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Readings in Philippine History: Final Paper

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Calanno, Jason N. Readings in Philippine History
BSBA-MM 3-1D

Introduction
Centuries have pass since Philippines were colonized by the Spaniards. An event
which without a doubt, made a huge impact on our lives. Even then, we are already
experiencing some difficulties, despite the fact that our country is rich in natural resources,
many people do not have enough food to survive, there were traces of corruption in our
government, and our country’s economy barely survive from year to year. Even now, we
continue to suffer from different problems that is rooted back then. Part of our
government is still corrupted, political dynasty persists, and more.

In this paper we will tackle all those problems, from the root cause of it, why it
persists, and how these problems are connected to each other.

Why the Philippines remain a developing nation for so long?

Using the paper we wrote last time as a reference and Renato Constantino’s work,
we can say that the state of the Philippines when we got the independence we fought for
so long is not so pleasant. There are still problems that needs a solution. Our economy is
in a bad state, like not being recognized in international financial circle. We were like a
child that time that wants to play the game like a grown-up. But like a dumb kid that we
are, we lack knowledge about the game, and we are facing some other players who got
the grasp on it, but we got in anyways. The results, incompetency, instability, corruption,
and more problems like the impeachment campaigns against Joseph Estrada and Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo back in early 2000s. We got hit hard in late 1990s because of a Financial
Crisis in Asia. The martial law period of 1970s that strips the moral fabric of the nation.
This leads us to rely on other nations with more power than us.

Despite all of this, foreign experts always tell us that these is just a temporary
trauma. We were told to be patient. This is the result of us having independence, The
orderliness brought by our colonizer is also gone. We must now learn to solve our
problems on our own like a grown-up because that is what we want. Decades have pass
since we got our formal independence, the problem is still there. In fact, it got worse. The
value of Philippine peso back then is much bigger than the value of it now. The gap
between the poor and the rich widened, the poor get poorer, and the rich became richer.
 These rich people built first-world infrastructure in an attempt to give Metro Manila
the impression of being first-world. Five-star hotels that mostly accommodates
Foreigners and local elites. Mansions in an exclusive subdivision, and shopping centers
equipped with advanced technology. All of this is just a mask to cover up the poor
Filipinos, a clear sign of inequality.

There was this documentary on YouTube made by GMA Public Affairs where a slum
in Tondo, Manila collects food waste from different restaurants as a source of food. They
sometimes eat it directly after they got home, or they sell it to someone who cooks this
kind of food. Then, the whole community buy this food for a price. In another area in
Tondo, what they’re cooking is somewhat clean but also a food waste of four different
hotels. The chicken that they use in making a broth will be sold by waiters and cooks to
these people, who will then cook it, and sell for a price. These communities are just some
areas of Tondo where the buying power is limited, they had to reconstruct food so that it
become accessible for them. Even pig’s head and intestine become a delicacy for them. It
is also melancholic that these people romanticized their life. They are contended in that
kind of life because from the moment they were born, it is what their parents do. It seems
that they deliberately prevented themselves from moving forward. I think this is also one
reason why the poverty rate in the Philippines is not going down for a long time. Bill Gates
once said that “If you are born poor, it’s not your fault. But if you die poor, it is your fault.”
I agree with this statement because you have a choice to break the system or embrace it.
Of course, there are many factors here that affects an individual’s decision, like the
environment, the people around you and their mindset, individuals who have and will
have influenced you, and more. At the end of the day, the decision is yours to take. While
all of this is happening, the rich also developed a skill where they turn a blind eye to these
people. They would do things like build their own worship places where they cannot see
these people outside the public churches.

The root of poverty and underdevelopment in the Philippines is that we only

generate low surplus despite that we are predominant in terms of agriculture and natural
resources. We remained this way because we lack the power of modernized equipment
that the other countries possess.
 In order for us to ascent from poverty, we must forget our culture of poverty and
all the values and traits with it. We must now embrace a new culture where we focus on
modernizing our power and move aggressively towards progress. If only this is just like a
game where we could reset and start a new chapter, it would be easier, but we don’t have
that option so the best we could do is to do this gradually. We need the help of
experienced player in this game, an advanced country. Like a master-student relationship
we need to copy their style, we must allow them to bring in the necessary expertise,
industrial technologies, and capital through various methods. If done properly, this would
get us to a stage where we have the skill and suitable equipment to finally play the game
properly, to start our journey to become a fully developed country.

Why political dynasty persists.

The practice of political dynasty in the Philippines can be traced historically in early
th
20 century when we were colonized by the Americans. They introduced us to the
capitalist stage of “primitive accumulation”. Where the masses are forced off their lands
and denying them of their means of subsistence. By providing a system for private
monopolization of the resources of the state this gives emergence to small-town bosses,
provincial “warlords”, and authoritarian presidents.

In 1972, Former President Ferdinand Marcos disarmed these kinds of people and
stripped the wealth of oligarchs opposed to him. He transferred their wealth to his
retainers and relations. After some time, a new system of power sharing emerges between
oligarchs and political executives, this happened in the late 1970s. However, Marcos tried
to control them by creating a new class of local leaders whom he financed with rents
instead of breaking this system and rule through central bureaucracy.

There are more examples of political dynasty in the past and this persistence is
acknowledged as bringing unfavorable effect on our country like the conservation of
underdevelopment and poverty, massive corruption, the spread of political and socio-
economic inequality. Political Dynasty also gave birth to an unspoken rule where the
success or failure of a business depends on the personal favor or disfavor of those
currently in power.

During the post martial-law period, institutional efforts have been made to address
the elimination of political dynasty, the results of this effort is the House Bill 3857 also
known as “Act Prohibiting the Establishment of Political Dynasty, which proposed limiting
the number from one family holding or running for office in successive, simultaneous, or
overlapping terms.

The bill had made a slow progress to the plenary where it was stalled and remained since
then. The Philippine senate has filed another three anti-dynasty bills on mid-2013, one
bill proposed is an even stricter version of House Bill 3857 where it only allows one
member of a family of office in all levels. This bill also failed resulting to a rapid increase
of political dynasty in the May 2016 election.

Another attempt to prevent political dynasty is limiting the terms on members of

Congress as a means of breaking the continuous control of the old oligarchy over various
policy-making institutions.

The passing of the 1991 Local Government Code which delegates significant
powers to the local government unit gives some hope in loosening the grip of political
dynasty in the Philippines. The code gave the local government automatic and greatly
increased financial allotments from the central government. As a result, the officials of this
local government have become less dependent on resources from Manila. While national-
level politicians still need support locally in order to secure votes from the provinces.

Despite the numerous attempts to lessen the political dynasty in the Philippines,
none of these proves to be effective because the problem is in the legislators itself.
Majority of these legislators are from political clans thus the reason why political dynasty
persists.

The appropriate term for the current state of the Philippine politics is paradox. We
are in a paradox where despite the vibrant movement in the region, we are still dominated
by the elites and their political dynasty. The result of this electoral system where the
political dominance of the elites continues is majority of Filipinos remains marginalized
and disempowered. Wealth and power in increasing in the hands of few.
Why is there an absence of genuine agrarian reform and industrialization?
Rural areas are home to more than half of the Filipino population. The agriculture
industry accounts for 40% percent of land and employs roughly one-third of all Filipinos.
Yet for a long time, a small number of landowners controlled significant areas of the
country's best agricultural fields. This has a direct impact on the rampant poverty in rural
areas. To combat rural poverty, a comprehensive land reform program was deemed
necessary, with landless farmers and tenants being among the most affected groups.

Part of the basic human rights of a land-dependent rural peasants is the agrarian
reform as it is important to rural democratization. The possession of enormous areas of
land by regional rural elites serves as their ticket to political office in Philippine society,
which is molded by a land-based power system. They are able to maintain their authority
through developing patron-client relationships. Tenants and those who lives on haciendas
are usually working for hacienda owners through strict social regulations. These people
usually can’t exercise their basic human rights because those elites compromise
traditional land-ownership concepts and limits poor people’s political ability to claim their
rights. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law (CARL) was made in 1988. Its aim is to
break this system by redistributing the land to landless farmers.

The passage of this agrarian reform took the initial step towards such a
democratization process as it was considered an essential component of the post-Marcos
rural democratization process. The goal of this Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program
(CARP) is simple: to promote equity and social justice. CARP set a five-hectares landowner
retention limit with an additional three hectares for every legitimate heir as preferred
beneficiaries. It does not advocate for the expropriation of private property without
compensation to landlords or the free transfer of land to farmers.

One problem regarding this program is it possess many loopholes. The simplest
example of this would be it is neither revolutionary nor conservative. It does not advocate
for the expropriation of private land without compensation to landlords or the free
transfer of land to farmers. It also doesn't just go after resettlements; it also goes for
enormous, private landholdings. But despite all of this, CARP established the way for land-
rights claims by farmers. But the existence of different loopholes and its weak program
implementation, It became important for claimants to organize and be capable of
opposing and resisting anti-reform actions by CARP opponents.
 Throughout the CARP’s mandated period of ten years, only 57% of the targeted
land was distributed by our government. Because of this, the program was extended for
another ten years in 1998. There are various studies which shows that there has been a
decrease on poverty among the beneficiaries of this program, but no one can say that
CARP is a successful program or a failure. The fact that the government was not able to
distribute and fully cover the targeted land is an evidence.

After the extension of CARP, there has been a passage of another extension of this
program on 2009. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Extension and Reforms
(CARPER) aims to give this program another 5 years to be completed. This time frame was
considered enough for completing the CARPER land purchase and distribution program.
However, it is stated in Section 30 of RA 9700 or CARPER law that cases on the matter which
are still pending “shall be allowed to proceed to its finality and be executed even beyond such
date.”

Let’s now talk about the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB). It was filed in the
th
14 Congress as House Bill no. 3059 and was refiled in the current Congress as House Bill
no. 252. This endeavor by the national democratic movement to turn a legislative initiative
into a demand for true agrarian reform is commendable. There was just this one thing
regarding this bill, it faces a lot of serious legal challenges. The reason for this is it
proposes an agrarian reform framework that would extend the limits of legal boundaries.
Many of its suggestions are judged unconstitutional, despite the fact that they are
overwhelmingly pro-farmer. The GARB is currently pending in the House Committee on
Agrarian Reform. Due to substantial legal and constitutional questions about the bill's
principal ideas, the bill's chances of being sent to Congress for consideration are slim.
With the exception of six Members of parliament from the Makabayan bloc of the left-
progressive Makabayan party, the bill is not obtaining the support it need to become law.

CARPER’s future is still hazy. The government's legislative initiatives to extend the
Department of Agrarian Reforms mandate to grant Notice of Coverages are in jeopardy.
According to Danilo T. Caranza in his book entitled “Agrarian reform and the difficulty
road to peace in the Philippine countryside” The attitude of the next government will
determine whether agrarian reform will still occupy an important part of the government’s
agenda after the 2016 elections. Given in the state we are in right now, I’d say that this
issue has been overwhelmed by much crucial issue in the Philippines.
Why is there an existence of weak democratic institutions?
While Philippine democracy has major difficulties delivering goods of a public
character, With favorable access to the state, there are a plethora of opportunities to profit
from the system. Rent-seeking actions tend to take place behind the scenes, but the
phenomena is generally acknowledged, and it generates a growing sense of cynicism
about Philippine democracy.

One must begin with institutional innovations and careful analysis of the early 20th
century to understand the institutional deficiencies of modern Philippine democracy.
Referring again to the work of Renato Constantino, Philippine has had no significant
experience with national-level democratic institutions or national-level political parties.
William Howard Taft played an important role in the making of US policy towards it’s
largest colony. They provide greatly expanded opportunities for political power to the
elites who had already developed a strong economic base throughout major regions in
the latter decades of the Spanish era. As a part of Taft’s so-called policy of attraction. It is
fairly obvious that this elites will transform into a powerful political-economic elite. The
importance of institutional rather than economical elements in determining the status of
this elite throughout the early American period cannot be overstated.

When Cory Aquino, Ferdinand Marcos’ predecessor, rose to power, she needs to
be seen in the context of both anti-dictatorship and social justice demands in oppose to
Ferdinand Marcos. But Aquino set her duty as restoring the pre-martial law democracy
structures. However, during the twenty-one years of Marcos’ reign, the Philippines had
changed. In her tense relationships with two new centers of power, the military and civil
society, Aquino discovered this for herself. A total of nine coup attempts against Aquino
was done because of displeased elements of military. The obstacles Aquino faced were
not limited to transitioning from dictatorship to constitutional democracy.

In January 2001, People Power 2 goes into action, a four-day mass action that aims
to persuade the military to withdraw support from the Estrada administration. Joseph
Estrada at that time quickly lost the support of key sectors when he shamelessly siphoned
off billions of public moneys into his private bank accounts. Reformers from the military,
Catholic church, big businesses, media, and civil society groups formed a union to strip
down Estrada’s power. While generally considered beneficial to the future democracy,
This act also showed the rigidity of the presidential system and how difficult it is to take
the power of the elected president through constitutional means. Then election of Estrada
itself, one accomplished without significant political party support, showed the
vulnerability of the electoral system to populist appeals.
 During this time, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo took the presidency as a vice president
during Estrada’s term. In multiple cases, the supreme court upheld Arroyo's presidency as
valid. People power 2 was without a doubt extraconstitutional as a method for removing
the elected president. As a result, the Arroyo administration's mandate and authority left
a lot to be desired. President Arroyo was bombarded with coup theories and
destabilization schemes shortly after taking office. She made issues worse by refusing to
hold corrupt and inept military officers accountable.

After Estrada’s term, Former president Arroyo faced a national election in May
2001. The People Power Coalition (PPC) seemed to carry the reformed sentiments of
People Power 2. During the election PPC ran the arguably most fraud-ridden election in
decades. Because neither the PPC nor its constituent parties had considerable
mobilization capabilities as parties, campaigning was primarily a matter of dealing with
local politicians who could generate votes. After the election, PPC ceased to exist.
President Arroyo has done little to address the political system's main flaw, the lack of
genuine political links, and is a member of three parties, at least theoretically.

In the Ramos and Estrada Administrations, The process of constitutional revision

was hijacked by sitting presidents for blatantly self-serving reasons. As a result, in 1997
and 1999, reform forces in civil society, industry, and the churches mobilized against
constitutional reform. This time around, these forces are preparing for a constitutional
reform. The basic notion of "Cha-Cha" has been embraced by the Speaker of the House,
the President of the Senate, numerous key opinion-makers, and now the president herself,
despite considerable differences in details about the means and purposes of
constitutional modification.

In her first two years in presidency, As she paid off a slew of debts to individuals
who had made her rise to power possible, Arroyo principally depended on old-school
elite politics while strengthening her hold on the presidency. She was claimed to have
become increasingly anxious about dwindling support among reformist organizations
and the urban middle and upper classes by the end of 2002. President Arroyo began to
regain popular favor after she startled the country by announcing on December 30 that
she would not compete for reelection in 2004 and would instead focus on economic
reforms. She also expressed support for the rising campaign to seek a constitutional
convention in 2004 by mid-January. Unlike her predecessors, she may now advocate for
key political reforms without fear of being accused of doing so for her own personal gain.
 Looking at the current situation of the Philippines, it is clear that the Philippine
democracy can no longer ignore the demands of those at the bottom of the society, While
theorists say that democracy is a rather strange state of affairs, one in which the
disadvantaged many have, as citizens, a real voice in the collective decision making of
politics," our democracy has done so little to give the disadvantaged voice. Theorists also
assert that "democracy takes on a realistic character only if it is based on significant
changes in the overall distribution of power," Philippine democracy has failed to mount a
serious challenge to the country's grossly unequal socioeconomic structures.

Why is there a persistence of graft and corruption?

Just as I talked about the topic above, corruption scandals in the Philippines are a
regular occurrence. When I say corruption, it refers to the abuse of high-level power that
benefits the few at the expenses of many. Large sums of money and state resources are
generally involved in corruption at this level. Despite the profusion of anti-corruption laws,
the country's anti-corruption authorities are ineffectual, encouraging strategic rent-
seeking by private companies and individuals through deception and bribery to
government officials.

In July 1973, Former President Ferdinand Marcos announced his decision to build
the country’s first power plant in Bataan, that would later be known as the Bataan Nuclear
Power Plant. Two electric companies scrambled for to work with the National Power
Corporation (NPC), General Electric (GE) and Westinghouse. Westinghouse out-
maneuvered GE by employing Herminio Disini as its special sales representative who was
a golfing buddy of Marcos and was later married to Imelda Marcos’ cousin. The contract
was finalized was set and both parties agreed to the following: First, the total cost of the
project is $1.1billion for one reactor. Where Westinghouse will shoulder 61% of the total
cost. Second, The site would be transferred from Bagac to Morong which was 18 meters
above sea-level. They also designed the faculty to withstand a 7.9 magnitude of
earthquake. Lastly, Westinghouse's scope of work was altered as a result of the contract.
Westinghouse was supposed to provide solely design engineering and project
construction management services at first. On the basis of an Aide Memoire from
Westinghouse, Marcos ordered the NPC to leave the construction industry to
Westinghouse in January 1975, “since the concept is completely turnkey.”
 More than a year have past since the contract signing, Newspaper publishers like
New York Times and Washington Post had a series of reports criticizing Disini’s connection
to Marcos and his connection to the BNPP. In an interview conducted at 1997 by the
Washington Post, Marcos said that the decision to buy the Westinghouse plant was made
based on a report of foreign technical consultants. This doesn’t stop the US media to
criticize him of corruption. In response, Marcos ordered the Ministry of Energy and
Ministry of Justice to investigate Disini’s involvement in the award to Westinghouse. While
BNPP’s construction was undergoing in 1979, the Three Mile Island incident happened.
This results to a worldwide alarm about the safety of nuclear energy. Marcos in response,
ordered a stop to the BNPP construction activities. The following year, the Philippine
Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) recommended to lift the suspension Marcos made.
But the TMI accident has caused a lot more problems other than delaying the construction
of BNPP. Due to some factors, the project cost spiked sharply. The BNPP was completed
in mid-1985 but it is postponed because of a snap election. By the next year, the total
project cost had risen to $2.1 billion, a billion dollar more than the initial cost.

Days after Marcos’ ouster in 1986, Corazon Aquino issued an order to recover the
ill-gotten wealth of the Marcos Family and associates. The PCGG or Presidential
Commission on Good Government found a possible documentary evidence regarding the
BNPP project. Later that year, Aquino Government sued Westinghouse and its
engineering subcontractor for bribery, fraud, and racketeering before a federal court in
New Jersey. Aquino Government demanded a $6.6 billion in compensation from the two
firms. However, Westinghouse convinced the court that the case should stay pending
arbitration as provided in the BNPP contract.

This scandal illustrates cases of corruption formed at the highest level of the
government. Such projects, which include national roadworks and other significant
initiatives, are frequently subject to political intervention in order for public officials to
benefit personally. The persistence of major corruption scandals in the Philippines reveals
deeper political and social issues. Corruption-related high-ranking officials have been
disgraced and imprisoned. Senators Juan Ponce Enrile, Ramon Revilla Jr., and Jose Ejercito
Jr. were imprisoned in connection with the Napoles pork barrel scheme but were either
released on bail or acquitted of plunder charges. The failure to resolve previous scandals
encourages top officials to engage in corrupt behavior because they see government as
a profitable source of private riches and power. The scandals serve as a constant reminder
of the long-overlooked chance to overhaul the political system efficiently.
Why is there a massive poverty and lack of opportunity in the Philippines?
Poverty and lack of opportunity have been a repetitive challenge here in the
Philippines. In the last four decades, the percentage of population living below the
national poverty line has decreased slowly and unevenly. The poverty reduction rate of
the Philippines has been much slower than our neighbor countries. The economy's
development has been marked by boom-and-bust cycles. and recent bouts of moderate
economic expansion have had just a minor influence on poverty reduction. Another
reason for the slow reduction of poverty rate is the high rate of inequality across income
brackets, high population growth, and conflicts among other regions. After years of
recognizing poverty as a major development issue and developing a variety of measures
to address it, the government is still facing high rate of poverty among its citizens which
is a potential threat to the country’s development and economic growth.

The question “what is causing the poverty in the Philippines?” still exists. Various
studies have proven that the poverty rate in the Philippines has been steadily decreasing
over time, but despite this, the percentage of the poor remains high. One reason I could
think is the slow growth of economy and the low provision of quality employment in the
poor sectors. The lack of opportunity also means the lack of capabilities to escape from
poverty. With a poverty reduction rate of 0.47% per year, Philippines is one of the lowest
poverty reduction rates in the world. Now there is another reason for the lack of
employment in the Philippines—the failure to sustain a high level of economic growth.
Philippine’s economy has been gradually going down due to various reason. But
personally, I think that we are struggling to maintain the growth we accumulated because
of corruption happening in our government. It is also worth to note that the economic
growth we accumulated has not been translated into poverty reduction. Another reason
for the high rate of poverty in the Philippines is the high inflation. A 10% increase in food
price would be the reason why an estimated of 2.3 million people in the Philippines will
be poor. I also think that the lack of knowledge is a factor why the poverty reduction rate
remains low. The lack of knowledge about sex, how to raise a child, and the educational
attainment needed for a decent job will just be some factor on why they are poor. And
usually, these families have a big number of family members in a single household. The
poor management of population plays a role on why poverty persists.

We can’t deny that our government are trying what they can do in order to solve
this issue. But given the state we are in right now, their efforts has done little to none. By
this statement, I think they need to enhance their strategies like Increasing budgetary
allocations and generating funding from other sources to combat poverty, vulnerability,
and inequality. Improving the coordination and complementarity of government agencies
and key partners in clearly defined locations and communities.

Why diaspora continuing in the Philippines?

Diaspora is the term used for a dispersed population with origins in a different
geographic location. In our case, With more than 7 Million Overseas Filipino Worker, we
become the newest diasporic community in the world. Poverty and the lack of opportunity
as discussed above is the reason why Filipinos chooses to seek job abroad. Sacrificing the
desire to occasionally visit their family and constant communication for a chance to live a
life without poverty is something that fuel them to do this.

Filipino diaspora has its tendencies and idiosyncrasies that can be observed. One
example of this is, some migrated Filipinos in their old age may eventually desire to return
when they are economically secured. Because let’s face it, who would want to return from
their misery life? Who would want to experience hunger and oppression again if they once
got out of it’s grasp? Others would try to move their family to their place of employment
in an attempt to rise from poverty. Another idiosyncrasy of migration is the unity of the
Filipinos in another countries that is formed due to alienation. The share of history and
racial inferiority, marginalization and other reason for this unity has the potential to
replace the liberation of the Filipino nation.

Along with rising migration and remittance rates, there is a growing trend among
expatriate Filipinos to “give back” to their homeland through charitable contributions.
Many Filipino migrants especially those who has a lot of experience abroad are highly
skilled professionals and well-educated, this gives them the potential to give back to the
Philippines whether it be in monetary form or knowledge, skills, and talents. An example
of this is when Jordan Clarkson, a Filipino-American who plays for the NBA team Utah
Jazz, plays for the Philippines in the 2018 Asian Games.

There has been a saying that the Filipino may leave the Philippines, but the
Philippines never leaves the Filipino. This statement is supported by the fact that Filipinos
form a cultural group in other countries as a way of keeping in touch of fellow Filipinos.
The cause of this action is the absence of their family in their host nation. The feeling that
they are different from the locals plays a role why they do this.

In short term, diaspora continuously happens because of the lack of opportunity

in the Philippines. Filipinos finds a way to rise from poverty by working on another country.
While this gives advantages for the Philippines, this is also a reason why our economy
struggles. There are many migrants that are highly skilled that could make a difference in
the Philippines than using it for another country’s sake.

Conclusion
In general, the survival of the people depends on every country they are in. In our
case, the Philippines’ development will depend on the fair distribution of resources and
opportunities, but this isn’t the case, our people would prefer to work in another country
where opportunities actually exist. If only those who are in power will focus on doing
things for the development of our country instead of their selfish reasons, we could have
a progressive economy that will carry us towards a greater height.

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