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Kamerling, Susanne, and Frans-Paul van der Putten (2011),

An Overseas Naval Presence without Overseas Bases: China’s Counter-piracy
Operation in the Gulf of Aden, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 40, 4, 119-146.
ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print)

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„„„ Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 4/2011: 119-146 „„„

An Overseas Naval Presence without

Overseas Bases: China’s Counter-piracy
Operation in the Gulf of Aden
Susanne KAMERLING and Frans-Paul VAN DER PUTTEN

Abstract: This article aims to assess how China is using its navy to se-
cure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the Euro-
pean Union. The analysis of how China’s naval presence in the Gulf of
Aden has evolved since early 2009 suggests that China’s increasing inter-
ests and involvement in Africa do not necessarily lead to the establish-
ment of Chinese naval bases in or close to the continent. To supply its
ships, the Chinese navy may well continue using the commercial-dip-
lomatic model that China has been developing. This model is based on
China’s close diplomatic relations with countries in the region and the
extensive presence of Chinese companies to whom logistical services can
be outsourced and who are under a greater degree of state influence than
most Western multinationals. One of the consequences of this approach
is that although China may not establish overseas military bases, it may
be able to keep expanding its naval presence in or around Africa.
„Manuscript received 15 June 2011; accepted 23 November 2011
Keywords: China, Gulf of Aden, piracy, Chinese navy, European Union

Susanne Kamerling, M.Sc., is a training and research fellow at the

Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, The
Hague. Her research interests include China’s and India’s roles in securi-
ty issues, and Europe’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP).
E-mail: <skamerling@clingendael.nl>
Dr. Frans-Paul van der Putten is a senior research fellow at the Neth-
erlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, The Hague.
His work relates to China’s role in the sphere of international security.
E-mail: <fputten@clingendael.nl>
„„„ 120 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

Introduction
The Chinese counter-piracy mission in the Gulf of Aden involves the
first expeditionary deployment by the People’s Liberation Army Navy
(PLA Navy, or PLAN). The mission, which became operational in Janu-
ary 2009, offers a perspective on how China uses its navy to protect its
interests far outside its own region. Although it does not take place on
African soil – contrary to most of the UN peacekeeping missions in
which the PLA is involved – the Chinese counter-piracy expedition is
relevant to China’s response to security threats in Africa in several re-
spects:
„ First, the mission is a response to a piracy threat that emanates from
Somalia, Africa’s most notorious failed state.
„ Second, although mandated by the UN Security Council, the PLA
Navy operation is not part of a UN peacekeeping mission but rather
was initiated and is conducted directly by the Chinese government.
„ Third, the operation involves warships as well as the use of special
forces.
Unlike Chinese contributions to UN peacekeeping missions in Africa –
which typically involve only non-combat-related tasks – the PLA Navy’s
counter-piracy mission has a distinct capability of employing force.
The aim of this article1 is to assess how China is using its navy to se-
cure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the Euro-
pean Union (EU). Although several naval experts based in the United
States have recently published very useful analyses of the Chinese coun-
ter-piracy mission (Erickson 2010a; Kostecka 2010), these studies have
mainly attempted to elucidate how the PLA Navy is developing. What
this article seeks to add to the existing – still limited – literature on Chi-
nese counter-piracy is what China’s naval activities imply for its future
involvement in African security, and how this is relevant for the EU. The
analysis is based mainly on English-language written sources and is in-
tended to provide a preliminary picture of how the PLA Navy’s opera-
tion in the Gulf of Aden has been developing. This article first outlines
how Somali piracy relates to China’s interests, then it indicates how Chi-

1 An earlier version of this article was presented at a workshop on China’s response

to security threats in Africa, held at the Brussels Institute for Contemporary China
Studies (BICCS), 17–19 May 2010. The authors are grateful to Jonathan Holslag,
Sara van Hoeymissen and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 121 „ „ „

na uses its navy to protect these interests, and finally it identifies what
this implies for the EU.

Somali Piracy and Chinese Interests

Beyond the East and South China Seas, the Indian Ocean is the maritime
region on which China’s security strategy is predominantly focused
(Holmes and Yoshihara 2008: 123). Access to energy (Singh 2005: 177)
and other raw materials from the Middle East and Africa, as well as to
the European market, depend on the sea lanes of communication
(SLOCs) in the Indian Ocean (Kaufman 2009: 8). The key choke points
for Chinese shipping are the Malacca Strait to the east and the Persian
Gulf and the Red Sea to the west. In terms of great power relations, the
Indian Ocean offers more opportunities for maritime newcomers such
as China than do the Pacific or Atlantic Oceans. India excluded, the
Indian Ocean’s littoral states are not regarded as major maritime powers
(Singh 2005: 176-177). At the same time, several international security
issues, most notably piracy and terrorism, are linked to the Indian Ocean
region. More so than the other two major oceans, the Indian Ocean is a
region for the great powers to show responsibility and leadership in in-
ternational maritime security.
For China, there is however a fundamental gap between its interests
and influence in international maritime security. The country’s long-term
programme of military modernisation aims to limit this gap. The mari-
time component of the modernisation seeks to both deal with a Taiwan
contingency and – in the longer term – enable missions to protect Chi-
na’s maritime and economic interests “beyond Taiwan” (Erickson 2008:
107; Holmes and Yoshihara 2008: 43). But military means are only part
of Beijing’s approach. Analysts of China’s strategic thinking have pointed
out that Chinese strategists strongly favour security solutions that pre-
clude the need for military engagement (Newmyer 2009: 205-219). It is
therefore likely that even when Beijing’s military reach spans the globe, it
will still favour non-violent means to protect its maritime security inter-
ests (Till 2009: 332). However, the degree to which China will actually be
able to avoid the use of military means remains to be seen. At any rate,
the general preference of the Chinese government for non-military
means of exerting influence should not be taken to mean that military
assets are absent from China’s strategy, even at present: Military means
complement China’s non-military means.
„„„ 122 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

Beijing has close economic and diplomatic ties with many countries
in the Indian Ocean region. Relations are particularly close with Myan-
mar, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan and South Africa –
all of which have great strategic importance for China. The Chinese de-
fence industry supplies weapons to the governments of several of these
countries (Saferworld 2011). Moreover, in Pakistan, Myanmar and Sri
Lanka, the Chinese government is involved in the development of major
port facilities. As pointed out by American observers, in the future these
facilities could, in theory, be used by Chinese commercial ships as well as
naval ships (Pehrson 2006), although this has not yet occurred. It is
moreover unclear whether Beijing really sees these facilities as having a
major military purpose (Blazevic 2009: 63). In any case, what China
lacked until recently was a naval presence in this part of the world.
That changed on 6 January 2009, when the first taskforce of the
PLA Navy’s escort mission, consisting of two destroyers and a supply
ship, arrived in the Gulf of Aden (Saunders 2009). The first taskforce has
since been succeeded by several further ones, each consisting of two
warships and a replenishment vessel. The main tasks of the escort mis-
sion are
to protect the safety of the Chinese ships and personnel navigating
across the Gulf of Aden and the waters off [the] Somali coast, [and to
ensure] the safety of ships carrying humanistic materials of such in-
ternational organisations as the World Food Programme[;] and, if the
need arises, the taskforce will jointly conduct humanistic rescue op-
erations with the escorting ships of other countries (Wu and Bai
2008).
A number of Chinese- or Hong Kong-flagged ships have been attacked
by pirates (ICC 2009). The Chinese navy ships in the Gulf of Aden are
equipped with helicopters, and each taskforce carries circa 70 special
forces commandos able to engage in on-board counter-piracy operations
(Saunders 2009).
When the Chinese navy began escorting commercial vessels, it did
so without participating in the International Recommended Transit Cor-
ridor (IRTC), which was established in early 2009 (Van Ginkel and Van
der Putten 2010). This corridor runs through the Gulf of Aden and is
patrolled by the EU (through the EU NAVFOR Mission Atalanta),
NATO (through Mission Ocean Shield), and the US-led Combined Task
Force 151 (CTF-151) of the Combined Maritime Force (CMF). Remain-
ing outside the IRTC system allowed the PLA Navy to operate fully
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 123 „ „ „

autonomously; as such it was able to avoid other nations exercising any

degree of influence over its warships and focus on protecting Chinese
ships. Moreover, joining the IRTC would have required an advance invi-
tation to do so from the Western countries, which China requested and
obtained only in late 2009 or early 2010.
The Chinese government has several interests in sending warships
to Somalia. Although the PLA Navy’s presence in the Gulf of Aden is
small, it has made China highly visible as one of the great powers in the
Indian Ocean and in African security (Pham 2009). According to Xu
Weizhong, Africa specialist at the China Institutes of Contemporary
International Relations (CICIR),
given the potential penetration of major powers’ influence in counter-
piracy operations in Somalia, China’s active engagement will guarantee
the maintenance of the current diplomatic advantages in Africa (Liu
Dong 2010).
This deployment, which involves some of China’s most modern war-
ships (Weitz 2009a: 27-42; Pham 2009), has allowed Beijing to participate
in several multilateral initiatives. These include membership in the Con-
tact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS) and its various
working groups, and the monthly Shared Awareness and Deconfliction
(SHADE) meetings in Bahrain. SHADE, co-chaired by the EU and the
Combined Maritime Force, is an inclusive structure that brings together
representatives from countries and organisations that have deployed
military assets in the region, as well as from the shipping industry and
INTERPOL (Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia 2009).
It was solely designed to coordinate military efforts off Somalia’s coast at
the tactical and operational level, recognising the reality of the strategic
differences between all key actors.
To some degree – for instance, by participating in the SHADE
meetings – the Chinese are coordinating their activities in the Gulf of
Aden with the other navies present (Holmes and Yoshihara 2009: 4). In
a speech in 2009, President Hu Jintao launched the “harmonious ocean”
concept, which emphasises China’s cooperation with other countries in
the field of maritime security. The commander of the PLA Navy, Wu
Shengli, referred to counter-piracy cooperation as a good example of this
concept (Van der Putten 2011a: 5). Through being visible and involved,
Beijing increases its ability to lead new developments in maritime security
in a direction that suits its needs (Weitz 2009a: 32; Sakhuja 2009: 13). As
Sakhuja points out, China was not a member of the core group of na-
„„„ 124 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

tions (with the US, Australia and India) during the 2004 tsunami disaster
relief operations. Not having been part of that core group may have been
an extra stimulus for the PLA Navy to join multinational initiatives on
maritime security. Indeed, China had already stepped up its maritime
cooperation with other Asian countries prior to the counter-piracy mis-
sion (Li 2009; on the relationship between disaster relief and geopolitics
in Asia see Chandran et al. 2009). This allows the Chinese government to
contribute to effective measures against Somali piracy. On a more gen-
eral level, it also strengthens China’s image as a responsible power (Ra-
jasimman 2009: 9; Li 2009; Kaufman 2009: 9). Moreover, it can lead to a
gradual development in multilateralism in maritime security, which limits
the traditional model in which security on the high seas is primarily pro-
vided by a dominant great power, currently the United States. This can
be illustrated by an early attempt by the Chinese to have all military for-
ces conducting counter-piracy missions off the coast of Somalia working
under direct UN command. China presented this idea at both SHADE
and CGPCS forums, but the plan was not politically acceptable to any
other significant actor. However, it should also be noted that at the op-
erational level, the degree of actual cooperation between the PLAN and
other navies remains limited mostly to the exchange of information via
the Internet and bridge-to-bridge radio.
A second interest served by the mission is the increased protection
of Chinese economic activities. It remains unclear how much damage
Somali piracy causes to international shipping (Kaufman 2009: 2). On
the one hand, insurance costs have risen and slow-moving ships have
had difficulty obtaining naval protection. On the other hand, piracy at-
tacks affect only a very small proportion of total shipping in the Western
Indian Ocean directly. Another question is to what extent it is really
necessary for Chinese ships to make use of Chinese naval protection, as
alternative sources of protection are available. At a more general level,
however, the Chinese counter-piracy mission can be seen in the same
light as China’s participation in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa.
These troop deployments are a legitimate means for Beijing to achieve “a
level of tactical and operational familiarity” with a region where it has
crucial economic interests (Pham 2009).
Third, China’s government has an interest in showing its own popu-
lation that it is capable of protecting Chinese nationals and Chinese-
flagged ships abroad (Kaufman 2009: 7). However, according to some
analysts, only one Chinese- and one Hong Kong-flagged ship were
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 125 „ „ „

seized by pirates as of late 2008, and this alone was unlikely to suffice as
a reason for Beijing to dispatch warships (Rajasimman 2009). Still, rather
than merely relying on the protection of foreign navies, the PRC feels
the urge to show that it can do no less than the other great powers (Er-
ickson 2010a: 300). Historically, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
has derived its legitimacy from its ability to make China strong enough to
be able to withstand foreign powers. The counter-piracy mission is a
good opportunity for the Chinese government to show that at least in
this regard it is in the same league as the other maritime powers (Ross
2009: 64). At the same time, hijackings of Chinese vessels represent a
major threat to the legitimacy of the Chinese government. The hijacking
in October 2009 of the Chinese bulk carrier De Xin Hai, with 25 crew-
members, by Somali pirates highlighted the fact that the presence of
Chinese warships in the waters off Somalia is insufficient to prevent
attacks on Chinese vessels (Deng, Zhang, and Liang 2009). The De Xin
Hai was released by the pirates in late December, reportedly after China
paid a ransom (Guled 2009).
The incident seems to have raised pressure on the Chinese govern-
ment to show that it is capable of protecting Chinese shipping, and to
seek closer international cooperation. In November 2009, China hosted
an international conference to better coordinate anti-piracy efforts
(Christoffersen 2009: 17). The De Xin Hai incident also may explain why
Chinese representatives at a SHADE meeting in Bahrain in November
2009 expressed their country’s willingness to play a leading role – along-
side the EU and the US-led CMF – in chairing future SHADE meetings
(Weitz 2009b: 10; Guled 2009). In late January 2010, following a meeting
of the SHADE grouping, China, the US, the EU and NATO reached an
agreement that China would join the rotating task of coordinating the
international counter-piracy effort (Gelfand 2010: 5). This seemed to
relate to China’s chairing the SHADE meetings in Bahrain, as well as a
possible greater involvement for China in the IRTC (Global Times 2010).
Moreover, according to the Chinese scholar Zhao Lei, to act as interna-
tional coordinator would require that China increase the number of its
ships in the area (Zhao 2010: 97). However, by mid-2010 China had not
yet acted as chair of SHADE. According to Ranjit Raj, who is vice-
president of the Indian Maritime Foundation, a Pune-based think tank,
and who was present at the SHADE meeting where the issue discussed,
this was because the Indian government had objected to China taking up
this role (Mitra 2010).
„„„ 126 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

A fourth interest is strengthening China’s claim on Taiwan. The

Chinese government has stated that it regards Taiwanese-flagged vessels
as Chinese. Consequently the PLA Navy also escorts Taiwanese ships
(Pham 2009). Any involvement by Taiwan in maritime security in the
Indian Ocean would run counter to China’s efforts to isolate the island
militarily and diplomatically. Diplomatic isolation – combined with eco-
nomic incentives – is the main tool of the PRC to push Taiwan toward
reunification with the mainland. Any display of Taiwan’s de facto inde-
pendence by joining international maritime security initiatives would be
highly unwelcomed by the Chinese government. Because the Taiwanese
navy has no presence in the Gulf of Aden (Taipei Times 2009), this fur-
ther emphasises the political isolation of Taiwan, while at the same time
showing China’s resolve and ability to act on behalf of Taiwan in interna-
tional security.
Finally, the process of military modernisation that China is undergo-
ing also benefits from the mission (Liu Dong 2010). The Chinese navy is
still underdeveloped in terms of operating far from its own shores, and
operating in an international setting. The counter-piracy mission poten-
tially provides the PLA Navy with valuable experience in this regard
(Rajasimman 2009; Li 2009; Weitz 2009a: 34). As Table 1 shows, both
the South China Sea Fleet and the East China Sea Fleet have contributed
to the escort mission, giving both fleets the opportunity to gain experi-
ence. For the Chinese navy, it is beneficial to establish contacts with
highly advanced navies, such as those of the United States and various
European countries (Sakhuja 2009: 13; Pham 2009). According to the
Chinese government, by the end of 2010 the PLAN had participated in a
visitors’ exchange of a total of 24 commanders from foreign fleets, in-
cluding from the EU and NATO. Moreover, it had conducted exercises
with Russian and South Korean ships, and exchanged officers for on-
board observations with the Royal Netherlands Navy (Information Of-
fice of the State Council 2011: 40).
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 127 „ „ „

Table 1: Escort Mission Taskforce 1–9 Background

Task- Fleet Commander
force
1 South China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Du Jingchen
(chief of staff, South China Sea Fleet)
2 South China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Yao Zhilou
(deputy commander South China Sea Fleet)
3 East China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Wang Zhiguo
(deputy commander East China Sea Fleet)
4 East China Sea Fleet Sr Captain Qiu Yanpeng
(deputy commander East China Sea Fleet)
5 South China Sea Fleet Sr Colonel Zhang Wendan
(deputy commander South China Sea Fleet)
6 South China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Wei Xueyi
(chief of staff, South China Sea Fleet)
7 East China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Zhang Huachen
(deputy commander, East China Sea Fleet)
8 East China Sea Fleet Sr Captain Han Xiaohu
(deputy chief of staff, East China Sea Fleet)
9 South China Sea Fleet Rear Admiral Guan Jianguo
(deputy chief of staff, South China Sea Fleet)
Sources: Xinhua 2009; Tang and Liu 2011; Yang and Li 2011.

China’s Use of Its Navy to Protect Its Interests

The PLA Navy is at the forefront of China’s military modernisation
programme (Wong 2010). In the long run, it seems likely that China will
acquire a full blue-water (ocean-going) naval capability with a global
reach. This goal was formulated as far back as the 1980s by then PLA
Navy Commander – and founding father of China’s modern naval strat-
egy – Liu Huaqing. In late 2006, President Hu Jintao stated that China
should move toward blue-water capabilities (Erickson 2008: 72). Cur-
rently the Chinese navy operates mainly in the Yellow, East China and
South China Seas (Holmes and Yoshihara 2008: 124). The Chinese navy
has long been trained to deal with situations within the region – namely,
how to respond to a potential Taiwan crisis. As a result, it has been
building up capabilities to deter the United States Navy – in the event of
a crisis – from operating near Taiwan. The main combat potential of the
PLA Navy remains focused on the East Asian region (Holmes and Yo-
shihara 2008: 122).
„„„ 128 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

Recently, the Chinese navy has increasingly been developing means

that can be used for missions that are not restricted to China’s own re-
gion (Erickson 2010b). According to China’s 2008 Defence White Paper,
the PLAN began to develop capabilities of conducting “cooperation” in
distant waters only after 2000 (Information Office of the State Council
2009: 7). Such means relate predominantly to secondary naval activities,
such as disaster relief missions, SLOC protection, and anti-piracy efforts.
The 2010 White Paper links activities in distant waters to the aim of
being able to conduct non-combat – rather than combat – missions
(“military operations other than war”, MOOTW) (Information Office of
the State Council 2011: 19). China’s first operational aircraft carriers –
the PLAN is currently conducting tests with its first carrier, which was
purchased from Ukraine and completed in China – are likely to be de-
ployed for such secondary missions rather than as a deterrence against
US sea power (Erickson 2008: 92). American foreign policy experts do
not believe that in the short term China’s carrier ambitions constitute a
threat to US interests (Glaser 2011). China’s newest destroyers are able
to provide long-range SLOC protection (Erickson 2008: 80). Geograph-
ically, the main direction in which Chinese maritime activities are ex-
panding is toward and throughout the Indian Ocean (Holmes and Yo-
shihara 2008: 124).
However, regardless of which expeditionary capabilities the PLA
Navy may acquire in the coming years, the Chinese government is un-
likely to regard military means as a primary tool to secure overseas inter-
ests. On a general level, China relies heavily on its diplomatic and eco-
nomic influence to protect its foreign interests. Deploying military means
should be seen as complementary to diplomatic and economic tools.
When deploying troops abroad, the Chinese government strives to avoid
using force. The emphasis is geared toward non-combat contributions to
UN peacekeeping missions, humanitarian missions, and – in the case of
Somali piracy – on deterring rather than fighting pirates. The Chinese
operation in the Gulf of Aden is appropriately referred to by the Chinese
government as an escort mission rather than a counter-piracy operation.
By October 2011, nine consecutive taskforces had been sent from China,
each one replacing its predecessor and remaining in the Gulf of Aden for
about four months. In late August 2010 – in a mission separate from the
escort mission – China dispatched a hospital ship, Peace Ark, with 428
personnel members on board, to tour various African countries, includ-
ing Djibouti, Kenya, Tanzania and the Seychelles (Xinhua 2010). In 2011,
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 129 „ „ „

as part of the deployment for the eighth PLAN taskforce to the Gulf of
Aden, the Chinese navy for the first time escorted one of the UN World
Food Programme’s ships (EUNAVFOR 2011).
The Chinese navy escorts groups of merchant vessels through the
Gulf of Aden, both on east–west and west–east routes. The escort routes
run a few miles north of and parallel to the IRTC. The PLAN taskforce
primarily protects Chinese vessels, but vessels from other nations can
also join the convoys. The PLAN carries special forces teams and per-
sonnel specialised in acquiring evidence. These personnel board some of
the Chinese merchant vessels that are being escorted (Zhang and Cao
2010a). In order to repel piracy attacks when these begin to unfold, the
Chinese navy fires warning shots from its ships and helicopters. The
PLA Navy seems to avoid using not only special forces but violence in
general to free ships that are under attack from pirates. Moreover, they
try to refrain from detaining any piracy suspects.
The PLA Navy’s escort mission in the Gulf of Aden is a multi-year
mission that takes place at a great distance from China. So far, the de-
stroyers or frigates involved have typically been away from their home
base in China for four or five months. Each supply ship has stayed in the
Gulf of Aden during two consecutive taskforce deployments. China
currently has only a very limited number of supply ships that are suitable
for long-range missions (Erickson 2008: 106), and the country has no
overseas naval bases. Consequently, the logistical dimension of opera-
tions poses great challenges to any Chinese expeditionary activity.
For its escort mission in the Gulf of Aden, the PLA Navy has ob-
tained fuel, water and food supplies from ports in the region (Kostecka
2010: 4; see Table 3). The first two supply visits were made by the supply
ship Weishanhu to the Port of Aden in Yemen. To make the necessary
preparations and procurements, each port visit by the Weishanhu ship was
prepared for by an advance team from the PLA Navy and the Chinese
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. A third supply visit was made, also by the
Weishanhu, to Port Salalah in Oman. The ship’s commander stated the
following as the reason that Port Salalah was selected for the third visit:
[to] further explore and perfect the way of large-batch comprehensive
replenishment on a commercialised model by relying on foreign
commercial ports, so as to accumulate experience for the PLA Navy
in carrying out oceanic logistics support during military operations
other than war (ChinaMil 2009).
„„„ 130 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

Table 2: PLA Navy Taskforce 1–9 Composition

Task-
Period Ship name Ship type
force
1 Jan.–Apr. 2009 171 Haikou Missile destroyer (type 052C)
169 Wuhan Missile destroyer (type 052B)
887 Weishanhu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
2 Apr.–Aug. 2009 167 Shenzhen Destroyer (type 051B)
570 Huangshan Frigate (type 054A)

887 Weishanhu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)

3 Aug.–Nov. 2009 529 Zhoushan Missile frigate (type 054A)

530 Xuzhou Missile frigate (type 054A)
886 Qiandaohu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
Nov. 2009–Mar.
4 525 Ma’anshan Missile frigate (type 054)
2010
526 Wenzhou Missile frigate (type 054)
886 Qiandaohu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
5 Mar.–July 2010 568 Chaohu* Missile frigate (type 054A)
168 Guangzhou Missile destroyer (type 052B)
887 Weishanhu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
6 July–Nov. 2010 998 Kunlunshan Landing Platform Dock
170 Lanzhou Missile destroyer (type 052C)
887 Weishanhu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
Nov. 2010–Apr.
7 529 Zhoushan Missile frigate (type 054A)
2011
530 Xuzhou Missile frigate (type 054A)
886 Qiandaohu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
8 Apr.–July 2011 526 Wenzhou Missile frigate (type 054)
525 Ma’anshan Missile frigate (type 054)
886 Qiandaohu Supply ship (Qiandaohu class)
9 From July 2011 169 Wuhan Missile destroyer (type 052B)
569 Yulin Missile frigate (type 054A)
885 Qinghaihu Supply ship (Nancang class)
Note: * The guided missile frigate Chaohu had arrived in the Gulf of Aden in December
2009 and thus took part in both taskforces 4 and 5.
Sources: U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission 2009: 119; Li and Liu
2011; Xu 2009; Xu and Zhang 2010; Ministry of National Defense 2010; Tang and
Liu 2011; Yang and Li 2011.
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 131 „ „ „

Table 3: Port Visits in the Gulf of Aden and Persian Gulf and on the East
African Coast by Taskforce 1–9
Task-
Month and year Port visit in Gulf of Aden region
force
1 February 2009 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
2 April 2009 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
June–July 2009 Oman (all ships, Port Salalah)
July 2009 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
3 August 2009 Oman (all ships, Port Salalah)
October 2009 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
4 January 2010 Oman (all ships, Port Salalah)
January 2010 Djibouti (Ma’anshan)
March 2010 United Arab Emirates (Guangzhou and supply
ship, Port Zayed, Abu Dhabi)
March 2010 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
5 April 2010 Oman (Guangzhou, Port Salalah)
May 2010 Yemen (supply ship, Port of Aden)
May 2010 Djibouti (Guangzhou)
June 2010 Oman (all ships, Port Salalah)
6 October 2010 Oman (Kunlunshan, Port Salalah)
November 2010 Saudi Arabia (all ships, Jeddah)
7 April 2011 South Africa (Zhoushan and Xuzhou, Durban)
8 July 2011 Qatar (Wenzhou and Ma’anshan)
9 August 2011 Oman (Wuhan, Port Salalah)
Sources: Erickson 2010a: 315; Kostecka 2010; Hsiao 2010; Xinhua 2009; Xia and Hou
2009; Zhang and Cao 2010b; Liu 2010; Li and Liu 2011; Tang and Liu 2011; Yang
and Li 2010.

In this context it should be noted that the main port for China to sup-
port its naval deployment in the Indian Ocean is not in the Gulf of Aden
but in Karachi, Pakistan, which has repair facilities suitable for China’s
warships (Kostecka 2010: 4).
„„„ 132 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

In April 2010 Japan made an arrangement with Djibouti according

to which it will establish a de facto base (although the term “base” is not
used) in the African country to support the counter-piracy activities of
the Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force in the Gulf of Aden (Night
Watch 2010). Given this development – and much speculation in recent
years about a suspected Chinese “string of pearls” strategy in Western
and Indian media – the question arises of whether China might attempt
to acquire its own naval base(s) in the region. The supply strategy that
the PLA Navy has followed so far suggests that China is aiming to use its
commercial and diplomatic means to solve the logistical challenge of
operating in the Gulf of Aden. Based on close diplomatic relations with
many countries in the region and the organisational capabilities of major
Chinese firms (Erickson 2010a: 319), it may not be necessary for China
to have a permanent base. The advantage of this approach would be that
China will be able to keep a low profile and avoid being accused of going
down the paths previously taken by great powers such as Great Britain
and the United States. It also makes it less likely that China will become
entangled in the domestic political affairs of other countries. Beijing
strongly promotes the notion that it will not interfere in the affairs of
other countries and that it poses no military threat. Establishing overseas
military bases would undermine these notions, which play a central role
in China’s approach to developing countries (Van der Putten 2011b), and
would therefore diminish China’s image.
In both Aden and Salalah, the Chinese advance team was assisted by
the regional subsidiary of state-owned COSCO, China’s largest shipping
company (Xia and Hou 2009). Also, in China itself, the PLA Navy has
been experimenting with outsourcing logistics to the private sector (Er-
ickson 2008: 94). Although working with private firms to support logis-
tics operations is a common practice for many navies, especially when
operating far from home, China is able to rely on such civilian means to
a greater extent than Western countries can. Relations between the state
and the business sector are particularly close in China, especially in the
case of China’s large state-owned enterprises – which include the coun-
try’s main shipping lines. The CCP controls the armed forces, the gov-
ernment, and the state-owned enterprises. Consequently, civil–military
cooperation has a broader applicability in China than in the West. In the
Chinese case, this goes well beyond the military contracting specialised
firms, as mainstream logistics companies can also be dependable partners
for the PLA Navy. Moreover, China also has the economic and diplo-
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 133 „ „ „

matic clout to persuade other countries to be supportive. As a result,

more so than is the case for many other countries, the commercial model
provides an alternative means for China to solve its logistical problems,
other than by establishing overseas naval bases or relying entirely on
replenishment ships sent from China.
According to Daniel J. Kostecka, it is likely that China will rely on
commercial methods for now (Kostecka 2010: 5). In the longer run it
remains to be seen for how long China can avoid setting up naval or air
facilities in Africa to protect its rapidly expanding interests in this part of
the world (Chase and Erickson 2009: 10). As the number of Chinese
citizens and companies in Africa increases, the need for the Chinese
government to protect them in crisis situations also grows. The Chinese
navy and air force participated in the evacuation of Chinese nationals
from Libya when civil war erupted there in March 2011 (Colins and Er-
ickson 2011). The naval part of the operation was possible because of
the presence of Chinese warships in the Gulf of Aden. An important
question for China now is whether a combination of state-controlled
shipping/ airline companies and close diplomatic ties throughout the
region is a sufficient alternative to setting up overseas military facilities to
protect Chinese citizens and economic assets. Given the approach fol-
lowed by China so far, it seems likely that it will avoid establishing a
permanent military presence in Africa as long as alternatives are avail-
able.
There are indications that from the start the PLA Navy has been
confident that overseas bases are not a requirement for operating in the
Gulf of Aden. Late November 2008, General Major Jin Yinan, the vice
director of the Strategic Research Institute of PLA National Defence
University, gave an interview on China National Radio. The broadcast
took place several weeks before the Chinese government formally an-
nounced that it would send navy ships to the Gulf of Aden. In the inter-
view, Major General Jin pointed out that overseas bases are not neces-
sary as navy vessels can make use of commercial ports in order to get
supplies. He also referred to the fact that in 2002 a destroyer and a re-
plenishment ship had completed the PLA Navy’s first circumnavigation
of the world – the Gulf of Aden being part of the itinerary – without
having used overseas bases (People’s Daily Online 2008). The interview
suggests that the PLA Navy set out with the intention to use and pre-
sumably further develop the commercial-diplomatic model.
„„„ 134 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

In certain ports, such as Salalah and Aden, the commercial approach

used so far could eventually be supplemented with formal agreements
that guarantee access and support for the PLA Navy (Kostecka 2010: 5).
In December 2011 China was reportedly considering an invitation from
the Seychelles to make use of its port facilities to supply Chinese navy
ships engaged in counter-piracy on a continuous rather than an ad hoc
basis (Li and Li 2011). In general, China developing military cooperation
with other countries, like it has with Pakistan, could increase the number
of ports in the Middle East and/ or Africa where Chinese naval ships
can make use of repair facilities. The viability of an approach without
bases would further increase if China were to participate in anti-piracy
patrols off parts of Africa other than Somalia, as this would increase the
area where the Chinese navy is active.

Implications for the EU

The European Union – as well as European countries operating under a
NATO or CMF flag – has been involved in the anti-piracy efforts since
they were initiated in late 2008. For Europe, the three most critical mari-
time security interests relate to safeguarding its sea lines of communica-
tion; preventing and countering global security threats that manifest
themselves at sea; and positioning itself in the shift in great power rela-
tions that is taking place in the Indian Ocean. In light of both this and
the fact that the Indian Ocean is the strategic gateway for Europe, Eura-
sian SLOCs are of growing geopolitical importance.
The main security issue in the maritime sphere is protecting the crit-
ical and vital flows of resources, trade and commodities from Asia and
the Middle East to Europe. Disruption of the SLOCs would have disas-
trous effects on the stability of the European economy as a whole. Eu-
rope’s economic security depends heavily on the imports and exports of
energy and trade from and to Asia and the Middle East that go through
the Indian Ocean. Europe is a maritime power with 90 per cent of its
external trade and 40 per cent of its internal trade carried by sea. Euro-
pean maritime regions account for 40 per cent of the EU’s total GDP,
and Europeans own or control 40 per cent of the world’s merchant fleet
(European Commission 2006). The EU’s cargo trade with Asia accounts
for 26 per cent of the global container shipping traffic, one of the most
important trade routes on earth (Rogers 2009: 21-22). Moreover, along
this route through the Indian Ocean, seven of the 15 biggest trading
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 135 „ „ „

partners of the EU, including China, can be found, with imports of 437.1
billion EUR and exports of 223.6 billion EUR in 2007 (Rogers 2009: 21-
22).
Another concern that has more recently presented itself is that mari-
time security is now becoming one of Europe’s first lines of defence
against contemporary regional threats (drug smuggling, human traffick-
ing and illegal immigration) as well as global security threats (maritime
terrorism, piracy, and proliferation of conventional and unconventional
weapons). The worst-case scenario is a maritime 9/11, in which both the
economic and security environments would be strongly affected (López-
Calderón 2008: 9). While the maritime infrastructure of world trade is
robust enough to withstand attacks on its structure, the system’s inter-
connectedness may mean that any attack or any conflict will affect Eu-
rope’s prosperity and security as such (Willett 2008: 19). This is a funda-
mental security concern for Europe. The risk that global security threats
like the proliferation of WMDs, the scenario of a terrorist attack or a
combination of these two originate and manifest themselves in the Indi-
an Ocean is ever more likely. The Indian Ocean region is therefore also
from a security perspective an important region for Europe to take into
account, and not only for defence reasons.
Given that the European Union’s traditional focus has been pri-
marily on the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea, strategic thinking
about the role and ambitions of the EU outside its own waters remains
relatively limited (Rogers 2009: 8, 31-33). The EU’s Green Paper of 2006
and Blue Book and accompanying Action Plan of 2007 have most re-
cently enunciated Europe’s maritime policy. However, these documents
mainly focus on the economic perspective of an integrated European
maritime policy (SDA 2009: 9). Although these policies recognise the
cross-border character of maritime challenges and the potential of a
maritime Europe, they neglect to reflect on parts of the maritime domain
other than Europe’s directly neighbouring waters.
Europe’s security strategy, as outlined in the 2003 document “A se-
cure Europe in a better world” (European Union 2003), recognises the
following as primary objectives of the EU: bringing about a ring of well-
governed countries around its borders, establishing strategic partnerships
with emerging powers such as China and India, and striving for effective
multilateralism. However, the EU still needs to find a way to approach
maritime security in a broader and more global sense, and it lacks a com-
prehensive maritime security policy that takes into account (security)
„„„ 136 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

challenges of other regions than just its own. The Indian Ocean region is
not taken into account sufficiently in the EU’s strategy and policies. If
the EU wants to play a role there and be “more effective and visible
around the world”, as the 2008 “Report on the Implementation of the
European Security Strategy” states, it has to work toward – among other
things – a maritime security strategy that takes its interests in the Indian
Ocean region into account. It is clear that Europe has important mari-
time security interests outside its own region.
The growing interests of other great powers like China – but also
India and Japan – in maritime security in the Indian Ocean provide the
EU with an opportunity to establish the contacts enunciated in its securi-
ty strategy. As a military power, the EU has a relatively strong potential
to do so. The naval capabilities of EU member states together account
for 8 carriers, 24 assault ships, 58 submarines, 26 destroyers and 108
frigates. Compared to China, which has no carriers, 1 assault ship, 62
submarines, 28 destroyers and 50 frigates, the EU is still in the lead
(Rogers 2009: Annex 2, 42; IISS 2009). The EU, like China, prefers non-
military means of involvement in international maritime security, if only
because it has no comprehensive security strategy as a basis of its military
(maritime) power and capabilities. But as the EU’s Common Security
and Defence Policy (CSDP) advances, counter-piracy missions like Ata-
lanta can complement the EU’s non-military means, and thereby form a
combined response of civilian and military components to counter
threats like piracy (Gullestrup and Stumbaum 2010).
As the European Union currently has a more extensive counter-
piracy presence in the Western Indian Ocean than other actors, this
should be seen as an opportunity for the EU to establish contacts with
other great powers (see also Kamerling and Van der Putten 2011a,
2011b). The EU has so far used this opportunity by cooperating with
China in SHADE and by participating in short-term exchanges of liaison
officers between the operational commanding frigate of Atalanta and the
PLA Navy warship Zhoushan (Zhu, Xu and Yu 2009). The EU – through
its counter-piracy mission – is now an important player in maritime se-
curity in the Western Indian Ocean. This could be of help when other
(maritime) security threats occur in the future. But perhaps more im-
portantly, the EU has proven a reliable partner to all major actors cur-
rently present in the Indian Ocean region in combating piracy – not just
the United States and China, but also Japan and India. For the great
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 137 „ „ „

powers involved in Asian geopolitics, however, the EU remains a neutral

and more low-profile player.
China’s counter-piracy mission is not regarded by the European Un-
ion as a threat, but rather a welcome contribution to the international
effort to combat Somali piracy. So far there has been a certain degree of
Sino-EU cooperation, in terms of the two sides exchanging some infor-
mation on a tactical and operational level. SHADE has also served as an
operational forum in which counter-piracy activities between all the ac-
tors present (the EU and China included) have been coordinated. In fact,
from a Chinese perspective, the Gulf of Aden is the only area in Africa
where the EU is really visible as a security actor. Consequently there is a
strong interest in China to further strengthen cooperation with the EU,
especially in the fields of intelligence-sharing and putting pirates on trial.
However, the European side has so far remained reluctant to share more
information. The perception that China is gaining more from this coop-
eration than the EU plays an important role in this reticence (Interview
2010). Another obstacle to working together on detaining and bringing
piracy suspects to trial is also the fact that China and the EU have con-
flicting standards with regard to human rights.
It is necessary for the EU to closely follow the further development
of China’s military presence in order to understand at what speed and in
what direction China’s capabilities of addressing security threats are de-
veloping. If China’s civil–military supply model works well in the eyes of
the Chinese navy and government, the Chinese military presence in Afri-
ca – other than UN peacekeeping missions – could develop much faster
than the EU has anticipated. The global reach of China’s diplomacy and
multinational corporations has already created a solid groundwork. That
fact notwithstanding, the EU’s involvement in counter-piracy is helping
Europe increase its visibility and involvement in terms of African and
Asian security issues. This, in turn, provides the EU with a means to
strengthen maritime security governance in a way that also involves the
other leading maritime powers.
„„„ 138 Susanne Kamerling and Frans-Paul van der Putten „„„

Conclusion
The Chinese government has multiple interests at stake when it comes to
addressing Somali piracy.
1. The presence of the Chinese navy signals to the rest of the world
that China is among the leading actors regarding maritime security
in the Indian Ocean.
2. It contributes to Beijing’s ability to protect its interests in a region of
great economic importance. Both shipping lanes at sea and the
countries in the Middle East and Africa play a major part in China’s
external economic relations.
3. Beijing has shown its own population that it is capable of protecting
Chinese property and lives from piracy attacks, and that Chinese
vessels need not rely on foreign navies for their protection. In other
words, this shows that China is a great power, and the leadership of
the CCP is taking up this responsibility.
4. The counter-piracy mission serves to underscore the fact that China
– not the Taiwanese government – protects Taiwan’s shipping in-
terests. Thus the Chinese claim that Taiwan is part of China is bol-
stered.
The way China has used its navy to respond to Somali piracy has shown
that the Chinese government is able and willing to deploy military means
far beyond China’s borders to secure its interests. China has done so
before – through UN peacekeeping missions – but the naval escort mis-
sion is different in that it is not integrated into a UN-led operation (alt-
hough the operations are UN-mandated) and that it involves military
assets suitable for combat actions (warships and special forces). How-
ever, the continuous element in China’s policy on expeditionary military
activities is that the Chinese military engages only in missions of humani-
tarian, peacekeeping and non-combat natures. China’s military presence
in and near Africa poses a threat neither to countries in the region nor to
other great powers; on the contrary, it contributes to greater security and
stability. Continuity can also be found in China’s aim to use military
means to protect its overseas interests merely as a complement to its
very considerable – and ever-increasing – economic and diplomatic
means.
In the near future, the expansion of China’s naval presence to wa-
ters off the Horn of Africa will not necessarily lead to the establishment
of Chinese naval bases in or near Africa. To supply its ships, the Chinese
„„„ China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 139 „ „ „

navy may well continue using the commercial-diplomatic model that

China has been developing. This model is based on China’s close diplo-
matic relations with countries in the region and the extensive presence of
Chinese companies to whom logistical services can be outsourced and
who are under a greater degree of state influence than most Western
multinationals. So far, China seems very reluctant to establish overseas
military bases to protect its economic interests. Nonetheless, this does
not mean that the Chinese military will not increase its presence in places
such as the African region in the near future. Through enlarging its fleet
and through the use of commercial ports in friendly countries, the PLA
Navy may be able to deploy military assets also to other waters around
Africa (or elsewhere) where piracy or natural disasters occur.
One of the consequences of this approach is that although China
may not establish overseas military bases, it may be able to keep expand-
ing its naval presence in or around Africa. For the European Union this
means that although China’s counter-piracy mission does not pose a
military threat, it should take into account that the Chinese overseas
military presence may advance more quickly than the EU has anticipated
thus far, due to China’s potentially different modus operandi. It is im-
portant for the EU to note the close interaction between diplomatic,
economic and military means in China’s foreign security policy in order
to understand how this is developing. The EU should also consider how
it can further engage with China, and other powers, to strengthen multi-
lateral maritime security governance. With that, the EU should also
strengthen its own maritime position, given its interests at stake.

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„„„ Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 4/2011: 1 „„„

Contents

Introduction
„ Jonathan HOLSLAG
China’s Evolving Behaviour in Africa and the Options of
Cooperation with Europe 3

Research Articles

„ Bert JACOBS
A Dragon and a Dove? A Comparative Overview of Chinese
and European Trade Relations with Sub-Saharan Africa 17
„ Lucy CORKIN
Redefining Foreign Policy Impulses toward Africa: The Roles
of the MFA, the MOFCOM and China Exim Bank 61
„ Sara VAN HOEYMISSEN
Regional Organizations in China’s Security Strategy for Africa:
The Sense of Supporting “African Solutions to African
Problems” 91
„ Susanne KAMERLING and Frans-Paul VAN DER
PUTTEN
An Overseas Naval Presence without Overseas Bases:
China’s Counter-piracy Operation in the Gulf of Aden 119
„ Anna Katharina STAHL
Contrasting Rhetoric and Converging Security Interests of
the European Union and China in Africa 147

Contributors 175