Le Vygotsky
Le Vygotsky
Le Vygotsky
Lev Vygotsky
Margaret Walshaw
Abstract Within the ‘social turn’ in mathematics education research, it is the work
of Vygotsky, more than any other inspiration, that has provided many researchers
with theoretical tools for interpreting the social origins of thinking and learning. In
his short 38 years, Vygotsky became a pioneering psychologist. In his view, think-
ing can be explained from a developmental perspective by linking higher mental
functions to their origin. At the heart of a child’s psychological development,
accordingly, was the child’s social development. Vygotsky emphasized the impor-
tance of social interaction in human development and undertook laboratory work
that explored how, in interactions with others, a child develops new ways of think-
ing and being and, in the process, new social mechanisms are developed. Put another
way, he sought to find out how, through new complex mental function interrela-
tions, new patterned ways of the child’s behaviour are formed.
This chapter discusses a number of concepts central to Vygotsky’s work. We
explore the development of shared understanding as a joint activity between the
mutual achievement of teacher and students: as an outcome of what is made possi-
ble and what is ‘taken up’ within the classroom environment. We develop an analyti-
cal framework that identifies the activities significant to the potential development
of mathematical thinking and learning within one classroom. Evidence to support
the framework is then offered from classroom video data and interview data. Three
specific activities emerged from the dataset, and these were used as constructs
within the framework to account for and examine the dialectic relation between a
teacher’s activities and her students’ activities in producing the development of
mathematical thinking. Grounding the development of the framework is the idea
that students’ mathematical development is influenced by their interactions with
others and practices within the classroom environment.
There he studied law and developed an early additional interest in the arts, including
the study of philosophy and history. His own experiences as a Russian intellectual
living in tumultuous times during the profound social upheaval of the 1917 Socialist
Revolution contributed to his wish to create a psychology that engaged both the
laws of science and of society. The policy work he was charged to carry out for the
education of marginalized (and often homeless) children of the time led him to sup-
port the Marxist principle that people change history and, in the process, people are
themselves changed, or as he put it, ‘human nature has changed in the course of
history’ (Luria & Vygotsky, 1992, p. 41). His interest in the psychology of change
was formalized when he attended the Institute of Psychology in Moscow and com-
pleted his dissertation on ‘The Psychology of Art’ in 1925. That interest became
focused on developmental psychology and, in particular, on the ways that we shape
who we are through others, by appropriating cultural resources, which are, in turn,
historically inflected. He came to the conclusion that the mind is not intrapsychic;
rather it is the emergent outcome of cultural-historical processes.
Considered a controversial figure within the Soviet Union, during his own life-
time, Vygotsky failed to gain the same international stature that the Swiss develop-
mental psychologist, Jean Piaget, achieved for his work on human development.
Circumstances of the time in the Soviet Union contributed to the suppression of
much of his creative work, and ‘selective editing’ and dubious translations of the
work that was published did not help matters. It is only during the past three decades
that his ideas have become influential in Russia, thanks principally to members of
the Vygotskian circle, an informal network of scholars from a range of disciplines,
who sought to preserve the legacy of Vygotsky’s ideas. Although Vygotsky’s ideas
were initially introduced to North America during the late 1920s, they did not
become widely known in the West until around the 1970s in the form of the book
Mind in Society, presenting new (yet not always accepted) approaches to develop-
mental and educational psychology. In time, the ideas became increasingly influen-
tial not only to developmental psychology but also to other disciplines as diverse as
anthropology, philosophy, business, sociology, communication and systems design.
As with many of the other theorists discussed in this book, Vygotsky was
involved in a wide range of interests and the development of a number of theories
over the course of his academic life. Disciplinary fields and areas of interest as
diverse as the philosophy of science, education, developmental psychology, meth-
odology, the psychology of art, the relation between language and thought, and also
between learning and human development, learning disabilities and abnormal
development, play, and the construction of concepts served to capture his attention.
Accompanying the changes in interest were changes in relation to his own thinking.
Minick (1987) has recorded that Vygotsky moved “from ‘the instrumental act’ and
the ‘higher mental functions’…to the emergence of ‘psychological systems’”
(p. 24) and then to his third and final argument that ‘the analysis of the development
of word meaning must be carried out in connection with the analysis of word in
communication’ (p. 26). We cannot claim to know ‘one true’ Vygotsky. Indeed, he
did not wish to be known as such, arguing that ‘he wished his ideas to be used, tran-
scended, and even refuted’ (Daniels, Cole, & Wertsch, 2007, p. 9).
2 Lev Vygotsky 13
His interests and the changes in thinking that emerged become apparent in his
prolific writing over a short course of time, including Pedology of the School Age
(1928), Pedology of the Juvenile (1934), Educational Psychology (1926) and Outlines
of the Development of Behaviour (1930), to name a few. However, it was the relation-
ship between speaking and thinking that became an enduring interest. In his most-
read text, Thinking and Speech (1934), he introduced the idea of the mediational role
of speech, analysing how speech as an example of a cultural artefact shapes possibili-
ties for thought and action, while simultaneously showing how speech itself is shaped
by those who use it. He wrote over 250 scientific articles and six of his most signifi-
cant works were written over a period of only 10 years. In their translation into
English, however, the scholarly integrity of the texts was sometimes lost with a
resulting distortion and misinterpretation of the original intent of the ideas.
In his short 38 years, Vygotsky became a pioneering psychologist, claiming that
the discipline of psychology, through its two divisions—naturalistic psychology
and idealistic psychology—and as offered at universities during the early 1900s,
failed to fully account for the complexity that characterizes human personality. As
he argued, ‘The tragedy of all modern psychology consists in the fact that it cannot
find a way to understand the real sensible tie between our thoughts and feelings on
the one hand, and the activity of the body on the other hand’ (Vygotsky, 1933a,
pp. 196–197). In his view, thinking can be explained from a developmental perspec-
tive by linking higher mental functions to their origin. For him, at the heart of a
child’s psychological development was the child’s social development. At that time,
at least in the United States, the study of children was a relatively small low-status
enterprise. The study of developmental change focused on adaptations to the envi-
ronment and often using procedures drawn from Pavlov initially developed to study
small animals. In contrast, while he also took an evolutionary approach to knowl-
edge and human development, Vygotsky emphasized the importance of social inter-
action in human development and undertook laboratory work that explored how, in
interactions with others, a child develops new ways of thinking and being and, in the
process, new social mechanisms are developed. Put another way, he sought to find
out how, through new complex mental function interrelations, new patterned ways
of the child’s behaviour are formed.
Further to this proposal and with his group of students including Leont’ev (1978,
1981), Luria (1979) and Luria and Vygotsky (1992), Vygotsky (see Roth & Lee,
2007) created a research programme to analyse the origin of complex mental func-
tions, including the constructs of selective attention, memory, language understand-
ing and cognitive functioning development. This programme of work was marked
by an attempt to understand complex mental functions from the perspective of the
way in which people use signs and symbols which are necessarily nested within
cultural practices, including language (whose meaning necessarily changes over
time), to shape memory and reasoning processes. From there he was able to propose
his theory of the significant integration of human consciousness. The theory was an
explanation of the ways in which cultural and social interaction patterns contribute
to the forms of mediation and developmental trajectories.
14 2 Lev Vygotsky
His experimental studies were undertaken not simply for providing answers to
theoretical problems. They have made significant contributions to a range of areas.
For example, in psychiatry they have moved the study of schizophrenia forward.
In cognitive science, the influence is apparent in the move from intelligent tutoring
systems to interactive computer programs. Applied to education, the ideas lie at
the core of contemporary interpretations of social constructivism, sociocultural
theory, societal-historical theory, cultural-historical theory and situated cognition.
In educational psychology the ideas form the basis of pedagogical practices that
emphasize interactions within the classroom. In general and special education, the
ideas are used to predict child development. They also reveal how children take up
new knowledge, the influences of that take-up and the consequences of that expe-
rience in terms of development, knowledge, preferences and the mental tools
learned. Put simply, Vygotsky’s studies revealed how children’s development is
influenced by their interactions with other people and the wider social environ-
ment which encompasses cultural and historical artefacts and practices. In this
formulation, interactions do not merely play a part as a social modifier in the pro-
cess; they are deeply intertwined with human development. As Vygotsky (1978,
p. 58) has explained:
Every function in the child’s cultural development appears twice: first, on the social level,
and later, on the individual level; first, between people (interpsychological) and then inside
the child (intrapsychological). This applies equally to voluntary attention, to logical mem-
ory, and to the formation of concepts. All the higher functions originate as actual relation-
ships between individuals.
This is not to suggest a one-way process in which children mirror their everyday
world. Rather than being passive or acted upon, children actively construct knowl-
edge through these interactions. By way of example, in the classroom, teachers
stand at the front, side or back of the room. They write on the board, show PowerPoint
slides, assign mathematical tasks, offer explanations and feedback, listen and notice,
facilitate discussions, set homework, evaluate students’ book work and check atten-
dance. Students sit at desks, work, watch and listen to the teacher and other students
and work from textbooks and worksheets. In all these activities, in Vygotskian
understanding, the content and contours of what happens constantly change from
one moment to another and from one lesson to another and in relation to their cul-
tural and material reality. The mind is not intrapsychic; rather it is the emergent
outcome of cultural-historical processes. Since thought and mind are social, the
question of the student’s thinking becomes a question of how the student acts upon
the activities and transforms them. As Luria (1979, p. 23) has noted, building on
Vygotsky’s ideas:
We should not look for the explanation of behavior in the depths of the brain or the soul but
in the eternal living conditions of persons and most of all in the external conditions of their
societal life, in their social-historical forms of existence.
Like all ideas, Vygotsky’s did not develop in a vacuum. With inspiration from de
Spinoza’s (1989/1677) seventeenth-century work and building on ideas provided by
2 Lev Vygotsky 15
enmeshed. A dialectic is not quite a dichotomy, but it is a theory that rests on con-
tradiction, negation and resolution of contesting forces. And yet dichotomies, as
fundamental as these are, and fixed oppositions such as micro and macro, internal
and external, mental and material, individual and social, thought and action, quanti-
tative and qualitative, observation and intervention, agency and structure all conceal
the extent to which they are in fact interdependent (see Derrida, 1978). In other
words, binary pairs derive their meaning from an established contrast where one
term is prior to or dominant over the other. Scott (1988) and Lloyd (1984), among
others, have taken this point further to argue against the western philosophical tradi-
tion itself (and indeed against dialectics as itself a play of pairings), drawing atten-
tion to its foundations as resting on binary oppositions such as unity/diversity,
identity/difference and presence/absence (see the chapter on Deleuze and Barad for
a similar approach to subverting dichotomies and dialectics of contradiction). In this
re-evaluation of dualistic views of thinking and being, it is important to note that one
term is not able to be reduced to the other. We cannot separate one from the other.
Post-Hegelian theorists have critiqued the dialectical tradition for still clinging to
a sense of negation and contradiction between members of a paired couple (master-
slave, for instance). Central to the tradition are a number of premises, some of which
have an ontological basis and some of which are epistemologically derived. Not all
theories of the dialectic are the same, and it’s important to read originary sources
(such as Hegel or Marx) to ensure that your particular approach is grounded in the
philosophical tradition. For example, for some dialecticians, the environment is not
conceived of as a cluster of objectively specifiable states or conditions. Rather, peo-
ple actively change their material conditions. The potential for change is influenced
historically through a range of experiences and practices, situated, for example,
within the physical environment, the material environment within the immediate
context such as the workplace, home, leisure and local or within the mediated con-
text such as social networks or communities within national and international con-
texts, all of which may require action such as problem solving and meeting new
demands. In interacting with these experiences and practices and as captured
through language use, people themselves change. The individual and the environ-
ment are mutually constitutive, although it is evident that dialecticians have histori-
cally tended to emphasize the human power in this dialectical relationship, while
neglecting the force of matter and the material (see chapter on Barad in this book).
For dominant interpretations of Vygotsky, thinking is embodied and situated and
distributed across material and social settings (see Latour for how he takes this
approach further). Thinking for Vygotsky happens from experience, and it is pos-
sible to suggest that cognition develops in and for the purpose of action, and so it’s
interesting to consider what he might have made of current neurocognitive research
on the plasticity of the brain.
Vygotsky’s analyses reveal a strong commitment to studying the human mind in
the process of becoming. Like Piaget, he was interested in an analysis of the histori-
cal conditions of human life and how this required an understanding that people are
constantly changing. Vygotsky said he was influenced by Spinoza, although it is
important to mention that philosophers have shown how Hegel misconstrued and
Concepts Fundamental to Vygotsky’s Work 17
misrepresented Spinoza who was not a dialectical thinker. Whether Vygotsky was
drawing on Hegel’s version of Spinoza or his own is not yet completely clear.
Setting aside such issues for now, Vygotsky said, ‘The individual becomes for him-
self what he is in himself through what he manifests for others’ (Vygotsky, 1931b,
p. 105). Whereas the way in which we express ourselves may be the result of a range
of influences, nevertheless, the words we use for the expression do not speak them-
selves. The corollary may be stated in this way: the individual has the status of
agency, yet that agency derives from history, culture and society. This kind of argu-
ment provided Vygotsky with a frame for understanding not only for how people
might engage in the creation or transformation of conditions but also for under-
standing how particular material and social conditions might contribute to or hinder
possibilities for people to achieve full developmental potential.
For Vygotsky, all learning is social. It takes place primarily through cultural and
psychological tools. Cultural tools derive from human cultural and historical activity.
They represent what human beings within groups, communities and societies have
developed over time in order to assist people in thinking about, reflecting on and
representing their values, ideas, feelings, principles and practices. Such tools embody
a social intelligence, to the effect that members of the society share an understanding
in relation to the symbolic meaning of and purpose for the tools. For Vygotsky, the
development of higher mental functions is associated with the mastery of social prac-
tices: ‘…social relations, real relations of people, stand behind all the higher func-
tions and their relations…[T]he mental nature of man represents the totality of social
relations internalized’ (Vygotsky, 1931, p. 106). It is through using cultural tools
such as language, symbols, road signs, technology, music, art, writing, painting,
music and dance, among others, that people become aware of their own thoughts.
From there it is a small step to critical reflection and self and social transformation.
learned the number system and is familiar with how to use it for ordering numbers,
she can engage in the ordering activity, selecting those numbers that are smaller or
larger, and if she applies the relevant numerical rules correctly, she is drawing on
higher mental concepts to engage in the activity as a member of her mathematical
learning community.
The process of internalization can be understood to some extent as ‘knowing
how’: the student has both learned the cultural tools and how to use them. She has
developed a higher-order mental function, in this case, the ability to compare and
order. In another context that higher mental function could include the ability to
analyse, to remember, to generalize, to make deliberate intentional movements, to
consciously pay attention to something, to put categorize, to reason logically and so
forth. Once the student has developed a repertoire of concepts and forms of numeri-
cal thought and reasoning, the concepts and numerical operations are internalized
when she is able to ‘make them her own’. The basic numeracy concepts and opera-
tions may have been picked up as cultural tools, but it is only when the student is able
to use them as a vehicle for her own activity and actively deploy them that we can
speak of her agency in the process. It is important to note that the cultural tools relat-
ing to numeracy are typically considered to be inert. Semiosis challenges this under-
standing, invoking the dialectical tradition to suggest that students and others who
use numeracy concepts exert limited or no control over their use. ‘Signs are not mere
instruments. They exert an agency of their own’ (Colapietro, 1993, p. 178). Even as
we might understand that we think, speak and act for ourselves, our capacity to think
and act is produced by mutually reinforcing collaborative activities and practices.
Internalization, as Vygotsky has explained, is not a simple matter of transplant-
ing a social activity onto an inner plane, precisely because in the process of internal-
ization, the internalized practice is transfigured. To that end, the student’s
development in mathematics, as it is in any other realm, is a process of individual-
izing the social. However, as Roth (2012) pointed out, in the Vygotskian under-
standing, internalization is also a process of socializing the individual. The processes
of individualizing and socializing should be understood as representing the same
developmental process.
The student may, of course, take up the cultural tool of ordering numbers, in her
own unique way. The concept of appropriation is used to describe that process. She
may, for example, list, in order, all the even numbers separately from her ordered list
of odd numbers. Rather than providing a single list of ordered numbers, she takes
up the tool and makes it her own for her own ends. The student has learned a tradi-
tion of thought, but has offered a critical reflection of that tradition. Vygotsky argued
that the goal of education should not be focused on students’ assimilation of received
wisdom but rather, that it should be aimed at enhancing students’ independent criti-
cal appreciation and interrogation of mathematical concepts (and other concepts
emanating from other disciplines) that they encounter. He points out:
For present-day education it is not so important to teach a certain quantity of knowledge as
it is to inculcate the ability to acquire such knowledge and to make use of it….Where he
[the teacher] acts like a simple pump, filling up students with knowledge, there he can be
replaced with no trouble at all by a textbook, by a dictionary, by a map by a nature walk….
Mediation 19
Where he is simply setting forth ready-prepared bits and pieces of knowledge, there he has
ceased to be a teacher. (Vygotsky, 1997a, b/1926, p. 339)
Vygotsky believed that mental tools extend mental abilities. In formulating his
concept ‘tools of the mind’, he expressed the view that such tools are necessary in
order to find creative solutions to both small- and large-scale problems. Developing
in students ‘tools of the mind’ such as independence and critical appreciation and
interrogation tools, rather than focusing on transmitting facts, will contribute not
only to cognitive development but also to their physical, social and emotional devel-
opment. Ultimately it will enable them to make worthwhile contributions to eco-
nomic, political and social life.
Mediation
Students develop higher mental functions, moving from everyday mental functions
and concrete thinking to more abstract thinking, through mediated, social and col-
laborative activity. Mediation brings about qualitative changes in thinking with the
use of cultural tools and signs such as ‘language; various systems for counting;
mnemonic techniques; algebraic symbols; works of art; writing; schemes, diagrams,
maps, and mechanical drawings; all sorts of conventional signs’ (Vygotsky, 1981,
p. 137). As students engage in various practices, they ‘pick up’ a cultural toolkit
which is, in the first instance, initiated or scaffolded by others. Through mediation
and the use of cultural tools, students come to internalize the social expression of
preferences, feelings and so forth, learn strategies for everyday living and come to
reflect critically on their own wants and needs. Through the process they move their
dependency of explicit forms of mediation to more implicit forms such an inner
speech, shifting their dependency on others towards an independence associated
with remembering, internalizing and using the cultural tools.
It is through the mediation of others, through the mediation of the adult that the child under-
takes activities. Absolutely everything in the behavior of the child is merged and rooted in
social relations. Thus, the child’s relations with reality are from the start social relations, so that
the newborn baby could be said to be in the highest degree a social being. (Vygotsky, 1932)
From birth a child’s responses to the world are shaped by constant intervention
of adults and significant others. For example, the child’s attention might be drawn
to the rain falling outside, or she hears the same words repeated frequently, or she
might be read a story. In Vygotskian understanding, the significant others in the
child’s life are mediating the child’s contact with the world and with the people and
objects in it. The role as external mediating agents will in time be minimized as the
child begins to initiate the processes herself. The processes that were initially inter-
psychological, shared between child and adult, over time become intra-
psychological, marked by the child’s own similar responses to the world. In this
framework, the cultural tool is the ‘subjective reality of an inner voice, born of its
externalization for the Other, and thus also for oneself as for the Other within one-
self’ (Vygotsky, 1929, p. 17, original emphasis).
20 2 Lev Vygotsky
family member different to their own. In imaginary games and pretend play situations,
the child may also use an object to stand for another. She is using a sign or a symbol.
As she matures, that process will be internalized as she relies less and less on using an
object for another. She is using a sign or a symbol.
For the young child, play represents for her a transitional stage in distinguishing
meaning from an object (Smagorinsky, 2001). The play involves the application of
the child’s own ‘rules’ that relate to the meaning she has attributed to the situation
or object. By way of example, a block in the manipulative box is picked up by a
child who uses it as a mobile phone. Applying the rules of mobile phones, the child
holds the block to her ear, speaks into it and then holds it up and uses it to take a
photograph. In representing a mobile phone, the block of wood becomes a ‘pivot’
for separating the meaning of phone from a real phone. Indeed, in the child’s mind,
the block of wood is the mobile phone. Using the example of the use of a stick for a
horse, Vygotsky explained:
In a critical moment when for a child a stick is a horse, i.e., when an object (a stick) consti-
tutes a prop for separating the meaning of a horse from a real horse, the fraction becomes
reversed and the sense: sense/object becomes predominant. (Vygotsky, 1978, p. 80)
intention. As a result, the discussion of the ZPD in educational circles often misses
the key point that instruction leads to development (see Chaiklin, 2003). To clarify
the intended meaning of the ZPD, in Vygotsky’s own words, the ZPD is the distance
between a child’s ‘actual developmental level as determined by independent prob-
lem solving’ and their higher level of ‘potential development as determined through
problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers’
(Vygotsky, 1978, p. 86).
The concept first arose as a consequence of attempting to reconcile a number of
paradoxical results found from students’ intelligence test results. His response to the
dilemma was to postulate the initial and terminal thresholds within which develop-
ment could take place, as a way of finding out, as Van der Veer and Valsiner (1991)
have pointed out, the critical periods associated with ‘mental age’ to accomplish
certain educational goals. In other words, he was interested in finding out the differ-
ence between what an individual can do independently and what can be accom-
plished with assistance, or what the individual can do when ‘stretched’. In
Vygotsky’s formulation, ‘actual developmental level characterizes mental develop-
ment retrospectively, while the zone of proximal development characterizes mental
development prospectively’ (1978, pp. 86–87). The ZPD was not conceptualized as
a permanent state but, rather, as a stage towards independent knowing or acting. It
was Vygotsky’s methodological approach for dealing with the need to anticipate the
course of development. Vygotsky (1978, pp. 85–86) explained:
When it was first shown that the capability of children with equal levels of mental develop-
ment to learn under a teacher’s guidance varied to a high degree, it became apparent that
those children were not mentally the same and that the subsequent course of their learning
would obviously be different. This difference…is what we call the zone of proximal
development. It is the difference between the actual development level as determined by
independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through
problem solving under adult guidance or in collaborations with more capable peers.
The initial threshold of ZPD represents the level of development for the child
working independently, whereas the terminal threshold represents the level of
potential development that the child might reach with assistance. It is important to
observe that the ZPD opens development to diverse possible trajectories. It not only
considers development in terms of an individual’s psychological growth. It also
considers development as set within a cultural, social and political setting. Of fun-
damental significance to the ZPD is the notion of potential or, more correctly, ‘prox-
imal’. Learning is most effective when the student is introduced to new concepts
that are, for the student, on the cusp of emergence.
Scaffolding
Scaffolding is a concept often used in association with the concept of the ZPD. It
was first used by Wood, Bruner, and Ross (1976) as an instructional metaphor to
explain the process whereby adult assistance enables a student to solve a problem,
carry out a task or achieve a goal beyond her unassisted efforts at that point in time.
Applications 23
For them, scaffolding involved the control of task elements by an adult to enable the
student to perform the task within her current capabilities. However, Wood, Bruner
and Ross did not make explicit reference to Vygotsky’s work. Cazden (1979) was
the first author to draw such links. Interestingly, Vygotsky himself never used the
term. The way in which scaffolding is interpreted in relation to Vygotsky’s work
distinguishes between support for the initial performance of tasks and subsequent
performance without assistance. It requires a sensitivity to the level of support or the
incremental change in information required in order to support the learner up to the
highest level they can achieve with support, that is, in order to meet the cognitive
potential of the child. Or, more simply, applying Vygotsky’s (1978) own words, ‘[T]
he distance between problem solving abilities exhibited by a learner working alone
and that learner’s problem solving abilities when assisted by or collaborating with
more-experienced people’ (p. 86).
In some interpretations, the concept of scaffolding is perceived as an offer of a
preordained ‘climbing frame’ in the form of hints and supports that contribute to the
transfer of skills from the more or less capable partner. In many ways this kind of
perception reinforces a view of a rigid scaffold aligned with behaviourist teaching
principles. Newman, Griffin, and Cole (1989) argue against this view, maintaining
that the ZPD is created through negotiation between the more capable partner and
the student. Moll (1990) agrees:
Vygotsky never specified the forms of social assistance to learners that constitute a ZPD…
he wrote about collaboration and direction and about assisting children ‘through demon-
stration, leading questions, and by introducing the initial elements of the task’s solution’;
but did not specify beyond these general prescriptions. (p. 11)
Applications
Sociocultural theories, once seen as on the fringe of a mainly cognitive field, now take their
place squarely within mainstream mathematics education journals….Concepts such as
‘communities of practice’, ‘learning as participation/belonging’, and ‘out-of-school math’
are being used by researchers. The shift toward social issues has allowed us to uncover the
importance of students and teachers needing to belong to something larger and for changes
in one’s identity to serve as evidence of learning. As such, it has opened doors for research-
ers to study classroom culture, participation structures, socialization processes, and teacher
professional development in whole new ways. (Gutiérrez, 2013, p. 2)
Since the late 1980s, the mathematics education literature has experienced what
Tsatsaroni, Lerman, and Xu (2003) have named as a ‘social turn’. Researchers draw
primarily from the disciplines of cultural and social psychology, anthropology and
cultural sociology, and each of these offers broader theoretical tools for interpreting
the social origins of knowledge and thought. By the ‘social turn’, Lerman (2000)
intends to convey the ‘emergence into the mathematics education research commu-
nity of theories that see meaning, thinking, and reasoning as products of social
activity’ (p. 23). These theories have enabled the exploration of a broader range of
research questions and issues that theoretical traditions such as cognitivism and
behaviourism, grounded in a positivist paradigm, would permit. Vygotsky’s theory
24 2 Lev Vygotsky
sis deviates from Anghileri’s by proposing that every social activity performed by
the teacher, from environmental provision to explanations, and so forth, as part of a
larger matrix of practice, has the potential to foster conceptual thinking in students.
Thus, all classroom activities are taken as the unit of analysis.
Mercer (2000) has argued that teachers tend to use specific linguistic strategies
to strengthen the connection between students’ motivations, knowledge and compe-
tencies and the curriculum-based goals of the activity, in an ongoing way, to allow
students to enhance their present existing knowledge and to consolidate their new
knowledge as a shared understanding. In using linguistic strategies as tools for guid-
ing, monitoring and assessing the activities that they organize for their students and
in the context of national pronouncements of effective mathematics teaching, teach-
ers build student confidence, establish norms of participation, shape students’ math-
ematical language, elaborate, clarify, ask questions, summarize previous knowledge
and relate that knowledge to new knowledge, press for understanding, revoice stu-
dents’ thinking, provide cognitive structure and fine-tune mathematical thinking and
make connections between students’ contributions. In all these activities, language
is used as a tool for describing and consolidating a shared experience and under-
standing within the class. That is to say, the development of shared understanding is
a joint activity between and mutual achievement of teacher and student. It is an
outcome of what is made possible and what is ‘taken up’ within the classroom envi-
ronment (Holzman & Karliner, 2005). If the teacher’s talk fails to keep the student’s
mind attuned to the teacher’s, scaffolding loses its impact and the development of
shared understanding is minimized. It is not simply an issue of whether or not
specific language techniques are in use. Rather, in the study at hand, it is an issue of
how those techniques are used to create and maintain shared knowledge.
At the time of the study, Ms B had been teaching for around 20 years and had
been head of the Mathematics department for the past 12 years at the single-sex
girls’ school in which the research took place. In the following analysis and through
a Vygotskian framework, we unpack her teaching practice and, in particular, her
teaching of algebra to an accelerated class of average age 13 years. Grounding the
analysis is the idea that students’ mathematical development is influenced by their
interactions with others and practices within the classroom environment which nec-
essarily encompasses cultural and historical artefacts and practices. Interactions do
not merely play a part as a social modifier in the process; rather, they are deeply
intertwined with the development of modes of thinking.
In creating an understanding of the teacher’s practice in relation to the develop-
ment of students’ mathematical thinking, a three-step process of identification and
categorization was carried out in relation to the strategies she used to move stu-
dents’ thinking forward. First, from observations of and field notes made of the
unit of work spread over two weeks, a number of preliminary categories were
developed. In the second phase, evidence of further categories was sought from
viewing of the video transcripts and these were added to the categories already
established. In the third phase of the process, the categories were matched against
data from an interview with the teacher and an interview with four of the class-
room students in order to create a connection between the teacher’s activities and
the students’ activities in the classroom.
26 2 Lev Vygotsky
tive in that it involved continuous searching, both forward and back, for evidence of
activities related to the development of mathematical thinking in the classroom.
From the evidence it was possible to draw up a list of teacher activities and asso-
ciated student activities, relevant to three specific domains that had emerged: situa-
tional activities, pedagogical activities and mathematizing activities. In comparison,
Goos (2004) identified three perspectives—scaffolding, student-student collabora-
tion and interweaving—as central to the students’ development of mathematical
inquiry. The domains that emerged in the current study also contrasted with
Anghileri’s (2006) hierarchy of pedagogical interactions, consisting of the level of
environmental provision, the level of explaining, reviewing and restructuring and,
finally, the level of developing conceptual thinking.
The resulting framework developed from the data is illustrated in Table 2.1.
A more detailed explanation is offered, along with classroom evidence, following.
T: teacher
S: student
L4 (2.38): lesson 4, 2 min 38 s into the lesson
Ms B: the teacher
Situational Activities
The daily practices and rituals of this classroom provided students with ‘insider’
knowledge of what to do and say, mathematically, from the norms associated with
those daily practices. This knowledge evolved as students took part in the ‘socially
developed and patterned ways’ (Scribner & Cole, 1981, p. 236) of the classroom.
By scaffolding the development of those patterned ways, the teacher regulated the
mathematical opportunities available in the classroom.
L1 (2.59) T: Okay, quickly. (Teacher does two or three heel raisers to indicate
she’s waiting). So you’re not writing anything, you need to look this
way. Let’s just go over a few things.
L1 (3.25) T: Just a couple of reminders about what you need to have in class and
you need to make sure you bring your textbook every lesson and I
expect that to be out on the desk as soon as you come in, so these are
the books that are out on your desk. Your exercise books and your
notes.
L3 (22.33) T: I want you to stop and listen. I know some of you want to jump into
it, but there’s a couple of things I want to remind you about from the
start of the year. I want you to only choose a few, and I’m not inter-
ested in you doing the first five, okay? Beginning, middle, end. [Then]
I want you to mark. You might do a couple of questions and then you
mark it. If you’re getting something incorrect, you’ve got to find out
there and then what to do to correct them.
Different Kinds of Activity 29
L3 (23.11) T: So this is an opportunity for you to get a little bit of extra practice
on this and push yourself, right?
If, as in Vygotskian understanding, all learning is social, then mathe-
matical thinking begins with a taken-as-shared sense of the expecta-
tions and obligations of mathematical participation. In this classroom
the teacher worked at creating social norms surrounding behaviour
and participation in mathematical discussion.
L1 (17.02) T: Okay, so I want you to compare your own answers with the person
next to you, have you got the same answers or have you got different
ones, okay? There are lots of different questions I’ve asked you, so I’d
like you to discuss this with the person next to you and you might even
get into a discussion with more of you, okay, because you might have
different stuff. Go.
The way in which students view their relationship with mathematics is influ-
enced, as Whitenack, Knipping, and Kim (2001) have argued, by the value that is
given to students’ thinking and their contributions. By validating contributions and
asking further questions with the intent of allowing other students to access knowl-
edge, the teacher used students’ ideas to shape instruction and to occasion particular
mathematical understanding in the classroom.
L1 (31.13) T: Factorize, so when I say factorize, what is it that you do? What is it that you do?
Suata?
S: Um, so you just do the opposite of what you did with the expanding.
T: Okay. So with the expanding, I multiply it out, so what am I going to do to go
backwards? Do you want to talk me through?
S: Um, divide it?
T: Yeah, what kind of, yep, you are sort of dividing. How do I know what to
take?…Keep going, Suata?
L1 (32.41) S: Um, you find the common factor from both of the things.
Claire: Question 2, there’s another way of doing it too. 2, 8× and 2 again.
T: Okay good, I’m actually, so 2, in brackets 8x minus 2. Okay? I’m actually really
pleased that Claire’s brought this up because it highlights something quite important.
Social nurturing and confidence building within this classroom were related to an
overall goal structure that included consistent affective support. This support con-
veyed the message that student ideas were valued. In turn, the positive support from
the teacher encouraged further student effort—an effort that was consistent with
their own demonstrated proficiencies. Ella explained:
30 2 Lev Vygotsky
Ella: …with Miss B there’s not many things that anyone dislikes about maths, like I wasn’t
such a fan of maths last year and this year it’s one of my favourite subjects.
In return for the support from the teacher, students were expected to monitor
their own progress and understanding. This was a gradual process for the students,
as the teacher explained:
These are bright girls, you know. They’re pretty sharp, but to encourage them to actually do
some thinking and take some responsibility for their learning was a real challenge. In the
sense that many of them had been used to been given a worksheet and they just do that, you
know they’d do the same kind of concept 50 times. They weren’t able to apply their knowl-
edge to think, and, and to make those connections themselves. And also to learn for
understanding as opposed to a set rule that you just regurgitate and you just keep doing that
100 times. So the start of the year was exceptionally challenging.
The classroom was organized to include peer group work, providing a rich forum
for students to develop their mathematical thinking and understanding. As Ms B
pointed out:
One of the things that they do really, really well is the way that they interact and work in
groups and they discuss things with each other and they help each other…They’re really
keen to share with someone else and to share their understanding.
The students volunteered that the peer groups served as an important resource for
developing their mathematical thinking. They asked their peers about the nature of
task demands and how those demands could be met. In the course of working
through problems with another student, students extended their own framework for
thinking. Benefits accrued as they listened to what their peers were saying and tried
to make sense of it and coordinate it with their own thoughts on the situation. Ella
explained that she ‘really enjoy[ed] talking to other people and discussing the prob-
lems and finding the answer’. However, she also noted a limitation of such strategies
and the need for the teacher to arbitrate between and simplify competing conjec-
tures. ‘Sometimes I think that, I think it…makes it harder to understand so that’s
why it’s good to have Ms B to sort of just simplify it and explain it for me’.
Pedagogical activities
The teacher in this classroom purposefully provided information and asked ques-
tions of her students. The approach, as Lobato, Clarke, and Ellis (2005) have pro-
posed, is directed at developing students’ conceptual knowledge rather than their
memory skills. This form of telling does not take away from students the agency for
making sense of mathematics (Hiebert & Wearne, 1993). More specifically, she
negotiated meaning through ‘telling’, tailored to students’ current understandings.
She appeared to dilute her own knowledge into a less polished, less final form,
working backwards from a mature understanding of the content, as a means of
understanding students’ current thinking. She shared and then transferred responsi-
bility so that her students could attain greater agency. In this classroom, telling was
followed by a pedagogical action that had the express intent of finding out students’
understandings and interpretations of the given information.
Different Kinds of Activity 31
L1 (33.28) T: Have I got the highest factor here? [referring to problem as noted
at 32.41]. If you look at the 8 and the 2, there’s still something com-
mon, agree? Okay? So this is actually a really important point, that
you’ve got to factorize it fully.…A lot of students can make the mis-
take of writing that as the answer but it’s not fully factorized.
Mathematical conventions and language were important in the teacher’s lesson.
She focused on shaping the development of her students to speak the precise lan-
guage of mathematics. In endeavouring to do this, she made connections between
ideas, distinguishing between terms, sensitizing students to the particular nuances
between them. By reframing student talk in mathematically acceptable language,
she provided students with an opportunity to enhance connections between lan-
guage and conceptual understanding.
L1(16.15) T: Okay, so on this side, up the top, they’ve called them expressions. Why have
they called them expressions? What’s an expression as opposed to an equation?
What’s the difference?
S: Is that because there’s like the variables instead of…
T: There’s variables instead of?
S: Numbers.
T: Numbers. So can you have variables instead of numbers for equations and
expressions? Could you? What’s the difference? Rebecca?
Rebecca: Is it because there’s no equal sign?
T: There’s no equal sign to an expression. Do you notice that all of these don’t
have an equal sign? Whereas an equation will have an equal sign.
L5(10.45) T: What happens to my 8?
S: It’s cancelled.
T: Yeah, I usually like to use the word ‘simplify’ rather than ‘cancel’. Okay, so
why do they simplify? Because I know as things go, I can cross that off and I
can cross that one off. Yes, Rebecca?
In particular, she drew out the specific mathematical ideas embedded within students’ methods,
shared other methods, clarifying understanding of appropriate mathematical conventions. By
reframing student talk in mathematically acceptable language, she provided students with an
opportunity to enhance connections between language and conceptual understanding. The
students, for their part, believed that their teacher ‘was really good at explaining things and
really clear’ [Ella]. As was further explained:
Ella: [Our previous teacher earlier in the year] didn’t cater for our needs as much
as Miss B did, like if you didn’t understand something, she wouldn’t explain it
as well as Miss B could.
Maddy: [Ms B] is always a bit structured in the way she does it and it kind of
fitted us.
Later she pointed out:
There’s a lot of simplifying the equations, so that it’s more easy to figure out and
also expanding and factorizing as well. And we’ve spent quite a lot of time on
those and also finding, like a balance on either side so there will be like an equal
sign in between that we had to figure out what was on the side of the equation.
Interviewer: Yes, so that’s a different idea about the equal sign from what you perhaps in
primary [elementary] school were used to.
Michelle: I really, I found it strange. Like there was a different meaning about equal signs.
A balance, I found that quite hard to get used to.
(continued)
32 2 Lev Vygotsky
(continued)
Ella and Maddy had their own views of their particular class:
Ella: Basically we’ve been put in our classroom because we are all accelerant, and
being in the mathematics classroom, we often get very challenged in our
problems. So, all the time we’re doing things that extend us beyond our
capabilities to try to get us to try new things.
Maddy: It’s like at, at we get more of a challenge and because, I guess, we enjoy that
most. Well, I do enjoy the challenge.
An element of challenge was embedded in the lessons. Alton-Lee (2003) has argued that
teachers who provide moderate challenges for their students signal high expectations. Their
students, in turn, report higher self-regulation and self-efficacy together with a greater
inclination to seek help. In Lesson 3, after Ms B had carried out a ‘what’s my number’ exercise,
she explained to the class:
T: …here’s your challenge. What I would like you to do is write the algebra with
that. I want you to use algebra to prove what happens. Okay, so I’ll just write
down the instructions up on the board and I’d like you to use algebra to prove it.
Mathematizing Activities
L3 (34.55) T: First of all what is it that you’re trying to do when you’re solving equations?
What is it that you’re trying to do?
S: Find the answer.
T: Find the answer. What do you mean, find the answer? The answer’s four.
What…?
S: Find the missing thing.
T: Find the missing thing. What’s the missing thing?
S: The unknown.
T: Find the unknown. Good, okay. I’ve got one question for you, and I might
have to leave that hanging until you get up to Year 11 or 12 [age 15/16 and
16/17]. Could you have more than one answer?
really excited about something that they understand…and you know, when you’re sort of
working with the class and they sit there nodding at you and you can see that the light, you
know, that things make, they make those connections.
L3 S: Now that’s 3x plus 2 equals negative 7. It doesn’t make sense because what the,
(44.37) what the answer, the x is…
T: Shall we go through it and solve the rest of it?
Ss: Yes.
S: Because I know what the answer is to 4x plus 2 equals x minus 7, but now I
don’t know.
T: Okay, let’s go through and finish it off. Right, so from here what are we going to
do? Yep, Grace?
S: 3x equals negative 9.
T: Can you just talk us through that, how you got to the negative 9?
S: I take 2 away from both sides.
T: Yep, okay. And if you notice the working that I’m using, this is what I quite like,
okay? For some of you it might work, for some of you it may not. So I go negative
7 take away 2 is going to give me negative 9. You’ve got to be really careful with
your negatives, yep, happy?
(continued)
2 (45.43) Teacher: Yeah. You can put this line of working in, or you can go straight to the
answer, it’s up to you.
T: Okay, now I just want to finish, there’s one other actual point that I want to make.
How can I check my answer? How can I check my answer? How do I know whether I
have this correct or not? How can I check that, what can I do? What can I do, Emma?
proposal that ‘our capacities to act [and] think…in formal mathematics situations are
produced by mutually reinforcing societal activity’ (Roth & Walshaw, 2015, p. 228).
More specifically, the situational, pedagogical and mathematizing characteristics of
the classroom become more than mediators of students’ cognitive development; they
can then be named as its origins.
Summary
The key theme that underpins all of Vygotsky’s work is the cultural context. In
Vygotsky’s understanding, we are constituted by our social experiences and our
interactions with people, as well as by the ideas and the cultural tools we encounter
and with which we engage throughout our lives. Contextualizing an individual’s
development is a society’s organization of people, tasks and ideas. That is to say, the
organization of the society within which we live and the people, ideas, beliefs, tools
and value systems of the people within that society provide us with socially struc-
tured patterned ways for attending to tasks such as work, education and everyday
matters and making available physical and mental tools to accomplish the many
tasks we encounter. These all play a critical part in our constitution.
Cultural-historical approaches amplify the contingent and, in doing so, inspire a
reshaping of the teaching imaginary. In these understandings, mathematics teaching
revolves around the potential of the student, rather than demonstrated achievements,
as the focus of teaching. Teaching occasions the development of students, through
active participation that is characterized by negotiation and collaboration and trans-
ference of ownership of learning to the student.
References
Alton-Lee, A. (2003). Quality teaching for diverse students in schooling: Best evidence synthesis.
Wellington: Ministry of Education.
Anghileri, J. (2006). Scaffolding practices that enhance mathematics learning. Journal of
Mathematics Teacher Education, 9, 33–52.
Bishop, A. J. (1988). Mathematics education in its cultural context. Educational Studies in
Mathematics, 19(2), 179–191.
Cazden, C.B. (1979). Peekaboo as an instructional model: Discourse development at home and at
school. Papers and reports on child language development, 17. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford
University, Department of Linguistics.
Chaiklin, S. (2003). The zone of proximal development, in Vygotsky’s analysis of learning and
instruction. In A. Kozulin, B. Gindis, V. Ageyev, & S. Miller (Eds.), Vygotsky’s educational
theory in cultural context. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Cobb, P. (1989). Experiential, cognitive, and anthropological perspectives in mathematics educa-
tion. For the Learning of Mathematics, 9(2), 32–43.
Colapietro, V. M. (1993). Glossary of semiosis. New York, NY: Paragon House.
Crawford, K. (1985). Review of Wertsch (1981). Educational Studies in Mathematics, 16(4),
431–433.
36 2 Lev Vygotsky
Daniels, H., Cole, M., & Wertsch, J. V. (Eds.). (2007). The Cambridge companion to Vygotsky.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Davydov, V. V., & Radzikhovskii, L. A. (1985). Vygotsky’s theory and the activity-oriented
approach in psychology. In J. V. Wertsch (Ed.), Culture, cognition, and communication:
Vygotskian perspectives (pp. 35–65). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
del Río, P., & Álvarez, A. (2007). Inside and outside the zone of proximal development: An eco-
functional reading of Vygotsky. In H. Daniels, M. Cole, & J. V. Wertsch (Eds.), The Cambridge
companion to Vygotsky (pp. 276–306). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Derrida, J. (1978). Structure, sign and play in the discourse of the human sciences (A. Bass,
Trans.). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Engeström, Y. (1993). Developmental studies of work as a test bench of activity theory: The case
of primary care medical practice. In S. Chaiklin & J. Lave (Eds.), Understanding practice:
Perspectives on activity and context (pp. 64–103). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Goos, M. (2004). Learning mathematics in a classroom community of inquiry. Journal for
Research in Mathematics Education, 35(4), 258–291.
Gutiérrez, R. (2013). The sociopolitical turn in mathematics education. Journal for Research in
Mathematics Education, 44(1), 37–68.
Hiebert, J., & Wearne, D. (1993). Instructional tasks: Classroom discourse and students’ learning
in second-grade arithmetic. American Educational Research Journal, 30(2), 393–425.
Holzman, L., & Karliner, S. (2005). Developing a psychology that builds community and respects
diversity. Paper presented at Cultural Diversity in Psychology: Improving Services in
Addressing Public Policy symposium at the American Psychological Association Convention,
Washington, DC
Jablonka, E., Wagner, D., & Walshaw, M. (2013). Theories for studying social, political and cul-
tural dimensions of mathematics education. In M. A. Clements, A. Bishop, C. Keitel,
J. Kilpatrick, & F. Leung (Eds.), Third international handbook of mathematics education
(pp. 41–68). Rotterdam: Springer.
Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. New York,
NY: Cambridge University Press.
Lerman, S. (2000). The social turn in mathematics education research. In J. Boaler (Ed.), Multiple
perspectives on mathematics teaching and learning (pp. 19–44). Westport, CT: Ablex
Publishing.
Leont’ev, A.N. (1978). Activity, consciousness and personality (M. J. Hall, Trans.). Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Leont’ev, A.N. (1981). Problems of the development of the mind (M. Kopylova, Trans.). Moscow:
Progress.
Lobato, J., Clarke, D., & Ellis, A. B. (2005). Initiating and eliciting in teaching: A reformulation of
telling. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 36(2), 101–136.
Luria, A. R. (1979). The making of mind. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Luria, A. R., & Vygotsky, L. S. (1992). Ape, primitive man and child. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester
Wheatsheaf.
Lloyd, G. (1984). The man of reason: ‘Male’ and ‘female’ in western philosophy. London:
Methuen & Co.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1968/1890). Werke. Vol. 23: Das Kapital. Kritik der politischen Okonomie.
Berlin: Dietz
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1978/1924). Werke. Vol. 3: Die deutsche ideologie. Berlin: Dietz
Mercer, N. (2000). Words and minds: How we use language to think. Abingdon: Routledge.
Minick, N. (1987). The development of Vygotsky’s thought: An introduction. In R. W. Rieber &
A. S. Carton (Eds.), The collected works of L. S. Vygotsky. Volume 1: Problems of general
psychology (pp. 17–36). New York, NY: Plenum.
Moll, L. C. (1990). Introduction. In L. C. Moll (Ed.), Vygotsky and education: Instructional impli-
cations and applications of sociohistorical psychology (pp. 1–27). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge
University Press.
Morgan, C. (2014). Social theory in mathematics education: guest editorial. Educational Studies
in Mathematics, 87, 123–128.
References 37
Morrone, A. S., Harkness, S. S., D’Ambrosio, B., & Caulfield, R. (2004). Patterns of instructional
discourse that promote the perception of mastery goals in a social constructivist mathematics
course. Education Studies in Mathematics, 56, 19–38.
Newman, D., Griffin, P., & Cole, M. (1989). The construction zone: Working for cognitive change
in school. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Roth, W.-M. (2012). Cultural-historical activity theory: Vygotsky’s forgotten and suppressed leg-
acy and its implication for mathematics education. Mathematics Education Research Journal,
24, 87–104.
Roth, W.-M., & Lee, Y. J. (2007). ‘Vygotsky’s neglected legacy’: Cultural-historical activity the-
ory. Review of Educational Research, 77, 186–232.
Roth, W.-M., & Walshaw, M. (2015). Rethinking affect in education from a societal-historical
perspective: The case of mathematics anxiety. Mind, Culture, and Activity: An International
Journal, 22, 217–232.
Scribner, S., & Cole, M. (1981). The psychology of literacy. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Scott, J. (1988). Gender and the politics of history. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Smagorinsky, P. (2001). If meaning is constructed what is it made from? Toward a cultural theory
of reading. Review of Educational Research, 71, 133–169.
de Spinoza, B. (1989/1677). Ethics (G. H. R. Parkinson, Trans.). London: Everyman Classics.
Tsatsaroni, A., Lerman, S., & Xu, G. (2003). A sociological description of changes in the intel-
lectual field of mathematics education research: Implications for the identities of academics.
ERIC#ED482512.
Van der Veer, R., & Valsiner, J. (1991). Understanding Vygotsky: A quest for synthesis. Cambridge,
MA/Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
Vygotsky, L. S. (1929). The problem of the cultural development of the child. Journal of Genetic
Psychology, 36, 415–432.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1931). History of the development of the higher mental functions. In The collected
works of L.S. Vygotsky (Vol. 4, pp. 1–251). New York, NY: Plenum.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1932). Lectures on psychology. In The collected works of L.S. Vygotsky (Vol. 1,
pp. 287–373). New York, NY: Plenum.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1933a). The teaching about emotion: Historical-psychological studies. In The col-
lected works of L.S. Vygotsky (Vol. 6, pp. 69–235). New York, NY: Plenum.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1933b). The problem of consciousness. In The collected works of L.S. Vygotsky
(Vol. 3, pp. 129–138). New York, NY: Plenum.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1978/1934). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes.
Cambridge: MA: Harvard University Press.
Vygotsky, L. S. (1981). The genesis of higher order mental functions. In J. V. Wertsch (Ed.), The
concept of activity in Soviet psychology (pp. 147–188). Armonk, NY: Sharpe.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1997a/1926). Educational psychology (R. Silverman with an introduction by
V.V. Davydov, Trans.). Boca Raton, FL: St. Lucie.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1997b/1926). The historical meaning of the crisis of psychology: A methodologi-
cal investigation (R. van der Veer, Trans.). In R. W. Reiber & J Wollock (Eds.), The collected
works of L. S. Vygotsky, vol. 3, Problems of the theory and history of Psychology (pp. 233–343).
New York, NY: Plenum.
Vygotsky, L.S. (1994). The problem of the environment. In R. van der Veer & J. Valsiner (Eds.),
The Vygotsky reader (pp. 338–354). Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
Walkerdine, V. (1989). Counting girls out. London: Routledge.
Wertsch, J.V. (1985). Cultural, communication, and cognition: Vygotskian perspectives. New York,
NY: Cambridge University Press
Whitenack, J. W., Knipping, N., & Kim, O.-K. (2001). The teacher’s and students’ important roles in
sustaining and enabling classroom mathematical practices: A case for realistic mathematics educa-
tion. In M. van den Heuvel-Panhuizen (Ed.), Proceedings of the 25th Conference of the International
Group for the Psychology of Mathematics Education (Vol. 4, pp. 415–422). Utrecht: PME.
Wood, D., Bruner, J. C., & Ross, G. (1976). The role of tutoring in problem solving. Journal of
Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 17, 89–100.
Sequence Press.