Humphrey
Humphrey
Humphrey
Neil Humphrey
who experience mental health difficulties during mental health provision includes the requirement
childhood and/or adolescence go on to experi- for every school to have a designated mental
ence poorer physical and mental health, are less health lead, and the creation of mental health
likely to be employed and more likely to incur support teams, managed jointly by schools and
additional societal costs (e.g. criminal justice) as the National Health Service (Department for
adults (D’Amico et al., 2014; Goodman et al., Education/Department of Health, 2017).
2015; Knapp et al., 2011). Finally, from birth to However, such developments place increasing
midlife, less than 20% of people experience demand on the teaching workforce without guar-
‘enduring mental health’ (that is, they never anteeing any additional resources to support this.
experience a period of significant distress), mak- More generally, we know that many teachers feel
ing at least one episode of impairing mental inadequately prepared to engage with mental
health difficulties the norm, rather than the excep- health issues in the classroom, though the extent
tion (Schaefer et al., 2017). of training available at the school level appears to
be related to their perceived capacity in this
regard (Mansfield, et al., 2021). In other words,
hy Are Schools Important
W the more mental health training available in a
Settings for the Promotion given school, the more teachers within it report
of Mental Health? feeling that they have the capacity to undertake
mental health-related practices as part of their
School is a critical developmental context for role.
children and young people (Bronfenbrenner, The role of school staff in promoting mental
2005), in which many key determinants of mental health can arguably be distilled into four distinct
health are primarily situated (e.g. bullying) but related areas of work. First, they can provide
(Patalay & Fitzsimons, 2016). Schools benefit a nurturing environment in which children and
from very wide reach, a prolonged period of young people feel safe and happy. Second, school
engagement and a central role in most communi- staff can monitor and assess mental health needs
ties (Greenberg, 2010). If parents are concerned in the student population, and identify those with
about their child’s mental health, they are most emerging or established difficulties. Third, they
likely to contact their teacher(s) as a first port of can provide support for mental health needs.
call (Ford et al., 2007). Fourth, where necessary, school staff can refer
Furthermore, children’s mental health and children and young people to external services
their learning are concurrently and temporally and agencies (e.g. child and adolescent mental
related; for example, girls’ academic attainment health services) for more specialised and inten-
in middle childhood predicts later emotional sive intervention than they are able to provide
symptoms, even after accounting for prior symp- themselves (NatCen Social Research & the
tom levels and risk factor exposure (Panayiotou National Children’s Bureau Research and Policy
& Humphrey, 2018). Collectively, these findings Team, 2017). In this chapter, my focus is univer-
support the view of school as an important setting sal interventions, and so the discussion that fol-
for the promotion of well-being and prevention lows pertains primarily to the first and third areas
of the development, maintenance or escalation of noted above. However, it is important to note that
mental health difficulties among children and these interventions do not occur in a vacuum.
young people (Greenberg, 2010). Accordingly, Schools are complex ecological systems, and
there has been an increased policy emphasis on provision in the second and fourth areas, in addi-
this issue in recent years. For example, in tion to the broader socialisation practices and
England, mental health education was made interactions that occur in school (e.g. that which
compulsory in all schools in 2020 (Department is ‘caught’ as opposed to being ‘taught’), will
for Education, 2019); alongside this, an ongoing have a strong bearing on students’ experiences
plan to transform children and young people’s and outcomes relating to their mental health.
2 Universal, School-Based Social and Emotional Learning Interventions and Their Potential to Improve… 11
PATHS concepts and strategies). Lessons are can need regulating when they threaten to over-
intended to be delivered approximately twice a whelm or need to be amplified… these [social–
week throughout the year. These are supported emotional] skills help them to experience more
by generalisation activities and techniques that well-being and maintain satisfying relationships
support the application of new skills during the with others’ (Denham, 2006, p. 70). Research on
school day, and parent materials that aim to the determinants of well-being provides support
extend learning to the home environment. In for these propositions. For example, our own
addition to this, a daily procedure of compliment- research has demonstrated an inverse relationship
giving is encouraged using the ‘Kid of the Day’ between SEL skills and mental health difficul-
system, in which children are randomly selected ties, both concurrently (Humphrey &
and wear a badge or identifier to be recognisable Wigelsworth, 2012) and longitudinally
to other pupils and staff around the school. The (Panayiotou et al., 2019b).
Kid of the Day may be assigned special roles and
responsibilities, and other pupils and staff com-
plete a compliment sheet for them. Teachers in hat Does the Evidence Base Tell
W
PATHS schools usually are aided by trained Us About the Potential of Universal
external coaches, who offer ongoing technical SEL Interventions to Improve
support and assistance (e.g. lesson modelling, Students’ Mental Health?
observation and feedback) throughout the school
year as a means to optimise implementation The SEL evidence base has grown exponentially
(Humphrey et al., 2018). in the last three decades. Unsurprisingly, this has
resulted in the publication of multiple meta-
analyses (Corcoran et al., 2018; Durlak et al.,
ow and Why Might SEL
H 2011; Sklad et al., 2012; Taylor et al., 2017;
Interventions Improve Students’ Wigelsworth et al., 2016). These provide rigor-
Mental Health? ous evidence that illustrates the impact of SEL
interventions on a range of outcomes, including
Before we examine evidence on the efficacy of social and emotional skills, school attitudes, aca-
SEL interventions in improving students’ mental demic performance and, importantly, mental
health, it is important to first consider underpin- health. In terms of the latter, aggregated effect
ning theory. SEL theory (e.g. the SEL logic sizes (ES) observed in relation to internalising
model; CASEL, 2007) and models of risk and problems (e.g. anxiety) range from 0.19 (Sklad
resilience processes in human development (e.g. et al., 2012; Wigelsworth et al., 2016) to 0.24
Wright et al., 2013) both highlight the impor- (Durlak et al., 2011). Larger but more variable
tance of social– emotional competence in serving ES are reported for externalising difficulties (e.g.
important promotive and protective functions, conduct problems), ranging from 0.22 (Durlak
and accordingly, they have been described as, et al., 2011) to 0.43 (Sklad et al., 2012). Meta-
‘the skills and competencies that underlie mental analyses of longer-term follow-up studies indi-
health’ (Weare & Markham, 2005, p. 14). As pre- cate that intervention effects are still evident, but
viously noted, SEL skills help children and young attenuate somewhat over time. Thus, Sklad et al.
people to navigate their social environment suc- (2012) reported average intervention ES of 0.1
cessfully, particularly in difficult or challenging and 0.2 (for internalising and externalising diffi-
circumstances. Students who are able to under- culties, respectively) in studies where measures
stand, articulate and manage their emotions, were taken at least seven months after a given
while also being better equipped to develop and intervention was concluded.
maintain positive social relationships (including Analysing studies with a follow-up period of
social problem solving), are more likely to expe- at least 24 weeks post-intervention, Taylor et al.
rience greater levels of positive affect: ‘Emotions (2017) reported average intervention ES of 0.16
14 N. Humphrey
for internalising symptoms and 0.14 for external- Education, 2014), and the likelihood of later
ising problems. None of the SEL meta-analyses escalation of such problems and the huge societal
published to date has reported aggregated effects costs that can accrue as a result if they are not
on well-being, probably owing to a lack of pri- effectively addressed at an early stage (e.g. Scott
mary studies. However, findings from individual et al., 2001), the effects of SEL interventions
studies are promising. For example, Panayiotou must be considered very promising indeed.
et al. (2019b) found that the aforementioned However, it is important to remember that such
PATHS curriculum produced an intervention ES effects are not uniform. The next step in this
of 0.17 in relation to children’s well-being. chapter, therefore, is to consider some common
To what extent can these intervention effects intervention effect modifiers.
be considered meaningful? A preliminary caution
here is to resist the temptation to reflexively
resort to the effect size thresholds outlined by I ntervention Effect Modifier 1:
Cohen (1992), since these are completely devoid Implementation Variability
of context and are misaligned with empirically
derived intervention effect sizes in prevention Implementation is, ‘the process of putting a prac-
science (Tanner-Smith et al., 2018). Instead, we tice or program into place’ (Forman, 2015, p. 10).
might start by asking how the magnitude of SEL Dimensions of implementation include behav-
intervention effects on mental health outcomes iours of the implementer, such as fidelity (whether
compares to those observed in the broader field prescribed procedures were followed), adapta-
of universal school-based interventions (which tions (what changes were made to an interven-
includes, for example, those designed to promote tion), dosage (how much of an intervention was
healthy eating, prevent substance abuse or man- delivered) and quality (how well an intervention
age behaviour in the classroom). Here, there is was delivered), and those of recipients, such as
reason for optimism; even when one adopts a reach (whether intended recipients were present
conservative approach (e.g. the smallest average when the intervention was delivered) and respon-
ES noted above for internalising [0.19] and exter- siveness (the extent to which recipients engaged
nalising [0.22] problems), one places SEL inter- with an intervention) (Berkel et al., 2011).
ventions above the 50th percentile in the Increasingly, contextual factors such as pro-
distribution of effect sizes for these outcomes gramme differentiation (the extent to which an
among all universal school-based interventions intervention is distinct from existing practice) are
(Tanner-Smith et al., 2018). An alternative per- also considered under the implementation rubric.
spective is to consider what these intervention It is now widely accepted that these dimensions
effects mean in practical terms – in other words, are likely to vary when SEL interventions are
do they translate to genuine, noticeable effects in implemented in schools. Thus, in studies where
daily life? This is, of course, highly subjective, implementation data are recorded, nearly 40%
but Durlak et al. (2011) argue that the kinds of report problems relating to one or more of the
gains evidenced for SEL interventions would be dimensions noted above (Durlak et al., 2011;
noticeable in typical classroom contexts. For Wigelsworth et al., 2016). Research has demon-
example, the most conservative estimate for the strated clearly that this variability influences the
impact of SEL on externalising problems noted achievement of intended outcomes (Durlak,
above translates to a 9-percentile point improve- 2016). For example, in Durlak et al.’s (2011) SEL
ment (Durlak, 2009). Given the fact that even meta-analysis, the average intervention ES on
very modest decreases in externalising problems emotional symptoms in studies reporting no
can have positive consequences for the broader implementation problems was 0.35, compared to
school environment (e.g. up to an hour of learn- 0.15 in studies where implementation problems
ing a day may be lost as a consequence of persis- were noted. Early evidence indicates a similar
tent disruptive behaviour; Office for Standards in pattern in relation to well-being.
2 Universal, School-Based Social and Emotional Learning Interventions and Their Potential to Improve… 15
In their aforementioned trial of the PATHS The compensatory effects hypothesis predicts
curriculum, Panayiotou et al. (2019a) observed that at-risk children will benefit more from SEL
that the magnitude of intervention ES on well- interventions because they are at greater risk and
being grew from 0.17 in their intent-to-treat anal- have more room for improvement (McClelland
ysis to 0.43 when complier average causal effect et al., 2017). Thus, SEL can offset the significant
estimation (CACE) was employed in order to disruption of developmental processes brought
take account of variability in dosage. about by risk exposure. Several studies have pro-
vided support for the compensatory effects
hypothesis. For example, the Conduct Problems
Intervention Effect Modifier 2: Prevention Research Group (2010) reported
Subgroup Effects greater benefits of the Fast Track intervention
(which combines the PATHS curriculum with
As noted earlier, it stands to reason that children parent training and other supports) among chil-
and young people will not respond uniformly to dren with higher baseline levels of aggression.
SEL interventions. However, we still know rela- Similarly, Low et al.’s (2015) trial of Second Step
tively little about exactly who benefits more or found that this SEL intervention primarily pro-
less from them (Durlak et al., 2011). An initial duced significant improvements in social skills
problem here is how to robustly investigate indi- and mental health among children who started
vidual differences in responsiveness to interven- the school year with skill deficits relative to their
tion while avoiding ‘data dredging’ (that is, peers. We know that these results are not
systematically searching through a dataset in the explained by regression to the mean because sim-
hope of finding a significant intervention effect; ilar trends were not evident in the trial control
Keller, 2019). It is therefore recommended that group. The findings of such studies are therefore
subgroup analyses are specified in advance, encouraging because they indicate that SEL
informed by theory and/or research, and include interventions do indeed benefit those most in
clear specification of the expected direction of need of support.
effects and population subgroup(s) of interest In contrast, the accumulated advantages
(using characteristics measured pre-hypothesis (also known as the ‘rich get richer’
randomisation in trials, e.g. demographic charac- model) predicts that children from more advan-
teristics, individual differences at baseline and/or taged, lower-risk backgrounds will benefit more
family factors) (Farrell et al., 2013). from SEL interventions because they are better
I focus here on subgroup moderator effects equipped to take advantage of learning opportu-
among students deemed to be ‘at risk’ by virtue nities and more capable of consolidating and
of their existing levels of need (e.g. elevated building on their existing skills (McClelland
symptoms of distress at baseline in a given study) et al., 2017). This prediction was borne out in a
and/or socio-economic and other circumstances trial of the PATHS curriculum in Croatia, where
(e.g. those from more deprived backgrounds) the researchers reported significant improve-
because these are central to the issues noted ear- ments in SEL skills and reductions in mental
lier (see section The Rationale for Universal, health problems only among those students
School-Based Interventions). Furthermore, classed as ‘above average’(low risk) in pre-
although common, subgroup analyses relating to intervention assessments (Novak et al., 2016).
demographic characteristics such as sex and age Though fewer in number, studies like this set a
tend to be poorly theorised, if at all (in other challenging precedent because they indicate that
words, while researchers frequently test to see if the benefits of SEL go to those who are already in
interventions affect boys and girls differently, positions of relative advantage.
they usually do not explain their justification for
doing so).
16 N. Humphrey
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