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Transport and mobility in sub-Saharan African cities: An overview of

practices, lessons and options for improvements

Article in Cities · June 2012

DOI: 10.1016/j.cities.2011.11.005

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 Cities 29 (2012) 183–189

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Transport and mobility in sub-Saharan African cities: An overview

of practices, lessons and options for improvements
Remy Sietchiping ⇑, Melissa Jane Permezel, Claude Ngomsi
United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), P.O. Box 30030, Nairobi 00100, Kenya

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Urban mobility is increasingly becoming one of the planning and development issues for cities in the sub-
Available online 5 January 2012 Saharan Africa (SSA) region. Sub-Saharan cities are growing fast, outstripping the current transport infra-
structure. Despite the population and spatial growth, many cities are defined by inadequate planning,
Keywords: rapid urbanisation and deteriorating transport infrastructure and services. In most sub-Saharan African
Urban planning countries, modes of urban mobility are highly dependent on income. Transport options are limited. In
Social inclusion fact, walking and cycling are often the main means available for the majority of city commuters. Little
Pedestrian mobility
effort is made to develop a range of transport options or to improve bike or walking paths. Combined with
Cycling
Safety
traffic jams, poor governance and the increasing cost of living, public transport mobility in sub-Saharan
Transportation cities is having a tremendous impact on their liveability and citizens development aspirations. This paper
Gender argues that inclusive and broad ranging transport planning must be prioritised in SSA cities to improve
Sub-Saharan Africa the capacity of citizens to participate in work opportunities as well as to fulfil their daily domestic needs.
Using observations and comparing progress in other countries and regions, we note that the majority
urban poor, women in particular, are often bearing the brunt of inadequate planning and transport pro-
vision. We note that urban planning and transport infrastructure should therefore be (re) designed with
particular focus on the wellbeing of the poor. The paper thus ends with a range of suggestions on what
planning, design and policy options might be available to better integrate various commuting modes into
urban planning infrastructure. In doing so, the paper notes that safety and security are critical elements of
improving urban and spatial transport planning in the sub-Saharan Africa region.
Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction their capacity to engage in economic and social opportunities

and minimise negative environmental impacts.
Many sub-Saharan African (SSA) cities are deploying strategies Evidence from other cities worldwide suggests that building
towards more car-dependent cities at the expense of other modes more freeways and roads around cities only leads to a less produc-
of urban mobility or at developing a range of private and public tive use of space (city sprawl, low density land use, pollution, traf-
transport options. The move towards car-dependency in these cit- fic congestion) and ultimately, and ironically, more car-dependent
ies, however, is in contradiction with a context where cycling and cities (Mees, 2010; UN-HABITAT, 2009). In the SSA region, urban
walking are the main means of mobility, especially for the urban dwellers are gradually embracing or more often, being forced to
poor whose daily commuting experience often involves long treks utilise other forms of transport, mainly cycling and walking – to
by foot to undertake domestic tasks or paid work. Moreover, the overcome the shortage of public transport (Oyesiku, 2001). The rise
promotion of motorised means of transport is going against the of bicycles and motorcycles as a means of private, public and com-
global trends towards more sustainable and compact city, healthy mercial urban transport (including persons and goods) is evident in
living practices and environmental awareness. In the SSA cities many countries in sub-Saharan Africa (Abuhamoud, Rahmat, &
context, the need to re-evaluate current transport planning is thus Ismail, 2011; Howe & Dennis, 1993; UN-HABITAT, 2010b). This rise
critical. These cities should aim at providing fair, affordable and comes at a cost, however, particularly in terms of commuter
sustainable transport options in order to improve citizens’ lives, health, safety, security and the overall liveability of cities.
The objective of this paper is to assess the extent to which
inclusive and broad ranging transport planning is prioritised in
SSA Africa. In so doing, it pays attention to four major areas. First,
⇑ Corresponding author. Tel.: +254 207623858; fax: +254 207625358.
we explore how urban transport can contribute effectively to
E-mail addresses: remy.sietchiping@unhabitat.org, rsietchiping@yahoo.com
(R. Sietchiping), moo_permezel@yahoo.com.au (M.J. Permezel), claude.ngomsi@
citizens’ capacity to participate in work opportunities as well as
unhabitat.org (C. Ngomsi). to fulfil their daily domestic needs. Second, the paper will assess

0264-2751/$ - see front matter Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2011.11.005
184 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189

the impact and sustainability of car-dependent urban planning Transport in sub-Saharan African cities: trends and challenges
strategies, in terms of economic and physical urban planning but
also from environmental and gender perspectives. Third, the paper With an average urban growth rate of 4.5%, sub-Saharan Africa
will seek to understand what forms of effective urban planning, is the fast urbanising region in the World (UN-HABITAT, 2010a).
investment and infrastructure development are required to pro- UN-HABITAT (2010) estimates that over 75% of new urbanisation
vide urban dwellers with a range of affordable, appropriate and in SSA occurs in small and medium size cities. It is also estimated
sustainable transport options - from individual cars to public trans- that African cities have one of the highest annual traffic increases
port options, of which cycling and walking options might be just ranging from 15% to 20% (Mbara, 2002). Over the last two decades,
one. Specific focus will be on the understanding of the types of the purchasing power of African city dwellers has increased and
interventions needed to improve the infrastructure for pedestrians motor vehicles and bikes have become more affordable (CCI – Cen-
and bike riders in African cities. Finally, the paper will explore tre du Commerce International, 2008). Such a trend, however, has
what other transport models and options might be developed in translated into an influx of second hand motor vehicles from devel-
SSA cities so as to improve the everyday life of city dwellers. oped countries, as well as new two-wheelers from countries such
Specifically, the paper will evaluate the most suitable transport as China. Despite global trends and substantial debates on the
models and lessons that would be relevant and useful in growing importance of sustainable transport planning, unsustainable trans-
sub Saharan African cities. port and mobility strategies (e.g. bias towards higher investment in
The paper focuses on mobility by means of walking, as well road infrastructure for four-wheelers) continue inexorably in SSA
using motorised two-wheelers, motorised three-wheelers, as well cities. Urban planning efforts for a diverse transport system in
as non-motorised two and three wheelers. In sub-Saharan African smaller or even medium size cities are almost non-existent. Rather,
cities, the growth of walking and cycling as alternative means of the tendency is towards more roads and freeways that encourage
urban mobility has arisen out of a combined need, demand and in- car-dependent cities without a balance of other infrastructural
deed, a vacuum created by other systems such as cars and buses developments that support other types of transport (e.g. trains,
that are often unaffordable or part of the congestion that defines trams, and bus networks).
city roads (Howe et al., 1993). Other modes of transport, such as On the ‘ground’ in most SSA cities, there are very limited facil-
cycling and walking, however, are not viewed as fundamental op- ities for cycling and walking for example. New road developments
tions and legitimate activities in public and private transport dis- seldom have adequate provision for these modes of transport.
cussions. Cycling is seldom acknowledged by the planning Small and medium size cities and urban centres are even more ne-
authorities in sub-Saharan cities (UN-HABITAT, 2010b). Notably, glected in terms of transport improvements (UN-HABITAT, 2010a).
mostly women in SSA cities are dependent on public or personal In fact, cycling (both for private and commercial purposes) and
transport (walking) options. As a consequence, cycling and walking walking are by far the dominant means of urban mobility in fast
as legitimate short distance transport modes, receive very scant growing and emerging small towns and cities in SSA (Howe &
attention and the issues faced by cyclists and pedestrians daily, Maunder, 2004; UN-HABITAT, 2010b). When it comes to public
such as road safety, are not addressed. transport facilities, however, African governments often privilege
This paper therefore seeks to identify ways in which sub-Sah- larger cities partly due to the economy of scale but at the expense
aran African cities can greatly improve their economic, social and of smaller and fast growing urban centres. The fundamental
environmental status through improved means of transport. For assumption is that individuals must work out their own private
example, it will be proposed that in the short term, improved pe- transport needs. Research shows that indeed, many urban dwellers
destrian and cycling mobility strategies and plans could be ex- engage in long daily treks by foot to undertake everyday essential
plored. In the long term, however, a multitude of public and tasks. Studies conducted in Cameroon and Guinea showed that
private transport infrastructures must be developed. The paper over 70% of urban dwellers in Douala (Cameroon) and Conakry
recognizes that the increase in other transport options comes (Guinea) are poor and more inclined to walk long distances than
with a range of challenges and issues, to which city managers those with medium or high income. Pedestrians represent 11% in
in developing countries are yet to adjust. Some of the issues the Conakry and 13% in Douala compare to inhabitants with more
paper addresses include the inadequacies between laws and reg- financial means and 9% in Conakry versus 4% in Douala (Adoleho-
ulations governing urban mobility and the practices of city dwell- ume, Diaz Olvera, Plat, Pochet, & Sahabana, 2005).
ers mobility. The lack of governance and reform capacity also With a significant proportion of urban poor, bicycles and motor-
impedes government initiative and action. The paper also notes bikes are becoming the favoured and often the most affordable
that in the region, current land use and transport planning poli- form of private transport in many SSA cities. A study of four East
cies and practices promote mobility by motorised four-wheelers African cities (Dar Es Salaam, Morogoro, Nairobi and Eldoret)
(e.g. private vehicles, buses and public transport) at the expense showed that the level of car ownership was very low (0.06–0.16)
of pedestrians and cyclists. All these forms of transport must be compared to bicycle ownership (0.2–0.7) (Rwebangira, 2001). This
seen as legitimate and part of a holistic sustainable approach to often translates into limited options for private transport. A survey
transport planning. conducted in the commercial city of Douala in Cameroon (2003)
In the first instance, the paper reviews some key issues and and Niamey (1996) showed that walking was by far the main
challenges facing the pedestrians and cycling populations in sub- means of urban mobility (31% and 53% respectively) (Diaz Olvera,
Saharan African cities. Second, the paper reviews the opportunities Plat, Pochet, & Sahabana, 2010). The same survey showed that in
available for adopting and building on urban mobility options, Douala, the majority of short trips were undertaken using motor-
drawing particular attention to the range of benefits and outcomes bike (both private and commercial use) and then walking.
from recognising and supporting multiple transport options. The As mentioned, motorcycle taxis are also becoming a common
third section identifies practical policy implications and strategies feature in cities’ public transport landscapes in Lagos, Douala,
for improving urban mobility and developing inclusive cities. In Cotonou and Mombassa for example. There is a strong competition
particular, the need to recognise that urbanisation is occurring at between traditional taxis (cars) and emerging motorcycle taxis.
all city levels (large and small urban centres) and suitable transport Some African governments are attempting to formalise the use of
options must be planned for and applied so that SSA cities can motorcycles as a means of urban mobility. In Kenya for instance,
support citizen capacity and long term growth. the government waived the importation taxes on motorcycles for
 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189 185

private and public taxis uses. In Ouagadougou, capital city of Burk- walking. Cycling and walking are considered cheap1 and efficient
ina Faso, designated motorcycle lanes have been created in ways to utilize urban space in that they use less urban space than
acknowledgement of their increasing use by city dwellers as the other transport options. It can also be noted that promoting walking
preferred mode of getting around (Ouongo, 2009). and cycling for short distance urban mobility can support urban den-
While the influx has also seen a rise in private transport options, sity, neighbourhood integration, mixed land-use patterns and econ-
it has not often translated into improved transport infrastructure, omy of agglomeration.
services or policies. While urban and spatial planning development In the SSA city context then, increasing urban mobility through
is defining many African cities (see recent road developments in private vehicle is not the answer. There are known health limita-
Nairobi, Kenya for example), consideration for transport options tions of motorised mode of urban mobility. For example, motorised
other than the car, is given little attention. Rather, the growing ur- two-wheelers along with other three and four-wheelers are known
ban demand for motorcycles and bicycles as other modes of mobil- to emit fine particle matter which cause major respiratory health
ity is met with a policy and planning vacuum. As a result, by sheer concerns for the users and others urban dwellers (Kojima, Brandon,
force of necessity and meeting every day demands, ordinary people & Shah, 2000). Again, research shows that health issues associated
have literally ‘carved out’ their own transport options and routes with motorised and non-motorised two-wheelers can vary consid-
and ‘forced’ their way into the urban infrastructure. For example, erably depending on the ‘local, geographical, meteorological, social,
pedestrian and vehicle pathways are ‘created’ on empty vacant and physical planning conditions, as well as the dominant modes
land and urban space. Motorists are forced to commonly ‘share ur- of transport’ (Kjellstrom, van Kerkhoff, Bammer, & McMichael,
ban roads’ with other commuters, mainly pedestrians and cyclists. 2003, p.452). In the SSA cities, however, the range of transport op-
In short, urban mobility in SSA cities is largely defined by inade- tions has other uses and implications. For example, bi/tricycles
quate transport regulations and their effective enforcement (where serve a large segment of urban population living in poorly or un-
they exist), transforming urban roads into ‘disputed territory’ serviced areas with poor road conditions (Abuhamoud et al.,
where pedestrians and cyclists often pay the highest price with re- 2011). The bi/tricycle operators are often recruited from unem-
gard to their safety and the incidence of accidents (Odero, 2009; ployed youth, thus providing some source of occupation, employ-
Ouongo, 2009). ment and income. For motorcycle taxi operators in particular, the
One wonders why there is so little policy and planning under- employment and income benefits supersede the environmental
taken to improve urban mobility when so many citizens have to and health constraints. With the growing scarcity and cost of urban
walk or at best, use a bike to travel often substantial distances to land and the difficulty of providing urban basic services and infra-
undertake daily tasks (work, domestic duties, etc.) and have no structure, it has become urgent for cities in SAA to also opt for a
supporting infrastructure. It could be argued that urban transport productive use of urban space within which walking and cycling
(public and private) plays a critical role in building the capacity infrastructure should play a major role.
of individuals, households, small business and city economies. Lim- The transfer of developed country’s transport models and plan-
ited transport options severely curtail opportunity and develop- ning approaches is not necessary applicable to or desirable for
ment as individuals and cities are placed in ‘survive’ rather than many SSA cities. For instance, obesity is not yet the major health
‘thrive’ mode. concern for citizens in SSA cities, but could be further curtailed
Research shows that a diversity of public transport options re- through adequate urban mobility planning. While there are health
sults in important health and environmental benefits (Loukaitou- concerns in regard to motorbikes as mentioned above for example,
Sideris, 2004). There is now sufficient evidence that cities that their integration into urban life in medium size towns and cities in
are gearing towards less car-dependent urban space have better SSA has at least, in the short term, provided the capacity for citi-
quality of life outcome. For example, it is emerging that less car- zens to have an affordable transport choice which reduces the long
dependent cities contribute to reduce obesity incidence in urban walk to work. Radical changes to current planning infrastructure
areas (Odero, Khayesi, & Heda, 2003). More specifically, walking are also highly problematic. Many SSA cities are defined by a
and cycling have clear economic, social, environmental and health motorised-based urban design and planning model which is not
benefits, particularly in combating obesity, heart problems, etc. readily adaptable to other forms of transport. In fact, the share of
(Howe, 1995; Loukaitou-Sideris, 2006). Obesity is often linked to infrastructure provision for enabling mobility such as walking
poor physical exercise regime and has become a serious health and cycling is inadequately low. Urban and transport planners, in
concern for many urban residents of developed countries. Walking particular, do not often factor in the provision of footpaths, bicycle
and cycling are widely considered to be environmentally friendly lanes and parking space as legitimate components of urban mobil-
options in high density urban settings. Walking and cycling make ity (Agossou, 2004).
less noise, pollute less and can be seen by many as an expression It is therefore critical for SSA cities to consider and gradually ex-
of freedom and social integration (UN-HABITAT, 2010a). The in- pand and adopt transport options that are context and city specific.
creased environmental awareness and the growing threats of cli- Clearly, in the short term, walking and cycling infrastructure can be
mate change impacts (pollution and fossil fuel emission, global incrementally incorporated into current transport planning and
warming) may suggest that more environmental friendly options management. Walking, cycling and motorcycling are not only
of urban mobility are on the rise (UN-HABITAT, 2011). The trend transporting people, but also goods, making significant positive so-
has started in developed countries where city dwellers are pressur- cial, economic and environmental contribution. Some cities in
ing city managers to create more walking paths and cycling lanes. developing countries have managed to make impressive planning
Cities in both developing and developed countries are becoming and infrastructure improvements and provide important lessons
more aware of the issues associated with size and scale. Many car- and inspiration for change. Since 1998, Bogotá, the capital city of
dependent cities are now struggling with urban sprawl and the Colombia for example, has developed over 300 km of bicycle lanes
cost of providing and maintaining expansive road infrastructure (at the expenses of new roads and highways). Improving bicycle
(Mees, 2010). Experiences from cities such as Johannesburg, Cairo, lanes for urban mobility has significantly contributed to recovering
Luanda and Lagos clearly show that constructing more highways, and transformation of Bogotá’s public space (e.g. parks, car free al-
freeways and roads result in rapid urban sprawl. Encouraging ur-
ban sprawl (by promoting urban car-dependency) makes it diffi- 1
Rwenbangira (2001) reported that economically, bicycling (USD2 cents/km) and
cult to implement efficient people-oriented modes of mobility walking (USD2 cents/km) are the most cost effective means of urban mobility, far less
such as Mass Rapid Transit systems (rail and buses), cycling and than buses (USD4 cents/km) and cars (USD30 cents/km).
186 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189

leys and tree lanes). This transformation has resulted in an increase (54%), poor urban dwellers (45%) and all men operators (Diaz Olve-
in bicycle use in the city, while making the city friendlier to walk ra et al., 2010). In Bamako, 87% of women do not have access to
and visit (Montezuma, 2005). The city centre now has less traffic individual means of transport, compared to 57% for men (Peter,
jam and is an attractive sport and tourist attraction. The benefits 2001).
of well planned cities are therefore enormous, ranging from eco- Nigeria has played a key role in the expansion of motorbikes in
nomic, tourist and leisure attraction, health and environmental Central and Western African regions. First, the country has been
gains (UN-HABITAT, 2010a). It is important to note that while in one of the leading SSA countries with motorbike and spare parts
developed economies, the adoption of urban mobility (walking manufacturing and assembling facilities. This has also helped the
and cycling) is mainly for recreational purpose (sport, play and lei- spread of motorbikes in neighbouring countries such as Benin,
sure), in sub-Saharan African countries the motivations are largely Cameroon,2 Chad and Niger. Second, many countries in the region
utilitarian or need-based (e.g. work, shopping, errands and urban have imported cheap legal and illegal fuel from Nigeria, which has
delivery services) (Robert, Fouracre, & Maunder, 2000). made the running of motorbike taxis an attractive commercial activ-
ity (Diaz Olvera et al., 2010). Ultimately, there is growing evidence
that motorbikes are associated with small enterprises which are con-
The rise of motorised two-wheelers as taxis tributing to the overall economies of some SSA cities. Such busi-
nesses include repair shops, mechanics, motorbike and spare parts
The rise of motorbike as a means of urban mobility is essentially retailers, insurance companies, and small fuel distribution
a response to a range of social and urban demands, needs and enterprises.
shortcomings that characterise SSA cities. The cost of mobility is Interestingly, in many SSA countries, public policies and deci-
one of the main household expenditures, alongside health, educa- sion makers have discouraged and even undermined the use of
tion, food and housing. It is estimated that about 10% of a house- motorbikes as commercial means of urban transport. Several rea-
hold budget is dedicated to transport in capital cities in West sons may explain public authorities’ lack of policy support for this
and Central Africa (UN-HABITAT, 2010b). For poor individuals, transport option. Diaz Olvera et al. (2010) identified a couple of
households and communities, this figure is often higher. Monthly possible reasons. First, motorbike taxis are seen as competitors to
transportation costs are unaffordable, even for relatively short dis- ‘official’ and traditional means of public transport operators such
tances from their homes to the place of work. In Nairobi for in- as regulated saloon cars and buses that are often operated by local
stance, a worker who earns 5000 Kenya shillings per month politicians and businessmen. Second, in countries such as Camer-
(around USD50 per month as of October 2011 exchange rates) oon and Togo, motorbike operators were at the forefront of social
can easily spend 20–26% of the monthly revenue on transportation. and civil unrests in the 1990s and during the 2008 food riot. In
The combination of cost, deteriorating road networks, the increase so doing, some governments have suspected commercial motor-
in youth unemployment, the vacuum of urban transport regulatory bike operators of collusion with social and political movements.
frameworks and the affordability of motorbikes have thus contrib- Some governments have therefore attempted, without much suc-
uted to the rise of two-wheeler motorbikes as indispensable and cess, to ‘keep motorbikes at bay’.3 Third, motorbike operators are of-
affordable means of public transport in SSA. ten young and act in solidarity, mainly against other transport
The rise is also a reflection of ordinary people’s will to address operators (buses and cars). The aggressive behaviour of motorbike
the dire urban transport crises that define their daily lives (Diaz taxi riders can increase the hazardous nature of road traffic for other
Olvera et al., 2010). Commonly known as zemidjan in Benin, bend- road users, therefore gaining less support for public policy.
skin in Cameroon, kabu–kabu in Niger, okada or alalok in Nigeria, Motorcycle taxis are therefore perceived to undermine the road
boda–boda in Kenya and Uganda and oleyia in Togo, motorcycle and transport safety of many urban commuters (Odero et al.,
taxis are considered comparatively affordable options. The short- 2003). For instance, motorbike drivers are often inclined to reckless
age of urban transport supply, the availability of factors of produc- driving and to be accidents-prone, causing an increased risk to ur-
tion (e.g. ease and cost of importation, availability of bikes, cost of ban safety and security (Kjellstrom et al., 2003). For example, the
illegal fuel and youth labour, and waiving importation taxation) proportion of motorcycle drivers’ deaths grew from 1.7% in 2005
and the permissiveness of the regulatory framework are all con- to 6.1% in 2009 of the total road deaths in Kenya (Odero, 2009).
tributing factors for the attractiveness of this mode of transport In 2010, Tanzania4 traffic police reported the rapid rise in motorbike
(Diaz Olvera et al., 2010). Likewise, the motorbike taxis and bike accidents and death. Indeed, in 2010, over 500 died and 3407 people
taxis have some comparative advantages over the traditional were injured, compared with 2199 injuries and 407 deaths recorded
four-wheelers counterpart. For example, two-wheelers are conve- in 2009. Deaths have also been compounded by the lack of national
nient in the sense that they can provide door-to-door service, can and urban transport policies and enforceable regulations to accom-
access areas with poor road network (not suitable for four-wheel- modate the bicycle taxis along with corrupt practices by the law
ers), are suitable for short trips, and can save time (can ‘beat’ and enforcement officers (Mahlstein, 2009). The safety issues and risk-
ease traffic congestion). As such, they complement traditional taking behaviour of commercial operators of two-wheelers are two
mode of transport. key priority areas of intervention to better integrate motorcycling
In Cameroon for instance, the importation of motorbikes, options into urban transport systems in SSA cities. It is common that
mainly from China, grew from USD2.1 million to USD8.9 million
between 2001 and 2005, representing over 90% motorbike market
share (CCI, 2008). A reduction in the cost of motorbikes has as-
2
sisted such growth in countries such as Cameroon. For example, During the 1990s social strikes in Cameroon, motorcycle taxi operators, also
known as bendskin, used zouazoua, a much cheaper fuel, smuggled from Nigeria.
prior to the vast supply from China, a motorbike (before, they were
Government took gradual measures to discourage the importation and use of
imported from Japan) would cost about USD1,600. Currently zouazoua, though they are still in limited use in some Cameroonian towns bordering
USD500 will be sufficient to buy a motorbike made in China (CCI, Nigeria.
3
2008). City managers in cities such as Douala and Nairobi have issued bylaws to ban
motorbike taxis to operate in some parts of the cities. In such cities, these measures
Gender is also an important dimension of debates on diverse
have either gradually been ignored or the urban territory covered by motorcycle taxis
transport options in SSA cities and in particular, in association with has been expanding.
the rise of the motorbike. In the city of Douala, Cameroon for 4
Source: http://www.afriquejet.com/news/africa-news/tanzania:-motorcycle-
example, the majority (54%) of motorbike taxi users are women accidents-kill-more-on-tanzanian-roads-2010122465159.html.
 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189 187

motorbike taxi operators carry more than the required number of oritise the safety of pedestrians and cyclists. In a city such as Nai-
passengers, break traffic rules and do not consistently use helmets. robi in Kenya, recent urban transport development has focussed on
Nevertheless, motorbikes are fulfilling the gaps and needs not highways and motorist roads. One would have expected that in
only for the users (employment and income), but also of the own- such circumstance, urban planners could have carefully considered
ers (income) and the commuters (alternative means of mobility). the trade-offs between car-dependent development versus an inte-
The local and national governments are gradually accepting the grated mobility plan and had at least made walking and cycling
trend by introducing piecemeal legislation and taxation measures. paths an integral part of the design and development.5 The latter
Some of these measures included banning motorbike taxis in some might appear costly in short term but lessons learned globally make
parts of the city (e.g. Nairobi and Douala), introducing laws on the clear that such planning is more beneficial in long term. In SSA cities,
use of helmets and reflective jackets, motorbike registration, driv- pedestrian and cyclist friendly design has clear benefits for social
ing licence for the operator, insurance for driver and passenger(s), groups like youth, women and the elderly. Examples of targeted
etc. The enforcement of the motorbike taxis-related laws and reg- interventions in some sub-Saharan cities (e.g. Ouagadougou) include
ulations, however, remains one of the challenges. A survey of se- improved public space and land use planning, cycling and pedestrian
lected cities in SSA reported that ‘‘17% of the drivers did not hold infrastructure (sidewalks and physically separated and designated
a driving license and that 34% of the vehicles were without regis- bike lanes), cycle links across the city, and laws and regulations for
tration documents. Even worse, only 73% of the drivers had at least bikes (motorised and non-motorised).
two of the seven necessary administrative documents, and only Other planning contributions could be to create (or paint in spe-
40% had three’’ (Diaz Olvera et al., 2010, p.5). cific colour) buffer bike lanes and pedestrian spaces using cones to
protect users especially in road intersections and crossings. More
importantly, such interventions may only require modifying and
Urban mobility in African cities: options for improvement and upgrading existing road networks, not necessary adding new lanes.
policy implications Cities which have introduced similar minimal and cost-effective
planning designs have seen an increased use of bikes and walking,
The challenges associated with other modes of transport such as and the reduction of safety and security incidents (UN-HABITAT,
the motorbike, becoming permanent transport fixtures of develop- 2009). Other bold approaches have consisted of reducing parking
ing country city streets, are significant (Mosquera et al., 2011). spaces in cities and converting selected city space (e.g. streets,
Some of these challenges include the inadequate policies and reg- roads, and parking) into walking and cycling islands (e.g. Bogotá).
ulations to accommodate two-wheelers in cities, safety matters While developing and/or upgrading urban roads, there is an
(passenger overload, non-use of helmet and reflective jacket, use opportunity to integrate non-motorised components of urban
of headlights), lack of safety road features, obstruction of pedes- mobility with public and private transport systems. To make the
trian walks, etc. (Mahlstein, 2009). Evidence from cities such as city functional and productive through an integrated transport sys-
Dar Es Salaam shows that when cycling and walking safety mea- tem, it is important that planning exercises consider connecting
sures improve, so does the propensity to walk and cycle (Rweban- networks of four-wheelers, two-wheelers, walking paths, and
gira, 2001). The main lesson here is that a range of transport types other public and private means of urban mobility. Urban mobility
must be accommodated to account for all means of urban mobility. performs better when they are interconnected and complement
One of the first steps could be to make urban roads friendly to cy- each other. To make city pedestrian-friendly, planners and deci-
clists and pedestrians. Improved urban safety and security along sion-makers may consider adopting four key principles6: living
with integrated urban and transport planning systems and facili- streets, pedestrian precincts, shared zones, and sharing the main
ties will go a long way to make city people friendly (Odero et al., street.
2003). Making urban transport and mobility systems work for all It has become clear that cities in SSA countries have to fully rec-
city dwellers, then, will have a direct and indirect bearing on ognise the multiple benefits of promoting safe and secure options
reducing urban poverty and make the city more liveable for vari- of urban mobility. The shortcomings in public transport supply and
ous groups, particularly women who are heads of household. To regulations have contributed to the establishment of motorbike
do this effectively, improvements in transport services and policies taxis as an integral part of urban mobility equation in most SSA cit-
will benefit from paying particular attention to policy options that ies. There is therefore an urgent need to establish a people and pro-
are sensitive to the needs of both men and women. poor focus urban planning by enabling policies and regulations
One key consideration is for urban planners and policy makers that safeguard the use of walking, motorbike riding and cycling
to recognise the range of transport options and thus reflect all as a full component of private and public mobility in urban areas.
these options in urban plans and management approaches. A sig- Experiences from other cities can guide the development of ‘people
nificant proportion of SSA city dwellers rely on walking as the only friendly’ cities.
option to undertake daily tasks because there are no affordable and Further, transport, planning and land use regulations should
appropriate alternatives. In this regard, urban planning can play a also promote a range of urban mobility by paying equal attention
key role in improving transport options and in developing more to all public space users. For example, the provision of sidewalks
inclusive cities. Sub-Saharan African cities should not be an excep- and bike lanes will also improve the inclusiveness of the city. It
tion. As in other parts of the world, urban planning can integrate a is also important to avoid policies, strategies and interventions that
range of urban mobility models into urban space. One of the phys- promote car-dependent cities. Car-dependent urban development
ical planning interventions is to create designated lanes for various strategies have shown their limits in many parts of the world. Evi-
modes of mobility. For instance, it would be useful to physically dence shows that building more freeways and roads around cities
separate pedestrian walkways from bicycle lanes, motorways and will lead to less productive use of space (city sprawl, low density
parking spaces. Such interventions could target (existing) road seg-
ments in the city or those near parks and entertainment centres.
5
Successful examples of targeted physical planning intervention to- Some of the new road developments in the north-west of Nairobi do have formal
footpaths on the side but not all. Pedestrian paths are often obstructed. Cross roads do
wards diverse modes of transport include Bogotá and Ouagadou-
not have clear and demarcated pedestrian access. No provision has been made for
gou (IBSR – Institut Belge pour la Sécurité Routière, 2009). cyclists.
Given the predominance of walking and using bikes as means of 6
Visit www.nzta.govt.nz for more information on the principles of pedestrian
common urban mobility, urban transport interventions should pri- network planning.
188 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189

land uses), pollution, traffic congestions and ultimately car-depen- education campaigns, building knowledge of motorists and all ur-
dent cities (UN-HABITAT, 2009). Cities in sub-Saharan African ban space users of their rights and responsibilities, sign posting,
countries are yet to realise such limitations, as more freeways physically demarcations of pedestrians and riders, introduction of
are built but the capacity to integrate other common forms of incentives and enforcement measures (e.g. fines).
transport such as walking and cycling are ignored.
Policy interventions that aim at reducing traffic speed and vol- Conclusions
ume are likely to promote walking and bicycling and thus result in
public health gains (Jacobsen, Racioppi, & Rutter, 2009). Experi- This paper has drawn attention to the need to provide adequate
ences from Bogotá and other cities like Ouagadougou show that urban transport infrastructure to cater for a wide range of mobility
improving urban mobility infrastructure by adding safe cycling options in fast growing sub-Saharan Africa cities. The need for
and walking paths while reducing motorised traffic can go a long interconnecting various means of urban mobility was also empha-
way in improving urban mobility for the majority of urban sised. In particular, the paper has called for urban planners and
dwellers. policy makers to pay greater attention to the current mobility
There are good practices to learn from. Experiences from a city trends, because a significant proportion of urban dwellers rely on
such as Bogotá show that promoting pedestrian and cycling walking and cycling in often unsafe circumstances to undertake
friendly city has significant social and economic benefits and great basic everyday tasks. The paper also argued that current mobility
environmental and health outcomes (Mees, 2000; Newman & Ken- trends have a particular negative impact on groups such as women
worthy, 2007). Both city and global level studies have shown that who often already bear the brunt of poor development planning.
walking and cycling reduce the incidence of diabetes and obesity Legal frameworks and policies should enable opportunities to avail
for example (Pucher, Buehler, Bassett, & Dannenberg, 2010). Stud- various modes of transport to the urban poor and vulnerable
ies have also highlighted the economic benefits, especially for com- groups such as women.
muters between operating a car and a bike for example. The scarcity of urban land in many SSA cities also calls for an ur-
Environmental benefits are likely to occur as well. Urban emissions gent intervention to use land more efficiently and reduce car-
are lowered and the overall city carbon footprint can be reduced dependent cities. The paper identified the need to improve existing
for instance, when investments are made in cycling and pedestrian transport infrastructure by integrating and prioritising investment
transport options. in walking and cycling in urban space, particularly in the short
The transition from car-dependent policies, strategies and inter- term until other modes of transport are affordable and readily
ventions in SSA cities will not be easy. There are challenges at sev- available to the majority of commuters. Examples from various cit-
eral levels, which fortunately can be overcome. At the policy level, ies pointed to the benefits cities gain in embracing a socially inclu-
there is an urgent need to design and adapt (review) urban policies sive urban mobility. It was highlighted that promoting safe
that integrate all travel modes, including using bicycles as a means walking, cycling and riding motorcycles will go hand in hand with
of public and private transport. Further, most legal and institu- appropriate policies, regulations, improved planning measures and
tional frameworks regulating urban transport and mobility are enforcement capacity.
not progressive enough to enable equal attention to various modes Clearly, improving urban transport policies and regulations will
of urban mobility. Political will and long term planning will be crit- start with the capacity to enforce them as well as incentives for
ical if this is to change. Highlighting the benefits (mainly economic users’ compliance. Laws, by-laws and regulations of public trans-
and environmental) and showcasing good practices (e.g. Bogotá) port that cannot be enforced will not be effective. Urban planners
can contribute to persuading city managers in SSA to adopt a more and city managers will benefit from taking full recognition of bal-
integrated and pro-poor urban mobility solutions. It is becoming ancing various dimensions of urban transport mobility.
urgent that other modes of transport such as motorbikes be It was also noted that social, economic, physical and environ-
acknowledged in traffic policies and laws. Adopting such measures mental dimensions are all important. For instance, developing
will clearly show the interface between a bottom-up and demand- mobility infrastructure with demographic, security and social
driven quest for using motorcycle, walking and cycling as consider- conditions in mind is vital. This may mean regulating and enabling
able means of active travel and private transport, and demanding the ways in which urban dwellers commute. In that respect,
public policy responses. particular attention was paid to the gender and pro-poor dimen-
The second set of challenges is related to the urban planning sions. One of the main policy directions was to note that urban
and design. Once policies have created a conducive environment roads should not be meant only for motorised four-wheeler
for other modes of urban mobility to function, urban transport users, but also for motorised two-wheelers and non-motorised
planning can then play an important role. For instance, it would bi/tricycles and pedestrians.
become easier to re-design thoroughfares with urban poor and In terms of investing in urban mobility infrastructure, the paper
gender perspective in mind. The starting point could be improving underscored the benefits in investing in cost-effective schemes
and upgrading existing urban space. In fact, existing roads and ur- that better target the urban poor, such as bicycle lanes and pedes-
ban space can be re-designed to integrate designated and demar- trian facilities. This is even more important when investment in
cated pathways, as well as motorised and non-motorised lanes. mass-transportation schemes such as metro, subway and rail sys-
As a way of scaling up, cities in SSA will benefit from embedding tems is often rare and not always affordable to many African local
a range of transport options in the design and construction of and national governments. As income increases in some African
new urban roads and in urban renewal projects. cities, possessing and/or riding a motorbike could be an expression
Further, efforts can also be made on advocacy and enforcement of an improved social status and wealth. For instance, it was noted
of progressive legislation to promote safe integration of two- in the case of Bamako women are more likely to ride motorbikes or
wheelers and walking on exiting urban roads. Some of these mea- scooters rather than bicycles. Clearly, working towards achieving
sures may include legislation on licensing drivers and riders, fare sustainable urban mobility will mean balancing the physical with
controls, training and riding schools, helmet policies, speed limits, social, environmental, economic, cultural, aesthetic and health fac-
safety features, insurance, penalties for infringing rules and regula- ets of transport planning.
tions, etc. Another critical component is the development and Gender sensitive design that recognises how women and men
implementation of communication strategies around integrated use the urban space are also essential priority areas. It was noted
modes of urban mobility. Such a strategy may include advocacy, that women are often the main users of public transport and are
 R. Sietchiping et al. / Cities 29 (2012) 183–189 189

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