LGBTQ Bangladesh
LGBTQ Bangladesh
LGBTQ Bangladesh
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Abstract
The article offers a detailed study of the challenges that the LGBTQ+ community face in Bangladesh. It
explores and highlights the issues that went on in the historical, legal, social, and political aspects. It
draws attention to this sensitive intermix of gender roles, patriarchal traditions and religious
consideration which has made the LGBTQ+ community what they are today. the article explores legal
context, on which particular chapter of Penal Code, Section 377, has been used to criminalize sexual
relations between the same sex individuals. It talks about stigma as one of the issues that cuts across
every aspect of the daily lives of queer people, including violence, pressure, and oppression from police
and the community direction at large.
The article continues by analysing the way LGBTQ+ activists and organisations in Bangladesh have
made use of the 'safe spaces' and through the creative and artistic forms of advocacy and protest to
spread their message to the masses. It also deals with the issue of the international aid for the campaign
of queer rights around the nation. It also deals with the issue of the international aid for the campaign
of queer rights around the nation. Eventually, the piece discusses the road map which contains the
challenges and possibilities of improvement with the commitment to equality and respect for the
complexities and the detail of LGBTQ+ adventures in Bangladesh. The author's engaging narration,
combined with the use of interviews right into the matter at hand in a different, yet profound way.
Key Words: LGBTQ+, Queer, South Asia, Bangladesh, discrimination, Section 377,
criminalization, same-sex relations, stigma, violence, oppression, activists, organizations, safe
spaces, advocacy.
1. Introduction
In South Asia, sexual identity has to do with culture, religion, tradition and colonization and therefore
creating the intricate complexities. Colonialism had effects based on the fact that, British colonial
influence pushed away the non-conforming sexualities (Oxford Analytica, 2023). Besides the rise of
fundamentalism and ethno-nationalism there also come sure challenges that affect on the issue of sexual
and reproductive health rights (Singh & Arora, 2022).
With Bangladesh the situation is the worst of all. People who do not adhere to the straight and ordinary
sexual and gender models face a lot of social rejection, and they are seen as failures to family, culture
and religion (Mishra et al., 2023; Mukherjee, 2023; Alam et al., 2023; Akter & Saha, 2024; Gandotra et
al., 2024). State legislation reflects this disapproval (Jones, 2023).
With a widespread, government and nongovernmental agencies' discrimination towards the queer
people, the human rights violations and social exclusion caused by such mistreatment often increases
beyond the possible threshold of the individuals’ tolerance (Kaplan, 2020; Fontana, 2021; Chatterjee,
2022). Such discriminations might be generated as one's sexuality or gender identity, or in combination
with anti-Muslin or anti-minority sentiments. Neglect and disrespect can induce them to desert their
Bangladesh homeland or opt for the asylum, however, both of them can be tagged as a difficult mission.
(Chaney et al., 2020).
In order to understand issues about the queer in Bangladesh, one needs to trace back the historical
development of queerness embedded in Bengali culture during the pre-Islamic and British colonial era
(Nandi, 2024). At first, hijras were highly considered as respectable consultants to kings and the elite
groups of that time during pre-Islamic and Buddhist kingdoms (M. Sadat, 2023). While the perception
of them change inclining towards the colloquial association with community of transgender people, a
discrimination and the poverty follow them. They were left with no option but to take part in socially
stigmatized jobs like begging and prostitution of Bangladesh. This newfound intolerance depicts that
LGBT people are now unwelcome in that country (Sifat et al., 2023; Hossain, 2022; Jalil et al., 2021
;Hossain et al., 2022; Zulfiqar & Badshah, 2021).
Bangladesh, a country that has gotten fame for its economic problems and political violence, and also
has rising Islamic tendencies which are cancelled the right to dissent and crushed the marginal
community. These cultural and religious supremacy maintain the status quo and set limit for those looked
down for difference with Dhaka representing the center for this turbulent time. Even though Dhaka is a
multicultural city, there appears a deep interaction of intolerance towards the individuals not common to
the community. The notions of religious or cultural deviation are deified as 'deviant'. In this repressive
atmosphere, the courageous and heroic queer-oriented Bangladeshis persistently challenge the system
through self-identification (Haque, 2021).
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1.2. Significance of the Struggle for Queer Identity
Economic, cultural, and religious landscape of Bangladesh plays an important role in identity
competition, which is closely connected with the growing conservatism, an allegedly the basis of which
is determined by the religion(Amanullah et al., 2022). In Bangladesh, unsanctioned homosexual
activities or sodomy are punishable by 10 years or more of imprisonment, which is a strong sign of
disapproval of same-sex relations. This policy enhances the problem of people who faced the mistakes
to be a suspect by the law. The law in question is a legacy of the British Indian penal code which separates
it from its strict definition through the interplay of intense Islam and Bengali nationalism (Alam &
Mashraf, 2023). Specifically, private male-to-male sexual affairs are extremely common but they tend
to refrain from being perceived as a manifestation of sexual orientation as a male identity in Bangladesh
that is completely associated with the active role in male sexual relationships gets the dominant
recognition (Prima & Marston, 2023). This stand point overlooks the men who are naturally heterosexual
but are passive receivers in male sexual roles without recognition within their existence Barua and Khan
(2023).
The society in Bangladesh is also highly patriarchal, thereby making it difficult for women to maintain
lifelong fidelity as opposed to the traditional norm where marriage following the official dating,
engagement, and sexual rites are expected. This common thread obscures the comprehension of
nonheterosexual sexuality by the women group which leads to misplaced apprehension for those coming
from a lesbian inclination (Novak et al.,2020, p. 156; Chaney et al.,2020; Anjum et al., 2021; Narayan.,
2021)
This is important noting that a democracy may function according to its ideal model, however due to
cultural and institutional influences, differing types of democracy may exist. (Bua & Bussu, 2021) A
study on how political systems affect LGBTQ rights in 137 countries discovered that there was no
improved gay rights from 1973-2008 and no laws decriminalizing homosexuality in presidential system
countries which shared similar economic and cultural properties with parliamentary ones where positive
changes took place. This study correlates with a presidential system Bangladesh was under in the process
of this case and can be a general indicator of future change for queer rights. (Francois et al., 2020)
As of recently, the supreme court has overturned this ruling claiming that it was unconstitutional as the
ones who passed the bill originally were not elected into power. (Mason & Stephenson Jr, 2021) This
means not only is there no longer protection of queer rights, but it has set a precedence saying that all
future law changes must be made by the elected government decreasing the chances of change for queer
rights in the future.
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A specific protection of queer rights was the withdrawing of section 377 of the penal code which
punishes any "unnatural act" with ten years imprisonment, this included homosexual activity. (Bhatt,
2022; Gasse, 2023; Ssenyonjo, 2023; Armstrong, 2021) In 2009, the high court of Bangladesh declared
that this section was void. This ruling was met with huge opposition and protests from Islamic groups
and lawyers. A petition was signed by 80,000 people saying that they did not agree with the ruling.
Democracy is a system widely accepted and celebrated for protecting the rights of individuals.
Bangladesh, in its struggle to re-establish democracy, has held queer people as part of its electorate and
ensured protection of their rights. In theory, this should mean that the lives and living situations of queer
people should change for the better. However, empirical evidence shows that this is not the case.
Political institutions imply the practice of functioning of the government through the power that is
specified in the law, which in its turn prevents the people of the country from being subjected to the
power of some person or body who is not granted the right to do so. Bangladesh which was born into
existence as a separate country after the secession from Pakistan (Riaz, 2021; Riaz, 2024; Islam et.al.,
2020) has been ruled by parliamentary democracy for the past 5 decades. Subject to political struggle,
Bangladesh's democratic system has been in the way developing and well established one currently. The
democratic framework in the country comprises legislative, executive, and judiciary branches (Riaz,
2021; Ahmed, 2020).
Similar to other members of the Commonwealth, Bangladesh values an active opposition and upholds
the principles of the Commonwealth. The country is committed to working in alignment with the
Commonwealth Principles. The Commonwealth Youth Programme has promoted the engagement of
nations' youth in the country's affairs, to unleash their potential and equity as well be their active
participants in the decision making processes and development (Trivelli & Morel, 2021).
The democratic mechanism to achieve the rights of the queer consists of three major routes including
legal reforms, the development and execution procedures of policies targeted the welfare of queer
persons, and fostering changes in society which are a result of discrimination, promoted by leadership
positions and citizen endorsement (Partlett, 2022). The first approach is the least controversial compared
to the third because policy in which supports social equity and fair treatment for all is a central aspect of
democratic principles. However, changes in the law are not always what is best for a society at a given
time. Queer rights can be a politically convenient tool for a party in power to make a formal legislative
change, because often queer people are a minority group with little political or economic influence to
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resist such changes. These laws can be imposed by the ruling class without public support or
understanding and can lead to greater societal discrimination and levels of violence against queer people.
In Bangladesh Hijra community transgender individuals who are not fastened to the hijras do face gender
discrimination even though they are being recognized as normal humans (Islam, 2017). These cultural
values convey a strict gender roles pattern, which leads to applying a male-female binary model for those
individuals to fulfill this purpose relatively easily. They may look at themselves having no relation to
society with ability to perform similar activities, therefore, resulting in social and economic
backwardness (Prevention Web, 2018). Besides that, as Islam (2017) notes, the norms and forces of
influencing hirjas which is defined as a gender of people who dress and live as women in cultural life
inevitably leads to the exclusion of those transgender people who does not belong to hirja culture leading
to the a reinforcement of these societal expectations. Consequently, these expectations of the society
immediately impact the way LGBT+ people are treated and their opportunity for living a normal and
fulfilling life. Social standing being among top priorities for most, making ends meet without being
openly identified as a member of the LGBT community is not an option (Rana, 2016).
In Bangladesh, intersectionality hits the hardest for the transgender people who face not just a gender
issue but one of the sexuality aspects. In contrast with the Western setting, transgender identity is not
equivalent to sexual orientation, as research has shown in work by Namaste (2000) and others (Rahman
et al., 2014). Many members of the transgender community in Bangladesh consider themselves part of
the hijra community. Hindi term hijra translated to "third gender" in English (Nanda, 1999) is used to
designate the community of people that exist outside the binary division of male and female. While the
majority of hijras are assigned male in their birth and exhibit feminine roles as per gender (Puar, 2004),
there is also a number of people who identify as women or men (Nanda, 1999). Challenging the society's
idea of maleness and femaleness through their unclear gender identity, gender expression and norms of
gender are their pre-dominance (Nanda, 1999). The selfproclaimed "queerness," in turn they face taunts,
which are very much alike those experienced by other disregarded LGBTQ+ people (Rahman et al.,
2014). Finally, that is why these people are discriminated upon due to fact that they both don't fit in with
the traditional gender role and their appearance is seen as not natural.
Intersectionality, which is the overlapping nature of social categories such as race, class, and gender that
determine how queer people face their problems, is the key factor that dominates the experience of queer
people in Bangladesh (Crenshaw, 1989). In She ishl, the main representation called for transgender
individuality is incredibly known as the hijra society, traditional composed of individuals assigned male
at birth who show female gender characteristics (Nanda, 1999). Some hijras syncretize their oppression
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as a "third gender" (Nanda, 1999), which will become a transitional identity for others, enabling them to
accept themselves sexually or, in turn, accept and embrace their queer nature (Rahman et al., 2014). This
gives a merge between who are otherwise considered events which are completely different, where one
might be seen as encompassing the other (Nanda, 1999). This overlapping is the validity to what's called
social stigma towards non-gender stereotype and same-sex desires. In turn, the marginalization of the
hijra people is also added to this mix (Rahman et al., 2014). This is a fact that being aforementioned
marginalization, on another level is fueled up by poor recognition and weak social mobilization channels.
Despite official recognition as a "third gender" (Islam, 2017), transgender individuals in Bangladesh
who don't identify with the Hijra community face significant discrimination (Islam, 2017). This stems
from deeply ingrained cultural values enforcing a rigid binary gender model (Prevention Web, 2018).
Those people with non-conforming identities are left with such expectations that deny them the freedom
to choose, and they face social and economic exclusion (Prevention Web, 2018).
Apart from that, the stereotypes that the culture of the Hijra community purposefully maintain contribute
to the societal marginalization they face (Islam, 2017). Transgender people who are not part of the Hijra
mold are under pressure to adapt remodeling their gender identity in the Hijra mold that constrains them
socially and does not allow them to achieve a social recognition (Islam, 2017). With the conjunction of
gender identity and sexuality comes the correlated problems of underlying discrimination and social
exclusion (Rana, 2016). While the western context describes the transgender identity as a particular
sexual orientation – heterosexual men identifying themself as woman (Namaste, 2000; Rahman et al.,
2014), the Bangladeshi gender order doesn't implicate such. Sometimes, this difference is somehow
forgotten and culminates to the marginalization of both transgender and homosexual individuals, worse
than before (Rahman et al., 2014).
The society has people who are transgressive of traditional gender roles and meeting societal rules of
outward appearance and these groups are isolated from the community at large (Nanda, 1999). Those
who identify as intersex face stigmatization and disapproval similar to that they go through as the
members of the LGBTQ+ community according to Rahman, et al. (2014). The stigma comes from both
their gender and because their appearance doesn’t meet the imposed physical normal standards.
Bangladesh, which was a British crown colony rights (that entail) penalizing sex between beings of the
same sex and transgender people. This heritage paves the way from Section 377 of the Penal Code,
which was brought to India by the British Raj in the year 1860 (The Penal Code, 1860, Act No. XLV of
1860). The Section 377 is a clause that prohibits "carnal intercourse against the order of the nature that
is supposed to refers to same - sex intercourse leads to discrimination (Human Rights Watch, 2021).
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However, a case 2000 High Court case where section 377 was declared as unconstitutional due to it
being against the right to equality (Bangladesh Legal Aid and Services Trust, 2000) was overtaken by
the Supreme Court in the year 2003 in another case(Bangladesh Supreme Court, 2003). In its judgment
regarding the case of "Shireen Pervin et al. v Bangladesh, the Supreme Court stated that "the people
referred to as the 'affected group' were actually part of a “very small segment of the overall population”
(Bangladesh Supreme Court, 2003). This argument has been denounced for its discriminatory nature the
the corresponding violation of the human rights( Chowdhury, 2014).
To the detriment of their non-heteronormative peers, Bangladesh has a Penal Code in place that
criminalizes acts denoted by "unnatural offences" (Section 377) which is a punishable by
lifeimprisonment and "indecent acts" (Section 377A) with a prison term of up to 10 years (The Penal
Code, 1 These rarely enforced laws naturally create an atmosphere of fear, preventing LGBTQ+ persons
from seeking the legal arm if they are disciplined or subjected to mistreatment (Human Rights Watch,
2021).
There is a colonial legacy that is vividly reflected in these laws. Bangladesh inherited statutory law
including but not limited to the Penal Code, from the British Raj regime (Ahmed, 2010). One of the
major laws in the pursuit of modernization and colonization, Section 377 is based on the same actor laws
found in British dominated areas like India (Murray & Roscoe, 1997). In addition to this, the
ambiguousness of the wording ("unnatural offences") gives a chance to misinterpret the contents and has
been used for suppressing LGBTQ+ people (Chowdhury, 2014).
The provision of historical background is of utmost importance as it significantly depicts the origins of
the present legal climate and its implications on the life of the LGBTQ community of Bangladesh.
The British, who were holding onto power, adopted the Penal Code dating back to 1860; such a position
discriminated against and still does against rights of the LGBTQ+ community (Ilankovan, 2012, p. 42).
Perceiving the absence of responsiveness from the society’s side, they have written a book on how to
create homophobic politicians and way of life of the religious leaders who have been using the power
under their position to harass, and humiliate by disregarding people from the LGBTQ+ community,
without showing any clarity on where people from the community belong to. Wiking, which originates
from the year 1860, that penalizes them with death should they be homosexuals, according to the Human
Rights Watch (2021). A phrase could be drawn up and worded in this way which could be used by
different people for various conflicting interpretations that would then threaten and disregard the rights
of the LGBTQ+ community as individuals. Justice and law enforcement systems may then be exploited
through corruption (Chowdhury, 2014). Yet, it is the general population whose attitude has been
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subjected to predominant stigma; Owing to it, fear and selfreproach become pillars of culture (UNDP,
2018).
Furthermore, the sexual intercourse of closely related persons through gender abnormalities can be
included into non-consensual sex acts (article 375 of the penal code ). This portrayal should include very
intimate homosexual relationships that are sexist and vulgar. It, however, misconstrues the fact that a
man with man or a woman with a woman instead of a man/women with them does not impede the
processes of generation of off-springs (Rahman et al., 2014). This is a reason why such societies are
bound to discriminate.
Similarly Trans feminine and Hijra community suffer with similar issues, therefore they too have the
right to equality. Unfortunately, it is the case that, the law of Bangladesh do not recognize their existence
with their rights. However, the criminal codes penalize them for such characteristics of behavior such as
"Living a man or woman or connecting men and women to themselves as the other sex". The story of
the transgender, the X - case raises multiple interesting questions, discussion, problems, and answers
that are associated with the transgender community. It will humiliate them so much that they become
potential victims of bullies as they seem weak to the eyes of their classmates and they can be victimized
through bullying or any other forms of discrimination.
The queer community also deservedly suffers the widespread bias aimed at minority population. While
society has gradually improved in accepting and shielding the rights of LGBTQ communities, so have
several countries discriminate and even popularize the homosexuality and alike. Bangladesh, being one
of such places, meets this statement. Primarily, they are a Muslim nation-state that upholds the belief
that homosexuality is evil and the courts system persecute homosexuals. Bangladesh's Supreme Court
has declared that they will let existing anti- gay acts laws stand, saying that this issue is not that important
to countries. Although quatern holds don't adventure queer Bangladeshi the same type of fatality that
quiver community achieved in 90'es, still they are recent for sometimes and roved by law enforcement.
Very often the brutalities against this community is not from the hands of strangers but triggers from the
hands of fellowmen. Within a slow motion world, where these people become not only their neighbors,
but their friends, and for some, their own families. It is rare that homosexuals who are in their families
or community are accepted and this usually leads to their isolation from the families or communities,
they belong to. This might include a circumstance whereby they inhabit the same places but are obligated
to cover up their sexual orientation (Narayan 2021; Anjum et al. 2021).
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5.1. Intersectional Identities within the Queer Community
The queer community of Bangladesh is just large due to cultural and state institutions which portray the
people of quasal in a negative way. Homosexual gender activity is very severely dealt with submissing
to societal standards thus limiting sexuality . People experiencing stigma can feel rejected and
subsequent reactions negatively affect the person’s sense of self-acceptance and coming out process.
Hijra, the male nature one dressing and acting like females, in addition to displaying sever gender
behavior, are stigmatized negatively to prove a point of non-acceptance. That is, a, striving to get further
up on the socioeconomic ladder, had to borrow his urban manners and thus show characteristics of manly
behavior. R, an ordinary middle-class guy with duties and family, faces displacement on the grounds of
his same-sex attraction. Cumulatively, the dominance of Bangladesh narrows and scoffs people off from
the appreciation of genders and sexual identity resulting in negative stigma associated with the persons
who cannot conform to societal constructs. Therefore, in some other countries escaping the eminent
judgements are hard at least for some (Anjum et al., 2021)
Members of the LGBTQ+ community who have dual identity include the intersecting forms of
discrimination and other problems that they face. Standing in one place can provide somebody with both
a marginalization and a privilege limitation, as their different identities illustrate(Makbul and Goni,
2022). The queer Bangladeshi women may be subjected to varying risks of discrimination and
maltreatment on the ground of their gender identity and ethnicity. Their female gender might be utilized
as an object by men due to their sexual orientation while women of different sexual orientations are
objectified because of their femininity. In undertaking to get rid of the cliché of "immoral lesbian," queer
females may be obliged to fulfill the obligations of early and arranged marriage. People in that situation
with hope for "insertion" in heterosexuality . (Azim and Bilkis 2023). This is likely to be less acceptable
for the men who are not the part of the society that put pressure on men to marry young. In addition to,
the double prejudice makes queer people, even more, forest by themselves. This leads to an increase in
depression, anxiety, depression and other mentalizing problems in people's minds. As a result the
majority of those gay persons while battling the mental health issues are obliged to endure uneducated
or antigay health professionals. It thus gives rise to the compounding problem and trouble to look for
mental health treatment. Experience of multiple dimensions of discrimination by qeer individuals having
intersectional identities make the situation even more challenging for them, and further complicated in
the process of improving the over-all (Hossain et al 2023; Breen et al 2020)
The memorable rainbow riot on April 14, 2014, is considered as the turning point of the LGBTQ+
activism in Bangladesh irrespectively of the Roopbaan, the human right organization of Bangladesh
(Roopbaan, 2014). The event, that was the first public gathering of people were gay openly socialized,
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showed that the level of courage and sturdiness within the community was growing steadily (Khan,
2014). A previous experiences of public demonstrations were unable to face the opposition from
authorities and religious groups (Chowdhury, 2014). The rally emerged triumphant for its appearance on
the campus of Dhaka University, as well as, careful exclusion of the word "LGBTQ+" (Roopbaan,
2014). On the one hand a policing strategy which was intended to prevent unrest (The Daily Star,
2014),the concerns about the ineffectiveness ofand the difficulty ofthe action was further emphasised.
It seemed to be a new way compared to the former times since younger, small groups were often
unprotected and could be targeted by attacks (Human Rights Watch, 2014).
The success of the Rainbow Rally,most of all, boosted the queer community after a year that left a deep,
sad mark (Amnesty International, 2014). It was a time that had seen numerous arrests and the spike of
violence against the community. Members of the group also wanted to put an end to discrimination by
drafting a memorandum to the Vice-Chancellor, asking for a proper recognition of the members of the
LGBTQ+ community together with the consideration of their safety as students and staff. Although they
got the unsuccessful response (Roopbaan, 2014) their struggle continued.
Even though Bangladesh doesn't have queer rights organisation, there are human rights and social justice
groups which address the problems of gender-based anomies as well as exploitation of minorities and
economy. (UNDP, 2018). Often these organizations serve as avenue to achieving coalitions and
promoting social justice side by side with their friends and people of similar outlook (Chowdhury, 2014).
Regional Non-Governmental Organizations have also voiced their approval for further LGBTQ+
projects in Bangladesh, if possible (UNITED, 2018).
Nevertheless, the persons from "Uddipan" as well as from other LGBTQ+ rights-oriented groups in
Bangladesh remains resilient undaunted by all the difficulties. The activists indicate the willingness to
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sacrifice all on this path to a better world although it may cost them life (Roopbaan, 2014). Their work
is vital to the stance towards upholding the ideals of social justice and human rights for every citizen of
this country.
This is possible through the various approaches and tactics that the activists and the organizations employ
which are a direct reflection of the complex and multi-dimensional life of perspectives of queer people
in Bangladesh. This first one and the quintessential strategy is the one of establishing "safe spaces". A
queer identifying person barely has a chance to come out his closet as an openly
LGBT+ individual and instead, he continues to live in constant fear of being outed in society of
Bangladesh (Tasfi & Mostofa, 2024).Questioned why the very organizations that he was connected to
were also considered a threat. Often the opposition uses nasty labeling of gay support groups as ‘sex
clubs’ or political assassinations to use the occasion to label them as anti-social and foreign funded. After
that, raids are organized and arrests of the members are made and sometimes abusers are deployed to
maim them. This is incredibly damaging for an individual even when such cases do not lead to
conviction, but there is a 'chilling effect' that when the individual and his/her work is being associated
with legal trouble, it's stressful and tarnishes the individual's image. These problems also facilitate the
normative pressures on queer individuals not to live openly with their sexuality and till the family and
community consider them to be mature enough to 'act normal' and of a marriageable age (Mozumder et
al., 2023).
Often this happens to individuals, who have homosexual feelings, but enter into straight marriages to
hide it from themselves as well. This may often destroy the partner's world and the LGBTQ person's life
can be full of deceiving and self-loathing. Holding all of these in mind, it should come as no surprise
that the suicide rate of the LGBTQ people in Bangladesh is highly alarming. There is a need to provide
LGBTQ people with both physical and virtual spaces where they can freely express themselves, and
such a process is considered crucial for further activism. For example, one organization runs a
''counseling center,'' which, although it does not promote the LGBTQ rights of the society as a whole, is
a place of quietness, where queer people can conversationally speak to empathic counselors and feel free
to be themselves (Khan et al., 2021). There was also the example of a queer poetry group that held an
event at an art university after meeting and performing it in secret for a year. Although some Islamic
fundamentalists were protesting and the students needed to pass between them to get inside the building,
the event was a great step towards their right to peacefully exist and be heard. Yet the most defined
concept of safe place may be roaming when yourself inside your own identity. 'If someone is poor and
starving, then you can't talk to them about queer rights,' the labour rights activist added. They will say,
why do you refer to me about these pompous things, let me get it em, then we'll talk of that rights. Human
being will be able to breathe, eat and sleep safely and without fear only then he will turn his thoughts to
ideas. This nevertheless shows the process behind a security based gradual change very distinctive for a
country like Bangladesh.
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8. International Support and Solidarity for Queer People in Bangladesh
The international community expressing concern and the support and solidarity it has shown to the cause
of the rights for the LGBTQ community in Bangladesh have been instrumental in drawing attention to
the issue and advocating for change (Amundsen, 2018). The brutal murders of two prominent LGBTQ+
activists Xulhaz Mannan and Mahbub Rabbi Tonoy in the year of 2016 provoked instant worldwide
indignation. They were condemned by the embassy of the United States in Dhaka, stressing the necessity
of protecting the “fundamental universal rights” and “diversity” of the LGBTQ+ global society
(MacDonald, 2021).
Such global visibility contributed to integrating LGBTQ+ concerns into the international human rights
discourse, thus providing a certain reinforcement and boost to local activists and groups in Bangladesh.
IGLHRC, an international gay and lesbian human rights group, enlightened local LGBTQ+
organizations in its leadership training in 1999, which did have a backlash from the fundamentalists, but
ultimately helped in forming the global human rughts issue (MacDonald, 2021).
In addition to the local activists who started the movement, global organizations like Amnesty
International, Human Rights Watch, and the International Lesbian and Gay Association had a crucial
role in bringing the issues of human right abuses against LGBTQ+ Bangladeshis in the international
agenda. This persistent advocacy which gradually succeeded in making the issues of queer rights stand
out as valid human rights concerns both in Bangladesh and in the global stage(Amundsen, 2018;
MacDonald, 2021) .
Within this context, growth of the global gay rights movement and coming together of the international
LGBTQ+ communities to support issues faced by LGBTQ+ people in Bangladesh through awareness
programs and advocacy has been the key factor in attending to legal issues dealing with LGBTQ+ people
in Bangladesh. However, the impact of international pressure and support still does not have clear-cut
answers, what is certain is that international solidarity has been
The situation is seemingly bleak, but the interconnectedness of an increasingly globalized world may
facilitate future reforms. Indeed, the government's standing in international politics places it in a position
where diplomatic ties may induce concessions on human rights issues. With the correct approach, the
queer rights movement may form strategic alliances with international human rights organizations, donor
governments and other actors that put pressure on the Bangladeshi government. Furthermore, a
globalizing Bangladesh increasingly plugged into Western cultural forms, trends and ideas. This has
been seen as facilitating a more invisible queer community to carve out spaces and styles of living that
rapidly deviate from traditional norms and family structures. Such social change at societal levels often
precedes legal changes and may shape the political climate such that future reforms become more
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probable. The cultivation of "good governance" as essential for successful state in the age of
globalization, combined with the fact that Bangladesh is the recipient of various international loans, aids
and debts means that it is increasingly subject to conditions imposed by donor agencies and international
financial institutions. These conditions usually concern economic and political reforms, but often touch
upon human rights obligations. If the formulation of new human rights obligations clash with the
interests of conservative nationalist and Islamic forces in Bangladesh, this may polarize politics and
create openings for marginalized groups to exploit.
Transgender and hijra communities in Bangladesh do have a chance of legal recognition as a 'third
gender,' which would enable them to access their rights to education, employment, and health services.
At a consultation on a CEDAW shadow report in 2011, in which transgender and hijra rights were
discussed, participants expressed hope that the government would address the issue, and the NHRC has
recommended to the Ministry of Law that it take necessary steps. In the same year, the Ministry of Social
Welfare provided 200 identity cards to hijras; however, this initiative was not developed. In 2012, it was
recommended that organizations working for transgender and hijra rights form a network and campaign
for the implementation of these ID cards as a first step towards legal recognition.
The National Human Rights Commission in Bangladesh has recommended that the government should
finalize the draft National Human Rights Institutions Act, which will ensure the commission's
independence, adequate resources, and financial autonomy. In 2009, the NHRC stated it would establish
a separate wing to deal with complaints from and concerning sexual minorities, but this has not yet come
into effect. As an interim measure, any complaints involving sexual and gender minorities can be directed
to the South Asia Program Officer at the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission.
One of the barriers between the advancement of queer rights in Bangladesh is the theoretical acceptance
of a 'third gender' category on a range of government documents. Although this would appear as a
progressive step for gender minorities in the country, who are often detained or bullied by law
enforcement agencies for having identification that does not "match" their appearance, a report by Sasha
in 2015 states that hijra and other gender non-conforming individuals often find themselves still
marginalized, subsequently having to maintain a lack of official identification rather than risk being
outed and thereby facing increased discrimination.
Another potential pathway for progression will be through improvement of the overall human rights
situation in Bangladesh. Hossain and Kabeer discuss how standards of human rights and development
are linked, and that the marginalized position of gender and sexual minority groups reveals a failure of
the human rights framework. Increased international attention to human rights abuses, as well as further
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domestic and international pressure on the government may thus encourage a better safeguarding of the
rights of all citizens, irrespective of sexual orientation or gender identity.
10. Conclusion
As a researcher born and raised in Bangladesh, this essay represents a piece of my heart that has been
longing for liberation for years. It was surely quite challenging to balance between being a researcher
and an activist at the same time while conducting the research and writing this essay. With limited
academic resources or works on the issue, the research was not easy and demanded a lot of qualitative
research and data collection. But the biggest challenge was to not get emotionally involved with the
people and the issue, as I belong to the same community and have experienced similar things that I am
now researching about. But now that the research is finished, it feels that a huge burden has been taken
off from my shoulder and throwing that onto the society's to reflect on it. Usually the academics are not
very welcomed by the general people and does not bring any change in the society, but I strongly believe
knowledge is power and if it can be utilized properly, it can bring change, a change for betterment. So I
have tried to represent this essay as an insider to bring out the real picture of the issue which will also
help the outsiders to understand the struggle of queer people in Bangladesh. I hope the effort strive for
a change, a change which will lead to a free and better Bangladesh of tomorrow, where everyone will
have equal rights and freedom.
**Nelufer Nazrul, M. Phil student & Research Assistant, University of Bergen, Norway, Research
Assistant in Law and Social Transform, CMI-UiB (Norway), Former Gender Specialist, Directorate
General of Family Planning, Bangladesh Government, Former Consultant for The Ministry of Women
and Children Affairs in EECR project of UNICEF. Email: nilufer.nazrul@gmail.com
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