T Liberators had assassinated Julius Caesar without formulating
any strategy for the restoration of republican rule, and in the face of popular resentment they were forced to quit Rome, and eventually Italy, to gather forces and funds in the eastern provinces. Meanwhile Mark Antony, as the surviving consul, showed skill, and initially moderation, in exploiting the popularity of the murdered Caesar to gain the support of the veterans and to seek the loyalty of the legions. But in mid-April the youthful Gaius Octavian, great-nephew and designated heir of Julius, crossed to Italy to claim his inheritance. Cicero sought to take him under his wing and to establish him and the support which he gathered as a bulwark for the Senate against the developing despotism of Antony. Cicero became increasingly despondent for the future of the republic, seeking refuge in philosophy, and even deciding to quit Italy for Athens, but he was beaten back by contrary winds. A meeting with Marcus Brutus at Velia, and the realization that his departure was being criticized, led him at the end of August to return to Rome, where on September he launched the first of his Philippics against Antony. They provide detailed evidence of the political scene between this time and April . Earlier in June Antony had secured for himself the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul, which was held by Decimus Brutus as the senat- orial nominee. Towards the close of the year Antony blockaded Decimus Brutus in Mutina. The Senate ordered him to remove his forces from the province. When he refused, he was defeated in two engagements by forces under the new consuls, supported by Octavian. But both consuls fell, Octavian refused to cooperate, and Decimus Brutus was slow to exploit the victories. Antony at the end of May was able to persuade the wily Lepidus, governor of Narbonese Gaul, and his seven legions to unite with him. Cicero vainly pleaded with Marcus Brutus to return to lead the campaign against Antony. Letter
Letter (Att. XIV )
Near Rome, April I went out of my way to visit the person whom we were discussing* this morning. It was totally depressing, for he claims that the situ- ation is irredeemable. ‘If such a talented man as he could not find a solution, who will find one now?’ What more can I say? He claims that it is all up with us, and perhaps it is, but he was pleased about it. He maintained that there will be disorders in Gaul within twenty days. Since the Ides of March, he said, he had held discussions only with Lepidus.* In short, his view is that things cannot continue as they are. How worldly wise Oppius is, for he misses Caesar just as much, but says nothing to alienate any honourable man. But enough of this. Do not, I beg you, be slow to inform me* of any news. I anticipate that there are several items, among them whether the report about Sextus is reasonably certain, and above all any word of Brutus.* The man whom I broke my journey to see told me that Caesar used to say of Brutus: ‘What he wants matters a lot, but whatever he wants, he wants a lot.’* Caesar, he told me, had noted this when Brutus spoke on behalf of Deiotarus* at Nicaea, for he seemed to speak forcefully and freely. He further mentioned—I’m happy to jot down any remarks that occur to me—that recently, when I was visiting Caesar’s house at Sestius’ request,* and took a seat while waiting to be summoned, Caesar commented: ‘I cannot doubt that I am the object of the greatest hatred, for Marcus Cicero is seated there, and cannot join me when he finds it convenient. If anyone is kindly disposed, Cicero is, but I am in no doubt that he loathes me.’ This is what that person said, and much else in the same vein. But to return to the relevant point. Do please inform me about anything that happens, whether important or trivial. I myself will not take a break from writing to you. Letter
Letter (Att. XIV )
Cumae, April Has it come to this? Did Brutus, my friend and yours, act as he did so as to skulk at Lanuvium?* And so that Trebonius* should depart to his province by devious routes? And so that all Caesar’s actions, writings, speeches, promises, and designs should be more effective than if he were still alive? Do you recall my crying out on that first day* of the occupation of the Capitol that the praetors should summon the Senate to the Capitoline temple? Ye gods that live for ever, what measures could be taken then, when all men of honour and even those of some decency expressed their joy, while the brig- ands were broken in spirit! You blame the feast of the Liberalia,* but what could have been done then? It had been all up with us for some time. Do you recall your own cry, that the cause was lost if Caesar was given a public burial? Yet his corpse was even cremated in the Forum and addressed in a pathetic panegyric. Slaves and paupers with torches were launched against our houses. And what was the outcome? Why, they had the gall to say, ‘Are you defying Caesar’s will?’ I cannot endure these scenes and others like them, so I plan to go to terre au delà de terre,* but your land is abritée contre le vent. Has your nausea finally cleared up? I imagine so, judging from your letter. I hark back to men like Tebassus, Bassus, Scaeva, and Fango.* Do you realize that they are confident of keeping their spoils while we remain safe? They believed we had more spirit than they found in us. These no doubt are your peace-lovers, and not sponsors of brigandage! But when I wrote to you about Curtilius and about Sestullius’ farm, I cited Censorinus, Messalla, Plancus, Postumus, and all that type.* It would have been better to die when Caesar was murdered—though that could never have been the outcome—than to witness the present scene. Octavian* landed at Naples on April. Early next day Balbus met him there, and the same day he joined me at my residence at Cumae. As you say in your letter, he is about to seek his inheritance, but he fears a big confrontation with Antony. I am coping with your Buthrotum problem,* as is right, and I will continue to do so. As for your enquiry whether the Cluvian property* Letter amounts to , sesterces a year, it seems to be approaching that figure. In the first year I have cleared ,. Quintus senior* has written some stern words to me about his son, chiefly because the boy is more gracious towards his mother, whereas previously, though she deserved well of him, he was hostile. If you have knowledge of his activities, and if you have not yet left Rome, please write to me about this and about anything else. I get such lively pleasure from your letters.
Letter (Att. XIV )
Puteoli, April My dear Atticus, I fear that the Ides of March have gained us noth- ing beyond joy and revenge for our loathing and sufferings. What grim reports reach me from your vantage-point in Rome, and what scenes I witness here! Oh, what a splendid deed, but left half-done!* You know how I love the Sicilians and the great respect I attach to my position as their patron.* Caesar granted them many concessions to which I was not averse, though the award of the Latin franchise* was intolerable, but still . . . But now here comes Antony. He has pocketed a huge backhander, and has resurrected a law allegedly put through the Assembly by the dictator, by which Sicilians become Roman citizens. There was no mention of it in Caesar’s lifetime! Then again, is not the case of Deiotarus similar? Yes, he deserves to gain any kingdom, but not when bestowed by Fulvia.* There are countless similar instances, but I come back to the issue of Buthrotum.* Our position will surely to some extent be strong on so celebrated, so well attested, and so just a case? The more such cases as that appear, the stronger our position will be. Octavian is staying with me. His attitude is most respectful and most friendly. His supporters hail him as Caesar, though Philippus* does not, and accordingly neither do I. He cannot in my view be a good private citizen, for he is surrounded by so many who repeatedly threaten our followers with death and say that the present situation is intolerable. So what do you suppose will ensue when the boy