Albert Luthuli

Albert John Luthuli[a] (c. 1898 – 21 July 1967) was a

Inkosi
South African anti-apartheid activist, traditional leader,
and politician who served as the President-General of Albert Luthuli
the African National Congress from 1952 until his
death in 1967.

Luthuli was born to a Zulu family in 1898 at a

Seventh-day Adventist mission in Bulawayo, Rhodesia
(now Zimbabwe). In 1908 he moved to Groutville,
where his parents and grandparents had lived, to attend
school under the care of his uncle. After graduating
from high school with a teaching degree, Luthuli
became principal of a small school in Natal where he
was the sole teacher. He accepted a government
bursary to study for the Higher Teacher's Diploma at
Adams College. After the completion of his studies in
1922, he accepted a teaching position at Adams
College where he was one of the first African teachers.
In 1928, he became the secretary of the Natal Native Portrait of Luthuli
Teachers' Association, then its president in 1933. 9th President-General of the African
National Congress
Luthuli's entered South African politics and the anti- In office
apartheid movement in 1935, when he was elected December 1952 – 21 July 1967
chief of the Umvoti River Reserve in Groutville. As
Deputy Nelson Mandela
chief, he was exposed to the injustices facing many
(1952–1958)
Africans due to the South African government's
increasingly segregationist policies. This segregation Oliver Tambo
would later evolve into apartheid, a form of (1958–1967)
institutionalized racial segregation, following the Preceded by James Moroka
National Party's election victory in 1948. Luthuli Succeeded by Oliver Tambo
joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1944
Rector of the University of Glasgow
and was elected the provincial president of the Natal
In office
branch in 1951. A year later in 1952, Luthuli led the
1962–1965
Defiance Campaign to protest the pass laws and other
laws of apartheid. As a result, the government removed Preceded by The Lord Hailsham
him from his chief position as he refused to choose Succeeded by The Lord Reith
between being a member of the ANC or a chief at Chief of the Umvoti River Reserve
Groutville. In the same year, he was elected President-
In office
General of the ANC. After the Sharpeville massacre,
January 1936 – November 1952
where sixty-nine Africans were killed, leaders within
the ANC such as Nelson Mandela believed the Preceded by Martin Luthuli
organisation should take up armed resistance against Succeeded by Position abolished
the government. Luthuli was initially against the use of Personal details
violence. He later gradually came to accept it, but
Born Albert John Luthuli
stayed committed to nonviolence on a personal level.
c. 1898
Following four banning orders, the imprisonment and
Bulawayo, Rhodesia
exile of his political allies, and the banning of the
ANC, Luthuli's power as President-General gradually Died 21 July 1967 (aged 68–69)
waned. The subsequent creation of uMkhonto we Stanger, South Africa

Sizwe, the ANC's paramilitary wing, marked the anti- Resting place Groutville Congregationalist
apartheid movement's shift from nonviolence to an Church, Stanger
armed struggle. Political party African National Congress
Other political Congress Alliance
Inspired by his Christian faith and the nonviolent
affiliations
methods used by Gandhi, Luthuli was praised for his
dedication to nonviolent resistance against apartheid as Spouse Nokukhanya Bhengu ​(m. 1927)​
well as his vision of a non-racial South African society. Children 7, including Albertina Luthuli
In 1961, Luthuli was awarded the 1960 Nobel Peace Alma mater Adams College
Prize for his role in leading the nonviolent anti-
Occupation Politician · traditional leader ·
apartheid movement. Luthuli's supporters brand him as
teacher · activist
a global icon of peace similar to Gandhi and Martin
Luther King Jr, the latter of whom was a follower and Known for Anti-apartheid activism

admirer of Luthuli. He formed multi-racial alliances Awards Isitwalandwe Medal

with the South African Indian Congress and the white Nobel Peace Prize
Congress of Democrats, frequently drawing a backlash United Nations Prize in the
from Africanists in the ANC. The Africanist bloc Field of Human Rights[1]
believed that Africans should not ally themselves with
other races, since Africans were the most
disadvantaged race under apartheid. This schism led to the creation of the Pan-Africanist Congress.

Early life
Albert John Luthuli was born at the Solusi Mission Station, a Seventh-day
Adventist missionary station, in 1898[b][3] to John and Mtonya Luthuli
(née Gumede) who had settled in the Bulawayo area of Rhodesia (now
Zimbabwe).[4] He was the youngest of three children[5] and had two
brothers, Mpangwa, who died at birth, and Alfred Nsusana.[3] Luthuli's
father died when he was about six months old, and Luthuli had no
recollection of him. His father's death led to him being mainly raised by
The former site of Solusi
his mother Mtonya, who had spent her childhood in the royal household of
Mission Station, which is
now Solusi University. King Cetshwayo in Zululand.[6]

Mtonya had converted to Christianity and lived with the American Board
Mission prior to her marriage to John Luthuli. During her stay, she learned how to read and became a
dedicated reader of the Bible until her death. Despite being able to read, Mtonya never learned how to
write. After their marriage, Luthuli's father left Natal and went to Rhodesia during the Second Matabele
War to serve with the Rhodesian forces.[2] When the war ended, John stayed in Rhodesia with a Seventh-
day Adventist mission near Bulawayo and worked as an interpreter and evangelist. Mtonya and Alfred
then travelled to Rhodesia to reunite with John, and Luthuli was born there soon after.[2]

Luthuli's paternal grandparents, Ntaba ka Madunjini and Titsi Mthethwa, were born in the early
nineteenth century and had fought against potential annexation from Shaka's Zulu Kingdom.[7] They were
also among the first converts of Aldin Grout, a missionary from the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions (ABM), which was based near the Umvoti River north of Durban.[8] The
abasemakholweni, a converted Christian community within the Umvoti Mission Station, elected Ntaba as
their chief in 1860. This marked the start of a family tradition, as Ntaba's brother, son Martin, and
grandson Albert were also subsequently elected as chiefs.[7]

Youth
Around 1908 or 1909, the Seventh-day Adventists expressed their interest
in beginning missionary work in Natal and requested the services of
Luthuli's brother, Alfred, to work as an interpreter. Luthuli and his mother
followed, and departed Rhodesia to return to South Africa. Luthuli's
family settled in the Vryheid district of Northern Natal, and resided on the
farm of a Seventh-day Adventist. During this time, Luthuli was Pastor and Deacons at a
responsible for tending to the missionary's mules as educational Groutville Church in 1900.
opportunities were not available. Luthuli's mother recognised his need for
a formal education and sent him to live in Groutville under the care of his
uncle.[9] Groutville was a small village inhabited predominantly by poor Christian farmers who were
affiliated with the nearby mission station run by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions (ABM). The ABM, which commenced operations in Southern Africa in 1834, was a
Congregationalist organisation responsible for setting up the Umvoti Mission Station. After the death of
ABM missionary Aldin Grout in 1894, the town surrounding the mission station was renamed
Groutville.[7]

Luthuli resided in the home of his uncle, Chief Martin Luthuli, and his family. Martin was the first
democratically elected chief of Groutville. In 1901, Martin founded the Natal Native Congress, which
would later become the Natal branch of the African National Congress.[10][11] Luthuli had a pleasant
childhood as his uncle Martin was guardian over many children in Groutville, which led to Luthuli
having many friends of his own age.[12] In Martin's traditional Zulu household, Luthuli completed chores
expected of a Zulu boy his age such as fetching water, herding, and building fires.[11] Additionally, he
attended school for the first time.[12] Under Martin's care, Luthuli was also provided with an early
knowledge of traditional African politics and affairs, which aided him in his future career as a traditional
chief.[13]

Education
Luthuli's mother, Mtonya, returned to Groutville and Luthuli returned to her care. They lived in a brand-
new house built by his brother, Alfred, on the site where their grandfather, Ntaba, had once lived.[14] In
order to be able to send her son to boarding school, Mtonya worked long hours in the fields of the land
she owned. She also took in laundry from European families in the
township of Stanger[12] to earn the necessary money for school.[15]
Luthuli was educated at a local ABM mission school until 1914, and then
transferred to the Ohlange Institute.[15]

Ohlange was founded by John Dube, who was the school principal at the
time Luthuli attended.[16] Dube was educated in America but returned to John Dube's memorial
South Africa to open the Ohlange Institute to provide an education to outside of the Ohlange
black children. He was the first President-General of the South African Institute.
Native National Congress and founded the first Zulu-language newspaper,
Ilanga lase Natal.[15] Luthuli joined the ANC in 1944, partially out of
respect to his former school principal.[17]

Luthuli describes his experience at the Ohlange Institute as "rough-and-tumble."[16] The outbreak of
World War I led to rationing and a scarcity of food among the African population. After attending
Ohlange for only two terms, Luthuli was transferred to Edendale, a Methodist school near
Pietermaritzburg, the capital of Natal.[16] It was at Edendale that Luthuli participated in his first act of
civil disobedience.[18] He joined a protest against a punishment which made boys carry large stones long
distances, damaging their uniforms, and leaving many unable to afford replacements.[19][15] The
demonstration failed and Luthuli along with the rest of the strikers were punished by the school.[20] At
Edendale, Luthuli developed a passion for teaching and went on to graduate with a teaching degree in
1917.[15][18]

Teaching
Around the age of nineteen years old, Luthuli's first job after graduation
came as a principal at a rural intermediate school in Blaauwbosch, located
in the Natal midlands. The school was small, and Luthuli was the sole
teacher working there.[15] While teaching at Blaauwbosch, Luthuli lived
with a Methodist's family. As there were no Congregational churches
around him, he became the student of a local Methodist minister, the
Reverend Mthembu. He was confirmed in the Methodist church and later
became a lay preacher.[21][22]

Luthuli proved himself to be a good teacher and the Natal Department of

Education offered him a bursary in 1920 to study for a Higher Teacher's
Diploma at Adams College.[23] Following the completion of his two years
of study, he was offered another bursary, this time to study at the
Albert Luthuli in the late University of Fort Hare in the Eastern Cape. He refused, as he wanted to
1920s. earn a salary to take care of his ageing mother.[22] This led him to accept a
teaching position at Adams College, where he and Z. K. Matthews were
among the first African teachers at the school.[24] Luthuli taught Zulu
history, music, and literature,[24][22] and during his time as a teacher, he met his future wife, Nokukhanya
Bhengu.[25] She was also a teacher at Adams and the granddaughter of a Zulu chief.[25][26] Luthuli was
committed to providing quality education to African children and led the Teachers' College at Adams
where he trained aspiring teachers and travelled to different institutions to teach students.[24]

Early political activity

Natal Native Teachers' Association

Luthuli was elected as the secretary of the Natal Native Teachers'
Association in 1928 and served under Z. K. Matthews' presidency. He
became the president of the association in 1933.[27] The association had
three goals: improving working conditions for African teachers,
motivating members to expand their skills, and encouraging members to
participate in leisure activities such as sports, music and social
gatherings.[28] Despite making little progress in achieving its stated goals,
the association is remembered for its opposition to the Chief Inspector for
Native Education in Natal, Charles Loram, and his proposal that Africans
be educated in "practical functions" and left to "develop along their own
lines". Loram's position would serve as the ideological basis for the
National Party's Bantu Education policy.[29]

Z. K. Matthews served as
president of the Natal
The Zulu Language and Cultural Society
Native Teachers' After becoming disappointed with the Natal Native Teachers'
Association prior to Luthuli. Association's slow progress, Luthuli shifted his attention to establishing a
new branch of the Teachers' Association called the Zulu Language and
Cultural Society in 1935. Dinizulu, the Zulu king, served as one of the
society's patrons, and John Dube served as its inaugural president. Luthuli described the purpose of the
society as the preservation of what is valuable to Zulu culture while removing the inappropriate practices
and beliefs. Luthuli's involvement with the society was brief, as he assumed the role of chief in Groutville
and could not remain actively involved. As a result, the society's goals changed from its original
purpose.[30] According to historian Shula Marks, the primary goal of the Zulu Language and Cultural
Society was to secure government recognition of the Zulu royal family as the official leaders of the Zulu
people. The preservation of Zulu tradition and custom was a secondary goal.[31] Grants and gifts from the
South African Native Affairs Department as well as the society's involvement with the Zulu royal house
led to its demise as it collapsed in 1946. Seeing no real progress being made by the Teachers' Association
and Zulu Society, Luthuli felt compelled to reject the government as a potential collaborator.[32]

Cane Growers' Association

The 1936 Sugar Act limited production of sugar in order to keep the price from falling.[33] A quota
system was implemented, and, for African cane growers, it was severely limiting. As a response Luthuli
decided to revive the Groutville Cane Growers' Association of which he became chairman.[34] The
association was used to make collective bargaining and advocacy more effective. The association
achieved a significant victory: an amendment was made to the Sugar Act that allowed African cane
growers to have a comprehensive quota. This meant if some farmers were unable to meet their individual
quotas, others could make up the difference, ensuring that all cane would be sold and not wasted in the
farms.[34][35]

Luthuli then founded the Natal and Zululand Bantu Cane Growers' Association, which he served as
chairman.[36] The association brought almost all African cane growers into a single union.[17] It had very
few achievements, but one of them was securing indirect representation on the central board through a
non-white advisory board that was concerned with the production, processing, and marketing of sugar.[37]
The structural inequalities and discrimination present in South African society hindered the association's
efforts to promote the interests of non-white canegrowers, and they proved to be little match for the white
canegrowers' associations.[38] As with the Teachers' Association, Luthuli was disappointed with the
Growers' Association's few successes. He believed that whatever political role he took part in, the
stubbornness and hostility of the government would prevent any significant progress from being
made.[38] Luthuli continued to support the interests of black cane growers, and was the only black
representative on the central board until 1953.[38]

Chief of Groutville
In 1933, Luthuli was asked to succeed his uncle, Martin, as chief of the
Umvoti River Reserve.[39] He took two years to make his decision. His
salary as a teacher was enough for him to send money home to support his
family, but if he accepted the chieftainship he would earn less than one-
fifth of his current salary.[40] Furthermore, leaving a job at Adams
College, where he worked with people of different ethnicities from all
over South Africa, to become a Zulu chief appeared to be a move towards
a more insular way of life.[41] Luthuli opted for the role of chief and said
he was not motivated by a desire for wealth, fame, or power.[42] At the end
of 1935, he was elected as chief and relocated to Groutville.[42] He
commenced his duties in January 1936[43][44] and continued in the role
until he was deposed by the South African government in 1952.[45][46] Prime Minister Hertzog
passed a set of bills that
Some chiefs abused their power and used their close relationship with the negatively affected and
government to act as dictators. They increased their wealth by claiming restricted the African
ownership of land that was not rightfully theirs, charged excessive fees for population.
services, and accepted bribes to resolve disputes.[47] Despite his reduced
salary as a chief, Luthuli rejected corrupt practices. He embraced the
concept of Ubuntu, which emphasized the humanity of all people, and governed with an inclusive and
democratic approach. He believed that traditional Zulu governance was inherently democratic, with
chiefs obligated to respond to the needs of their people.[43] Luthuli was seen as a chief of his people: one
community member remembered Luthuli as a "man of the people who had a very strong influence over
the community. He was a people's chief."[48] Luthuli involved women, who were considered socially
inferior, in the decision-making process of his leadership. He also improved their economic status by
allowing them to engage in activities such as beer brewing and running unlicensed bars, despite a
government prohibition on these practices.[48]
The position of Africans in the reserves continued to regress as a result of laws passed that controlled
their social mobility.[49] The Hertzog Bills were introduced a year after Luthuli was elected chief and
were instrumental in the restriction and control of Africans. The first bill, the Natives Representation Bill,
removed Africans from the voters' roll in the Cape and created the Natives Representative Council
(NRC).[50] The second bill, the Natives Land and Trust Bill, restricted the land available to the African
population of 12 million to less than 13 per cent. The remaining 87 per cent of land in South Africa was
primarily reserved for the white population of approximately 3 million in 1936.[51][42] Limited access to
land and poor agricultural technology negatively affected the people of Groutville, and the government's
policies led to a shortage of land, education, and job opportunities, which limited the potential
achievements of the population.[35] Luthuli viewed the conditions of Groutville as a microcosm that
affected all black people in South Africa.[35]

Natives Representative Council

The Natives Representative Council (NRC), an
advisory body to the government, was It was only too true. For years now they had talked.
established in 1936 with the purpose of Nobody listened. I was disillusioned myself, and
compensating and appeasing the African could only reply, "There are people beyond South
population, who had lost their limited voting Africa who sometimes hear what we say. All we
rights in the Cape Province due to the can do is try to shout to the world. All I can do is to
enactment of the Hertzog Bills.[50][53][54] help us shout louder."

In 1946, after John Dube's death, Luthuli — Albert Luthuli's response to claims that the Native
became a member of the Natives Representative Council was ineffective.[52]
Representative Council through a by-
election.[54][55] He brought his long-standing grievances about insufficient land for African people to the
NRC meetings.[56] In August 1946, Luthuli, along with other councilors, objected to the government's use
of force to quell a large strike by African mineworkers.[57][58] Luthuli accused the government of
disregarding African complaints against their segregationist policies, and African councilors adjourned in
protest.[57] He would later describe the NRC as a "toy telephone" requiring him to "shout a little louder"
even though no one was listening.[59][60] The NRC reconvened later in 1946 but adjourned again
indefinitely. Its members refused to co-operate with the government, which caused it to become
ineffective.[61] The NRC never met after that point and it was disbanded by the government in
1952.[62][57]

Luthuli frequently addressed the criticism from black South Africans who believed that serving in the
Native Representative Council would lead to nothing but talk, and that the NRC was a form of deceit
served by the South African government.[55] He often agreed with these sentiments, but he and other
contemporary African leaders believed that Africans should represent themselves in all structures created
by the government, even if only to change them.[52] He was determined to take the demands and
grievances of his people to the government. In the end, like others before him, Luthuli realized that his
efforts were futile. In an interview with Drum Magazine in May 1953, Luthuli said that joining the NRC
gave White South Africans "a last chance to prove their good faith" but they "had not done so".[59]

President of the Natal ANC

After John Dube suffered a stroke in 1945, Allison Champion succeeded him as Natal president in 1945
after defeating conservative leader Reverend A. Mtimkulu. During the election meeting, Luthuli was
unexpectedly appointed as acting chair. Serving on Champion's executive, Luthuli remained politically
active. However, the Youth League's adoption of a more confrontational Programme of Action in 1949
led to growing dissatisfaction with Champion's leadership, as he prioritised Natal's separateness over the
new strategy. [63][64] Champion frequently failed to implement strategies and programmes set forth by the
national ANC or Youth League, which made the Natal ANC lag behind.[65][64] Members of the Youth
League in Natal nominated Luthuli for Natal president in 1951 as they viewed him as a new brand of
leadership.[66][63] Luthuli and Champion were the two nominees for the election; Luthuli was elected
president of the Natal ANC by a small majority.[67][68]

In Luthuli's first appearance as Natal ANC president at the ANC's national conference, he pleaded for
more time to be given to the Natal ANC in preparation for the planned Defiance Campaign, a large act of
civil disobedience by non-white South Africans.[68][63] Some members of the ANC did not support his
request, and he was jeered at and labelled a coward.[69] However, Luthuli had no prior knowledge of this
planned campaign and only found out about it as he was travelling to Bloemfontein, where the ANC's
national conference was held.[70][68] Many of the details about the campaign were given to his
predecessor, A.W.G Champion.[68] The Natal ANC agreed to prepare for the Defiance Campaign, which
was slated for the latter half of 1952, and participate as soon as they were ready.[69][63]

Defiance Campaign
The preparations for the Defiance Campaign began on 6 April 1952, while
the campaign itself was scheduled for 26 June 1952. The preparation day
served as a warm-up, with large demonstrations in cities such as Cape
Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Pretoria, and Durban.[71]
Concurrently, many White South Africans observed the three-hundredth
anniversary of Jan van Riebeeck's landing at the Cape.[72]

Beginning in June, around 8500 volunteers[73] of the ANC and South

African Indian Congress, who were carefully selected to follow the
method of nonviolent resistance, deliberately set out to break the laws of
apartheid.[69] Using strategies inspired by Gandhi, the Defiance Campaign
The nonviolent tactics used required a strict adherence to a policy of nonviolence.[74] Africans,
during the Defiance Indians, and Coloureds used amenities marked "Europeans Only"; they sat
Campaign were inspired by on benches and used reserved station platforms, carriages in trains, and
Gandhi.
post office counters.[75] Until the end of October, the Defiance Campaign
remained nonviolent and disciplined. As the movement gained
momentum, violence suddenly flared. The outbreaks were not a planned part of the campaign, and many,
including Luthuli, believe it to be the work of provocateur agents.[76] The police, frustrated by the passive
resistors, responded harshly when outbreaks of violence occurred, resulting in a chain reactions that
caused dozens of Africans to be shot.[77]

Despite the efforts of the Defiance Campaign, the government's attitude remained unchanged, and they
viewed the event as "communist-inspired" and a threat to law and order. This perception led to increased
security measures and tighter controls. The Criminal Law Amendment Act allowed for individuals to be
banned without trial, and the Public Safety Act allowed the government to suspend rule of law.[78] With
more restrictions put in place, the ANC leaders decided to end the campaign in January 1953.[76]

Prior to the campaign, the ANC's membership numbered 25,000 in 1951. After the conclusion of the
Campaign in 1953, it had increased to 100,000.[79][80] For the first time African, Indian, and Coloured
communities across the country cooperated on a national scale.[80] The Defiance Campaign was also
praised for its absence of violence. Even though there were thousands of protesters and some incidents of
violence occurred, the low level of violence overall was a notable accomplishment.[81] Due to Luthuli's
role in the Defiance Campaign as president of the Natal ANC, he was given an ultimatum by the
government to choose between his work as a chief at Umvoti or his affiliation with the ANC.[82][83][84]
He refused to choose, and the government deposed him as chief in November 1952.[45]

President-General of the ANC

In December 1952, Albert Luthuli was elected president general of the ANC with the support of the ANC
Youth League (ANCYL)[85] and African communists.[86] Nelson Mandela was elected as his deputy. The
ANCYL's support for Luthuli reflected its desire for a leader who would enact its programmes and goals,
and marked a pattern of younger, more militant members within the ANC ousting presidents they deemed
inflexible. The ANCYL had previously succeeded in removing Xuma, Moroka, and Champion when they
no longer met their expectations.[87]

Luthuli led the ANC in its most difficult years; many of his executive members, such as Secretary-
General Walter Sisulu, Moses Kotane, JB Marks, and David Bopape were either to be banned or
imprisoned. The 1950s witnessed the erosion of black civil liberties, through the Treason Trial and the
passage of the Suppression of Communism Act, which gave the police power to suppress government
critics.[88]

First ban
On 30 May 1953, the government banned Luthuli for a year,[89][90] prohibiting him from attending any
political or public gatherings and from entering major cities.[91] He was restricted to small towns and
private meetings for the rest of 1953.[92] The Riotous Assemblies Act and the Criminal Law Amendment
Act provided the legal framework for the issuing of banning orders. It was the first of four banning orders
that Luthuli would receive as President-General of the ANC.[92] Following the expiration of his ban,
Luthuli continued to attend and speak at anti-apartheid conferences.[93]

Second ban
In mid-1954, following the expiration of his ban, Luthuli was due to lead a protest in the Transvaal
against the Western Areas Removals, a government scheme where close to 75,000 Africans were forced
to move from Sophiatown and other townships. As he stepped off his plane in Johannesburg, the Special
Branch handed him new banning orders,[94] not only prohibiting the attendance of meetings but confining
him to the Groutville area for two years until July 1956.[95][96]

Congress of the People and Freedom Charter

In 1953, Z. K. Matthews proposed a large democratic convention, to be
known as the Congress of the People, where all South Africans would be
invited to create a Freedom Charter.[97][98] Despite complaints within the
ANC from Africanists who believed the ANC should not work with other
races, a multiracial organization, the Congress Alliance, was created as
part of the preparation for the Congress of the People.[99][100] The alliance
was led by the ANC and included the South African Indian Congress,
Coloured Peoples Conference, Federation of South African Women,
Congress of Trade Unions, and the Congress of Democrats.[101] Luthuli
viewed the multiracial organisation as a way to bring freedom to South
Africa.[101] After convening a secret meeting in December 1954 due to
Luthuli's ban,[98] the Congress of the People took place in Kliptown,
Johannesburg, in June 1955.[102][103] The Congress of the People
took place in Kliptown
Inspired by the values held in the United States Declaration of (pictured).
Independence and the UN Declaration of Human Rights, the Congress of
the People developed the Freedom Charter, a list of demands for a
democratic, multi-racial, and free South Africa.[104][105] While well-received by the attendants of the
Congress of the People, the Africanist bloc of the ANC rejected it.[106] They opposed the multiracial
nature of the charter and what they perceived as communist principles.[107][108] Although Luthuli
recognised the socialist clauses in the Freedom Charter, he rejected any comparison to the communist
ideology of the Soviet Union.[109] The ANC ratified the Charter at a conference one year after it was
ratified by the Congress of the People.[110]

Luthuli was not able to attend the Congress of the People or the framing of the Freedom Charter due to a
stroke and heart attack[104][111] as well as the banning order that confined him to Groutville.[104] In his
absence, he was bestowed the honour of the Isitwalandwe,[112] which is awarded to individuals who have
made significant contributions in the fight for freedom in South Africa.[103]

Treason Trial
After his second banning order expired in July 1956, he was arrested on 5 December and detained during
the preliminary Treason Trial hearings in 1957.[113][114] Luthuli was one of 156 leaders who were
arrested on charges of high treason due to their opposition to apartheid and the Nationalist Party
government.[115][116] High treason carried the death penalty. One of the main charges against the African
National Congress leaders were that they were involved in a communist conspiracy to overthrow the
government. Anti-apartheid activists were often accused of being communists, and Luthuli was
accustomed to such accusations and frequently dismissed them.[117]
 The charges brought against the accused covered the period from 1
October 1952 to 13 December 1956, which included events such as the
Defiance Campaign, Sophiatown removals protest, and the Congress of
the People.[118] Following the preparatory examination period that began
on 19 December 1956, all defendants were released on bail.[118] The pre-
trial examination concluded in December 1957, resulting in charges being
dropped against 65 of the accused, including Luthuli who was
acquitted.[119][120] The trial for the remaining 91 accused individuals
began in August 1958 as the Treason Trial commenced.[121] By 1959, only
Luthuli's name was
thirty of the accused remained.[122] The trial concluded on 29 March 1961
suggested for the Nobel
Peace Prize following the as all of the remaining defendants were found not guilty.[122][121]
start of the Treason Trial.
Many of the lawyers who defended the accused were drawn by Luthuli
and Z. K. Matthews being on trial. Their involvement contributed to
raising global awareness and support for the accused.[123][124] The impression that Luthuli made on the
foreigners who came to observe the trial led him to be suggested for the Nobel Peace Prize.[124]

Third ban and banning of the ANC

On 25 May 1959, the government served Luthuli his third banning order,
which lasted for five years.[125] This ban prevented Luthuli from attending
any meeting held within South Africa and confined him to his home
district.[126] Luthuli's democratic values had been recognised by many
white South Africans,[127] and he had gained a minor celebrity status
among some white people, which caused the government to view him
A passbook displayed in a
with more contempt.[128] When news of his ban spread, supporters of all
museum.
races gathered to bid farewell to Luthuli.[129]

While Luthuli was still under a banning order, the ANC, led by Luthuli, announced an anti-pass campaign
starting at the end of March 1960.[130] The recently created Pan-Africanist Congress, who split from the
ANC because of their opposition to the ANC's multi-racial alliances, decided to jump ahead of the ANC's
planned protest by ten days. On 21 March the PAC called for all African men to go to police stations and
hand over their passbooks.[131] The peaceful march in Sharpeville resulted in sixty-nine people killed by
police fire.[132] Additionally, three people were also killed in Langa.[133] Luthuli and several other ANC
leaders ceremonially burned their passbooks in protest against the Sharpeville massacre.[134] Following a
state of emergency and the passing of the Unlawful Organisations Act, the government banned the PAC
and the ANC.[135] Luthuli and other political leaders were arrested and found guilty of burning their
passbooks. In August, Luthuli was fined 100 pounds and initially sentenced to six months in jail.
However, in September, this was later reduced to a three year suspended sentence on the condition that he
would not be found guilty of a similar offense during that time.[136]

Following his return from prison to Groutville, Luthuli's power began to wane due to the banning of the
ANC and the banning and imprisonment of supporting leaders, a decline in his health since his stroke and
heart attack, and the rise of members in the ANC advocating for an armed struggle.[137] Duma Nokwe,
Walter Sisulu, and Nelson Mandela, who had provided leadership for the ANC during South Africa's state
of emergency, were determined to steer the ANC in a new direction. In May 1961, following a strike, they
believed that "traditional weapons of protest… were no longer appropriate." They constantly evaluated
whether the conditions were favourable to launch an armed resistance.[138]

uMkhonto we Sizwe
In June 1961, during a National Executive Committee Working Group
session, Mandela proposed that the ANC adopt a self-defense platform.
With the government's bans on the ANC and nonviolent protests, Mandela
believed waiting for revolutionary conditions to arise, which was favoured
by communist members, was not an option. Instead, the ANC had to adapt
to their new underground conditions and draw inspiration from successful
uprisings in Cuba, Algeria, and Vietnam.[139][140] Mandela argued that the
ANC was the only anti-apartheid organisation that had the capacity to
adopt an armed struggle and if they didn't take the lead, they would fall
behind in their own movement.[141]

In July 1961, the ANC and Congress Alliance met to hold debates during uMkhonto we Sizwe was
an ANC NEC meeting surrounding the feasibility of Nelson Mandela's formally launched by
proposal of armed self-defence. [142] Luthuli did not support an armed Nelson Mandela on 16
December 1961.
struggle as he believed the ANC members were ill-prepared without
modern firearms and battlefield experience.[143] In a following meeting a
day later, a contentious back-and-forth arose. Supporters of armed defence believed the ANC was afraid
and running from a physical fight while others believed counter-violence would provoke the government
into arresting and killing them.[144][145]

While Luthuli did not support an armed struggle, he also did not oppose it.[141] According to Mandela,
Luthuli suggested "two separate streams of the struggle": the ANC, which would remain nonviolent, and
a "military movement [that] should be a separate and independent organ, linked to the ANC and under the
overall control of the ANC, but fundamentally autonomous".[146] The formation of uMkhonto we Sizwe
was part of a larger shift towards armed resistance in southern Africa. Other militant organisations were
created in South West Africa, Mozambique, and Southern Rhodesia in the early 1960s.[147] The stated
goal of uMkhonto we Sizwe was to cripple South Africa's economy without bloodshed and force the
government into negotiating.[148] Mandela explained to Luthuli that only attacks against military
installations, transportation links, and power plants would be carried out, which eased Luthuli's fears of
the potential of loss of life.[148]

Nobel Peace Prize

In October 1961, during his most severe ban yet, Luthuli received the 1960 Nobel Peace Prize, becoming
the first African to win the award.[149] He was awarded the prize for his use of nonviolent methods in his
fight against racial discrimination. His nomination was put forward by Andrew Vance McCracken, the
editor of Advance, a Congregational Church magazine.[150] His name was supported by Norwegian
Socialist MPs who nominated him in February 1961.[150]
The Nobel Prize transformed Luthuli from being relatively unknown to a
global celebrity. He received congratulatory letters from leaders of 25
countries, including U.S. President John F. Kennedy. In Groutville,
journalists lined up to interview Luthuli who dedicated the award to the
ANC and expressed gratitude to his wife Nokukhanya. He also used his
newfound status as a global podium, and he pleaded to the UN and South
Africa's trading partners to impose sanctions on Verwoerd's
government.[151] His comments to the press made the world focus on
apartheid and its effects on Africans.[150] During Luthuli's Nobel Peace
Prize speech he spoke about the contribution of people among all races to
find a peaceful solution to South Africa's race problem.[152] He went on to
Albert Luthuli in Oslo
speak of how the "true patriots" of South Africa would not be satisfied
receiving the Nobel Peace
until there were full democratic rights for everyone, equal opportunity, Prize.
and the abolition of racial barriers.[153] Norwegian newspaper
Arbeiderbladet described the effect of Luthuli's visit claiming: "We have
suddenly begun to feel Africa's nearness and greatness."[154] The Times highlighted the strong impression
that Luthuli made on the global stage following his appeal to end racial discrimination and establish an
equal South Africa.[154] The day after Luthuli returned to South Africa from the award ceremony,[155]
uMkhonto we Sizwe launched their first operations on 16 December 1961.[156]

The reaction from South Africa's government, as well as many White South Africans, was hostile. Luthuli
still had to apply for permission to receive the prize in Oslo, Norway on 10 December 1961. Minister of
the Interior, Jan de Klerk initially refused to issue Luthuli a passport but after intense domestic and
international pressure, the government finally issued him one.[157] After he was granted permission and
received his award, Eric Louw, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, rejected Luthuli's demands for universal
suffrage and claimed that Luthuli's speech justified the government restricting his travel within South
Africa.[150] The government-operated South African Broadcasting Corporation aired a defamatory
broadcast about Luthuli. Volksblad argued the way Luthuli had "grasped every opportunity to besmirch
South Africa was shocking".[150] The Star stated: "Mr. Luthuli demands a universal franchise, which is
just as silly as restricting the vote to people of one colour and he asks the world to apply sanctions to his
own country, which is as reckless and damaging as has been another leader's (HF Verwoerd) impetuous
withdrawal from the commonwealth. Neither speaks for the authentic South African".[158] The belief that
qualified franchise could be extended to Africans without accepting a democracy based on "one person,
one vote" was the view of a majority of White South Africans.[159]

Luthuli received congratulations from some White South Africans, such as parliamentarian Jan Steytler
and the Pietermaritzburg City Council. The Natal Daily News, a white-owned newspaper, described him
as "a man with moral and intellectual qualities that have earned him the respect of the world and a
position of leadership".[160] They also urged the government to "listen to the voice of responsible African
opinion".[160] South African author and Liberal Party leader Alan Paton concluded that Luthuli was "the
only man in South Africa who could lead both the left and the right ... both Africans and non-
Africans".[161]

International popularity
Following his Nobel Peace Prize win, Luthuli was in a position of international renown for his
nonviolence despite the concurrent sabotage operations of uMkhonto we Sizwe.[162][149][163] On 22
October 1962, University of Glasgow students elected Luthuli as Lord Rector in recognition of his
"dignity and restraint".[164] The rectorship position was honorary. Luthuli's role would have been chair of
the university court, the university's executive body, which met every month. Students elected Luthuli
knowing he would serve in absentia. Although ceremonial, Luthuli's election was significant as he was
the first African and first non-white person to be nominated as Rector. The South African government
allegedly intercepted all mail from the University to Luthuli, an allegation the government denied.[165]

Luthuli's adherence to nonviolence also had support from his friend and
civil rights activist Martin Luther King Jr., who commended Luthuli's
reputation and spoke of his admiration for Luthuli's "dedication to the
cause of freedom and dignity".[166] In September 1962, King and Luthuli
had issued the Appeal For Action Against Apartheid organised by the
American Committee on Africa, which boosted solidarity between the
anti-apartheid and civil rights movements and urged Americans to protest
apartheid through nonviolent measures such as boycotts. In 1964, King
became the youngest Nobel Peace Prize winner receiving the award for
his nonviolent activism against racial discrimination, similar to
Luthuli.[167] While travelling to Oslo to receive his Nobel Peace Prize in
1964, King stopped in London to give an "Address on South African
Martin Luther King Jr
Independence." The audience included Luthuli's exiled compatriots,
increased solidarity
citizens of different African countries, and human rights advocates from between the civil rights and
India, Pakistan, the West Indies, and the United States. King compared the anti-apartheid movements
racism in America to South Africa stating: "clearly there is much in and urged Americans to
Mississippi and Alabama to remind South Africans of their own country." boycott South Africa.
He praised Luthuli for his leadership and identified "with those in a far
more deadly struggle for freedom in South Africa." King anticipated that
the withdrawal of all economic investments and trade from South Africa by the United States and Britain
would end apartheid and enable people of all races to build the society they want. During King's Nobel
Peace Prize acceptance speech on 10 December 1964, Luthuli received a special mention.[168] King
called Luthuli a "pilot" of the freedom movement and claimed South Africa was the "most brutal
expression of man's inhumanity to man".[169]

Artist Ronald Harrison, 22 years old at the time, unveiled his painting, The Black Christ, in 1962.
Harrison portrayed Luthuli as Christ crucified on a cross. The painting was unveiled in St. Luke's
Anglican Church in Salt River with the permission of Archbishop de Blank. The painting garnered
controversy across South Africa. Along with Christ being depicted as Black, the two Roman soldiers
resembled Prime Minister H. F. Verwoerd and Minister of Justice John Vorster. Minister of the Interior,
Jan de Klerk, ordered the painting to be taken down and Harrison to appear before the Censorship Board.
The Censorship Board banned the painting, deeming it disrespectful to religious sentiments. Following a
CBS television documentary on the artwork, the government mandated its destruction.[170] Danish and
Swedish supporters of the anti-apartheid movement smuggled the painting to Britain where, under
Anglican priest John Collins' supervision, its display raised money for the International Defence and Aid
Fund, a fund created to defend political prisoners.[171] Harrison was arrested and tortured by the Special
Branch who intended on discovering who Harrison collaborated with to paint and display The Black
Christ. He would later serve eight years of house arrest on charges related to his painting. Luthuli desired
to meet Harrison after learning of his painting and its significance, and the Norwegian Embassy arranged
a visit for Harrison to Luthuli. Norwegians took Harrison from Cape Town to Durban, and Harrison met
Luthuli clandestinely in Groutville.[172]

Fourth ban
Effective 31 May 1964, John Vorster, the Minister of Justice, issued Luthuli a more severe banning order
than the one he received in 1959. Unlike the previous ban, the new ban prevented Luthuli from travelling
to the closest town of Stanger until 31 May 1969. Vorster believed that Luthuli's activism advanced
communism, and he cautioned him against publishing any statements, making contact with banned
individuals, or addressing gatherings.[173] NUSAS, the Liberal Party, and the International Confederation
of Free Trade Unions publicly protested this banning order.[174] The ban increased Luthuli's isolation
from the ANC, but he continued to share his message with the world through visitors such as United
States Senator Robert F. Kennedy.[175] During Kennedy's 1966 tour of South Africa, he criticized white
South Africa's racism and described apartheid as an abandonment of all that western civilization holds
sacred.[176] He later flew by helicopter to Groutville to visit Luthuli where they discussed the anti-
apartheid and civil rights movements. Kennedy later gave a press conference where he described Luthuli
as one of the most impressive men he had ever met.[177]

Luthuli's political and physical activity declined

He was already weak when I returned to Groutville significantly in the period leading up to his
[from the farms in Swaziland] in 1966. And he was death.[179] During the 33 months from October
very touchy. He got depressed when something 1964 until his passing in July 1967, there are
went wrong in the house. His feelings had run high only a few archival records produced by
because of the treatment he received from the Luthuli's hand, which consist of sermon notes
police. They often used to come and take him away and medical reminders scribbled on scraps of
from the house, even at that stage. I decided not to paper. These notes suggest that Luthuli had
go back in 1966 because things had deteriorated so little contact with others during the last six
much at home that I needed time to work up the months of his life and focused primarily on
fields and crops. religious matters, including dates of service and
scripture readings. Although it is not certain, it
— Luthuli's wife, Nokukhanya, on his declining appears that Luthuli's mental state may have
health.[178]
been declining, as his handwriting became
increasingly difficult to decipher. There are no
archival records from his last two years of life, casting doubt on his ability to function as the President-
General of the ANC or pose a political threat to the government.[179] Newspaper articles reported that
Luthuli's ability to read and write had significantly declined, and he devoted most of his time listening to
radio broadcasts.[180] According to The Sunday Times, Luthuli underwent delicate surgery on his left eye
at McCord Zulu Hospital, and as a result, he was granted a suspension of his banning orders. The eye had
been causing him constant pain and had been 'virtually useless' ever since his stroke in 1955. The pain
caused by the eye had been a long-standing issue, and doctors had even discussed with Luthuli the option
of removing it.[180] According to other newspaper articles, Luthuli was facing more health issues than just
his eye problem. He stayed in the hospital for up to four weeks, and other health concerns, including high
blood pressure, may have extended his stay. The fact that he drafted and signed his will immediately
before his hospitalization raise doubts about the common belief that Luthuli was in good health leading
up to his death.[181]

Death
On Friday 21 July 1967, Luthuli left his house at 08:30 and informed his wife that he would be walking
to his store near Gledhow train station. Luthuli traveled from his house to his store and back daily. An
hour later at 09:30, he arrived at his store where he delivered a package to his employee.[182] Around
10:00, Luthuli left his store and told his store employee that he was going to his field, and would return
later. Forty minutes later Luthuli crossed the river again to return to his store without having met with any
of his field workers. On his way back to his store, Luthuli was struck by a goods train.[183]

At 10:29, a goods train pulled by a locomotive

left Stanger for Durban. Aboard the train were He said that [tomorrow] he wanted to go and see
the driver, conductor, and fireman. At 10:36 the how the cane workers were progressing ... I
train passed Gledhow station without stopping. protested: "But you were there yesterday. You get
Two minutes later at 10:38, the train began to so exhausted and you look so tired. I will go
cross the Umvoti River railway bridge. myself, either tomorrow or on Monday, when I
Someone entering the bridge would have come back from Durban. There is no hurry". But
passed a sign that read, "Cross This Bridge At he insisted saying, "No, I'll go".
Their Own Risk" in English and Afrikaans. The
driver indicated in his testimony that he blew — Nokukhanya recounts her and Luthuli's argument a day
before his death.[184]
the whistle from the time he saw Luthuli
walking towards the train until the train hit
him.[183] The driver informed the fireman that the train had hit someone, and the driver testified that he
immediately applied the brakes and brought the train to a halt.[185] The driver and the fireman left the
train and attended to Luthuli, who was still alive and breathing despite having received head injuries.
Luthuli was brought to Stanger Hospital at approximately 11:50, where the Senior Medical
Superintendent described his condition as "semi-conscious" and "bleeding freely" due to injuries
sustained to his head.[186]

For two and a half hours, from 11:50 to 14:20, the doctors treated Luthuli's wounds by giving a blood
transfusion and providing heart stimulant medication. Around 13:00, Luthuli's son, Christian, arrived at
the hospital to see Luthuli who was still conscious.[186] Christian informed Nokukhanya about Luthuli's
potential relocation to King Edward VIII Hospital in Durban, prompting her to search for him there. At
Stanger Hospital, Luthuli's condition started to deteriorate despite treatment. It was then decided to not
transfer Luthuli to a different hospital due to his worsening condition.[187] Instead, a neurosurgeon from
Durban would come to Stanger Hospital. Upon hearing the news, Nokukhanya travelled to Stanger. At
14:20, neurosurgeon Mauritius Joubert arrived at Stanger Hospital. He found Luthuli in a coma not
responding to stimulation.[188] Five minutes after his examination, at 14:25, Luthuli died. Nokukhanya
arrived at the hospital five minutes after his death without having said goodbye to him.[189]

Reaction
After learning of Luthuli's death, people around the world immediately suspected foul play from the
South African government.[189] Despite a formal inquest concluding he was killed by a train, speculation
remained rampant and still carries on years after his death.[190] As soon as they learned about Luthuli's
death, the ANC and its allies suspected that the South African government was responsible for it. The
Zimbabwe African People's Union repeated the same claims in Sechaba, the official organ of the
ANC.[190] The Tanganyika African National Union described Luthuli's death as "dubious".[190] In a letter
to the ANC, vice-president of FRELIMO, Uria Simango, claimed Luthuli's death was premeditated.[191]
Many of Luthuli's family members believe that he was deliberately killed. Daughters Thandeka and
Albertinah both maintained that he was murdered in the decades following his death.[192][193] Albert
Luthuli biographer, Scott Everett Couper, states that the myth of Luthuli being killed leads to an
inaccurate portrayal of Luthuli, stating: "To say that Luthuli was mysteriously killed is to understand that
he still had a vital role in the struggle for liberation at the time of his death, that he was a threat to the
apartheid regime. Sadly, Luthuli had long since been considered obsolete by leaders of his own
movement and he had little contact with those imprisoned, banned or exiled. Since Sharpeville ... Luthuli
served only as the honorary, emeritus, titular leader of the ANC".[194] In May 2024 the South African
Minister of Justice Ronald Lamola announced that the inquest into Luthuli's death would be
reopened.[195]

Recognitions
Albert Luthuli Local Municipality in Mpumalanga
Luthuli House, headquarters of the African National Congress in central Johannesburg
Inkosi Albert Luthuli Highway, the freeway section of the M4 south of the Durban
CBD[196][197]
Inkosi Albert Luthuli Central Hospital, Cato Manor, Durban
Luthuli Avenue, a major street in Nairobi, Kenya, that begins at the Intersection with Tom
Mboya street and ends at River Road and is famous for brand name electronic retail shops

See also

Politics portal

South Africa portal

biography portal

International Fellowship of Reconciliation

List of black Nobel laureates
List of people subject to banning orders under apartheid

Notes
a. Also spelled Lutuli.
 b. Luthuli calculates his birth year as 1898. His date of birth is unknown.[2]

Citations
1. Jain, Chelsi. "United Nations Prize in the 34. Luthuli 1962, p. 66.
Field of Human Rights" (https://www.ohchr. 35. Couper 2010, p. 42.
org/sites/default/files/Documents/Events/H 36. Luthuli 1962, p. 67.
RPrizepreviouswinners.pdf) (PDF). United
Nations Human Rights Prize. Archived (htt 37. Couper 2010, pp. 42–43.
ps://web.archive.org/web/2023041102502 38. Couper 2010, p. 43.
5/https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/D 39. Legum 1968, p. 54.
ocuments/Events/HRPrizepreviouswinner 40. Vinson 2018, p. 24.
s.pdf) (PDF) from the original on 11 April
2023. Retrieved 13 February 2023. 41. Pillay 2012, p. 7.
2. Luthuli 1962, p. 24. 42. Pillay 2012, p. 8.
3. Vinson 2018, p. 15. 43. Vinson 2018, p. 25.
4. Woodson 1986, p. 345. 44. Woodson 1986, p. 346.
5. Couper 2010, p. 8. 45. Vinson 2018, p. 45.
6. Luthuli 1962, p. 23. 46. Couper 2010, p. 58.
7. Vinson 2018, p. 16. 47. Vinson 2018, pp. 24–25.
8. Couper 2010, p. 7. 48. Vinson 2018, p. 27.
9. Luthuli 1962, p. 25. 49. Woodson 1986, p. 347.
10. Kumalo 2009, p. 2. 50. Luthuli 1962, p. 93.
11. Vinson 2018, p. 18. 51. Luthuli 1962, p. 94.
12. Benson 1963, p. 4. 52. Luthuli 1962, p. 103.
53. Couper 2010, p. 46.
13. Vinson 2018, pp. 16, 18.
14. Vinson 2018, p. 19. 54. Vinson 2018, p. 30.
15. Benson 1963, p. 6. 55. Luthuli 1962, p. 102.
16. Luthuli 1962, p. 28. 56. Vinson 2018, pp. 30–31.
17. Vinson 2018, p. 29. 57. Vinson 2018, p. 31.
18. Vinson 2018, p. 20. 58. Evans 1997, p. 187.
19. Luthuli 1962, p. 29. 59. Pillay 2012, p. 11.
20. Luthuli 1962, p. 30. 60. Benson 1963, p. 15.
21. Luthuli 1962, pp. 32. 61. Couper 2010, p. 47.
22. Benson 1963, p. 7. 62. Luthuli 1962, p. 105.
23. Vinson 2018, p. 20-21. 63. Pillay 2012, p. 12.
24. Vinson 2018, p. 21. 64. Couper 2010, p. 53.
25. Luthuli 1962, pp. 43. 65. Vinson 2018, p. 39.
26. Benson 1963, p. 8. 66. Couper 2010, p. 54.
27. Couper 2010, p. 37. 67. Vinson 2018, p. 40.
28. Couper 2010, pp. 37–38. 68. Benson 1963, p. 18.
29. Couper 2010, p. 38. 69. Couper 2010, p. 55.
30. Couper 2010, p. 39. 70. Luthuli 1962, p. 112.
31. Marks 1989, p. 217. 71. Luthuli 1962, p. 116.
32. Couper 2010, pp. 39–40. 72. Luthuli 1962, p. 115.
33. Vinson 2018, p. 28. 73. Legum 1968, p. 59.
74. Vinson 2018, p. 41.
 75. Legum 1968, pp. 59–60. 120. Callinicos 2004, p. 235.
76. Couper 2010, p. 56. 121. Couper 2010, p. 74.
77. Legum 1968, p. 60. 122. Vinson 2018, p. 77.
78. Pillay 2012, p. 14. 123. Vinson 2018, p. 76.
79. Vinson 2018, pp. 42–43. 124. Benson 1963, p. 32.
80. Pillay 2012, p. 15. 125. Vinson 2018, p. 83.
81. Pillay 2012, pp. 14–15. 126. Couper 2010, p. 82.
82. Vinson 2018, pp. 44–45. 127. Vinson 2018, p. 80.
83. Pillay 2012, p. 16. 128. Benson 1963, p. 38.
84. Legum 1968, p. 61. 129. Legum 1968, p. 66.
85. Vinson 2018, p. 47. 130. Benson 1963, p. 42.
86. Vinson 2018, p. 75. 131. Benson 1963, p. 43.
87. Couper 2010, p. 62. 132. Pillay 2012, p. 22.
88. Pillay 2012, p. 17. 133. Couper 2010, p. 86.
89. Vinson 2018, p. 51. 134. Couper 2010, p. 87.
90. Legum 1968, p. 63. 135. Couper 2010, p. 91.
91. Vinson 2018, p. 51-52. 136. Couper 2010, p. 94.
92. Couper 2010, p. 66. 137. Pillay 2012, p. 154.
93. Couper 2010, p. 67. 138. Couper 2010, p. 102.
94. Vinson 2018, p. 55. 139. Vinson 2018, p. 102.
95. Pillay 2012, p. 19. 140. Vinson 2018, pp. 102–103.
96. Benson 1963, p. 26. 141. Vinson 2018, p. 103.
97. Pillay 2012, p. 63. 142. Vinson 2018, pp. 104–105.
98. Vinson 2018, p. 60. 143. Vinson 2018, p. 105.
99. Vinson 2018, pp. 58–59. 144. Vinson 2018, p. 107.
100. Vinson 2018, p. 43. 145. Vinson 2018, p. 108.
101. Vinson 2018, p. 59. 146. Vinson 2018, p. 106.
102. Vinson 2018, pp. 60–61. 147. Vinson 2018, pp. 109–110.
103. Couper 2010, p. 69. 148. Vinson 2018, p. 109.
104. Vinson 2018, p. 61. 149. Vinson 2018, p. 11.
105. Vinson 2018, pp. 61–62. 150. Pillay 2012, p. 25.
106. Vinson 2018, p. 62. 151. Vinson 2018, p. 110.
107. Vinson 2018, p. 63. 152. Benson 1963, p. 52.
108. Vinson 2018, p. 64. 153. Benson 1963, pp. 55–56.
109. Vinson 2018, p. 65. 154. Benson 1963, p. 57.
110. Vinson 2018, p. 66. 155. Couper 2010, p. 135.
111. Benson 1963, p. 27. 156. Vinson 2018, p. 118.
112. Benson 1963, p. 28. 157. Vinson 2018, p. 112.
113. Couper 2010, p. 72. 158. Pillay 2012, pp. 25–27.
114. Pillay 2012, p. 21. 159. Pillay 2012, p. 27.
115. Vinson 2018, pp. 72–73. 160. Vinson 2018, p. 111.
116. Benson 1963, p. 29. 161. Vinson 2018, pp. 111–112.
117. Legum 1968, p. 64. 162. Vinson 2018, p. 117.
118. Couper 2010, p. 73. 163. Vinson 2018, p. 13.
119. Vinson 2018, pp. 76–77. 164. Pillay 2012, p. 29.
165. Couper 2010, p. 165. 188. Couper 2010, pp. 193–194.
166. Couper 2010, p. 169. 189. Couper 2010, p. 194.
167. Couper 2010, p. 166. 190. Couper 2010, p. 195.
168. Baldwin 1992, p. 201. 191. Couper 2010, p. 196.
169. Nesbitt 2004, p. 62. 192. Couper 2010, p. 198.
170. Couper 2010, p. 163. 193. Couper 2010, p. 199.
171. Couper 2010, pp. 163–164. 194. Couper 2010, p. 203.
172. Couper 2010, p. 164. 195. "Inquests into apartheid-era deaths of
173. Couper 2010, p. 185. Chief Albert Luthuli, Griffiths Mxenge and
174. Couper 2010, pp. 185–186. Booi Mantyi to be reopened" (https://www.
dailymaverick.co.za/article/2024-05-13-inq
175. Vinson 2018, p. 130. uests-into-apartheid-era-deaths-of-chief-al
176. Couper 2010, pp. 183–184. bert-luthuli-griffiths-mxenge-and-booi-mant
177. Couper 2010, p. 184. yi-to-be-reopened-lamola). Daily Maverick.
178. Rule 1993, p. 137. 14 May 2024. Retrieved 14 May 2024.
179. Couper 2010, p. 186. 196. "eThekwini municipality moves to remove
colonial street names - eProperty News" (h
180. Couper 2010, p. 187. ttps://eprop.co.za/commercial-property-ne
181. Couper 2010, p. 188. ws/item/5036-eThekwini-municipality-move
182. Couper 2010, p. 189. s-to-remove-colonial-street-names).
183. Couper 2010, p. 190. eprop.co.za. Retrieved 29 May 2023.
184. Rule 1993, p. 140. 197. Makhanya, Philani (24 March 2005). "DA
185. Couper 2010, p. 191. lashes out at ANC over renaming" (https://
www.iol.co.za/news/politics/da-lashes-out-
186. Couper 2010, p. 192. at-anc-over-renaming-237159). IOL.
187. Couper 2010, p. 193. Retrieved 3 September 2024.

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