ ouvteOévr. That sug-
gests an artificial combination ; this refers to what is essentially
and from the nature of the case composite. The addition of
the participle ovre indicates that this is the construction and
makes it very unnatural to take duce mpoojca together, as many
editors do.
C2 TotTo Tacyetv, SiarpeOFvar : cp. 72C3%. The verbs ovvrbevat,
‘compound,’ d:acpety, ‘ divide,’ are the regular opposites.
TavTy HTep cuveTeOy: €.g., if it is a compound of the four ‘ele-
ments ’, it will be divided into these.
C6 Kata tatra kal dcavtws, ‘constant and invariable.’ We see that
this is the sense from the a@dXor’ cAdos, which is the opposite of
@oavtos, and pndemote kata zavta, which is opposed to xara raird.
Cp. d 2-80 D2,
c7 Ta 8 ddAor’ dAAws: the familiarity of the term may excuse
the ellipse of €xovra and make it unnecessary to read 4 for ra with
Heindorf.
c8 rairta 8 otivbera: for the resumptive demonstrative with 6¢€
cp. e.g. Lach. 194d 2 4 8€ duaéns, radra dé kaxds. So below 80d 8;
8156 +4136 5.
dr. ovota ts Adyov SiSopev tod etvar, ‘the reality the being of which
we give account of. The hyperbaton of didouev has misled the
commentators here. We must take Adyoy rov eiva: together as
equivalent to Adyoy ts ovcias or ‘ definition’, and as governing the
genitive 7s. For Adyos ris ovcias cp. Rep. 534 b 3 7 kal dtadexrixov
kaheis Tov Adyov é€xagtov AauBavoyra ths ovaias; The meaning, then,
is simply ‘ the reality which we define’, When we define ‘triangle’,
66
 NOTES 78

it is not this or that triangle, but airé 6 Zore rptywvor, ‘just what is
triangle,’ that finds expression in our definition.
I kal épwrdvres Kai droxpivdpevor, 2.9. duaheyduevor, cp. 75 d 2 7.
In the dialectic process it is by question and answer that definitions
are reached. When we ask ri dori; the answer is a dyos tis
—
ovoltas.

3 avTo exarrov 6 tori, ‘what any given thing itself is’ or ‘is by
itself’, ‘just what a given thing is’, Cp. 74 b22.
4 70 dv, ‘the real,’ is added to suggest the opposition of etvac and
ylyver Oa.
5 povoeSés dv adits Kab’ airé, ‘being uniform if taken alone by it-
self.’ I regard avrd xa@’ airéd as a reservation here. The triangle,
for instance, has more than one «iSos. There are equilateral,
isosceles, and scalene triangles. But none of these et5n enter into
the definition of the triangle simply as such.
9 «Ti 8 trav woAAGv KA. (Riddell, Dig. § 27), ‘what of the many
beautiful things ?’ as opposed to 16 atrd 6 gore Kadév. It is clear
that we cannot retain both xadév here and 7} cade in e I, and most
editors bracket the former. This, however, commits us to the view
that there are «t5y of men. horses, and clothes, which is a point that
has not been referred to, and which raises certain difficulties which
do not concern us here. It is hard to believe that iuarta would
have been mentioned at all except as an instance of ra 7oAAG Kad,
I therefore take Ti d€ trav mo\A@y Kadav .. . 7) towy together, and
regard ‘ people, horses, and clothes’ as examples of the first, just as
‘sticks and stones’ might be given as examples of the second. It
is only as instances of kaa that people, horses, and clothes can be
said to be 6parvupa ro Kad (cp. € 2 7.).
I tTovovtwv: le. kadk@y. This, I take it, has caused the interpolation
of 7}Kado.
2 Tavtwv Tdv éxeivors Spwvipov, fall the (other) things (besides cada
and ioa) which bear the same name as those,’ i.e. as atray €xacrov
6 €or. For this way of expressing the relationship between ra
mo\Aa exaota and atro 6 €or exaotoy cp. Parm.133d2 Ta... map’
Huty Tata 6pwvupa ovta exeivots. Observe the tendency to use ravra
of the ‘many’ and ékeiva of the ‘ideas’.
wav Towvavtiov éxetvois, ‘just the opposite to these,’ i.e. to atts ro
caddy, &c. What we call ‘ beautiful things’ or ‘ equal things’ are
67 ee 3
 78 NOTES

constant neither to themselves nor to one another. As we have seen

(74.6 8), they do not appear beautiful or equal to different people,
or even to the same person at different times.
79423 tw Tis Stavolas Aoyrope, ‘by thinking.’ There is no distinction
here between dcavota and vovs. The phrase means thinking gener-
ally as opposed to sense-perception.
a4 4.84, ‘invisible.’ The correct form was first made known by the
Flinders Petrie papyrus, and has since been found to be the reading
of the first hand of T and of W. Cp. the Homeric aiédndos, aucros,
a.dvos. The reading of B, followed by nearly all MSS. and editions,
is aedn, which could only mean ‘formless’, ‘unsightly’, and is
quite Inappropriate.
a6 Odpev otv Bovde «tA. Olympiodorus distinguishes three émeyerpn-
para intended to prove that the soul is more like the indissoluble
than the body: (1) ek tov doparou atti, (2) €k Tov StavonriKod avtijs,
(3) éx rou deomdfev tov a@patos. The first émyeipnua begins here.
Suo ein Tadv dvtwv, ‘two types of things.’ It is important to
observe that the word oyra is used of both. It means ‘things’ in
the widest and vaguest sense. Of course, strictly speaking, visible
things are not oyrws évra and the things invisible are not ‘ things’
at all.
bz dAdo m1, zone, just like @\do ti)... above(7ocg). The words
have become phraseological, but their original sense (‘ anything
else’) is so far felt that the affirmative answer is given by Ovdev
ado.
b 4 ¢apev dv etvar: this seems better than the equally well attested
aipev dy etvare In the direct speech ouoidrepor dy ein would be quite
natural.
bg TH Tav CvOparav dice, SC. dpara Kai pn. It is left open for us to
say that in some sense we may ‘ see’ these things mpi év avOparcio
elder yeveoOat or after the soul has left its human body. Such
a beatific vision is described in the Phaedris, but belongs to another
aspect of the theory than that dwelt upon in the Phaeuo.
b13 Ody dpardv. “Adis dpa; cp. 105 d15 ’Avdpriov. The inference
from ‘not visible’ to ‘invisible’ seemed more necessary to the
Greeks than to us.
C2 Odkotv Kai ré5e «tA. The second émyeipnua (cp.a6%.). The
soul can apprehend the invariable best apart from the body.
68
 NOTES | 19

2 mada, ‘some time ago,’ i.e. 65b1 sqq. For the meaning of
midat cp. 63d 5 2.
8 ToLvovTwv, SC. mAav@pevor kal ev Tapay7 6vtwy (Riddell, Dig. § 54).
The soul fluctuates and is confused because it is in contact with
objects which are fluctuating and confused.
3 svyyevs ota: we have seen already that reality is ofketov to the
soul (75 e 5), and this has been reinforced by the consideration
that it is more alike to the invisible than the visible.
4 kai éy avty, SC. per’ exelvou yiyver Oat,
5 kai epi éxeiva... xe, ‘and remains ever constant in relation to
them.’
6 tootrwv: i.e. Kata Tab’Ta WoatTos eXd’TwY.
TovTO... TO waOypa, ‘this condition,’ i.e. a constant relation to
constant objects.
3. tavTys THs pe0d5ov, ‘this line of argument.’ The verb perepyopat
(88d9) and its substantive pédod50s furnish another illustration of
the metaphor from hunting. The literal sense of pertevat is ‘to go
after’, ‘to follow up’, especially of going in pursuit of game. As
the Adyos is the game in the @)pa Tov ovros, the phrase pettevat tov
Adyor is natural.
dAw kai mavrt: the usual phrase is do kal ravri diaepey, Sto be
totally different.’ Here it is used of likeness.
8 “Opa 84 Kai tySe KrA. The third emcxeipnua (a 6 2.). The soul
rules over the body. This is the argument which comes nearest to
Plato’s own proof of immortality.
4. olov Cpxewv... mepukevar, ‘to be by nature such as to rule and
lead’, ‘to be naturally adapted for rule and leadership’. For this
use of olos cp. 83. d9; 94€4; 98c8. We must ‘ understand’ olor
again with dpyev@at.
O ei... Ta8¢e fpiv cupBaiver, ‘whether this is our conclusion.” The
results of a dialectical discussion are technically called ta ocupSai-
vovra, and it is in the light of these that the twd@eors with which it
starts must be examined. If an impossibility cupaiver, the vrddeats
must be given up.
(3 «dpordtarov ecivar Puyxy, SC. cuuBaiver. The verb oupBaiver in this
sense is generally used personally; cp.67¢5 xadapars 0€ elvat dpa ob
rovro ovpBaiver...:, 0 there is no need to read Wuyjy. The im-
personal construction also occurs; cp. 74.42 dp’ olv ov... gupPuiver
69
 80 NOTES

THY avdyynow eivat ktX. There is no anacoluthon; for the pro-

spective ride above is merely shorthand for r@ Get épotdraroy eivat
Wyn, TO aavdr@ duoidraroy elvat Woy, &c.
4 avont»: a play on words is involved in making this the opposite
of vunro, for avénros properly means ‘senseless’, ‘foolish’. The
true opposite of vonrds, ‘intelligible’, ‘object of thought’, is aicOnrés,
‘sensible’, ‘object of sense’.
b6 =ody otrws éxe, ‘to show that it is not so.’ This meaning would
be equally well expressed by ws which is an ancient variant and
well attested. Schanz’s 7, however, has the advantage of explaining
the readings of B (7) and W (7). Cp. Zheaet. 184 4 émdaBeoba
THs UTOKpicews . . 7) OVK OpOn.
b1o éyyvs Tt Tov7Tov: a hint that this argument is not quite conclusive.
The soul has only been shown to resemble the indissoluble.

(2) Practical Application.—We must purify our souls and purge it

of the corporeal (80c2—84 b8).
C3. €v dpat@ keipevov, ‘situated in the visible region.’ Ast quaintly
interprets: ‘lying in a visible thing,’ i.e. a coffin or tomb.
C4 kaiStamveioOar is Sowell attested that its omission in B must beaslip.
I cannot see that it is an inappropriate word to use of a dead body.
C5 €mekas ovyvov. .. xpdvov, ‘a fairly long time.’ Cp. Crz/o 43a 10
ETLELK@S TAAQL.
C6 émpéver, “remains as it is” (dist. repimever, waits’). Cp.59e4%.
€dv pév tis kai..., ‘indeed, evenifa man...’ For the hyperbaton
of kai Schmidt compares Prot. 323 b 3 €av ria kal eid@ouv Ore AdiKds
eat. The pey (‘indeed’) is solitarzum as in Prot. 361 e 3 tev perv
TNAtKOUT@Y Kal wavu (however it may be with others), The meaning,
then, is that even if a man dies with his body in good condition, it
Jasts quite a long time. Of course a healthy body decomposes
more rapidly than an old and withered one.
XapréevTws Exwv, equivalent to cadas or et eyov. We find perpios
and emcecxas used in the same sense. Cp. 68e227. There is no
suggestion of ‘ gracefulness’, but only of evefia or ‘ good condition’.
C7 €é&Toav’ty dpa, ‘at a fine season of the year’ (rovavty standing
for xa\y implied in yaptéytws, Riddell, Dig. § 54). Decomposition
is nore rapid in summer than in winter. Most recent editors
understand the phrase to mean ‘in the bloom of youth’; but (1) év
7O
 NOTES 80
&pa without rovairn would be sufficient for this. Cp. Meno 76b 8;
Phaedr. 24047; Nep. 47444; and (2) when pa is mentioned in
connexion with death, it means not ‘youthful bloom’, but ‘a ripe
old age’. Cp.e.g. Eur. Phoen. 968 airis 5’, €vy wpalw yap torapa
Biov, | Gvyoxew €roiwos. On the other hand, one who dies in early
youth (and in that sense ¢y dpa) is said to die mpd @pas Or dwpos.
The latter word is common in sepulchral inscriptions.
a kal mavu pada, sc. cvxvor ypdvor, ‘for quite a long time.’
oupmecdv, ‘reduced to bones and muscle’, ‘emaciated’. This
clause justifies the preceding eday pév tis xtX. An emaciated body
remains almost entire for an inconceivable time, and even a body
in good condition lasts quite a long time. For ouprimrew cp. Hdt.
ill. 52 aolrinot OupTEeTTwKOTA, In the medical writers TULTTMUTIS is
technical for emaciation,.
8 kal tapixevOev: there is nothing unnatural in Socrates’ frequent
references to Egypt, which was always an object of interest to the
Greeks. Socrates must have known many men who had fought
there in 460 B.C. This passage has strangely been supposed to
prove Plato’s Egyptian journey.
9 oALyou OAov pévet, SC. TO Ga, ‘remains all but entire.’
I kal dv canny, SC. To (AAO) GOLA.
vedpa, ‘sinews.’ Cp. below 98c7 x.
5 dpa, scz/zcef. The particle indicates that we have to do with an
argumentum ex contrario (cp. 68 a 3 7.) put in the torm of a ques-
tion. ‘Are we to say, then, that the soul.. .?’
tovodtov .. . etepov, ‘just like itself’ (cp. 58d 8 7.), not equivalent
to adn, for that is expressly mentioned besides. The meaning is
that expressed throughout the preceding argument by douov.
5 eis “AtS0u ds dAnIas, ‘to the House of Hades in the true sense of
the word.’ This refers to the commonly accepted etymology of the
word, for which cp. Cvat. 404 DI Kai roé ye dvopa 6 S"Atdys’ . . . modAOD
det amd Tov atdovs (ste BT) emavopacOa. The denial of the etymology
here shows that (rightly or wrongly) it was commonly accepted.
7 Tov Gya0ov kai dpovipov Medv: in the mystic theology Hades or
Zeus Chthonios is called Eubouleus, and Eubouleus is also found
(e. g. at Eleusis and on the Orphic gold plates of Southern Italy) as
an independent god. 1 suspect that Socrates is here alluding to
this sacred name.
y
i
 80 NOTES
d 8 avrn S€ Sh resumes 7 O€ Wuyy dpa after the parenthesis.
€2 éav pev ktA, The protasis is interrupted at e 5 and resumed by
81a4 ovrw pev éxovoa. Then ay pev is answered by 81b1 éav
b€ ye.
es ko.vwvotca : imperfect participle.
e4 éxotoa eivar, so far as it could help it’ (61c4%.). The re-
servation is the same as that implied in 67 pi) raca dvdyKn
67a 4.
e 6 to &€: this is the reading of the Petrie papyrus, and is more
likely to have been altered than the rotro oé of the MSS.
81a TeOvavat peAeTeca padiws, ‘ practising death without complaining.’
Most editors emend or delete padias, which is found not only in all
MSS. and citations, but also in the Petrie papyrus. The use of
the perfect infinitive need cause no difficulty ; for it is often used of
the moment of death which completes the process of 16 dmoOvyakety
(62a57.). Vahlen (Opusc. ii. 213) proposes to construe padias
with pederooa, but there has been no question of complaining about
the practice of death, while we have had paSdiws dv éédew arobyjoKew
(62cIo0) and padiws amadddrrowro attév (6347) explained just
below by otrw padiws pépets. The opposite is dyavakrei drobvicKov-
ras (62e6). All these passages are quoted by Vahlen himself.
ee. kata TOv pepunpévwv, ‘of the initiated” Cp. 7od7%. This
resembles the fairly common use of kata ¢ gem. with érawvos, éyxo-
pov, and the like.
a 9 Sidyouvoa: after dmnd\Aaypérvn we expect dStayoion, which Heindorf
proposed to read. It would be easier to write dmnAdaypevn, for
there is no reason why the grammatical construction of trapye.
should be kept up. The general sense of the sentence suggests the
nominative.
b3 épaca, SC. auTou,
yontevopévy is read by T as well as by the papyrus. It is
not easy to decide between it and the equally well attested yeyanrev-
wevn,
ve iS connective here. This is a poetical usage, and becomes in-
creasingly frequent in Plato’s later style. For a striking instance
from his middle period cp. Phaedr. 26726 Teioiay dé Topyiay re,
b 4 Soxeiv, ‘to think’: cp. 64 b2.
b5 GAA fast cp. 68b4H,; 7Oaon,
72
 NOTES 81

ov: the relative cannot be repeated in a different case (cp. 65a572.),

so the 6 and o which are logically required as the sentence proceeds,
are simply omitted.
7 dtAocodia atperd6v: Stallbaum compares 7777. 29 a6 Adyw kat
ppornoer wEeptAnn Tov.
8 otro &...: cp. 78c8.
4 SreAnppiévgv, ‘broken up by’, ‘patched with the corporeal’.
The meaning of d:ad\apBavew is best seen from 110b7. As applied
to colours, it means ‘to pick out’, adistinguere, as in a quilt or
tartan. Cp. Milton, Comus 453-75.
6 ocipdutov: though cipduros and cuudurs usually mean ‘ congeni-
tal’, that sense is excluded by éeveroinoe. We also find both words
in the sense of ‘grown together’ (from cupivat, ‘to coalesce’), and
this must be the meaning here. We also find otppvots as a medical
term, especially of bones.
Lan! kvAwSoupevy, ‘haunting.’ I have not ventured to write kad\tvSov-
wévn, though Cobet says (™. Z. p. 637) ‘ llatonica sunt cadivdeio Oar
ev dpabia, év mdon apabia, et odiose ev Stkagrnpions kadwdetrar, Quem-
admodum quis proprie ¢v my\@ aut ev BopBdpe dicitur kadivdeir Oar’,
Very like the present use of the word is Rep. 479d 4 perakd mov
ku\wdeirat Tov TE pH SvTos Kal TOU GrTos ei\tKpwas. The suggestion Is
that of a restless spirit which cannot tear itself away from the
body. Cicero, Soma. Sctp. 9 says czrcum terram tpsam volutantur
of such souls.
4 8d Kai dpavrat, ‘which is just why they are visible.’ There is a
touch of Socratic playfulness in this theory. If the soul is invisible,
we must give some such account of ghosts as this.
6 LEiikés pevto: cp. 65d67.
ov 1....aAAd...,a common formula in Plato. The ye belongs to kai.
8 tpodss, practically equivalent here to d:airns, ‘ way oflite” Cp.
84b4;107d 4.
12 évSotvrar: cp. 82e2%. For similar doctrine see Phaedr. 249,
Rep. 618 a, 6208q., 77. 42 b, QI sq.
13 #8: we can say ‘bad characters ’ for people who have bad
characters, though we should hardly use the word of the lower
animals, Very similar to the English use are Ref. 496 b 2 yervatov
kat ed reOpappévoy 00s, 503C9 ta BeSaa tavta On quoted by
Bywater on Ar. Poet. 1454 a 23.
73
 81 NOTES
€6 «at py SinvdaBypévovs: an instance of ‘polar expression’ .
’
for duevAaBeiodar means ‘to avoid carefully’ or ‘scrupulously ’

(evAaBas).
8207 av... to, ‘the way they would take,’ a variation for of, which
some late MSS. unnecessarily read.
éxaora, ‘each class’ Note how the gender is varied (1) rots... -
mporetiunkdtas, (2) Tas Toavras (sc. Wuxas), (3) exaora.
Q2IO kal tovTwv: 1.€. Kat ray d\koy. There are degrees of happiness
even among souls which are not wholly purified.
A II tiv Sypoticyy kal woAttiKyy cpetyv, ‘popular goodness, the good-
ness of the good citizen.’ This is related to philosophical goodness
just as true belief is related to science. Socrates admits the rela-
tive value of both. For the phraseology cp. Rep. 619 ¢7 Ger dvev
pirocodias aperns perewdnpita. Here rodrrexn means ‘belonging to
citizens’ (cp. Gorg. 452 e 4), not ‘ political’.
b 5 ovottov KrA., ‘a race civilized and tame like themselves.’ The
regular opposite of juepos iS @ypros, and both words are used of men,
animals, and plants. They mean ‘civilized’, ‘tame’, ‘ cultivated’,
as opposed to ‘savage’, ‘wild’.
b 8 dv8pas perpious, ‘good men,’ though of course only in the popular
sense. We might have had émetxeis or omovdaiovs with the same
meaning. Cp. 68e2z.
b10 py dtdooopyoavtt ... ddd’ 4 ra drdopabet: the tendency to ‘polar
expression’ here asserts itself at the expense of logic. The sen-
tence ends as if ovdevxi had preceded. We must remember that
didioodos and diropadijs are synonyms (/red. 376b 8 ’AAAa pevroe...
76 ye propades Kai Piddcopoy ravrov;). For ad’ 7 cp. 68b 42.
C3. ot dp0ds drAdcogor: cp. 67 b 4 7.
C5 oikodSopiav, ‘waste of substance.’
ot... diAdoxpyparor are contrasted with ot diAapxot te kal prddti-
pou just below. Here once more we have the Pythagorean doctrine
of the tripartite soul and the ‘ Three Lives’. Cp. 68c 1%.
c 8 émeta emphasizes the preceding participles.
dr pevto. pa Ata: cp. 65d 6.
d 3 copat. wAaTTovTes CHo.: most editors suspect mAdrrovres, and it
has been emended in various ways. ‘The true interpretation, how-
ever, was given by Vahlen long ago (cp. Ofusc. i. 83). He pointed
out that mAdrreww is used much in the same sense as Gepamevety in
74
 64 d8 and 81 b 2, and compared Ref. 3773 Kat mrAdrTew Tas yas
avT@y ros prvdus wohv parov 7 Ta Gopata Tais yepoly, to which
passage may beadded 777. 88 c 3 tév re ad cOpa ertped@s WdtTovTa.
Cp. also Plut. Ei dtdaxrov 4 dperr 439 f Sonep ai rirOat tais xepar
TO oa@pa wAdtrovaw and Co7tolanus 32. Vahlen holds further that
gewpatt is governed by ¢@a, and that the meaning is ‘live for the
body, moulding it into shape’, though the only example of (jv
¢. dat. in this sense which he quotes is in [Dem.] 7. 17 ®Ainno
(@vres kai ov TH €avT@v marpidt. Perhaps Eur. Jon 646 éa S €uavtd
(nv pe may be added. If this is not accepted, 1 would rather read
o@pata with TW than have recourse to conjecture. The copari of
B is, however, the @ifictlior /ectto, and 1 believe Vahlen’s inter-
pretation to be right. His discussion (/oc. c7¢.) of the use of parti-
ciples with an object to be understood from the context should
be read.
(3. xalpeww eimévres, ‘dismissing from their thoughts.’ Cp. 63e3 ”.
16 Ty éketvns Avoer: this, as well as xa@appos, is Orphic. Olympio-
dorus quotes some Orphic verses, which at least contain some old
ideas: “Opyia extehe€govai, Avo mpoydvay adeuiotory | padpevor’ ov dé
Toigivy €ywy Kpatos ovs kK eGéAnaGa | Avoets EK TE TévaY XuhEenoY Kai
areipovos OlOTPOv.

1 wmapadaBotca, ‘taking in hand,’ as a doctor takes his patient in

hand for treatment. The vb. wupadauBavew is technical in this
sense, especially of teachers taking pupils. Cp. ep. 541 a1 rovs
dé maidas a’roy mapahaortes.
22 SiadeSepivyv: cp. 62b32. It is noteworthy that Socrates now
adopts and expounds the very doctrine which he had put aside as
‘too high’; for the eipyyds is clearly the @poupa. The reason is
that he is now able to give a more scientific account of it.
cD
4 kvdwSoupévqv: cp. 8rdi7. Here the word means simply
; wallowing’. Cp Polit. 309 a5 TOUS «0 €V auabia eee KAL TATELYCT),TL
ToNAy KvAwSovpévous, Theaet. 172 C8 of ev tkagtnpios . . . KuAtv Oov-
revo.
es Tihv davornra, ‘the cleverness’, ‘the ingenuity ’. So far as I can
see, none of the editors take the word in this sense ; but surely the
point is just that the prison-house is ingeniously contrived so as to
make the prisoner co-operate in his own imprisonment.
Sau Bi’ EmOupias éariv, sc. 6 eipypds, ‘that it is effected by means
ife

te
Ee
 82 NOTES

of desire,’ i.e. ‘that it has desire as its instrument’. As we shall

see, pleasures and pains, with which émOupia is concerned, are the
agents by which the soul is imprisoned (83d 4; 8444).
€6 ds av...eiy. This is an extremely rare construction in Attic
prose, the nearest parallel being Xen. Cyr. i. 3. 8 kai dsddéace rots
tptot daxtuAas dxovrTes THY Gidryv kal mporhépovory, ds dv evdotev rd
exm@pa evAnmtorata to péAXNovTe riverv. It is equivalent in sense to
draws c. fut. ind. after verbs of ‘ways and means’ (the idea of con-
trivance being implied in Sewdrnra). In other words, ws is a relative
adverb of manner, and dy is to be taken closely with the optative.
Tr. ‘so as best to secure the prisoner’s co-operation in his own
imprisonment ’.
83a1 Tod Se5éo0ar: the MSS. have 7é, but Heindorf's rod restores the
normal construction of cv\\auBadvew, ‘to co-operate’ (dat. of the
person with whom, gez. of the thing in which). Cp. Eur. Zed. 946
ovdArYouat O€ rove vor Kaya mévov, Xen. Mem. ii. 2.12 va... ayabod
cor ylyyntat ovddrrr@p, ib. 7. 32 aya) ovdAnrrpia tay ev elpnyyn mover.
a2 ottw... €xovoav go together, ‘in this state.’
23 mwapapvdeitar: cd. 70b2 2.
bir ot adv...rav dvtwv: here it is once more implied that both the
objects of sense and the objects of thought are dvra. Cp. 79a 6.
b 2. 8 dAdwv, opp. adty ka’ atriy, and virtually equivalent to dia rep
aio Oroewr.
év ddAots dv ddXo, OPP. atrd ka’ adrd, ‘that which varies in varying
conditions,’ as opposed to 76 ael @oaitas éyov.
b 6 ottws emphasizes the preceding participles. Tr. ‘It is just
because she does not think it right to... that she...’
b 7 «ai $6Bwv is omitted by T, the Petrie papyrus, and Iamblichus.
It looks as if it had been inserted to make this clause symmetrical
with the next, in which 4 Avwn6q appears to have been inserted for
a similar reason. Plato avoids exact symmetry of this sort, though
his editors, ancient and modern, often foist it on him.
b 9 ~~ togotrov, here practically ‘so small’.
c 1. ov: Iamblichus has ws, which would be more regular, but is to
be rejected for that very reason. The partitive genitive is used as
if only odd€v, not oddev rocovroyv, preceded.
C 3. Kal ob AoyiLetar adré, ‘and does not take it into account.’
C5 avaykaferar dpa te... kai ...: the emphasis falls on dua, A
76
 NOTES 83
belief in the reality of its object must arise simultaneously with any
strong feeling of pleasure or pain. We have really to deal, there-
fore, with a wrong view as to what is real, which is another way of
saying that goodness is knowledge.
8 (74) seems necessary and could easily have been dropped by
haplography after paduora.
14 &omep HArov éxovoa, ‘with a rivet,’ like Kparos and Bia in the
Prometheus, as Geddes suggests. It is pleasure and pain that rivet
the fetters of the bodily prison-house.
Q ota: cp. 80a47.
ka0apas : Heindorf conjectured kaapds, comparing 6747 ; 80e2;
82c1; but the Petrie papyrus confirms the adverb.
io 6avatrAca, ‘contaminated’, ‘tainted’. Cf. 67a57., and Symp.
QILeE Ll eiAckperés, KaOapdv, Gpeckrov, adda py) avarewy Tapk@y Té
avOpwriver kai xpwpateyv. The feminine form is Ionic.
I épdvecOar: cp. 72m. 42 a 3 onvTe 67) THpaow enpurerdecer €€ avarykns
(\ruyat).
of Stkaiws drropabets, synonymous with of dpfas Pirdaogotr, * those
who deserve the name of philosophers.’ Cp. 67b 47.
6 Koopro, equivalent to cappoves. Cp. 68 e272.
ovx ov... évexd aor, ‘not for the reason given by the mass of
men’ (cp. 82c5§sqq.). It is not necessary to discuss the precise
nature of the ellipse here; for the meaning is plain. The Petrie
papyrus omits duce, as Hermann originally proposed to do. This
is the only case where it confirms a modern conjecture.
2 ov yap, ‘No, indeed.’ It is better to punctuate after ydp than to
take od yap aAdd together with the older editors and Riddell (Dig.
§ 156).
13. Thy pev drdocodiay KA. We must subordinate and say ‘that,
while it is philosophy’s business to release the soul, the soul should
hand itself over to pleasures and pains to fasten its chains once
more’.
,4 avrny, ‘ of itself’, ‘of its own accord’. Cp. 64 a5.
mapadiSovar (cp. 824) is the correlative of mapadapBavew (82e
17.). Once more pleasures and pains are represented as the agents
of the soul’s imprisonment. The eipypds is du ertOupias (82 5).
15 éykarabelv, SC. TO TopaTL. Cp. 62 b 32.
avyvutov <pyov... petaxerptfopévys, ‘to engage in the endless task
77

<
 84 NOTES

of a Penclope handling her web in the opposite way.’ The vulgate

meTaxetptCouerny is a late conjecture and has nothing to commend it.
I formerly read perayetptfouévn with Peipers, which is certainly
better (cp. R. G. Bury in Class. Rev. xx, p. 13). But peraxetpico-
peévns is the reading of BTW, attested by the Petrie papyrus and
Iamblichus, and would not be a natural mistake. It would be
safer to write rds for twa if any change were required; but the
web is the real point of the metaphor, and the indefinite pronoun
may attach itself to iorév for that reason.
@7 Tovtwv, SC. TOY eTiOvLULadY,
a8 évto0UTw otoa: Cp. 59a 37.
76 4Séfacrov, ‘what is not the object of belief (8d&a),’ but of
knowledge. The word is found only here in this sense. Cp. the
similar use of avénrov above 80 b 4.
b 3. dmnAddx Oar, Sc. oferar, NOt olerat Seiv, as is Shown by the nomina-
tive adixoueyn. The soul believes that after death she is done with
all human ills.
b 4 odBev Sewvov pr pony, ‘there is no danger of her fearing.’ Cp.
Apol. 28b1 ovdev d€ dewvov pn ev euot or, ‘there is no fear of my
being the last’, Gong. 520d 5 ovdey Sewdv aire pnmore adixnO, Rep.
465 b 8 ovdev Sevoy py more... dtyoorarnon.
b 5 [tatrta 8’ émrSetcaca]: I take this to be an explanation of, or
more probably an ancient variant for, é« 0) trys roraitns tpopis. To
change 6’ into y with Stephanus and most editors is to hide the
wound, not to heal it.
Ones iy. «<2 Cp. 77 DAN,
b6 & tH dwadXdayn Tod cHpatos: i.e. ereSayv dradXayn Tod GHpaTos
(7oa2). The whole clause refers back to what Cebes said at 7o a.

Narrative interlude. Socrates ts as ready as ever to hear objections

to what he says (84c 1—85 b9).
This long interlude marks off the first part of the dialogue from
the second, in which more serious objections have to be faced than
those of vizo\Aoi. There are scientific objections too.
C2 Tpos TO... Ady Fv, ‘was absorbed in the foregoing argument.’
Cp. Phaedr. 249 ¢ 5 mpos yap éxeivors dei €otiv, d 1 mpos T@ Oeiw yeyvd
pevos, Rep. 567a1 wa... mpds to kad’ Nuepay dvaykdforrat eivat,
Dem. 19. 127 dAos mpos To Anppate.
78
se eee

NOTES 84

(3 > ds i8etv efatvero, lit. ‘as he appeared to look at’, ‘to judge from
his appearance’. In this usage the epexegetic (Sey means much
the same as ryv Oy. Cp. Zim. 52€1 mavtodamyy ideiv paiverOa,
Eur. Her. 1002 eikwv, ws dpay edpaivero, Mad as.
(4 opixpov... SteAcyéoOnv, ‘ went on talking in a low voice’ (not ‘ for
a little’). The opposite of (7)utxpov AE yew, &c., is peéyu Aeyew, &C.
‘to speak loud.’
6 éxev tropias Kai dvriAaBas: ‘it admits of, suggests, gives room
for many misgivings and is open to many forms of attack’ (dyti
AaBn, like avyriAnyis, 87a6, is a metaphor from wrestling, ‘the
opponent’s grip’).
3. evrropyoev, ‘that you will find a way out of your difficulty,’ etzopia
being the opposite of azopia.
5 mada, ‘for sometime. Cp. 63d5 x.
2 pry... Sidepar of fear for something in the present, whereas d 7
py ...7 refers to the future, ‘lest it should prove to be’. It is
incorrect to say that the present indicative implies certainty.
4 tav kikvev: for the ‘swan-song’ cp. Aesch. Ag. 1444 9 O€ ror
(Cassandra) kvxvou dixny | rov toraroy pedaca Oardcipov voor | Keira.
Aristotle, /7zst. An. 615 b2 @drxol dé (of Kixvot) kal wept ras TeAevTasS
padtara adovaw* avarérovra yap Kal eis TO méAayos, Kal tives Hdn
mArcovres Tapa THY ABuny meptéervyoy ev tH Oadattn ToAXoOis Adover
gavy yoode, Kal tovTwy éEwpwyv amvdvycKoytas evious. Cp. D'Arcy
Thompson, Glossary of Greek Lirds, p. 106 sq.
Lol KaAMora : this is Blomfield’s correction of the MS. padtora, and
is now known to be the reading of W, though the first hand
has written cat padiora above the line. We cannot defend pariora
by interpreting it as ‘loudest’. That would be peyororv, which
I had conjectured before the reading of W was known.
,2 ov %e6v: Apollo, as we presently learn, and, in particular, Apollo
Hyperboreus who, as I have shown in E. Gr. Ph.? p. 97, 7. 3, was
the chief god of the Pythagoreans (cp. 60d2.). Aristophanes
too was aware that the swans sang to Apollo. Cp. Birds 769 rode
KUKVOL.... TUpplyy Bony, Spod mTEpois KpeKovTEs, Lakxov "ATOAN@...
dxOw epeCopevoe map’ ”"EBpov rorapov,
+3 1d attav Bos tod Oavarov, ‘their own fear of death.’ (Some
editors wrongly take rov @avarou with carawevdovra.)
45 édSav, ‘to sing a song of departure.’ There is some reason to
79
 85 NOTES

believe that the last song of the chorus was spoken of as ra éfoStxd
as well as ro ¢€ddtoy. The scholiast on Ar. Wasps 270 says so,
though the text is generally emended to ra ée€odccd, and Plotinus,
Enn. 6. 9. 8 (p. 1404. 10) says oloy yopis ¢€&dderv, Cp. Polyb.
XXXl, 20. I parny e€dous ro kixvetov, Plut. Syzp. 161¢ (of Arion)
eEaoat O€ Kat Tov Bloy redevTay, Kal wy yeveoOar KaTa TOUTO TOY KUKYOY
ayevverTepos.
a7 7 Te dnSdav kai yeASdv kal 6 ero (note how Plato avoids the
formalism of the article, Riddell, Dig. § 237). These are the three
birds of Atticlegend, Procne, Philomela, and Tereus. Procne, not
‘Philomel ’, is the nightingale in Athenian legend.
b 3. Stadepivrws #, ‘in a higher degree than,’ cp. below g5c3. The
construction dvadépew 7 is as regular as dvadépew c. gen.
b 5 tepds tod avtod Gcotd: we know from the Afsology that Socrates
regarded himself as consecrated to Apollo by the answer given to
Chaerephon at Delphi. The view that Plato invented this does
not merit discussion. With the expression épudduvdos cp. Afpol. 23
C I Ova rv tov Oeov AaTpeiay.
b 6 ov xeipov... éxew, ‘that I possess the art in no inferior degree’,
‘that I am not worse provided than they are with the gift of pro-
phecy at my Master’s hands’. Cp. Hdt. iii. 130 pdAavpws éyew rH
TEXYNY.
b 8 = rovrou y’ éveca, ‘so far as that is concerned.’ Cp. 106d 2.
bg ‘A@nvaiwv: the absence of the article is normal, and the position
of the word suggests the official style.

The Objections of Stmmias and Cebes (85 b 1o—95€ 6).

(1) Zhe Objection of Simmitas (85 b 1o—86 d 4).
C3 Oo pev cages ciBivar, ‘sure knowledge.’ As we have seen (62 b 5),
Plato represents Socrates as speaking with a certain reserve as to
the details of the doctrine.
C4. pry otyt... kat py...: the negatives are not co-ordinate. The
first is dependent on pad@akod etvat avdpds (which implies a negative
and therefore takes uy ov). The second merely introduces a nega-
tive statement of wari rpdr@ edéyxewv. Tr. ‘ To fail to test them in
every way without desisting till one is utterly exhausted by examin:
ing them on every side, shows a very poor spirit’.
80
 NOTES 85

17 «= pabetv. .. H etpetv, ‘either to learn (from another) or find out

(for oneself).’ This contrast had an almost proverbial currency.
Cp. Soph. fr. 731 ra pev didaxra pavOdave, ra 8 ebperd | (nro ra &
evxta Tapa Oey itnodpnv. So below ggc8.
el tadta aduvarov: cp. Pari. 160a2 taita d€ adivatoy épayn.
oxovpevov: cp. Ar. Kuzghts 1244 \errn ris Aris ear’ ef)’ hs dxovpeba.
homep emi oxedias: cp. Cic. Zusc. i. 30 tamguam tn rate in mart
immenso nostra vehttur oratio. Simmias is thinking of the raft of
Odysseus.
3 Adyou Getov tivds: this must refer to the Orphic and Pythagorean
doctrine of the soul. It is quite in keeping with all we can make
out as to the history of Pythagoreanism that Simmias and Cebes
should feel regretfully that they can no longer accept the Adyos of
their society. We are just about to learn that they had adopted a
view of the soul which was wholly inconsistent with it. I assume
that Heindorf is right in deleting 4; for otherwise the whole phrase
must go. The conjunction ; is never used to introduce an explana-
tion. Even, however, if) Adyou Getov rivds is an adscript, or a question
asked by some reader, it gives a perfectly correct explanation of the
meaning, as is shown by c 9 trav avOpwrivey Aéyav.
7 ~ mpos cpavTov: Cp. Q5€7 mpos eavTdy Tt oKeWapevos.
éporye, SC. ov chaivera ikavas eipnoda.
epi Gppovias, ‘with regard to the tuning of a lyre and its strings.’
It is important to remember here that dpyovia does not mean what
we call ‘harmony’. It has its literal sense of ‘tuning’ in a certain
key or mode, from which its other senses, ‘ scale’ and ‘ octave’, are
easily derived. What we call ‘harmony’ is in Greek ovpdovia.
Cp. 86a év 77 nppoopern Avpa, ‘in the tuned lyre.’
kataét> refers to the framework of the lyre, S:atépy and Brappyfy
(‘cut and break’) to the strings. Schanz (S/d. p. 36) regards
dtaréun as an adscript to dvappyé. It is true that in a 7 we have
only Steppwyviay and not duaretpnpévwy, but that is just Plato’s way
of avoiding formal symmetry.
16 ovSepia... dv ein: Bekker brackets dv, which restores the normal
construction on the assumption that et is indirect speech for éari.
But the direct speech might very well be 4y ety, which would remain
unchanged in oratio obliqua.
22 dAda gain avayky...etvar: the original protasis et rus Ouaxupifoiro
1251 81 G
 86 NO'TES

... os xKTA. is resumed, but in oratio recta, as is natural after the

parenthesis. Of course, dain still depends upon ¢ in a 4, but has
no effect upon the construction, It is the parenthetical @yvi, zig 7t,
adapted to the construction of the long protasis. We might write
a\a (atn) avdykn kre.
b 5 «at ydp otv xrA.: Simmias here interrupts himself. He thinks
he may as well drop the imaginary ris and state plainly that the
comparison of the soul to a dppovia is their own doctrine. The
hesitation with which he does so is responsible for the cumbrousness
of the sentence, and is the natural consequence of the feelings which
he expressed in the interlude.
kai altév oe ktA.: it is assumed that Socrates is familiar with
the recent developments of Pythagoreanism, though he may not
accept them.
b6 tmohapBavopev: who are ‘we’ this time? Most editors suppose
that no particular school is meant, and that the theory under dis-
cussion was simply a popular belief. This is most improbable.
It has all the marks of being a medical theory, and we now know
that Philolaus was a medical writer (E.Gr. Ph.’p. 322). Further,
the doctrine was held at a later date by Aristoxenus, who was
acquainted with the last of the Pythagoreans (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 320),
who were disciples of Philolaus like Simmias. We shall see below
(88d 3) that Echecrates, another disciple of Philolaus, had accepted
it too. I have pointed out elsewhere (E. Gr. Ph.’ pp. 339 sqq.)
how such a doctrine would naturally arise from the attempt to
adapt Pythagoreanism to the views of the Sicilian school of medi-
cine, which were based on the Empedoclean doctrine of the four
‘elements’ identified with the ‘opposites’ hot and cold, wet and
dry (E. Gr. Ph.* p. 235). Further confirmation of this view will be
found in the following notes. Aristotle says (De Am. A. 4. 407 b 27
kal An d€ res ddéa rapadédora rept Wuyis, Tavy pev roddois ovdentas
iTTov TaV Aeyouevwrv, Adyous SO Gorep evOvvas Sedwxvia kai trois €y Kowa
yvopevots Adyas (i.e. dialectical discussions)’ dppoviay yap tia avtny
A€eyouow" Kal yap Tiy dppoviay kpaow Kat cvvOeow evavriwy eivat, kal rd
Teua ovyKkeiaba e& evavtior.
b7 Somep évrerapévov kta. The body is thought of as an instrument
tuned to a certain pitch, the opposites hot and cold, wet and dry
taking the place of high and low (6&0 xai Bapv) in music.
82
 NOTES 86
kal ouvexopévov, ‘and held together.’ It is the presence of the
opposites hot and cold, wet and dry which keeps the body to-
gether, so long as neither opposite prevails unduly over the
peer (cp. Zeno, ap. Diog. Laert. ix. 29 kal Wuxiy xpapa imdpyew
€k Tv mpoetpnpevwy (the four opposites) kata pndevds rovitwv éme-
Kpatnoy).
two Geppod xrA. This was the characteristic doctrine of the
Sicilian school. Cp. Amon. Lond. xx. 25 (from Meno’s ‘larpexd)
@idtorioy 6° oterar ex tetrapey Seay ouvverrdva Huas, rovr’ Zor ek
TETTapOY GTOLXElwy’ Tupds, depos, USaTos, yns. etvar O€ Kat éxdoTov
Ouvdpets, TOU pev Tupos TO Oeppdy, Tod dé aépos TO Wrypdy, Tov dé BSaros
TO vypdyv, THs O€ yns TO Enpdy. Cp. the speech of the physician
Eryximachus in Syp.186 d6 gore d€ €yOora Ta evavtwrata, Wuypoy
Oeppo, mexpov yruxei, Enpdv typo... TovTos emtaTnOEis Epwra euroujoat
kal Opovotay 6 NpeTepos mpdyovos AgKAnTlOs ... TUVETTNOED TI TuETEpuy
TEXYNY.
kpdow, lemferaturam. The word was properly used of the
mixture of wine and water in the xparyp in certain fixed proportions.
This seems to have been an earlier way of describing what the later
Pythagoreans called a dppovia. Parmenides (fr. 16) already speaks
of the xpaous pedéwv, and Diogenes Laertius ix. 29 ascribes the theory
to Zeno (cp. above b 8 2). The whole doctrine of the ‘ temperaments’
is a development of this. Eryximachus (Sym. 188a1) uses both
terms in connexion with climate (7) ray wpay Tov €viavTod ovoraats)
which is good éretOdv... mpos GAAn\a... TA re Oeppa Kai Ta Yuxpa
kal Enpa kal Uypd ... dppoviay kat kpaow haBn coppova.
ei ody TUyxdver KkTA., ‘if then our soul is just a tuning.’ After the
explanation given in the last parenthesis, the protasis is resumed
(hence ody) in another form. For the present ef ris ducxupiCorro
xr, is dropped.
Stav xyadacOy: xaday is a regular synonym of ameévat, relaxare, to
loosen astring. The opposite is émretvery, z2tendere.
éy rots Odyyors, ‘in musical notes.’ In Attic the word pOdyyos is
practically confined to the meanings ‘note’ (whether in music or
the notes of birds) and ‘accent’.
pa otv: this introduces the apodosis, which also contains, in the
words édy tw agwoi, a reminiscence of the original protasis el TLS
Sucxupiforo,
83 G2
 86 NOTES
d 3. tav &€v 76 cépart, of the elemental opposites (hot-cold, wet-dry)
of which the body is composed.

(2) Lhe objection of Cebes (86d 5—88b 8).

d5 AvaBAépas, ‘ with a broad stare’ (aor. pcp. synchronous to
én).
This verb occurs nowhere else before Aristotle Tlept evurviwy 462
a
12 evlois yap TOY vewrépwy Kal raprav OiaBA€rovaww, eay 7 oK6dros,
Paiverat elowAa TOAAG Ktvovpeva, where it plainly means ‘having
the
eyes wide open’, The words womep.. . clades Suggest that the
reference is to the well-known peculiarity of Socrates’ eyes de-
scribed in 7heaet. 143e9 as 1d é£o Trav dupatev, a peculiarity
also referred to in Xen. Symp. 5. 5, where Socrates says that his
eyes are able to see, not only what is in front of him (ro kar’ evOv),
but also ro ek mdayiov (obliquely) dia rd émurddatot efvat (because they
are a fleur de téte). That this is the meaning of 16 ¢éw rap dundrov
is, | think, proved by the opposition of é&épados (so Plato, Theaet.
209C 1) to koAdPOadpos in Xen. £g. 1. 9, though in itself Campbell’s
suggestion that 7d é€w refers to the position of the eyes and the
width between them is perfectly possible. It is the same peculiarity
which Aristophanes intends when he makes the Clouds say to
Socrates (Clouds 362) rapOarpw wapaBddXcs. If this is so, d.a-
does not mean ‘through’, but ‘apart’, as in d:aBaivw, so we must
not translate ‘with a piercing glance’. The phrase ravpydov tmoBne-
Was below (117 b 5) means something rather different.
7 Tt ov dmexpivaro; the aorist in such questions expresses im-
patience. Cp. Gorg. 509 € 2 Ti ovk atré yé pot TovTO dmekpirw; So
already Hdt. ix. 48 ri 6) od... €uayeodpeda ;
8 amtopéva tot Adyou, ‘handling the argument.’ Cp. Euthyd. 283
a 2 eneokdrouy Tiva Tote Tpdmoy GoTo Tov Adyov. Heindorf’s view
that dmrec6u is here used reprehendendi et impugnandi potestate
seems improbable, though adopted in L. and S.,
1 Xpovou éyyevopévov, ‘when we have had time.’ Cp. Symp. 184 a6
(va ypdvos eyyevnrat. The phrase is common in Thucydides.
2 émeta [8]: the balance of evidence is in favour of omitting 6¢,
Cp. 73.a7 2.
ouyxwpetv, SC. doKel xpnvat,
€ 3 © avrtois, SC. Syupla Kat KeBnre.
édv Te SoxGor tpoggdev, ‘if it appears that they are at all in tune.’
84 \
 NOTES 86

The voice and the accompanying instrument are said mpoogSev or

anddev. Socrates gently rallies the musical terminology of the
Thebans. Cp. g2 cS.
3 ovTws H5y, Cm demum, ‘then and not till then.’ There is a slight
anacoluthon, as 7 has preceded.
4 repStxeiv is a poetical word found only in late prose.
5 76... Opatrov, ‘what is troubling you.’ Here we have an old
word (Pind., Aesch.), though with Att. -rr- for -co-. Cp. the
Homeric rétpnya. The reading 70 is well attested, so dmtstiay
mapexet 1S probably due to the same hand as the interpolation at
69e3. The change of ré to 6 in later MSS. is clearly a ‘con-
jecture’.
6 é&vrmaite... eivar, ‘to have got no further.’
7 Smep...tavtov... éxetv, ‘to be open to the same criticism as we
made in our former argument’ (77b 1 sqq.).
2 708e 76 efSos, ‘this (human) body.’ Cp. 76c 12.
ovk avatiGepar, ‘I do not retract,’ a metaphor amo ror retrevévtwr
Kat Tas Kexiynuevas 16n Wijous (‘ pieces’) diopAotvrwy (Harpocration),
Cp. Hippurch. 229 ¢ 3 womep TettE(wv EOé\w... avabéoba, It takes
the construction of verbs of denying.
.3 Xaprevtws, syn. et, KuA@s. Cp. 80c6n.
érray és, ‘exaggerated.’ The word is applied not only to arrogant
self-praise (Dem. Cov. 10 tva pndev emaydes Aéyw) but also to ‘ over-
done’ or ‘fulsome ® praise of others. Cp. Laws 688 d 6 Ady... ve,
® Eéve, emauvety emayxOe ore pov. It is just this sensitiveness to ro
éraxéés which accounts for the way of speaking described in
68 e2.
»5 of por Sone? tHSe, SC. ikavas drodedetyOar, 1 think the demonstra-
tion is deficient in this respect.’
16 évrAhwe, ‘objection,’ a metaphor from wrestling ; cp. 847 arte
AaBas.
17 ri ovv dv daly & Adyos: the argument is often personified in this
way. Cf. Soph. 238 b 4 Ss gnaw 6 Adyos. For the position of ay
cp. 102a1. The parenthesis was so familiar that dain av was not
consciously to the speaker a separate clause. (Riddell, Dig. § 295.)
14 dpolws... Somep dv tis... Aéyou, ‘ with as much right as if.’ The
whole of this section is thrown into the form of a reported dialogue
between 6 A¢ywy and 6 anoray.
85
 87 NOTES

b5 dvOpdrov épivrov mpecBirov, simply ‘an old weaver’. It is idio-

matic to add dy6épwros to the names of trades. In Scots we might
say a ‘ webster body’.
b6 Sr otk drédwAev wrh., ‘that the man is not dead, but is safe and
sound somewhere.’ Ofcourse this isnot supposed to be an argument
for the continued existence of the weaver’s soud, but is meant to
disprove the fact of his death in the ordinary sense of the word.
The weaver corresponds to the soul, and the garment to the body.
b 7 ods: all MSS. have icas, but it is difficult to reject Forster’s
correction o@s in view of the next line and c 5 below.
airos Upnvapevos: this touch is not necessary to the argument,
nor indeed is it strictly necessary that the old man should bea
weaver at all; but Cebes has in view a theory of the soul weaving
the body as its garment, which is pretty nearly the opposite of the
view that it is the dppovia or xpaots of the elementary opposites.
The latter makes the soul a resultant of the bodily organization, the
former makes it the organizing principle. The view that the body
is the garment of the soul is primitive (cp. the Orphic yirwy, and
Empedocles, fr. 126 Diels capxay adddyvate mepistéAovea yiTaut,
E. Gr. Ph.? p. 258, 2. 1); but the theory of Simmias is essentially
Heraclitean. Such eclecticism was characteristic of the time.
CI dmoroty is Heindorf’s correction of the MS. amoray, which seems
to involve an incredible anacoluthon; seeing that avepwran must
have the rs in b 4, not that in b 8, for its subject.
C 3. atvos strikes me as a not very successful attempt at botching
the sentence after dmioroin had been corrupted into amiora@y. The
argument surely requires that the person asked, not ‘some one’,
should give the answer, and we can easily supply avrov from the
context.
c6 70 &(€), ‘ whereas,’ cum tamen. This is a fairly common Platonic
idiom (cp. 10g d 8), though it can hardly be said that it has been
satisfactorily explained.
c7 was [ydp] av tmoddBo, ‘any one would retort,’ rather than
‘every one would understand’. The yap is more likely to have been
inserted in B than dropped in TW. ‘The asyndeton is quite
correct.
Sau etinGes A€yer wTA., ‘that this is a silly argument.’ The verb is
used twice over in order to make the construction personal.
86
 NOTES 87
¢8 otros, iste, ‘this weaver of yours.’
d4 YX" mpés capa, ‘the relation of soul to body will admit of the
_ same comparison.’
d5 pérpr(a)... Atyav: 7.9. ev Néyerr. Cp. 96d 6.
d7 &v dain: cp. 87a77.
d8 ct ydp ptor «rd., ‘for, even if the body is in a state of flux and is
perishing while the man is still living, yet the soul always weaves
afresh the web that is worn out.’ This is a parenthesis intended to
justify the statement that each soul wears out many bodies. The
optative is regular in the parentheses of indirect speech, and a\ha
means af. For the theory (which is just that of modern physiology)
cp. 77m. 43.44 Tas THs aOavatov Wuyis wepiddous evédSovy eis eripputov
capa Kat andppuroy. It is essentially Heraclitean (E. Gr. Ph.?
— ~pp. 161 sqq.).
e 3. «TUXelv . . . Exoucay, ‘it must have at the time.’
e4 TH dvow Tis doOevelas, ‘its natural weakness.’ Such words as
vows are often used with the genitive to form a mere periphrasis
for the noun which they govern, but their proper meaning may
| emerge more or less, as here.
e5 émBerkvior. . . Stolyo.ro: the construction reverts to d 5 peérju’ av
| pot paivorto Neyerv, os... All this is still the speech of 6 amoray.
‘There is a much stronger instance of an oblique optative with
nothing to depend on below 95d 3.
aI ei yap tts xtA. These words are addressed, not (as Heindorf
and Stallbaum thought) by Cebes to Simmias, but by the supposed
| objector to Cebes. ‘Even if,’ he says, ‘we were to make a still
greater concession to the man who uses this argument (rw Acyor7u)
than the concession which you (Cebes) mention’ (above 87a1
sqq.).
a6 avr, ‘the thing in question,’ i.e. the soul. Cp. below1og a9.
a7 Wuxiy (rv uxyv W) is added for clearness after yeyvoperny. ‘The
more regular construction would be to say either avryjy or yeyvopevov.
aS pykére ocvyxepot: these words continue the protasis and still
depend on «i, 88 a1. ‘If, having granted this, he were to stop short
of making the further admission that. . .’
movetv was technical for Avreio@a in fifth-century philosophy.
Cp. Anaxagoras (quoted in Aristotle’s ¢hzcs 1154 b 7) del Tove TO
(gov.
87
 88 NOTES

b 3. et 8 roto otrws fxet ktA. The original protasis, ef...tts...

avyxwpynoever, which has just been continued by b 2 gain, is dropped,
and a new protasis, resuming the argument of res, is begun.
ovSevi mpooyjket, “no one has a right’, ‘is entitled’. Stephanus
reads mpoonkev.
5 4 @avarov Sappotvt.: as Oappeiv is equivalent to od (j)) hoBeicba
(cp. 63 e 10 w.) it naturally takes an object accusative.
b6 dvayxynv efvat is dependent on b 2¢ain. The reported speech
which is dropped for a moment at b 4 mpoony«e: reasserts itself here.

Dramatic Interlude. The effect of the objections (88 c 1—8g a8).

The importance of this break in the argument is marked by the fact
that it takes us back to Phlius and Echecrates, and that the
dramatic form is resumed. It has to be shown that current Pytha-
gorean views about the soul are inadequate and that we must go
deeper.

C4.) ¢isdmortiav xataBadetv: cp. Philedb. 15€4 els dmopiay attov.. .

KkataBa\\wv.
ov fovov Tots... GAAd kal eis Ta... The change of construc-
tion is characteristic.
c6 py... elpev... 4: the change of mood is due to the fact that
the first verb refers to the present, the second to the future. The
opt. « ecuey is the indirect form of py... écper, while py)... 7
means ‘lest they should prove to be’. The subj. here might also
have become opt., but this would have obscured the difference of
meaning. For other instances cp. Riddell, Dig. $ 89.
di émépyerar, ‘it is borne in upon me.’
d2 4s... év: exclamations, like interrogations, may be conveyed
by a participial phrase.
d 4 dvrAapBaverar: this is a different application of the metaphor
from wrestling, explained 84c6. Cp. Parm. 130€2 ovmsw gov
avrethnrrat prrocohia ws ere avTiAnWerat
dg _ pertidOe tov Adyov: cp. 76e97. The Adyos is the game which is
hunted. So Meno 74d3 «i otv Somep éym petnet Tov Adyorv, Soph.
252b8 ére rolvuy Gy . . . Kkatayehaorérata periorey Tov Adyov. That
this is the meaning appears from the equivalent phrase diwxew Tov
Adyov Theaet. 166d 8.
88
 NOTES 88
au is internal object of ax @dpevos.
2 «eBorPer to Acyp. Here we have a different, but almost equally
common, metaphor.
|I ékeivos: cp. Riddell, Dig. § 194.
12 as HSews etA.: cp. 58e47.
-3 dyapéves: Plato often uses dyapuat of the effect produced on
Socrates by his interlocutors.

Protreptic interlude (89a9—g91C5). A Warning against

pucoNoyia.

I émt xaparlndovu tivds: Xapaignros* Suppiov pexpdy, 7)taTwewov okipr-

dtov (Timaeus, s. v.).
»2 Kataphoas otv «tA. This is imitated in Xenophon’s Apology 28
rov d€ Néyerat kataroayra avrov Thy Keadny eimew kTA. In Xenophon,
however, it is the head of Apollodorus that Socrates strokes. This
is pointless; for he would hardly wear his hair long like the
youthful Phaedo. It appears from the following words that
Socrates wishes to see how Phaedo will look with his hair cropped
as a sign of mourning.
»8 ’AAAG ti; ‘What then?’ Heindorfshows from Aristophanes that
this was a regular colloquial formula.
IO. évaPidoacbqr: cp. 71€13 7. The metaphor here implied is the
same as in Bonfetv ro Av yw, 88 € 2.
SI et... pe Stadevyor: here we have the other metaphor, the
hunting of the Adyos.
C2 domep Apyetor: Hat. i. 82 "Apyeto pev vey aro rovtov Tod Xpdvou
KaTaketpapevor Tas KePadas, mpdoTepov eTUvAYKES KOMEOVTES, ETFOL TAVTO
vopov TE Kal KaTUpNY [1] TPOTEPOY Opeew Kopny Apyetov pndeva ss .
mpi Oupeas avagwowrTal.
C5 pos Sv0o... o%8’ & ‘HpaxAfis: the proverb is more fully ex-
plained in Euthyd. 297C1 rov “HpakXéous, ds ovx olds TE HY TH TE
Udpa SuapaxerOar . . . Kal kapkiva Twi... €k Oadarrns adrypev@
. «bs eretd) adrov €uret oUTws €K TOU em apiotepa .. . Sukvor,
rov “Id\ewy tov adeAPidotv Bonfoy émekadéaato, 6 d€ a’T@ ikavas
_ eBorOnoev.
c 7 as ert ds Eotiv: Cp. G1e 4 2.
+10 vov ‘HpaxAq: the poetical form (cp. Soph. 77ach. 476) is purposely
; 89
 89 NOTES

used to suggest a poetical reminiscence (Vahlen, Opusc. i, p.

485).
dr proddoyo, ‘haters of discourses’ or ‘arguments’ (not ‘reason’),
as appears from d 3 Adyous pionoas. Minucius Felix, Ocfav. xiv. 4,
quoted by Geddes, translates quite correctly g¢tur nobis providen-
dum est ne odio identidem sermonum omnium laboremus.
d2 tovrou...4...: cp. Crito 442 tis dy aicyiov en tavrns
Od£a7 Ooxety krA, Riddell, Dig. § 163.
d5 dvev réxvns: the meaning of this is made clear by e 5 dvev réxvns
TIS TEpt TAVIpwrreELa.
€ 2 ovdevds ovd8€v tyés : cp. QoC3, Ar. Plut. 362 ws ovdev areyvas vyés
eat ovdevds. So Crat. 440 C6 kai avrov te kai Tay byTwY KaTAyLyvooKe
ws ovdev vyes ovdevds. For the meaning of tyés cp. 69 b 8 7.
9941 o68pa qualifies ypyortovs kai wovnpovs, NOt dAtyous, as is shown by
a 4 trav obddpa ocptxpay Kal peyahor,
a8 dad... dkpa tav écydtwv: the oyara are opposed to ra peru€d,
and the dxpa are the extremes of these.
b 2. ¢avivar: cp. 72c1 7.
b 4 Tavry pev odx ... GAX’ exeivy,gy ..., ‘that is not the point of
comparison but this...’
b 7 ris wept tots Abyous réyvys: the term Logic (Aoyexn, sc. téxvn)
originated from phrases like this, though neither 1 Aoyiky nor ra
Aoytxa are used till a far later date. Logic is thought of here as an
art of dealing with arguments, just as the art of life (» mepi ra av-
Opamea téxvn 89 € 5) teaches us to deal with men.
b 8 dv, ‘being so.” We cannot take dv here as equivalent to ‘ being
true’ with some editors. If anything, it is yeuds that must be
supplied.
bg «ai pédvora 84 etA. The protasis which began at b 6 émeiddv is
forgotten and never resumed.
ot epi Tovs dvtiAoyikovs Adyous Statpiavres: the true originator
of dyriAoyexot Adyot was Zeno of Elea, who was some twenty years
older than Socrates (E. Gr. Ph.” p. 358). From quite another point
of view Protagoras maintained vo Adyous eivar wept Gmavtos mpaypa-
TOS, avtiketpéevous GAANAoLS, vis Kal Guynpeta, TpeTos TovTO mpagus
(Diog. Laert..ix..51); Cp. 101 es,
C4 darexyvas Somep ev Hipinw: the current in the Euripus was said to
change its direction seven times a day (Strabo ix. 403). In reality
go
 NOTES go

the maXippora is more irregular, being partly tidal and partly due to
seiches. Cp. Pauly-Wissowa, vi, col. 1283. The current is strong
enough tostopa steamer. For drexvés introducing such expressions
cp.59a4%.
:5 vw Katw otpidetar tA. The language of this sentence is
just that which is elsewhere used of the followers of Heraclitus
(E. Gr. Ph. p. 4172.3). Cp. Crat. 4406 atrod re kai tov
ow” , € ’ ‘ €
OvT@Y KaTaylyyacKely ws ovdey Uyes ovdevds, GAAA TavTa Sorep
‘ ,> \ , ‘ fol

Kepipla pel, kal arexvas @omep vf Karippw vooorytes avOpwrrot

ovTws olecOat Kat Ta mpdypara StakeioOa, awd pevpards Te Kai KaTap-
pov mavta xpiuata éxecOa. Now, in the 7heaetetus Plato makes
Socrates say that Protagoras justified his mavrwy ypnudtov pérpov
dvOpwros by basing it on the doctrine of Heraclitus. It seems,
then, that Protagcras is mainly intended here. It is certain, at
any rate, that Plato would not have made Socrates refer in this
way either to Antisthenes or Euclides; for both are supposed to
be present.
29 84 71Vvos: the particle dy follows the interrogative ris but precedes
the indefinite ms. Cp.107d7; 108c1; 11544.
114 €wera marks inconsistency or inconsequence by emphasizing the
preceding participle.
19 pi wapiopev, ‘let us not admit’ (from mapinut).
a2 wmoAdv padAAov: we must supply evvodpmev or some such word from
the context.
22 of wavu dmaiSevro.: here we have the beginnings ofthe character-
istic Aristotelian use of ama:devoia for ignorance of Logic. Aristotle
applies the word to the followers of Antisthenes (A7Ze?. Z. 3. 1045 b 24
of “AvttaGeveron Kat of ovtws amaidevrot), but no such reference is
admissible here. Cp. goc5 2.
a3 ¢tdovikws: the MSS., as usual, have -«i- for -i-, but it is very
doubtful whether there ever was such a word as guAovetkos, ‘ strife-
loving,’ and Plato certainly derives pidcvixov from vikn in Lep, 581 b 2
(see Adam, 2 /oc.). In every passage where the word occurs in
Plato the meaning ‘ victory-loving’ is appropriate. Here the sense
is clearly that Socrates may seem to be arguing for victory rather
than truth.
—A 5 © & avtol M@evto, ‘what they themselves have laid down,’ their own
Oeces.
: gI
 gi NOTES
a8 ci pi etn wapepyov, ‘except incidentally.’ Cp. Polit. 286d 5 rAnp
el (ef wy T) mapepydv te.
DI &s mAcovertixas: Socrates playfully suggests that he is taking an
unfair advantage. It is ‘Heads I win; tails you lose’.
b 3. AX’ ov... ye, ‘at any rate.’ The emphatic word is placed
between aAX’ ody and ye in this combination.
b4 fr. v... d8upépevos, I shall be less likely to distress the
company by lamentations.’
b§ dvoua, ‘folly.’ Most editors follow Stephanus in reading dyvoua,
apparently without MS. authority. B has é:dvoia, a mistake due to
the resemblance of A and A. Schanz’s 7 d¢ 67) dyvow implies a much
less likely corruption.
C 3. evAaPovpevor is omitted in B, but this may be an accident.
C5 70 kévtpov éykatakimov: cp. the description of the oratory of
Pericles by Eupol's (fr. 94 Kock) otrws éxndet kat pdvos trav pytdpor |
TO KEVTPOV EykaTEAELTE TOLS AKpowpevols.

Reply to the objection of Simmitas (g1c 6—Q5 4a 3).

The objection of Simmias is fully dealt with, but that of Cebes is
found to raise a larger question, and leads up to the Third Proof of
Immortality.
C7 Xpplas pev ydp krA. The two views are resumed and carefully
distinguished. There is (1) the view that the soul is the appovia of
the body and must therefore perish even before the body, and
(2) the view that the soul weaves for itself many bodies, but perishes
with, or even before, the last of them.
C8 Spws...dv, ‘in spite of its being.” The adv. dys is ‘attracted’ ©
by the participle.
dir év Gppovias eiSet otoa, a periphrasis which only differs from dppovia
ovtca by being more emphatic. Cp. above 87e4 tyv piow ris
ao Gevelas.
d3 768 dSnAov tavtt, sc. Paya to be supplied from cvyyapeir.
d 7 droddtpevov otSév mavetat, ‘is unceasingly perishing.’ Cp. 87d 8
el yap peor TO capa kal GroAXAvotTO ért C@vTOS TOU avOpwrov. Dis-
tinguish ovdev maverar, fnem nullum facit, from ov maverat.
Q2aI_ évde0fvar: cp. 62 b 3 2.
a5 dAdo wore tr: 1 now observe that Heindorf suggested this read-
ing, though he did not print it in his text. ,
g2
 NOTES 92
6 "AAG avaykyn kTA. It is shown first that the view of the soul as
a dppovia is inconsistent with the doctrine of dydyynors which
Simmias accepts. A dpporia could exist before the body of which
it is the attunement just as little as it could survive it. This
brings out the fundamental inconsistency of the later Pythagorean
doctrine.
.8 ék TOV KaTa TO GOpa évteTapévwv auyKeiaat, ‘to be composed of’
the elementary opposites, hot and cold, wet and dry, which are
here spoken of as the strings of the body.
ie cavtov Aéyovtos: for the phrase cp. 92e€2; g6e7. It is mere
superstition to read atvrov because B has atror.
ovpBaiver: the regular term for the consequences of a Umddears.
4
Cp. d6z.
eiSos Te kai oOpa: the two terms are Synonymous. Cp. 73a 1 2.
© dmeakales: i.e. oloy d dreckaes, ‘like the thing you are com-
paring it to.’ Cp. Ref. 349d 10 rowiros apa éory €kaTEpos aUTaY
OloTrep EOLKEY }
Tas cuvacetat ; Cp. 86 e 37.
dvev dodeigews peta eikdtos tivds kal evmpetetas, ‘without demon-
stration, from a specious analogy.’ Cp. 7/eaet. 162 € 4 anddekw de
kal avdykny ovS ivtwouv Aéyete GAAG TH eikdTt xpyIOe, @ «i €GeXot
Gcddwpos 4 GAdNos Tis TOY YeMLETPGY Xpaflevos “yewpeTpeEty a&ios
ovd’ évds pdvov av ein, Euthyd. 305 €1 mavu e€ eikdros Adyov . . « od yap
rot GAda 6 ye Adyos Eyer TIVa evmrpéretay THY avdparv.—Kat yap exel OvTws
... eUmpemecay padXov 7) aA7,Oevay,
Tots ToAAois . . . avOpdmors, ‘most people’ who do hold it. We
cannot infer from this expression that it was a widespread popular
belief.
adatcow, ‘impostors.’ Cp. Lys. 218d2 PoBovpa... py aorep
L4 [Wevdéou] évreruxrkaper.
avOparots adratsaw dyos Tesiv ToLovToLs
Rep. 560 C2 Wevdeis 5) kal ahagoves ... Adyou Te kat OvEat,
16 Bu? uTobécews Ckias dmodébacGar: Socrates assumes that the mean-
ing of ixdOeors is familiar to his hearers from its use in geometry,
which is illustrated in a well-known passage of the Meno (86e
sqq.). Even Xenophon knew the term: cp. JZem. iv. 6. 13 ef d€ Ts
are TeEpi Tov avTIéyot pndev EXov cahés déyery, GAN’ dvev arrodeiEews ...
ay mavra Tov Adyov wdE
5a , \ , = ,
we
emavnyev
’
KTrL ee oy Et THY indOcow
&
doxov
We shall learn shortly exactly what a hypothesis is. It
mos kt\.
93
 92 NOTES

will be sufficient to say here that it is a statement of which the

truth is postulated and from which we deduce its consequences |
(ra cupBaivovra). The phrase literally means ‘the argument pro-
ceeded (6 Adyos .. . €ipnta) by means of a hypothesis worthy of
acceptance’.
afias dmodéEaobar: we are not told here, nor were we told above,
d7
why the hypothesis in question is worthy of acceptance. We only
know that Cebes and Simmias accepted it at once. The position
of the argument, then, is this: Simmias declares that he cannot
give up the doctrine that pd@nows is avduvnots so long as he accepts
the hypothesis, and this he will not give up.
éppnOy yap wou ktA. The trd6eots is given formally above 76d 7
ei...€aTtv & Opvdodpev del, Kady TE TL Kal AyaOOy Kal TATA 7 TOLAUTN Ov-
gia... Nowit has been shown that we refer all our sensations to |
this standard, and that this means that our soul already possesses |
it and rediscovers it in the process of learning. From this it fol- —
lowed in turn that our soul must have existed before entering into |
a human body. These steps have been rigorously demonstrated |
(ixaves drobédSeckrat), and therefore, so dong as we accept the indbeurs,
we must accept the conclusion.
d 8 Sonep abtis éorw «th.: ie. the pre-existence of the soul is as
certain as the fact that the reality which bears the name of 76 6 €orw
belongs to it (cp. 76e 1 trdpxovray mpdtepoy avevpiokovtes nperéepay
ovaav). This is the interpretation of Wyttenbach and Heindorf.
Most recent editors adopt Mudge’s emendation éonep avrn éorw krTA.
That would, no doubt, give a correct sense (‘as certainly as the
reality itself which bears the name of 4 éore exists ’), and would even
be a more accurate statement of the ultimate imd@eots. But adrijs
éotw serves to remind us of the point on which the whole argument
turns, namely that this ovia is really the soul’s original possession,
and that what we call learning is really ofketay emiornpny avahapBdver
(75e5). For the form of expression cp. Theaet. 160¢7 tis yap
éuns ovalas det cori (1% pr) aicOnots).
savTny, SC. THY Urdbecwv. There is no doubt about the conclusion
(r5 ovpBaivov) being correctly demonstrated; what Simmias says
here is that he firmly believes himself to be justified (opés) in
accepting the tmdOeots which forms the major premise.
€4 Tis... rgde; the following argument proceeds on independent
94
 NOTES oa al
: lines, and is based upon the nature of dppovia itself. Socrates first
gets Cebes to make two admissions. These are (1) that every dppovia
is determined by its component elements, (2) that no dppovia admits
of degrees.
4 Soxet oo nrdA. The first dportdynua (g2e 4—93a10). Every
dppovia is determined by its component elements. The note which
anything will give out depends entirely upon what it is made of. It
does not lead; it follows.
$8 IToAAob... Set: the subject is dppovia,
évavtia.. . KivnPijvat... 4 pOéyEaoOat, ‘to move (vibrate) or give out
a sound in opposition to its parts,’ i. e. to the tension and relaxation
which produces it, as explained below 94 c3.
I Tt 5€; wrA. The second 6podtdynua (g3atI-b7). No appovia
admits of degree. A string is either in tune or it is not. To use
the language of the PAz/ebus, dppovia is a form of mépas and does
not admit ro padXov Kal hrrov.
ovTws... as dv dppoo OA, ‘just as it is tuned,’ i.e. according as it
is tuned to the fourth (dS: recodpwv), the fifth (da mevte), or the
octave (d.a wavayv). Modern editors suppose the meaning to be just
the opposite and vainly try to explain in what sense one dpporia can
be more a dppovia than another; but the meaning is stated quite
clearly below 93 d2. Olympiodorus, representing the school tradi-
tion, is quite explicit :troriGerat ur) elvae dppoviay dppovias mreiw pndé
€XatT@, GAA pnde paddAov pnde Arrov.
4 paddAov... Kal émt mAéov: Olympiodorus refers the first term to
pitch (€ritaots and dveots) and the second to the intervals. If a
string 1s in tune it cannot be made more in tune by tightening or
loosening. Nor is it correct to say that the octave is more of a
dppovia than the fifth or the fifth than the fourth.
Lael elmrep évSeyeTar TotTO yiyverOar, ‘supposing this possible,’ a plain
indication that it is not possible. Socrates is only explaining what
would be implied in saying that one dppovia is more a dpyoria than
another. It would mean that it was more tuned, which is absurd ;
for, as we learn from es. 349 € 11 the musician, in tuning a lyre,
will not be willing povotxod avdpes ev rH emirdoes Kai avéoet TOY xopday
mAeovekTely 7) a€covuv mA€oY ExXELY.
}2 Frrwv te nal Adtrwv: some inferior MSS. read frrdv re, which is
more symmetrical, but the evidence is against it.
95
 93 NOTES
b 4 °H otv «rk. That being so, we must further admit that, if the
soul is a dppovta, no soul can be more or less a soul than another.
Socrates does not express a view one way or the other on this
point. He only wishes an admission from Simmias that, on his
umdOeots, it must be so.
cor... dore.s. So below zoge2. Cp. Lat. est uf.
b5 paddov érépav érépas: some editors bracket ,aov here, and it is
in a sense redundant. We may say that it is more fully expressed
by the words emt mAéov. .. HTTov.
b8 épe 84 KtA. Socrates now proceeds to make use of the two
6pooynpara, but in the reverse order. We have seen that, if the
soul is a dppovia, no soul can be more or less a soul than another,
i.e. more or less a appovia. But goodness is also a dppovia, and
souls differ in that one is better than another, which would imply
that one dppovia is more or less of a appovia than another, which is
absurd.
C3. tti...évta; ‘being what?’ Wecan say ri éeort ravra; and the
question may be asked by a participle in Greek. We must render
‘What will he say that these things are which are in our souls?’
(etvar év Tats Wuyats go together).
c6 THv péev FppdoOar KTA. Are we to say that both the good and the
bad soul are dppoviat, but that the good soul also Zas a appovia and
is in tune, while the bad soul has none and is out of tune? If we
say that the soul is a tuning, we shall have to say that a tuning may
be tuned or untuned.
d2 otro 8 gor. 16 Epoddynpa, ‘this is just our admission.’ Here we
have an explicit statement that our admission was that no dppovia
can be more or less a dppovia than another. Editors who do not
see this are obliged to bracket dpporias in d 4, or to explain it
unnaturally as ‘the particular harmony which is the soul’.
d 6 riv 8€ ye, SC. dppoviay, The application of this to pux7 only begins
at d12. The point here made depends on 93a 14, where it was
shown that being more or less tuned would involve being more or
less a dppovia, which is absurd.
dg éorw br mAéov ... petéxer; ‘does it partake more in—?’ Here
drt is acc. neut. of doris. Cp. 7 ap’ ay Te mA€ov Kakias .. . pETEXOL;
Q4a1 MadAdov 8 yé wou..., ‘yes, or rather, surely —.’
kata tov dp0dv Adyov, ‘according to the right account of the
96
‘
 NOTES 94

_ matter,’‘to put the matter correctly’ It the soul is a dppovia, no

soul can be better than another (for no dppovia can be more in tune
than another). Indeed, no soul can be bad at all (for no dppovia
can be out of tune).
{2 wacxew &v rattra, ‘Do you think this would happen to our
argument if our taideors were right?’ Here the cupSaivorra are
inadmissible, and therefore the idOeots is destroyed (dvatpeirat).
For the use of macyxew in dialectic cp. Par. 128d 4 tovro BovAc=
pevov SnAovy, ws ert yedowrepa muaxor dv aitay 1 inddcors, ed moAAL
ETL, 7} 1) TOU Ev exalt.
4 Tt8&é; Socrates now takes up the first of the two bpodoyr pata
and tests the hypothesis by it. It is the soul which rules the body,
whereas a dpporia is dependent upon that of which it is the dpporia
(9346).
13 év Tots mpda8cv: g2e4.
| prot av...c6otmor dv... Both negatives are legitimate
after opodoyeiv. Here they are alternated for variety.
4 ois émrtetvorto Kai xaA@tO ... ékeiva : EGuivalent to tals éenttdoeow
kat xa\doeow . . . ekeivwv, ols representing rovros dG, where 4 is
_ internal accusative, This is a favourite construction with Demo-
sthenes (cp. Shilleto on de Fuls. Leg. 415), but is not common in
Plato. Observe that xaday is equivalent to ameévae (remztiere) the
usual opposite of emereivery (27fendere).
§ ‘addoto is the reading of Stobaeus and seemingly ofT before
correction. As y.\\ew is the proper word for striking strings, it is
very appropriate here. The vulgate reading maA\acro is supposed
to refer to vibrations. The verb is used of ‘ brandishing’ weapons
and shaking lots, and in the passive of the heart ‘quaking’, but
never of strings or instruments.
5 tais ém@upiats .. . Siateyonévn: the comma after vovdetotca is
_ dueto Hermann and makes the construction more regular. It is to
_ be observed, however, that such a construction as ra pev ameovou,
ta O€ vovOerotaa, Tais emtOupias is not indefensib:e.
6 & ’OSuvcccia: Od. xx. 17. The passage is quoted in a similar
connexion in ep. 390d 4; 441b6.
5 4 a0’ Gppoviav: in such phrases xara means ‘in a line with’, ‘on
the level of’. Tr. ‘far too divine a thing to be compared with a
_ dppovia.’ Aristotle made use of the preceding argument in his
1251 97 H
 94 NOTES

Eudemus. Cp. Olympiodorus: 6ért 6 ’Aptororédns ev ro Eddipo

ovrws entxeipe’ TH Gppovia évavtiov éariv dvappooriat TH wuyn S€
ovder evavtiov® ovaia ydp. Kal rd cuprépacpua Sdov, ere’ ef dvappoortia
= , A ‘ ‘ ee , ” Ka
TOY OTOLYELWY TOV (MoV VOTOS, 7 apyovia ein dv vyleta GAX’ ovxt Wux7.a
¢ , 3 9 re

Reply to the Objection of Cebes begun, but broken off (g5a

4-e 6).
9524 LElev84x7A. Socrates now goes back to the objection of Cebes.
The transition is effected by means of a pleasantry about Harmonia
of Thebes (@nBaikns, not OnBaias, for the xryrixdv, not the eOukdy, is
used with names of women). She has become fairly propitious.
and we must now tackle Cadmus (who married Harmonia in the
Theban legend), i. e. the objection of Cebes. There is no need to
seek a deeper meaning in the words.
a8 Gavpactads...as are to be taken together. Cp. 1024 4.
ag re: Forster’s conjecture 6 rm (or, as I prefer to write in accordance
with ancient practice, ore) is attractive, but it is hard to account for
the ore of all MSS. unless it is original. Linde proposes 6 ye nmdpe.
br Tt... xpycacOa to Adyw: cp. Zheaet. 165 b7 ti yap ypnon apixto
EPWOTNLATL
b5 pi péya Aéye, ‘do not boast.’ Cp. péya dpoveiv, ‘to be proud’ (the
other sense ‘donot speak loud’ is less appropriate here). Cp. Hf.
ma.295a7°A pw) peya...héye. Eur. Her. 1244 toxe ody’, ds pn
peya Néywr peicoyv dns.
b6 Backavia, ‘malign influence,’ lit. fascination of the ‘evil eye’, to
the effects of which those who boast of their luck are specially
exposed.
mepiTpiy, ‘turn to flight,’ keeps up the metaphor of éqdodos
above.
b 7 ‘Opnprkds éyyts iévres, ‘coming to close quarters.’ The metaphor
is kept up. Homer nowhere uses the phrase éyyv’s tdvres, and
Herwerden would read docov idvres, but ‘Ounpixés may mean ‘like
Homeric warriors’, not ‘in Homeric phrase’.
b 8 16 Kepddatov, ‘the sum and substance.’ The word is derived
from the ancient practice of writing the sum of an addition at the
top. Cp. Lat. summa (sc. /znea). |
C7 dbavaciav pév ph, dtr SE... ‘not immortality, but only that—.’
d3 {m...dmodAvorro : the optatives are due to the indirect speech,
98
 NOTES 95
though there is no principal verb with ér (or s) on which they
can be said to depend. They cannot, as some editors say, depend
on c7 7s, for pavat only takes acc. c. inf. Cp. above 87e5 nN,
where also the optatives occur after a clause introduced by adda
yap. Riddell, Dig. § 282.
17 eipy... ety: the simplest explanation ofthis Optative is to regard
T@ py eiddTe as equivalent to ed py e’Sein.

Narrative Interlude. The origin of the new Method (95e€7—

102 a2).

+8 Ov gatrov mpdypa, ‘no light matter,’ ‘no easy task? Cp. LS.
e.1, 1,
:Q =Tept yeveoews Kal pOopas tHv aitiav, ‘the cause of coming into
being, and ceasing to be.’ Ilepi yevéoews kat dOopas is the title of
one of Aristotle’s most important treatises, best known by the
scholastic name De generatione et corruptione. TUlepi c. gen. is used
instead of the simple gen, or wepi c. acc. under the influence of the
verb dvampaypatrevoacba. Cp.g6e6; 97c¢6; 97d2; 98 dé, and
58al 2.
12 71a ye éud wd9y, ‘my own experiences.’ It has been strangely
supposed—so unwilling are interpreters to take the P/.eco in its
plain sense—that these are either Plato’s own experiences or ‘an
ideal sketch of the history of the mind in the search for truth.’
Besides the general considerations stated in the Introduction,
there is this special point to be noted, that the questions raised
are exactly such as were discussed in the middle of the fifth
century B.C.. when Socrates was young, and that they correspond
closely with the caricature of Aristophanes in the C7/ouds, which
was produced in 423 B.C., when Plato was a baby. Uy the time
of Plato’s youth quite another set of questions had come to the
front at Athens.
mepi dvcews iotopiav: this is the oldest name for what we call
‘natural science’ (cf. E. Gr. Ph.? p. 14 #.2). Heractitus (fr. 17)
said that Pythagoras had pursued ioropin further than other men,
and it appears that even geometry was called by this name in the
Pythagorean school (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 107 7. 1). The restriction of
the term to what we call ‘history’ is due to the fact that Herodotus
followed his predecessors in calling his work igropin, and his pre-
99 H 2
 96 NOTES

decessors belonged to Miletus, where all science went by that name

(E. Gr. Ph.’ p. 28). The term ‘ Natural History’ partly preserves
the ancient sense of the word, a circumstance due to the title of
Aristotle's Uept ra (@a ioropia (Historia Antmalium). |
a8 _ imepydavos agrees with godia or ioropia and eiSévar is added to it
epexegetically. Heindorf compares Gorg. 462 C8 otkody kadépy oor
Soxet 1 pytopikn etvat, xapilea
Oa oldy 7 etvat avOpwrots; The trrepn-
gavoy of Eusebius and Stobaeus would simplify the construction,
but the evidence is against it.
bi dvw kitw: we say ‘backwards and forwards’. Cp. gocs and
Gorg. 48147 advo kal katw petaBaddopevov,
3 &s twes éXeyov. This is the doctrine of Archelaus, the disciple of
Anaxagoras, and, according to a statement already known to
Theophrastus, the teacher of Socrates (cp. PAys. Of. fr. 4 Apyé\aos
6 ‘AOnvatos @ Kal Lwxparn avyyeyovevat haaly, “Avakayopov yevouéva
padntn, Diels, Vors.* 323, 34; 324, 26). The following are the
relevant quotations and rest ultimately on the authority of Theo-
phrastus. Hippolytus, Ref 1.9, 2 civat 0’ dpyny ris Kwynoews (70) aro-
kpiver Oa am’ addndwv 7d Geppov Kai 7d Wuypdr, 20.1. 9. 5 wept dé Cov
hyo dre Oeppawoperns THs yijs TO TP@Tov ev TH KaTw pépEl, OTOV Td
Oeppov Kat TO Wuypov eployero, avedaivero ra te dda fda TOAA Kal
avOpora, aravra thy atriy Slatray €xovta ex ths iAvos rpepdpeva.
Diog. Laert. 11. 17 yevvac@at dé dyot ta Coa ek Geppis tis yns Kal iddy
mapatAnglay yahaxTt oto Tpopny avielons. This last touch explains

the reference to putrefaction (onredwv). As Forster already pointed

out, early medical theory made res, czbz concoctio, a form of ons,
and Galen says (22 Hippocr. Aph. vi. 1) wadata tis nv cuvnbeta rov-
Tos Tois avdpdow daonrra Kadety drep ypueis Gmerra Aéyonev, Now
Aristotle criticizes Empedocles for applying the ons theory to
milk. Cp. Gen. An.777 a7 76 yap yada wemeppevov aipa eoriv, add’
ov dtepOappéevov, "EpmeSoxdys 8 otc dpO@s vmeddpBavey 7 ovK &d
petiveyke (‘used a bad metanhor ’) roujoas as 76 yada ‘pnvds ev dySod-
tou Oexatn mvov €rdeto Nevkoy’, varporns yap Kal wes evartiov, 76 Oé
muov wampdtns Tis eat, TO Oe yadda TOV Temeppevor. The meaning
is, then, that the warm and cold gave rise by putrefaction (anvedwv)
to a milky slime (Avs) by which the first animals were nourished.
We are thus able to give ovvrpéperar its natural sense. It is signi-
ficant that Socrates should mention the theory of Archelaus first.
100
 NOTES 96

® dpovotpev, ‘what we think with.’ The question of the ‘seat of

the soul’ or sensorium was keenly debated in the first half of the
fifth century B.c. The views that the soul is blood or breath are
primitive, but both had just been revived as scientific theories.
Empedocles had said (fr. 105 Diels) atua yap dvOpemrots TE PUK pPOuWy
€ott vonua, and he was the founder of the Sicilian school of medicine
(E. Gr. Ph.? p. 288 7. 3). The doctrine that the soul is air was as
old as Anaximenes, but had just been revived by Diogenes of
Apollonia (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 41.1), and is attributed in the Clomds (230)
to Socrates. The Heracliteans at Ephesus of course maintained
their master’s view that the soul was fire.
5 68 éyxépados ktA. The credit of being the first to see that the
brain was the seat of consciousness belonys to Alemaeon of Croton
(E. Gr. Ph.? p. 224), and the same view was upheld in the fifth
century B.C. by Hippocrates and his school. It is one of the
strangest facts in the history of science that Aristotle, followed by
the Stoics, should have gone back to the primitive view that the
heart was the seat of sensation.
17 = -ylyvouro: the optative is due to the general sense of indirect speech.
18 «ata tadta: equivalent to ovTws.
yiyverOar: note ¢eorw (b 5)... ylyvotro (b 7)... ylyver@a (b 8),
‘a gradual transition from the direct to the most pronounced form
of the indirect speech’ (Geddes).
émorypyy: Diels (Vorvs.” 102, 18) attributes to Alcmaeon this
explanation of knowledge as arising from memory and belief * when
they have reached a state of quiescence’. Weseem to havean echo
of it in Aristotle 47. Post. B. 19. 100 a 3 Sqq. €k pev oly aiabicews
ylyverar punun,... ek O€ prnpns eumeipla, ... ek O° eurerpias i) ek
— wavrds Npepyoavros TOU KAOdNOV EV TH WNT + « TEXYNS GPX!) Kal entaTy)-
_ pns. From Gorg. 448c 4sqq. we learn that Poius of Agrigentum
derived réyvn from épmetpia. There is no reason for doubting that
the distinction between éemuziun and dd€a is pre-Platonic. It is
} alluded to by Isocrates in f/e/ena 5 Ott mov kpeitrov eat wept TaY
: xpnoliov erekas Sokacev ) mepl 7@yv aypnotev akpiBas ericrac@a’,
and Blass dates the Me/ena before 390 B.C. Antisthenes is
said to have written four books Hep: d6£ys kat émortrypns (Diog.
Laert. vi. 17).
+a epi tov otpavov (i.e. ToD ovpavot) .. . aby: it is highly
Iol
 96 NOTES

characteristic of the middle of the fifth century B.c. that the theory |
of ra perewpa is mentioned last and in a somewhat perfunctory way. |
For the time, the rise of medicine had brought biological and |
psychological questions to the front, while astronomy and cosmo-
logy remained stationary in eastern Hellas until new life was given
them by the Pythagoreans. The state of science here indicated is |
quite unlike any we know to have existed either at an earlier or
a later date. It belongs solely to the period to which it is here
attributed, a period which I have endeavoured to characterize in |
I. Gr. Ph.” pp. 405, 406. |
ws ovSév xpfipa: the Ionic ypnua only survives in Attic in a few
phrases like this (L.S. s, v. II 3.) The Athenians only used freely
the plural ypyjuara, and that in the sense of ‘ property’. Cp. Zaws
640C5 ws ovdevt ye Tpaypare.

CS €TUPABOHYV (SC. Tavra): cp. Soph. O. 7. 389 rhv réxvnv 8 edu

TUPAUS.
c 6 & mpd Tod opny elSivat repeats C 4 d kal mpdrepoy krX. (a ba).
di émetSav yap «tA.: this refers to another great question of the
time. Socrates means that his former beliefs were upset by the
question of Anaxagoras (fr. 10) w@s yap ap ek pn tpixos ylvoiro Opis
kat oap& ¢€x yy capxés; This led to the doctrine that there were
portions of everything ineverything. Cp. also Aét.i. 3. 5 (Vox. 279 a)
€O0ket a’T@ amropwtaroy eivar Tas €K TOU py) OvTos SUVaTal Te yiverOaL 7
PbciperOat eis TO p) Ov. Tpopiy yoor mpooepopeda AmAny Kal povoedn,
diptov Kat Udwp* Kal ek raitns tpeperar Oplé drew aprnpia cap& vevpa
éoTa kat Ta AowTd pdpla, ToOvT@Y ouUv yivouev@rv, OpohoynrEeov €oTW OTL
ev tH tTpodpy TH mpoohepopevyn Tavta €oTt Ta dyta, Kal eK TOY 6yT@Y
mavta avéerar, (Cp. E. Gr. Ph.? p. 303.)
d 6 petpiws, 2.g. Kudos. Cp. 68 e 2 7.
d 8 opnvy yap wtA. This refers to another set of questions, which
stand in a close relation to Zeno’s criticism of the Pythagoreans.
Roughly, we may say that the difficulty here touched upon is the
nature of the unit, whether in measuring, weighing, or numbering.
ope | aity 1 Kedadyg, ‘just by the head.’ This is an example of
a popular unit of measurement. Cp. ZZ. lil. 193 petov pev Kearny
"Ayapepvovos.
€ 3 ampocetvar( TW) is virtual passive of mpoaGetvat, which is the reading
of 3B. That is a natural slip.
102
} NOTES 6
'

6 mept TOUTWV... THY aitlav: Cp. 95 e€9 7.

8 émeadav evi 1s tpooby ev tA. ‘The difficulty here is what is meant
by the addition of units. Howcan it be that when one is added to
one the result is two? How can either the original one ov the one
which is added to it become two; or how can the one which is
added amd the one which is added to it become two? The nature
of the unit involved real difficulties which we need not discuss here ;
it is more important for our purpose to observe that in the Par-
menides Plato actually represents the young Socrates as discussing
such subjects with Parmenides and Zeno. The two dialogues
confirm each other in the most remarkable way ; for here too we
are dealing with the youth of Socrates.
2. i Ote piv ..., éwel 6’... Another instance of the disjunctive
hypothetical sentence (cp. 68 a3.) What causes surprise is that
the two things should be true at the same time.
4 vt, ‘this,’ sc. rd wAnoedoat aAAndos, but assimilated in gender
to the predicate airia, and further explained by 7) auvodos «ri.
15 % avvodos ToD... reOivar, ‘the coming together which consists
in their juxtaposition.’
ob5é ye ds... wetMerOar ds... The repetition of ws is a collo-
quialism. We are still dealing here with the difficulty of conceiving
aunit. In the Repudlic (525d8 sqq.) Socrates refers to the same
difficulty, but he is not troubled by it, for he has come to see that
the unit is an object of thought and not of sense. Plato can hardly
have felt it seriously at any time.
»4 8 Or & yiyverat, Show a unit comes into being at all? —-Cp.
Arist. JZez. M. 6. 1080 b 20 dws O€ To mp@rov Ev ovvéatn EXoV péyebos,
dmopetv €oikacw (ol Hv8ayipetot).
¥6 ‘Tporov ris peddSou, ‘method of investigation.’ The noun pedodos
by itself came to bear this meaning, as ‘ method ’ always does in our
usage.
»7 adtos eiky upw, ‘I make up a confused jumble of my own.’
There can be no doubt that pipew is ‘to make a mess’ (cp. 101e 1),
and cikj, cemere, emphasizes that meaning. Cp. Aesch. P. V. 450
&pupov elky wdvra. Of course, Socrates has not the slightest doubt
of the superiority of his new method, and this description 1s only
a piece of characteristic «ipwveia.
98 aiv6s, . « « dvaytyveckovros : it is natural to think of the Anaxa-
103
 97 NOTES '
gorean Archelaus, who was said to be the teacher of Socrates (cp. |
96 b 3 #.).
CI &sdpaxrdA. The actual words of Anaxagoras were (fr. 12 Diels) |
kat Orota €wehAev EserOat Kat Oroia TY, doa voy py él, Kal Oroia éoTI, |
mavta Ouekdopunoe vous. The familiar ravra ypjyara jv pod, eira vous |
EOav avra dvexdopnoev (Diog. Laert. ii. 6) is not a quotation, but a |
summary of the doctrine (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 299, #. 1).
C7 mepi &kdorov: Cp. 95e9 2.
G2. wept aitod éxeivou: de illo ipso, sc. rep adrod rod dvOpdrov. I
formerly bracketed éxeivov, which rests only on the authority of B ;
but Vahlen has since shown (Ofzse. 11. 558 sqq.) that atrou éxeivov
is too idiomatic to be a mistake.
d7 ard voiv éuavre, ‘to my mind,’ as we say. I cannot believe
that this common phrase involves any reference to the vois of
Anaxagoras. Such a joke would be very frigid.
d8 wrareta ... 4 otpoyytAn: this was still a living problem in
the days when Socrates was young, but not later. The doctrine
that the earth is spherical was Pythagorean; the Ionian cosmo-
logists (including Anaxagoras himself and Archelaus) held it was
flat, with the single exception of Anaximander, who regarded it as
cylindrical.
€3 évpéow: so far as we can tell, this was not only the doctrine of
Anaxagoras and Archelaus, but also of the early Pythagoreans. It
is important to observe that the geocentric theory marked a great
advance in its day as compared, e. g., with the belief of Thales that
the earth was a disk floating on the water (E. Gr. Ph.’ p. 32). Plato
does not commit the anachronism of making Socrates refer to the
later Pythagorean doctrine that the earth revolved with the planets
round the Central Fire (E. Gr. Ph.* pp. 344 sqq.). That was
familiar enough in the fourth century B.C., but would have been out
of place here.
98 ai odeccpevos: this is now known to be the reading of T as well as
of Eusebius. B has tmodéuevos, which cannot be right, and the
imobnoépevos Of W looks like an emendation of this.
a4 taxous... mpds dAAnda, ‘their relative velocity.’
sponav, ‘turnings.’ This refers to the annual movement of the
sun from the ‘tropic’ of Capricorn to that of Cancer and back
again, which is the cause of summer and winter. The Greeks gave
104
 NOTES 98
the name ofrporai to what the Romans, froma slightly different point
of view, called solséztia,
16 &maoyer: symmetry would require the addition of xai sotei, but
Plato avoids such symmetry.
pI é&kdoTw... kal Kotwg mact, ‘to each individually and to all
collectively.’
>3 ovdK dv dreSdpyv moAdod, I would not have sold for a large sum.’
17 &xopqv depopevos: this is a slight variation on the usual phrase
am’ edmidos KateBdrOnv, Katérecov, ‘I was dashed down from my
hope’ (cp. ELuthyphro 15e5 am’ edridos pe kataBadov peyadns).
Socrates speaks as if he had been cast down from Olympus like
another Hephaestus (rav & 7)Lap hepopny, 7. 1. 592).
98 avSpa, ‘a man.’ The word expresses strong feeling, here dis-
appointment. Wyttenbach compares Soph. Azas 1142 Sn ror’ «i8or
asp? eyo yooon Opaciy, L150 €yw Cé y' avdp’ Orwna pwpias Tréwy
(cp. Arist. Ach. 1128).
TO pev vo ovdev ypopevov: Plato expresses the same feeling in
his own person in Laws gQ67 b 4 kai tives erdApwv rovTd ye avro Tapa-
kivduveve kat Tore, A€yovtes ws vous ein 6 Staxekoounkas mavO’ boa Kat
otpavdv. of d€ aitol... dmavO as eireiv eros averpevav madw Ktd,
Xenophon (A/em, iv. 7. 6) preserves a faint echo of this criticism of
Anaxagoras. Aristotle (A7e¢. A. 955 a 18) simply repeats it (E. Gr,
Ph.? pp. 309 sq.).
bg ov5é tivas aitias érattimpevov, SC. roy voor, ‘nor ascribing to it any
causality.’ For the double acc. cp. Dem. Phorm. 25 tiv’ ay
€avrov aitiay airtagduevos ... Sexdfotro; Antipho, 1. 29 & emari@pat
Thy yuvaika travtnv. Aristotle (oc. czt.) says wavta paddAov airtatat TOY
ylyvopev@v 1) vouv.
C7 vevpwv, ‘sinews,’ ‘tendons,’ not nerves. The nervous system only
became known in the third century B.c. Cp. Galen, de plac. Hipp.
et Plat, p. 647 ’Epagiotpatos pev otv (floruzt 258 B.C.), ef Kat py
mpdabev, adda ert ynpws ye THY adnOn Tov veupwv apxy KaTevonaev®
"ApuororéAns S€ péypt mavtds ayvorvas eikiTws aropet xpelay elmeiy
eykeadou.
C8 BSaduds Zyer, ‘are jointed.” The dapvai are the same thing as the
cupSorai (d 3), looked at from another point ofview. Cicero, «e Nat.
D. ii. 139 Says Commissurae.
d2 aiwpoupivov... év rais... cvpBodrais, ‘ swinging in their sockets.’
105
i.
 98 NOTES
fs cuykappbe’s : cp. Gob 2.
d7 ¢wvas te xrA. Cp.e.g. Diogenes of Apollonia (Diels, Vors.? p. 332,
14) rou ev tH Kehady aépos bro THs Pwvys TumTOpEvov Kai KiWoUupevon (THY
axony yiver Oat).
€4 wtapapévovra, ‘not running away.’ We have no English word for
rapapevey, any more than for Gappeiv (cp. 63e10%.). It is the
negative of drodidpdckev (gga 3). Cp.15d9.
€5 vy tev kvva: such euphemisms seem to occur in all languages.
Cp. parbleu! ecod! It is true that in Gorg. 482b 5 Socrates says
pa Tov Kiva Tov Alyumtiwy Oedv (Anubis), but that seems to be only
a passing jest. A euphemistic oath of this kind was called ‘Pada-
puvOvos dpkos (Suid. s. v.).
9941 wept Mcyapa 4 Bowwtovs: cp. Cri/o 53b4 where it is suggested
that Socrates might escape 7) On3ae 7) Méyapade. He would have
found friends in both places, as we know. This whole passage is
reminiscent of the C7i¢o.
a8 kai tatta vo tpartev, ‘ and that too though I act from intelligence,’
as was admitted above, 98c 4. The MSS. have mparre, but Hein-
dorf’s mparrwy is a great improvement and gives kat ravra its proper
idiomatic force.
b2 rdoydp py... otdv7 etvar «tA. is another instance of the excla-
matory infinitive justifying a strong expression of feeling. Cp.
Gob 5 z. and Symp.177 C1 ro ovv rovovTwy pey wept TOAANY oTrovdny
Tromoacba, “Epwta b€ pndéva rw avOporev reroApnkeval . . . asiws
Upynoat.
b 3. dvev ov: here we see the beginning of the technical term ov (or
@y) ovK avev, the conditio sine gua non. Such causes are called
guvairia in the Zzmaeus. Cp. 46c 7 Tatr otv mavta éorw tev
Guvaitiov ois Geds Umnpetovoty xXpHtat, THY Tov apiorov Kata TO OvvaToy
idéav aroteA@v’ Sogderat b€ ind tay mAeioT@Y ov Guvaitia GdXAG atria
elval TOY TUVT@Y KTA,
b 4 wWndradavres, ‘groping in the dark.’ Cp. Ar. Peace 690 mpo Tov
pev ody eynradapev ev oxdT@ Ta moayputa, Acta Apostolorum xvii. 27
ei apa ye Yndapijoetay avrov Kal evporer.
b5 dddAorpio dvépan, ‘by a name that does not belong to them,’
which is not their oiketoy ovoua, The vulgate éypatt cannot be
defended, though it is the reading also of BW.
b6 auré repeats 6 (cp. 104 d27.).
106
 NOTES 99
6 Spéevorse«tdA. Once more we have the scientific problems of the
middle of the fifth century. The first theory is that the earth does
not fall because of the rapidity of the revolution of the heavens.
This was the western theory, and was originated by Empedocles,
who supported it by the experiment of swinging a cup full of water
rapidly round (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 274). Cp. Arist. de Cae/o 295 a 16 of
8 dorep ‘EpredoxAns thy tov orpavod dopay Kiko mepibcovoay Kat
Oarrov pepopeviy thy THs yns popay kw@dvewv, KaOarrep Td ev ToIs KUVABos
Udwp* Kat yap ToUTO KUkA\@ Tov Kuabov epopevouv TmoAAdKLS KaTw TOU
Xadkov yivopevoy Spas ov Péperar katw meducos épecOar Sia rhv avrny
airiayv. The vortex theory of Leucippus was more subtle than this
(E. Gr. Ph.? p. 399) and is not referred to here. In Clouds 379
Aristophanes makes fun of the ai@€pos Aivos who has taken the place
of Zeus.
E| id tod otpavod pévev: these words are to be taken together, as
Geddes says (after Hermann) and pévey isa virtual passive, ‘is kept
in its place by the heavens.’
»8 6 8 «rAd. This is the eastern theory, which originated with
Anaximenes and was still upheld by Anaxagoras and Democritus.
As Aristotle tells us (de Caelo 294b 14), they said 15 mdaros
airioy civat... TOU pévery adtyy’ ov yup Téurey GAN erevwparicew Tov
dépa tov xkdrobev. Its breadth prevents it from cutting the air
beneath it, and it lies on it ‘like a lid’ (wpa). It is absurd to
suppose that Plato was ever troubled by crude notions of this kind,
and even Socrates must soon have learnt better from his Pytha-
gorean friends. Everything points to the Periclean age and no
later date.
kapSom@, ‘a kneading-trough’. This, however, does not seem to
be a very appropriate image, and I believe we should read xapdoriw
from Hesychius Kapddmtov’ rns xapOdrov to mapa, ‘the lid of a
kneading-trough’; cp. Aristotle’s émmeparifew quoted above. The
discussion of the word xdpdSomos in Arist. Clouds 670 has another
bearing. It refers to the speculations of Protagoras about gram-
matical gender.
C1 tiv Sé tod KTA. Constr. Thy dé Svvapiyv Tov ovT@ VOY (a’ta) Keto Oat
os olgy te BéAtwota adra teOjva. As we see from the following
words, divayy has its full meaning. The fact that they are in the
best possible place is regarded as a force which keeps them there.
107
 99 NOTES
That being so, ravtqv (rHv Sivayr) is the subject of Satpovtav icytv
EXEL.
e3 TovToU ... toxupédtepov, ‘an Atlas stronger than this one’ (rovrov
is masc.).
C5 Ss dAnOds 1d dya0dv kai Sov: I think these words must be taken
together; for as ddnOas is often used to call attention to an etymo-
logy (cp. 80 d 6.), and here ro déov, ‘the fitting,’ is taken as ‘the
binding’. The hyperbaton is of a normal type. For the etymology
itself cp. Cvat. 418 e7 dyadov yap idéa ovca (‘being a form of good’)
ro Sov faiverat Seopos etvat kal kodvpa Ghopas.
ae tov Sevtepov ‘rhodv: the paroemiographers say this expression is
used emt tv dodad@s ts rpatrévta@y, KaGocoy of Stapaprévres KaTa TOV
mMpotepoy TAOVY doparas mapackevalorvra tov devTepov. According to
this, the reference would be rather to a less adventurous than to
a ‘second-best’ course. See, however, Eustathius zz Od. p. 1453,
20 Oevtepos TmAOUS NeyeTal OTE ATOTUXMY TLS Ovplov Kwmais TEN KATH
Ilavoaviay. Cp. also Cic. Zusc. iv. 5, ‘where fandere vela orationts
is opposed to the slower method of proceeding, viz. dialecticorum
vemts’ (Geddes). In any case, Socrates does not believe for a
moment that the method he is about to describe is a As aller or
‘makeshift.’ The phrase is ironical like eiky7 gvpw above. Cp.
Goodrich in Class. Rev. xvii, pp. 381 sqq. and xvill, pp. § sqq., with
whose interpretation I find myself in substantial agreement.
d1 h Tetmpaypatevpar: these words depend on enidecEty rowjowpa and
govern Tov Oevtepoy TAov».
d 5 ra cvta like td wpdyparta just below (e3) are ‘things’ in the
ordinary sense of the word. It seems to me quite impossible that
these terms should be applied to the ovras dvrta, ra ws alnOas dvra,
They must be the same as ra évra in 97 d7 tis airias repi Tdy bvToY,
that is, the things of the visible world. It is quite true that Plato
makes Socrates use the expression ro dv for rd dvrws ov, but I know
of no place in which he is made to use ra évra s¢mpliciter of the etn.
Further, the whole point of the passage is that Socrates had become
exhausted by the study of physical science, and what he calls the
Seitepos mAots is, we shall see, nothing else than the so-called
‘ Theory of Ideas.’
+ov HAvov ékAeiovra, ‘the sun during an eclipse.’ This is a mere
illustration. Socrates keeps up the irony of the phrase devrepos
108
 NOTES 99
mous by suggesting that his eyes are too weak to contemplate the
things of the visible world. He had to look at them ina reflexion,
he says.
+3 Tots CHyact kal éxdory Tdv aicOyoewv: this makes it quite clear
that ra éyra, ra mpaypara are the things of sense.
25 eis tots Adyous kataduydvra, ‘taking refuge in the study of pro-
positions’ or ‘judgements’, or ‘definitions’. It is not easy to
translate Adyous here ; but at least it is highly misleading to speak
of ‘concepts’ (Begriffe), nor is there any justification in Plato’s
writings for contrasting Socratic \éya with Platonic eiSn. It is just
in Adyot that the eid manifest themselves, and what Socrates really
means is that, before we can give an intelligible answer to the
question ‘what causes A to be B’, we must ask what we mean by
saying ‘A zs B’. So far from being a Setrepos mAoids, this is really
a ‘ previous question,’
26 tows pév otv eth. Here Socrates distinctly warns us not to take
his ironical description too seriously. It is not really the case that
the Acyo. are mere images of ta dvta or Ta mpayuara, On the
contrary, it will appear that the things of sense may more fitly be
called images of the reality expressed in the Adyo.. To use the
language of the Republic, we must not confuse diavora and émiotyun
with eikagia.
@ eikalw: i.e. rovTw @ eikiitw Td ev ToIs Adyots oKOTEiaat Ta bvTa.
22 év[rots] epyous, ‘in realities’. The word épyais equivalent to érra
and mpaypara, and is used here because it is the standing opposite
to Adyou.
a3 wtwobépevos éxdorote KTA., ‘in any given case assuming as true.’
This amounts to saying that Socrates had recourse to the method of
deduction. Here it is important to remember, first, that in the fifth
century B.C. geometry had advanced far beyond all other sciences,
just because it had adopted the deductive method, and, secondly,
that this advance was due to the Pythagoreans. The ideal is that
all science should become ‘exact science *.
dv dv xpivw «tA. We start from a proposition (Adyos) which we
a4
judge not to be open to attack. If this is admitted, we may pro-
ceed; if not, we cannot do so until we have established our
umdbeats.
1 ovSév katvév: if Plato had been the real author of the ‘ Theory of
109
 100 NOTES

Ideas’, and if, as is commonly believed, it was propounded for

the first time in the Phaedo, this sentence would be a pure
mystification. .
b 2 ov8év méravupar. ‘OU maverar et ovdey marvera sic differunt ut
Latine: finem non facit et finem nullum facit,’ Cobet ov.
Lect. p. 500.
b 3 fpxopar... émyepav... émbBeitaoat, ‘I am going to try to show’.
In this construction épyoya usually takes a future participle; but,
as Heindorf says, emyepav émdeiEacOar is ‘instar futuri émdeéd-
pevos’.
Tis aitias 76 elS0s, ‘the sort of causation I have worked out’.
A phrase like this shows how far «fdos is from being a technical
term. When Socrates wishes to be technical, he speaks of the ‘just
what it is’ (ro atro 6 éarw).
b4 éxetva tad rroAvOptAnta: cp. 76d 8 & OpuActper dei. Here once
more the doctrine of efdn is assumed to be well known and generally
accepted. What is new is the application of it, the method of
uroGeots and deduction. This time it is Cebes who assents to the
doctrine without hesitation ; last time it was Simmias.
b 8 tH aittav émbeibev kal cveuptoav ds: there is a curious and
characteristic interlacing of words here (ada 0); for rnv airiav
avevpnoey and emideige ws would naturally go together. Riddell,
Dig. § 308 classes this under the head of Hysteron proteron.
CI @s &8dvtos oor «tA., ‘You may take it that I grant you this, so
lose no time in drawing your conclusion.’ Cp. Symp. 185 e4 ox
dv POavows Néeywr.
C3 Skére...:. <av.44. Cp. O4e 10.
C5 ovd 8 & is more emphatic than dv’ ovdev.
q Suds peréyer x.t.A. If we say that a, a, a are beautiful, that
implies (1) that ‘beautiful’ has a meaning quite apart from any
particular instance of beautiful things, and (2) that this meaning
(A) is somehow $ partaken in’ by the particular instances a, a, a.
These have a meaning in common, and their relation to it is
expressed in the reiation of subject to predicate. This too Cebes
admits at once.
dr xpapa evavOés éyov, ‘because it has a bright colour’. The parti-
ciple explains 6’ or, which is the indirect form of d:a ri. The adjective
evavéns is common in Hippocrates, especially of the bright red colour
Ito
 NN
SS __”Z™S nO Te

NOTES 100

of blood, &c. As applied to colour, dv6os is ‘bloom’, ¢ brightness’,

and is sometimes almost synonymous with ypapa. Cp. Rep. 429d8
and 557¢ 5 with Adam’s notes. The point is that it is meaningless
to say a, @, a ave A because they are x, y, 2, unless we have first
shown that x, y, 2 necessarily ‘ partake in’ A.
13 adds Kai dréxvws kai tows eb{Ows as Opposed to the copat airiat
mentioned above. The irony of 97b7 «iy cup» is here kept up,
and this should warn us against taking the expression Sevrepus mAois
as seriously meant. (Distinguish dréyvws from dreyvds.)
15 ite mapovoia xtA. The precise nature of the relation between
predicate and subject may be expressed in various more or less
figurative ways. We may say that the predicate is ‘present to’
the subject, or that the subject ‘partakes’ in the common nature
of the predicate. Socrates will not bind himself to any of these
ways of putting it; he only insists that, however we may express it,
it is beauty that makes things beautiful.
16 Say 64 Kai dws k.7.A. These words arean echo of the formu!a used
in the public prayers, for which cp. Crat.400 € I éomep ev rais evyais
vopos eoTiy nuivy evxerOat, oirivés Te Kal O76bey Xaipovow dvopalépevor,
TavTa Kal Nas adtovs (SC. Tovs Beots) kadeiv. It seems to me, there-
fore, that Wyttenbach’s suggestion, mpocayopevopevy for wpooyevouern,
must certainly be right, though he did not adopt it himself. The
manuscript mpooyevouern goes well enough with rapovaia, but not with
the other terms. The whole question is one of names; for Socrates
has no doubt as to the fact. Plato elsewhere represents him as
making use of this formula. Cp. Prot. 358a7 «tre yap 700 cite
tepmvov eyes... ElTe OmdOEV Kat Grws Xalpets Ta ToLatTa dvopalwr,
Phileb. 12 c3 tiv pev "Adpoditny, drn ékeitvn Pirov, ravtn mpowayopero.
So 72m. 28 b2 6 87 mas otpavos fh Kécpos 7) Kai GAXO Ott OTe dvopato-
pevos pariot av d€xotro, Tov’ nuly avopdacbe, Laws 87247 6 yap 41
pudos i} Adyos 7 Ste xp) mpoaayopevery aitov. The formula arose
from fear that the gods should be addressed by the wrong name.
Cp. Aesch. Ag. 160 Zets, dats ror’ eotiv, ef 750 ad|r@ Pidoy Kexhn-
peeve, | rovTd wv mpooerverrw@, This connexion is made quite clear in
the passage from the PAz/ebus quoted above, which is introduced
by the words To 8 epuov déos ... det mpds Ta Trav Hedy dvdpara ov« Eore
kat’ GvOpwrov, adda épa Tod peylarov PoBov.
6 ov yap én «rA., §I do not go so far as to insist on that’. Cp.
III
 100 NOTES

Aristotle AZet, A. 6. 987 b 13 tiv pévrot ye pébeLuv 4 rhy pipnow, Ares

dy ein trav eidadr, ddeioay (Sc. of TIvOaydpetor kai TAutwy) év Kowa Cnreiv,
i.e. ‘they left it asa point for dialectical inquiry’ (for this meaning
of ev kowww cp. de An, A. 4. 407 b 29 quoted in 86b6z.). I think
Aristotle is referring to the present passage. He is quite clear
about the Pythagorean origin of the theory.
d 8 [ytyverat] is omitted both here and below e 3 by B; and W, which
inserts it in e3, has it in a different place from T. Most likely,
then, it is an interpolation, and the formula r@ ka\o@ ra kada kadd is
much neater without it.
dog TouTou éxépevos, ‘holding to this.’ Cp. 10rd 1 éyopevos éxeivov tov
dopadods ts Urobécews.
10l
a 5 oPovpevos ofparktA. The Euthydemus shows that Socrates is
making no extravagant supposition in suggesting that the ayriioyexot
might make such criticisms as (1) if A is taller than B ‘by a head’,
B is also smaller than A ‘ by a head’, therefore the same thing is the
cause of greatness and smallness, and (2) that a head, being small,
cannot be the cause of greatness.
a 6 évavtios Adyos: for the personification of the Adyos cp. 87a8 x.
bi tépas, ‘a portent.’ The word seems to have been common in
dialectic as equivalent to dromov or advyatov. Cp. Jeno gid5
Kaitou Tépas Aeyets ed. ., Par. 129 b2 répas av oipat nv, Theaet. 163
d 6 répas yap dp ely 6 A€yets, PAtl. 14 € 3 tTépara Sunvayxaorat uva.
bg viv mpocbeow...C I mHv oxtow: addition of unit to unit or divi-
sion of the unit into fractions. Cp. above 96e7 sqq.
C2 dAAws tos... i petacyov KTA., ‘otherwise than by participation in
the proper reality of any given form (€xdorov) in which it partici-
pates.’ The theory is thus summed up by Aristotle, de Gem. e¢ Corr.
335 bQ GAN’ of pew ikavijy @Oncay airiay etvat mpos TO ylyverOat THY TOY
cidav vow, dorep 6 ev TO Paidwur Swxparns* kat yap ekewos, emitiun-
cus Tos GAXos ws ovder eipnKdoiv, UmoriOerat Ore €oTi T@Y dyT@Y TA LEV
€1O;, Ta O€ wedexrtxa Tov eidav* Kal Ore eivat pev Exagrov A€yerat Kara TO
eidos, ylyveo Oat b€ kata Ti perddrn ey, kai Helper Oat Kara THv aroBokny.
Observe that Aristotle does not ascribe this theory to Plato, but to
‘Socrates in the PAaedo.
C4 év rovrots, ‘in the cases just mentioned.’
C5 petacoyxeor, 2.97. weOeEv, The form seems to occur here only.
c8 kopwpeas: Wyttenbach points out that Socrates has in mind the
12
 NOTES IOI

words of Euripides’ Antzofe which Plato makes him quote in Gorg.

4866, dddois ra Kona tav7’ adeis (copiocpara). It is part of the
irony that the plain man’s way of speaking is described as a
‘subtlety’, while the new theory of predication is called artless and
naive.
19 SeBtds ... THY cavtotd oxidv: Aristophanes is said to have used
this expression in the Badylontans. It probably (like our phrase
take umbrage) referred originally to horses shying at their shadows.
We have to go warily with so many drtiAoytxoi lying in wait
for us.
I éxdpevos éxeivov xtd., ‘holding fast to the safe support of the
indGeots’ (cp. 100d 9), which is regarded as a staff (Ar. Ach. 682
ots Tocedav aoadeos eoriy 1 Baxrnpia).
3 ei S€ tis ktA. It does not seem possible to take éyeoOat here in
the sense of ‘attack’, and Madvig’s conjecture eoiro is the re-
verse of convincing. It does, however, seem possible to render ‘if
any one fastens on’ or ‘sticks to the tmi@ects’, that is, if he refuses
to consider the cvpBaivoyra till the umd@eots has been completely
established. The method of Socrates is different. He first con-
siders the cvpBaivoyvra to see whether they involve any contradiction
or absurdity. If they do, the hypothesis is zHso facto destroyed.
If the avpBaivorvra are not contradictory or absurd, the t7ddeats is
not indeed established, but it has been verified, so far as it can be,
by its application. When we have seen that the axioms of geo-
metry lead to no contradictions or absurdities in their application,
they are at least relatively established. Cp. J/e0 86e 2 cuyywpn-
cov €& Unobécews alto oxonecoGat. For the terminology of the method
cp. Parm. 135 €9 «i éorw e€xaoroy (fa given thing’) vnorBéuevor
okoreiy Ta cuuBalworta ek THs UmoGevews. Cp. e.g. the example 1m-
mediately after (a 5) ef moAAa eu te (the UrdOeas), Th xp) UpBatvery KTA.
The method of experimental science is the same. The trd6eors is first
tested by seeing whether it is verified or not in particular instances;
the deduction of the indeors from a higher one is another matter,
which must be kept distinct.
4 éws dv «tA. It is doubtful whether dy can ever be retained with
the opt. in oratio obligua, though there are several examples in our
texts (G. M7, 7.§ 702). The better explanation is that given in L.& S.
(s.v. €ws I, c) that ‘dy... is added to the Optat. (not to €ws) if the
1953 113 1

—
 IOI NOTES

event is represented as conditional’, In that case, the real con-

struction is €ws... oKxéyrao dv, and dy is anticipated. Cp. Isocrates,
17. 15 paotiyoty ... ews dv radnOn ddevev adrois \éyerr. The mean-
ing, then, will be ‘till you have a chance of considering ’.
d 4 Ta Gt’ ékelvys éppndevta: i.e. Ta cupBaivovra. Ine2 below the
phrase is ray €& éxeivns @punuevwv, and those who regard the sen-
tence as spurious hold that the aorist participle is incorrect. But
(1) the aorist is appropriate, because it is only after the conse-
quences have been drawn that we can compare them with one
another, and (2) it is more likely that Plato himself should vary the
tense than that an interpolator should do so.
d5 ei... Stadwvet: Jackson holds that this clause is inconsistent
with the account of the method given at 100 a4 4 pev dy por Sox
ToUT@ ouuwvely TiOnuL ws GAnOn dvra krX., but that is a different stage
in the process. We first posit as true whatever agrees with the
umdOeots, and then we test the hypothesis by considering whether
the things thus posited agree with one another.
émevS7] 5€ ktA. Socrates recognizes that the urddears is not estab-
lished by the process described so far. That can only be done by
subsuming it under some higher trd6eots, and that in turn under
a higher, till we come to one which is unassailable. This is the
process described at greater length in Rep. 533.¢7 sqq.
d7 Tav avwiev, ‘higher,’ i.e. more universal. Cp. Rep. 511a5 Toy
umolécewy avwtépw éxBaivery.
émt tu tkavov: 1.e. to an apx7 which no one will question. This is
not necessarily an dpyy avumdberos (Rep. 51067). A wnrdOeots
may be, humanly speaking, adequate without that (cp. below
10759).
otk dv dvpovo, you will not jumble the two things together.’
Though the middle does not appear to occur elsewhere, vpecOar
tov Adyov, ‘to jumble ome’s argument,’ seems very natural Greek,
and it is hardly necessary to read dipos. Otherwise we must take
upoo as passive, comparing Gorg. 465C 4 pupovra €v To alto... |
codioral Kal pytopes.
dorep of dvttAoyicot : Socrates is no doubt thinking of the attacks
on mathematics made by Protagoras and others. When we study
geometry, we must accept its fundamental troێces ; the question of
their validity is a different one altogether, and one with which the
114
 NOTES IOI

geometer as such has nothing to do. Only hopeless confusion can

result from mixing up the two things.
12 THs apxijs, ‘your starting-point,’ i.e. the imdOects. Though apyy
is sometimes used of an ultimate dpy7 as opposed to an indéeus, it
can be used of any starting-point whatsoever. When we are dis-
cussing the cupBaivovra, we take the irdGears as our apx7 and decline
to give any account of it.
Ae) ikavol . . . tad codias KtX., ‘their cleverness enables them...’
There is a slight redundance in the use of dSévacOat after ixavol, but
it is easily paralleled. They can make a mess ofeverything without
disturbing their own self-complacency.
“o Ny Ata wrA. The distinction which Socrates has just made
appeals at once to a Pythagorean mathematician. We are taken
back to Phlius for the last time, in order that the next stage of the
argument may have its full weight.
Third Proof of Immortality (102 a 10-107 b 10).
The first two proofs were based upon analogy. They both de-
pended upon the Doctrine of Forms ; but in neither was Immortality
deduced from that doctrine. The Third Proof is intended to be
such a deduction.
védXa : 1.e. particular things.
Tiv émwvuptav tcyev, ‘are called after them.’ This is how Socrates
expresses the ‘extension’ of a class as opposed to its ‘intension’.
Cp. Parm. 130 € 5 Soxei cot... elvar ibn dizta, @y Tdd€ Ta G\Xa pera-
AapBuvovta tas enavupias aitav taxewv. Cp. 78 €2 mavt@y Tay ekelvots
SpwOvipov,
8 "AAG yap krA. The notion here formulated is that of the essential
attribute. We say, indeed, as a fagon de parler (tots pypact) that
Simmias is greater than Socrates; but it is not gwa Simmias or gua
Socrates that they stand in this relation, but only in so far as great-
ness and smallness can be predicated of them. The emphatic
words are wepvxévar and tvyxaver éxwv. The first expresses participa-
tion in an efSos which belongs vce: to the subject, the latter parti-
cipation in an «Sos which belongs to the subject as a matter offact,
but not essentially. The sentence is anacoluthic; for the subject
ro... Umepéxev is dropped and a new subject 76 cAnO<s is substituted.
10 énwvupiav txe ... elvat, ‘has the name of being.’ Heindorf
115 12
 102 NOTES

quotes Hdt. ii. 44 tpsv ‘Hpakdéos érwvupiny éyovros Gaciov etvat. So

often dvopudtew elvat.
CII tot pev xrA., ‘submitting his smallness to the greatness of A
(Phaedo) to be surpassed by it, and presenting his own greatness to
B (Socrates) as something surpassing his smallness.’ The reading
Uxéxwv is not merely a conjecture of Madvig’s, as even the most
recent editors say, but the best attested MS. reading (TW). The
meaning of dméyerv is much the same as that of wapéyewv, and it takes
the same construction, the epexegetic infinite active (trepéxyey),
which we express by a passive. Cp. Gorg. 497b9 vrdayes Swxparer
eEedéyEat.
d2 “Eoua... cvyypapicds épetv, ‘it looks as if Iwere about to acquire
a prose style.’ Wyttenbach took cuyypadpikos as referring to the
language in which Wndiouara were drafted, comparing Gorg. 451b7
dorep of ev To Anuw ovyypapspevor. Heindorf derived it from ovyypa-
on, a ‘bond’ or ‘indenture’, and thought of legal phraseology. On
the whole, it seems to me more likely that there is a reference to the
balanced antitheses of Gorgias and his followers, of which the pre-
ceding sentence certainly reminds one. The word cvyypudexds only
occurs in late writers, but there it is the adjective of cvyypadevs
and always refers to prose style. This interpretation makes the
fut. inf. epety more natural than the others.
d7 76 év piv peyebos: the form of greatness, so far as it ‘is present’
in us or we ‘ participate’ in it.
dg 8votv7dérepoverA. This alternative is important for the argument,
and the terminology should be noticed. If any form is ‘in’ a given
thing, that thing will not admit (d€yeodac) any form which is
opposed to it. The original form will either (1) withdraw from (or
‘evacuate ’) the thing, or (2) perzsk. The metaphors are military
throughout this discussion.
€2 wvmopevov & ktA. These words explain the following. ‘ It refuses
to be something other than it was by holding its ground and
admitting smallness.’ Here tropuéver ‘to hold one’s ground’
is used as the opposite of tmexywpetv ‘to get out of the way’, ‘ to
withdraw in favour of’ (its opposite).
€3 domep éyd «tA. Socrates can ‘admit’ either greatness or small-
ness without ceasing to be Socrates; but the greatness which is
‘in’ Socrates cannot ‘admit’ smallness.
116
 NOTES 102

teTéApyKev seems to be suggested by the military metaphor.

‘x. &v ToOUT® Tw TAP ApaTt, ‘when this happens to it,’ i.e. when it is
attacked by its opposite.
4 oF cadds péepvqpat is probably nothing more than a ‘ouch of
realism. We need not look for covert meanings.
5 ev rots mpdc0ev. . . Adyors: 7O0d7 sqq.
tptv is the reading of W, but tiv (BT) is also possible.
8 airy eivar, ‘to be this,’ a change of construction from 16 peifor
y'yveoGa. Both the personal and the impersonal construction are
admissible with @podoyeiro.
II tapaBadrddv tHv Kehadyv, ‘turning his head’ as one naturally
would to a new speaker (not ‘bending ’).
3. «70 évavtiov mpaypa : i.e. the thing in which there is an opposite
form. It is a cold thing that becomes hot and a hot thing that
becomes cold; hot does not become cold, or cold hot. In the
previous illustration Socrates is the opixpoy mpayya which may
become peya, though smallness cannot admit greatness.
5 tO év ty dtcet (SC. evaytiov) is the opposite form attd ka® attd as
opposed to 76 év {piv which is chosen as an instance of the form so
far as it is ‘in’ a thing. For this way of speaking of the «tS» cp.
Rep. 597 b § where the ‘ ideal bed’ is spoken of as 1)ev Ty Quer Noi,
and Pari. 132d 1 ra péy edn rudta Gomep Tapadetypata Eoravat ey Ty)
dice, ra b€ dAXa rovTos eorxevar. All Greek thinkers use the word
dicts of that which they regard as most real. The fonians meant
by it the primary substance (E. Gr. Ph.’ p. 13); Socrates means by
it the world of «tén.
16 tav éyévrev ta évavria: a clearer expression for tay evavtior
T paypLaTov.
17 7y éketvwv érwvupia : Cp. 102 b 2.
18 dv évovtwy: governed by THY eT @VUPLAY (not gen. abs.).
I yéveotv dAAHAWY, ‘becoming one another’, ‘turning into one
another’,
5 O88’adnrA. On previous occasions (77a 8; 86e5) we have heard
of the doubts of Cebes, but ‘he does not feel his doubts return on
this point’ (Geddes).
kairo. oftt Aéyw wth. Here we have another hint that the
doctrine is not fully worked out. Cp. above 100d5 and below
107)5.
117
 103 NOTES

CIO "Er... kat ré5e «ktA. We now advance beyond the merely
tautological judgements with which we have been dealing hitherto,
to judgements of which the subject is a thing and the predicate
a form. We have seen that hot will not admit cold or cold heat;
we go on to show that fire will not admit cold, nor snow heat. We
advance from the judgement ‘A excludes B’ to ‘a excludes B’.
C Ir Ocppov tt kadeis: cp. 64c2 2. It will be found helpful to keep
this simple instance in mind all through the following passage.
C13 émep is regularly used to express identity. A is not identical
with @ nor B with 4,
C2: "Hor... ogre + -Cp..93 ba,
€ 3. tod aitod dvéparos, ‘its own name,’ the name of the «idos, e. g.
hot or cold (afvotc@at, ‘to be entitled to’).
€ 4 addd kat dAdo mT, SC. a&tovcOa avtod, 1, €. Tod dvdpatos Tov €iSous,
e.g. fire and snow; for fire is always hot and snow is always cold.
@5 tiv ékeivou poppyv: i.e. Ty ekeivov iOeav, Td €xeivou eidos. The
three words are synonyms. Observe how the doctrine is formulated.
There are things, not identical with the form, which have the form
as an inseparable predicate (det, dtaviep qj).
Q7 Set... tvyxave, 2.97. a€wora.
Strep viv A€yopev, SC. TO TepiTTOY.
10442 pera tod éavtod dvopatos, ‘along with its own name,’ whatever
that may be. In addition to its own name we must also call it odd
(roito Kadeiv, sc. mepittdv) because it is essentially (gvce:, cp.
medukevat) odd.
23 déeyw S€ adtdo elvat «tA., ‘I mean by the case mentioned (avrd)
such a case as that of the number three,’ which is not only entitled
to the name ‘three’, but also, avd essentially, to the name ‘odd’.
Similarly fire is not only entitled to the name ‘fire’, but also, and
essentially, to the name ‘ hot’.
a6 évros otx Step wtA. Most editors adopt Heindorf’s conjecture
ovmep for omep, which is demanded by grammar; for émep ought
to be followed by 7 rpids (sc. éoriv). On the other hand, it may
be urged that dmvep was so common in geometry, especially to
express ratios, that it may hardly have been felt to be declinable.
It is a symbol like : or =, and nothing more.
a8 & pious Tod dpiOpod amas, ‘one whole half of the numerical
series.’ For 6 uous instead of ro yucov see L. & S. sv. I. 2, and, for
118 \
 e ee ee

NOTES 104

the expression, Theaet. 147e5 rov aptOpov mavta Sixa dieAdBoper

(‘ we divided into two equal parts’).
5 €repos. . . otiyos, ‘the other row’ or ‘ series’.
émovorns . . . C 2 tropetvat: the military metaphors are still kept
up. Cp.102d9%.
-_ atokAtpeva i trexxwpotvra, as if dependent on qaivera, b 7, the
intervening €oke being ignored. We are now able to say that
things which have opposite forms as their inseparable predicate
refuse to admit the form opposite to that which is ‘in’ them. but
either perish or withdraw at its approach. The simplest instance
is that of snow which is not opposite to heat, but melts at its
approach.
ra5e ... & «tA. Weare not defining a class of etdy, but a class
of things (c 8 GAN arta) which are not avra evaytia to the ‘attacking ’
form. It has not been suggested in any way that fire and snow
are e1Oy, and it seems improbable that they are so regarded. On
the other hand, ‘three,’ which, for the purposes of the present
argument, is quite on a level with fire and snow, is spoken of (d5)
as an idéa. It is this uncertainty which creates all the difficulties
of the present passage. That, however, is not surprising; for, in
the Parmenides, Plato represents Socrates as hesitating on this
very point, and as doubtful whether he ought to speak of an etdos of
‘man, fire, or water’. This, however, does not affect the argument.
We need only speak of ‘things’ without deciding whether they are
‘forms’ or not.
& Sn av Kxatdoyy «TA. Things which, though not themselves
opposite to a given thing, do not withstand its attack, are ‘those
which, if one of them has taken possession of anything, it compels
it not only to assume its own form, but also in every case that of
something opposite to it’ (i.e. to the attacking form). The illustration
given just below makes it quite clear that this is the meaning,
though the pronouns are a little puzzling, and will be dealt with in
separate notes. The verb katéyev keeps up the military metaphor;
for to ‘ occupy’ a position is xwpiov Katexety.
Tiv avTod isfav, SC. TY TOU karacyorros. There is nothing abnormal
in the shift from plural (4) to singular in a case like this. After an
such subject as ‘any one of them” is often
indefinite plural some
to be supplied, and xardoyy is felt to be singular in meaning as well
119
 104 NOTES

as in form, as is shown by 6ér: dv and aird, whereas at d 5 we have

a dy karaoyy duly followed by atirois. For the change of number
cp. also 70e 5 n. and Laws 667b5 Sei réde . . . imdpyew dracty
dg ous oupmapererat tis xdpis, H} ToUTO adTs pdvov (Sc. THY xdptv) adrod
70 orrovdatdraroy eivat KTA.
avré refers to éri dy kardoyn, the thing occupied. For the slight
pleonasm cp. 99b6; 111c 8. The meaning is fixed by d 6 dviyxn
avrois referring to & dy... karacyn.
ait is omitted by most editors, but the meaning of évayriov is by
no means clear without a dative. If we remember once more that
we are defining a class of things which do not hold their ground be-
fore the onset of an opposite, it is not difficult to interpret airé as
‘the opposite in question’ implied in ra evayria oby tropéver emidyra
above, This is also borne out by the illustration given below. It
is the form of the odd which prevents the approach of the even to
three, just as it is the form of cold which prevents the approach of
heat to snow. (Cp. below e 9 16 yap évavriov det aita éemipéper.
This last passage is strongly against the reading dei for dei, which
l regard as a mere corruption (AEI, AEI),
t) wepitty, Sc. popdy. There does not seem to be any other
instance of this brachylogy. The normal use is seen just below in
1) TOU apTlov.
€5 "Avaptios cpa. The precise point of this step in the argument only
emerges at 105d 13 sqq. The term zepitrds, ‘odd,’ does not at first
seem parallel to a term like av@avaros. As Wohlrab says, the point
would not require to be made in German ; for in that language the
odd is called das Ungerade.
aes dpicac0ar: W has opicacOa Seiv, which gives the meaning, but
is probably due to interpolation. Tr. ‘What I said we were to
define’.
mota «tA. Fire, for instance, is not opposite to cold nor snow to
heat, yet fire will not admit cold, nor will snow admit heat.
e8 airs, 76 évavtiov. Itis plain from av’ré d€xerat in the next line that
avré must refer to the same thing as rivi, and, in that case, 75 éevave
riov can only be added if we suppose tui to mean virtually ray
évavtioy tuvi, fone of a pair of opposites,’ and take airé as ‘the
opposite in question’. I cannot attach any appropriate sense to the
vulgate airo ro évaytiov, which ought to mean ‘what is actually
120
 NOTES 104

opposite to it’, which would imply e.g. that snow will not admit the
cold. The same objection applies to the variant atrw 16 évavtioy
adopted by Schleiermacher and Stallbaum. Wyttenbach proposed
either to delete ro évartiov or to read ro otk éevayvtiov. The former |
proposal would simplify the sentence; the latter shows that he
understood it.
>8 viv, ‘in the present case.’
Io émdiper is another military metaphor (cp. émpPépey mddevor,
bellum inferre, orra émupepey &c.). Tr. ‘it always brings into the
field its opposite’, i.e. rd wepirtdv, It is very important to notice
that émupépev is always used of the thing ‘attacked’, while émeévae
and karexetv are used of the thing which ‘attacks? it. "Emépev
refers to the means of defence. It is, we may say, 10 dpuvdpevor
which é€vaytiov re emieper ro emuyrt. Further, emeévae is not the
same thing as xareyewv, which implies a successful éodus.
1 Suds TO wepitt|@, SC. TO Evartion emipepet, 1.€e. TO Aprior.
2 I GAN’ Spa wtA, adda resumes after the parenthesis with a slight
anacoluthon.
22 pypovovetdA. Taking the same instance as before, not only does
cold refuse to admit its opposite, heat, but so does snow, which
always brings cold (which is the opposite of heat) into the tield
against it in self-defence.
23 GdAdAd Kal exetvo ktA. All editors seem to take ekewo as subject of
dé€Eavdac and antecedent to 6 dp emépyn, but that leads to great
difficulties, the chief of which are that we have to refer ekeirm to
something other than é¢xewo and to take ef’ dre dy atrd t of the
thing which is being attacked instead of the attacking form.
Riddell (Dig. §19) took éxeivo (sc. dpi¢7)) as an accusative pronoun
in apposition to what follows. I prefer to take it as the object of
d€Eav Oat and closely with ep Ort Gy avTo ine The subject of d€EacGat

will then be 8 dy éemupépy te evavtiov exetvo, Then adrd ro émipépov

repeats 6 dy émudépy wrd. and tiv Tov emihepopevov evavtisrnra repeats
éxetvo. We have thus an instance of interlaced order (a a 0)
which is, I take it, what Socrates means by speaking ovyypagixos.
ov... xeipov, ‘it is just as well.’
tiv Tod Cptiov, Sc. ieay. Cp. 104d 14.
+6 SiTAdotov, in apposition to ra d<ka, ‘ which is the double of five,’
and therefore an even number.
I2I
 105 NOTES
a8 totro pév otv xtA. I formerly inserted ovx before évayriov with
most editors, but this leaves cai and the concessive pév ody without
any meaning. I now interpret: ‘It is quite true that this (the
double) zs itself opposite to another thing (viz. the single, ro dAodv) 5
but at the same time it will also refuse to admit the form of the odd’
(to which it is not itself opposite). The reason is, of course, that rd
SirAaovoy always emiépet rd Gpreov, brings the even into the field to
resist the attack of the odd; for all doubles are even numbers. It
goes without saying that it will not admit 7d dmdodv which is its own
opposite.
b 1 088 84 erA. ~The almost accidental mention of double and single
suggests another opposition, that of integral and fractional. With
Heindorf, I take the construction to be ovdé 81 ro Hywidrov (3) odde
Taha Ta ToLavTa, TO you (4) Kal Tpirypdptoy avd (4) Kal mdvta Ta TOLadTA
(Sé€yera) thy tov ddov (ideav). If we observe the slight colloquial
hyperbaton of rv tov ddov, there is no need to interpret 70 7yucv in
an artificial way (as ‘ fractions whose denominator is 2’, like 3 and 4
or to delete it. No given fraction is itself opposite to 76 éAov, but
they all ‘bring into the field’ rx» rov popiov idéay in self-defence
against the attack of 70 odo.
b5 6 av épwrd, ‘in the terms of my question’ (Church). The
readings of the MSS. vary considerably, but the meaning is clear
from the sequel.
b 6 Xéyw By KTA., ‘I say this because, as a result of our present argu-
ment, I see another possibility of safety over and above (map’) that
safe answer I spoke of at first’ (100 d 8).
bo w dv ti «tA., ‘what must be present in anything, in its body (i.e.
‘in a thing’s body’), tomake it warm?’ The text is not quite cer-
tain, and it would no doubt be simpler to omit ev r@ with Stephanus,
thus making the construction the same as in c 3. It is possible,
however, to understand éevy t® owpatt as a further explanation of
@ dy éyyévntat, so I have let it stand.
CI rv cpaba, ‘foolish. Cp.100d3. The irony is kept up.
C2 Kopporépav: kouyds is the urbane equivalent of codds, and auabys
is the regular opposite of copés (cp. 101c 8). Weare taking a step
towards the kopetar which we deprecated before. é« tav viv: cp. b 7.
& dv wip. It is safe to say this because Geppdrns is an inseparable
predicate of mip, and so the presence of fire is a sufficient airia of
122
 E
EIS '’'C'SsS~--=
EE ae

NOTES ios
bodily heat. This does not mean in the least that fire is the only
such cause, as appears clearly from the other instances. There are
other causes of disease than fever, and other odd numbers than the
number one (7) povas).
/3 Wuxy dpa «tA. Previously we could only say that participation
in the form of life was the cause of life; but, é« ray viv Neyouévar,
we may substitute puyy for (w7, just as we may substitute mop, mupe-
Tos, povas for Gepydtns, vocos, mepittrétns. There is not a word about
the soul being itself a form or efdos, nor is such an assumption
required. The soul may perfectly well be said to ‘occupy’ the
body without being itself an (dé€a, It is a simple military metaphor
(cp. 104d 1 z.), and implies no metaphysical theory.
10) ©OtxKotv uyy KktA. The point is that, though Wuyy itself is not
opposite to anything, it always ‘brings into the field’ something
which has an opposite, namely life. We may say, then, that soul
will not admit that opposite (i.e. death), but must either withdraw
before it or perish.
13. TtotvxerdA. The point here is mainly verbal. It has to be shown
that what does not admit @avaros may be called a@avaros.
2zy “Apovoov... To S€ ddtkov stands for 7d pev dpovoor, ro b¢€ ddcKov
by an idiom of which Plato is specially fond. Cp. Prot. 33003
dddXo, To O€ Cddo, Theaet. 181d 5 dvo O) Neyo... Ein KUNTEwS,
GAdoiwow, thy Sé popayv, Rep. 455 €6 yuvi) fatpexn, 7) 6’ ov, Kat povotkn,
7 © dipovoos duces.
‘Io Ti otv xrA. It has been proved that the soul will not admit
death ; but we have still to deal with two possible alternatives ; for
it may either ‘withdraw’ or ‘perish’. This alternative actually
exists in all other cases; but in the case of 76 a@uvatov the second is
excluded ; for rd d@dvatoy is tpso facto avwdebpov. Therefore the
soul must ‘ withdraw’ at the approach of death.
ar dAdo... %, zone. The interposition of the subject is unusual,
but cp. 106e1. There is no contradiction in saying that ‘the un-
even’ is perishable. If there were, three would be imperishable
because it may be substituted for ‘the uneven’.
a3 76 dQeppov, though the reading rests only on the authority of the
corrector of T, must be right (Aepyoy BTW Stob.). The word is
coined, like dvdprios, to furnish a parallel to addvatos, Snow is to
ro adeppov as soul is to ro aOavarov.
123
 106 NOTES

a4 émayo: another military metaphor.

a8 7d dpuxrov: Wyttenbach conjectured dyuxpoy to correspond with
aeppov, but dyuxroy, ‘what cannot be cooled,’ is a better parallel in
sense, if not in form, to a@avaror.
CI avrov, SC. TOU mepiTrov: dvr’ éxeivou, SC. dvTl TOU mepiTTOU.
d 2. rtovrov ye vera: cp. 85 b8.
d 3. py S€xorro: I can find no parallel to this use of yy. There
are instances of ~ with the potential optative in interrogations
introduced by was or riva tpdmov. We might have had was dv...
pi Séxutro; “how could anything else avoid receiving?’ and this
is virtually what the sentence means (G. JZ. 7. § 292).
107 a5 dvaBddAorto is an instance of the optative without dy often found
after such phrases as (ovk) @o0" dais ..., (ovK) €c@” Sas.
b6 émoxentéat cadiotepov, if the text is sound, is a very striking
anacoluthon due to the parenthesis. This sentence is just like
the reference to the pakporéepa 6dds in Rep. 435d and the pakpo-
tépa meplodos, 76. 504 b. It is clear that the mparat trobécecs
which are to be re-examined are just those mentioned above,
100 b 5, that is to say, the ‘Theory of Ideas’ in the form in
which it is presented to us in the Phaedo. Whether Socrates was
conscious that the theory required revision, I am not prepared’
to say ; but it is clear that Plato was. The re-examination of
these umoéécers is to be found chiefly in the Parmenides and the
Sophist, both dialogues in which Socrates does not lead the dis-
cussion.
bg retro avré, viz. that you have followed up the argument as far as
is humanly possible. If you make sure (aadés) of this, you need
seek no further. The argument ends with a fresh confession of the
weakness of human arguments. Cp. 85 cI sqq.
obSév Lythoete wepartéipw: cp. 777. 29 C8 ayaray ypn, pepyynpevous
ws 6 héywr eyo ipets TE ob Kpitat Grow avOpwortyny Exopev, Gore Tept
, sal 2 , ta Va \ ” , -
ToUTwY Toy eikdta pvOoy avode XopEevous TpETEt TOUTOU pNOev ETL TEpa CnTELy,

The conclusion of the whole matter. The Myth (107¢1—

115 a8).
C2. citep f Wuyxy d0dvaros ktA. Cp. Rep. Go8cQ Ti ovv} ole adavatw
mpdypare vmép tocovrou Sey xpdévov éeomovdaxevat, GAN ovx Unep Tod
TaAvTOos 5
124
 NOTES 107

3. &v @ Kadotpev ro Civ, ‘for which what is called life lasts.’ For
this way of speaking cp. //. xi. 757 Kat "AXnoiov évOa Kodavn |
kéxdntat. Wyttenbach quotes several poetical parallels and Xen.
Flell. v. 1. 10 €vOa n Tpimvpyia KaXeirat,
4 viv 8H, unc demum, Cp. 61e6 x.
:6 €pparov, a godsend,’ Schol. 76 arpoadSdxnrov xépdos. The word
was properly used of treasure-trove (‘windfall,’ axtaine), which
was sacred to Hermes. Cp. Symp. 217 a3 €pyaov tyynodpny etvae
kai evTuxnia éuov Oavpaordy and the expression kowds ‘Eppis,
* Shares !’ (Jebb on Theophrastus, Characters, xxvi. 18).
28 viv 5é, ‘but, as itis...’
{4 pops: cp. 81d 8%.
A€yetar, SC. ev To Adyw, In the mystic doctrine. Cp. 67¢5 2.
16 & é&kdorov Saipwv: cp. for the mystic doctrine of the guardian
Suipov Menander igs 550 Kock) “Amapre Salpwv avdpt oupraplota-
rat | evOds yevouev@ pvotaywyds Tod Biov. The idea that the daiuwv
has a soul allotted to it as its portion appears in the /A/taphios of
Lysias 78 6 re daipwy 6 Thy nuetepay potpay eiknyos, and Theocritus
IV. 40 alat T@ oxANp® para Suipovos ds pe AeAdyxer. It was doubt-
less the common view, but is denied by Socrates in the Myth of Er
(Rep. 617e 1), where the mpodijrns says: ody vuas daipwv Ajkerat,
GAN’ vers Oaipova aipyorerde,
17 eis 84 tia tomov ktA. We learn what the place was from
Gorg. 524.a 1 otro ouv ... duxdoovow év To Aeepon. The ‘meadow’
of Judgement is Orphic. Note the use of 6, tts in allusion to some-
thing mysterious. Cp. 108 c1; 115d4. So os 6), 107e1, 2.
All through this passage 67 is used to suggest something known
to the speaker and to those whom he addresses, but of which they
shrink from speaking.
18 8SadtxacapévousktA. In Xep. 614 C4 we read that the Judges, émedy)
diadixdoecav, bade the righteous proceed to the right upwards and
the wicked to the left downwards. ‘The active is used of the judges
and the middle of the parties who submit their claims to judgement
(cp. 11303). The meaning cannot be, as has been suggested,
‘when they have received their vavzous sentences,’ for that would
require the passive, and diadicugeo
da always means ‘ to submit rival
claims to a court’.
I @ 8: cp.d74%.
125
 107 NOTES
€ 1 Ttovs éevOevde: cp.76d8 x.
e€2 av $y tTuxeiv: cp.d 7. I have adopted 6, from Stobaeus rather
than the MS. dei, which reads awkwardly. Cp. Crat. 4005 os
dikny didovons tis Wuxns Gv dy evexa didwow (referring to the Orphic
doctrine).
€4 évaoddats... meprddors (ev of the time a thing takes cp. 58 b8 7.).
In Rep. 615a2 we have a yiAérns wopeia, consisting of ten meplodot
of a hundred years each. In the Phaedrus (249 a) the wepiodo: are
longer.
e5 6 Aicytdov Threpos. The references to this quotation in other
writers seem to be derived from the present passage, not from the
original play.
108a4 oxioes te kal tprd50us, ‘ partings of the way and bifurcations.’
The reading rpiddovs was that of Proclus and Olympiodorus and is
much better than the MS. mepiddous, which is probably due to
meptsdots ine 4. It is the only reading which gives a proper sense
to the next clause (see next note), and goes much better with
ayices. Cp. also Gorg. 524a2 €v TO Aeon, ev TH TpLddw e& fs
geperov tw 6ba,1) pev eis paxdpwy vyngovs, 7 O eis Taptapoy. Virgil,
Aen. vi. 540 Hic locus est partes ubi se via findtt in ambas,
a5 vovav is better attested (TW Stob.) than the éciwy of B, though.
that is an ancient variant (yp. W). The MS. of Proclus, zz
Remp. (85. 6 Kroll), has otvo.@y, which explains the corruption
(O for ©). The reading 6vo.v alone fits the explanation of Olym-
pioderus, dwrd rév ev rpidos Tyuey THs ‘Exarns (cp. last note). The
sacrifices to Hecate (77/vza) at the meeting of three ways are well
attested, and Socrates means that these shadow forth the rpcodos in
the other world.
87 ovk dyvodi ra mapévta: i.e. the purified soul is familiar with the
region through which it must travel.
aS &v Te tumpoobev: 81C 10.
mept éxetvo (SC. TO o@pua) . « . émtonpévn, ‘in eager longing for’.
The verb rrocicGa always refers to fluttering or palpitation of the
heart, often, as here, caused by desire. For desire of the corporeal
in a disembodied soul cp. 81e 1.
b 4 6@mep: Cobet proposed oimep, but cp. 13a2 ov .. © adixvovrrat
(where, however, Schanz reads of). The poetical form is not out of
place here.
126
 NOTES 108

»5§ tovottov: i.e. dxabaproy.

»7 TavTny pév resumes ty pév above,
8 cvvépropos: cuvodoirdpos Timaeus. The word is poetical, like
the use of the simple €uzopos for ‘ wayfarer’,
aitnh, ‘by itself’, ‘alone’.
SI fws dv... yévwvrar, ‘till they have passed.’ The ypdme are
the mepiodo. Cp. Prot. 32047 mpiv && piyvas yeyovévat.
Sy tTwes: cp. 107d7 #.
ta N dv éhO@dvtwv, ‘when they are gone,’ i.e. when they have passed.
im’ dvaykyns is equivalent, as often, to €& dvayxns. There is no
personification.
23 © petpiws: i.e. kakas. Cp. 68e27.,
C7 T&v Tepi yijs clwoTwv Aeyerv. From the time of Anaximander and
Hecataeus the construction of ys mepiodo. had been a feature of
Ionic science (FE. Gr. Ph.’ p. 53, 7.4). Aristophanes mentions
a mepiodos containing the whole earth as among the furniture of
the dporricrnpioy (Clouds 206). In this passage, as we shall see,
Socrates abandons the central doctrine of Ionian geography.
C8 td twos wémacpat. It is best not to inquire too curiously who this
was. It wasnot Archelaus ; for he believed the earth to bea flat disk
hollow in the centre. It was not Anaximander; for he regarded
the earth as cylindrical. It was not a Pythagorean; for the
‘hollows’ are distinctively Ionian. The influence of Empedocles
on the details of the description is well marked. Such an attempt
to reconcile opposing views may well have been made at Athens
during the second half of the fifth century B.C., but hardly at any
other time or anywhere else. Personally, I am quite willing to
believe tbat the theory is that of Socrateshimseif. It can scarcely
have been seriously entertained by Plato at the time he wrote the
Phaedo; but it continued to have great influence. The cosmology
of Posidonius, as we know it from the Hepi kéopov wrongly included
in the Aristotelian corpus, is based upon that of the Piaedo, and it
was in substance the cosmology of Posidonius which ultimately
prevailed over the more scientific doctrines of the Academy, and
dominated European thought till the time of Copernicus. ‘The
leading thought is that, if the earth is spherical, there must be other
oikovpevat than the one we know; for our oikovpevn is but a small
portion of the surface of the sphere.
127
 108 NOTES

d 4 ox 4 FAavxou téxyvy: Eusebius has ovyt 4, so perhaps we should

read ovyxi for ovx 7 with Heindorf, who shows that later writers quote
the proverb in this form. ‘The paroemiographers give several ex-
planations ofit, the simplest of which is that it comes dmé [AavKou
Sapiov os mp@rov KdhAnow epedpe oOnpou (cp. Hdt. i. 25). I believe,
however, that the more complicated explanation is right, and that
the reference is to a working model of the‘ harmony of the spheres’
originally designed by Hippasus, for which see Appendix II.
d5 & y éativ, Sc. d réreropat, os pévtor GAnO4, SC. rem ELO aL, xaAETToTEpOV,
sc. Ounynoac Oat.
dg eLapketv is the best attested reading, but that of B, ééapxei, might
stand, if we take pou Soke? as a parenthesis.
€ 4 Ilewevopar as . . . Setv: anacoluthon.
eS év peow . .. Tepthepys ovoa: the original Pythagorean doctrine
(E. Gr. Ph.? p. 345). Note the propriety with which otpavds is
used for ‘the world’, i.e. everything contained within the heavens
(E. Gr. Ph.’ p. 31). Plato does not commit the anachronism of
making Socrates adopt the later Pythagorean view, that the earth
revolves round the Central Fire (E. Gr. Ph.” pp. 344 sqq.).
10g al aépos: the accepted Ionian doctrine (cp. gg b 8 .).
a 2 aTiHv Spovornta, Sits equiformity.’ This is another instance of
historical accuracy in terminology ; for the terms dpuouos and dpoudrns
were originally employed where twos and iodrns would have been
used later. Cp. Proclus’ Commentary on the First Book of
Euclid, p. 250. 22 Friedlein Néyerar yap $7 mparos ékeivos (Oadns)
émioTnoat Kat elev ws dpa mavtos loockedovs al mpos TH Baves yoviat
toa elolv (Eucl. i. 5), dpyaikarepov S€ ras toas dpoias mpocetpynkévat.
Just as what we call equal angles were called similar angles, so
a sphere was said to be ‘similar every way’. Aristotle ascribes
both the theory and the use of the term oyo.drns to Anaximander (de
Coelo295b 11 ciat dé reves of Sia ry 6 ppotdTn Ta paow advrny (SC. THY YY)
peve, doTmep TOV apyatov ’Avagipavdpos* paddov pev yap ovdev ava 7)KdTw
i els ra mAdyLa Peper Oat mpoonjker TO ent Tod pécou iOpupevoy kal 6potws
mpos Ta €gxata exo, Gua 8 advvatoy eis tdavavtia rovetcOat Thy
Kkivnow" dor €& avayxns pevery. It is quite wrong to take ootdrns
as referring to homogeneity of substance or density. As we shall
see, the world is not homogeneous in substance at all.
a3 Tis yiis avT4s Tv icoppotiay, ‘ the equilibrium of the earth itself.’
128
 NOTES 109

Anaximander’s cylindrical earth could hardly be called lodpporu»

like the Pythagorean spherical earth in the centre of a spherical
world (ot'pavés).
a6 dpotws... éyov is equivalent to dpoov bv (rdvrn). Cp. Aristotle duc.
cit, (a2 7.) dpoiws mpos Ta éoxara ~yov.
a8 Kai dp0ds ye. The ready assent of Simmias marks the doctrine,
so far, as Pythagorean.
2Q appeyd tt ecivat is a direct contradiction of Archelaus, who
said keto Oa & ev peo (rv ynv) ovdev pépos odaay, ws eireiy, TOU TavTds
(Hippolytus, Ref. i. 9. 3).
| avté, Sc. Thy ynv. Cp. 88 a6.
br. tovs peypt «tA. The Pillars of Herakles are well known as the
boundary of the ofkovzevy on the west, and Aeschylus spoke of the
Phasis as the boundary of Europeand Asia (fr. 185) didupov x@ovis Kv-
parns |peyay nO Actas reppdva baow), cp. Hdt.iv. 45. SoEur. pp. 3
dot Te Ildyrov teppdywr tr’ ‘AtAavtixay | vaiovo.y eto.
bh 2 wept tiv O4Aattav oikoivras, ‘dwelling round the Mediterranean
(the @adarra kat é€Eox7v) like frogs or ants round a swamp.’ (Cp.
Et. M. rédpa’® roros wnd@dns vdwp ~xwr.)
b 3. kai dAAous dAAoh kTA. As Wyttenbach saw, this part of the
theory comes from Anaxagoras (and Archelaus). Cp. Hippolytus,
Ref. i. 8.9 eivat yap abriy (rv yn) Koidny cat éxey Vdwp Ev ToIs KoLAw-
pao (Avataydpas noir), ib. 9. 4 Aiwyny yap elvac rd mporov (THY yp),
dre Kikhw pev odcav bWndry, wecor b€ Koidny (ApxéAads pyotv), a view
which is obviously a generalization from the Mediterranean basin.
Here it is combined with the theory of a spherical earth (Anaxagoras
and Archelaus believed in a flat earth), and it is assumed that there
are several such basins with water in the middle and inhabited land
round them. According to Posidonius, too, there were many okov-
pevat, but they were islands, not hollows.
b6 rb Te Ewp Kai TH SpixAny kai Tov dépa. Here again Plato correctly
represents fifth-century science, according to which water is con-
densed air, mist being the intermediate state between them (E. Gr.
Ph.? p. 79, 2.1). The discovery of atmospheric air as a body dif-
ferent from mist was due to Empedocles (ib. p. 263) and Anaxagoras
(ib. p. 309); but it appears that the Pythagoreans adhered to the
oider view. Cp. 7im. 58d 1 aépos (yen) TO per eVvayeoTatoy eikAnY
aidip Kadovpevos, 6 &€ Goreporatos 6pixdn TE Kal TKOTOS.
1251 129 K
 10g NOTES

b7 avriv... tiv yav: the true surface of the earth (called below ‘the
true earth’), as opposed to the basins or ‘hollows’. It rises above
the mist and ‘air’. It is clear that we are to suppose considerable
distances between the basins.
b 8 ai@épa: aidnp is properly the sky regarded as made of blue
fire. This, as we see from the passage of the 7zaeus quoted in the
last note, was supposed to be air still further rarefied. It is the
intermediary between fire and air, as ouixAn is that between air and
water.
CI tovsmoAXovsxtA. This implies that Socrates knows the divergent
views of Empedocles and Anaxagoras, the former of whom gave the
name ai@ip to atmospheric air (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 263sq.), while the
latter used it of fire (ib. p. 312 7. 1).
Tav mepi Ta ToLaiTa eiwOdtwv Acyev: I do not know any other
instance of wepi c. acc. after Aéyew in Plato (Gorg. 4908 is not
one ; for Aéov éxew is ‘understood’ and Aéyets is parenthetical). 1
am inclined to think the words eiwérwy héyetv have been wrongly
added from 108c7. For the resulting phrase cp. Phaedr. 2727
bv (Adyov) TOy wept TatTd TWeY aknkoa, ib. 273.a5 Trois wept ravTa.
c 2. troortdOunv, ‘sediment,’ lit. ‘lees’ (rpvyia, rpvé Hesych.). Note
that air, mist, and water are the sediment of the aidnp.
d4 mapa ofiot: Socrates is thinking of a whole people dwelling at
the bottom of the sea. This is not inconsistent with et rus above
(c 4); for et rus is continued by a plural oftener than not.
d 7 8a tovTov, sc. dud Tov aépos.
d8 16 8 eivat tavrév, ‘ whereas it is just the same thing’ with us as
with the imaginary dwellers at the bottom of the sea. For ro 8¢ cp.
87c6m. I see no reason to suspect the text. The asyndeton
explicativum is quite in order; for edvat ratvréy is explanatory of
ravtov 57 TovTo Kal nuas memovOevat (CP. 72C 3 7.).
e 2 én’ dxpa: the surface of the ‘air’ is parallel to that of the sea
(dz),
€ 3. «KatiSetv (dv): the d7 of Eusebius is probably a trace of the lost
tiv (AN, MH), which might easily be dropped by haplography.
€ 4 avaxtarovtes: cp. Phaedr.249 ¢ 3 (Wuxi) avaxiwaca els 70 dv dvTas.
The position of the attributive participle outside the article and its
noun is normal when there is another attribute. Cp. Phil. 21c 2 ris
év TO mapaxpipa noovys mpoonimrovans.
130
 NOTES 109
€5 ovrws dv twa... KkatiSetv is a good instance of a form of
‘binary structure ’, noted by Riddell (Dig.§ 209), in which ‘the fact
illustrated is stated (perhaps only in outline) before the illustration,
and re-stated after it’ (a 6 a).
€7 6 adyOds... 7d cAndvov... 4 ds dAnOas: observe how Plato
varies the expression.
at “se... f yi, ‘this earth of ours,’ i.e. the hollow in which we
dwell and which we take to be the surface of the earth.
a5 onpayyes, onpay€, Upados rérpa pyysara éyoura, Hesych., Suid.
a6 Sov dv wai [fh] yf, ‘ wherever there is earth’ to mix with the
water. Though there is no good authority for the omission of 4, it
is certainly better away.
a8 éxeiva, the things above on the true earth which are in turn (ad) as
superior to what we have as those are to the things in the sea.
br e« ydp 84... Kxaddv is far the best attested reading, though
B omits xaAdy and alters 67 to de? Olympiodorus apparently had
det and kadéy, for he finds it necessary to explain why the podos is
called beautiful. It is to be observed that a pvdvs is only in place where
we cannot apply the strictly scientific method. There is nothing
‘mythical’ about the etdy, but all we call ‘natural science’ is neces-
sarily so, as is explained at the beginning of the Zzzaeus, It is, at
best, a ‘probable tale’. Cp. Taylor, Pluto, pp. 50-2.
b6 = 4 y@ adrh, ‘ the true earth.’
Somep ai SwSexdoxutor odaipat, ‘like balls made of twelve pieces
of leather.’ This is an allusion to the Pythagorean theory of the
dodecahedron, which was of special significance as the solid which
most nearly approaches the sphere (E. Gr. Ph. p. 341 sq.). To
make a ball, we take twelve pieces of leather, each of which is
a regular pentagon. If the material were not flexible, we should
have a regular dodecahedron ; as it is flexible, we get a ball. This
has nothing to do with the twelve signs of the zodiac, as modern
editors incorrectly say. Cp. Zim. 55 4 rt d€ ovons cvoTarews puas
néuntns (a fifth regular solid besides the pyramid or tetrahedron,
the cube, and the icosahedron), éwi ro may 6 Beis att) Katexpyoaro
éxeivo Siatwypapav (‘when he painted it’, see next note). The
author of the Zimacus Locrus is perfectly right in his paraphrase of
this (98 e) rd 5€ SwdexdedSpor eixdva Tov Mavtos eoTacaTo, éyy.ota opatpas
ésv. The whole matter is fully explained in Wyttenbach’s note,
131 K 2
 110 NOTES

from which it will be seen that it was clearly understood by Plutarch,

Simplicius, and others. Proclus, in his Commentary on the Kirst
Look of Euclid, shows how the whole edifice of the Elements leads
up to the inscription of the regular solids (xoomixa or UWdatwvKd
ox1,aT2) in the sphere.
b7 xpapacr SteAnppévy. The true earth is represented as a patchwork
of different colours (for dveAnupévn cp. 8104 %.). This must be the
explanaticn of the words éxeivo dualwypapay, ‘painting it in different
colours’ (cp. dtamroixiAAw). Each of the twelve pentagons has its
own colour.
b 8 Seiypara, ‘samples.’ In the same way our precious stones are
‘pieces’ (yopia) of the stones of the true earth (below, d 8).
C 2 wWoAv ét €k Aapmporépwv: for the position of ek cp. 7ocI #.
7] Tourwv: the case after # assimilated to that before it (Riddell,
Dig. § 168). Cp. Meno 838 amo peifovos . . . 4 rocaitns
yeaupns, Laws 892b1 ovens y avrns (sc. puyns) mpecBurépas Fj
O@paTOoS, ;
THY piv... ., SC. yyv, ‘one portion of it,’ one pentagon,
C4 tyHv S€é doy Aeven, ‘all the part of it which is white.’
C6 kat yap atta tatta xthk. The meaning is that, as the basins or
‘hollows’ are full of ‘air’ and water, the surfaces of these produce
the appearance of glistening patches among the other colours, so
that the general appearance is that of a continuous (cuveyés) surface
of various colours (aovktXov).
C7 é&xmdea is quite a good word, and there is no need to read éumAca
with inferior authorities.
d3 ava Adyoy, ‘ proportionally.’
d6 hv te AadtyTa: soW. B makes the almost inevitable mistake
tiv TeXeLdtnTa, and so at first did T, but erased it in time.
d7 atta ta dyatmpeva, ‘the precious stones that are so highly
prized in our world.’ Prof. Ridgeway has some interesting observa-
tions on the relation between the Pythagorean solids and natural
crystals in Class. Rev. x (1896) p. 92 sqq.
€ 1 ovdév St ov, every one of them.’ The phrase is regularly treated
as a single word equivalent to mivra. Hence the plural naANiow.
€ 3. ot5é SrehOappévor wtA. Another instance of interlaced order
(abab); for domep ot evOade ind trav Setpo auveppunkdtway go
closely together, and wtmd onmeddvos kai GApns goes with Ace
132
 NOTES 110

POappévor (so Stallbaum). The ovveppunxdra are water, mist, and

air (cp. 109 b6).
25 cn dAAots, ‘to animals and plants besides.’ Cp. Gorg. 473.¢7
U6 TOY TONTOY Kal TOY GAN E€veor,
a1 €kdavq, ‘exposed to view,’ not, as with us, hidden beneath the
earth.
a6 évvqoosKktA. Thisisan attempt to fit the old idea of the Islands of
the Blest into the mythical landscape. Cp. Pindar, O/ ii. 130 évéa
pakdpoy | vacos dkeavides | adpat mepirv-ototy, which is humourously
paraphrased by &s wepippeiv tov cépa, the air being the sea in which
these islands are. But they are ‘close to the mainland’, otherwise
we should see them from our hollow! The suggestion of Olympio-
dorus, that these men feed on the apples of the Hesperides, is
therefore not so wide of the mark as might appear.
a7 Swep...tottTo..., the regular way of expressing a proportion.
Cp. 110d 5 ava Adyor.
b2 «pao, ‘temperature.’ In Greek, however, as in French, the
word has a wider sense than in English. It is not only the due
temperamentum of the hot and cold, but also that of the wet and dry
(cp. 86b9z.). The xpaows rav wpev is ‘climate’.
b4 ¢povaocer: sight and hearing stand for the senses generally (hence
mavta Ta Tovadta), to which intelligence must of course be added.
It is, therefore, wrong to read dodpyoee with Heindorf. Cp. Aep.
367 C7 olov dpay, axove, ppovew.
b6 dAcy: T has én, and this reading was adopted by Heindorf from
the apographa. Inthe Lexicon of Timaeus we read dos" ro dyadua.
kal 6 téros év @ iSpura, and, as the word does not occur elsewhere
in Plato, this may indicate that Timaeus read it here, but «Aon seems
better. Cp. Livy, xxxv. 51 72 _fano lucoque.
b 7 ypas, “sacred voices. Like dares and kAndov, din is used of
omens conveyed by the hearing of significant words. Virg. dem. vil.
90 Et varias audit voces, fruiturque deoruim | colloguto.
b8 aicoyoas tov OeGv: not in dreams or visions, as some say. The
point is just that they see the gods with their waking senses.
C1 avrois mpds aitovs, ‘face to face.’ Here mpos avrovs (rovs Beovs)
belongs to vvovaias and avrois (rois avOparos) to yiyverOu (abba).
C2. ola tvyydve dvra, ‘as they really are. This is an astronomer’s
vision of blessedness.
133
 III NOTES

c 6 rovs pevetA. Three sorts of rdro: are enumerated (1) deeper and
broader (than the Mediterranean basin), (2) deeper and narrower, (3)
shallower and broader. The fourth possibility, shallower and nar-
rower, is not mentioned. Plato does not care for symmetry of this
kind.
c 8 avrovs: Heindorf read atraéy from inferior MSS., and I formerly
conjectured ati. Nochange, however, is necessary. For the pleonasm
cp. kKiddell, Dig. § 223. It assists the shift from dvras to éyewv.
d2 vmod yiv... ovvtetpqobar, ‘are connected by subterranean open-
ings.’ This seems to come from Diogenes of Apollonia. Cp. Seneca,
Nat. Quaest. iv. 2. 28 sunt enim perforata omnia et invicem pervia.
The geological conformation of the country made such views seem
very credible in Greece.
d5 Somep els kpatipas : cp. Soph. Oed. Col. 1593 kothou méhas kparnpos
(‘near the basin in the rock’, Jebb), A scholium on this passage
of Sophocles runs: rod puyxov’ ra yap Kotha oUrws ékddouy €k peraopas*
dOev Kai ra é€vy tH Altyn Kotk@puta Kpatnpes Kahovyrat. Cp. such
names as ‘The Devil’s Punchbowl’ in English. It is easier to
understand how the crater of a volcano got its name, if we may
trust this scholium, and the rocky basins fit in very well with the
present context.
év StkeAlawtA. This seems to come from the Sicilian Empedocles,
who explained the hot springs of his native island by comparing
them to pipes used for heating warm baths (E. Gr. Ph. p. 277).
The pvat is the lava-stream. Cp. Thue, ili. 116 éppun d€ mept avro 76
gap Touro 6 pvak& Tov mupos €k THs Alryns.
os év: the MSS. have dp dy, but Stallbaum’s conjecture ws dy is
eS
now confirmed by Stobaeus.
e 4 saita 8 mavta ktA. The theory is thus stated in Aristotle's
Merewpodoyexd, 355 b 32 Sqq. 70 8 €y rg Baldor yeypappevor TEpl TE TOV
rorapay kai TAS Oaddrrns adivardy oti, EyeTar yap ws Gmayta per eis
idAnha ouvrerpntat bro yay, apx) S€ mavrov etn Kal mNYy) TOY vddaray
6 xaotpevos Tdprapos, mept TO pécoy datos te mAHOos, €& ov Kal Ta
péovta kal Ta pi) péovra ayadidwot mavra’ thy 8 enippvow rove ep
Cxagta Tay pevpdrey did Td cadevew del Td mpOrov Kal THY apxnv’ ovK
Zyew yap Spay, GAN’ det rept To peor cideto Gat (7. (Ader Oat, ‘ oscillate’):
kwwovpevoy 8 avo Kal Kdtw Troviy THY émixvow Tay pevpaTar. ra Oe
moAAaxou pev Aipvacey, Olay Kal THY map’ nuiv etvat Oddacoay, mavta O¢
134
 NOTES Ill

maw KUKN@ Trepidyew eis THY apyny, dCev Hpkavto petv, OANA pev Kal
kata Tov auTov Téroy, Ta Oe kal KaTavTikpd TH O€aer THS Expos, olov ei peiy
jpEavto Karwbev, dvwbev eiaBadrXre. eivat dé pexpt Tov pécov rv Kaderw"
TO yap Aouroy mpos dvaytes Sn TaoLY Elvat THY hopav. Todbs Sé yupovs kai
Tas xpdus loxew TO Vdwp SV olas dv TUYwOL porta yijs.
ie@4 domep aiwpayv tiva (cp. 66 b 4 7.), ‘a sort of see-saw,’ avrita\avtwots
Olympiodorus, cp. French éalancement from éz/ancem. The term
aiapno.s, gestatto, was familiar in medical practice, where it was
used of any exercise in which the body is at rest, sailing, driving, &c.
(cp. Zim. 8g a7), and aiwpa meant a‘ swing’ or ‘ hammock’ (Laws
78903). Aristotle’s paraphrase has dua 1d wadeverr. The whole
description shows that a sort of pulsation, like the systole and
diastole of the heart, is intended. The theory is, in fact, an instance
of the analogy between the microcosm and the macrocosm (E. Gr,
Ph.? p. 79), and depends specially on the Empedoclean view of the
close connexion between respiration and the circulation of the
blood (E. Gr. Ph.? p. 253).
Siapmepés tetpypevov, ‘perforated right through.’ Tartarus has
another opening antipodal to that first mentioned. We are not
told that it is a straight tunnel, but that seems likely, and we
shall see that it passes through the centre of the earth. So, too,
Dante’s Hell is a chasm bored right through the earth (/w/ferno,
xxxiv, sb fin., Stewart, ALZyths of Plato, p. 101).
“Opunpos: //. vill. 14. ‘The Arcadian form of épe@por, scil.
(épeOpov, was the special name for the singular “ Katavothra ” of
Arcadia’ (Geddes). Cp. Strabo, p. 389 rév BepeOpwy, & Kadovow oi
A pides CépeOpa, tuprSy Bvta@v Kal p27) Sexopevwr arépaaw. The whole
account of Stymphalus, from which this is taken, is very suggestive
of the present passage.
GéAAob: 72. vill. 481.
a7 8’ otas dv... yas: Aristotle (7. c. sub fim.) specifies taste and
colour as the characteristics the rivers derive from the earth they
flow through.
b2 mu0péva ... Baow: Aristotle (/oc. cit.) says éSpay. There is no
bottom at the centre of the earth. ‘On comprendra la pensée de
Platon en se rappelant que théoriquement une pierre jetée dans
un puits traversant la terre selon un diamétre irait indéfiniment
dune extrémité 2 lautre’ (Couvreur), We must keep in mind
135
 112 NOTES

throughout this passage that everything falls to the earth’s centre.

The impetus (6pyy) of the water takes it past the centre every
time, but it falls back again, and so on indefinitely.
b 3 aiwpetrat 54 «tA. Aristotle (oc. czt.) says dei wept Td pécov eidel-
g6a, for which we must read tAdeo Oat, the proper word for oscillatory
or pendulum motion. (Cp. 777. 40 b 8, where I take the meaning
to be the same... E..Gr.. Ph.? p. 346:Sa,)
kai kupaiver: the doxographical tradition connects this with the
tides Cp. Aétius on the ebb and flow of the tides (Dox. p. 383)
lXdrwv eri ry al@pay péperat roy Vdatwv* elvat yap tia pvotkyy alopayv
dui Tivos e€yyelov tpypatos mepipepovaay thy madippotay, bf" As avtt-
kupatverOu Ta mehayn. From this we may infer that there are two
oscillations a day.
b 4 TO Tepi avté, SC. TO wept TO typdv. The mvetua is mentioned be-
cause the whole theory is derived from that of respiration. Cp. the
account of avarvon in 7771. 80 d 1 sqq., where much of the phraseo-
logy of the present passage recurs: 10 Ths avarvons .. . yeyovev..
TEVOVTOS EY Ta GkTia TOU TUpPds, alwpoupevou Se evTds TH TvEvpaTL
avverropevou (cp. b 4), tas preBas ... TH Tuvacwpnoet (cp. b7) wAn-
povvtos TH... €martAey (cp.c3). Brunetto Latini ‘speaks, very
much in the same way as Plato does, of waters circulating in
channels through the Earth, like blood through the veins of the
body’ (Stewart, A7yths of Plato, p. 103).
bs cis TO et ekeiva... eis TO émi TASe, ‘in the direction of the further
side of the earth’ (the antipodes), ‘in the direction of the hither
side”,
Tov 84 Kato Kadotpevov: the words 67 and xadovpevov are a protest
against the popular view that the antipodes are ‘down’. It is just
to avoid this incorrectness that Socrates says ra em’ éxeiva, or Ta
KaT €Keiva.
rots kat éxeiva...elopet, ‘the streams flow into the regions on
the further side of the earth,’ as opposed to ra évOaSe. I apprehend
that rois kar’ éxetva must be explained in the same way as b 5 ro en’
é€xeiva, and in that case ta Jetpara must be the subject. Further, if
we omit did in c3 with Stobaeus, we may take rots kar’ éxeiva ris yrs
together. Even if we retain dua I have no doubt that we must
‘understand’ ris yns after rois kar exeiva. Cp. Aristotle’s para-
phrase (/oc. cit. u1e 4.) rv O éerippvow moteiv ef’ Exagta Tay pev=
136
 NOTES 1i2

pdrwv, where trav pevyarwr is governed by ezippvory, and ed éxaota

means é7 éketva kal emt rade.
3 «© «Gomep of emavtdoivtes, Sc. TANpvioy, ‘ like irrigators.”. The word
eravtAewy is used of raising water to a height for purposes of
irrigation (Dict. Ant. s.v. Antlia). No stress is to be laid on the
particular process by which this is done; the point of the simile lies
in the way the water rises to a point further from the centre (whether
on this side of it or the other) and then flows off through the channels
(dxeroi, r7vz) like irrigation waters.
:4 =éxetOev... Setpo, ‘from the antipodes .. . towards us.’
6 eis tovs tomous KtA. All the streams are raised by the alopa
above the centre (on either side) and are drained off to rémot on the
surface of the earth, from which they once more find their way
back to Tartarus by subterranean channels.
se
7 é&kdaotos ddSomoinrat, ‘a way is made for each of them.’ The
simile of the irrigation-channels is kept up. The eidorouetrac of W
confirms the wdoroinrat of Stobaeus, and T has é€xagrots as well as
Stobaeus. The reading of B (eis obs éxugrovs ddo7oretra) is inferior
to this.
13 (4) 4: there is some doubt as to the necessity of inserting 1 here
and ind5. It seems safer, however, to insert it. In Symp. 17346
B has 7and TW i} 7. In Cr7to 44a BTW have # 7.
14 <imoxdrw ecicpet ris éxpofs, ‘at a lower level than the point of
issue’ really means nearer the centre of the earth, not nearer the
antipodes.
15 «katavtikpu... kata TO auto pepos: Aristotle (/oc. cet. 111
c 4 7.)
interprets these words by xurwdev and drwdev, by which he clearly
means ‘on the other side’ and ‘on this side of’ the earth’s centre.
The choice of words is unfortunate (especially as he bases his
criticism on them); for we have been warned (c1) that to call the
antipodes ‘ down’ is only a popular way of speaking. In substance,
however, Aristotle seems to me quite right in his interpretation.
I do not see how kara 76 avrd pépos can mean ‘on the same side of
Tartarus’, as many recent editors suppose. The phrase must
surely be interpreted in the light of e€2 10 éxarépwOev .. « pepos,
which certainly refers to the sections of Tartarus on either side of
the earth’s centre. The difficulties which editors have raised about
this interpretation are purely imaginary. So long as a stream falls
137
 112 NOTES

into Tartarus at a point nearer the earth’s centre than it issued

from it, it may correctly be said to fall into it taoxarw ris expors,
quite irrespective of whether it debouches on this side of the earth's
centre or on the other.
ds5 (4) q [etopet] efemecev, sc. elopet. If we omit elope? with Stobaeus
we can take 7) (or 7) 7) é&€wecev together as equivalent to ris expos.
It is important to observe that exwimrew is the verb corresponding
to expon, and that the reference is to the point at which the stream
issues from Tartarus.
d6 éom&é&xrtrA. We have had the case of streams which issue from
Tartarus in one hemisphere and fall into it in the other; we are now
told of streams which come back to the hemisphere in which they
started after circling round the other. They may even make this
circuit several times, but with each circuit they will be ‘lower’, i.e.
nearer the earth’s centre. Their course will therefore be a spiral, and
that is the point of mepreAtyOevta ... Gormep of Shas, for eAcE means
just ‘spiral’, As to mepi tiv yfv it does not necessarily mean ‘ round
(the outside of) the earth’. Cp. 113 bi.
d8 «xa@évra is intransitive or rather ‘objectless’. Cp, Ar. Avzghts
430 e£etut yap cou Aapmpos dn Kal péyas KaOieis (Of a wind), and
avykadtevat (SC. €avtdv), ‘ to condescend.’
€ I ékatépwoe péxpt Tod péoov, ‘in either direction as far as the
middle,’ that is to say, from either opening of Tartarus to its middle,
which coincides with the centre of the earth.
@€2 dvavtes ydp xtA., ‘for the part (of Tartarus) on either side (of the
centre) is uphill to both sets of streams,’ 1.e. both to those which
fall into it xaravrixpv 7)7 eێmeoev and to those which fall into it
kata TO a’To pépos. The mpés which B and W insert in different
places is probably due to an ancient variant mpdcavres. How old
that variant must be is shown by the fact that Aristotle (Zoc. cz¢.)
has mpos dvavres. Heindorf conjectured mpéow, and recent editors
follow him, but that is a non-Attic form and not used by Plato.
€5 tvyxaver 8 dpa dvta «tA. Cp. Od. xi. 157 peoow yap peyddot
motapot kat Sewva pecOpa, | Akeavos pev mp@rta krd., ib. x. 513 €va pev
els ’Axépovra LupipAeyewv re péeovat | Kaxurds 6’, bs 51 Stvyds vdards
€oTiv amroppa€é.
€6 éwrdrw, ‘furthest from the centre.’
€ 7 ‘mepi xvid, ‘round in a circle.’ There seems to be no doubt that
138
| a

NOTES 112

mepi can be used as an adverb in this phrase. Cp. Zim. 4006

veiwas Teplt TdyTA KUKA® TOY oipavdy, Laws G64 e 4 rept SAnv KvKA@ THY
modu opav, The phraseis also found written in one word (v. L. & S.
$.U. wepikukXos) and this is how B writes it here. Perhaps Hermann
is right in accenting wéps to show that it is an adverb. We are not
told that the Acuyy made by Oceanus is the Mediterranean, but that
is doubtless so.
7 katavtikpu, “diametrically opposite,’ i.e. on the opposite side of
the centre of the earth (cp. 112d 5 7.). Acheron is the antipodal
counterpart of Oceanus, running in the opposite direction. It is
fitting that the place of the dead should be in the other hemisphere.
In the Axtochus, an Academic dialogue of the third century B.c.,
we are told (371b2) that ‘the gods below’ took possession of
TO eTE pov nuco Paiptoy. ,

tm6 yfv féwv: the Acherusian Lake is subterranean.

.2 ov: cp.108b4%.
tav woAAdv: all except ai ray dpOas dirocopotytwrv. Cp. 114 b6
sqq.
-5 «eis tas TOV Lawv yevéces, ‘for the births ofanimals.’ Cp. 81e 2 sqq.
ToUTWV KaTG péecov: i.e. at a point intermediate between Oceanus
and Acheron. As Oceanus flows ¢fwrdarw, i.e. furthest from the
centre (112e6.), Acheron will branch off from Tartarus nearer the
centre, but on the other side. The point intermediate between
these é«8vAai will therefore be above the centre on the same side as
Oceanus.
16 &BddAa, ‘issues’, ‘branches off’ (from Tartarus). The word is
synonymous with ekaimret (112d § 2.) and so is e€kBoAn with expor.
17 mvpi... kadpevov. It seems to me that this may have been sug-
gested by the remarkable statements in the epimAous of the Cartha-
ginian Hanno (§§ 11-14) about the regions blazing with fire which
were seen on the voyage southward from Cape Verde to Sierra
Leone. If so, Pyriphlegethon is doubtless the Senegal. The
IlepimAous, if genuine, would be well known in Sicily in the fifth
century B.C. fay
YI epreActTOpevos... TH YT is generally assumed to mean ‘ winding
round the earth’, whereas it is clear that, like Cocytus (c 3),
Pyriphlegethon must go under the earth after leaving the Aiuvy in
order to reach the Acherusian Lake, which is certainly subter-
139
 113 NOTES

ranean. In the erroneous belief that Eusebius omits r7 y7, most

editors bracket the words; but this is quite unnecessary. They
can quite well mean ‘ coiling itself round inside the earth’ (ambire
terram intus in ipsa, Stallbaum); cp. //. xxii. 95 éAtoodpevos rept
xen Of a serpent ‘coiling himself round (the inside of) his nest’
(Monro). Cp. 123d8 éonep oi dpes.
b 3. ov cupperyvipevos to USaTr: cp. M2. ii. 753 vd’ 6 ye (sc. Terapyacos)
IInver@ oupployerat apyvpodivy, | adda ré py KabirrepOev emippéeer Hut’
édatov" | Gpxov yap Sevod Srvyds Vdatds eotiv avoppw€.
b 4 Katwrépw tod Taptapov, ‘at a lower point in Tartarus,’ i.e. nearer
the earth’s centre than the Acherusian Lake, which must itself be
nearer the centre than the ¢x8odn of Pyriphlegethon, though on the
opposite side.
b6 émy av rdywor rhs yis, ‘at various points on the earth’s surface.’
This shows that Pyriphlegethon in its subterranean spiral course
passes under Etna. For the puakes cp. 111e I 7.
TOUTOV... KaTavtikpv : i.e. on the other side of the earth’s centre,
but nearer it than the éxBodn of Acheron, though further from it
than the Acherusian Lake.
b 8 otov 6 kvavos: it is not certain what substance is intended. In
Theophrastus xvavds is lafzs lazuli and that stone is probably
meant here. In any case, we are to think of a bluish grey, steely
colour, in strong contrast to the fiery plain of Pyriphlegethon.
CI év 84, Sc. réroy (not moraudv). For 67 cp. 107e 1”.
d * SieStkdoavtTo: cp.107d8 7.
Biocavtes: the Ionic participle is in place in a solemn passage
like this, though in g5c 3 we have the Attic Buovs. Later, the Ionic
form became trivial, as in the Aa@é Brwoas of Epicurus.
d4 ot... &v 8éfwouv, ‘those who are found to have —,’ a regular
forensic expression.
peows, ‘ middlingly,’ to be distinguished from perpiws which stands
for ev.
ds5 4 84 «tA. Another allusive and mysterious 67 (cp. 107¢17.).
The odynpara on which they embark must be boats of some kind.
Charon’s bark is familiar, but there are other boats of the dead
besides that.
d 6 tiv Aipyyy, sc. ryv ’Axepovordda.
d7 kaGaipopevor: Purgatory is an essentially Orphic idea. Cf. Suid.
140
 NOTES 113

(s.v. Axépwv) 6 dé "Axépwv xabapoiw foie Kat od KodactHpio, pirTwy

kal ounXov Ta dGuaptypatra Tov avOpanwy, They are purified by fire as
well as by water.
7 8Sdvtes Bixas is subordinate to xaOarpdpevor, ‘ purged by punish-
ment.’
8 evepyeotav, ‘ good deeds,’ seems to have been the regular word in
this connexion (opp. ad:xrjara). Cp. Rep. 615 b6 ef tivas evepyerias
evepyeTnkores Kal dikator Kal dovol yeyoudres elev,
12 avdrwséxevetA. The doctrine of the incurable sinners occurs also
in the myths of the Gorgas (525 c sqq.) and the Repudlic (615 e sqq.).
The rudiments of it are to be found in the picture of the three
great sinners—Tantalus, Ixion, and Sisyphus—in the Néxua of the
eleventh book of the Odyssey. From the Gorgias we learn that they
are eternally punished as mapadetypara.
26 ovzore, ‘nevermore,’ is more solemn than the everyday ovderore,
‘never.’ The Neoplatonists are very anxious to get rid of the
doctrine of eternal punishment, but it is stated quite explicitly.
11 petapéAov: accusative absolute, cz eos paenttuerit. Tr. ‘and
have lived (aor. subj.) the rest of their life in repentance’. Any
impersonal verb may take this construction: cp. Afo/. 24 d 4 pedov
ye gol, Rep. 346 b 4 ouppepov avTa, ‘when it is good for him.’
a2. Toortt» wi dAAw tpomw, ‘in some other way of the same sort,’
viz. as those who have done wrong tm’ épyrs.
a 5 +6 Kodpa, ‘the reflux. Cp. 112 b 3 xupatves dvw kai xirw, This fits
in well with the general scheme. Pyriphlegethon and Cocytus rise
in opposite hemispheres. When the water in Tartarus rushes emt
rdde it casts them out by Pyriphlegethon, when it rushes ez’ éxetva by
Cocytus.
kata tov Koxvutév, ‘down Cocytus.? Heindorf compares Xen.
Cyr. vii. 5. 16 7d tdwp xara tras tappous €yape. In a7 kata tH
Xipvqv we have another meaning of kara, ‘ on the level of’, ‘ oppo-
site to’. It must be remembered that the waters of Pyriphlegethon
and Cocytus do not mingle with the Purgatorial Lake.
b7 Stadepovrws mpds Te Eciws Prdvar, ‘to have led exceptionally holy
lives,’ as contrasted with those who have lived peows (113 d 4).
We must ‘understand’ (jv or some such word with dgtws. For
such an ellipse Stallbaum compares Euthyd. 28145 TO OpGas (SC.
xpyoGat) emiornpn éotiv 1 amepyatopevn, Symp. 181 b 6 dyedouvrtes de
141
 114 NOTES

tov kahas (sc. diarpdgacOa) 4} py, PAtleb. 61d 1 dpa... rod Karas oy
pddiora emtrvxotmev ; For similar brachylogies designed to obviate
the repetition of the same word cp. Pro¢. 325 b3 oxéyrar os Gavpa-
giws yiyvorrat of ayaoi (sc. dyabol), 344 € 1 7H Se Kake (kaka) odk eyyo-
pet yeveoOa, Meno 89 a6 otk dy elev picet of dyabol (sc. dyaboi). The
mpokexpio@a added by Theodoret is an obvious interpolation.
C2 éniyfis: i.e. on the ‘true earth’, the Earthly Paradise.
C3. dvev...cwpdtwv: cp. 76c12 xywpis cwudtwy. This is the state-
ment which brought upon Plato the condemnation of the Church
as being inconsistent with the resurrection of the body. Eusebius
has xapaty for capatwy, which looks like a deliberate falsification.
C4 otkynoes ... tovTwv kadXlous. ‘ We are to think, perhaps, of the
natal stars of the 7imaeus’ (Stewart, Myths of Plato, p. 109).
In any case, those alone reach the Celestial Paradise who have
undergone the philosophic ca@apors. The ordinary purgation is not
sufficient.
c 7 av tovdv, ‘to leave nothing undone.’ Cp. Gorg. 479 C1 may
movovaw wate Oikny pr Orddvat.
c8 Kadov... 7d G0Aov: cp. Rep. 608b 4 Méyas... 6 dywr,... péyas,
ovx Gaos Soxel, Td xXpnordy 7) Kakov yevioOa, CI Kal py... rd ye
péeylora emiyerpa aperns Kal mpoxeiveva GONu od SteAnrAvOapev.
G1 To pévotv«tdA. The difference between scientific knowledge and
a ‘ probable tale’ is once more insisted on. For the expression cp.
63c1sqq., 108d5 sqq., Meno 86b6 kai ra pev ye G\Xa OvK dy Trav
irep Tov Ad you Suaxupicatpny, Gre Oe... «, TEP TOUTOV Travu dy Siapayotny.
Contrast d 4 éreimep ddavardy ye 7 Wux7 paiverat ovo (‘evidently is’).
d5 mpénewv, sc. Sucxvpicac
dat.
d£vov, sc. efvat, ‘that it is worth while to take the risk of thinking
itis so. Cp. 85d1.
d 7 émadeuv 2 Cp. 77 es,
€ 3 mAtov Odtepov.. . dmepyaler Oar, ‘to do more harm than good.’
The phrase occurs twice in the Lu¢thydemus 280€5 mhéov ydp trov
oipat Odrepov eat, ay TIS XpHTat OT@oLY fu) GpOGs mpdypatt h eay ea,
2977 6 6€ aire ixavas €BonOnoer (sc. IdXews ‘Hpaknet), 6 0? euds ’Iddews
el Z\Got, wA€ov Gv Oarepov moujoeev. Cp. also Isocr. Aeg. 25 rovroy
tov Tadaimwpoy ovdels TOY OVyyEVav .. . EmLaKeYdpevos adikero, TAHY THs
pyntpos kat ths adeAdas, at mdcov Odrepov enoincay. I do not think
that, in these places, the meaning is ‘to make bad worse’ (Hein-
142
 NOTES 114
dorf), or that Odrepoy has anything to do with Pythagorean views
about ‘the other’. We should hardly find the phrase in a private
speech of Isocrates if it had. More likely it is a colloquialism like
TA€ov TL TOLEtY, OVSEY TAEOY TrOLELY,
2 s...«adq: Hirschig for once seems to be justified in an d6érn-
ow. It is very difficult to believe that Plato should spoil the effect
of his own words two lines below by anticipating them here.
5 ain &v dvip tpayikds, ‘as the man in the play would say’. The
phrase does not occur in any extant tragedy.
8 vexpév Aovew: for the construction cp. Meno 76a9 avdpt mpecBirn
mpaypata mpootartets amokpived Oat.

Practical Application. The real Socrates will not die (115b 1—

mG <7).

2 émortéAdas is the vor propria for the last wishes of the dying.
Cp. 116 b 4.
Q Somep kat tyvy: cp. Rep. 365d 2 ws ra tyvn ray Adyar pepe. The
hunting metaphor once more.
I ovdév wAgov toinoete, 22/ Profictetis, ‘you will do no good’, ‘it
will profit nothing’.
6 Od wei0w «tA. Aelian, V. 47.1. 16, has another version of this,
which he is not likely to have composed himself: Kai m@s urep nuav
kah@s *AToANdSwpos Sokalet, ef ye avros memiorevKey Ore peta Thy ef
"AOnvatwv dirornaiay Kat TO Tov Pappdkou Tapa Ett dvtws derat Swxpa-
Thy; el yap olerat Tov OXLyov VoTEpoY Epplmmevoy ev TOT Kal KeLOOpLEVOD
y eye etvat, OndJds earl pe ovx eidas. This may be a fragment of
Aeschines or another.
'7 ovros Swxparys, ‘ Socrates here.’ The omission of 6 is idiomatic
when the pronoun is used dekrixas.
I was pe Odnry: indirect deliberative. Goodwin, 47. 7. § 677.
4 8 Twas: once more the allusive and mysterious 67. Cp. 107
d7.
5 éAdws Aéyerv: cp. 764.
(7 ~~ fv ovros... yyyvaro does not refer to the offer of Plato, Crito,
Critobulus, and Apollodorus, to become security for the fine of
30 minae which Socrates proposed in his avtitivnos (A fol. 38 b 6).
We may infer from (rito 44e28sqq. that Crito had further given
security that Socrates would not run away (1) wv mapapevewv).
143
 115 NOTES

€ 3 tmpotiBerar ktA. The mpddeors (‘laying out for burial’) and the
expopa (‘carrying to the tomb’) are the regular parts of the cere-
mony before the actual burial. The middle voice of rpotider@a is
justified because people lay out ‘ ¢hezr dead’. Cp. Eur. Ale. 663-4
kat Oavivra oe | meproteAovon Kat mpoOncovra vexpdv, Thuc. ii. 34. 2
Ta ev OoTa mpoTiOevra ...€meday Sé 7 expopa 7... Evverpepa...
6 BovAdpevos.
€5 eis avT6 TotTO, ‘so far as the thing itself (inaccurate language) goes’.
The Closing Scene (16 a 1—118 a 17).
16 a2 aviotato eis: cp. Prot. 311a 4 éEavacrapev els rnv avrAyy. olknpa
means $a room’,
eS toté 8’ ad, as if roré pev had preceded. Cp. the omission of 6 per,
Io5e1 2.
b I Sv0 yap krA. Cp. Goa2n.
b Pa ai olketar yuvaikes . . . éxetvar is certainly the original reading
and ékxeivas (to be construed with dadeyOeis) is apparently a
conjecture. It seems to be implied that the women of Socrates’
family were well known to Echecrates and his friends. In fact,
€xetvat has much the same effect as the yryvwckets yap with which
Xanthippe is introduced (60a2). It is surely impossible to believe
with some editors that Xanthippe is not included among the olkeiat
yuvatkes. The mere fact that the youngest child is brought back
seems to show that she is.
b 3 BiadexOeis, SC. avrois, i.e. Tols madiows Kat rais yuvakiv. The
vulgate reading éekeivacs would imply that he had no last words for
his sons.
b 6 xpovov... moAvvKtA. As the conversation recorded in the Phaedo
began in the morning, and it is now close upon sunset on one of the
longest days of the year, it is plain that Socrates spent several hours
alone with the women and children. There is no trace of indiffer-
ence tothem. Cp. 60a7”. Of course Phaedo can only narrate
conversations at which he was present.
b 8 otds wap avtov, ‘stepping up to him.’
a év ToUTw T@ xpovw, during the thirty days (cp. 58 a4.) for which
Socrates had been in prison.
d 6 dv8pav Aworos, ‘the best of men.’ In Attic Awaros is confined to
a few phrases.
144
 NOTES 116

7 GroSaxpver: cp. 117 8 améx\aop.

Q Scv0pwros. It is to be observed that the man who administers
the hemlock-draught is not the same person as the officer of the
Eleven. The seeds were pounded in a mortar to extract the juice.
Cp. App. I.
(I em HAtov etvar KrA., ‘that there is still sunlight on the hilltops.’
For this sense of Aus cp. Hdt. viii. 23 dua mio oxedSvapevm. The
meaning cannot be that the sun has not yet sunk behind Cithaeron ;
for Crito says ofua. He means that, though no longer visible, it is
still shining on the hilltops.
,2 y&Awra ofAnoeav tap’ épavte, ‘to make myself ridiculous in my
own eyes.’
eSopevos otSevds Ett evdvtos, ‘Sparing the cup when there is
nothing in it,’ a proverbial way of speaking. Cp. Hesiod, “Epya 367
pecooht PeidecOa, Seedy 6 evi muOpen peidw. For the Latin version
of the saying cp. Seneca, £p. 1 mam, ut visum est maioribus nostris,
sera parsimonia in fundo est, ‘Begin to spare halfway, it is a
sorry saving when you reach the lees’ (Geddes).
23 py dddas oie, ‘don’t refuse me,’ a common colloquialism. Cp.
C7rtfo 45a3: Rep. 328 a 10.
a4 T@ardl, ‘to his servant.’
DI avTO mono, ‘it will act of itself.’ In the medical writers rotei is
used technically of the action of drugs. Heindorf quotes Dioscorides
1. 95 motet mpos dappaka, ‘it acts against poisons.’
b 3. kai pada thews, ‘very cheerfully indeed.’ For xai pada cp. 61e 1
nm. tdews is the adverb.
b 4 ot8 StapSeipas: Plutarch uses POcipew and POopa of mixing
colours (L.S.s.vv.), and the expression employed here seems to be
derived from that technical use. Cp. //. xiil. 284 tov 0’ ayaOov ovr’
dip Tpemetat xpa@s KTA,
b 5 Tavpyddv imoBAdpas. This does not seem to have anything to do
with ravpotoba, droravpotaba, which refer to the g/ave of an angry
bull. An angry or threatening look would be quite out of the
picture here. In Arist. Yrogs 804 €BreWe your ravpndov eyxiyas
xdtw is, indeed, given as a sign that Aeschylus Bapéws épet, but
inoBdéWas is quite different from éyxiyas karw, which suggests the
bull about to toss. It means ‘to look askance at’ (tsvdpa), and,
from its use in Hippocrates and Aristotle (L. S. s.v.), we see that
128) 145 L
 117 NOTES

the original meaning was to look with the eyes half open. It is,
then, a ‘ mischievous look’ rather than a threatening one.
b6 «pds 7d dtoonetoai tw. Perhaps Socrates thought of pouring
a libation in honour of Anytus, just as Theramenes had toasted
Critias in hemlock-juice. Cp. Xen. Hed. ii. 3. 56 kai ered ye dmobvy-
ake avayKaCdpevos TO KaVELOY Erle, TO euTOpevov EPacav arokoTraBicarta
eimeiy avtdy' Kpitia rotr’ éorm 7H kag For the use of mpds cp.
Symp. 174 b1 mas Exes mpos TO €Oeew Gy iévar dixAnros ert Seimvor.
C4 émoydpevos... éemev, ‘he held his breath and drank it to the
last drop.’ Stallbaum shows that rive éemoydpevos was a standing
phrase. Cp.e.g. Stesichorus fr. 7 Sxiqtov dé AaBwv Sémas éuperpov
ws TptAdyuvoy | mi’ entaydopevos kTA. The rendering ‘ putting it to his
lips’, though grammatically possible, does not seem strong enough
for this and other passages where the phrase occurs, so I prefer
K. F. Hermann’s interpretation. The sense assigned to émoyxé-
pevos is not unlike that which it has in Symp. 216a7 émiocydpevos
Ta Ora.
kai pada evxepads, ‘ without the very least disgust’. As dvayxepns
means ‘ fastidious’ and dvcxepaivey fastidire, the meaning is that
he drank the poison as if it was quite a pleasant drink.
C5 émekds, ‘fairly’, ‘ pretty well’.
C7 4doraxri: not in single drops, but in a flood. Cp. Soph. Qed. Col.
1251 aoraktt AciBwv Saxpvov, 1646 aorakti... artévovres. W = has
aoradakri, which would mean the same thing, and also preserves an
ancient variant a8aoraxri, which would mean ‘ unbearably’.
C8 daméxAaov épaurdv, ‘I covered my face and wept for my loss.’
CQ __ otov dv5pés xrX., ‘ to think what a friend I was bereft of.’ This is
another ‘ dependent exclamation’, Cp. 58e4 2.
d5 «atékAace, which Stephanus conjectured for karexAavoe, is actually
the reading of T. Cp. Homer, Od. iv. 481 karexhacOn qirov nrop,
Plut. Zzsoleon 7 16 dé Tipod€ovtos ... maOos... KutéxNace Kal ouve-
Tpiyev avrou thy Oravotay,
€ Il évetpnpia: cp. 60a 3 7.
18 a1 tas Kvypas: cp. Arist. Hrogs 123 ’AAN eorw arparos Evvropos
rerpippevn | Sud Oveias.— Apa kKwveroy Aéyers ;— | Madura ye—
Wuxpav ye kal dvoxeipepov® | evOs yap anonnyvuat Tavtikynpta.
a2 m«mnyvuto: cp. 77b42.
kai autos HmTeTo, ‘the man himself’ (not Socrates). It is im-
146
 NOTES 118

plied that the others had touched Socrates by the executioner’s

directions.
85 16 Atpov: 6 perakéd duadod te kal aidoiov rém0s Timaeus, irpov...
"Arrikas* Umoydortpiov ‘EAAnvx@s Moeris.
a7 te ’AorAnme ddeiAopev ddextpvdva: for the offering of a cock to
Asklepios cp. Herondas iv. I1 them Seve | rod adéxtopos rots? dvrw’
oikins toiywv | knpvka Ovo, tamidopra SéEaobe. Socrates hopes to
awake cured like those who are healed by éykolpnots (¢mcudatio) in
the Asklepieion at Epidaurus.
. 16 fpets, ‘ we,’ his disciples.
wav téte, ‘of the men of his time.’ The phrase is regular in such
appreciations. Stallbaum compares Hdt. i. 23 “Apiova .. . xudapwdoy
ray Tore édvrwy ovdevos SevTepor, Xen. AN. ii. 2. 20 Krpuka Apio roy TaY
rére. Cp. Plato, Efist. vii. 324 d8 didoy avdpa epoi mpearBuiepov
Sexpdrn, bv eyo cyeddy ovk dy aicyuvoipyy eiray Stkariratoy eivat T&V
TOTE.
417 «at dAdws, ‘and in general.’ The calm of the closing sentence is
characteristically Attic. We find the same thing in tragedy and in
the Orators,
 APPENDIX I
DEATH BY HEMLOCK
IT is expressly stated by Xenophon (/7e//. ii. 3. 56) that Thera-
menes was put to death by a draught of c@verov, and Plutarch says
the same of Phocion (P/oc. 36). As described in the Paecdo, the
drug acts by producing a gradual refrigeration proceeding from the
feet upwards to the heart. Death ensues when the heart is affected,
and is accompanied by a spasm or convulsion (€«v7@n, 118a 12).
The same symptoms are implied in the passage of Aristophanes
(frogs 123) quoted in the note on 118 a1, where kwve.oyv is men-
tioned by name, and where we are told that it was pounded, as the
drug referred to in the Phaedo also was (11726). Pliny (/7/¢st. Wad.
xxv. 95) speaks of the wis refrigeratoria of the cécifa, and says
that the juice was prepared from pounded seeds. It is to be noted
further that wine was used as an antidote in cases of such poisoning.
Pliny tells us this of cicuta (/Zist. Nat. xiv. 7), and Plato himself
implies the same of kwvetoy in the Zys/s.'| This agrees very well
with the warning given to Socrates by the expert not to talk too
much (Phaed. 63.4 5sqq.). He explains that this will impede the
action of the drug by heating him. Wine would act in the same
way. There can be no doubt, then, that Socrates was poisoned by
kovetov, Or that kavecov is cicuta. That cicutais ‘hemlock’ is shown
by the use of the word in the Romance languages (Ir. czgwé).
In the face of all this, it is disturbing to be told, as we are by
some authorities, that hemlock-juice would produce quite different
symptoms. I cannot pronounce an opinion on that; but I have
submitted the case to an eminent pharmacologist, my colleague
Professor C. R. Marshall, who says that ‘as evidence against the
view that Socrates died of conium poisoning | do not think the
statements’ (of the authorities referred to) ‘ worthy of serious con-
sideration. Personally I am decidedly of opinion that his death

1 Lys. 219 €2 olov el alaBavorro adrdv (Tov bdv) Kdvewov menwedTa, apa
Tept ToAAOU TaLOIT’ Gy olvov, EimEp TODTO HyoiTO TOV voy GwoeY ;
149
 APPENDIX II

was due to conium. It is difficult to be absolutely positive on the

point, as conium is somewhat peculiar in its action, and the symp-
toms produced vary with the dose and probably with the individual’.
From this it appears that there is certainly no scientific ground for
rejecting the philological evidence.

APPENDIX II
PAavKou téexvy

The correct text of the scholium in Ven. T is as follows:

Tapotmia ToL emt TOY py) padiws KaTepyaopevay, i) emt TOv wavy émt=
peha@s kal evréxvas eipyacuiverv. “Immagos yap tis kateckevace yadkods
térrapas Siakovs oUTws, Bore Tas pev Stapérpous adrav toas irdpyew, TO
dé Tov mpwrov Sickov mayos éeritpiroy pev eivat Tov Sevrépov, nusdAvov de
Tov rpirov, Surrdaotov S€ rod Terdprov, Kpovopéevous bé TovTous emirehety
ovpdeviay tid. Kal héyerat Tavkoy iddvta tovs emi Trav Sickav Pbdy-
yous mparov éyxetpnoat Ov’ avtdv xXeEtpoupyety, kal amd TavTNS THs Tmpa=
ymaretas €rt Kat viv Neyer Oat Ty Kadovpeyny TAavKou Téyvny. péwvynrat
d€ rovtwy ‘ApiatéEevos epi THs povaikns akpodcews, kal NikokAns €yv T@
mept Oewpias. éore dé kal érépa Téexvn ypapparoy, hy avaridéaat TAavk@
Sapio, ap’ hs tows Kai 7 maporuia OeddOn. obros Se Kai ocOnpov KdAANoL
evpev, @s Pnow ‘Hpddoros.
This comes from the paroemiographer Lucillus Tarrhaeus (cp.
L. Cohn, Quellen der Platoscholien, pp. 836 sqq.), and the reference
to Aristoxenus takes us back to the time when there was a living
Pythagorean tradition. Eusebius, ¢. arc. 15 D (quoted by Hein-
dorf), is fuller, and mentions some other versions. One says that
Glaucus was drowned at sea (just like Hippasus!) before his
invention was spread abroad; another agrees with the story in the
scholium; a third refers to Glaucus of Samos and the ava@nua
at Delphi. The fourth is as follows: €repos d€ PAatKov abroy avabeiva
tTpimoda xadkovy Onutoupyrcayta Tois Taxéws TE (TOis TayegW Bore ?)
Kpovopevou Tous Te rddas ef’ Oy BEeBnke kal TO dyw TrEpikEipevoy Kat THY
crepavny tiv émt Tov AEBnros Kai Tas paBdous dua perov TeTaypeévas
pbcyyecOar Aipas hov7. If this is genuine tradition, as it appears ta
be, it is not without significance that Socrates should allude to a dis-
tinctively Pythagorean invention.
150
 INDEX. ‘TO THE NOTES
is PROPER NAMES
Acheron 112€7; 113a5 Crito 5007; 118d?
Acherusian Lake 113a1;113b1 Critobulus 59b7; 115d7
Aegina 59c4 Ctesippus 59b9
Aeschines Socraticus 59b 8
Aeschylus 107e€ 5 Democritus 99b 8
Aesop 60 cI Diogenes of Apollonia 111 d2
Alcmaeon 96b 5
Anaxagoras 72¢4; 96b3; 96 I-checrates 57a 1; 86b6
di; 97c1; 97d9; 99b8; Egypt 0c 8
109b 3; 109b6; Iogcl Elis 57a 1
Anaximander 97d 9; 108c 8 Empedocles 65b3; 69c2; 96
Anaximenes 96b4;99b8 b3; 96b4; 99b6; 108c8;
Antiphon 62 b3 100 D6; 1090C 15 11te esi
Antisthenes 59 b 8 €4
Apollodorus 59429; 115d7 Epaminondas 61d 7
Apollo Hyperboreus 60d 2; 8&5 Epicharmus 65 b 3
a2 Epigenes 59b8
Apollo Pythius 60d 2 Eretria 57a 1
Archelaus 96b3; 97b8; 108 Eubouleus 80d 7
c8; 109b3 Euclides 59c2
Archytas 61e7 Eupolis 7oc I
Argives $9c2 Euripus goc 4
Aristippus 59c 3 Euxitheus 62b4
Aristophanes 70c 1; 96a2 Evenus 60d 3
Aristotle 91a2; 94e€5; 96b3;
96b5; 111e4 Hades 80d 6
Asclepius 118a7 Heracles 89c5; Pillars of 109
Athenagoras 62 b 3 bi
Heracliteans 96b 4
Callimachus 59¢ 3 Heraclitus 60b7;70e1; 87b7;
Cebes 59 cI gocs.
Clearchus 62 b 4 Hermogenes 59b7
Cleombrotus 59c 3 Herodotus 96a 8
Cocytus 113b1; 114a5; I14 Homer 70b3; 112a2
a6 Homeric Hymn 60d2
Copernicus 108 c 8
Corybantes 78 a4; 78a8 Iolaus 9c 5
151
 INDEX TO THE NOTES

Ionian philosophy Iogal Pyriphlegethon 113a7;113b1;

113b63;114a5; 114a6
Lamprocles 60a2 Pythagoras 57a1; 96a8
Lysis 61d7 Pythagoreans 57 a1; 59c1;60
di3 6143; 61¢6; 6107:
Menexenus 59b9; 60a2 61d8; 61e7;62b4;63d1;
Meno 73b1 6463; 66b4; 67c5; 72e4;
77€8;85a2; 85d3; o2a6;
Neoplatonists 113e6 96c I 39749;
97€3; 100a3;
109b6
Oceanus 112e€7; 113a5 Pythian Apollo 60d 2
Odysseus 94d 7
Olympiodorus 65d6; 93alIt Sicily r11eI
Orpheotelestae 69¢c 3; 78a8 Sicyon 57alI
Orphiciem:. 62b:3.5qq.; 63.67% Simmias 59c1;65d4
O7 26107 C55 70055 Joe tk: Sophists 69 b 2
72-D:14-78
24) 32 65-65 d 3% Sophroniscus 60a 2
107 07> 113-07 Stoics 62 b3; 96b5
Stymphalus 112a2
Parmenides 65 b3; 96e8; 104
C14:107 bS Tarentum 61e7
Phaedo 57 aI Tartarus l12alI
Phaedondas 59c2 Telephus 107 e€ 5
Philolaus 59c1; 61d7; 61e7; Terpsion 59c2
65d11; 86b6 hebes.5O-C1. 610756169
Phius: $7a13 S7a 7s soct Thracians 78a 4
61d7
Phrygians 78a4 Xanthippe 60a 2
Plato 59b10; 97a63; 107b6; Xenophon 59c 1
11s d7
Posidonius 108 c 8; 109 b3 Zeno 90b9
Purgatory 113d7 Zeus Chthonius 80d7

Il. GREEK WORDS

ayapevwos 89 a3 aX\extpvwyv 118 a7
addgacTos 84028 arndas 80d 6
andav 85a7 aAdo ttf 6404
abeppos 106. a 3 adAdrptos 99 b 5
adys 79a 4 dAdws 76e 4
alénp 109b 8 dXoyos 68 d 12
aivirropat 69 C5 ddoos 111 b6
aiwpa I1le4 auadns 62e€63 105cr
aiwp® 112 b 3 avaBt@oxopat 71€133; 89b10
ako\agia 68 e 3 avakxabifopat 60b 1
adafov 92d 4 avakdprtw 72 b
152
 II. GREEK WORDS
dvakiTrTo Ioge4 drexvas 59a4;90CcC4
dvadap dye 75e5 atpards 66b 3
dvapipyyoKe 72e “ avéjois 71 b 3
dyduynors 72€ 4 Sqq. atrdés 58C1; 65d 5; 65e 5
dvdvrns Ilz2e2 avros Kad” abrop 64c6; 765 e¢9
dvariumdnp: 67a 5 ahoorovpat 60e2
avathews 83 d 10 appev 62 e6
dvaribepat 87a2 awukros 106.28
dvahépe 75b7;76d9
dvSparodadns 69 BT Bdxyo 69 d 1
dvepevva 63a2 BapBapo 78 a4
avevpnud 60a 4 Baokavia 95 b 6
dynp §7a5 BépeOpov lizgazZ
dyidras Il3e2 Bonde $8 e2
dyinros 80b 4 BdpBopos 69 c6
avoua gIbs Bovroua 74d 9
dyrarobtda pu TRESS I2a 12
dvramddouts 70 C4 sqq. yeXacelw 64bI1
dyrihaBn 84c6 yeveots 71413; 9§89
dyTihapBave 87a6;88d4 yynoiws 66b2
dyridoyixds 90b9;I101el yonreva 81b3
dyrirexvos 60d 9
drrd-yeo 58b3 Saipeov 107d 6
amaidevtos 91 a 2 detypa 110b8
am\ois 6223 Sewwds (otdev Seer dv) 84b4
diroon 75d 10 Sewdrys 82e5
drroylyvouat 69b4 devpo 58b7
drrodakpuw 116d7 Snporixds 82a II
drrodeixvup 72b90;77a 5 dtaBadrAw 67 e6
arddeEts 92 d I SiaBrer@ 86d 5
arotidwput 63 € 9 diaypappa 73 D1
arobvijoxw 62a5 ;64a6 dtadixaCouae 107d 83 113d 3
amrokhdw 1178 Statp@ 78 C2
arodapBavw 58 b8 Sidkepat 68cC6; 84e2
drroeimrw 69d 3 StakeAevopat 61 a i
drrometpapat 60e2 diaxpivw pia b6
dréppyros 62b 3 StadapBarw 81C4; 110b7
droanévda 117b6 Seadextixds 765 5
drrropat 64a 4; 86d8 dtadextos 62a9
dpa 68 bg; 80 d 5 dtapvOor\0y@ 70b 6
dpa 70oe! duavora 657
dppdlm 93a 11; 93cC6 dtavoias Aoytopds 7923
dppovia 85e3 Stam payparevopa 77 d6
dpxn LOE'E 2 diavAos 72 b3
dorakri I 7 C7 Stahepovras 85b3;114b7
avxoXia 66 b 8 diadpépw 64d9
atexvws 100 d 3 dtadbun 98c 8
153
 INDEX TO THE NOTES

Stapwrd 101d § eEwdixdv 85a 5

dtevAaBovpa 81e6 evayo 106a4
dikaiws 73 C9 évgdeo 778; 114d7
dis emra 58 all evrattt@pat 98 bg
dok® 64b2; 81b4 ETAVTAW I12C 3
dwdexdokuTvs L1IOb6 eax Ons 8743
emetra god 1
eiy 6410 emépxopat 88d 1; ; 104b10
eyyus te Teivery 65.26 ere Yopat ri7 cag
eyylyvoua 86e1 én eOecKyu pu Icob 8
éyxaras 84a5 emerkas COCs TI es
eykolunots 118a 7 emt peven s0c6
eOéhw 6108; 68d2 erlrkoTm® 107 b6
eldos (syn. nae ee ee 73075 eniotapat 61 b6
bis iz: ; 87a2; 92b5 ema Tarns 62d5
etdos, § sort’ 100 b 3 emtotat@ 62d 5
cidwAov 66c3 émaTeNw 115 b2
eix 9767 emiotnpn 96b 8
eiArkpivys 66.a 2 emia ppaytfopat 7502
elaépyopat 58e2 emiTelya g94c4
éxdoToTe 100 a 3 emiTndevo 64a6; 84b5
exBaddr\w 113.a6 emtXelpa 73b8
exet OL EI -O4a°F emtxopiatw 57a 7
exdeir@ 99d 6 emty@ptos 59 b 6
extrAews 1IOC7 estpepw 104e 10
expon 112d 4 érow 85a7
exoraats 67 C6 ema@vupia 102b2; 102 c 10
extpiBw 60 b 2 epyatopat 60e7
exdavns IILal €pyov 100a2
expo 66b 4 €)LaLov LOTE 6
exdopa 115 e 3 Eppwpat 61b8
exav 61043 80e3 €pxopat 100 b 3
eAXNElTT@ 74a6 epatnot 75d 2
€Amris 67 b8 exxatos 90a8
euguoua 83e1 evavOns 1cod I
ev 58 b8 evdaipar, evdupovil@ 58 e€ 3
evoeeaTEepws 743 evepyeria 113 d8&
evdexa, of 59€6 eviOns 68 e 5
evdéxoua 93 b1 evkatpotepov 78 a6
evdew 7406; Q2al evddyos 62d 2
evicrapat 77 b 5 evrop@ 84d 3
evvo® 74.6 evpnpia 117e1
evteivw 60d 1; 86b7 evxepa@s 117 C4
éyrinos €4d9 eperxw 66a 1
efadw 85a5 éxewv Adyov 62b2; 62d6
e€eradw 77€9 exer evAdyws 62d 2
ZEddiov 85a5 ews av 74C13
154
 II. GREEK WORDS
nOos 81e3 kepadaov 95 b8
nArwos Li6e1 keparn 96e I
nros 834 K.LV@® 93a 8
ntpov 118a5 kopWeia LOL C8
kouyyos 105 C2
@avate 6405 KorToua 60 b I
Oapp® 63€10; 78b9; 88b4 kdoptos 68 € 2; 836
Oarepoy 114e 3 Kpaots S6b9; 111 b2
Geta potpa 58e 5 kpartnp l11d 5
Oewpia 58 b2 sil ons 62b8
Gewpis 58a 10 kvavos 113 b 8
6npevw 66.2 3 KUKAos THs yeverews 72 D1
Opatrw 86e5 kuxvos 84e 4
Opvt® 7608 kvAwvOovpa SI d 1; 82e4
@vala 108 a § kopa Tiga 5
kupatva L12b 3
tepds 85b5
iA€ws 117 b 3 Aavéava 64a 5
isopporia 109 a 3 Aetpov 107d 7
iotopta 96a8 AewTns 110d6
ioxus 65d 12 AoyiCopa 65 c 23 83c3
isws 67 b1 Aoytopds 79 a 3
irtw Zevs 62a8 Adyov Sovvar 76 b 5
iyvos 115 bg Aéyoy éyerv 62b 2; 62d6
Aoyos 60d 1; 61 ba; 65d 13
kaSuperw 58 b5 \dyos Tov a ae 78dI
xabappos 69 C2 Avots 82d 6
Kadapots OF c's: 69 cI Awotos 116d6
Kadapas 65 €6
kaGiotnp 69 C 4 Hakapov yng ot 63 €72 41146
Kai 59 a9 péya heyw 955 5
Kados (eis kaddv) 76€9 peyas 62b5
kaTvos 70a 5 peGodos 79€3;97b6
Kapdomos 99 b 8 peAeT@ SIal
Kata ¢. gen. 707 nev solilarium 63 €6
Kata C. acc. 94€ 5 peows 113d 4
ckataBadrAw 88 c 4 perayxetpiComat 84a 5
katakAd@ 117d 6 HETEBWUXwOLS 70c8
katadauBavw 60a I PETEVT@HAT@OLS 70c8
kataytikpy 112d 5; 112€7; II peTepXopar 68a 5
b6 ucréx@ 93.49
katadevywo 76 €9 pete wpos g6cI
kataydaw 89 b 2 perptos 82b 8
Katéxw 104d I petpios 96 d 6; 108 c3
KatTnyop® 73 b2 BN) 64c8
kedevwa 59 € 8 pioddroyos 89d 1
Kevrpov 91 C5 poipa (Geta) 58 €5
155
 INDEX TO THE NOTES

povoetons 78d 5 mapapéevw 62€23; 98 e4

poppodvKelov 77 €7 mapapvOia 70 b 2
Mopyo 77 €7 tapatintw 66d 5
pop?) 103e7 mapatiOnu 65e 7
pvOodroyew 61€2 Tape 59a2
pvdos 61b4 mdpepyov 91a8
Tapinus 90d 9
vapOnxopédpos 69 c 8
mapiornm 58e€5; 66b1
vevpov 80d 13 98cC7
mado xo 94a I2
ddomae 1L12C7 mept Cc. gen. S8al
ola 6 60a4 mepic. ace.58c6; 64d8; 65b4q;
oiknows Il4c4 68e4
oixopbopia 82¢ § TEpt KUKAM T12e7
‘Opnptxds 95 b 7 Tmeptehitra 112d 6
6pixdn 109 b6 meplodos 107 e€4
duotdtns 109 a 2 TepitpeTwo 95b6
6povupos 78 e2 mepitros 104d 12
év, 76 659 mepipepns 108 e 5
évra, Tr’ 650339905 miotis 70b2
dvrt, T® 639 mratrw 82d 3
dvrws 63€9 meovekTiK@s QI DI
Ores iv 59e7 mvevpa 70a5; 112b4
Ores yn 77D 4 motkidos I11O0C6
dpatés 80C 3 Tow II7b1
Opéyouat 75 a2 moditikcs 82alIl
opOds 73a 10; 94alt moda 613
opbas 64a 4; 69d2; 82c3 ToANakts 60€ 33 61a6
Opunéervra, ra LOL 4 moAvOpvaAntos toa b 4
ovdapov 72 C1 modus 78a 3
ovpavis 108 e 5 trove 68 a8
ovoia 65d 13 mpaypa 61¢8
dxeTOs 112 C3 mpaypateia 63a1; 64e€4
oxnna 11305 mpiv 75€4
oxovpa 85d 1 mpdGeots 115 €3
mpoOvpotpar 75 D7
7maOnpa 79d 6; 103at mpooiusoy 60d 2
mdOos 68 € 4; 96a2; 96CI mpos 69a6; 117b6
mada 6304; 79cC2; 84d5 mpocadw 86e 3
madatds 7OC 5 tpooyiyvopuat 69 b 4
taltyyeveria 700437547 mpoonko 88 b 3
TaVU, OV 5727 mpoohepw 6348
mapaBaddAw 103 a II mpotepaia 59d 8
mapayiyvowat 57a1;58C73 58el mporidepat 115 €3
mapadiiwue 84a 4 mrooupat 68c9; 108br
mapakeAevouat 60e 8
mapadapBarvw 82e1 pavios 62C10; 63a7; 81al
TmapaduT® 65 C6 puaé 111el
156
 II. GREEK WORDS
sagns 57b1; 61d8; 65b5; Tpotrai 98a4
69d 5; 853 tpopn 81d8
onpay& 110a5 Tuyxava 5826; 58b83 58c3;
okx.aypadia 69 b6 58d3; 62a3; 86c2;111c2
arepw 58a6 tup oduat 96C 5
arixos 104b2 TUXxn 58a6
arpoyyvAos 979
ovyyerns 7943 vyieva 65d 12
ovyypadpikas 102d 3 vyins 69b8; 89e2
ovyxapmtw 60b2; 98d § Umakovw 59€ 4
avyketpat 92a 8 Umdpxw 78a lo
ovykKpivouat 71b 6 UmEekXop@ 104CI
av(vyla 7109 Umepdtxkd 86e 4
avpBaivw 6705; 8ob1; 80b3; Umepnpavos 96 a8
92b4; 101d3 umd 60C6
ocupBorn 98d 2 UroB\erw 117 b5
cuprintwa 80C7 umddeots 926; 101 d3
ocuppuns 81 C6 UrohapBavw 60C8; 69e63; 7284
cuuprpe 66 b 5 Uropevw 102€23 104b10
avppvors 816 Uroarabpn 109 C2
avpputos 81C6 vrowia 84c6
cvvadw 92C3
guvéutropos 108 b 8 puppakov 57 a2
ouvexns 110Cc6 pavAos 95 e8
avvexw 86b8 peidopa 117a2
ouveros 78C 1 pyun 111b7
guvodos 97 a5 Pbéyyonat 93a 3
Gurretpaivw 111 d2 Pbcipw 117 b4
ouvtiOnut 77073; 78C2 POiows 71 b 3
aurtpEepw 96 b 3 POdyyos 86c6
shaipa 110b6 POdvos 61d 10
oxeddv Tt 6104 POopa 95 e9
oxiot 108 ad piropuadis 67 b 4
ayoAn 6505 pirocodia 61 a 3
cwppovery 6168 pirdaopos 6106; 64b3
copporvyn 65 c 8 piroripos 68c1
dtAoxpryuatos 68013; 82c5
Taptyevo 80c 8 ppdvnois 62d4; 66€3; 70b3;3
tavpnody 117b5 76C125 111 ba
te 81b3 Ppdveuos 62d 4
retvw 65 a6 dpovpa 62 b 3
redeTn 69C 3 dipw 97b7; lole!l
téXos 77 C5 guuts 87e4
tépas 101 I dwrn 6229
Tiepat Q1 as
To 6€ 876 xaipw (eav xaipev) 63¢3; 65¢7;3
tpiados 108a4 (xatpew elrretv) 82d 3
(57
 INDEX TO THE NOTES
xar\G 86033 94c4 WddX\o 94C 5
xXapaitndos 89b 1 Vnhape 99 b 4
xaptevtws 8006; 87 a3 Wuxn 70a5; 70b3
xeALdov 85a7
xpnua 96c 2
xp@pa 100d 13 110b7 pa 80c7
XpSpat 95 D1 ws 58e4
xords 71€9 as av 82e6

II. GRAMMATICAL
ay, omission of 62¢7
Aorist in impatient questions 86d 7
Aorist participle (synchronous) 58b8; 58e1; 60c 8; 60c9
Aorist, empirical 73d7;73d9
Asyndeton explicativum 61a1I
Attraction of prepositions 75 b6
Crasis 58e 3
Disjunctive question 68 a 3
Infinitive, epexegetic 84.c 3; exclamatory 60b5; 99b2
Metaphors from hunting 63a2; 66a3; 66b4; 76e93 79e33
88d9; 89c1; 115bQ; from wrestling 84c6; 87a6; 88d 4; mili-
tary 104b10; 1o6aq4
Optative 87e5; 107a5
Polar expression §9e5; 8166; 82 bio
Relative 65 a5
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