Humanly

Organized
Sound
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY is a comparatively new word
w h i c h is widely used to refer to the study of the different
musical s y s t e m s of the world. Its seven syllables do not give
it any aestheti c a d v a n t a g e o v e r t h e pentasyllabl e " m u s i c o l -
o g y , " b u t a t least they m a y r e m i n d u s that the people o f m a n y
so-called " p r i m i t i v e " cultures used s e v e n - t o n e scales and h a r -
m o n y long b e f o r e t h e y h e a r d t h e music o f W e s t e r n Europe .
P e r h a p s we need a c u m b e r s o m e w o r d to restore the b a l a n c e
to a world of m u s i c that t h r e a t e n s to fly up i n t o clouds of
elitism. W e need t o r e m e m b e r t h a t i n mos t c o n s e r v a t o i r e s
t h e y teach o n l y o n e particular kind o f ethnic music , and t h a t
m u s i c o l o g y is really an e t h n i c m u s i c o l o g y . A S c h o o l of M u s i c
such a s that a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n , w h i c h e s t a b -
lishes a s u b d e p a r t m e n t of E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y , E t h n ic M u s i c ,
or B l a c k M u s i c , h a s t a k e n the first step toward recognizin g
its role in t o m o r r o w ' s world of music. It has implicitly rede-
fined its M u s i c m o r e m o d e s t l y , as a s y s t e m of musical t h e o r y
and practice that emerged and developed during a certain
period o f E u r o p e a n h i s t o r y .
M o r e i m p o r t a n t than a n y arbitrary , e t h n o c e n t r i c divisions
b e t w e e n M u s i c and Ethnic M u s i c , o r b e t w e e n A r t M u s i c and
4 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

Folk M u s i c , are the distinctions that different cultures and

social groups m a k e b e t w e e n music and n o n m u s i c . In the long
run, i t i s t h e activities o f M a n the M u s i c M a k e r that are o f
m o r e interest and c o n s e q u e n c e to h u m a n i t y t h a n the particu-
lar musical a c h i e v e m e n t s of W e s t e r n m a n . If, for e x a m p l e , all
m e m b e r s of an Africa n s o c i e ty are able to p e r f o r m and listen
intelligently to their o w n indigenous m u s i c , and if this un-
writte n m u s i c , w h e n analyze d in its social and cultural c o n -
text, c a n be s h o w n to h a v e a similar range of effects on
people and to be b a s e d on intellectual and musical processes
that are found in the so-called " a r t " music of E u r o p e, we
must a s k w h y apparently general musical abilities should be
restricted to a c h o s en few in societies supposed to be cultur-
ally m o r e advanced. D o e s cultural development represent a
real a d v a n c e in h u m a n sensitivity and technical ability , or is it
chiefly a diversion for elites a n d a w e a p on of class exploita-
t i o n ? M u s t the majority be m a d e " u n m u s i c a l " so that a few
m a y b e c o m e more " m u s i c a l " ?
R e s e a r c h in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y h a s expanded our k n o w l e d g e
of the different musical s y s t e m s of the world, b u t it has n o t
yet brought about the reassessment of human musicality
which this n e w k n o w l e d g e demands. E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y has
the p o w e r to create a revolution in the world of music and
music education, if it follows the implications of its discover-
ies and develops as a m e t h o d , and n o t m e r e l y an area, of
study. I believe that e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y should be m o r e than a
b r a n c h o f orthodox m u s i c o l o g y concerne d with " e x o t i c " o r
" f o l k " m u s i c : i t could pioneer n e w w a y s o f analyzing music
and music history. C u r r e n t l y recognized divisions between
A r t M u s i c and Folk M u s i c are inadequate and misleading as
conceptual tools. T h e y are neither meaningful n o r accurate as
indices of musical differences; at best, they m e r e l y define the
interests and activities of different social groups. T h e y express
the s a m e outloo k as the irregular v e r b , "I play m u s i c ; you
are a folk singer; he m a k e s a horrible n o i s e . " We need to
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 5

k n o w w h a t sounds and w h a t kinds of b e h a v i o r different soci-

eties have c h o s e n to call " m u s i c a l " ; and until we k n o w m o r e
about this we cannot b e g i n to a n s w e r the question, " H o w
musical i s m a n ? "
If studies in the p s y c h o l o g y of music and tests of musical-
ity have failed to reach a g r e e m e nt on the nature of musicality ,
it is p r o b a b l y becaus e t h e y h a v e b e e n almost exclusively
ethnocentric. T h u s , the contradictions that exist b e t w e e n the
different schools o f t h o u g h t m a y b e artifacts o f their e t h n o -
centricity. W h e n the G e s t a l t school insists that musical talent
is m o r e t h a n a set of specific attributes dependent upon sen-
sory capacities, it is right; b u t only partly right, b e c a u s e its
whole does n ot e x t e n d into the culture of which the music is
a part. W h e n opponents of the G e s t a l t school attac h prime
importance to s e n s o r y capacities, they are also right, b e c a u s e
without certain specific capacities music could neither be per-
ceived n o r performed. But their tests, like th e theories on
which they are based , are also of limited value and are hardly
m o r e o b j e c t i v e than those which m a y seem to be less scien-
tific. Paradoxically , their laudable aim to be c o n t e x t - f r e e and
objective fails precisely b e c a u s e they minimize t h e i m p o r t a n c e
of cultural experience in t h e selection and d e v e l o p m e n t of
sensory capacities. For i n s t a n c e, a test of musical pitch based
on the sounds of a G e n e r al R a d i o beat-frequenc y oscillator
m a y seem to be m o r e scientific t h a n one based on culturally
familiar t i m b r e s , b e c a u s e the intensity and duration of the
sounds can be e x a c t l y controlled. B u t the results of such a
test could in fact represent a distortion of the truth, b e c a u s e
the s u b j e c t s ' perception m a y be t h r o w n off b a l a n c e by the
unfamiliar medium.
O n e e x a m p l e o f the e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f all the musical tests
that I h a v e so far encountered will serve as a general criti-
cism, and also illustrate w h y we m u s t b r o a d e n our field of
investigation if we are to find out what capacities are in-
volved in musicality . Carl Seashore's Measures of Musical
6 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

Talents were the first standardized tests of musical ability to

b e published, i n 1 9 1 9 ; and although they h a v e b e e n criticized,
refined, and elaborate d b o t h b y S e a s h o r e h i m s e l f and b y
m a n y other w o r k e r s , testing procedures h a v e n o t changed
radically. T h e basis o f t h e S e a s h o r e tests i s discrimination o f
s o m e k i n d . N o w , b e c a u s e sensory discrimination is developed
in culture, people m a y fail to express any distinction b e t w e e n
musical intervals w h i c h t h e y can h e a r , b u t w h i c h h a ve n o
significance in their musical s y s t e m . S i m i l a r l y , people w h o use
o n l y four or five basic color terms m a y be able to distinguish
b e t w e e n finer shades of color even t h o u gh t h e y m a y not
k n o w the special terms the manufacturers h a v e invented in
order to sell the n e w s e a s o n ' s clothes. I lived for nearly two
years in a rural A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , and I studied the develop-
m e n t and expression of its m e m b e r s ' musical ability in the
c o n t e x t of their social and cultural experience . M u s i c plays a
very important part in the life of the V e n d a of the N o r t h e r n
T r a n s v a a l , and even white settlers w h o suffer from the de-
m e n t e d logic of apartheid readily admit that t h e V e n d a are
very musical people. But w h e n confronted w i t h the S e a s h o r e
tests of musical talent, an outstanding V e n d a musician might
well appear to be a t o n e - d e a f musical m o r o n . B e c a u s e his
perception of sound is basically h a r m o n i c , he m i g h t declare
that two intervals a fourth or a fifth apart wer e the s a m e ,
and that there was no difference b e t w e e n t w o apparently
different patterns o f m e l o d y (see Example 2 ) . T e s t s o f timbre
and loudness would be irrelevant outside the social c o n t e x t of
sound, and in any c a se t h e sound of the oscillator would
p r o b a b l y turn him off i n s t a n t l y : since it is not sound made
by a h u m a n being, it is n o t music.
T e s t s of musical ability are clearly relevant only to the cul-
tures w h o s e musical s y s t e m s are similar to tha t of the tester.
But I would ask further q u e s t i o n s : H o w useful are musical
tests even within the cultural tradition in which they are set?
W h a t do the tests test, and h o w far is it related to musical
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 7

ability? H o w musical is the ability that finds its expression in

musical c o m p o s i t i o n or p e r f o r m a n c e , and under what condi -
tions can i t e m e r g e ? W e c a n n o t a n s w e r the question , " H o w
musical i s m a n ? " until w e k n o w w h a t features o f h u m a n b e -
havior, i f a n y , are peculiar t o music. W e talk freely o f musical
genius, b u t we do n o t k n o w what qualities of genius are re-
stricted to music and w h e t h e r or n o t they m i g h t find e x p r e s -
sion in a n o t h e r m e d i u m. N o r do we k n o w to w h a t e x t e n t
these qualities m a y be latent in all m e n . It m a y well be that
the social and cultural inhibitions that prevent the flowering
of musical genius are m o r e significant than any individual
ability that m a y s e e m to p r o m o t e it.
T h e question, " H o w musical is m a n ? " is related to the m o r e
general questions , " W h a t i s the nature o f m a n ? " and, " W h a t
limits are there to his cultural d e v e l o p m e n t ? " It is part of a
series of questions that we must a s k about m a n ' s past and
present if we are to do a n y t h i n g m o r e than s t u m b l e blindly
forward into the future. A l t h o u g h I h a v e no final a n s w e r to
the question posed by the title of the b o o k , I h o p e to show in
the first three chapter s h o w research in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y m a y
resolve m o s t of t h e p r o b l e m s , and, in the fourth, w h y the
issue m a y be i m p o r t a n t for the future of h u m a n i t y . T h e r e is
so m u c h music in the world that it is r e a s o n a b l e to suppose
that music, like language and possibly religion, is a species-
specific trait of m a n . Essential physiological and cognitive
processes that g e n e r a t e musical composition and p e r f o r m -
ance m a y e v e n be genetically inherited, and therefore present
in almost every h u m a n being. An understanding of these and
other processes involved in the production of music m a y pro-
vide us with evidence that me n are m o r e r e m a r k a b l e and
capable creatures than m o s t societies ever allow the m to b e .
T h i s is not the fault of culture itself, b u t the fault of m a n ,
w h o m i s t a k e s the m e a n s of culture for the end, and so lives
for culture and n o t beyond culture.
C o n s i d e r the contradictions b e t w e e n theory and practice in
8 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

the m a t t e r o f m u s i c a l i t y i n t h e kind o f b o u r g e o i s e n v i r o n m e n t
in w h i c h I w a s raised and seemed to acquire a degree of
musical c o m p e t e n c e . ( I s a y " s e e m e d , " b e c a u s e a n essential
point o f m y a r g u m e n t i s that w e d o n o t k n o w e x a c t l y w h a t
m u s i c a l c o m p e t e n c e is or h o w it is acquired.) M u s i c is played
while we eat and try to t a l k ; it is played b e t w e e n films and
at the t h e a t e r ; it is played as we sit in crowded airport
l o u n g e s , and o m i n o u s l y as we wait in t h e p l a n e to t a k e off; it
is played all day l o ng on the radio; and even in c h u r c h few
organists allow m o m e n t s o f silence t o i n t e r v e ne b e t w e e n
different stages o f t h e ritual. " M y " society claims t h a t o n l y a
limited n u m b e r of people are musical, and yet it b e h a v e s as if
all people possessed the b a s i c capacit y w i t h o u t w h i c h no
musical tradition can e x i s t — t h e capacity to listen to and dis-
tinguish patterns o f sound. T h e m a k e r s o f m o s t films and
television serials hope to appeal to large and varied audiences;
and s o , w h e n t h e y add incidental music to t h e dialogue and
action, t h e y implicitly a s s u m e that audiences c a n discern its
patterns and respond to its e m o t i o n a l appeal, and that t h e y
will hear and understand it in the w a y s that its c o m p o s e r in-
tended. T h e y assume that music is a for m of c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,
and that in a c o m m o n cultural c o n t e x t specific musical s e -
q u e n c e s can e v o k e feelings that are fearful, apprehensive ,
p a s s i o n a t e , patriotic, religious, s p o o k y , and so on.
T h e film m a k e r s m a y n o t b e aware o f the grounds for their
a s s u m p t i o n s ; but w e c a n b e sure that, i f e x p e r i e n c e had
proved t h e m wrong , t h e y would h a v e rejected all incidental
and m o o d music as u n n e c e s s a r y . Instead, t h e y seem to h a v e
s h o w n increasin g confidence in their audiences ' musicality by
a b a n d o n i n g continual b a c k g r o u n d music in favor of m o r e
selective heightening of the drama. T h i s m a y be o n l y a re-
sponse t o the pressures o f m u s i c i a n s ' u n i o n s ; b u t, even i f this
were s o , film m a k e r s c o n t i n u e to c o m m i s s i o n c o m p o s e r s of
m u s i c , at considerable e x t ra expense. It is interesting that
these a s s u m p t i o ns should b e made b y m e n and w o m e n w h o s e
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 9

attitudes to art and financial profit often contradict t h e m . A

producer's training in W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n culture m u s t h a ve
taught h i m that not all people are musical, and tha t s o m e are
more musica l than others. B u t his k n o w l e d g e and experience
of life lead h i m u n c o n s c i o u s l y to reject this t h e o r y. Capitalist
dogma tells h i m that only a c h o s e n few are musical, b u t capi-
talist experienc e reminds h i m that The Sound of Music was
one of t h e biggest box-office draws of all time.
O n e explanation o f this parado x c o m e s i m m e d i a t e l y t o
mind. In m a n y industrial societies, merit is generally judged
according to signs of i m m e d i a te productivity and profits, and
postulated usefulness, within t h e boundaries of a given s y s -
tem. Latent ability is rarely recognized or nurtured, unless its
bearer b e l o n g s to the right social class or h a p p e ns to s h ow
evidence of w h a t people h a v e learned to regard as talent.
T h u s , children are judged to be musical or unmusica l on the
basis o f their ability t o p e r f o r m music. A n d yet t h e v e r y e x -
istence of a professional performer , as well as his n e c e s s a r y
financial support, depends on listeners w h o in o n e important
respect m u s t b e n o less musicall y proficient than h e is. T h e y
must be able to distinguish and interrelate different patterns
of sound.
I am a w a r e that m a n y audiences b e f o re and since t h e c o m -
position of Haydn's Surprise Symphony h a ve not listened
attentively to music, and that, in a society w h i c h h a s invented
n o t a t i o n , music could be h a n d e d d o w n by a h e r e d i t a r y elite
without a n y need for listeners. B u t if we tak e a world view
of m u s i c , and if we consider social situations in musical tradi-
tions that h a v e no n o t a t i o n , it is clear that t h e creation and
p e r f o r m a n c e of m o s t m u s ic is generated first and foremost
by the h u m a n capacity to discover patterns of sound and to
identify t h e m o n subsequent o c c a s i o n s . W i t h o u t biological
processes of aural perception, and w i t h o u t cultural a g r e e m e n t
a m o n g at least s o m e h u m a n b e i n g s on w h a t is perceived,
there c a n b e n e i t h e r music n o r musica l c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
10 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f creative listening i s too often ignored i n

discussions of musica l a b i l i t y, and y e t it is as fundamental
to music as it is to l a n g u a g e . T h e i n t e r e s t i ng thing about child
prodigies is not so m u c h that s o m e children are b o r n with
apparently exceptiona l gifts, b u t that a child c a n respond to
the organized sounds o f m u s i c b e f o r e h e h a s b e e n taught t o
recognize t h e m . W e k n o w , t o o , t h a t children w h o are n o t
prodigies m a y b e equally responsive , though t h e y m a y n o t
relate to music in a positive w a y and s e e k to reproduce their
experience.
In societies w h e r e m u s i c is n o t written d o w n , i n f o r m e d and
a c c u r a t e listening is as i m p o r t a n t and as m u c h a m e a s u r e of
musical ability as is p e r f o r m a n c e , b e c a u s e it is t h e o n l y m e a n s
of ensurin g continuity of the musical tradition. M u s i c is a
product o f t h e b e h a v i o r o f h u m a n groups , w h e t h e r formal o r
i n f o r m a l : it is h u m a n l y organized sound. A n d , although dif-
ferent societies tend to h a v e different ideas a b o u t w h a t t h e y
regard as music, all definitions are b a s e d on s o m e c o n s e n s u s
o f opinion about t h e principles o n w h i c h the sounds o f m u s i c
should b e organized. N o s u c h c o n s e n s u s c a n e x i st until there
is s o m e c o m m o n g r o u n d of e x p e r i e n c e, and unless different
people are able to h e a r and recognize patterns in the sounds
that reach their ears.
I n s o f a r as m u s i c is a cultural tradition that c a n be shared
and t r a n s m i t t e d , it c a n n o t exist unless at least s o m e h u m a n
b e i n g s p o s s e s s, or h a v e developed, a c a p a c i ty for structured
listening. M u s i c a l p e r f o r m a n c e , as distinct from the produc-
tion of n o i s e , is i n c o n c e i v a b l e without the perception of order
in sound.
I f m y emphasis o n the p r i m a c y o f listening m a y seem too
farfetched, consider w h a t would happen even to a tradition of
written m u s i c i f m e r e p e r f o r m a n c e w e r e regarded a s the
criterion of musical ability. M u s i c i a n s k n o w that it is possible
to get a w a y with a b a d or inaccurat e p e r f o r m a n c e with an
audience t h a t l o o k s b u t does n o t l i s t e n ; and e v e n listening
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 11

audiences c a n be trained to accep t g r o s s deviations from f a -

miliar scores of C h o p i n or B e e t h o v e n , w h i c h w e r e at first cur-
rently f a s h i o n a b le b u t later b e c a m e part of a pianistic tradi-
tion. T h e c o n t i n u i t y o f m u s i c depends a s m u c h o n t h e de-
m a n d s of critical listeners as on a supply of p e r f o r m e r s .
W h e n I s a y t h a t music c a n n o t exist without the perception
of order in the r e a l m of sound, I am n o t arguing that s o m e
kind o f t h e o r y o f music m u s t precede musica l c o m p o s i t i o n
and p e r f o r m a n c e : this would o b v i o u s l y b e untrue o f m o s t
great classical c o m p o s i t i o n s and o f t h e w o r k o f so-called
" f o l k " m u s i c i a n s . I am suggestin g that a perception of sonic
order, w h e t h e r it be i n n a te or learned, or b o t h , m u s t be in the
mind b e f o r e it emerge s as music.
I deliberatel y use the term " s o n i c o r d e r " and stress experi-
ences of e x t e r n a l listening b e c a u s e I w a n t to e m p h a s i ze that
a n y a s s e s s m e n t o f m a n ' s m u s i c a l i ty must b e b a s e d o n de-
scriptions of a distinctive and limited field of h u m a n b e -
havior w h i c h we will provisionally call " m u s i c a l . " S o n i c order
m a y be created incidentally as a result of principles of o r -
ganization t h a t are n o n m u s i c al or e x t r a m u s i c a l , such as the
selection of equidistantly spaced h o l e s on a flute or frets on a
stringed i n s t r u m e n t . S i m i l a r l y, an apparent lack of sonic
order m a y e x p r e s s ordered a r r a n g e m e n t s o f n u m b e r s , people,
m a t h e m a t i c a l f o r m u l a e , o r a n y e l e m e n ts that c a n b e trans -
formed into sound, such as t h e application of a sine curve to
an electronic m a c h i n e .
If a c o m p o s e r tells me that I m u s t not expect to h e a r any
order " i n t h e n o t e s , " but that I m a y o b s e r v e it in patterns of
circles and cones t h a t are given to p e r f o r m e r s , or in n u m b e r s
that are fed into a m a c h i n e , I m a y prefer to call the noise r e -
actionary m a g i c rather than avant-garde m u s i c ; b u t I c a n n o t
exclude i t from any estimatio n o f h u m a n m u s i c a l i t y , even
though it p r o b a b l y does n o t b e l o n g to the area of b e h a v i o r
that includes t h e m u s i c o f the B u s h m e n , the B e m b a , the B a l i -
n e s e , B a c h , B e e t h o v e n , and B a r t o k . It is h u m a n l y organized
12 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

sound, intended for o t h e r h u m a n ears and p o s s i b ly enjoyed

b y t h e c o m p o s e r s ' friends, and thus concerne d w i t h c o m m u -
nication and relationships b e t w e e n people.
T h i s process of producing musical sound is n o t as m o d e r n
or sophisticated as its creators might c l a i m : it is simply an
e x t e n s i o n of the general principle that music should express
a s p e c t s o f h u m a n organizatio n o r h u m a n l y conditioned per-
c e p t i o n s of " n a t u r a l " organization. I observe d a similar p r o c -
ess i n Z a m b i a i n 1 9 6 1 . A m o n g the N s e n g a o f the P e t a u k e
district, b o y s play small kalimba mbiras as a diversion w h e n
t h e y are walkin g or sitting alone. A n a l y s i s of the tunes they
play reveals relationships b e t w e e n the patterns of m o v e m e n t
of the left and right t h u m b s , the patterns of r h y t h m with
w h i c h they pluck the " k e y s , " and the patterned a r r a n g e m e n t
o f the " k e y b o a r d " i t s e lf (see Figure 1 ) . T h e tunes d o n o t
sound like other N s e n g a music, b u t the two t h u m b s perform
typically Nsenga polyrhythms, which in other contexts
would be performed by m o r e than one player. A similar in-
s t r u m e n t called the ndimba h a s a different " k e y b o a r d " m o r e
suited to melodic a c c o m p a n i m e n t than to patterned doodling.
T h e m e n w h o play this instrument are usually public enter-
tainers, w h o sing with or to large audiences. T h o u g h their
music often sounds simpler than that which the b o y s play, it
is in fact m o r e musical in construction, since the patterned
relationship between t h u m b m o v e m e n t and " k e y b o a r d " is
subordinate to the requirements of a song, with words and a
form that allow others to sing with the instrument. S o m e of
the b o y s ' tunes m a y b e m o r e experimental and avant-garde,
but they do not concern m a n y people, since they lack a qual-
ity the N s e n g a seem to desire of their music, n a m e l y , the
power to bring people together in b r o t h e r h o o d.
It is possible to give m o r e than one analysis of a n y piece
of music, and an enormou s a m o u nt of print is devoted to
doing just this. But it ought to be possible to produce e x a ct
analyses that indicate where musical and extramusical proc-
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 13

Transcriptions of three Nsenga melodies for kalimba

Layout of the "keys" of a 14-note kalimba (A) and a 14-note niimba (B).
(i): Approximate pitches of the scales most commonly used (transposed),
(ii): Numbering of "keys" from left to right of the "keyboard." (iii): "Keys"
numbered symmetrically according to their use in contrary motion by the
right and left thumbs. Shaded "keys" and underlined numbers above and be-
low the music staff indicate pitches in the upper manual of the "keyboard."

FIGURE 1. Comparison of melodies and "keyboards" of kalimba

and ndimba mbiras, played by the Nsenga of Petauke, Zambia,
illustrating the cultural and physical origins of musical sound.
14 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

Rhythmic foundations of kalimba melodies, as revealed by analyses of

parts played by left and right thumbs

FIGURE 1 continued
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 15

Analysis of ndimba melody

16 H O W MUSICAL IS MAN?
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 17

esses are e m p l o y e d , and precisely w h a t t h e y are a n d w h y

t h e y were used. A t some level o f analysis, all musical be-
h a v i o r is structured, w h e t h e r in relation to b i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o -
logical, sociological , cultural, or purely musical p r o c e s s e s ;
and it is t h e t a s k of the e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t to identify all
processes t h a t are relevant to an explanation of musical
sound.
Figure 2 s h o w s a m u s i c a l p a s s a g e t h a t c a n be interpreted
in at least t w o w a y s . It is one of a n u m b e r of short repeated
figures t h a t o c c u r in a series of tunes played by a N a n d e (or
K o n j o ) flute player from B u t e m b o , in Zaire, and it is clear
from t h e musical c o n t e x t that it gives the player pleasure
and expresse s fundamental principles of musical structure.
W h a t i s n o t clear from t h e m u s i c alone i s t h e n a t u r e o f
these principles. A listener trained in European ethnic music
m a y h e a r m o v e m e n t a w a y from a n d b a c k to a t o n e c e n t e r ,
w h i ch he would describe as a t o n i c - d o m i n a n t - t o n i c sequence.
M o r e generally , i n term s H i n d e m i t h and o t h e r s h a v e used,
this could be described as a m u s i c al sequence e x p r e s s i ng re-
laxation-tension-relaxation. T h e N a n d e musicia n m a y also
conceive the p a s s a g e as m o v e m e n t a w a y from and b a c k to a
tone c e n t e r , since m u c h A f r i c a n m u s i c is structured in this
w a y , t h o u g h h e would n o t t h i n k specifically i n t e r m s o f tonic
and d o m i n a n t relationships. B u t i f w e consider his p e r f o r m -
ance in relation to the p h y s i c al e x p e r i e n ce of stopping holes
with t h e fingers, t h e tonal relationships acquire a different
m e a n i n g . T h e p h y s i c a l r e l a x a t i o n o f t h r o w i n g t h e fingers off
the flute produces a tone t h a t is h a r m o n i c a l l y t e n s e , w h i l e the
physical tension of stopping certain holes produces a tone
that is h a r m o n i c a l l y relaxed.
I do n o t k n o w w h i c h of t h e s e interpretations of t h e music
is right in t h e c o n t e x t of N a n d e s o c i e t y and t h e m u s i c i a n s h i p
o f t h e particular p e r f o r m e r, K a t s u b a M w o n g o l o , o r w h e t h e r
there is a n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n . B u t I am sure that there is ulti-
m a t e l y o n l y o n e e x p l a n a t i o n and t h a t this could b e discov-
 18 H O W MUSICAL IS MAN?

Musical phrase used in flute music from Butembo

FIGURE 2. Two possible interpretations of the same musical pas-

sage, using a tension/relaxation model and harmonic and physical
"languages," respectively.

ered by a c o n t e x t - s e n s i t i v e analysis of t h e musi c in culture.

W h e n I analyzed the flute melodies in 1 9 5 5 , I w a s w o r k i n g
with a n n o t a t e d recordings and a specimen i n s t r u m e n t which
I learned to play. I had no firsthand experience of the culture
o f the performer and n o evidence o f its musica l s y s t e m ,
since very few recordings wer e available.
I can be m o r e confident about the analysis of t h e b a l a n c e
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 19

b e t w e e n physical and musical factors in generating the tunes

played on the N s e n g a kalimba and ndimba mbiras, b e c a u s e I
w o r k e d i n Z a m b i a i n 1 9 6 1 with the performers and learned
to play the tunes (ver y b a d l y ) , I o b s e r v e d the different c o n -
texts of p e r f o r m a n c e , and I heard and recorded scores of
other pieces o f N s e n g a m u s i c . O n l y b y a s s e m b l i n g musical
and e x t r a m u s i c al i n f o r m a t i o n w a s it possible to discover w h a t
was " i n the n o t e s . "
It is p o s s i b l e to improvise musical tests in the field; and
these m a y provide the o n l y m e a n s o f discovering o r confirm-
ing the principles that g e n e r a t e musical c o m p o s i t i o n . For e x -
ample, V e n d a y o u t h s play duets on o c a r i n a s , called zwipoto-
liyo, w h i c h they m a k e from small fruits of varying diameter s
(ca. 4 . 5 to 7 c m s ) , in which t h e y h a v e cut o n e large h o l e for
b l o w i n g and two for stopping with the fingers. T h e tones that
can be played on t h e ocarinas v a r y according to the size of
the spheres, and their pitch c a n be modified by the b l o w i n g
of the performer. For the duets, players select pairs that
" s o u n d g o o d , " and so their choice indicates w h a t musical
principles t h e y h o p e to express in the duets. I devised a test
in which t w o y o u t h s selected the m o s t satisfactor y of all c o m -
binations o f six differently tuned o c a r i n a s ; the sound o f the
duets played on t h e s e i n s t r u m e n t s , therefore, revealed tonal
and h a r m o n i c principles that are i m p o r t a nt in o c a r i n a m u s i c
in particular and V e n d a m u s i c in general. Figure 3 s h o w s
three such p a t t e r n s , with their root progressions and h a r -
monic s e q u e n c e .
T h e s e three e x a m p l e s illustrate p r o b l e m s t h a t exist in a n a -
lyzing t h e m u s i c o f a n y c o m p o s e r o r culture. T h e y also e m -
phasize the dangers of c o m p a r i n g different m u s i c solely on
the basis of its sound. Even t h o u g h the m e a n i n g of m u s i c
rests u l t i m a t e l y " i n the n o t e s " that h u m a n ears perceive, there
can b e several possibl e structural interpretation s o f a n y pat-
tern o f sound , and a n a l m o s t infinite n u m b e r o f individual
responses to its structure, depending on the cultural b a c k -
 20

Three Venda ocarina duets

FIGURE 3. Tonal and harmonic principles in Venda ocarina music.

 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 21

Scale diagram of two Venda ocarinas, made from hollowed fruits (A: of Strychnos
spinofto Lam., the wild orange; B: of Oncoba spinosa Forsk.)

FIGURE 3 continued

ground a n d current e m o t i o n al s t a t e of its listeners.

H o w e v e r , the n u m b e r o f p o s s i b le structural interpretation s
can be greatly reduced w h e n the musical s y s t e m of a single
c o m p o s e r or culture is considered in its total cultural c o n t e x t .
Even w h e n a s y s t e m is clearly articulated, a structural e x -
planation in t e r ms of that s y s t e m m a y be i n c o m p l e t e . For
example, w e k n o w m u c h a b o u t the t h e o r y and practic e o f
h a r m o n y i n t h e Europea n " a r t " m u s i c o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n -
tury, b u t w h e n we analyze t h e m u s i c of H e c t o r Berlioz it is
useful to k n o w t h a t he often w o r k e d out h a r m o n i c p r o c e -
dures on a guitar, and that t h e structure of the i n s t r u m e nt
influenced m a n y o f his chord s e q u e n c e s.
Let m e illustrate the analytical p r o b l e m further b y a n anal-
o g y from structural linguistics. In doing this, I am n o t sug-
gesting t h a t e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y should use the m e t h o d s of lin-
guistics, t h o u g h the aims of m u s i c al and linguistic analysis
m a y be similar. I see no r e a s o n to a s s u m e that m u s i c is a k i n d
of l a n g u a g e , or that it h a s a n y special structural relationships
with l a n g u a g e , or that l a n g u a g e processes are n e c e s s a r i l y
m o r e fundamental t h a n o t h e r h u m a n cultural activities. H o w -
ever, a n a l y s e s o f languag e b e h a v i o r b y Eric L e n n e b e r g and
b y N o a m C h o m s k y and his a s s o c i a t e s point t o features that
22 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

h a v e parallels in music. I do n o t refer so m u c h to t h e o b v i o u s

fact that the sound si can h a v e different structural and s e m a n -
tic significance in different l a n g u a g e s, and that even in English
the words sea, see, and see are different, as to t h e variety of
structures that c a n be embedde d in the surface structures of
a language, that is, in the pattern s of words w h i c h we hear
and to w h i c h we respond.
English speakers generally understand strings of words
according to t h e c o n t e x t in w h i c h they are heard. T h u s , as
L e n n e b e r g points out, the string " t h e y - a r e - b o r i n g - s t u d e n t s "
has two possible syntacti c interpretation s w h i c h are directly
related t o two possible s e m a n t i c interpretations. T h e s e n t e n ce
can be either a c o m m e n t by faculty on students—1{ | [ ( T h e y ) ]
[(are) ( ( b o r i n g ) ( s t u d e n t s ) ) ] }| — i n which " b o r i n g " is an ad-
j e c t i v e ; or it c a n be a c o m m e n t by students on f a c u l t y —
[ [ ( T h e y ) ] [(are b o r i n g ) ( s t u d e n t s ) ] J||—in w h i c h " b o r i n g " is
an inflected v e r b form. In m a n y c a s e s , h o w e v e r , there is n o t
a o n e - t o - o n e relationship b e t w e e n syntactic and s e m a n t i c in -
terpretations. C h o m s k y h a s s h o w n that at the surface level
the structure o f the gerundial p h r a s e " t h e s h o o t i n g o f the
h u n t e r s " m a y be a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of either the active sen-
tence " h u n t e r s s h o o t , " o r the passiv e " h u n t e r s are s h o t . "
I t i s b e c a u s e o f this k i n d o f relationship b e t w e e n deep and
surface structures that we c a n n o t regard language as a m a t t e r
of fitting words int o g r a m m a t i c al slots according to learned
patterns, regardless of the cognitive processes t h a t underlie
the patterns. T h e r e is a world of difference b e t w e e n the active
s e n t e n c e " J o h n is eager to p l e a s e " and the passive " J o h n is
easy to p l e a s e , " although on the surface o n l y o n e word has
been c h a n g e d . Similarly, we c a n n o t substitue any similar verb
form for " s h o o t i n g " without considering t h e s e m a n t i c impli-
cations, w h i c h in turn bring into play different structural
principles. In s o m e c o n t e x t s I can talk of " t h e eating of the
h u n t e r s " i n the s a m e w a y a s " t h e shooting o f the h u n t e r s , "
but i n all c o n t e x t s k n o w n t o m e " t h e drinking o f t h e h u n t e r s "
can h a ve onl y o n e structural and s e m a n t i c interpretation.
Logical possibilities m u s t always b e considered, h o w e v e r , and
in s o m e cultures the ambiguit y of phrases such as " t h e sing-
ing o f the h u n t e r s " o r " t h e d a n c i n g o f the h u n t e r s , " w h i c h
ought t o b e t r a n s f o r m a t i o ns o n l y o f active s e n t e n c e s , m a y b e
resolved b y the c o n c e pt that a m a n can " b e s u n g " o r " b e
danced."
M u s i c a l structures , like strings of words, can be interpreted
as the results of fitting tone s i n t o slots according to the rules
of a musical g r a m m a r . B u t if t h e deep structures are ignored,
confusion m a y arise. A h u m o r o u s c o n s e q u e n c e of such an
approach to musica l analysis is quoted by D e r y c k C o o k e in
his b o o k The Language of Music ( [ L o n d o n : O x f o r d U n i v e r -
sity P r e s s , 1 9 5 9 ] , E x . 7 3 , p . 1 8 6 ) . A friend o f his " c o n f i d e n t ly
a s s u m e d " t h at " t h e once-popula r c o m i c song ' Y e s , w e h a v e
n o b a n a n a s (we h a v e n o b a n a n a s t o d a y ) ' " w a s generated i n
the following w a y :

Example 1

A m o r e serious illustration of t h e i m p o r t a n c e of deep s t r u c -

tures in the a n a l y s i s of musi c is provided by t w o different
versions of a V e n d a children's song, Funguvhu tanzwa mu-
lomo! (see E x a m p l e 2 ) . T h e t w o melodies are describe d as
" t h e s a m e " b e c a u s e they are melodic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f t h e
same deep structure, w h i c h is an essentially " h a r m o n i c " s e -
q u e n c e , given r h y t h m i c impetus and c o n t o ur by a string of
words. T h e tones o f o n e m e l o d y are the h a r m o n i c equivalents
o f the o t h e r .
T h e first p r o b l e m in assessing h u m a n musicality is also the
central issue in m u s i c o l o g y and e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y . It is the
24 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

4. Vha ka e - n d a pT? Vho l i - m a da-vha la kho - mbe.

problem of describing w h a t happens in a piece of music. We

cannot yet explain what we already k n o w intuitively as a
result of experience in culture, namely, the essential differ-
ences between the music of H a y d n and M o z a r t , or of the
Flathead and the Sioux Indians. It is not enough to k n o w the
distinctive features of Mozart's piano concertos or of Beetho-
ven's orchestration: we w a n t to know exactly h o w and w h y
Beethoven is Beethoven, Mozart is Mozart, and H a y d n is
H a y d n . E v e r y composer has a basic cognitive system that sets
its stamp on his major w o r k s , regardless of the ensembles for
which they were written. This cognitive system includes all
cerebral activity involved in his motor coordination, feelings,
and cultural experiences, as well as his social, intellectual, and
musical activities. An accurate and comprehensive description
of a composer's cognitive system will, therefore, provide the
most fundamental and powerful explanation of the patterns
that his music takes. Similarly, the musical styles current in a
society will be best understood as expressions of cognitive
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 25

processes that m a y b e o b s e r v e d t o operat e i n the f o r m a t i o n

o f other structures. W h e n w e k n o w h o w these cognitive
processes w o r k in producing the patterns of sound different
societies call " m u s i c , " we shall be in a bette r position to find
out h o w musical m a n is.
T h e study o f music i n culture i s w h a t A l a n M e r r i a m advo-
cated in his important book, The Anthropology of Music
( E v a n s t o n , 111.: N o r t h w e s t e r n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 4 ) , b u t
e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s h a v e yet to produce s y s t e m a t i c cultural
a n a l y s e s of m u s i c that explain h o w a musical s y s t e m is part
of other s y s t e m s of relationships within a culture. It is n o t
e n o u g h to identify a characteristic musical style in its o w n
terms and view it in relation to its society (to p a r a p h r a se a
definition o f o n e o f the aims o f e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y b y M a n t l e
H o o d , w h o h a s don e m o r e for the s u b j e ct t h a n almost a n y
o t h e r living e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t ) . W e m u s t recognize that n o
musical style h a s " i t s o w n t e r m s " : its terms are t h e terms o f
its society a nd culture, and o f t h e bodies o f the h u m a n b e i n g s
w h o listen to it, and create and p e r f o r m it.
We can no longer study m u s i c as a thing in i t s e l f w h e n
research in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y makes it clear t h a t musical
things are n o t always strictly m u s i c a l , and that the expressio n
o f tonal relationships i n patterns o f sound m a y b e s e c o n d a r y
t o e x t r a m u s i c al relationship s w h i c h t h e tones represent. W e
m a y agree that m u s i c is sound t h a t is organized into socially
accepted p a t t e r n s , t h a t m u s i c m a k i n g m a y be regarded as a
form of learned b e h a v i o r , and that musical styles are b a s e d
on w h a t m a n h a s c h o s e n to select from n a t u r e as a part of
his cultural e x p r e s s i on r a t h e r t h a n on w h a t n a t u r e h a s i m -
posed on h i m . B u t t h e nature from w h i c h m a n h a s selected
his musical styles is n o t o n l y e x t e r n al to h i m ; it includes his
o w n n a t u r e — h i s p s y c h o p h y s i c a l capacities and the w a y s in
w h i c h t h e s e h a v e b e e n structured b y his experiences o f inter-
action with people and t h i n g s , whic h are part of t h e adaptive
process o f m a t u r a t i o n i n culture. W e d o not k n o w w h i c h o f
26 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

these psychophysical capacities, apart from hearing, are

essential for m u s ic m a k i n g , o r w h e t h e r a n y o f t h e m are spe-
cific to m u s i c . It seems t h a t m u s i c a l activities are associated
with specific parts of t h e b r a i n , and that these are n o t the
s a m e as the languag e centers . B u t we shall neve r k n o w w h a t
to l o o k for until we study the creative processes t h a t are
present e v e n in a learned p e r f o r m a n c e of music , m u c h as they
are presen t in the sentence s of a learned language.
E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y ' s claim to be a n e w m e t h o d of analyzing
music and m u s i c history m u s t rest on an a s s u m p t i o n n o t y e t
generally accepted, n a m e l y , that b e c a u s e m u s i c is h u m a n l y
organized sound, there ought to be a relationship b e t w e e n
patterns o f h u m a n organization and the p a t t e r n s o f sound
produced as a result of h u m a n interaction. I am chiefly inter-
ested in the analysis of musical structures b e c a u s e this is the
first step toward understanding musical processes an d h e n c e
assessing musicality. W e m a y n e v e r b e able t o understand
exactly h o w a n o t h e r person feels about a piece of m u s i c , b u t
we can perhaps understand the structural factors that gener-
ate the feelings. A t t e n t i o n to m u s i c 's function in s o c i e ty is
n e c e s s a r y o n l y in so far as it m a y help us to explain the
structures. A l t h o u g h I shall discuss the uses and effects of
music, I am c o n c e r n ed primarily with w h a t music i s , and n o t
what is is used for. If we k n o w w h a t it is, we m i g h t be able
to use and develop it in all kinds of w a y s that h a v e n o t yet
been imagined , b u t whic h m a y be inherent in it.
T h e sound m a y b e the o b j e c t , b u t m a n i s the s u b j e c t ; and
the k e y to understanding m u s i c is in the relationships existing
b e t w e e n s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , the activating principle of organi-
zation. S t r a v i n s k y expressed this with characteristic insight
w h e n he said of his o w n ethnic m u s i c : " M u s i c is given to us
with the sole purpose of establishing an order in t h i n g s, i n-
cluding, and particularly, the coordination between man
and time" (Chronicle of M y Life [ L o n d o n : G o l l a n c z , 1936], p.
8 3 ) . Every culture has its o w n r h y t h m , i n the sense t h a t c o n -
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 27

scious e x p e r i e n c e is ordered i n t o c y c l e s of s e a s o n a l c h a n g e ,
physical g r o w t h , e c o n o m i c enterprise , genealogical depth or
width, life an d afterlife, political s u c c e s s i o n , or a n y other r e -
curring features that are given significance. W e m a y say that
ordinary daily experienc e t a k e s place in a world of actual
time. T h e essential quality of m u s i c is its powe r to create an-
other world o f virtual time.
In the musical s y s t e m of t h e V e n d a , it is r h y t h m t h a t dis-
tinguishes s o n g (u imba) from speech (u amba), so that pat-
terns of words that are recited to a regular m e t e r are called
" s o n g s . " B o t h S t r a v i n s k y and t h e V e n d a insist that music
involves m a n . T h e regular b e a t s of an engine or a p u mp m a y
sound like the b e a t s of a drum, b u t no V e n d a would regard
t h e m a s m u s ic o r e x p e c t t o b e m o v e d b y t h e m , b e c a u s e their
order i s n o t directly produced b y h u m a n b e i n g s . T h e sound
of electronic i n s t r u m e n t s or of a M o o g synthesize r would n o t
be excluded from their realm of musical experienc e as long as
it was o n l y the t i m b r e an d n o t the m e t h o d of ordering that
was outside h u m a n control . V e n d a m u s i c is founded n o t on
melody, b u t on a r h y t h m i c a l stirring of the w h o l e b o d y of
which singing is b u t o n e e x t e n s i o n . T h e r e f o r e , w h e n we s e e m
to h e a r a rest b e t w e e n two d r u m b e a t s , we m u s t realize that
for the playe r it is n o t a r e s t : each d r u m b e a t is t h e part of a
total b o d y m o v e m e n t in whic h the h a n d or a stick strikes the
drum skin.
T h e s e principles apply in the children's song Tshidula tsha
Musingadi ( E x a m p l e 3 ) , w h i c h for t h e V e n d a is m u s i c , and
n o t speech or p o e t r y .
O n e m i g h t e x p e c t the b e a t to fall on the syllables -du, tsha,
and -nga-, w h i c h are stressed in p e r f o r m a n c e . B u t if people
clap to t h e s o n g , t h e y clap on the syllables Tshi-, -la, -si-, and
-di, so that there is n o t a rest on the fourth b e a t , b u t a total
pattern o f four b e a t s that c a n b e repeated a n y n u m b e r o f
times, b u t n e v e r less than o n c e if it is to qualify as " s o n g "
and n o t " s p e e c h . "
28 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

V e n d a music is overtly political in that it is performed in a

variety of political contexts and often for specific political
purposes. It is also political in the sense that it m a y involve
people in a powerful shared experience within the framework
of their cultural experience and thereby make them more
aware of themselves and of their responsibilities toward each
other. "Muthu ndi muthu nga vhahwe," the V e n d a s a y : " M a n
is man because of his associations with other men." V e n d a
music is not an escape from reality; it is an adventure into
reality, the reality of the world of the spirit. It is an experi-
ence of becoming, in which individual consciousness is nur-
tured within the collective consciousness of the community
and hence becomes the source of richer cultural forms. For
example, if two drummers play exactly the same surface
rhythm, but maintain an individual, inner difference of tempo
or beat, they produce something more than their individual
efforts. T h u s , the combination of a straightforward beat
played by two people at different tempi produces:
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 29

Example 4

A combination of iambic rhythms with different main beat

can produce:
Example 5

Other combinations are illustrated in Figure 4, which shows

how the same surface structure m a y be produced by different
processes, involving one, two, or three players.

FIGURE 4.Different ways in which one, two, or three players may

produce the same surface structures of music.
30 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

T o describe these differently organized p a t t e r n s o f sound

as the s a m e " s o n i c o b j e c t s " simply b e c a u s e the y sound the
s a m e would be grossly misleading. Even to recognize the w a y
in which the sounds are produced and to describe s o m e of
t h e m a s e x a m p l e s o f p o l y r h y t h m would b e inadequate i n the
c o n t e x t o f V e n d a music. T h e y m u s t b e described first i n terms
of cognitive an d behavioral p r o c e s s e s that b e l o n g to the pat-
tern o f V e n d a culture.
A cultural analysis of s o m e of the r h y t h m s in Figure 4
would n o t be o n e which simply points out that t h e y are used
in such-and-such a w a y on a stated variety of o c c a s i o n s . It
would n o t be a p r o g r a m n o t e outlining the c o n t e x t of t h e
music, b u t an analytical device describing its structure as an
expression o f cultural patterns. T h u s , performance s b y c o m -
b i n a t i o n s o f t w o o r three players o f r h y t h m s that c a n i n fact
b e played b y o n e are not musical g i m m i c k s : t h e y express c o n -
cepts o f individuality i n c o m m u n i t y , and o f social, temporal,
and spatial b a l a n c e , which are found in other features of
V e n d a culture and other types o f V e n d a music. R h y t h m s
such as t h e s e c a n n o t be performed correctly unless t h e players
are their o w n conductors and yet at the sam e time submit to
the r h y t h m o f a n invisible c o n d u c t o r. T h i s i s the k i n d o f
shared experienc e which the V e n d a seek a nd express in their
music m a k i n g , and an analysis of their music t h a t ignored
these facts would be as i n c o m p l e t e as an analysis of M o n t e -
verdi's Vespro della Beata Vergine of 1 6 1 0 which failed to
t a k e a c c o u n t o f the liturgical f r a m e w o r k, t h e c o m p o s e r ' s
early sacred w o r k s , his service to the dukes of G o n z a g a , and
his early e x p e r i m e n t s in opera.

Functional analyses o f musical structure c a n n o t b e de-

tached from structural analyses of its social f u n c t i o n : the
function of tones in relation to each other c a n n o t be explained
adequately as part of a closed s y s t e m without reference to the
structures o f t h e sociocultural s y s t e m o f w h i c h the musical
s y s t e m is a part, and to the biological s y s t e m to w h i c h all
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 31

music m a k e r s b e l o n g . E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y is n o t o n l y an area
study c o n c e r n e d with e x o t ic m u s i c , n o r a m u s i c o l o g y of the
e t h n i c — i t is a discipline that hold s out h o p e for a deeper
understanding o f all music. I f s o m e m u s i c can b e analyze d
and u n d e r s t o od as tonal e x p r e s s i o n s of h u m a n experienc e in
the c o n t e x t o f different kinds o f social and cultural o r g a n i z a -
tion, I see no r e a s o n w h y all m u s i c should not be analyzed in
the s a m e w a y .