Proceedings Utah Rock Art Volume 29

UTAH ROCK ART
VOLUME XXIX
Papers Presented at the Twenty-Ninth
Annual Symposium
of the Utah Rock Art Research Association (URARA)
Cedar City, Utah

October 9–12, 2009
Bock’s Canyon, Utah
Edited by Anne McConnell and Elaine Holmes

Published 2010 by the Utah Rock Art Research Association
Copyright 2010 by the Utah Rock Art Research Association, Salt Lake City, Utah.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any
means without permission in writing from the author and the publisher.
Printed in the United States of America

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CONTENTS
Michael Firnhaber Experiencing Rock Art: A Phenomenological

Investigation of the Barrier Canyon
Tradition 1
James A. McNeil Making Lemonade: Using Graffiti to Date

Petroglyphs 9
Bernard M. Jones, Jr. Anthropomorphized Crooked Staffs 21
Steven J. Waller Voices Carry: Whisper Galleries and

X-Rated Myths of Utah 31
Galal Gough Lightning and Native American Rock Art 37
Andrew Gulliford Preserving Sacred Indian Landscapes and

Protecting Ancient Rock Art 45
Abstracts of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Symposium of the Utah Rock

Art Research Association in Cedar City, Utah, October 9–12, 2009 53
Addenda 57
Steven J. Manning Black Rock Man: Unique Characteristics of

Anthropomorophic Images in the Eastern
Great Basin That Divide the Fremont Into
Two Ideological Regions 59
Lynda D. McNeil Hopi Hu Katsina Iconography in Rock Art

and Material Culture: Tracing the Avian
Solar Deity from Formative Mesoamerica© 71
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Steven J. Manning
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Firnhaber: Experiencing Rock Art: A Phenomenological Investigation of the Barrier Canyon Traditiion
Michael Firnhaber
EXPERIENCING ROCK ART: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL

INVESTIGATION OF THE BARRIER CANYON
TRADITION
The following is an extremely abridged version stand from that tree. Phenomenology teaches us
of a doctoral thesis submitted in 2007 to the De- that the idea of an objective external world is an
partment of Anthropology, University College illusion. The world (from a human perspective)
London. It is the result of three months of does not exist “out there”; rather, it subsists in the
fieldwork in southeastern Utah. Sixty Barrier Can- space between the subject and the object. The
yon Style rock art sites were recorded throughout world is actively constructed as we experience it,
the region. The study is multi-disciplinary, and in order to truly know the world we must pay
combining an anthropological approach to attention to how we experience it.
material culture with ideas from a branch of
philosophy known as “phenomenology.” These ideas are useful for rock art researchers
because rock art sites are emplaced. They are
PHENOMENOLOGY permanently fixed to the land, and they still exist
in the same places they did when they were
Phenomenology is the philosophy of perception. produced. In order to examine rock art, we must
It has its roots in the late 1800s, when a small travel into the land; we must walk, hike, climb,
group of philosophers found a need to critically and move about. Rock art is not just a visual
examine the act of philosophizing. Philosophy, medium—it is something that we experience
simply defined, is the study of knowledge—but with our entire bodies. It is therefore not enough
where does this knowledge come from? to merely look at rock art. We must also exam-
Phenomenologists believed that most philoso- ine the physicality of the art and of the places
phers were starting their investigations too late, where the art was made, because these elements
and were taking the existence of knowledge for are as much a part of a “rock art site” as the images
granted. Before knowledge may be studied, they are.
insisted, the origin of that knowledge must be
considered. To do this, phenomenologists turned Rock art sites don’t just sit there, they do things.
to perception, because all our knowledge of the They tell us to “climb there,” or “look up here.”
outside world is ultimately acquired through our They tell us where and how we can (and cannot)
senses. move in the vicinity of the art. What makes this
so exciting is the simple fact that we all must use
Perception is an active endeavor, one that involves our bodies to visit rock art sites, and that our
the perceiver’s entire body moving through space bodies are really not so different than the bodies
and interacting with the world. Exploring the of the people who produced rock art. If we have
world from a phenomenological perspective to climb to reach a site, they also had to climb; if
requires paying close attention to our experiences we have to look up, so did they.
of the world as they are presented to us. In doing
this, we come to understand that the natural world Exploring the “experience” of rock art can be a
around us is not fixed; instead, it is in constant useful tool in understanding its significance. To
flux. For example, our perception of the size of bridge the gap between experience and meaning,
a tree depends very much on how far away we we turn to metaphor.
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Utah Rock Art, Volume XXIX, 2010
METAPHOR “indoors vs. outdoors” that have a strong influence

on how we conceive of the world around us,
Metaphor is a conceptual tool that allows us to especially the uninhabited canyons of the
create connections between abstract things that American Southwest. These dichotomies, and
we cannot describe or define, with everyday things many other such modern concepts, were probably
that we can experience directly. For example, not present in the distant past. It is therefore
“time is money” is a common metaphor in modern important that we remain acutely aware of these
Western culture. Time is a very abstract idea and differences as we examine the experiences of
is difficult to talk about, so we equate it with visiting rock art sites.
money because the two have similar properties.
Time, like money, can be saved, spent, wasted, EXPERIENCING ROCK ART
and so on. Creating this mental link lets us
conceive of time as a “thing,” and to talk about it The experience of rock art may be divided into
in ways that are otherwise impossible. three levels. First, sites must be accessed. If we
assume that the location of rock art sites in the
Metaphors are only effective when the landscape is not arbitrary, then we can consider
experiences being drawn upon to create them are how the act of traveling to a site might have been
well-known. Building a metaphor around the significant. Second, we may explore how rock art
experience of walking on the moon would not be sites and their surroundings are experienced
very useful, since that experience is not shared physically. Visitors often need to climb or
by many. A close examination of the most otherwise move about in the vicinity of rock art,
common metaphors used today reveals that many and these experiences may have been meaningful.
of them draw upon very basic experiences of being Finally, the experience of the art itself can be
in and moving about the world. This “experiential examined, in terms of its size, number, form, and
ground” is shared by all, and is relied upon heavily so forth. Examples from Barrier Canyon Style
when constructing metaphors. rock art will be cited along the way.
In order to understand how the experiences of Traveling to the Sites

traveling to and being at rock art sites might have
been connected to past metaphors, it is important Southeastern Utah is known affectionately as
to spend some time becoming familiar with the “canyon country,” and it is easy to see why. When
experiences of being in the world of those who traveling through this land, it is often impossible
produced the rock art. In this investigation, we to go straight from A to B, because there is usually
are exploring Utah’s Barrier Canyon Style rock a canyon or two in the way. The vast majority of
art. It was produced in an arid hinterland of the rock art sites in the Barrier Canyon tradition
canyons and plateaus. The more experiences a are located within canyons. They might be found
person has in this landscape—of its rocks, its at canyon intersections, at the back of dead-end
water, its flora and fauna—the better off that side canyons, or someplace in between. The
person will be when it comes time to examine the position of a rock art site within a canyon is
rock art. important to consider, because it can affect the
accessibility and visibility of a rock art site.
While exploring the experience of rock art, we
must bear in mind that being in today’s world is Sites located on what were probably major routes
rather different than being in the world of past through the land would have been encountered
cultures. We live in a world filled with more frequently than sites hidden away in seldom-
dichotomies such as “natural vs. artificial” and visited corners. Consider Horseshoe Canyon,
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scale of the Great Gallery, but its two-meter-tall

anthropomorphs are nonetheless impressive.
The site is found high on a cliff, so high in fact
that it is easy to miss when walking past it along
the canyon floor far below. The images are today
very faded, but in the past they would have been
clearly visible to anyone who happened to be
looking up.
Despite the site’s visibility, it is not easy to reach.

Moreover, even after a long climb up the cliff face,
the images are very difficult to view. The ledge
Figure 1. Several painted figures can be seen on the below them is narrow and precarious, and the
ceiling of this small, high alcove. Note the author’s visitor must cling to the rock face, looking up at
bags and hat on the floor of the alcove for scale. an awkward angle to see the images which, from
that vantage point, still loom overhead.
filled with abundant water and food sources, and Interestingly, the rock art contains details that are
riddled with caves and alcoves for shelter. Within only visible from this close point of view. This
Horseshoe Canyon we find the Great Gallery, an site seems to lack an optimal viewing point—one
enormous rock art site that is clearly the product must either squint at the panel from below, not
of many years of visitation and use. For anyone really able to see what is happening, or must climb
traveling through Horseshoe Canyon, the Great
Gallery is located “along the way.” The site is easy
to see, and its position along the canyon floor
makes it easy to reach. It would have been noticed
and possibly visited by anyone who passed
through the area.
Compare this with the site shown in Figure 1. The

figures at this site are just a few inches tall, and
are tucked on the ceiling of an alcove high above
the canyon floor. The art is basically invisible from
the canyon below. To reach the alcove, a visitor
must climb, and there is but one way up. Unlike
the great gallery, which is found “along the way,”
a visit to this site would have been a dedicated
journey. Even for someone passing through the
canyon where the alcove is found, a visit to the
site would have required a separate side trip up
the cliff. Sites like these, hidden away in secret
corners of the land, are far less likely to be Figure 2. The decorated panel is outlined with a
stumbled upon, and visits to them would have white rectangle. The distance from the bottom of
been more intentional. the cliff to the bottom of the rectangle is approxi-
mately 35 meters. Today, the images are mostly
Lastly, the site shown in Figure 2 represents obscured by a thin layer of translucent calcite left
something else entirely. It is large—not on the by water running over the decorated rock face.
3
up and up to reach the images, while at the same These are all places in and of themselves,
time sacrificing an overall view of the site. complete with boundaries, real or imagined, that
create possibilities and shape experiences.
By deciding where to put rock art, ancient artists
were able to exercise control over how it was Alcoves have entrances and walls—they can be
viewed. Artists could encourage or discourage entered and explored, and they limit how and
visitation by choosing what canyon to place the where the visitor can move. Rock outcrops are
images in, where in that canyon the panel would approached rather than entered, and visitors walk
be, and even where on the rock face the images up and down their length, viewing rock art along
were put. This idea can be extended beyond just the way. Lone boulders offer even more freedom,
the physical images and towards the significance allowing visitors to come up from any direction,
behind them. By controlling access to the rock and explore all sides of the stone in a search for
art, ancient artists were able to control access to images. In choosing what kind of place to enhance
ideas. with rock art images, artists were able to control
how the images were viewed.
The location of a rock art site in the landscape
also forges an experience for the visitor. A journey The Great Gallery consists of a long line of images
to the Great Gallery is hardly an ordeal, especially painted along a cliff face. A ledge below the panel
for someone already traveling through Horse- offers a close-up view, while the canyon floor
shoe Canyon. The site in Figure 2, however, below lets visitors step back and take it all in. The
requires a considerable climb to reach. By placing view from the canyon floor is open. One can walk
this rock art panel high up a cliff, the artist is about and explore the site freely. Once on the
able to influence how (and perhaps by whom) the ledge, however, this freedom is reduced, and
art is accessed, even thousands of years later by visitors can move only in one direction, and must
people from a completely different culture. view all the images in a particular order from left
to right.
Too often, researchers do not begin to record rock
art until they are standing right there at the base If we consider how viewing a “gallery” style site
of the rock. Instead, we should consider a visit to differs from the freedom of approach offered by
a rock art site to be a journey—one which may a boulder site (which lets visitors view the rock
have had a significant impact on the meaning of art upside-down and sideways if they like), it
the site itself. Even if this journey begins in the becomes clear that the shape of a place can have
main canyon, and only consists of a short walk an enormous impact on the experience of visiting
up a side wash and into an alcove where a rock a rock art site. Sometimes rock art can be viewed
art site can be found, this journey is still an integral while standing on flat, stable ground, with the
part of the rock art itself. visitor looking straight across to see images placed
at eye level. Other times, visitors must perch
Being at the Sites precariously on high ledges, straining their necks
to see what there is to see.
Just as the location of a site in the greater land-
scape is capable of forging experience, the physi- Other characteristics that make up the “places”
cality of the site itself can influence how a rock where rock art is found might be less obvious. A
art site is experienced. Rock art sites are places, visit to a site located in a canyon with a permanent
and often, these places are somehow set apart from water source, for example, will be backed by the
the surrounding land. A site might consist of an smell of vegetation, and by the sounds of rustling
alcove, a rock outcrop, or even a lone boulder. leaves and gurgling water. This stands in stark
4
contrast to the ambiance of a site found in a to how the panel is supposed to be oriented. In
shallow dry wash, or on a boulder in the middle contrast, imagine a site that consists of a single
of a juniper forest. life-sized anthropomorph painted on a cliff face.
Perhaps the figure is undecorated, except for a
Rock art sites are places, and every visit to a site pair of blank eyes. The visitor can walk right up
is a multisensory experience that involves quite a to the figure, and stare it in the face. These two
lot more than just looking at pictures on a rock. rock art sites offer incredibly different
The shape of a place tells visitors where and how experiences.
they can (and cannot) move. These places may
be large and open, capable of supporting dozens More than half of all motifs in Barrier Canyon
of visitors at once, or they may be small and Style rock art are anthropomorphs, many of which
intimate. Viewing the art within these places might are large—even life-sized. Some are more
be a simple endeavor, or it might require delicate naturalistic than others, but all are capable of
climbing and careful planning. But most evoking bodily presences. These anthropomorphic
importantly, these places were consciously chosen motifs take on a unique role in the rock art, acting
by ancient artists for the production of rock art. as agents that “stand in” for the artists who painted
them. When visiting a rock art site dominated by
A look at the sorts of places where Barrier Canyon anthropomorphic forms, it is easy to imagine that
Style rock art is found reveals some interesting it is those anthropomorphs who brought you there,
patterns. Most sites in the tradition are found on and who tell you how to climb and where to look.
surfaces that are somehow set into the surrounding The figures contain the agency of the artist, and
rock—the surface might be the back of a deep this agency can influence others even long after
alcove, or just a shallow recess where darkly the artist is gone.
patinated rock has spalled away, leaving a lighter
interior surface beneath. Often, rock art sites in The encounter described above of a lone visitor
this tradition have ledges below them, where staring a life-sized anthropomorph in the eyes is
visitors can stand to view the images. After a powerful example of how these images can act
spending some time visiting Barrier Canyon Style as agents. This intimate encounter stands in
rock art sites, a person gains the ability to predict contrast to a solo visit to the Great Gallery, where
where new sites might be found, based only on the visitor is outnumbered by a horde of larger-
the physical characteristics and location of places than-life anthropomorphs staring down from the
in the landscape. It seems that certain kinds of cliff face. This relationship is not static however,
places were important to the people who made and can change as the visitor moves closer to the
Barrier Canyon Style rock art; the implications rock art. From the ledge below the panel, only a
of this will be explored a bit later. few of the anthropomorphs can be seen at once,
resulting in a shift in the social “atmosphere” of
Experiencing the Art the site.
The nature of the images themselves also The anthropomorphic forms in Barrier Canyon
influence how a rock art site experienced. The Style rock art work to modulate space—both
size of images, their form, and their location on physical space and social space. The visitor moves
the rock are all significant. Consider a site that about the site in relation to the anthropomorphs,
consists of a few small images scattered across which in turn dictate to the visitor where and how
the top of a boulder. The visitor can walk around they will move. The figures on the rock might
the rock, looking at the images from every outnumber the visitor, or an encounter may be a
possible angle. There might not even be a clue as more intimate one-on-one ordeal. Anthropo-
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morphs that are larger than life can intimidate, Barrier Canyon Style rock art has a strong focus
while small and abstract figures barely recall a on social participation. Visitors come to the sites
bodily presence at all. to interact with these anthropomorphic forms, and
to forge, maintain, or possibly even contest
Again, it is important to remember that the artist relationships with whatever entities they
had control over all of these factors. A rock art represent.
site is much more than a group of images stuck to
a surface. The artist, through the art and its More than half of all rock art sites in this tradition
surroundings, was able to instigate journeys, are located within alcoves or spalled areas—on
encourage encounters, modulate social space, and surfaces that are set into the rock itself. These
much more—all across an unlimited span of space places are, in turn, mostly found in canyons. The
and time. focus was therefore on the interior surfaces of
subterranean places—the deepest accessible
THE ART places in the study area. Given the non-naturalistic
nature of the anthropomorphs and other elements
Before coming to any conclusions, some things in the art, it is not a far stretch to imagine that
should be said about the actual content of Barrier Barrier Canyon Style rock art is somehow
Canyon Style rock art. It was mentioned that more connected with the spirit world.
than half of all motifs are anthropomorphs. These
figures come in varying degrees of abstractness. If this is true, then rock art sites in this tradition
Some look very human, while others consist of may have been places where people could interact
an empty square torso with a small knob-shaped with this other world. The rock faces that were
head, and only barely recall the form of a body. decorated with images are boundaries between
The anthropomorphs in this rock art frequently places where humans can move freely, and places
lack limbs, though other appendages like wings where humans can never go—the inside of the
and antennae are sometimes present, making the rock, or the underworld. By creating images on
figures appear even more other-worldly. these interior surfaces that represent or embody
the world that lies beyond them, ancient artists
Animal forms are abundant, and more often than turned something that is inaccessible by normal
not, these figures are shown in close association means (the spirit world) into something which
with the anthropomorphs. These generally come could be directly experienced by all (the rock art).
in one of three forms—snakes, birds, and quadru-
peds. Snakes are depicted flanking anthropo- This idea in effect brings the discussion back full
morphs, or are sometimes held in their hands. circle, to the idea of metaphor that was introduced
Birds and quadrupeds often hover about the heads earlier. Barrier Canyon Style rock art sites turn
and shoulders of the anthropomorphic figures. A the ineffable into something experiential. They
literal interpretation of these animal motifs, and afford access to the spirit world by means of
of the relationships depicted between the dedicated journeys that end in special places
anthropomorphs and the animals, is unlikely. where powerful images have been created—
images that represent the world which lies beyond
Many other motifs are present across the tradition, the rock. The nature of these experiences (as well
though many are not recognizable to the modern as access to them) was controlled by choosing
visitor. The focus of the art, however, seems to be places in the landscape with particular properties.
the anthropomorphs, which are present in every
site recorded for this study. It was mentioned that This project was more an exploration of
these motifs have agentive properties, and that possibilities than a search for answers. The
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conclusions drawn are nothing that has not been they have always wanted to say, while at the same
said before. What is new is the path that brought time backing their ideas with reproducible
us there. A phenomenological approach to rock experiential data. By setting aside the ubiquitous
art, and to other emplaced cultural artifacts, question of “what does rock art mean,” and instead
follows a middle path between pure scientific asking “how does rock art work,” we might be
empiricism and pure subjective opinion. In effect, able to learn quite a lot about the worldview of
this approach lets rock art researchers say what ancient peoples.
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8
McNeil: Making Lemonade: Using Graffiti to Date Petroglyphs
James A. McNeil
MAKING LEMONADE: USING GRAFFITI TO DATE PETROGLYPHS
Petroglyphs, a form of rock art consisting of underlying base rock generally contains very
images pecked on rock surfaces, comprise one of little of it. Dorn and Oberlander (1981) found that
the most important archaeological features of the the manganese accumulates through a metal-
Colorado Plateau region (Cole 2009). They logenic microbial process. Since the underlying
provide glimpses into the life, behaviors, and rock is generally poor in manganese, the
customs of the prehistoric peoples who created manganese in the desert varnish must arrive on
them. Petroglyphs are widely distributed the rock surface as dust from elsewhere which is
geographically and are composed of a broad then fixed by the metallogenic microbes.
sweep of themes relating to essentially everything However, this process is poorly understood and
of social significance to the people who created other processes that transport Mn may be
them. An important step in relating these images involved. Lytle et al. (2008) has developed a direct
to other artifacts would be a reliable and non- dating method based on portable X-ray fluo-
destructive way of dating them. rescence (XRF) measurements of manganese
accumulation in petroglyphs. The hope is that if
For a review of rock art dating methods see the manganese level can be correlated to known
Chapter 5 in Francis and Loendorf (2002). Rela- dates, one can estimate the age of the rock. The
tive dates can be discerned through operating assumption of Lytle et al. is that when
superimposition and through relative levels of a glyph is pecked onto a rock surface, the patina
repatination although Dorn (2007) warns is completely removed and the manganese
against this practice due to micro-environmental accumulation process begins anew at a constant
and other effects. Themes and styles can also rate. However, as it is a biological process, growth
provide approximate dates principally through rates are highly variable, depending on micro
associa-tion with dateable artifacts of similar environmental conditions, moisture, dust,
theme located nearby. Direct physical dating of surface orientation and texture, over/underhang,
rock art has been attempted using a variety of etc. In addition, the pecked surfaces of petro-
methods including accelerator mass spectroscopy glyphs are more susceptible to erosion and
(AMS) measurements of 14C, Particle-induced X- spalling—further complicating the picture.
ray Excitation (PIXE), analysis of (K+Ca)/Ti
cation ratios, and studies of micro-laminations in Lytle et al. (2009) calibrated their XRF manganese
the desert varnish (Dorn 1989, 1994, 1998a, measurements to dates determined though other
1998b, 2007; Dorn and Oberlander 1981). There methods including cosmogenic 10Be and 26Al
are some clear successes with these approaches, levels as well as geologically significant events
but some controversy as well (Beck et al. 1998). such as the Bonneville Flood (14,300 B.P.). They
One major drawback to these methods is their cost reported an approximately linear correlation
and the requirement of a physical sample which between age and Mn accumulation. Their
damages the artifact. calibration curve extends to 35,000 B.P. with the
youngest cosmogenic standards dating over
Another approach makes use of the desert varnish, 10,000 B.P. while their youngest geological
the dark pigment that accumulates on rock standards are around 1500–2500 B.P. (much of
surfaces throughout the desert southwest. Desert these are systematically below their calibration
varnish is unusually rich in manganese while the line, however). They further claim that their
9
calibration line, corrected for surface slope effects, way the spectrum (number of photons as a
is universal, independent of location or base function of energy) of the emitting atom can be
rock—a claim which seems problematic given the used to identify it. In the case of manganese there
existence of rock faces that display high levels of are primarily two x-ray energies that can be used
local variability. for identification, the so-called K! and K" x-rays
at 5.90 keV and 6.49 keV, respectively. The red
The purpose of this work is to determine the sandstone in the Colorado Plateau is rich in iron
feasibility of using X-ray fluorescence (XRF) as well which has characteristic XRF photons at
measurements of manganese in petroglyphs in the energies of 6.40 keV and 7.06 keV. As there is an
manner of Lytle et al., but using dated graffiti experimental width of approximately 0.2 keV, the
located on or adjacent to the petroglyph as a local Mn K" and Fe K! spectra will overlap requiring
calibration standard to estimate the age of the rock that in the analysis both are taken into account
art. Unlike Lytle et al. we do not assume that the simultaneously.
manganese accumulation rates are universal. The
major limitation of this approach is that it can only In order to detect very low levels of manganese
be used under the special circumstances where in narrowly-pecked graffiti it was necessary to
the graffiti and target petroglyphs are construct an XRF device, capable of being
superimposed or adjacent. Fortunately, the deployed in the field, with millimeter spatial
Colorado Plateau has several sites where these resolution, and mounted on a stable platform that
conditions are met. In this talk I present results allows long collection times (~5-60 minutes). We
for graffiti and petroglyphs found in the vicinities assembled such a device from the following
of Bluff and Moab, Utah. components:
1. AmpTek Mini-X, x-ray tube (Comet EDiX-
The descriptions of the XRF device, the 40-4-Ag) with power supply and USB controller
experimental procedures, data analysis methods, and software.
and the Sand Island petroglyph measurements 2. Ortec EASY-MCA-2K Multichannel
Analyzer (MCA) with USB interface and
were previously reported to the Comb Ridge
MAESTRO-32 (TM) software.
Heritage Initiative Project, University of Colo-
3. AmpTek XR-100T x-ray detector and power
rado under contract to the BLM, Catherine M. supply with pulse shaping amplifier.
Cameron, Principal Investigator. The “Dancing 4. 12-V automobile battery with sine-wave
Bear” site results are new. inverter.
5. Tripod with boom and counterweight,
DESCRIPTION OF THE XRF DEVICE mounting plate, +/- 20mm XY-translation stage.
6. Laptop PC, monitoring meters, and cables.
X-ray fluorescence1 (XRF) is widely used as an
important tool in analytic materials research. XRF Figure 1 shows a schematic of the XRF device.
is the re-radiation (fluorescence) by atoms in the The Mini-X and XR-100T were attached to an
x-ray part of the spectrum following excitation. aluminum plate with their principal axes separated
Atoms that are bombarded with primary x-rays by 40 degrees. The XR-100T consists of a
or charged particles of sufficient energy can have temperature-controlled 7 mm2 Si-PIN detector
inner shell electrons knocked out. When one of with a thin Beryllium window. The detector
the atom’s other electrons drops into the shell produces Mn K! peak widths of about 0.15 keV
vacancy, it emits a (secondary) x-ray photon with (full width at half maximum). In the field we found
an energy characteristic of the element. In this that the detector amplifier would drift slightly as
1
the ambient temperature of the electronics bin
For an introduction to XRF visit http://
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/X-ray_fluorescence. changed. The high voltage and current of the
10
Mini-X can be adjusted from 10–40 kV and 5– supply and USB cable from the computer were
200 µA, respectively (although the current at the then connected to the USB port and 120 VAC
higher voltages is limited to 100 µA). A custom power in the electronic crate. In steady state the
collimator for the Mini-X was machined from system (including the computer) drew about 4.5
brass to provide a narrow beam diameter of 1.58 A (54 W) from the battery.
mm. The Mini-X and XR-100T units were then
mounted on an optical XY-translation stage which EXPERIMENTAL PROCEDURE
permitted sub-millimeter positioning of the x-ray
beam on the target. Soft rubber tubing was fitted Before deploying the XRF device in the field, it
to the collimator tip to avoid any potential damage was tested in the laboratory. Since we were
should it inadvertently come in contact with the focussed on the Mn–Fe energy region (5–7 keV),
petroglyph. Figure 2 shows the XRF head unit we set the high voltage on the Mini-X between
mounted on the tripod boom (without cables). To 10–15 kV. To avoid data “pile up” (false double
provide 120 VAC the battery was connected to a counts) while keeping the run times as low as
150 W pure sine-wave inverter. The automobile possible, the current was adjusted between 15–
battery capacity was about 50 A-hrs which was 100 µA such that the dead-time (signal processing
sufficient for about 6 hours of operation in the “overhead”) was about 1–3 percent. As a safety
field. The tripod has a 1 m (~3') equilateral triangle precaution, the CSM radiation safety officer
base modified with one adjustable leg and a inspected the device and surveyed the radiation
vertical extent of 3.5 m (~12'). The battery, in the vicinity of the device with a geiger area
inverter, power supplies, amplifiers, MCA, and monitor to estimate the radiation exposures that
USB hub were housed in a plastic crate with a lid could be expected and found very slight exposures
to keep out dust and moisture. A 4.5 m (~15') could be expected. Nevertheless, standard
custom cable bundle was constructed to connect precautions of shielding, distance, and time were
the XRF unit to the electronic crate. The power adopted to minimize exposures, and radiation
badges were used to monitor exposure levels.
target
Mini-X
inverter For testing and calibration purposes a standard
computer
battery Mn target was fabricated by Dr. Joseph Beach of
power supply
amplifier MCA
the CSM condensed matter group by depositing
158 nm of Mn on a glass slide. Using the sharp
Figure 1. Schematic of the XRF device. edge of this target, we determined the spatial
resolution of the device to be less than 2.0 mm
when fitted with the 1.58 mm-diameter collimator.
rripod boo
We adopted the following procedure in deploying
the device in the field. Upon arrival at the site of
XY-translation the target glyph (graffiti/petroglyph), the tripod
stage
was set about 1 m from the rock face and one leg
detector adjusted to have the tripod shaft be approximately
vertical. The electronic crate was set near the base
of the tripod and the computer set on a field table
about 2 m away. The XRF head was then mounted
on the tripod boom and vertically adjusted to be
Figure 2. Photograph of the XRF head unit showing
the x-ray source and detector mounted on an XY- at the same level as the glyph and horizontally
translation stage and boom. adjusted to be within about 2 cm of the glyph.
11
Figure 4. Photograph of sample SI-1963a, Sand

Figure 3. XRF device deployed at the “Dancing Island, Utah.
Bear” panel near Moab, Utah.
description below is extracted from the resulting

The Mini-X interrupt jumper was installed, all report.)
cables connected, and the system powered up.
Finally, the computer was booted up and the Mini- Sample SI-1963a–b. Prior to traveling to the
X controller and Maestro-32 (MCA) software region, we had identified several candidate panels
launched. From the computer we set the Mini-X at Sand Island that consisted of modern graffiti
high voltage and current as well as the MCA live- superimposed on or immediately adjacent to older
time preset. The system was then tested for about petroglyphs. The first set of glyphs we measured,
3–5 minutes using the standard thin-film Mn identified here as SI-1963a (the “3” of the “1963”
slide as the target. Each data run was recorded graffito) and SI-1963b (“quadruped” petroglyph),
in Maestro’s SPE-format which is ASCII read- is shown in Figure 4. It consists of a modern
able. We made use of the live-time preset fea- graffito “1963” superimposed on a big-horn sheep
ture in the Maestro software to have runs of petroglyph of perhaps an archaic style.
uniform duration, typically of 5–15 minutes.
Figure 3 shows the device deployed at the We set up our apparatus following the procedure
“Dancing Bear” panel near Dewey Bridge north described in the previous section. We took seven
of Moab, Utah. 900-second measurements along a 2 cm section
of the horizontal line in the “3” and along a parallel
DESCRIPTION OF DATA COLLECTION line directly above it within the petroglyph. In
addition we took three 900-second measurements
Graffiti/petroglyphs of Sand Island of the background patina directly above the
petroglyph. We also took 300-second
The Sand Island petroglyph site is located on measurements of the Mn calibration target at the
BLM land near Bluff, Utah. We received beginning and end of the session. The spectrum
permission to conduct our experiments from the from each run was stored on the computer for later
BLM Field Office, Monticello, Utah, and our analysis.
work was supervised and monitored by
archaeologist, Winston Hurst. (This portion of the From the first thin-film Mn calibration spectrum #
work was supported in part by the Comb Ridge we observed the dominant Mn K! peak at around
Initiative Heritage Project [Catherine Cameron, channel 230 (~ 5.9 keV in Figure 7). In the final
CU Boulder, Principal Investigator] and the Mn calibration spectrum taken at the end of the
12
lePaS
0021'9S69000L 11/c1
9.009- 0V-4-0P MOB
solnos ited-x
Figure 5. XRF set up for one run of sample SI-1963b, Figure 6. “Dancing Bear” panel near Moab, Utah.
Sand Island, Utah.
day, we noted that the Mn K-alpha peak dropped

approximately 7 channels (0.18 keV) due to
temperature-induced drift of the amplifier through
the day. However, the gaussian widths were 7.0
channels for both spectra so the resolution of the
instrument was not significantly affected by the
temperature and a simple shift transformation will
allow the spectra from the various runs to be
accumulated.
Figure 7. Close up of XRF device taking data of the
Sample SI-1963c–d. The second set of glyphs “Dancing Bear” panel near Moab, Utah.
we measured, identified here as SI-1963c-d, is
shown in Figure 5 along with the XRF head The spectrum from each run was stored in separate
positioned to measure the background patina files on the computer for later analysis.
adjacent to the “1”. These samples consist of
modern graffiti, SI-1963c (the “1” of the “1963” The “Dancing Bear” Panel. The “Dancing
graffito) superimposed on a lizard petroglyph, SI- Bear” petroglyph panel, Figure 6, is located on
1963d, of perhaps a Pueblo I-II style (AD 750– BLM land north of Moab, Utah. This panel con-
1150). sists of modern graffiti immediately adjacent
to petroglyphs of various styles. We took mea-
We took three 900-second measurements along surements of the “Harley Nelson\1964” graffito,
the ~1cm width of the “1” in the “1963” graffito, and the adjacent “bear paw” and “lobe head”
and four additional 900-second measurements in petroglyphs immediately to the right as seen in
the “1” approximately 1 cm below the previous. Figure 6 as well as another “lobe head” petro-
We took two 900-second measurements in the tail glyph located behind the main panel. We received
region of the lizard petroglyph immediately above permission to conduct the experiments from
the “1.” In addition we took three 900-second Leigh Grench of the BLM Field Office, Moab,
measurements of the background patina to the left Utah. Figure 7 shows a close up of the XRF
and right of the lizard’s tail as well as three 300- device taking measurements of the bear paw
second measurements of the thin-film Mn slide. petroglyph.
13
Sample DB-1964a (“Harley Nelson 1964” rock behind the main panel. The Mini-X settings
graffito). The first glyph measured, identified were the same as for sample DB-1964a. We took
here as DB-1964a, shown in Figure 6, consists of one 600-second measurement in the region of the
a modern graffito (“Harley Nelson\1964”) right arm as well as a 600-second measurement
adjacent to several petroglyphs. We set up our of the background patina immediately below the
apparatus following the procedure described in right arm of the petroglyph. The spectrum from
the previous section. We set the Mini-X to 15 kV each run was stored on the computer for later
and 100 µA. The higher current allowed faster analysis.
data collection while still keeping the dead time
below 4 percent. We took one 600-second DATA ANALYSIS
measurement of each letter/number in the “Harley
Nelson\1964” graffito using the XY-translation All data analysis was performed in Mathematica
stage to position the x-ray beam accurately. We (Wolfram 1999). We wrote a subroutine to import
also took a 200-second measurement of the thin- the “SPE” formatted files stored by the Maestreo
film Mn calibration target at the end of the session data acquisition software and used Mathematica’s
as well as a 300-second measurement of the internal “FindFit” function to determine the fit
background patina near the “1.” The spectrum parameters. The errors quoted are statistical only
from each run was stored on the computer for later and were determined by a $2 analysis at the 90
analysis. percent confidence level.
Sample DB-1964b (“bear paw” glyph). The Mn Calibration

next glyph measured, identified here as DB-
1964b, was the (possibly) Ute-style bear paw In order to convert XRF data into absolute Mn
located immediately to the right of the “Harley surface densities, we used a thin-film Mn standard
Nelson” graffito as shown in Figures 6 and 7. The target created by Dr. Joseph Beach who deposited
Mini-X settings were the same as for sample DB- on a glass slide 158 nm as determined from
1964a. We took one 600-second measurement of profilometer and independent commercial XRF
the lower pad of the bear paw and stored the measurements. Figure 8 shows one XRF spectrum
spectrum for later analysis. for this target with the x-ray source set at 15 kV
and 60 µA.
Sample DB-1964c (“lobe head #1” glyph). The
next glyph measured, identified here as DB-
1964c, was the (possibly) archaic lobe-head figure Mn Thin—Film Target
CountsIs
located immediately to the right of the “bear paw”
glyph as shown in Figures 6 and 7. The Mini-X 1_5
settings were the same as for sample DB-1964a. 1.0

We took one 600-second measurements of the foot 23
region using the XY-translation stage to position
2.0
the x-ray beam accurately. The spectrum from
15
each run was stored on the computer for later
analysis. 1.0
0_5
••
Sample DB-1964d (“lobe head #2”, referred to keV

2 4 8
as “solar deity” in the talk). The next glyph
measured, identified here as DB-1964d, was the Figure 8. XRF spectrum of the thin-film Mn
(possibly) archaic lobe-head figure located on a calibration target.
14
Counis/s
To determine the calibration constant needed to
convert count rate into Mn surface density, we
0.8
perform a linear background subtraction using the
1
background spectrum to the immediate left and
0. 6 1
right of the Mn peaks. We adjust the background
fit channels to give a minimum slope and
0.4-
- it
I
intercept. Following background subtraction, we
I
fit the residual spectrum in the Mn K!/" peak I
region to the sum of two gaussians. We then use iliapitj
the K! peak area to compute a calibration constant
' ' keV
that can be used to convert Mn K! count rate for 2 4 6 8 10 12
any sample measurement to an absolute Mn

Figure 9. XRF spectrum of Sand Island base rock.
surface density. The mass attenuation factor for 6
The base rock at the “Dancing Bear” site produced
keV x-rays is 74.2 cm2 /g (Tertian and Claisse a similar spectrum.
1982), giving an attenuation length in Mn of
approximately 18 µm which is much greater than
the film thickness. Therefore, the Mn peak area Base Rock Data
will be directly proportional to the thickness.
Specifically, the surface density of Mn in a Sand Island Base Rock. The next step in the
sample experiment giving a peak count rate of data analysis is to measure the Mn level in the
R% is given by: % = t0 &0 R%/R0, where t0= 158 nm base rock underlying the desert varnish. While at
= 15.8 x 10-6 cm, µ0 = 7.47 x 106 &g/cm3, where the Sand Island site, we collected a small (marble-
R0 is the Mn K! peak count rate for the thin-film sized) piece of base rock that had spalled from
calibration standard and R% is the Mn K! peak the rock face in the vicinity of the petroglyphs.
count rate for the sample. With the units and values After returning from the field, we trimmed the
used here, % will be in µg/cm2. sample to ensure no influence of surface
contaminants and performed long count-time
Lytle et al. (2009) have measured Mn levels in XRF measurements of the sample.
petroglyphs and have calibrated Mn levels to dates
using independent cosmogenic and geological Figure 9 shows one of our XRF spectra of the
data. Since the published Lytle, et al. calibration Sand Island base rock. We believe the peak at
curve is not given in absolute manganese densities approximately 5.6 keV is due to Samarium which
and is dependent on the experimental details of is in the same group of the periodic table as iron.
their equipment and protocols, we cannot use it The Sm L! (L") peaks, at 5.64 keV (6.21 keV),
directly for our measurements. In order to provide are close enough to the Mn peaks to give a false
a basis for comparison, we provided Dr. Lytle with positive Mn result if not accounted for; therefore
the same 158 nm Mn thin-film calibration slide we fit both the Mn and Sm peaks simultaneously
used above. For this sample he measured a Mn in our analyses. From this analysis of the base
peak area that would be equivalent to an age of rock spectrum described below, we determined
15,400 years based on his calibration curve. From that the manganese level in the base rock was
this information we determine the slope of the consistent with zero, that is, below our detectable
Lytle, et al., calibration line to be 130.5 years/ limits. On the other hand, as we see from Figure
( µ g-Mn/cm 2 ) (Farrell Lytle, personal com- 9, we found a clear Sm peak with a peak height
munication 2009). of about 0.04 counts/s with background
subtraction (~0.16 counts/s with background).
15
Quadruped
keV
5_5 6.0 65 7.0 7.5 keV
54 5.6 5.8 6.0 6.2
Figure 10. XRF spectrum of the big-horn sheep Figure 11. Close-up of the XRF spectra in the Mn
petroglyph for sample SI-1963a-b. The above- energy region for both the “3” graffito and the
background contributions for Sm, Mn and Fe are quadruped in samples SI-1963a-b. The above-
given by green, cyan, and red lines, respectively. background contributions for Sm, Mn and Fe are
The blue line is the sum. given by green, cyan, and red lines, respectively.
The blue line is the sum.
“Dancing Bear” Site Base Rock. In a similar spectrum broken down by contributions from the
fashion to the procedure followed at Sand Island, various elements analyzed, Sm, Mn, and Fe.
while at the “Dancing Bear” site, we collected a
small (marble-sized) piece of base rock that had The analysis procedure consists of five steps:
spalled from the rock and made a long 1. Since all spectra taken include dominant Fe
measurement in the lab. The XRF spectra of the peaks, we use these to calibrate the energy.
“Dancing Bear” site base rock was essentially Focusing on the Fe K!," region, we perform a
identical to that of Sand Island (Figure 9) linear background subtraction and then fit the Fe
including a Samarium peak at about 5.6 keV. K! and K" peaks only using a sum of gaussians.
Therefore, again we fit both the Mn and Sm peaks From these fits we calibrate the energy as a
simultaneously in our analyses. However, unlike function of channel, compute the widths, and the
the Sand Island base rock, we found a small ratio of K" to K!.
residual Mn level of approximately 0.33 +/- 0.13 2. Focusing on the Mn and Sm energy region,
µg-Mn/cm2 , close to our detectable limit. In the after background subtraction, we fit this region
results presented below, this value is subtracted to a sum of gaussians with the centroids, widths,
from the petroglyph/graffiti values to determine and "-to-! peak height ratios determined by the
the Mn level in the desert varnish alone. Fe fitting procedure described in step 1. This
leaves only the Mn/Sm K! peak heights to be
Fitting Procedure determined by the data.
3. Since the Mn K" peak lies under the Fe K!
Figure 10 shows an example XRF spectrum in peak, if the Mn K! peak height is greater than
the Mn/Fe energy region for sample SI-1963b about 10 percent of the Fe K! peak, we re-fit the
(“Big-horn sheep” petroglyph) just above the “3” Fe peaks after subtracting the Mn K" contribution.
of the “1963” graffito taken at the Sand Island, We find a single iteration is sufficient to produce
Utah, the “3” graffito, sample SI-1963a (“1963”), a stable set of fit parameters.
and the quadruped petroglyph, sample SI-1963-b 4. From the Mn K! peak height and width, using
(see Figure 4). Also shown are our fits to the the Mn calibration constant, we determine the Mn
16
Table 1. Manganese surface densities and estimated age for Sand Island samples.
Sample Mn (µg/cm2) $2/df “Age” (yBP)
“Age” (yBP)(Lytle) (linear model)
SI-1963a (“3” graffito) 3.17 +/- 0.23 1.4 414
SI-1963b (Big-horn sheep glyph) 25.27 +/- 0.43 1.1 367 +/- 33 (9.1%) 3297
SI-1963c (“1” graffito) 3.05 +/- 0.49 1.3 398
SI-1963d (Lizard glyph) 25.52 +/- 0.87 1.5 385 +/- 75 (19.6%) 3534
Table 2. Manganese surface densities and estimated age for the “Dancing Bear” site samples.
Sample Mn (µg/cm2) $2/df “Age” (yBP)
“Age” (yBP)(Lytle) (linear model)
DB-1964a “Harley Nelson1964” 2.49 +/- 0.59 1.4
DB-1964a background patina 52.73 +/- 1.33 2.0
DB-1964b “Bear paw” 33.23 +/- 0.65 1.4 607 +/- 156 4340
DB-1963c “Lobe head #1” 51.02 +/- 1.6 1.5 931 +/- 251 6660
DB-1964d “Lobe head #2” 51.93 +/- 1.1 1.5 948 +/- 245 6750
DB-1964d background patina 86.57 +/- 1.2 1.6
surface density as described in the Mn calibration samples SI-1963a-d actually had less Mn (24.2
subsection above.. mg/cm2) than in the petroglyphs. The puzzle was
5. For each set of fit parameters we calculated a resolved when a close examination of the
$2 per degree of freedom and by varying the fit background revealed that it had been subjected
parameters around the best fit values determined to high-point abrasion which removed significant
errors at the 90 percent confidence level (statistical amounts of desert varnish resulting in the lower
only). Mn levels.
RESULTS Dancing Bear Panel samples DB-1964a-d
Sand Island samples SI-1963a-b We carried out the fitting procedure described in
Section VI.C. for the measurements of samples
We carried out the fitting procedure described in DB-1964a-d. In addition, for each case a separate
Section VI.C. for the measurements of samples thin-film Mn calibration spectrum was taken to
SI-1963a-b. In addition, for each case a separate provide the calibration factor needed to convert
thin-film Mn calibration spectrum was taken to these count rates to absolute Mn surface density
provide the calibration factor needed to convert as described in Section VI.A. The results of our
these count rates to absolute Mn surface density analyses for samples DB-1964a-d are given in
as described in Section VI.A. The results of our Table 2 along with estimated ages based on a
analyses for samples SI-1963a-b are given in linear extrapolation from the graffiti compared
Table 1. with the dates using the Lytle et al. calibration.
As seen in Figures 10 and 11, the quality of the The background patina on the main panel in the
fits is excellent with a $2 per degree of freedom region in the vicinity of the graffiti (sample DB-
ranging from 1.–1.5. The errors quoted represent 1964a) had significantly less Mn than that adja-
a 90 percent confidence level for the value of cent to sample DB-1964d (“Lobe head #2”)
the measurement reported. It was initially behind the main panel. On close examination
puzzling that the background patina adjacent to there appeared to be some abrasion of the back-
17
ground in the vicinity of the graffiti which could indeed a Pueblo I or II style petroglyph based on
have reduced the Mn level there, but further study its subject and style, we would expect an age of
is needed. around 900 to 1300 years, (Cole 2009). Likewise,
we find an age of 385 +/- 75 (19.6%) years for
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS sample SI-1963b, the big-horn sheep petroglyph
shown in Figure 4. If we believe this petroglyph
We have constructed a portable XRF device for to be Archaic based on its subject and style, we
field deployment that enables one to count for long would expect a much older age, perhaps as old
periods of time with the goal of detecting low as 3000–4000 years, (Cole 2009), and closer to
levels of manganese in petroglyphs and graffiti. the Lytle et al. values.
We used this device to measure Mn levels in
petroglyphs and graffiti at Sand Island outside Similarly, for the “Dancing Bear” site, based on
of Bluff, Utah, and at the “Dancing Bear” panel the linear accumulation model, sample DB-
north of Moab, Utah. For the first time, we have 1964b, the age of the “bear paw” petroglyph is
measured Mn surface densities in graffiti found to be approximately 607 +/- 156 years B.P.
representing the earliest stages of repatination. Similarly, the age of sample DB-1964-c, “lobe
head#1” petroglyph is found to be 931 +/- 251
To convert the measured manganese levels to an years B.P. The age of sample DB-1964d, the “lobe
age requires a model of how the manganese head#2” petroglyph (behind the main panel) is
accumulates as a function of time. The simplest found to be 948 +/- 245 years B.P. With the
model is to take a linear accumulation rate as significant discrepancy between the calculated
assumed by Lytle et al. For the Sand Island dates based on Mn levels and that based on style,
samples, SI-1963a-d, we determined that about we suspect that the linear accumulation model,
3.1 µg/cm2 of Mn has accumulated in the “1963” at least for the time spans covered in this study,
graffito since its creation giving a Mn may be too simplistic. It is encouraging that the
accumulation rate of 0.076 µg/cm2 per year or, two “lobe head” figures are measured to have
equivalently stated, it takes 14.8 years to approximately the same Mn levels although in
accumulate one µg/cm2 of Mn. For the “Dancing different locations and orientations. The Mn
Bear” site samples, DB-1964a-d, we determined accumulation history is apparently similar for
that about 2.5 µg/cm2 of Mn has accumulated in both rock faces even though the background
the “1964” graffito since its creation giving a Mn patina provided different Mn levels probably due
accumulation rate of 0.056 mg/cm2 per year (18 to abrasion of the patina on the front panel.
years to accumulate one µg/cm2 of Mn). Both of
these Mn accumulation rates are significantly We further note that the Mn levels for the two
greater than those reported by Lytle et al. who Sand Island graffiti are nearly the same to within
find a Mn accumulation rate of only 0.0077 µg/ experimental error even though they are on
cm2 per year (or, 130 years to accumulate one µg/ different regions of the rock which showed some
cm2 of Mn). Resolving the discrepancy with the variation in patination. This may not be surprising;
Lytle et al. calibration will require cross however we also note that the two petroglyphs,
calibrating the same sources. supposedly of different ages based on the styles,
also have approximately the same level of Mn.
Based on the Mn measurement in the petroglyphs This observation suggests that perhaps there may
at each site, assuming a linear model for Mn be a rate-limiting factor in desert varnish
accumulation, we calculate an age of 367 +/- 33 accumulation providing further suggestion that the
(9.1%) years for the lizard petroglyph, sample SI- Mn accumulation may not be linear. It is hoped
1963d, shown in Figure 5. However, if this is that this work will stimulate further investigation
18
Table 3. Simulated time-lapse sequence for the “Dancing Bear” site near Moab, Utah, illustrating the potential
for relative dating using XRF.
2000 B.P. 1800 B.P. 1400 B.P.
1000 B.P. 800 B.P. 400 B.P.
A.D. 1900 A.D. 1964 Present
leading to a more sophisticated mathematical displays a simulation of a time-lapse of the

model for Mn accumulation rates. To constrain a “Dancing Bear” panel based upon hypothetical
nonlinear Mn accumulation model, it will be Mn levels.
necessary to obtain more than one independently
dated glyph. This will be the challenging subject Acknowledgements. We thank Winston Hurst
of future work. for inviting us to conduct the study of petroglyphs
in the Bluff, Utah, area, providing archaeological
Finally, while absolute date calibration continues oversight of the project, showing us several
to present a challenge, the possibility of using Mn candidate sites, and for partial support through
measurements to determine relative ages may still the Comb Ridge Heritage Initiative Project,
prove useful. By measuring the Mn level in each University of Colorado under contract to the BLM
petroglyph of a site of multiple settlements over (Catherine M. Cameron, Principal Investigator).
time, it may be possible to estimate the relative We thank Laura Kochanski of the Monticello
ages of the petroglyphs allowing one to create a BLM Field Office and Leigh Grench of the Moab
time-lapse movie of the petroglyph site. Table 3 BLM Field Office for permission to perform the
19
experiments, Joseph Beach for creating our Mn Dorn, Ronald I. (continued)

calibration target, Farrel Lytle for independent 1998b Response to Beck et al. Science
measurements of the Mn thin-film target, F. 280:2132–2139.
Edward Cecil for collaborations and assistance 2007 Rock Varnish, Chapter 8 in Geochemical
Sediments and Landscapes, edited by David J.
in the work at Sand Island, and Lynda McNeil for
Nash and Sue J. McLaren. Blackwell, London.
assisting with logistics and providing valuable
background on the rock art of the region. Dorn, Ronald I., and T. M. Oberlander
1981 Microbial Origin of Desert Varnish. Science
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Beck, W. D., D. J. Donahue, A. J. T. Jull, G. Burr, Francis, Julie E., and Lawrence L. Loendorf
W. S. Broecker, G. Bonani, I. Hajdas, and E. 2002 Ancient Visions: Petroglyphs and Picto-
Malotki graphs of the Wind River and Bighorn Country,
1998 Ambiguities in Direct Dating of Rock Wyoming and Montana, University of Utah
Surfaces Using Radiocarbon Measurements. Press. Salt Lake City, Utah.
Science 280:2132–2139.
Lytle, Farrell, Manetta Lytle, Alexander Rogers,
Cole, Sally J. Alan Garfinkel, Caroline Maddock, William Wight,
2009 Legacy on Stone, Johnson Books, Boulder, and Clint Cole
Colorado. 2008 An Experimental Technique for Measuring
Age of Petroglyph Production: Results on Coso
Dorn, Ronald I. Petroglyphs. Paper presented at the 31st Great
1989 Cation-Ratio Dating of Rock Varnish: A Basin Anthropological Conference, Portland,
Geographical Perspective. Progress in Physical Oregon.
Geography 13:559–596.
1994 Dating Petroglyphs with a Three-Tier Rock Tertian, R., and Claisse, F.
Varnish Approach. In New Light on Old Art: 1982 Principles of Quantitative X-ray
Recent Advances in Hunter-Gatherer Rock Art Fluorescence Analysis, Heyden and Son, Ltd.,
Research, edited by David S. Whitley and London.
Lawrence L. Loendorf, pp. 13–36. Monograph
No. 36, Institute of Archaeology, University of Wolfram, Stephen
California, Los Angeles. 1999 The Mathematica Book, fourth edition,
1998a Age Determination of the Coso Rock Art. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.
In Coso Rock Art: A New Perspective, edited by (http://www.wolfram.com/products/
Elva Younkin, pp. 67–96. Maturango Press. mathematica/index.html).
Ridgecrest, California.
20
Jones: Anthropomorphized Crook Staffs
Bernard M. Jones, Jr.
ANTHROPOMORPHIZED CROOKED STAFFS

CROOKED STAFF BACKGROUND
INFORMATION
Visual symbols of crooked staffs are found in a

wide variety of size, shape, and length (Figure
1). They can be placed vertically, horizontally,
diagonally and/or upside down within rock art
panels (Figure 2). In the literature, these objects
have been termed crooked staffs, crooked wands,
crooked sticks, crooked prayer sticks, crooked
canes, and canes. To date 25 cultural names for
crooks or crooked staffs have been recorded.
Crooked staff symbolism has what Eliade termed

multi-variant or deeply layered meanings (Eliade
1991:15). For instance, a crooked staff may be a
tool used by shepherds to control sheep or as a
support device for older people. On another level,
crooks have manifest as well as spiritual sym-
bolism. This duality is displayed using a wide
variety of methods. In this example, the two
manifest crooked staffs are displayed in a
juxtaposed fashion (Figure 3). Their concomitant
Figure 2. Hummingbird Point, Gila River,
spirit or supernatural aspects are presented as
Arizona. An upside-down crook image.
lightly pecked, almost effluvium-like, emanations
of crook images.
Figure 3. Picacho Mountains, Arizona. Note the

ghost-like spiritual crook forms moving up and
Figure 1. Inscription Point, Arizona. Thick staffs.
away from the dual manifest crook images.
21
throughout Native America to illustrate these

extraordinary phenomena using a very similar
series of linear devices and patterned motifs.
Arrays of sinuous lines and patterned shapes are
observed in many North American rock art styles
and other cultural materials. Sinuous lines,
snaking from crook configurations, radiating from
spirit and other forms are displays of symbolic
numinous energy. This power symbolism has been
variously described as representing life energy,
force lines, power lines, or tigunas (Figure 5).
When manifest crooked staffs are imbued with

power, they become numens capable of ac-
Figure 4. Inscription Point, Arizona. An complishing fantastic feats. Native American
anthropomorph holding a crooked staff. mythologies tell of crooked staffs in the hands
of cultural heroes, gods, and shamans, blasting
When a manifest crooked staff is carried by a a tunnel through a mountain, parting the waters
priest or shaman it can become a symbol of of an ocean, and bringing the dead back to life.
authority (Figure 4).
In certain cultures an opening or crack in a rock’s

surface is considered a pathway or opening into
the supernatural. Likewise, crooked staffs can
generate a passageway from the human lived
world into the supernatural. In some societies the
crook itself is the “road” over which spirits travel
(Parsons 1996:198, 280, 569).
In many Native American cultures crooked staffs

are metaphors representing and substantiating the
underlying quintessential essence of all things.
This essence is characterized as an invisible,
magical, omnipotent substructure permeating all
things, while giving them life and movement.
Words used to describe these phenomena vary
from culture to culture. However, most of these
descriptors can be loosely translated as medicine,
supernatural power or simply power (Eliade
1996:19–23; Hultkrantz 1976:9–14).
The omnipresent, moving aspects of power are

seen as swirling inseparable, interconnected
energy patterns which could be called Figure 5. Little Black Mountain, Arizona Strip,
powerscapes. It is in this numinous world of power Arizona. A crooked staff is displaying power
that spirits of all types exist. Observation of ever imagery. Note the power or energy lines moving
changing energy patterns generated by the from the crook.
movement of power compelled visionaries
22
Other stories of their exploits abound (Bahr

1994:212; Laird 1976:196, 1984:37).
Anthropomorphized Crooks
Fragments of unique ethnography, oral tradition

and mythology from a number of cultures appear
to have similar connotations that are replicated
in rock art. Isabel Kelly and Carobeth Laird,
working forty years apart, with separate bands
of the Chemehuevi people, recorded parallel
ethnographies. The stories collected tell of
crooked staffs speaking to their owners who, of
course, were shaman. Crook staffs in their spirit Figure 6. Picacho Mountains, Arizona.
form are described as giving instructions to widespread. Many of these petroglyphs give the
dreamers. Finally, it was thought that certain impression that these anthropomorphized crooks
crooked staffs had lives of their own (Kelly are indeed carefree and moving about pursuing
1936:132; Laird 1976:49, 216). “a life of their own.”
Corresponding tales in the Pima creation A fine example of the anthropomorphized crook
narratives also anthropomorphize crooks. For motif created by the O’odham people can be
instance the mythic Earth Doctor’s cane had “eyes found in the Picacho Mountains, located in the
on it just like a person.” During its adventures it desert of southern Arizona. This animated petro-
is described as “looking around.” In one of the glyph’s head is the staff’s crook (Figure 6). Arms
stories its owner uses his crook to vault into the and a leg have been added to complete the figure.
sky and fly with it to his designation (Bahr The anthropomorphized crook figure appears to
1994:72, 240, 241). be sauntering through a segment of the highly-
spirited supernatural world surrounded by other
Leslie White’s 1930s research at the Acoma crook imagery. Compare this image to Figure 7
Pueblo revealed that prayer sticks in the form of a., b., c., and f.
a shepherd’s crook, are felt to be animate (White
1930:126). At both Acoma and Jemez Pueblos The canyons of southeastern Utah have a num-
many prayer sticks have eyes and a mouth, while ber of anthropomorphized crook figures as part
their colors identify them as being male or female. of involved petroglyph panels. Like the figure
Elsie Parson’s 1920’s research at Jemez Pueblo in Arizona’s Picacho Mountains, an Anasazi
discovered that prayer sticks bound together with figuration (Figure 7a) just as his Arizona O’odham
crooks were both male and female (Parsons counterpart, affects a relaxed, unconcerned
1925:100–101, Figure a and b). manner. His head is turned casually to the left as
if he is looking over his shoulder. His arms are
A number of rock art panels scattered throughout carried in a parity of today’s comic book tough
the American west provide visual confirmation guy characters. The feet of this figure are executed
that these oral traditions, myths, and cultural in detail and illustrate nicely the spirit crook’s
thought processes were transmitted, understood, forward motion.
and illustrated over time and distance. An
amazingly similar pattern of crook symbolism In this detail (Figure 7b), the anthropomorphized
depicting crooked staff motifs having crook figure appears to be alarmed. It seems to
anthropomorphic legs, feet, arms, and heads is have jumped back from an object to its left. The
23
b. c.
Figure 8. Upper Pima Canyon, South Mountain,

Arizona.
The South Mountains of Arizona shelters a unique

e. f.
dance scene (Figure 8). In this detail, a Hohokam
Figure 7. a. Southeastern Utah; b. San Juan adept cunningly crafted a rock art panel in which
County, Utah; c. Butler Wash, Utah; d. Little a crooked staff, displaying its spirit power, leads
Black Mountain, Arizona; e. Rochester a group of dancers. The dancers and crooked staff
Creek, Utah; f. Mill Creek, Utah. are heavily pecked into the rock. The apparitional
arm, leg, and crooked staff displayed by the spirit
crook are lightly scratched using simple lines,
crook keeps a close watch as he assumes a classic,
furnishing the visual paradox necessary to render
broad legged stance, with outthrust arm to fend
the crook a spirit dancer.
off unknown advances.
Unique among these motifs is a petroglyph
A small anthropomorphized crook is found as
grouping found near a beautiful perennial spring
part of a large, Basketmaker II and III petroglyph
in John’s Canyon, Utah. The spirit crook has
panel (Figure 7c). This figure is looking to his
underpinnings of feet. The legged crook’s
right. His feet are turned inward. His arms are
association with two other individuals and a
outstretched in what may be a welcoming gesture.
legged staff, perhaps in dance, implies a
supernatural camaraderie (Figure 9).
Another small anthropomorphized crook, lo-
cated in the Arizona Strip, was likely created by
the Virgin Anasazi culture. It is found on a
tumbled down boulder with only a few other
images (Figure 7d).
A legged crook is also found in the lower right

quadrant of the famous Rochester Creek panel.
This beautifully interrelated panel is attributed to
the Fremont and other cultures (Figure 7e).
An anthropomorphized crook, with a sauntering

posture, is part of a rock art panel found in Mill
Creek, Utah (Figure 7f).
Figure 9. John’s Canyon, Utah. Photo, Chris
Rhodes.
24
Figure 11. Wolf Man Site, near Butler Wash, Utah.
Figure 10. Butler Wash, Utah. Photo, Chris

Rhodes
An extraordinary example of this mythic

reflection is a petroglyph of a spirit figure on a
journey, carrying a burden basket, with a casually
suspended tump line (Figure 10). This figuration
is rendered with a full sized crooked staff thrust
in front of its body. The tilt of the staff and body, _,/
plus an additional “leg,” provides the illusion of
forward motion. Perhaps the crooked spirit is
traveling or is being pulled in an occult manner
with the crooked staff being both the mode of Figure 12. Upper Step Canyon. Photo, Chris
travel and numinous pathway. Rhodes.
Like the more masterfully pecked figure in Butler portion of the staff is shown pointing away from
Wash, this smaller delineation is also holding its its proprietor. This image has additional
own crooked staff (Figure 11). He is grasping the peculiarities. It appears to have a developed body
staff as figures of power do; a firm two-handed draped with clothing.
grip, with the arms locked and the crooked
segment of the staff situated away from the body. This cluster of petroglyphs (Figure 12) includes
However, the position of this crooked staff is rare, one and possibly two crooked staffs. Two
perhaps unique. In most occurrences the crook anthropomorphs are located below and to the right
25
white and outlined using a rich red/brown

pigment. Its stubby legs are similar to the legs on
the crooked figure found in Upper Step Canyon.
The style of this panel is likely Archaic. Certain
Pueblos paint their crooks. For instance, at Cochiti
the lower end of the crooked staff is painted in
the cardinal colors of this group (Goldfrank
1927:54). Two cob-like masses bisect the crook’s
body. These shapes may represent spiritual aspects
of corn. A power line issues from the lower corn-
like mass and touches a number of figures in an
elaborate painted composition to its right. At Hopi,
the chief Powamu priest carries a long crooked
staff with corn and other ritual objects tied to its
center (Voth 1901:Plate LVIII). Perhaps the
anthropomorphized crook in this painting is
participating in a spiritual ceremony.
The hand that crafted the pecked cluster of glyphs

in Figure 14, positioned a legged crook, expelling
power imagery from its tip, above a natural
concavity. The spirit crook form appears to drift
Figure 13. Rock Shelter within the Esplanade,

Grand Canyon, Arizona. Photo, Chris Rhodes.
of the larger staff’s crook. It has been suggested

that these figures are engaged in copulation and
that the crook(s) are part of fertility symbolism.
While there is interaction between these figures,
based on the graphic nature of rock art depicting
the sex act, it is not clear that these figures are
engaged in an act of sexual intercourse. Closer
examination reveals that the figure on the right
is, in fact, an anthropomorphized crook supporting
a hominine head or headdress of some sort. An
alternate sub-text of this panel may suggest an
intimate spiritual connection with the
supernatural. Perhaps the supposed phallus is a
symbolic “road” over which the anthropomorphic
crook is traveling to reach its owner.
The anthropomorphized crook phenomenon is

also found in painted form (Figure 13). This tall,
thin slightly swaying legged crook is painted in Figure 14. Picacho Mountains, Arizona.
26
Figure 16. San Rafael Reef, Utah. Photo, Chris

Rhodes.
Pueblo’s spiritual breath-of-life imagery. The
etherealized snakes, crosses, stars, sets of dots,
and abstracted shapes of the panel give a nod
Figure 15. Sand Island, Utah. toward shamanic activity or images viewed in
altered states.
from this vent-like opening into the embrace of a
classic manifest crooked staff. This panel may A legged crook, with a feather in its “hair,” hovers
illustrate the arrival of a spirit crook from the over a complex petroglyph panel at the Riverview
numinous. Using magical mobility, it comes forth site (Figure 17), near Bishop, California. This
to imbue an incarnate crook staff with power. spirit crook, likely created by the ancestral Owens
Valley Paiute people, is placed above a shallow,
The huge and intricately involved petroglyph pecked, cup-like depression. This cup has been
panel at Sand Island is home to a powerfully situated over intersecting cracks in the rock’s face.
energetic legged crook (Figure 15). Located next These narrow apertures and cup indicate a nexus
to a powerful shamanic figure, the anthropo- from which the crook spirit has flown. The
morphized crook’s power lines spawn energy
paths that connect with many of the major
elements of this panel. Close examination re-
veals that most images on this panel are inter-
connected, juxtaposed, or joined in some fashion.
Spiritual adepts report “seeing” these collective,
ever-changing powerscapes of the spirit where
shimmering lines seem to pass through translucent
forms and connect all things.
A legged crook with distinctive form has been

rendered replete with an elaborate headdress. This
image is a major component of a beautifully
worked assemblage of petroglyphs (Figure 16).
The headdress may indicate an individual with a
high rank or shamanic abilities within the society
that created the petroglyph panel, likely Fremont.
The cluster of finely pecked stipple marks issuing Figure 17. Riverview site, Owens Valley,
from the crook’s “mouth” is reminiscent of the California.
27
b.
d.
C. Figure 19. Long Lake, Oregon.
Figure 18. a. Comb Ridge, Utah; b. Painted to the feet of the flying crook at the Riverview
Desert, Arizona; c. Whitney Pockets, Nevada;
site.
d. Newspaper Rock, Utah..
A legged crook image at Whitney Pockets (Figure
intricate petroglyph panel located below the 18c), gives the impression of relaxing and is
“flying” crook form is certainly a powerscape. engaging in the very human inactivity of sitting.
Note the crooked staff placed in the center of the Like a number of other anthropomorphized crooks
powerscape composition. this figure is connected to a long crack in the rock.
This character is also wearing what may be head
There are many interpretations of the Procession gear or a feather bundle at the back of its “head”.
Panel. It certainly has its share of powerful
shamanic figures carrying crooked staffs. A A notable variation of the spirit crook motif,
segment of the procession figures may illustrate involves two bandy-legged crooked staffs giving
anthropomorphized crooks (Figure 18a). A the appearance of transporting an elongated
number of these figures appear to have eyes. As personage (Figure 18d). This petroglyph grouping
with others of its kind, this grouping of crooks provides a visual metaphor of a shaman, in trance,
displays a carefree physical attitude. They walk grasping the crook portions of each anthro-
as in a group of friends, staggered, curious, and pomorphized staff and being held aloft by power
with an unhurried gait. One of the group looks lines connecting him to both legged assistants. He
over its shoulder and peers into a crack in the rock. passes through time and space along an esoteric
The crack in the rock and the strike marks, forming thoroughfare of the supernatural.
a dotted pattern among the figures, suggests
supernatural attachments. A legged crook form emerges from a layered,
transparent powerscape created on a boulder at
A floating legged crook appears to hover near the Long Lake (Figure 19). The body tapers to a small
top of a boulder in the Painted Desert (Figure 18b). crook at the apex of the staff. Its arms, opened
The balled feet of this legged image are similar wide, are reminiscent of the welcoming gesture
28
Figure 21. Warm Springs, Arizona.
Figure 20. Hieroglyphic Canyon, Arizona. and feet of this spirit form are symbolic and use
double crooks in close proximity to form the spirit
of the figure at Butler Wash in Utah. One arm of shape.
this figure touches a major opening in the rock.
CONCLUSIONS
Heiroglyphic Canyon (Figure 20) is on private
land near Joseph City, Arizona. A relatively small Anthropomorphized crooks not only have hu-
canyon contains a wealth of spectacular man characteristics, but many have what appears
Basketmaker images and rock art from later to be body ornamentation; they wear or carry
cultures. The legged crook appears here as a important ceremonial paraphernalia and seem to
somewhat later addition to the rock art of this be involved in ritual dance or ceremony. Often
panel. Again, the figure gives the impression of they are associated with abstract or dot-like
walking through the scene without a care. It is patterns, openings, or cracks in the rock faces
moving up the face of the rock above a crack in suggesting interaction with or movement to and
its surface. The nearness of the crack and the from the supernatural. Most of these figures seem
circular dot pattern surrounding the figure may animated and give the impression of “having a
suggest numinous activity. This crook figure may life of their own.”
have hair. The shapes at the top of the crook could
be hair pulled into a roll at the back of the “head.” The physical distance between sites displaying
The figure may also be wearing headgear or the anthropomorphized crooks is amazing. The
shape at the top of the crook could be another distance between the Long Lake site in Oregon
part of its hair statement. and the Picacho Mountains in Arizona is nearly
800 miles. Perhaps the most fascinating aspect of
An uncommon and striking example of the legged this phenomenon is that anthropomorphized
crook phenomenon occurs in the Black Mountains crooks were created in nine separate cultures: the
of Arizona (Figure 21). Experienced Chemehuevi Archaic, Basketmaker, Anasazi, Fremont,
or Walapai hands created the illusion of an excited Hohokam, O’odham, ancestral Northern Paiute,
spirit crook jumping out of the supernatural Paiute and Chemehuevi. A conservative time span
through a crack in the rock. The head, body, legs, of 1,600 years separates the creation of the Archaic
29
anthropomorphic crook images presented in this Hultkrantz, Åke

paper from the making of the O’odham, Paiute or 1976 The Religions Of The American Indians.
Chemehuevi symbolic figures. These figures Translated by Monica Setterwall. A reprint of
obviously played a universal, cross cultural role the original 1967 edition by the University of
in these cultures’ mythologies, oral traditions, and California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles,
rock art practices. California.
Kelly, Isabel T.
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Chris
1936 Chemehuevi Shamanism. Essays in
Rhodes for permission to use his outstanding
Anthropology. Essay Index Reprint Series.
photographs as part of this paper, Ann Fenton for Books for Libraries Press, Inc. Freeport, New
taking me to the wonderful rock art sites near York.
Bishop, California and Ed Rice for his patient
instruction in the use of technology. A special Laird, Carobeth
thank you to my wife Kathy for her understand- 1976 The Chemehuevis. Rubidoux Printing
ing of the time involved in research, her insights, Company, Riverside, California.
and helpful suggestions in writing. 1984 Mirror And Pattern, George Laird’s World
of Chemehuevi Mythology. Malki Museum
REFERENCES CITED Press. Banning, California.
Bahr, Donald, Julian Smith, William Smith Allison, Parsons, Elsie Clews
and Julian Hayden. 1925 The Pueblo of Jemez. The Department of
1994 The Short Swift Time of Gods on Earth, The Archaeology, Phillips Academy, Yale University
Hohokam Chronicles. University of California Press. Andover, Massachusetts.
Press. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California. 1996 Pueblo Indian Religion, Volumes I and 2.
An Introduction by Ramón A. Gutierrez. A
Eliade, Mircea Bison Books reprint of the 1939 University of
1991 Images And Symbols, Studies in Religious Chicago Press Edition. University of Nebraska
Symbolism. Translated by Philip Mairet. Press, Lincoln and London.
Princeton University Press, Princeton, New
Jersey. Voth, H. R.
1996 Patterns In Comparative Religion. 1901 The Oraibi Powawu Ceremony. In Field
Translated by Rosemary Sheed with an Columbian Museum Publication No. 61,
Introduction by John Clifford Holt. A Bison Volume III, No. 2. Chicago Anthropological
Books reprint of the 1958 Sheed and Ward, Inc. Series, pp. 63–158.
edition. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln
and London. White, Leslie W.
1930 The Acoma Indians. The Forty-Seventh
Goldfrank, Esther Schiff Annual Report of the Bureau of American
1927 The Social and Ceremonial Organization of Ethnology. United States Printing Office
Cochiti. American Anthropological Association Washington, D.C.
Memoirs No. 33, Volume XXXIII. Lancaster,
Pennsylvania.
30
Waller: Voices Carry: Whisper Galleries and X-Rated Echo Myths of Utah
Steven J. Waller
VOICES CARRY: WHISPER GALLERIES AND
X-RATED ECHO MYTHS OF UTAH
Be careful what you say in the canyons of Utah! Sir John Herschel, who stated that “the
Acoustic experiments at many rock art sites have faintest sound is faithfully conveyed from
revealed that petroglyphs and pictographs are one side to the other of the dome, but is
typically located at places with unusually strong not heard at any intermediate point”
sound reflection (Waller 2005). Indeed, petro- (Sabine 1922:272).
glyphs were recently discovered in Arch Canyon,
Utah, via echolocation (Allan and Waller 2010). 2) Statuary Hall in the Capitol at
Examples are given of rock art sites at which Washington, D.C. “The visitor to the
voices carry for unexpectedly long distances, gallery was placed at the center of curva-
giving rise to whisper galleries and other echo ture of the ceiling and told to whisper, when
focusing effects. Such complex auditory the slightest sounds were returned to him
phenomena were considered to have supernatural from the ceiling. The effect was much more
causes, and echo spirits were believed to dwell striking than one would suppose from
within the rocks. Great Basin mythology will be this simple description. The slight lapse of
presented that includes tales of echo spirits in time required for the sound to travel to
which sexual content is integral to the storyline. the ceiling and back, together with one’s
keen sense of direction, gave the effect of
In the process of conducting archaeoacoustic an invisible and mocking presence. Or the
recording experiments to document the rela- guide would place the tourists at
tionship between sound reflection and rock art, symmetrical points on either side of the
the author has often experienced the exaspera- center, where they could, with the help of
tion of interfering background noises that seem the ceiling, whisper to each other across
particularly magnified at these sites. Voices carry distances over which they could not be
at rock art sites for unexpectedly long distances— heard directly” (Sabine 1922:257).
a phenomenon known as a whisper gallery effect
due to sound focusing. While such conditions may 3) The vases in the Salle des Cariatides in
not make it easy for isolating and recording the the Louvre in Paris (Sabine 1922:269–
pure echo effects at a given location, the phenom- 270).
enon of the whisper gallery effect is interesting
in itself, and deserves attention as it may also have 4) St. John Lateran in Rome (Sabine
contributed to the motivation for the placement 1922:266–268).
of rock art.
5) The Ear of Dionysius at Syracuse in
Sabine (1922:255–276) described the following Sicily (Sabine 1922:274–276). As
six world-famous whispering galleries that described centuries ago by Swinburne
continue to be tourist attraction marvels even in (1790:104–107), “It is 18 feet wide and 58
the twenty-first century: high, and runs into the heart of the hill, in
the form of a capital S; the sides are
1) The Dome of St. Paul’s Cathedral in chiseled very smooth, and the roof covered,
London, first considered scientifically by gradually narrowing almost to as sharp a
31
point as a Gothic arch; along this point runs be graphically sexual in content. This is consistent
a groove, or channel, which served, as is with the scientifically testable Rock Art Acoustics
supposed, to collect the sounds that rose theory that rock art locations and subject matter
from the speakers below, and convey them both relate to the auditory sense.
to a pipe in a small double cell above,
where they were heard with the greatest WHISPER GALLERIES IN UTAH
distinctness... The echo at the mouth of the
grotto is very loud; the tearing of a piece Sound was experienced as carrying unusually far
of paper made as great a noise as a smart due to sound reflection, giving notable whisper
blow of a cudgel on a board would have gallery effects, at the following sites tested in Utah
done; a gun gave a report like thunder that in 2009:
vibrated for some seconds...”. Anasazi Ridge
Black Point
6) The Cathedral of Girgenti [Agrigento] Bock’s Canyon
(Sicily), where “the slightest whisper is Parowan Gap East
borne with perfect distinctness from the Parowan Gap Narrows
great western floor to the cornice behind
the high altar, a distance of 250 feet. By a To give one specific example, at Bock’s Canyon,
most unlucky coincidence the precise focus when I was high up on a canyon wall at the panel
of divergence at the former station was depicted in Figure 1, I could distinctly hear every
chosen for the place of the confessional. word of a personal conversation between a
Secrets never intended for the public ear married couple far below at the spiral design in
thus became known, to the dismay of the the bottom of the canyon. It would be worth the
confessor and the scandal of the people”
(Sabine 1922:264–266; see also New York
Catholic Protectory 1873 for a similar
description).
Whisper gallery effects are due to the reflection

of sound from surfaces with low absorption,
together with a spatial shape that focuses the
sound waves at a distant location, as well as
contributions from refraction and diffraction,
such that the sound waves are stronger than the
direct waves would be expected to be. Echoes are
such a complex auditory phenomena that they
were considered supernatural, and were explained
by echo spirits dwelling within the rocks.
This article includes examples of rock art sites

located in whisper galleries, and will put sound
reflection into cultural perspective by presenting
examples of Great Basin echo mythology in which
sexual content is integral to the storyline. Figure 1. Bock’s Canyon, Utah. An example of a
Descriptions of the characters in these echo myths rock art site with remarkable whisper gallery
relate to rock art subject matter, which can often effects.
32
considerable effort of designing and carrying out The boy grew bigger.
an experiment to quantitatively measure and Tso’apittse kept pulling the boy’s penis.
document the extraordinary sound propagation at It grows long.
such rock art sites as contrasted and compared to Then the boy is grown, and Tso’apittse
ordinary flat terrain. marries him.
Every time Tso’apittse comes home she
GREAT BASIN ECHO MYTHOLOGY wanted to have intercourse with him.
She says “Come now, take out your penis.”
The cultural significance of sound reflection is The boy is a man now.
underscored by the numerous echo myths from He goes to hunt mountain sheep.
around the world that contain supernatural A man he meets gives the boy a mountain
explanations of echoes. A few of these myths are sheep to eat; makes fire.
paraphrased below. It is interesting that sexual The boy gives the mountain sheep heart to
content is integral to these echo myths, which are Tso’apittse.
included here since they go hand-in-hand with the She hits the ground with it all night.
whispering gallery theme of this paper. Tso’apittse goes to get the meat; wishes for
wind, gets the meat, runs home, finds boy
“First Tale” (Hopi) is gone.
He meets a woman gathering seeds for
“In the Beginning there were only two: Tawa, the food.
Sun God, and Spider Woman, the Earth Goddess... The woman hides him in her gathering
They were the first lovers and of their union there basket.
came into being those marvelous ones the Magic Tso’apittse comes and says “Where’s my
Twins—Puukonhoya, the Youth, and Palunhoya, man?”
the Echo” (Mullett 1979:1). (See also Waller 2006 The woman says “I haven’t seen him.”
regarding acoustic testing to substantiate Tso’apittse says, “Look that little basket is
interpretations of possible depictions of the Divine crooked.”
Echo Twin at echoing rock art sites) The boy gets out and runs away; meets
Coyote hunting jackrabbits.
“Wind Woman Became Echo” (Chemehuevi) Tso’apittse comes and says to Coyote
“Where is my man?”
“Wind Woman imitates Dove’s voice; steals her Coyote is making an arrow.
boy; Dove’s son becomes a young man; Wind Tso’apittse looks the other way.
Woman makes him to copulate with her so often Coyote takes the boy out of the butt of the
that his penis becomes large and heavy; four girls arrow.
who are his cousins reduce his penis to normal Boy runs away.
size; Archer hides him; lures Wind Woman into A bird who lives on top of the rocks hides
cave, closes it; she became the Echo” (Laird the boy.
1976:158–159). The bird is going to make an arrow. He has
a stone pestle and puts it between his legs
“Tso’apittse” (Shoshone) so that it looks like a penis.
Tso’apittse looks at the bird, sees what she
One woman had a baby, a baby boy. thinks is a penis and says “I want that.”
Tso’apittse said “Give me that little boy. I The bird says “All right, I’ll give it to you.”
want to hold him. I want to pet the baby.” This bird had a cave for a house
She stole the baby. He says, “Come, let’s go into the cave.”
33
So he and Tso’apittse go into the cave and surface, which in turn may have been linked in
he gives it to Tso’apittse. the brain to thoughts of sexual penetration. It is
The cave begins to get small and Tso’apittse interesting to note the frequency with which echo
says, “What is happening to the cave?” myths have a sexual connection. The very first
The bird says, “When I have intercourse sex act, according to Hopi tradition, resulted in
with my wife, the cave always does this.” the conception of the Echo Twin. Parallel to the
Then the cave got smaller and smaller and Great Basin myths presented above, the very
the little bird got out the tiny hole that was reason the mythical Greek nymph Echo was
left. punished and became the echo spirit was because
When he gets out, the entrance shuts up of sex: first she distracted Hera’s attention away
tight. from Jupiter’s sexual philanderings, and later she
The bird saw the boy’s long penis and said, pined away due to unrequited lust for Narcissus
“That’s no good, let’s cut it off.” until her bones turned to stone. Perhaps also the
So he cut it off. rhythmic answers of echoes to clapping or
Tso’apittse became echo. drumming triggered a dance response, with
(Smith 1939:137–139) associated thought patterns of the rhythmic
motions characteristic of coitus.
CONCLUSIONS
Although the paragraph above contains
In conclusion, be careful what you say in the unprovable speculations, the theory that echoes
canyons of Utah. Rock art locations are typically and related sound phenomena were a motive for
echo rich, and voices carry. The subject matter of
rock art is consistent with descriptions of
characters described in echo myths, including
ithyphallic anthropomorphs (Figure 2). Thus, to
people who were familiar with the stories of
sexually obsessed echo spirits presented above,
the large penis could have been an image that
immediately sprang to mind upon hearing echoes.
The phallus thus also would have been an easy
way to represent and evoke the echo story to the
viewer, and thus could have been a symbol for
the echoes heard at rock art sites.
The sexual content of echo myths, together with

the sexually graphic or sexually symbolic content
of rock art seems to be revealing of the
psychological thought processes of ancient
humans.
Figure 2. Ithyphallic anthropomorph design from
The author speculates that auditory illusions of an echoing rock art site in Mesa Verde that could
depth (see Waller and Arsenault 2008) may have symbolize the echo spirit described in Great
led to myths of penetrating through the rock Basin myths as being obsessed with penises.
34
rock art placement and subject matter is Sabine, Wallace Clement

scientifically testable by acoustic techniques, and 1922 Collected Papers On Acoustics. Harvard
has been substantiated by formal methods of data University Press, Cambridge; Humphrey
collection. It is furthermore supported by informed Milford, Oxford University Press, London
(accessed June 27, 2010 online at http://books.
methods since ethnographically documented echo
google.com/books?id=G25LAAAAMAAJ&
myths reveal the cultural significance of sound
printsec=frontcover&dq=%22COLLECTED+
reflection. Implications of these research results PAPERS++ON+ACOUSTICS%22+sabine&hl
include the need for conserving the natural =en&ei=bxooTO7IBMLflge9xZTYAg&sa=X
soundscapes of rock art sites. &oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=1&ved=
0CCwQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false )
REFERENCES CITED
Smith, Anne M.
Allan, Stephen, and Steven J. Waller 1939 Shoshone Tales. University of Utah Press,
2010 Echolocation of Rock Art: Using sound to Salt Lake City.
search for sacred sites. In American Indian
Rock Art, Volume 36, edited by Ken Hedges. Swinburne, Henry
pp. 103–107. American Rock Art Research 1790 Travels in the Two Sicilies, in the Years
Associaton, Glendale, Arizona. 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780. Second edition, T.
Cadell & P. Elmsly, London.
Mullett, George Crawford Merrick
1979 Spider Woman Stories. University of Waller, Steven J.
Arizona Press, Tucson. 2005 Archaeoacoustics: A Key Role Of Echoes At
Utah Rock Art Sites. In Utah Rock Art, Volume
Laird, Carobeth 24, edited by Carol B. Patterson, pp. 43–50. Utah
1976 The Chemehuevis. Malki Museum Press. Rock Art Research Association, Salt Lake City,
Banning, California. Utah.
2006 The Divine Echo Twin Depicted at Echoing
New York Catholic Protectory Rock Art Sites: Acoustic Testing to Substantiate
1873 The Manhattan and de la Salle monthly, Interpretations. In American Indian Rock Art
Volume 9:136 (accessed December 27, 2009 Volume 32, edited by Angus R. Quinlan and Anne
online at http://books.google.com/books?id= McConnell, pp. 63–74. American Rock Art
ALcOAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover& Research Association, Tucson, Arizona.
source=gbs_navlinks_s#v=onepage&q=&f
=false ) Waller, Steven J., and Daniel Arsenault
2008 Echo Spirits Who Paint Rocks:
Memegwashio Dwell Within Echoing Rock Art
Site EiGf-2. In American Indian Rock Art,
Volume 34, edited by James D. Keyser, David
A. Kaiser, George Poetschat, and Michael W.
Taylor, pp. 191–201. American Rock Art
Research Association, Tucson, Arizona.
35
36
Gough: Lightning and Native American Rock Art
Galal Gough
LIGHTNING AND NATIVE AMERICAN ROCK ART

Lightning is a powerful symbol in Native cornfields to assure healthy crops. Warriors
American Rock Art, associated with clouds and and ballplayers rubbed the charred wood on
rain. It is also related to powerful beings and their biceps and calves for strength. Everyone
with creation stories, rituals, and songs of knew they were charged with ‘You, Ancient
lightning and thunder (Patterson-Rudolph Ones,’ bolts of sacred fire from the sky
1997:73, 86, 99). Carobeth Laird, in her landmark [Nabokov 2006:55–56].
book on the Chemehuevis, gives a dynamic
description of storm and lightning (Figure 1): In 1992, Ken Hedges, then Curator at the San
Diego Museum of Man, took a group of us to
When there is a storm in the desert, thunder Sears Point along the Gila River in Arizona. At
rumbles and crashes; beneath dark clouds the the western edge of the main Sears Point mesa,
rain thrusts forward like an advancing army, he pointed out the lightning strike petroglyph and
accompanied by the glare and crackle of the lightning caused scar. My wife held a compass
lightning; while away from the immediate by the cliff face (Figure 3), and the magnetic
center of the storm, rainbows arch over alteration made by the lightning caused the
valleys or hang their transparent arcs of glory compass to react. Farther up river, at the Painted
across rugged cliffs. This is the tremendous Rocks petroglyph site, the split boulder on top
spectacle dramatized by the Chemehuevis in (Figure 4), according to the campground host,
the great...tale of ‘How Wolf and Coyote went
Away,’ which is replete with glorious weather
symbolism.... [Laird 1976:98, 99].
In Where the Lightning Strikes, Peter Nabokov

writes:
Also in the landscape lay powers for the mind

and spirit, especially on nights slashed by
Figure 3. Sears Point
lightning, when medicine makers sought it lightning strike.
face-to-face....For the Cherokee, lightning
was a positive power. Trees struck by it
(Figure 2) were sought after so that shamans
could bury their blackened splinters in the
Figure 1. Desert Figure 2. Lightning Figure 4. Painted

lightning storm. struck tree. Rocks strike.
37
Figure 5. Rain fringe lightning. Figure 7. Yoyleki and “Maize.”
Figure 6. Willow Springs motif.
had been struck by lightning. Here again the

compass, held by the boulder, reacted to the
magnetic alteration.
Figure 8. Lightning to “Terrace.”
At the Hummingbird site, located between Sears
Point and Painted Rocks, there are rain fringe and (personal communication 2009). Other versions
possible lightning symbols, but at the Garn site, are in relation to possible maize stalk (Figure 7)
which is located about a half-mile upstream from and to a lightning design reaching from the rain
the Hummingbird site, there is a convincing clouds to a cloud terrace design (Figure 8).
lightning stroke coming down to the rain fringe
(Figure 5). But the strongest case for lightning In southwest Utah there are two known lightning
glyphs is found at Willow Springs, (located strike sites. Kirk Neilson wrote to me about a
between Flagstaff and Page, Arizona), where lightning feature in Warner Valley, west of St.
ethnographic confirmation exists. The often George, which he called the Gargoyle site. Unable
repeated motif there (Figure 6), according to to find the location in maps I had, I wrote to Boma
Ekkehart Malotki, “is called yoyleki in Hopi and Johnson. He and his wife found the site, and
is their traditional rain/cloud/lightning symbol” because of the many bear paw symbols on surfaces
38
Figure 11. Pyramid lightning panel.

Figure 9. Upper Big Bear panel.
much of the panel is heavily eroded, the enclosed
cross is a Venus morning star symbol, and the
reclining flute player may have “to do with laying
down to play for ancestor spirits associated with
stars in the night sky” (Boma Johnson, personal
communication 2009). There appears also to be
a glyph of a gourd rattle, such as would be used
to accompany flute playing.
Jesse Warner led a field trip during the URARA

Symposium at Delta, and in the Black Rock area,
he held a compass over a lightning strike boulder.
The compass reacted to the strong magnetic
alteration caused by the lightning strike.
A dramatic instance of lightning symbolism is

Figure 10. Lower lightning panel. found in the Four Faces pictograph panel at Salt
Creek, Canyonlands National Park, in Utah
around the site, they called this the Big Bear Site. (Figure 12). As described by Carol Patterson-
The lightning strike scar goes through both an
upper and lower panel. The upper panel has a
lightning scar coming down from the right side,
and bending to the left toward a bear paw (Figure
9). In the lower panel the lightning strike scar goes
down to the left of the bear paw (Figure 10).
Boma Johnson also pointed out the Snow Valley

Pyramid Rock site, located to the north of St.
George. The lightning strike descends straight
down through a complex panel with many
petroglyph layers and ages (Figure 11). While
Figure 12. Utah’s Salt Creek faces.
39
Figure 13. Tuba site by Cedar City.
Figure 15. Velarde lightning bolts.
Figure 14. Three Rivers petroglyphs.
Rudolph in On the Trail of Spider Woman, “These

figures have very short torsos of striped lines, rain
and lightning symbols, and two figures have Figure 16. Petroglyph National Monument glyph.
patterned belts, one with lightning descending
from it” (Patterson-Rudolph 1997:30). Also in a messenger to the rain deities. When I inquired
Utah, in the Cedar City area, there is a rain-cloud- about a lightning panel in the Velarde area of New
lightning petroglyph at the Tuba site (Figure 13), Mexico in a letter to James E. Duffield of Santa
in a picture sent to me by Alva Matheson, who Fe, he sent a picture of lightning arrows with
chaired local arrangements for the 2009 URARA projectile points (Figure 15), and noted that flint
Symposium. It is similar to the Hopi Yoyleki rain, and obsidian were thought by some native peoples
cloud, lightning symbols at Willow Creek, to have been created when lightning struck the
Arizona, but has double lightning strokes. earth, hence the projectile points on the lightning.
Duffield also sent a picture of a lightning bolt with
The terraced cloud symbol, previously pictured projectile point connected to a bird’s beak (Figure
at the Willow Springs site in Arizona, is repeated 16), located in the Petroglyph National Monument
several places in New Mexico. Most memorable at Albuquerque (James E. Duffield, personal
is the cloud terrace with rain, rainbow, and communication 2009).
lightning, with a bird on top, Jornado Style, at the
Three Rivers petroglyph site (Figure 14). The Lyman Lake in east-central Arizona was created
bird in this petroglyph may have functioned as in 1912, when the Little Colorado River was
40
dammed. Across the lake on the east side, the Fortunately I have a collection of digital
“Ultimate Petroglyph Trail” leads up the ridge images of the petroglyphs at the park. I looked
with geometrical, bird, and animal figures along through them and am sending some very
the way. The trail ends up on top at “Ultimate interesting ones depicting possible lightning
Rock.” A picture I had seen of this rock showed glyphs [Michael A. Freisinger, personal
what appeared to be, among other glyphs, several communication 2009].
lightning depictions (Farnsworth 2006:32–33).
I was able to visit Lyman Lake with friends, and A second picture was of a rock with a damaged
the ranger agreed to take us to the Ultimate edge and two possible lightning zigzag designs
Petroglyph Trail and Ultimate Rock, though a descending (Figure 18). A third picture shows
storm was approaching from the southwest. But possible rain/storm/lightning lines and an up-
rain began to fall when we were half-way up side down anthropomorph (Figure 19). While the
the trail, and because our boat was metal, the boulder may have been displaced, sliding down
ranger insisted we return and hurry across the and around from the escarpment above, an upside
lake because of lightning danger. We were not down figure at times may represent death, which
able to stay until the bad weather passed, so I wrote is what the ranger felt might happen to us if our
the ranger later, expressing interest in having a metal boat was hit by lightning as we crossed the
picture of the lightning glyphs on Ultimate Rock. lake during the storm.
Soon I received a letter from Michael A.
Freisinger, Museum Curator for Arizona State
Parks, from his office in Phoenix. His letter
included three pictures, one showing the glyphs
on Ultimate Rock (Figure 17). He had written in
his letter:
I received your letter to Lyman Lake State

Park concerning our petroglyph site at Ultimate
Rock. As you found out there is a lot of
lightning there, especially during the summer
monsoon season. Arizona has the second most
lightning strikes in the nation after Florida.
Figure 18. Two zigzag designs. Photo courtesy of
Arizona State Parks.
Figure 17. Ultimate Rock glyphs. Photo courtesy Figure 19. Lyman upside down figure. Photo
of Arizona State Parks. courtesy of Arizona State Parks.
41
is a powerful zigzag lightning design, with a

fainter large waterbird on the right and two
anthropomorphs (Figure 20). Bostwick notes how
“meandering lines connect the large bird to the
smaller humans and the lightning, giving the scene
a sense of extreme power” (Bostwick 2002:92).
Also at South Mountain, on the upper Mormon
Trail, there is an anthropomorph with lightning
legs (Figure 21). In the Mojave Desert, at Black
Canyon northwest of Barstow, California, there
is a lightning panel which includes a mountain
lion with lightning tail (Figure 22).
CONCLUSION
Figure 20. Zigzag lightning glyph, Hieroglyphic
Canyon, South Mountain. The lightning motif has been related to petro-
glyph depictions of Tlaloc, the Mesoamerican
rain deity. Polly Schaafsma declares that Tlaloc
“controlled the rain necessary for raising crops
in the high central plateaus and was in charge of
floods, hail, frost and lightning” (Schaafsma
1980:237). Representations of the rain deity,
Figure 21. Man with lightning Tlaloc, are found virtually everywhere Jornada
legs, South Mountain. Style rock art is found in the Rio Grande Valley
,
and surrounding areas. Particularly elaborate

depictions of Tlaloc are present at the Three Rivers
petroglyph site (Figure 23) and at Alamo
Figure 22. Mountain lion panel, Black Canyon.
The most prominent lightning petroglyph at

South Mountain, Phoenix, is in Hieroglyphic
Canyon, and is described by Todd W. Bostwick
in his Landscape of the Spirits: Hohokam Rock
Art at South Mountain Park. Central in the panel Figure 23. Three Rivers Tlaloc.
42
Mountain (Figure 24), located east of the Rio Alamo Mountain Tlaloc picture. I am also
Grande River, just above the border with West indebted to the pictures and response of Michael
Texas. The torso of both Tlaloc figures have A. Freisinger, Museum Curator for Arizona State
patterned lightning zigzags illustrating the Parks. My daughter, Merrie L. Gough, gave me
association of lightning with powerful beings and the book, Where the Lightning Strikes, by Peter
the prominent role of lightning symbolism in Nabokov. Finally, I am grateful to the editors for
Native American rock art, in relation to clouds working with my paper, and giving me the hard
and rain. task of reducing the number of pictures from 48
to 24.
Acknowledgments. Members of URARA are
always so generous and helpful. Ekkehart Malotki REFERENCES CITED
gave me the information on the traditional Hopi
word yoyleki for their rain/cloud/lightning sym- Bostwick, Todd
bol at Willow Springs. Kirk Neilson told me 2002 Landscape of the Spirits: Hohokam Rock
about the lightning strike at Warner Valley, west Art at South Mountain Park. The University of
of St. George, which he called the Gargoyle Site. Arizona Press, Tucson.
When I could not find Warner Valley on my maps,
Farnsworth, Janet Webb
Boma and Kat Johnson found the site, noting the
2006 Rock Art Along the Way. Rio Nuevo
many bear paws, and sent me pictures of what Publishers, Tucson, Arizona
they called the Big Bear Site. They also told me
about and sent pictures of Pyramid Rock in Snow Laird, Carobeth
Canyon. Jesse Warner took us to a lightning strike 1976 The Chemehuevis. Malki Museum Press,
boulder, and Alva Matheson sent me a picture of Morongo Indian Reservation, Banning,
the Tuba Site near Cedar City. Jim Duffield of California.
Santa Fe, New Mexico, and a former URARA
member, sent me the Velarde and Albuquerque Nabokov, Peter
pictures, and a black and white copy of his 2006 Where the Lightning Strikes: The Lives of
American Indian Sacred Places. Penguin
Books, New York.
Patterson-Rudolph, Carol
1997 On the Trail of Spider Woman: Petroglyphs,
Pictographs and Myths of the Southwest.
Ancient City Press, Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Schaafsma, Polly
1980 Indian Rock Art of the Southwest.
University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Figure 24. Alamo Mountain Tlaloc.
43
44
Gulliford: Preserving Sacred Indian Landscapes and Protecting Ancient Rock Art
Andrew Gulliford
PRESERVING SACRED INDIAN LANDSCAPES AND

PROTECTING ANCIENT ROCK ART
For most tribes a sacred place is one where the sites for each tribe that are integral to tribal history,
Great Creator or spirits, both good and evil, religion, and identity (Figure 1).
communicate with the living. Most Anglo
Americans consecrate a church as a sacred place Whereas for Christians the sacred teachings of
and it remains sacred as long as a congregation the Bible are text-based, Indians honor oral
meets there, but when congregations outgrow a traditions linked to specific sites such as Ribbon
building they then often sell it, purchasing new Falls in the bottom of the Grand Canyon, where
space which they then make holy. What is the Zunis believe they emerged from the center
important for native peoples is not the sacred of the earth as a people. Each tribe has its own
space of a church or cathedral or any other story of emergence and migration.
permanent structure, but rather a location made
holy by the Great Creator, by ancient and enduring A sacred site is always sacred and human burials
myth, by repeated rituals such as sun dances or or village sites are never abandoned because they
by the presence of spirits who dwell in deep remain hallowed ground. If shamans carved rock
canyons, mountain tops, or hidden caves. An art panels to evoke spirits in southern Utah or at
entire landscape may represent sacred geography the bottom of Echo Park in Dinosaur National
because for thousands of years native peoples Monument in Colorado, then those places remain
migrated from place to place in search of food on special and should not be disturbed. They are
seasonal rounds that took them into the high sacred sites where the living communicate with
country in the summer and to lower elevations in the dead or with powerful animal spirits of deer,
the winter. There are literally dozens of sacred elk, and mountain lions that the rock artist came
to see in his visions.
Repetition and tradition, unbroken continuity over

time—these elements are essential to native
religion whether it is a young man at a remote
vision quest site, a tribe like the Shoshones or the
Utes at their annual sun dances, or Miwok leaders
on a pilgrimage to collect plants for religious
purposes as they visit sacred shrines in California.
Native religion is intricately bound to a tight web
of place and an intimate, subtle, even secret
understanding of landscape.
Protecting and preserving native sacred sites

Figure 1. A waterfall coming out of rock is a
depends upon identifying them and using the
sacred site in Glacier National Park, Montana,
stories of native peoples, the skills of
for the Blackfeet Tribe who have a story of a
female warrior who went to this site for a vision ethnographers, historians, and geographers to
quest and received her vision here. Photo © learn these sacred places so they can be protected.
Andrew Gulliford. When land is lost to native peoples, federal laws
45
can help preserve and protect sites to which On the 18 million acres of the Navajo Nation,
indigenous peoples do not have legal title or sacred places may be associated with the origin
ownership. stories of clans, the origins of ceremonies, the
origin of specific customs, and the general Navajo
Depending upon the circumstances, relevant creation story. Other Southwestern tribes like the
federal laws may include: The Antiquities Act Zuni, Hopi, Walapai, etc. also have specific places
1906; National Historic Preservation Act (1966 linked to their clan migrations and creation stories.
and amended 1992—especially section 304);
American Indian Religious Freedom Act (1978); 2. Trails and Pilgrimage Routes
Archaeological Resources and Protection Act
(1979 and amended 1989); Native American A second category of religious sites would be trails
Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (1990); and pilgrimages through sacred landscapes such
and Presidential Executive Order 13007 as the trail to Zuni Heaven or the Ute Trail, perhaps
Protecting Native American Sacred Sites (1996). the longest and highest Indian trail left in the
continental United States. Rising from 5,200 feet
Useful essays and publications include National along the Colorado River to over 10,000 feet on
Register Bulletin #38 Guidelines for Evaluating the White River Plateau, the Ute Trail was used
and Documenting Traditional Cultural Properties by prehistoric and historic Utes in their seasonal
(Parker and King 1990) and articles in CRM rounds of hunting on the Flat Tops Mountains.
(Cultural Resources Management) particularly the Associated sites within a few miles of the trail
special issue “What You Do and How We Think” include vision quest sites, tall rock cairns, a
(Parker 1993). A key element in cultural resources shaman platform high in a piñon juniper tree, and
protection for tribes is the issue of confidentiality. Shield Cave.
With legislation that passed Congress in 1992,
tribes are not required to divulge information that Cairns as trail markers are particularly important
may be sacred. Federal property managers must for migratory peoples who remembered the cairns
consult with affiliated tribes and the subsequent as a place to pause and meditate, as Nez Perce
dialogues have gone far to improve federal-tribal guides did along the Lolo Trail with Lewis and
relations. But what are sacred sites? After years Clark in 1806 (Gulliford 2000:75). Indians also
of research, this typology emerged: reverently added to the cairns as each passing
traveler would say a prayer and add another rock
1. Religious Sites Associated With Oral to the pile for both personal good luck and respect
Tradition/Origin Stories for their ancestors who had gone before.
The first category of sacred sites would be Along the Columbia River in Washington, tall
religious sites associated with ancient myths and cairns of basalt represented kinship and family
oral traditions that figure prominently in lineage for the Yakima, as well as fishing
emergence and migration stories. To use boundaries for different plateau bands of Indians
nomenclature from the National Register of (Figure 2). Native peoples believe that cairns
Historic Places, these sites are “traditional cultural contain the essence of the builder and must be
properties” that have deep meaning for tribal approached with care (Gulliford 2000:73).
identity. Examples would include the huge stone
monoliths in Navajo Tribal Park called “Big 3. Traditional Gathering Areas
Hands” or barrels with spouts essential to storing
and providing rain for the Navajo. A third category of religious sites would include
gathering places for fish, wildlife, sacred plants,
46
and materials to quarry such as mineral deposits bundles, Navajo medicine men may also collect
which are sources for face and body paint. Paint projectile points and pieces of petrified wood
sources were so crucial to religious ceremonies because oral traditions are also linked to the fossil
that on the Great Plains paint mines would be record. Plants are also used in religious
neutral territory and warring tribes could gather ceremonies.
red, yellow, and black clay in peace without
attacking one another. Sacred paint sources Traditional gathering areas for sacred sage,
include the Paint Mines near Calhan, Colorado sweetgrass, and other herbs are special places to
and in Wyoming at Sunrise and Rawlins. Shield be protected. Tribal sacred sites include these
Cave in Glenwood Canyon, Colorado is a rare traditional cultural property areas where for
site that contains every clay color needed in Ute generations tribes have gathered food, whether it
religious ceremonies. Utes knew of the cave in be salmon among the Columbia Plateau Indians,
oral tradition and had remembered it for decades bitterroot among the Shoshones, camass roots
before the Bureau of Land Management contacted among the Nez Perce, or huckleberries among the
tribal leaders about its exact location. Now the confederated tribes of Warm Springs and the
site is officially protected and visitation by non- Yakima Nation. These sites are sacred because
Indians is discouraged (Gulliford 2000:78). they bring the people together each year at harvest
time to gather plants for the first feasts and to
Navajos gather hematite and special dirt and sand initiate young girls as women and young men as
for sand paintings, and most Southwestern tribes hunters or fishermen. Gathering roots and berries
have sacred places where men gather salt. There in the old way keeps the people physically strong
are sacred gathering areas for clans to gather and knitted together by social tradition.
special roots and herbs as well as family use sites.
There are gathering areas for willows to be made 4. Offering Areas: Altars and Shrines
into baskets, wild tea for medicinal purposes, and
special water from sacred springs or snow melt Just as tribes have gathering areas for collecting
from high elevations. For their Jish or medicine plants and medicines, native peoples also make
offerings either privately or within ceremonial
cycles when sacred materials are gathered. There
are also specific locales where at certain times of
the year offerings of prayer sticks and special
foods are prepared for the Creator to keep the
people in harmony, to heal the sick, and to provide
general balance and prosperity. Offerings are also
left for powerful animals like bears and buffalos.
These sites could be prehistoric, as in altars and

shrines found on Whiskey Peak in the Green
Mountains in southeast Wyoming or in the
Wickiup Village site near Rifle, Colorado, where
Figure 2. Ancient rock cairns on the Columbia at a slight remove from the wickiup village a
River Plateau in Washington State represent clan shaman left an altar and stone palette for offerings
and family lineages and also fishing boundaries
to the Creator (Gulliford 2005:948). Though
for the river below. This image was used in the
archaeologists consider the sites prehistoric in
Advisory Council on Historic Preservation’s
Report to the President and Congress of the terms of age, for native peoples such time
United States, 1993. Photo © Andrew Gulliford. distinctions are irrelevant. Altars are never
47
the site for a modern vision quest or leave it

undisturbed, but in either case a seeker of visions
has made it a sacred place and federal land
managers must protect the sites.
6. Group Ceremonial Sites: Sweat Lodges,

Dances, and Sings
Ceremonial dance sites such as sun dance, bear

dance, or other dance sites are also sacred places
and usage may date back for decades. Among
Figure 3. A rare Ancestral Puebloan shrine on Plains Indians the sun dance lodge is erected at
BLM land in southeast Utah remains untouched the same spot in a lengthy ritual that includes
on a steep canyon wall. Photo © Andrew having a virtuous woman select the forked aspen
Gulliford. or willow tree for the central lodge support. Under
the direction of the sun dance chief, dancers and
abandoned; they represent active conduits to the
helpers raise the twelve roof poles of the lodge,
spirit world. Figure 3 shows a rare shrine in
whose opening always faces east towards the
southeast Utah.
rising sun. The lodge or corral is eventually
covered with fresh willow branches to give the
5. Vision Quest and Other Individual Use
dancers shade as they dance and blow their eagle
Sites
bone whistles (Gulliford 2000:86).
A fifth category of religious sites would be sites
Just as with the routes taken by the Shalako spirits
used by single individuals such as vision quest
at Zuni or the Deer Dancers at Taos Pueblo plaza,
sites. These are often composed of stones 18 to
what is sacred here is the reconstruction of
24 inches high and placed in a horseshoe or
tradition through meditation and performance.
circular shape. The young man or woman seeking
Keeping the sun dance structure intact in the
a vision enters the earth or stone enclosure,
tradition of Christian churches would be contrary
remaining without food or water until the arrival
to Indian beliefs. Building the sun dance lodge
of the animal or bird spirit who then becomes the
anew brings people together and that act is far
source of his or her personal power or medicine.
more important than the lodge itself. The wooden
Most vision quest sites are on high precipices with
frames of large, group sweat lodges are also
panoramic views, often 360 degrees, and “are
sacred, whether they are the stout cedar poles of
among the most common forms of sacred
Navajo sweat lodges in the bottom of Canyon de
geography in North America” according to
Chelly or the framework of thin willow pole
Deward Walker (1988). There may also be small,
lodges from the mountains.
individually-used sweat lodges or wooden tree
platforms used by medicine men for meditation
Dozens of kivas in the Southwest are still actively
and healing.
used by men’s societies to initiate young boys,
and on the high mesas of the Southwest, like the
Vision quest sites can be found at remote locations
village of Walpi on First Mesa at Hopi, ancient
throughout the Rocky Mountains and northern
plazas still reverberate with the dance steps of the
Great Plains, and Indians who visit them today
Kachinas and snake dancers in special ceremonies
often leave offerings of sacred sage, tobacco, or
now closed to non-natives.
water to placate the spirits. An Indian might reuse
48
9. Individual Burials and Massacre Sites
As with all cultures, human remains are sacred to

tribal peoples and with the passage of the Native
American Graves Repatriation and Protection Act
of 1990, all unmarked graves found on public
lands are now protected, though tribes have
different opinions as to what reverence should be
attached to burials.
In addition to Indian burials both historic and

Figure 4. Ancestral habitation sites qualify as prehistoric, another sacred category includes
sacred sites for most tribes. This PIII site massacre sites and mass burials such as the Marias
epitomizes a small defensive site in southeast River Massacre site and Big Hole Battlefield in
Utah. Basketmaker II sandal petroglyphs adorn Montana, Sand Creek in eastern Colorado,
the rock wall below the ruins. Photo © Andrew Washita River Battlefield in Oklahoma, the Camp
Gulliford. Grant Massacre in Arizona, and Wounded Knee
Battlefield at Pine Ridge, South Dakota. These
7. Ancestral Habitation Sites sites of shame, where armed military forces
attacked Indian villages, are only recently being
Another category of sacred sites would be protected and interpreted.
archaeological or ancestral sites still vital to the
spirit world (Figure 4). This would include ancient 10. Observatories and Calendar Sites
Puebloan ruins or the cliff dwelling homes of
Ancestral Puebloan peoples as well as teepee rings Massive stones atop Fajada Butte at Chaco
where Plains people once set up encampments. Canyon National Historical Park in New Mexico
Brush shelters or wickiups for Great Basin tribes function as a solar and lunar calendar, designed
and Utes in Colorado would also qualify as sacred by ancient Puebloan peoples to mark the passage
village sites, as would log hogans and sweat of time and seasons for their communities.
lodges.
8. Petroglyphs and Pictographs—Ceremonial

Rock Art
Many petroglyphs, pictographs, and pictograms

qualify as sacred. The Shoshone believe
petroglyphs represent messages from the spirit
world and that only properly trained medicine men
or shamans can decipher them. Ceremonial rock
art also often illustrates origin and creation stories
and can be found on the tops of mountain peaks,
on boulders in the bottom of drainages, and along
Figure 5. To protect Newspaper Rock and its
pilgrimage routes—anywhere the rock surface can
thousand years of petroglyphs in Canyonlands
be incised down to the desert patina and under
National Park, the National Park Service has
ledges protected from weathering (Figure 5). erected a chain link fence. Photo © Andrew
Gulliford.
49
Throughout the Southwest, stone alignments and launder illegally acquired cash. In the Southwest
concentric circles on rock art may indicate solstice the phrase is “rugs and drugs.” Native peoples
markers. are now deeply burdened with rural addictions to
methamphetamines and to pay for an expensive
THE LACK OF AN AMERICAN drug habit, antiquities and cultural objects are
CULTURAL EXPORT LAW stolen and sold. Each time an artifact is sold it
increases in value until it finally lands in the hands
Native American cultural traditions are being of unscrupulous collectors who could care less
sustained and created, but prehistoric rock art sites where something came from as long as they can
need to be protected. Native American cultural own an authentic piece of the past. Tony Hillerman
objects also need protection because they are has explored this chain of theft in his popular book
routinely stolen and often leave the United States A Thief of Time (Hillerman 1988).
(Gulliford 2009b). The black market for cultural
objects, specifically antiquities, continues to thrive As Native American populations grow, as elders
in part because unlike most other countries, the pass on, as tribes continue to defend their treaty
United States does not have a cultural export law. rights and sovereignty, protecting sacred objects
Anyone can get on an airplane with a rare Zuni and sacred places such as rock art sites will
pot, an Ancestral Puebloan basket, Civil War become even more important. For five centuries
uniforms, or any other American artifact and take now Indians have fought to survive and maintain
it overseas (Figure 6). their identity amidst non-native encroachment,
theft, and misguided assimilation policies. Now
One reason the antiquities market is so successful Native Americans, Native Hawaiians, and
is that it is, and has been, an excellent way to Alaskan natives can help to determine their own
futures, in part by knowing their ancient cultural
traditions and by preserving that which is
centuries old. In Utah, the fight continues to
preserve and protect some of the finest and oldest
rock art in North America.
Of the thousands of Indian rock art panels in the

Southwest, few are older than Barrier Canyon
pictographs found throughout the San Rafael
Swell in Utah. From tiny five-inch animal figures
to stunning seven-foot tall human shapes with no
arms or legs and alien-like bug eyes, Barrier
Canyon style images are usually a dark blood red
color. They may have been painted 8,000 years
ago; many panels are at least 5,000 years old
(Kelen and Sucec 1996:13, 14).
Figure 6. One of the rarest of all Southwestern For a week friends and I drove 4WDs and then
prehistoric ceramics, the Mimbres bowl known as hiked into remote locations in Emery County,
the Three Cranes Bowl was pothunted, stolen,
Utah, to photograph these spectacular ochre red
returned to its pothunting owners, and then
paintings. We set out to find a few of those sites,
promptly sold on the black market. It has not been
seen for over twenty years. Photo © Andrew and in side canyons and small slot canyons, we
Gulliford. found them. The images of eerie, elongated figures
50
Another afternoon hike up an unnamed canyon

seemed fruitless. Perhaps one of our guides had
made a mistake. Then when we were almost
across from it, we saw a panel of human figures
with the largest one a somber red, almost brown,
that may have been eight feet tall. We stared in
wonder. The ghost-like images without arms or
legs may be shamanistic art.
The most famous Barrier Canyon panel is the

Great Gallery in a remote section of Canyonlands
Figure 7. A detailed image of an evocative Barrier National Park named Horseshoe Canyon. But we
Canyon pictograph on the San Rafael Swell. Note wanted to hike in wilderness study areas to see
what appear to be free-floating eyeballs with ancient art generally not visited. In the vastness
wings. Photo © Andrew Gulliford. of the Swell we could do that. On the fifth day we
came across a finger-painted panel of four figures
with shortened arms and legs are hard to decipher. that looked as fresh as if it had been painted that
The anthropomorphs, or human figures, often week. One of our party quipped, “If this paint can
have overly large eyes, no ears or noses, and no last 5,000 years, why can’t my house paint?”
way to distinguish gender. Snakes writhe in their
hands or above their heads. Yet circling these Barrier Canyon paint is only one of the mysteries.
fierce, faceless creatures are delicate menageries Probably mixed from vegetable and mineral
of exquisitely painted birds, ducks, geese, deer, compounds, the paint is 10 percent blood
and occasionally what appear to be free floating according to BLM interpretive signs, but whether
eyeballs with wings (Figure 7). human or animal is uncertain. The sophistication
of the art, which seems to represent a vibrant and
I’ll not forget the blustery spring day with a storm complex spirit world, is made more mystifying
front moving across Utah and we seven hiking by the fact that the artists were Archaic period
all morning to finally find a few red symbols high (6500–2000 B.C.) mobile hunters and gatherers
on a cliff face shaded by a small alcove. We who did not plant corn and who lived a precarious
scrambled up and there, in the silence of the Swell, subsistence lifestyle. They hunted with spears, and
the few symbols seen below blossomed into small yet when we returned to the famous Buckhorn
panels of intricate images expertly drawn in the Wash panel to study it in afternoon shade using
Barrier Canyon style’s signature red paint. binoculars and long camera lenses, I felt I was in
the presence of sacred art as powerful as anything
Standing just a few feet from the panels, we could on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel.
study the masterful brush strokes, the lyrical
zoomorphs or animal-like creatures, and the red In 1995 in an award-winning Utah State
paint’s perfect preservation. The artist had added Centennial Legacy Project, dozens of citizens and
a few white dots and faint white streaks. Seated volunteers worked to remove bullet holes, graffiti,
on a sandstone ledge, looking south across a vast crayon, and chalk from the Buckhorn Wash Rock
canyon landscape, rare pictographs just behind my Art site’s eight panels (Gulliford 2009a). They
shoulder, the twenty-first century melted away. moved the road farther from the site, added
Time ceased. I thought if we waited, with luck fencing, parking, landscaping, an interpretive trail,
the artist might return. Instead, there was only the and restrooms. Special erasers, jeweler’s tools,
wind. watercolor paints, and pastels were used in panel
51
restoration. Now visitors can see scenes of rituals, REFERENCES CITED

celebrations, and homage to Native American
gods painted thousands of years ago by artists Gulliford, Andrew
using brushes of hair, feathers, and yucca fibers. 2000 Sacred Objects and Sacred Places: Pre-
serving Tribal Traditions.University Press of
But all is not well on the Swell, which is a BLM Colorado, Boulder.
2005 Sacred Sites and Sacred Mountains. In
Special Recreation Management Area of 938,500
American Indian Religious Traditions: An
acres. The Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance and
Encyclopedia, edited by Suzanne J. Crawford
ATV groups continue to squabble over wilderness and Dennis F. Kelley, pp. 945–961. ABC-Clio,
designation and wilderness boundaries for seven Santa Barbara, California.
wilderness study areas. ATV use and illegal roads 2009a Inadequate protection puts 5,000-year-old
increase yearly. The under-funded Bureau of Land rock art at risk. Grand Junction Daily Sentinel,
Management has few staff to enforce regulations April 26, 2009.
on back country travel, and rock art vandalism is 2009b Vanishing Art: Pothunting and Skeleton
an ongoing problem. Far too many panels have Picnics in the American Southwest. Inside/
been shot at or scratched over. Outside Southwest, October 2009.
Hillerman, Tony
One site we visited, not as impressive as the
1988 A Thief of Time. Harper & Row, New York.
Buckhorn Panel but still possessing ancient
Barrier Canyon Rock Art, was beneath a small Kelen, Leslie, and David Sucec
cliff face at Molen Seep. For many yards the base 1996 Sacred Images: A Vision of Native Ameri-
of the cliff was covered in cow poop. I’d like to can Rock Art. Canyonlands Natural History
forget that afternoon but I can’t; just as I can’t Association. Moab, Utah.
forget the rare feeling of hiking into remote
canyons to discover 5,000 year-old paintings. Parker, Patricia (Editor)
Exploring the Southwest is why many of us live 1993 What You Do and How We Think. CRM
here, and yet personal self-discovery isn’t enough. (Cultural Resources Management) special issue.
We must advocate for public lands and do our
Parker, Patricia, and Thomas King
best to protect the natural and cultural treasures
1990 National Register Bulletin #38 Guidelines
we enjoy.
for Evaluating and Documenting Traditional
Cultural Properties. U.S. Department of the
I wrote a letter to the BLM. I told them I’m happy Interior, National Park Service, Interagency
to put on leather gloves and volunteer to string Resources Division. Washington, D.C.
fence at Molen Seep. No one ever replied.
Meanwhile, I keep thinking of those blood-red Walker, Deward
Barrier Canyon figures in the unnamed canyon 1988 American Indian Sacred Geography. Indian
wash. How much longer will they be safe? Affairs: Special Supplement—American Indian
Religious Freedom, 116:ii, vi-vii.
52
Abstracts of the Twenty-Ninth Annual
Symposium of the Utah Rock Art Research
Association in Cedar City, Utah,
October 9–12, 2009
Lawrence L. Loendorf Archaic and Older Petroglyphs on the High Plains
Over the past three decades, archaeologists have developed a good chronology for Archaic-age petroglyphs on the High
Plains. They have also been able to sort out differences in the types of figures associated with the Early Archaic, the
Middle Archaic and the Late Archaic. With this knowledge, it is possible to search for sites where Archaic petroglyphs are
superimposed on older petroglyphs, which by their superimposition are possibly Paleo-Indian in age. Several sites with
these ancient petroglyphs have been found on the High Plains. Somewhat surprisingly, the oldest petroglyphs are finely
incised abstract designs rather than the big game animals expected by many researchers. Animal scenes are much later on
the High Plains when they are associated with drive lines and surround sites.
Boma Johnson The Rock Art and Ancient Cultures of Southwestern Utah
Our understanding of Native American culture is changing rapidly as we broaden our studies of their visual communication
systems. In particular, Native American rock art is a prime source for research and learning what the Native Peoples
believe about the functions and intent of this form of their communication. This presentation investigates a set of issues,
which can shed light on the human side of rock art, making connections between the rock art and its makers. These are: (1)
Do Native Peoples still make rock art, and why? (2) Did Native Peoples make changes to their rock art in prehistoric
times; if so, why? (3) What are some of the influences of modern people on rock art, including ethnographic research,
learning directly from Tribal peoples, and even issues behind tribal conflict leading to site desecration? (4) What can we
learn about rock art from other forms of historic and modern Native American art?
Leticia A. Neal Fluid Frontiers: People, Pots and Rock Art Imagery
Southeastern Utah was occupied by groups for whom movement, “abandonment,” and reoccupation was a way of life.
Although the Fremont and the Anasazi are often conceptualized as distinct cultural traditions, underlying similarities in
lifeways are embodied in their use and conception of the landscape. The nature of Fremont and Anasazi interaction is
examined by presenting new data on rock art sites in conjunction with other lines of established archaeological evidence.
Typically, the Colorado River is used to demarcate the boundary between the Fremont and the Anasazi. Generally, Fremont
rock art styles and sites are located north of the Colorado River, while Anasazi rock art styles and sites are south of the
Colorado River. The distribution of Anasazi and Fremont sites, ceramics, and rock art imagery indicate a level of interaction,
suggesting a fluctuating border as people, pots, and rock art imagery moved across this frontier.
Caroline Merrell Exploring the Cave Valley Style
Cave Valley is a distinct style of rock art thought to have had its genesis in a cave located in Zion National Park. It is best
described as a humanoid figure constructed from six interconnected triangles. Variations on this theme include head
adornments, more naturalistic appendages and other body decoration. Little is known about the distribution of this style
element or its possible cultural affiliation. Research, currently in the initial stages of inquiry, is leading to a better
understanding of this design element, its variations, cultural affiliation and geographic distribution.
53
Farrel Lytle How Old are Petroglyphs?
The technique of chemically analyzing petroglyphs with the x-ray fluorescence technique (XRF) will be demonstrated to
be a reasonably accurate non-invasive dating method. It is simple in concept: measure the concentration of a target element,
usually manganese (Mn), on the glyph and on a non-varnished piece of the same kind of rock. Subtract the rock analysis
from the glyph analysis. The difference is due to the production of Mn by the growth of bacteria, which create desert
varnish. An age calibration was achieved by measuring matched XRF and cosmogenic isotope-dated surfaces over the
range of 5,000-40,000 BP. The accuracy of measured dates were compared with available dated surfaces: Cosmogenic
isotope-dated rocks, a C(14) dated basalt flow, re-varnished basalt boulders from the Bonneville Flood, the precision of
replicate measurements of the same glyphs and the archaeological context of dated petroglyphs. Over the range of 1,500
to 30,000 years BP a measured date of a glyph or of undisturbed desert varnish was demonstrated to be accurate to ± 30%
1 sigma. Photos of dated glyphs will illustrate changes in style and context with change in age. Dated glyphs in southern
Utah ranged from 1,000-10,000 BP.
James A. McNeil Making Lemonade: Using Graffiti to Date Petroglyphs
Graffiti, the curse of rock art researchers and enthusiasts, may provide assistance, albeit unintended, to the challenge of
rock art dating. The process of desert varnish patination concentrates manganese on the rock surface, which can be used
for dating. Lytle, et al. (2008) collected desert varnish samples in Utah and dated them using cosmogenic 10Be and 26Al
isotopic abundance and geological events. Using x-ray fluorescence (XRF), they also measured manganese levels in the
same samples, which allowed them to develop a Mn-vs-age calibration curve enabling them to date several petroglyphs in
the Coso area using field-based XRF measurements. In this work we also use XRF to measure Mn levels in the desert
varnish of re-patinated petroglyphs but attempt to use dated graffiti located on or near the petroglyphs for calibration. We
will describe our experimental and analysis procedures, report on preliminary measurements of Mn levels in several
petroglyphs and graffiti in the Moab and Bluff, Utah areas, discuss implications and limitations of the approach, and relate
our work to that of Lytle, et al.
Thomas Heyd The Case for Aesthetics and Rock Art Research
Only recently has there been a rediscovery in anthropology and archaeology of the importance of aesthetics and art.
Nonetheless, hardly any papers have appeared that directly discuss the aesthetics or the art status of rock art. In this paper
I argue that there are good prima facie reasons for pursuing the aesthetic consideration of these marks on rock despite the
prevailing trends. I point out that it is unnecessary to suppose that, for aesthetic appreciation, we have to ignore context,
and focus on some universal or ‘transcendental’ quality. It similarly is unnecessary to limit the term ‘art’ to those phenomena
that resemble those of the modern, European art tradition. Moreover, we need not know the intentions of the makers of
rock art in order to usefully approach such manifestations from the aesthetic point of view.
David Sucec Falling Lines; The Parallel Line Motif as a Defining Feature of the Barrier Canyon Style
Widespread among the Archaic Period rock art styles on the Colorado Plateau, the parallel line motif, is commonly called
a “rake” but, in the Barrier Canyon style, the lines are longer—more like a broom with incremental spacing—and most
often vertical. And it is this lengthy verticality, which makes the parallel line motif a defining feature of the Barrier
Canyon rock art style.
David Maxwell Update on Waterglyphs
Since 1997 a team of researchers have been conducting a survey of a particular series of ancient rock carvings on the
Arizona Strip. These glyphs cover an area of more than 2,000 square miles along the Utah, Arizona and Nevada borders.
These unique markings have been called WaterGlyphs, Ancient Navigation symbols, and even Traverse Glyphs. One
thing for certain is they exist and there are now (fall of 2009) over 320 of these glyphs found, documented, and analyzed.
An update on the research, findings, and statistics groupings of the glyphs will be shared.
54
Bernie Jones Anthropomorphized Crook Images
Fragments of Chemehuevi ethnography tell of a crooked staff being a spirit, speaking to its owner and “having a life of its
own.” Traditional Pima creation narratives speak of ancestral Hohokam deities and their crooked canes. These canes were
able to fly and some had “eyes like a person.” Echoes of these oral traditions are found at Acoma Pueblo where crooked
staffs are felt to be animate, and at Jemez Pueblo, where the combination of crooks and prayer sticks used to “pull down
the rain,” have male and female faces. A number of rock art panels scattered throughout the American west provide visual
confirmation that similar stories were transmitted, understood and illustrated by cultures considerably older than those
found in the existing ethnographic record. This paper explores an amazingly similar, widespread, pattern of
anthropomorphized crook motifs. These rock art images give the impression that the crooks are indeed animated and
involved in a life of their own.
Steven J. Waller Voices Carry: Whisper Galleries and X-rated Echo Myths of Utah
Be careful what you say in the canyons of Utah. Acoustic experiments at many rock art sites have revealed that petroglyphs
and pictographs are typically located at places with unusually strong sound reflection. Indeed, one recently discovered
rock art site in Arch Canyon, UT, was found via echolocation. Examples are given of rock art sites at which voices carry
for unexpectedly long distances: whisper galleries and other echo focusing effects. Such complex auditory phenomena
were considered to have supernatural causes, and echo spirits were believed to dwell within the rocks. Great Basin mythology
will be presented that includes tales of echo spirits in which sexual content is integral to the storyline.
Galal Gough Lightning and Native American Rock Art
The Introduction will provide ethnographic sources for Native American fascination with lightning, including quotes
from Where Lightning Strikes, by Peter Nabokov. Then five petroglyph sites associated with lightning strikes will be
illustrated, with two in Arizona – at Sear’s Point and Painted Rock along the Gila River – and three in Utah – the Warner
Valley Gargoyle or Big Bear Site and the Snow Canyon Pyramid Rock Site, both in the greater St. George area; and the
Desert Mountain Site, south of fringes in Arizona, and cloud terrace depictions with rain, rainbow and lightning in New
Mexico will be featured, along with other lightning power symbols in Arizona and Southern California.
Michael Firnhaber Experiencing Rock Art: A Phenomenological Investigation
Rock art is emplaced. Sites are fixed permanently to the land, and exist today in the very same places chosen by ancient
artists. As such, a visit to a rock art site is much more than a visual affair. Going to a rock art site is a visceral, embodied
experience. This study systematically explores how Barrier Canyon Style rock art is (and was) experienced, and works
towards a better understand of the relationships between the rock art, the landscape, and the people who produced and
consumed the sites and their images.
Richard Jenkinson Rock Art on an Ancient Migratory Route
This presentation will report on the relationship between rock art and landscape along a proposed migration route in the
Canyonlands area. The fifty miles of canyons that I have studied this year contain over 100 rock art sites. In hiking the
sites I have been able to draw some preliminary conclusions about how the rock art is experienced as people move through
the canyons and about relationships between rock art, geology and landscape.
Jesse Warner The Enigma of Fish Creek Cove
Previous analyses of the rock art at Fish Creek Cove have been a disappointment in relating what it is all about. There are
three areas of misconceptions. First, is the “acephalous” nature of the line of eight animals. Second, is who created them,
and third is what they may have represented. At the site it is obvious that they are not acephalous. They do have heads, but
are not what we would normally expect. What is there is a clue to their mystique. Evidence suggests that they were not
produced by the Barrier Canyon Style as most suggest. And lastly, there is a significant amount of evidence suggesting
that they do not represent a simple drive setting or butcher shop. The evidence points in the direction of esoteric and
possible rites of initiation. In presenting the evidence for these conclusions we will also consider the importance and care
of one’s own personal observations and comparative analyses over using the research of others as an accurate assessment
of what the situation really is.
55
V. Garth Norman From Petroglyph “Doodles” to a Rich Archive: Breaking the Parowan Gap Code through
Archaeological Context
Archaeology context is difficult to establish for petroglyph sites. The Parowan Gap Archaeological Project (1993-2003) in
southwestern Utah is exceptional in this regard. A matching ISTEA grant from the Federal Highways supported ARCON’s
consulting contract for Parowan City and Iron County. The research design maximized data collection for petroglyph
interpretation in seven tasks: existing records search, ethnography survey, remote sites comparison, excavation for historic
cultural context, petroglyphs recording, 1800 acre sites survey, and archaeoastronomy survey for calendar observatory
sites. Engineering design plans proposed preservation enhancement construction. The major achievement of the project
was full documentation of a sophisticated calendar observatory within a cosmic wilderness temple center, along with
significant petroglyph interpretation, and cultural ties to the Southwest and Mesoamerica.
Nal Morris The Path of Discovery to Parowan Gap
The calendar discovered at Parowan does not stand alone. Computer modeling of solar motion at Rochester Creek strongly
implied an octant calendar that divided the year and solar motion at five key date alignments. Would this calendar be
supported by other sites? There were two problems: It required a post in front of the panel. But - it was too neat to go away!
Numbers, legend and alignments reeked of intelligent design. The “Path of Discovery” started with the “Great Balloon Fly
at Mussentuchit,” fun, but no support found. The Medicine Wheel at Freestone Ranch was supporting but not conclusive.
The Clifford Rayle Octant Calendar at Comb Ridge gave us a post hole but very mysterious. Great support came from
Grapevine Canyon, Nevada. Things were looking up. And finally gratification with the “Ninth Symphony” of the all
octant calendars confirmed by many, many correlations, solar and lunar, and Venusion at Parowan Gap.
Arthur Cloutier Four Rock Art Panels in Western Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument
The panels to be described are accessible from Highway 89 in southern Utah. The discussion will include comments about
style, age, cultural affiliation, and archeoastronomy for panels, which are in danger of being damaged because of the
increasing visitation to the national monument. Access issues currently in litigation with BLM and Kane County will be
briefly described. These panels are all mentioned and briefly described by Michael Kelsey in Hiking and Exploring the
Paria River. They are The Big Horn Panel on Deer Creek, Starlight Cave in Starlight Canyon, and two unnamed panels at
the confluence of Starlight Canyon and Paria River which contain several historic signatures as will as pecked rock art.
Sunday Evening Community Lecture - Heritage Center
Andrew Gulliford Preserving Sacred Native American Landscapes
From his ongoing research and book Sacred Objects & Sacred Places: Preserving Tribal Traditions, Dr. Andrew Gulliford
will present an illustrated slide lecture defining humanities issues in the Southwest connected to preserving archaeological
and cultural landscapes. He will discuss ten categories of sacred sites, including rock art, and also explain why the United
States needs a national cultural export law to restrict ongoing vandalism and pothunting. Dr. Gulliford will address the
federal laws and executive orders, which protect Native American sacred landscapes. He will also use a case study approach
to discuss contemporary issues related to oil and gas development in the American West and the need to re-define what
constitutes an archaeological site in favor of a broader definition of archaeological landscapes.
This program received funding from the Utah Humanities Council. The Utah Humanities Council promotes understanding
of diverse traditions, values and ideas through informed public discussion.
56
Addenda
Manning: Black Rock Man: Unique Characteristics of Anthropomorphic Images in the
Western Great Basin That Divide the Fremont Into Two Ideological Regions
Steven J. Manning
BLACK ROCK MAN: UNIQUE CHARACTERISTICS OF ANTHROPOMORPHIC IMAGES IN
THE EASTERN GREAT BASIN THAT DIVIDE THE FREMONT INTO TWO IDEOLOGICAL REGIONS
Archaeologists use inherent physical character- there is a precedent for naming a particular type
istics called attributes to define and characterize of image after a location where it occurs. In
prehistoric cultures. One of these cultural at- southeastern Nevada there is a type of anthro-
tributes is rock art. Archaeologists, however, have pomorph that has been named the Pahrana-
seldom used rock art as a component to define gat Man after features in the area, such as the
a culture, or even an intra-cultural boundary. Pahranagat Mountain Range, Pahranagat Val-
Probably the most notable occasion when this ley, Pahranagat Wash, Pahranagat Lake, etc.
rare event occurred was when Noel Morss, an ar- (Stoney 1991).
chaeologist from Harvard University, included
Utah rock art in his description of how the Fre- RELATIONSHIP TO FUGITIVE
mont cultural region differed from that of the gen- PIGMENT ANTHROPOMORPHS
eral southwest (Morss 1931). Morss noted that
the rock art in central Utah was unique and was The collection of images of the Black Rock Man
characteristic of a distinctive society, which he type was identified following a paper I presented
named the Fremont after the Fremont River drain- at the URARA symposium in 1993 (Manning
age in central Utah where he was excavating sites. 2004) in which I defined Fugitive Pigment Anthro-
He stated that this rock art was, “among its most pomorphs. Fugitive Pigment Anthropomorphs
interesting antiquities” (1931:34). are images of human-like figures that were cre-
ated with pigment that was relatively short-lived
This paper reports on a study of Fremont images when compared to other pigments. Substances that
in the eastern Great Basin (western Utah and east- were used to create these images were clay, char-
ern Nevada) where attributes of certain rock art coal, and apparently organic pigments derived
images define a broad division of the Fremont principally from plants. Other materials could also
culture. This division separates the Fremont into have been used. The use of clay and charcoal pig-
two distinct ideological regions—one on each ments is evident from images found in caves
side of the Wasatch Mountains. (The Wasatch where no erosion has taken place and those im-
Mountains run north and south almost through ages that were covered over with mud, which has
the center of Utah.) now eroded away revealing traces of these origi-
nal pigments. Following the creation of the body
The rock art attributes that define this division of these anthropomorphs, features such as eyes,
consist of a dispersed collection of anthropo- mouths, necklaces, bracelets, hair ties, etc., were
morphs that have similar features that distin- made by pecking or abrading away the pigment.
guish them from others in surrounding areas. The This action also exposed the underlying rock,
greatest numbers of these anthropomorphs occur which created a contrasting and easily distin-
in the Black Rock Deserts of eastern Utah. They guished feature. Sometimes portions of the im-
also most often occur on black volcanic rock, i.e., ages were outlined by abrading away what was
basalt. In addition, most of the anthropomorphs likely an uneven edge that was created when the
appear to be male. (These topics are discussed in pigment was initially applied to the rock. This abrad-
detail below.) Because of these characteristics, I ing produced a clean and distinct edge and gave
have named this type of anthropomorph, the the images a highlighted and three-dimensional
Black Rock Man. This is supportable because appearance.
59
Figure 2. Distribution
of the Black Rock Man
images in the Black
Rock Deserts of
western Utah. More
than one site may be
covered by one dot.
Figure 1. The yellow area of the map shows the ure 1 by the National Forest lands, which are
distribution of fugitive pigment anthropomorphs.
shown as the green areas. The boundaries of the
The distribution of the Fremont Culture, as
fugitive pigment anthropomorphs are the
demonstrated by Fremont ceramics, is shown as
an overlay in gray. The green area is National Wasatch Mountains on the west, the Uintah moun-
Forest land. tains on the North, and the Colorado Rockies on
the east. The extent of the fugitive pigment
When the fugitive pigments eroded, all that was anthropomorphs in the south has not been deter-
left of the anthropomorphs were the pecked or mined; however, they do not seem to be present
abraded portions. The entire body of a fugitive south of the Anasazi cultural boundary. It is im-
pigment anthropomorph is sometimes visible portant to note that the distribution of fugitive
when the image was created on a patinated sur- pigment anthropomorphs suggests that the cul-
face. When this occurred, the formation of pa- tural affiliations of the images are both Fremont
tination beneath the pigment was terminated. and Anasazi.
Meanwhile, the patination continued to form and
darken the surface surrounding the image. When As stated above, the discovery of the fugitive pig-
the pigment eroded away, the image became vis- ment anthropomorphs led to the discovery of the
ible as a silhouette. Black Rock Man images in western Utah. This
occurred as follows. Since fugitive pigment
A detailed study of many thousands of images in anthropomorphs, of which there are many hun-
seven states determined that the fugitive pigment dreds if not thousands, are all (with only one
anthropomorphs, with only one exception, exist known exception) located east of the Wasatch
in the Colorado Plateau. The yellow area in Fig- Mountain range, two questions arose. One: is there
ure 1 shows the distribution of the fugitive pig- a characteristic in the rock art west of the Wasatch
ment images. The gray area is the distribution of Mountain range that is unique to that particular
the Fremont Culture, as demonstrated by Fremont region. And two: is that characteristic also a distinc-
ceramics. tive type of anthropomorph with unique features?
It became apparent that the boundaries of the In an attempt to answer these questions, I exam-
Fugitive Pigment Anthropomorphs are ranges ined photographs of the rock art sites in western
of mountains. This is generally indicated in Fig- Utah. I thereby discovered the existence of a
60
dispersed collection of anthropomorphic im- DEFINITIONS AND EXAMPLES

ages that were located only in the eastern Great
Basin—the Black Rock Man type. Their locations The Black Rock Desert is the name of a semi-
are shown in Figure 2. arid area in western Utah that contains outcrops
of black volcanic rock. This black volcanic rock
The significance of this discovery is that that rock originated from volcanoes, cinder cones, and lava
art in western Utah substantiates the division of flows. The Black Rock Desert on Utah maps
the Fremont Culture, which was shown to exist ranges from a little north of Delta, Utah, to a little
by the existence of fugitive pigment anthro- south of Cedar City, Utah. The area contains
pomorphs. The two different types of anthro- Utah’s most recent volcanic activity, which oc-
pomorphs, confined in their two relative areas, curred about 600 years ago. For the purposes of
offer definitive evidence of the existence of two this discussion and to facilitate a characterization
different Fremont ideologies, which were sepa- of the images and their environment, the term
rated by a geographic feature—the Wasatch Back Rock Deserts is used here. I define Back
Mountain Range. Rock Deserts as the arid lands on the western side
of the Wasatch Mountains that contain volcanic
BLACK ROCK MAN TYPE SITES activity. This area of volcanic activity runs from
Idaho to Arizona on the eastern edge of the Great
The defining characteristics of the Black Rock Basin. The following is a description of fourteen
Man type images are not entirely a unique physi- examples of anthropomorphs with specific fea-
cal form of a particular anthropomorph. They in- tures that define the Black Rock Man and illus-
clude different, but typical Fremont anthropomor- trate the premise of this paper.
phic variations that are found intermingled over
a wide area. There are also some limited distribu- Example One. I have somewhat subjectively
tions of unique depictions of human images within chosen one image that appears to be a “type site”
this broad area. The principal, but not exclusive, for the Black Rock Man. This figure is located in
defining characteristic of these images are the unique Millard County, which is near the center of the
objects held in the hands of the anthropomorphs. Black Rock Desert. Figure 3 is a photograph of the
image. A sketch of the image is shown in Figure 4.
These images, taken as a whole, are an integral
part of the prehistoric Fremont Culture of west- The defining characteristics of this anthro-
ern Utah, as shown by their extensive distribu- pomorph are that both arms are upraised and the
tion (see Figure 2). They range from near the Idaho figure is holding a particular object in each hand.
border in the north to near Cedar City in the south. In the image’s right hand is an object represented
East to west they range from the western base of by a long broad line that is intersected by short
the Wasatch Mountains westward to at least the broad lines that taper to a point on both sides of
Utah-Nevada border. The western extent of these the long line. There are five short lines on each
images is uncertain. (It will be interesting to see if side of the long line and they are nearly oppo-
future research determines whether they are found site each other. The lower end of the long line ap-
west of the boundaries of the Fremont Culture.) pears to have a pointed feature attached to it, which
presents the appearance of a spear. The figure ap-
The uniqueness and distribution of the Black Rock pears to be holding the object near the end just
Man images, to be discussed below, demonstrates above the spear, and it is holding it high in the air,
that the Fremont in western Utah possessed sig- partly over its head. In the figure’s left hand there
nificantly different cultural beliefs or practices is a crescent shaped object, with five short lines
than the Fremont in eastern Utah. protruding from the convex edge. These short
61
Figure 3. Photograph
of a petroglyph in
Utah’s Black Rock
Desert, Millard
County that typifies
the Black Rock Man
type image.
Figure 4. Sketch of
the anthropomorph
shown in Figure 3
lines appear to be the tips of the fingers of the woman, since hostile actions exhibiting superior
hand holding the crescent-shaped object. This, strength (note the horns) were most typically a
however, may or may not be a correct interpreta- man’s realm. Other anthropomorphs in the east-
tion, because similar objects that are held in the ern Great Basin appear with similar objects held
hands of other anthropomorphs have more than in their hands, and occasionally with a few other
five short projecting lines, so they might not rep- objects as well.
resent fingers. This object is held up in the air as
well. The anthropomorph also has what appear to Example Two. A somewhat similar anthropo-
be horns on its head, and there is a pendant at- morph is found farther to the west in the Black
tached to each side of the head, which probably Rock Desert. It is illustrated in Figure 5 and a
represents an ear pendant, or perhaps, less prob- sketch of it is shown in Figure 6. The image is not
ably, hair ties. as well made as the anthropomorph in the previ-
ous example, or those that follow. This may be
The nature of the physical objects that are being the result of a hurried portrayal of the image and/
held in the anthropomorph’s hands are uncertain; or the skill of the artesan. This anthropomorph is
however, since they are held high by upraised holding an implement somewhat similar to the
arms and the figure’s legs are spread wide, the one shown in Figures 3 and 4. This implement is
attitude of the figure suggests a threatening stance. similarly represented by a long vertical line with
If this interpretation were correct, the implements a row of short horizontal lines intersecting it.
would appear to be weapons. This further sug- Notice that the figure is holding this object in its
gests that the image is one of a man and not a left hand, as opposed to the figure shown in ex-
,,,
Figure 5. Another Figure 6. A sketch of

image shown holding the anthropomorph
objects in both hands. shown in Figure 5.
62
ample one, which is holding the object in its right Example Three. Figure 7 is a photograph of an
hand. Furthermore, both objects are held in the image that is located at the Devils Kitchen site
air, but not as high. near Milford, Utah. Unfortunately, the panel is
weathered and indistinct. Figure 8 is part of a field
In the anthropomorph’s right hand there is an ob- sketch I made when the site was re-documented
ject that has short lines protruding from its con- in 2006 as part of the BLM’s National Public
vex side. These lines are somewhat similar to Lands Day (Haines and McCarthy 2006). The fig-
those shown in Figures 4 and 5, but the object is ure is holding in its left hand what might be a
not exactly a crescent shape. Instead, it is some- crescent or oval shaped object with small projec-
what of a rounded triangular shape with outward tions on one side, similar to those described above.
curving sides, round edges, and it has about seven This object is so indistinct that its form is not
short lines protruding from the top of it. There clearly discernable. In its right hand is a some-
are two unpecked areas on the interior of the ob- what triangular object that has two interior
ject. The shape of the object and the two unpecked unpecked areas, similar to the one shown in ex-
areas present the appearance of a head with hair ample one (Figure 5). There are other appurte-
and large eyes; however, this interpretation is en- nances to the head, waist and arm.
tirely subjective and likely not what was intended
by the artisan, given the portrayal of similar ob- Example Four. Figures 9 and 10 show another
jects. This object is attached to the hand of the image at the Devils Kitchen site. It is in a more
figure with a long broad line. The anthropomorph protected location in the basalt outcrop, so it has
has horns on its head, as did the image in example not suffered the full effects of weathering and thus
one. The legs of this figure are also positioned it is more distinct. The figure has a tapering body
similarly to the image in example one, in that they that is crisscrossed with sloping lines. In its left
are spread wide, and both are pointing in the same hand, it holds an object illustrated by a long line
direction. Notice that the image in Figure 5 is also to which is attached five or six short lines on the
lighter in color than other images in the panel and lower side. In its right hand, it holds an object
that there is additional superimposition of other that is somewhat of an oval that has five curving
lighter images, which indicates that this image and lines attached to the side away from the
the others were created later. anthropomorph. The anthropomorph also appears
Figure 8. Sketch of anthropomorph in Figure 7.

Because this image is so indistinct, this sketch
should be considered only as an approximation of
Figure 7. Anthropomorph from the Devils Kitchen the image. Not all of the detail surrounding this
site near Fillmore, Utah. image is shown in this sketch.
63
Figure 9. A more distinct

anthropomorph from the
Devils Kitchen site near
Fillmore, Utah.
Figure 10. Sketch of an

anthropomorph from the
Devils Kitchen site. All
images and features in the
panel is not shown here.
to have horns, similar to those described above.
A pendant is attached to the base of each horn.
Example Five. Figure 11 is a photograph of an

image that is likely the most well known of the
anthropomorphs of the type illustrated here. It is
located in Sevier County in Fremont Indian State
Park. This anthropomorph also has horns and it
holds an object in its left hand that is a slightly
curving line with short pointed lines attached to
each side, similar to others described above. In
its right hand is an object somewhat similar to
that shown in examples two and three (Figures
5–8). The object contains two unpecked areas and
there are four short broad lines attached to it. The
legs have a broad stance but feet are not illus-
Figure 11 . A well-known and often photographed
trated. Notice that this anthropomorph has horns anthropomorph in Fremont Indian State Park,
and perhaps broad shoulders. Utah.
Example Six. The panel shown in Figure 12 is

located in Sevier County in the Clear Creek drain-
age. The panel contains an anthropomorph that
has a crescent shaped object in each hand. One
crescent is held up in the air and the other is held
out from the body. In the other images described
above the presence of a horned headdress is
assumed. In this panel, however, the horns, if
they are horns, appear to be depicted as a remov-
able headdress.
Example Seven. Figure 13 is located in Sevier

County in central Utah near the town of Richfield.
The anthropomorphs are pictographs. Figure 14
is a sketch of one of the figures. Basalt outcrops
Figure 12. An anthropomorph along the Clear
are nearby, so it is still in the region of the Black Creek drainage holding a crescent shaped object
Rock Deserts. The anthropomorph on the right in each hand.
64
*
Figure 13. The anthropomorph on the right is
holding objects in its hand similar to those
described in earlier examples.
Figure 14. Sketch of

anthropomorph
shown in Figure 13.
side of the panel holds in its left hand an object broad lines both above and below it, which are
that is somewhat triangular in shape and is simi- similar to those illustrated in examples one, two
lar to others described above; however, there are and five (Figures 3–6 and 11). In its left hand is
no unpainted areas inside of the object. In its an object that is similar to the one in the figure’s
right hand it holds an object shown by a long line right hand, but much shorter—there appear to be
from which are attached seven or eight short lines at least two vertical parallel lines bisecting a short
along its upper side. Notice that in example four horizontal line. There may have been more verti-
(Figures 9 and 10) the short lines are attached to cal lines; however, the area has been eroded and
the lower side of the long line. exfoliated so evidence of pigment is questionable.
The anthropomorph has horns and accentuated
Example Eight. Figure 15 is a photograph of a shoulders. The waist is narrowed and the hips
red painted anthropomorph located in northwest- flare directly out from the waist. This style of illus-
ern Utah. Figure 16 is a sketch of the image. It is trating anthropomorphs is found in several pan-
located southwest of Salt Lake City, in Tooele els in the area, suggesting that they were all made
County. In the anthropomorph’s right hand is an by a single person or small group of people who
object illustrated by a horizontal broad line with lived here. The image displays an impression of
Figure 15. This pictograph is southwest of Salt Figure 16. Sketch of anthropomorph shown in
Lake City, in Tooele County. Notice the Figure 15. Erosion of the image makes accurate
accentuated physical form of the image. sketching difficult.
65
S
r-a 0
Figure 18. Sketch of panel shown in Figure 17. The
figure is weathered and indistinct so this sketch
Figure 17. Anthropomorph with crescent shaped should not be considered an accurate reproduc-
object in its left hand.. tion of the image.
superior strength, as if depicting a fearsome person- of the Great Salt Lake. This image holds in each
age. These characteristics and the nature of the ob- hand an object represented by a long vertical line
jects held in the hands of this figure again suggest a with shorter lines bisecting it. Note the similarity
male and a male dominated activity like warfare. to the anthropomorph in Figure 16. Here again
the objects are held in outstretched arms. The
Example Nine. Figure 17 is a short distance from object in the figure’s right hand appears to have
Figure 15. The sketch in Figure 18 shows the four short lines bisecting it, and there is per-
image more clearly. In this anthropomorph’s left haps a hook-like attachment at the bottom. Per-
hand is a crescent-shaped object that has a row of haps this is in some way related to the spear-like
short lines projecting from it, which is similar to attachment at the bottom of the object shown
those shown above. Note that there are too many in example one (Figures 3 and 4). The figure’s
short lines attached to the object for them to rep- left hand holds an object that has five horizon-
resent fingers. This suggests that the short lines tal bisecting lines. It is holding it so that there
in the similar images shown above do not repre- are three lines above the hand and two below it.
sent fingers. In its right hand, there appears to be The image also appears to have horns on its head
a wavy club-like object. Notice also that this or a headdress indicative of horns. These horns
anthropomorph has horns on its head. are different from all those discussed above be-
cause they have an unpecked area inside. Note
Example Ten. Figures 19 and 20 are in Box El- that parts of the figure are obscured by lichens.
der County, which is in northwestern Utah north
Figure 19. This panel is in Box Elder County in Figure 20. Sketch of the anthropomorph shown in
northwestern Utah north of the Great Salt Lake. Figure 19.
66
In the figure’s right hand is a somewhat circular

object with short broad lines descending from the
bottom of it and a narrower and shorter set of lines
above it. It has a small pecked-out area in the cen-
ter. In the figure’s left hand is an object depicted
by two somewhat-triangular objects connected to
the figure’s hand and to each other by a curving
line. This object appears similar to a bola (bo-
las)—a cord with weights attached to the ends for
throwing at and entangling an animal or a per-
son. If that identification is correct, this might also
suggest warfare. There are also two lines protrud-
ing vertically from the figure’s head that may rep-
resent horns. Notice that the body also contains
sloping lines similar to those shown in Figure 9.
Example Thirteen. Figure 24 is a photograph of

an anthropomorph located in San Pete County
near the town of Gunnison, Utah. In its upraised
Figure 21. This anthropomorph from Box Elder
left arm it appears to be holding an object similar
County appears to be holding a crescent in both
to the one shown in Figure 16. It consists of two
hands.
broad lines close together. In its right hand, there
Example Eleven. Figure 21 is at the same site as is an object that is difficult to determine because
Figure 19. It appears to hold a crescent shaped of weathering. It appears to be a short, slightly
object in each hand. These objects are similar to curving line at right angles to the arm. This
those in the Clear Creek panel (Figure 12). No- anthropomorph also has large curving pointed
tice that both arms are upraised. This figure does horns on its head.
not have horns.
Example Fourteen. Figure 25 is located in Box
Example Twelve. Figure 22 is a photograph of Elder County near the Idaho State line. It is the
an anthropomorph recently located in Millard northernmost Black Rock Man. Figure 26 is a
County. Figure 23 is a digitally enhanced image. sketch of the figure. The anthropomorph has large
Figure 22. Anthropomorph in the Black Rock Figure 23. This figure has been digitally enhanced
Desert, Millard County by the author to more clearly show the details
67
dispersed collection of anthropomorphs that have

characteristics which appear to be unique to that
region. These images are holding distinctive ob-
jects in their hands. These objects are generally
of two types. First is a long, often vertical line,
generally intersected by short lines on one or both
sides, which occasionally taper to a point. Sec-
ond, is a crescent, or somewhat crescent-shaped
object. These crescent shaped objects often have
a row of short lines projecting from their convex
side. Occasionally two interior adjacent un-
modified areas are present that suggest the de-
piction of eyes. There are also a few other objects
held in the hands of these anthropomorphs. Often
Figure 24. An anthropomorph located in San Pete these human figures have horn headdresses
County near the town of Gunnison, Utah appears or lines attached to the head that suggest horns.
to also be holding an implement in its upraised Occasionally there are pendants on both sides of
arm. the head.
horns and it appears to be holding a short curved
line in both its right and left hands. The object in If the objects portrayed in the panels represent
its right hand has mostly been lost to erosion. actual physical objects, then there must have been
a physical purpose for their existence. Several
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS characteristics in the images themselves and in
the way they are portrayed suggest that they are
I have demonstrated here that there exists on the physical weapons. It is not evident whether these
western side of the Wasatch Mountain range a objects were used offensively or defensively.
Figure 25. is located in Box Elder County near the

Idaho State line. The image with long horns
appears to be holding a short curved object in
both of its hands.
Figure 26. Field sketch of image shown in Figure

25.
68
Some of the characteristics of these objects that questionably, rock art demonstrates that the Fre-
suggest conflict are: mont existed in two separate socially bounded
1. Many implements are held in upraised arms in a environments. The high and extensive Wasatch Moun-
posture that appears to be portraying a threaten- tain range that divides the two regions may have
ing gesture. been responsible for this diversification by limiting
2. Some implements have the appearance of having contact and interactions to a short summer season.
sharp ends, which would increase their effective-
ness as weapons. A search for physical objects in the archaeologi-
3. Some of the anthropomorphs holding the objects cal literature and in museums that might corre-
have exaggerated muscular features. spond to the depictions in the images has not yet
4. All but one of the anthropomorphs shown here been conducted. Information about the number
have horns or two lines attached to the head that and distribution of these images in the Black Rock
could represent horns, which perhaps represent Desert near Fillmore is a recent development due
animalistic strength. Several Native Americans to the archaeological surveys that were conducted
have explained to me that horns represent power. in 2003 in the Milford Flat Fire Rehabilitation
Expanding that meaning to images created a thou- Project conducted for the BLM on about 200,000
sand years ago has to be considered speculative, acres of wildfire burned land. Other images with
but it is possible nonetheless since these images these characteristics exist in this area, but I have
may have been created late in the Fremont pe- not had the opportunity to visit them. I have only
riod. seen photographs of the images – they are not
included in this report; however, their locations
The distribution of these objects and their con- are shown in Figure 2.
text in prehistory has notable significance. They
have been found only on the western side of the It is interesting to note that over 50 years ago
Wasatch Mountains. This is the region where it Jennings, et al. (1956) designated the area east of
has been proposed that Numic people (Shoshone) the Wasatch Mountains as Fremont and the area
arrived in Utah from the southwest. The appear- to the west of the mountains as Sevier Fremont.
ance of these weapons (if that is what they are) in It was not too long after this date that the Fre-
Fremont imagery in this region seems to suggest mont was divided into various other regions by
that there was conflict when these two cultures other scholars; for example, Marwitt (1970), be-
encountered each other. ing likely the most well known, divided the Fre-
mont into five regional variants. Now, with rock
Of course, it is also possible that this interpreta- art as a source of new information, we are back to
tion is incorrect and that the objects are abstract Jennings original conclusion – there are two ma-
or ceremonial in nature. Whether these objects jor divisions of the Fremont. The division is, of
are physical weapons or not, or whether they are course, an ideological division.
abstract or ceremonial or not, their distribution
and their relative uniformity over nearly all of It is important to note that the Black Rock Man
western Utah (along with their absence in eastern images provide important information about arti-
Utah) indicates that a difference in ideologies facts. Archeologists also study artifacts to explain
existed between the people on opposite sides of prehistoric human behavior. Rock art has been,
the Wasatch Mountain Range. Even if these objects, in a large measure, neglected in this regard. The
and the way they are portrayed, are not indicative typical artifact excavated from a Fremont site (ce-
of any of these ideas, then they certainly suggest ramics, baskets, lithics, etc.) does not typically
a substantial difference in some type of activity, directly identify or characterize the ideological
which still indicates a difference in ideologies. Un- aspects of prehistoric human behavior. A crescent
69
shaped object or an implement like those de- eastern Utah. If you know of any others, I would
scribed above buried in the ground is no longer in like to receive information about them so that a
the actual context that it was in while it was be- clearer picture of their distribution, differences and
ing used. Although there may be some important context can be obtained.
information gained from an object’s buried con-
text, when the object is depicted in the context of REFERENCES CITED
its actual use, as in what is popularly called rock
art, there exists a significantly greater amount of Haines, Misti, and Joelle McCarthy
information about it. Rock art has the potential to 2006 The Use of 3-D Laser Scanning in Mapping
a Petroglyph Site. Utah Archeology 2006, pp.
determine more information about how the arti-
29– 36.
fact was used and to provide a glimpse into the
ideology surrounding its use. Rock art can thus Jennings, Jesse D., Erick K. Reed, James B. Griffin,
be used to identify and define prehistoric ideolo- Charles Kelley, Clement W Meighan, Joe Ben
gies and equally as important, define the physical Wheat, and Dee C. Tayler.
boundaries of these ideologies, and likely how and 1956 The American Southwest: A Problem in
why they changed over time. Cultural Isolation. In Seminars in Archaeology:
1955, pp 59–128, edited by R. Wauchope.
Rock art also provides an opportunity to deter- Memoirs of the Society of American Archaeol-
mine precisely where a specific individual lived ogy, number 11, Salt Lake City, Utah.
or traveled (or a close-knit small group of people),
Manning, Steven J.
during the period when he, she, or they were cre- 2004 The Fugitive Pigment Anthropomorphs of
ating specific types of images. This determina- Eastern Utah: A Shared Cultural Trait Indicating
tion is possible because different individuals have a Temporal relationship. In Utah Rock Art, vol-
different artistic attributes characterized by fac- ume 23, edited by Steven J. Manning, pp. 61–
tors such as artistic skills, interpretation of cur- 177. Utah Rock Art Research Association, Salt
rent ideologies, modes of expression, etc. This Lake City, Utah.
uniqueness also allows even a finer characteriza-
tion of how ideologies were distributed across the Marwitt, John P.
1970 Median Village and Fremont Cultural
prehistoric landscape and, more imprecisely at the
Regional Variation. University of Utah Anthro-
present date, how they moved through time. Once
pological Papers, number 95. Salt Lake City.
we understand that these differences exist and can
be identified, then we can attempt to understand Morss, Noel
and study them. This is one reason why all “rock 1931 The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River
art” must be preserved. We do not know today in Utah; Report on the Explorations under the
what may be important tomorrow. Claflin-Emerson Fund, 1928-29. Papers of the
Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and
As a final point: the data presented here is not Ethnology, volume 12, number 3, Harvard
intended to suggest that the Black Rock Man fig- University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
ures are the only rock art images that are unique
Stoney, Stephen A.
to the western side of the Wasatch Mountains. 1991 Has the Pahranagat Man Passed Your Way?
Further research will likely discover other types In Utah Rock Art, Volume 11, edited by B. Jane
or classes of imagery that exist only in this re- Bush and Sarah Bush, Section 12, pp. 1–8. Utah
gion. Certainly there are more of these Black Rock Rock Art Research Association, Salt Lake City,
Man images in western Utah and eastern Nevada Utah.
than I have seen. Perhaps there are even a few in
70
McNeil, L: Hopi Hu Katsina Iconography in Rock Art and Material Culture:
Tracing the Avian Solar Deity From Formative Mesoamerica!
Lynda D. McNeil
HOPI HU KATSINA ICONOGRAPHY IN ROCK ART
AND MATERIAL CULTURE: TRACING THE AVIAN
SOLAR DEITY FROM FORMATIVE MESOAMERICA©
According to Hopi oral traditions, clans from culturally inherited along with maize agriculture,
central Mexico brought katsinam, ancient spreading temporally and geo-graphically to
guardian spirits, with them to the Colorado Plateau populations representing various archaeological
(Ferguson and Lowa’omvaya 1999:79, Table 6; cultures on the Colorado Plateau.
Kealiinohomoku 1989:52–53; Lyons 2003;
Nequatewa 1967). Jane Young and other scholars MESOAMERICAN MAIZE RELIGION 1
point out striking similarities between Puebloan (OVERVIEW)
and Mesoamerican ideology and iconography,
including “anthropomorphized deities” depicted I am arguing that this previous body of work
on pottery and rock art with the Katsina Cult, ca. overlooks the congruence of Western Puebloan
A.D. 1300 (Young 1994:107–108, check her anthropomorphized deity iconography depicted
references). However, to date they support the in multiple media with that of the Old Uto-
claim that evidence of precursors of kachinas and Aztecan (UA) Flower World Complex (Hill
their iconography have not been identified in the 1992). Originating in the western coastal Sierra
rock art of the Colorado Plateau (Schaafsma Madre Occidental corridor, the UA Flower World
1994:65; Schaafsma and Schaafsma 1974). Complex adapted a pan-regional Formative
Alternatively, some scholars present limited Otomanguean (“Olmec”) maize religion that
evidence that populations in the Southwest diffused from Central Mexico ca. 1500 B.C.
represented “anthropomorphized deities” in Moreover, the reason scholars have not recog-
pottery and rock art before the Kachina Cult, ca. nized anthropomorphized deities (katsinam) in
A.D. 1300s (Crown 1994:218; also see Anderson Ancestral Puebloan material culture on the
1955; Cole 1996, 2009; Ellis and Hammack 1968; Colorado Plateau is due to their having undergone
Parsons 1933, 1936; Thompson 1994). meme mutations over time.
Expanding upon Hays-Gilpin and Hill’s (1999, From Formative western “Olmec” culture (Central
2000) Uto-Aztecan (UA) Flower World Complex Mexico), anthropomorphized deity2 iconography
research, this paper attempts to extend the (specifically, maize, sun-eagle, and rain-bird
database of Flower World iconography to include wing) diffused by way of Southern Uto-Aztecan
one of several anthropomorphized deities (SUA) and Ancestral Hopi immigrants to the
(katsinam) that harken back to Formative Colorado Plateau (lower San Juan River and
Otomanguean (“Olmec”) maize religion. It Little Colorado River drainages), and appears
explores the cultural transmission and in Western Basketmaker II material culture,
modification of the avian solar (sun-eagle) deity including rock art (Cole 2009:25–27). In a
that is represented in multiple media in material longer companion paper (McNeil 2010a), I re-
culture spanning Basketmaker II/III, Fremont, construct the social (macro-processes) and
Ancestral Puebloan, and present day Hopi cognitive (micro-processes) involved in the
cultures. I argue that the UA Flower World cultural transmission of Otomanguean (“Olmec”)
religion, an adaptation of Formative “Olmec” maize religion. Formative Olmec (Otoman-
maize religion cultural traits (memes), was guean) maize religion, with its iconic suite of
71
“anthropomorphized deities,” diffused to South- World belief system and iconography, positing
ern Uto-Aztecan (SUA) speech communities that the Complex probably first appeared in an
inhabiting Sinaloa-Sonora, ca. 1500 B.C. Certain “Old Uto-Aztecan language family speech
SUA communities with genetic and linguistic ties community—perhaps not the proto-community
to Otomanguean speech communities in Central itself, but certainly communities that date to a very
Mexico (Merrill et al. 2009:21021) adapted this early period, in which the Hopi, and perhaps some
maize religion and iconography (Marcus of the Takic groups, were still in contact with a
1989:150; Niederberger 1996; Pool 2007; Taube proto-southern Uto-Aztecan community” in
1996, 2000), thereby constructing their own western coastal Mexico (Hill 1992:126; Hill
religious belief system, the Old UA Flower World 2001).
Complex (Hill 1992).
Weighing the possible origins of this ancient
While to date most archaeologists agree that Flower World Complex based upon SUA (Pima,
Chapalote maize first appears in Arizona and New Yaqui, Tohono O’odham) song imagery, Hill
Mexico ca. 2100 B.C. (LeBlanc 2008; Mabry (1992) considers two hypothetical scenarios: (1)
2005, 2008; Merrill et al. 2009:21019), the method its origin in southern Mesoamerica, “diffusing
and timing for its diffusion is still under debate into the Old Uto-Aztecan community along with
(Merrill et al. 2009:21025; Bellwood-Hill agriculture” (ca. 1500 B.C.); or (2) “a founda-
hypothesis in Hill 2001, 2006). Notably for this tional complex with associations of flowers with
study, however, the sites in which an earlier, less- fire, spiritual power, and the land of the dead”
productive race of Chapalote appears were developing among Old Uto-Aztecans, and being
understandably devoid of evidence of Meso- elaborated into the full Flower World complex in
american influences, given that it preceded the Mesoamerica, spreading south to the Mayans,
northern diffusion of Formative Otomanguean and north to Western Puebloans (Hill 1992:127).
religion (Merrill et al. 2009:21022). Instead, this
paper focuses on the subsequent Basketmaker II Old Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex
phase (ca. 1000 B.C. to A.D. 400) diffusion and
the in situ coevolution of more productive variety In this section, I argue that the Old Uto-Aztecan
of maize, Zea mays, L. (Doolittle and Mabry Flower World Complex reflects the first scenario
2006:116, Table 8-3, 118; Simms 2008:201, proposed by Hill (1992), that is, SUA borrowing
Figure 5.4, 204–206) and Mesoamerican maize cultural traits from Otomanguean (“Olmec”)
religion in the region from Sinaloa-Sonora to the maize religion, followed by their diffusion ca.
Mogollon Rim (Carpenter et al. 2002:252, Figure 1200 B.C. into the U.S. Southwest. While
16.4 map). chromaticism associated with natural phenomena
(e.g., nacreous shell, magnetite mirrors, rainbows,
ORIGIN OF OLD UA FLOWER WORLD etc.) is central to both Olmec and Flower World
complexes, anthropomorphized nature deities are
SUA and ancestral Hopi groups inhabiting the typically implied in SUA and Hopi oral traditions.
western coastal Sierra Madre Occidental corridor These nature “spirits” or “vital forces,” associated
ca. 2500 to 1500 B.C. appear to have acquired with the realms of “earth” and “sky” (e.g., sun,
and modified Formative Otomanguean (“Olmec”) rain, lightning, thunder, earth and its agricultural
ideology and iconography (Marcus 1989:150– products) are often regarded in kinship terms or
151, 153) into their own belief system, thus as ancestors in Formative Otomanguean religion
creating the Old Uto-Aztecan Flower World (Marcus 1989:150–154, 193). Similarly, in
Complex. Linguist Jane H. Hill (1992) attests to Western Puebloan (Hopi) religion “beneficent
the antiquity of the Old Uto-Aztecan Flower spirit beings” (katsinam) correspond to clan
72
affiliations (e.g., Taawangyam [Sun Clan], influence on SUA groups inhabiting western
Patkingyam [Water Clan], Qa’ongyam [Mature coastal Sierra Madre Occidental (Marcus
Corn]) and act as guides who advise the people 1989:148; Schaafsma and Taube 2006; Taube
regarding how to lead an ethical life 1983, 1996, 2000). Distributed throughout Central
(Sekaquaptewa and Washburn 2001:470). Mexico (Oaxaca, Guerrero, Morelos, Puebla,
Basin of Mexico), it represented pan-regional
A plausible reason for the tacit reference to nature beliefs and ritual practices shared by Olmec
deities in the Old Uto-Aztecan Flower World Otomanguean and Mixe-Zoquean speakers
songs may pertain to their primary role as first- (Hopkins 2006:612; Marcus 1989:150; Marcus et
person narrators and spiritual advisors. Reflecting al. 1983).
the taboo in middle range cultures against uttering
the name of a sacred being, often katsinas are only Formative Zapotec scholar, Joyce Marcus,
referred to metaphorically in katsina songs identifies the core beliefs and associated
(Barber and Barber 2004:19). For example, in “mythico-symbolic deities” as those natural and
Uto-Aztecan Flower World songs from the Yaqui, supernatural “forces” related to lightning, rain,
Tohono O’odham, and Pima, anthropomorphized earth, and the ancestors who reside in caves or
nature deities or spirit beings (Deer, Gopher, Corn springs (1989:151–152). Iconography related to
Man, Rain-Cloud Maiden) act as first-person these natural forces (or “deities”) and to the
narrators, usually only mentioned explicitly in the earth’s four directions appeared on incised
song’s title (Eggan 1994:9; Hill 1992:123–126). jadeite celts, funerary ceramics (which fall into
two types along lines of deity-kinship affiliation),
Similarly in the Hopi Flower World religion, while and on Mixtec codices. Other “Olmec” highly
Máasaw (deity of Earth, Life, Death, and Fire) chromatic and symbolically significant objects
and Muy’ingwa (god of Germination) are produced in household craft industries, such as
mentioned explicitly, anthropomorphized nature pectoral pendants worn by elites (priests, chiefs),
deities (e.g., Maize, Rain) are typically referred included magnetite mirrors (San José Mogote)
to only metaphorically in Hopi katsina songs. For and Spondylus (pearl oyster) shell (Teopan-
example, during Powamuya, the spring tecuanitlá Oaxaca) ca. Tierras Largas, 1400 to
purification and planting rites, “The pouring water 1150 B.C., the San José Mogote 1150 to 850
metaphor is a reiteration of the idea that katsinas B.C., and in the Basin of Mexico (Coapexco and
are clouds that [in reciprocity for Hopi hard work Tlatilco in Tolstoy [Marcus 1989]). Similar ritual
by hand; phrase inserted] pour their water on the objects have been recovered at early Hohokam
fields” (Sekaquaptewa and Washburn 2001:468, horizon sites in Arizona (Bayman 2001:268).
Song 81) and “Their dipper of water, from there,
they will pour, to you, here” (Sekaquaptewa and The Old Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex,
Washburn 2001:471). Embodying this metaphor therefore, may represent a secondary elabora-
during Powamuya, the Hahai-i Wu’ti Katsina tion (or restructuring) of a pan-regional Early
(“Pour Water Woman”) douses the children with Formative “Olmec” (ca. 1600 to 1200 B.C.)
water in the open plaza pre-Katsina Initiation rites. shared belief and representational style (Lesure
2004:74–75, 89–91; Marcus 1989:152–153). The
NORTHERN TRANSMISSION OF diffusion of this SUA religion, iconography, and
“OLMEC” RELIGION related ritual paraphernalia would have oc-
curred primarily through macro-processes or
Formative “Olmec” maize religion diffused from social pathways, such as interregional exchange,
Otomanguean to Uto-Aztecan speakers ca. 1500 intermarriage (haplogroup A distributions
B.C., a period of major influx of Mesoamerican among SUA populations), and bilingualism
73
(Otomanguean loan words in SUA maize lexi- religion (i.e., beliefs and representations in oral
con) involving western “Olmec,” Oaxacan, and tradition and material culture) to SUA and
other Otomanguean speaking communities in Ancestral Hopi speech communities, initially
Central Mexico (Hill 2006:634; Merrill et al. on an individual scale, and have been identified
2009:21021). (See Figure 1.) in Old UA Flower World Complex song
imagery (Hill 1992) and in U.S. Southwest
Based upon inferences drawn from the correla- material culture and iconography, as early as
tion of genetic and linguistic evidence, as well as Western Basketmaker II culture, ca. 1000 B.C.
from San Pedro-Western Basketmaker II phase to A.D. 400 (Cole 2009:25–27) (See Figure 2).
archaeological evidence (Berry and Berry 1986;
Charles and Cole 2006; Matson 1991, 1999, Western and Eastern Basketmaker II cultures
2005), one can infer the following scenario: represent distinct populations, as Steven Simms
explains, “Basketmakers were not all of a cloth
- Otomanguean speaking men co-resided or and had local peculiarities of lifeway. They
intermarried with SUA and Ancestral Hopi varied in ethnic and linguistic identities that
women; developed for centuries before there were any
- Subsequently, these marriages developed traces of farming north of the Colorado River”
bilingual communication, providing the vehicle (Simms 2008:198).
for the oral transmission of Olmec maize
Pacific
Beeao
l3andera3 nay She]
Piorlerria Lum.damira
Spondyall entrifor
alombam ri: grtf.Pur
▪ namroarrr pa air
Prrihistorie Shell Trade Routes

hnimatark sae!:
Yang •mr Mexico 0.14x.nui
0 'flail. Sro 31:5, VIcgute
0 Ubfa.P 0 TIrrnaLargns
0 El Artrulillu 0 HaiLao
0 2acfittatru Ailocio
S. Bartalo
Motelos .lir Coyrrp.
0 raps e EI lamp
•
0 '..S.NI: l'uliu•
0 Cerro i_lainilfeiteu
GLJerriero
Trivanti•eiaidien
0 ▪
G raw PM-2 \ 0
Puebla G 110:Anima CArra 0 0
0 kraleiree
ED
lic0:42inga
Acapulco
I....C.1mo
Figure 1. Trade Map of Central Mexico during Formative Period.
74
Climenrt
ffrttirl i..
Prehistoric Shell Trade Routas

I inrkrinn L SiLOK
Nana! is
Merirmeri,
OixreHa I. a. blu.rtr. 0 A—J ,rd
▪ SiiRlf.4.1.71 ▪ Mang. Fx.r.
rOLOR,Apli Chn,einoCrPok RninA 0 C.HuinOii kingro
TEA-45
Driadra
Halioti ■
••
▪ 13zniLi.
•
•
hrichu FIRKe
NrriorCrnpi)
1 ,4 1 • Rik3.14 imkputi
....... ....
.............
Diaz:wax
Haliorio Haha211
Otis rIk
Porten
■ El Pj
• •
..........
s3
............ A-2
A4
Gulf of
California
Shells INIDAHUA
Gulf
OJEL19JJ.7 Mexico
COO
C-
nnwifisin prari
ham A.1 !Tina
▪ 11.4,
fvoltiol
NNF Vei t FaN
d off
OA
NGO of
Mexito
MA-MUM.,
ffiCAft VA5
Figure 2. Trade Map of Sonora and U.S. Southwest during Early Agricultural Period.
UA FLOWER WORLD AND CULTURAL Middle Little Colorado drainage in east-central

MEMES Arizona; San Juan Basketmaker II style on the
lower San Juan River in southeastern Utah; and
Like an “environmental mosaic model” for the Abajo-La Sal Basketmaker II/III style in the Abajo
spread of maize in the U.S. Southwest (Doolittle and La Sal Mountain area of eastern Utah.
and Mabry 2006:118), Formative maize religion’s
“cultigens” or “memes” (Dawkins 1990) took This section focuses on cultural transmission
root and evolved in localized cultural “micro- (learning) between individuals, which is then
environments” that included maize farming transmitted to the group (Bettinger 2008:2–3).
(alluvial fans, etc.). Just as maize varieties Anthropologist Pascal Boyer’s cognitive approach
appear to have evolved in geographic isolation to religious ontology sheds light on combined
(Doolittle and Mabry 2006:116), maize religion “culturally evoked” (universal, innate capacities)
memes (e.g., representations of deities) within a and “culturally acquired” cognitive micro-
given archaeological culture display local stylistic processes involved in the cultural transmission
traditions distributed within a limited area. For of religious ideas and representations (Boyer
example, a number of varieties of Basketmaker 1998:876). [In the past, anthropologists have
II stylistic traditions have been identified: assumed that religious ideas were either universal
Palavayu “Majestic” Basketmaker II style on the or empirical (in situ).] UA Flower World religious
75
ontology and iconography, including anthro- context restricts the kinds of plants included in
pomorphized deity representations, reflect the category. In forming a culturally-specific
predictable social and cognitive processes of religious ontology, these intuitive (INT)
variation or meme mutation during cultural assumptions combine with “attention-grabbing”
transmission. counter-intuitive (C-IN) assumptions (correlated
with better memory storage) that violate intui-
According to Boyer, “micro-processes of tive ontological categories. For example, a
cognition and interaction impose strong religious ontology takes form when the intui-
constraints on the diffusion and transmission of tive, subordinate category EAGLE> BIRD is
religious assumptions, thereby leading to the combined with the SUN> CELESTIAL OBJECT
recurrence of ideas (or representations) observed category (compressed by association, Barber and
in the religious domain” (Boyer 1994:876). Put Barber 2004:248), and then are conflated with
simply, the religious knowledge domain is unique the PERSON category, which captures human
in that it combines: (1) universal, intuitive (INT) agency and biological needs. Taken as a con-
principles (innate capacities, e.g., categorizing, ceptual unit, the “INT plus C-IN” assumption,
reciprocal behaviors among kin), and (2) SUN-EAGLE + PERSON (= DEITY), violates
culturally acquired (remembered, transmitted) ontological assumptions about BIRDS, yet in
counterintuitive (C-IN), attention-grabbing doing so increases the chance that this assumption
assumptions that violate normal expectations. will be acquired, recalled, and culturally
transmitted. Consequently, this anthropomor-
Within these constraints, one can make phized avian solar deity concept and its mater-
“meaningful predictions about cultural fitness” or ial representations combine universal intuitive
recurrence of religious representations, explain- principles with counter-intuitive, culturally
ing how culturally acquired religious ontology, acquired assumptions that, in part, violate these
expressed in mental and material representa- principles. By joining INT with C-IN
tions, gains its “staying power” (or “recurrence assumptions, these types of representations
above chance”) (Boyer 1994:404–407, 1998:885). predict for their “cultural fitness” or recurrence
First, these representations are grounded in during the process of transmission between
universal (innate) principles of human intuitive individuals and culturally-related groups.
ontology (e.g., categorizing, inference drawing).
These intuitive principles provide the structure What happens, however, when an individual artist
(analogous to computer hardware) for human forgets or lacks direct exposure to the Olmec
assumptions and expectations, which are, in turn, religious representation of the avian solar deity
fleshed out by cultural input (analogous to as a “feathered circle”? In this case, the “INT plus
computer software). Under certain circumstances C-IN” assumption predictably defaults to the
when non-intuitive (or counter-intuitive) intuitive or locally observed, naturalistic principle
assumptions are not successfully transmitted, (e.g., UA Flower World “sunflower” motifs),
these intuitive principles are predictably activated which is hardwired in human cognition (Barber
by default. and Barber 2004:19, 22, 245; Boyer 1998:878–
879, 2001:89). In this case, the default activates
To give an example, cross-cultural folk biology the intuitive domain—such as a subset of circular
(taxonomy) categorizes specific species of birds shapes—which would have been restricted to
(e.g., ravens, corvides) in the BIRD knowledge natural phenomenon known to SUA artists or
domain, although any given cultural/ecological singers in ecological context, such as “sunflowers”
or “sunbursts.”
76
SUN-EAGLE DEITY HEADDRESS defaults to the domain of analogous circular

MOTIFS objects with radiating “spokes,” such as the
“sunflower” or “sunburst” motif.
Like the Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex,
Otomanguean (“Olmec”) religion involved the As scholars studying the Flower World Complex
worship of anthropomorphized nature deities in material culture and iconography of the U.S.
identified by headdress motifs (Marcus 1989: Southwest have attested, ubiquitous “sunburst”
151–152, 154). One of the leading Olmec nature and “sunflower” imagery are often stylistically
deities was the “Bird Monster” or crested harpy difficult to decipher (Ellis and Hammack 1968,
eagle (Harpia harpyja) (Diehl 2004:102, fig. 64; in Hays-Gilpin and Hill 1999:9–10, Figures 4a
Taube 2000:304). As discussed earlier, the Olmec and 4c; Kidder and Guernsey 1919). For example,
avian solar (sun-eagle) deity motif conflates sun “sunflower” and “sunburst” imagery has been
and crested harpy eagle images, the latter being a cross-referenced in descriptions of imagery in
large raptor indigenous to central Mexican tropical Hohokam, Salado, Sinagua, Mimbres, Mogollon,
forests (Joralemon 1971:67–70 on God III; Taube Chaco, and Hopi (Pueblo IV) material cultures
2000:303, Figure 6). The Sun-Eagle (or crested (Hays-Gilpin and Hill 1999:22–23; and Crown
harpy eagle) deity, represented in Early Formative 1994:150, 158 on Salado pottery iconography).
Olmec material culture, ca. 1500 to 1200 B.C.
diffused north, via the social pathways mentioned It is reasonable to infer, then, that the Flower
earlier, to SUA and Ancestral Hopi speakers living World Complex’s focus on “sunflowers”
in western coastal Sinaloa-Sonora (Mexico). suggests that default to the intuitive (i.e., from
There it is was adapted (modified) into the Old sun-eagle as feathered circle to sunflower or
Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex before sunburst) occurred during horizontal trans-
emerging along the Little Colorado River and San mittal from Otomanguean to UA individuals
Juan River drainages with Basketmaker II culture and communities. Conversely, in cases where
ca. 1000 B.C. (Table 1:a1 to a3). individuals in certain groups (e.g., Hopi, Zuni)
more accurately reproduced feather-circle images
Sun-Eagle Meme Mutation over time, it is probable that these artists
experienced sustained exposure to representations
Uto-Aztecan Flower World ideology and or to cultural knowledge that connected the
iconography reflect a predictable process of feathered-circle image with an avian-solar deity.
default activation from Formative Olmec deity
representation and its meta-representation or ROCK ART: SUN-EAGLE ICONOGRAPHY
symbolic meaning to intuitive principles.
According to Deborah Washburn, mutations in On the Colorado Plateau, the earliest recognizable
imagery reproduced from memory occur either iconographic evidence of the feathered circle or
due to a lack of direct exposure to the imagery “rayed” headdress motif appears along the Middle
(e.g., the harpy eagle, which is not found in Little Colorado River drainage (Chevelon and
western coastal Sierra Madre Occidental corridor) Silver Creeks) on anthropomorphs in early
or due to a lack of cultural knowledge important Basketmaker II “Palavayu Majestic Style” rock
to understanding of the correct reproduction of art, ca. 1000 to 500 B.C. (Table 1:b1 and b2)
the imagery (e.g., the feathered circle representing (Conkey and Hastorf 1990; McCreery and
an avian solar deity) (VanPool, et al. 2008:80; Malotki 1994). These early Basketmaker II figures
Washburn 2001:77–83;). The C-IN representation wearing “rayed” headdresses appear at sites with
of the “featured circle,” symbolizing the avian stylistically similar anthropomorphs wearing
solar deity (crested harpy eagle), predictably “maize leaves or v-clef,” “bird-wing,” and “rain-
77
Table 1. Sun-Eagle Deity Iconography
Formative Olmec
1600 to 1100 B.C.
a1 a2 a3
Basketmaker II
1000 to 500 B.C.
b1 b2
Fremont
A.D. 500 to 1200
c1 c2 c3
Hopi
A.D. 1899 to 1905
d1 d2 ANOL
d3 d4
(a1) Olmec avian solar deity, crested harpy eagle (Harpia harpyja), Mesoamerican lowland tropical forests;
(a2) Oxtotitlan cave (Guerrero, Mexico) painting, feathered circle image (Grove 1970:Figure. 21, cited in
Taube 1983:171 Figure 23b); (a3) owl or eagle with rayed (possible mosaic mirror) headdress, after Codex
Bodeley, Plate 36, cited in Taube 1983:171 Figure 22b; (b1) Majestic Basketmaker II petroglyphs, Middle
Little Colorado River drainage (photo by Jim McNeil); (b2) Majestic Basketmaker II petroglyph, Middle Little
Colorado River drainage, Bellbottom site, drawing by Bernie Jones; (c1) Fremont style petroglyph, Steinacker
Reservoir, northeast Utah, in Castleton 1984:33, Figure 2.37; (c2) “The Three Kings” panel petroglyph, Ashley
Dry Fork, Castleton 1984:18, Figure 2.6; (c3) Uintah Fremont style, Dinosaur National Monument, Cole
2009:253, Figure 109A; (d1) Ahu’l Katsina mask (Oraibi), Stephen 1936:163 Figure 94; (d2) Ahu’l Katsina
drawing by Hopi artist (Walpi), Fewkes 1903:124; (d3) Tawa (Sun) Katsina, Joseph J. Mora watercolor 1905,
Smithsonian 1979:Cat. #264538; (d4) Ahu’l shield image, Fewkes 1899:Plate 25.
78
fringe” headdress motifs (McNeil 2008, 2010a, the Hu katsina headdress motif most likely
2010b). In contrast, Uintah Basin Fremont Classic represented a secondary elaboration of the Hopi
Vernal style rock art figures, ca. A.D. 900 to 1300, sun deity (Ahu’l) feathered-circle motif headdress,
are depicted with a variety of meme mutations to which a crescent moon or “two horn” motif
(or innovations) of the “rayed” headdress motif had been appended (Table 2:d1 to d2). The Oraibi
(e.g., rayed “crown”), while holding “rayed-sun” style Hu Katsina headdress reflects the mnemonic
or “feathered circle” shields, often with “trophy process of elaboration by combining solar and
heads” (Table 1:c1 to c3). These Fremont mutations lunar referents related to the Hopi ritual calendar.
of UA Flower World “sunburst/ sunflower” Specifically, the horizontal crescent moon that
headdress motifs suggest that Flower World precedes the vernal equinox (Stephen 1936, Vol.
cultural traits (memes) diffused horizontally from I:239, note 1; Vol. II:1010, Figure 495) signals
UA speakers to Fremont (non-kin) groups, the beginning of Hopi Powamuya, the spring
possibly Kiowa-Tanoan speakers (Hill 2008; purification and planting rites. The Hu Katsina
Simms 2008:202,206), who had adopted and headdress style, therefore, combines the sun-eagle
modified UA Flower World iconography and (feathered-circle) motif with late February
possibly ideology. horizontal crescent moon. As evidence of the
connection between the Hu Katsina and the avian
Unlike Uintah Basin Fremont artists, Ancestral solar deity, Fewkes includes the image of the “big
and Historic Hopi produced fairly accurate horn solar god” wearing the Hu Katsina headdress
replications of the feathered circle motif, such as in his article about the Aalósaka Cult (Fewkes
the sun katsina, Ahü’l’s headdress and its 1899:Plate 25b).
representations in multiple media (Fewkes
1899:Plate XXV a,d, 1903:124, Plate VII; Stephen In its traditional form at Oraibi, the Hu Katsina
1936:163, Figure 94), katsina doll (tihu) (Voth representations have side extensions that resemble
1901:Plate LIX b.c,d), feathered sun shields the “horns” of the horizontal crescent or “moist
(Ferguson and Schachner 2003:138, Figure 30; moon” (Powa’müriyawû). The Hu Katsina with
Fewkes 1900:Plate LX, 139, Table 16 on sun traditional (Oraibi, Third Mesa) headdress is
shield in Hopi ceremony), and numerous depicted in multiple media, for example: as
depictions on kiva murals (Smith 1952) and katsina doll (tihu) (Voth 1901:Plate LIX b, c, d),
altar screens or altar boards (Stephen 1936:297, on the Katsina Initiation sand mosaic at Oraibi
Plate X, 299, Plate XI on Pa’lülükona curtain, (Voth 1901:Plate LII, Figure 8 a–f, Plate LXII a,
337 altar board), and water color painting of Tawa and Plate LXIX b), on the Powamuya Altar (Voth
Katsina (Smithsonian 1979:Cat. no. 264538) 1901:Plate XXXVIII); and on the Hopi Niman
(Table 1:d1 to d4). While sustained exposure to altar cloth (Stephen 1969:Figure 314) (Table 2:d1
feathered circle imagery may account for accurate to d5). In contrast at Walpi, Tunwap, the First Mesa
reproductions up to the present, the original avian form of the Hu Katsina, wears a headdress
solar deity meaning, which depends upon showing horizontal (etic) modification with up-
knowledge of Olmec ideology appears to be only curving “bison” horns (Cole 1989:Figure 3a;
tacitly understood, if not lost entirely. Fewkes 1903:124, Plate VII [Hopi drawings of
katsinam]; Voth 1901:Plate 73).
Hu (Tunwap) Katsina Headdress Motifs
While Hu (Oraibi) or Tunwap (Walpi) Katsinas’
The process of meme mutation is apparent in the role in open plaza crying rites remains unchanged,
Hu (Oraibi) and Tunwap (Walpi) “Whipper” the iconic mutation that took place during imagery
katsina headdress motifs over the period of reproduction by artists at Walpi reflects the
settlement of Hopi First and Third Mesas. Initially, infusion of cultural knowledge from the eastern
79
Table 2. Hu (Tunwup) Katsina Iconography
Basketmaker III
A.D. 500 to 700
a1 a2
Fremont
A.D. 500 to 1300
b1 b2
b3 b4
Late Pueblo IV
A.D. 1375 or
1400 to 1540, 1628
Hopi
c1
Hopi Crescent Moon
A.D. 1628 to
present
\linuar,
To the
\if Sun
1
d d2
80
Table 2. Hu (Tunwup) Katsina Iconography (continued)
Hopi
A.D. 1628 to
present
(continued
d3 d4
d5 d6
February horizontal crescent moon prior to Vernal Equinox (3rd week of March). (a1) Moab, Utah 42GR408;
(a2) Moab, Utah 42GR318; (b1) Flicker (Colaptes ssp) feather headdress, cal. A.D. 996 to 1190, Mantles Cave
(5MF1), in CU Museum; (b2) Ferron Box, Castleton 1984:115, Figure 3.8; (b4) Willow and Hill Creek, Castleton
1984:80, Figure 2.118; (b3) Ashley Dry Fork site #1, Castleton 1984:21, Figure 2.10; (b4) Moab Golf Course
site, Castleton 1984:80, Figure 5.51; (c1) Possible Hopi Hu and Hahai-i Katsinam, Awatovi, kiva mural, room
788, Smith 1952:297, Figure 27(l), Figure 80(a); (d1) Powa’müriyawû (February “moist” moon); (d2) Broad
Face (Hu) Katsina mask (incomplete), drawn from Stephen (1936), Vol. 1:240, Figure 147; (d3) Hopi Hu and
Hahai-i Katsinam, Katsina Initiation sand mosaic, Voth 1901:Plate LII; (d4) Water color painting, Joe Mora
1904-1905, Smithsonian 1979:Cat. #D264511; (d5) Hopi Tunwup Katsina painted on altar cloth for 4th day of
Niman, from Stephen 1969:Figure 314; (d6) Tunwup Katsina twins (Walpi), Fewkes 1903:124.
Pueblos. Later, during the horizontal transmission In the rock art medium, the traditional (“crescent
with the migration of non-kin Tewa speakers to moon”) Hu Katsina headdress motif appears in
First Mesa, subtle modification of the Hu Katsina Basketmaker III (ca. A.D. 500–700) Style rock
headdress’ crescent horns occurred as a result of art (Moab, Utah) (Table 2: a1 and a2) and at
default activation or innovation (Table 2 d6). At Pictograph Point, Mesa Verde (Olsen 1985:28,
Walpi, Powamuya coincides with the February Figure 4). Moreover, the Hu Katsina headdress
women’s Buffalo dances (Stephen 1936:239). By motif (Moab, Utah) closely resembles the red-
depicting the “crescent moon” element of the and yellow-shafted flicker (Colaptes spp.) feather
headdress as a “bison-horn,” the Walpi artist most headdress (Table 2:b1), recovered from Mantle’s
likely possessed cultural knowledge related to Cave in Dinosaur National Monument (Burgh and
February bison dances from the nearby Eastern Scoggin 1948:38, Plate 13) and radiocarbon (cal.)
Pueblos (Stephen 1936:239). dated to A.D. 996 to 1190 (Truesdale 1996:30–
81
31). Using a pair of magpie or raven (?) tail or B.C.) along the western coastal Sierra Madre
wing feathers putatively to represent the arc of Occidental corridor and into the U.S. Southwest
the “crescent moon,” the flicker headdress (Matson 1999:10–11; Simms 2008:200).
reflects, in my view, the process of horizontal
transmission from Basketmaker immigrant The mechanisms for the diffusion of maize with
farmers to indigenous foragers3. Examples of religion and iconography into the U.S. Southwest
varying degrees of mutation of the BM III “solar- appear to have centered on Formative period
lunar” headdress motif (Table 2:a1, a2) appear in interregional exchange, as well as intermarriage
Fremont style anthropomorphs at Ferron Box, and resulting bilingualism between Otomanguean
McConkey Ranch, and Moab, Utah (Table 2:b2 and SUA and Ancestral Hopi individuals living
to b4). in small groups. During the Early Formative/
Agricultural Period, SUA and Ancestral Hopi
The identification of Hu Katsina headdress speakers integrated and modified Olmec maize
imagery in Basketmaker III style and Ancestral ideology and iconography, creating their own
Hopi petroglyphs and material culture suggests religion, the Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex,
that they observed planting rites timed in which persisted to varying degrees in U.S.
conjunction with the crescent moon around the Southwestern cultures.
time of the vernal equinox (Ferguson and
Lowa’omvaya 1999:128 on Powamuya as a solar- Beginning with Basketmaker III (A.D. 500–750),
lunar ceremony). Also apparently related to rock art and material culture represent a secondary
planting rites, the Sundagger Site (ca. A.D. 900– elaboration of “Olmec” sun-eagle deity
1300) on Fajada Butte in Chaco Canyon has been iconography when the crescent moon element was
identified as a solar-lunar calendar (Sofaer 2009). added to the avian solar or “rayed” headdress
Watson Smith (1952) identifies a possible Hu style. The “Olmec” sun-eagle headdress style
Katsina headdress at Awatovi, kiva mural room underwent replication (Ahu’l Katsina feathered
788 (Table 2:c1). After the coalescence of circle), followed by modification when the Hu
migrating peoples on the Hopi Mesas, post-A.D. Katsina crescent moon “horns” were appended
1628, the Hu Katsina would figure centrally in to the rayed-sun motif. When Eastern Puebloan
Powamuya open plaza ceremonies, as well as in peoples settled on Hopi First Mesa ca. A.D. 1700,
kiva Katsina Initiation rites (Stephen 1936; Voth the Oraibi Hu (“Whipper”) Katsina headdress
1901). style underwent further modification (e.g., Walpi’s
Tunwap Katsina) as the result of horizontal
CONCLUSION transmission of iconography (bison’s upward
curving horns), perhaps influenced by the Buffalo
This paper addresses the claim that katsina Dances from the Eastern Pueblos.
iconography is non-existent (or unrecognized) on
the Colorado Plateau prior to A.D. 1300. Con- In closing, variations in avian solar deity
versely, the paper traces the social pathways and headdress motif iconography possibly reflect the
mnemonic processes involved in the possible mental and behavioral processes whereby
cultural transmission of iconography related to the incipient farmers combined solar and lunar ritual
avian solar anthropomorphized deity, diffused calendars associated with maize agriculture. As
from Formative Olmec maize religion to the Old Hopi oral tradition attests, Powamuya, and by
Uto-Aztecan Flower World Complex ca. 1500 association the Hu Katsina, did not originate in
B.C. This period of cultural transmission was their present forms in the South (Central Mexico).
concurrent with the Early San Pedro-Basketmaker Alternatively, created during their migrations in
II phase of the Hohokam horizon (ca. 1500–1200 the Southwest, they reflect the behavioral and
82
iconographic innovation of diverse peoples who the U.S. Southwest. To the extent that these
would become Hopi (Hopisinom) as they adapted “deities” are implicated in agricultural success,
to the challenges of maize farming on the northern the term captures all Beings who control weather
Colorado Plateau. and sources of rain in ground water from mountain
caves and springs. Based upon ethnographic
Acknowledgments: I would like to extend my analogy, ancestor worship is often integral to
appreciation to Leigh J. Kuwanwisiwma, Director agricultural religions in Mesoamerica, as well as
of the Hopi Cultural Preservation Office in the Old World (Greece, Europe), Africa, and
(Kykotsmovi, Arizona) and to the Hopi Elders China (Eliade 1958:58–59, 110; Monaghan
who read and provided feedback on an earlier 1990:563–564).
version of this paper; to Lenville Stelle for inviting
me to present an earlier version of this paper at 3
Steven R. Simms (2008:203, 205) provides
SAA in Vancouver, B.C. (March 29, 2008), and DNA and material cultural evidence that Fremont
to Diane Orr and David Sucec for inviting me to culture resulted from processes of interaction,
present a paper on this topic at URARA (October such as intermarriage, between immigrant
9, 2008) in Escalante, Utah. Also thanks to the Basketmaker maize farming males and indigenous
National Museum of the American Indian forager women with Archaic roots. Intermarriage
(Smithsonian, Washington, D.C.) for permission as a mechanism for cultural transmission in the
to use Joseph Mora’s katsina watercolor painting, Southwest mirrors that in Formative Mesoamerica
to Bernie Jones and to Marjorie Leggitt for between Otomanguean-speaking farming males
creating the drawings and maps, to Jim McNeil and SUA forager women.
for the photographs, and finally to the editors for
their careful editing and suggestions. I accept the REFERENCES CITED
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UTAH ROCK ART

Cedar City, Utah

Bock’s Canyon, Utah

Edited by Anne McConnell and Elaine Holmes

Printed in the United States of America

Michael Firnhaber Experiencing Rock Art: A Phenomenological

James A. McNeil Making Lemonade: Using Graffiti to Date

Bernard M. Jones, Jr. Anthropomorphized Crooked Staffs 21

Steven J. Waller Voices Carry: Whisper Galleries and

Galal Gough Lightning and Native American Rock Art 37

Andrew Gulliford Preserving Sacred Indian Landscapes and

Abstracts of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Symposium of the Utah Rock

Steven J. Manning Black Rock Man: Unique Characteristics of

Lynda D. McNeil Hopi Hu Katsina Iconography in Rock Art

EXPERIENCING ROCK ART: A PHENOMENOLOGICAL

METAPHOR “indoors vs. outdoors” that have a strong influence

In order to understand how the experiences of Traveling to the Sites

scale of the Great Gallery, but its two-meter-tall

Despite the site’s visibility, it is not easy to reach.

Compare this with the site shown in Figure 1. The

MAKING LEMONADE: USING GRAFFITI TO DATE PETROGLYPHS

Figure 4. Photograph of sample SI-1963a, Sand

description below is extracted from the resulting

day, we noted that the Mn K-alpha peak dropped

Sample DB-1964b (“bear paw” glyph). The Mn Calibration

settings were the same as for sample DB-1964a. 1.0

Sample DB-1964d (“lobe head #2”, referred to keV

any sample measurement to an absolute Mn

RESULTS Dancing Bear Panel samples DB-1964a-d

2000 B.P. 1800 B.P. 1400 B.P.

1000 B.P. 800 B.P. 400 B.P.

A.D. 1900 A.D. 1964 Present

leading to a more sophisticated mathematical displays a simulation of a time-lapse of the

experiments, Joseph Beach for creating our Mn Dorn, Ronald I. (continued)

Bernard M. Jones, Jr.

ANTHROPOMORPHIZED CROOKED STAFFS

Visual symbols of crooked staffs are found in a

Crooked staff symbolism has what Eliade termed

Figure 3. Picacho Mountains, Arizona. Note the

throughout Native America to illustrate these

When manifest crooked staffs are imbued with

In certain cultures an opening or crack in a rock’s

In many Native American cultures crooked staffs

The omnipresent, moving aspects of power are

Other stories of their exploits abound (Bahr

Fragments of unique ethnography, oral tradition

Figure 8. Upper Pima Canyon, South Mountain,

The South Mountains of Arizona shelters a unique

A legged crook is also found in the lower right

An anthropomorphized crook, with a sauntering

Figure 11. Wolf Man Site, near Butler Wash, Utah.

Figure 10. Butler Wash, Utah. Photo, Chris

An extraordinary example of this mythic

white and outlined using a rich red/brown

The hand that crafted the pecked cluster of glyphs

Figure 13. Rock Shelter within the Esplanade,

of the larger staff’s crook. It has been suggested

The anthropomorphized crook phenomenon is

Figure 16. San Rafael Reef, Utah. Photo, Chris