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Environment and Citizenship 1st Edition Benito Cao
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Benito Cao
ISBN(s): 9780203084335, 0203084330
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 3.51 MB
Year: 2014
Language: english
Environment and Citizenship
Forthcoming Titles
Sustainable Development, 2nd Edition
Environment and Politics, 4th Edition
7KLVSDJHLQWHQWLRQDOO\OHIWEODQN
Environment and
Citizenship
Benito Cao
First published 2015
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
The right of Benito Cao to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright,
Designs and Patents Act 1988.
List of figures ix
List of boxes xi
Series preface xiii
Acknowledgements xvii
Introduction 1
Bibliography 251
Index 282
7KLVSDJHLQWHQWLRQDOO\OHIWEODQN
Figures
within and between ecosystems, so too was the belief within the academy
(informed by the movement) that real environmental change could only
emerge if traditional borders and boundaries of knowledge and power
were bypassed, transgressed and, where necessary, challenged.
This bid for engaged knowledge and interdisciplinarity also informs the
structure and ‘pitch’ of these books. For it is no good communicating
with just one particular group within society. It is equally important to
construct forms of knowledge which can cross over demographic and
market borders, bringing together communities of people who may never
‘meet’ in the usual course of events. Thus, the epistemological design
of this series is oriented around three particular audiences, providing an
unparalleled interdisciplinary perspective on key areas of environmental
study: (1) students (at undergraduate and coursework postgraduate
levels); (2) policy practitioners (in civil society, governments and
corporations); and (3) researchers. It is important to note, therefore, that
these books – though strongly used in diverse levels of tertiary teaching
– are also built, in large part, on the primary and often ground-breaking
research interests of the authors.
In his own ground-breaking work, David Pepper was particularly
interested in exploring the relationships between capitalism, socialism
and the environment. David argued that the modern environmentalist
movement grew at a rapid pace in the last third of the twentieth century.
It reflected popular and academic concerns about the local and global
degradation of the physical environment which was increasingly being
documented by scientists. It soon became clear, however, that reversing
such degradation was not merely a technical and managerial matter:
merely knowing about environmental problems did not of itself guarantee
that governments, businesses or individuals would do anything about
them. Since David wrote his last series Preface, this focus has continued
to be important, but with special permutations as time has worn on. One
more recent, key feature of these society–environment relationships
has been the clear differentiation between the environmentalisms of
the majority worlds (the Global South) and the environmentalisms
of the minority worlds (the more affluent Global North). Wherein
environmentalism came to the less affluent world later (in the 1980s),
key environmental leadership is now being provided by activists in the
South, oriented around a postcolonial environmentalism: with its key
issues of human dispossession and survival: water, earth (food security
and sustainability), fire (energy), and air (not climate). Much of the
focus in environmentalism in the South relates to a critique of capitalism
Preface • xv
and its big business advocates as being the major perpetrators of severe
environmental problems which confront the Earth. In the Global North
(where the modern movement began in the 1960s), there has been far
more emphasis on postmaterialism and postindustrialism and, more
recently, building a sustainable capitalism.
Climate change is now the neoliberal cause célèbre of this approach,
with its heavily biased focus on market mechanisms and green
consumerism as answers to environmental crises. In fact, climate change,
in the Global North, has now become so powerful and omnipresent
that many more affluent-world green activists and academics now
comprehend all environmental problems within its rubric, its story. Of
course, climate change issues will continue to be crucial to the planet’s
continued existence, but more importantly, it must be acknowledged that
in living social movements – like the green movement – issues will come
and go; will be re-ordered and re-arranged on the issue attention cycle;
be re-badged under different symbols, signs and maps; and new green
narratives, issues and stories will emerge. The environment movement,
born in the North – and its associated academic studies – will continue
to be the foremost global social movement for change for many years
to come – if it can continue to truly engage with the Global South –
utilising these new and revised banners, issues and colours to continually
and creatively mark out its territories, constructing versions of
environmentalism for all; not just for the few. And it is within these new
sites of politics and knowledge where some of the most exciting advances
in the relationships between societies and ‘nature’ will continue to
emerge and be celebrated. Much still is to be learned from our universe,
the planet Earth, its human and nonhuman communities.
Tim Doyle
October 2014
7KLVSDJHLQWHQWLRQDOO\OHIWEODQN
Acknowledgements
I dedicate this book to my wife and life partner, Adela. This book would
not exist without her research, administrative, editorial and intellectual
support. Her critical insights and editorial skills have been crucial
throughout the whole project, and the final product owes much to her
ability to identify what was clear and what needed clarity, what worked
and what needed work, what was interesting and what was unnecessary.
The text has also benefitted hugely from the generous and constructive
comments by the three anonymous reviewers of the initial manuscript.
The final product is better because of the additional work done after their
insightful suggestions. Of course, whatever errors or deficiencies remain
in this work are my sole responsibility.
I am deeply grateful to the series editor, and top bloke (as we say in
Australia), Professor Timothy Doyle. It was Tim who approached me with
the idea of writing a book for this series. His confidence in my ability to
pull this off made the decision easy and I hope that confidence has been
fully repaid. I am also deeply grateful to the Routledge team, particularly
Andrew Mould, Faye Leerink and Sarah Gilkes. The work that Andrew
and those who reviewed the book proposal did in the early stage of the
project was crucial in shaping the text, and the outcome is all the better
for their effort. Faye and Sarah were exemplary in their administrative
support and email exchanges over the months it has taken to get to
this point.
I also wish to thank the students I have taught over the years. Their
comments and questions have challenged me to explain and explore
the content I teach with as much clarity as possible, to identify what is
essential and what needs unpacking, and to map concepts, theories and
the key content of all the courses I teach. That challenge is what drives
me to make sense of things in ways that can be clearly communicated,
so that students, I and others (and not only a handful of specialists) can
xviii • Acknowledgements
To the extent that human life is dependent on it, the environment has
always been central to humanity. However, it is only in the past decades,
and particularly since the turn of the century, that we find references to
the state of the environment everywhere we turn, often telling us we need
to do something about it (and fast!). This growing preoccupation with the
environment has overlapped with the renewed interest in citizenship that
began in the 1990s. Since then, citizenship has become a hot topic and
a concept whose complexity and flexibility have increased dramatically,
producing a significant number of new theoretical articulations (e.g.
environmental citizenship) that challenge and coexist with traditional
ones (e.g. republican citizenship).
This overlap of environment and citizenship is not just happening at the
theoretical level. In the past two decades, the language of citizenship
has been used to frame environmental issues, in particular, concerns
with sustainability. Indeed, it has become almost obligatory to mention
references to rights and duties to address all matters environmental.
Green movements and organizations, governments, and private
corporations regularly invoke citizenship to make environmental claims
and inform environmental actions, policies and initiatives. In addition,
education for citizenship and education for the environment have been
on a gradual path of convergence, further contributing to frame the
environment as a matter of citizenship. Last but not least, the media
increasingly are drawing on the language of citizenship to frame their
coverage of environmental issues.
This convergence of environment and citizenship has led to the
emergence of a new field of study, commonly known as environmental
2 • Introduction
The text is structured into three parts: Part I Concepts and Theories
(Chapters 1–3), Part II Actions and Practices (Chapters 4–6), and Part
III Pedagogies and Representations (Chapter 7). The content of the
4 • Introduction
Finally, the Conclusion brings together the main points raised in the text
and concludes with some general reflections on what environmental
citizenship offers to and demands from the citizens of the twenty-first
century.
Environment
Basic concepts
has deep roots in Western culture and philosophy, and can be dated as
far back as ancient Greece in the fourth century bce. The most influential
classical vision of the relationship between humans and nature is the
work of the Greek philosopher Aristotle. His Scala Naturae (Great Chain
of Being) positions humans above natural things, to which he attributed
mere instrumental value (Figure 1.1). Aristotle believed that nature made
all things specifically for the sake of man and accorded humans their
privileged position above animals and plants, based on the notion that
humans are the only living beings possessed of reason (logos).
The other major classical influence is the Bible. The holy text of
Christianity places humans at the centre of creation and as masters of
the natural world. In the Book of Genesis, God instructs Adam and Eve
to replenish and subdue the Earth, to rule over the fish of the sea and the
birds of the air, and over every living creature that moves upon Earth.
This passage has often been interpreted as a licence to do as we please
with the natural world; but others see the message of the Bible as one
of ‘stewardship’ that does not condone the exploitation of nature (Barry
2007: 34–43). In this, the official view of the Catholic Church, man is
entrusted to be the steward of God’s creation. This interpretation often
dwells on another passage from the Book of Genesis, the story of
Noah’s Ark. The distinction is crucial for it legitimizes a very different
treatment of the planet and its creatures. The notion that humans are the
‘vice-regents’ under God with the responsibility to care for all creation is
also present in Islam (Barry 2007: 33).
Being God
Angels
Man
Woman
Animals
Minerals
Figure 1.1 Aristotle’s Scala Naturae, or
Non Being Great Chain of Being
14 • Environment and citizenship: the basics
humans as the masters of the natural world and embraced nature as the
source of human enlightenment (Opie and Elliot 1996: 20–22).
The most influential ecocentric articulation of the twentieth century is
that of American ecologist Aldo Leopold, particularly his book A Sand
County Almanac (1949). Leopold developed a conception of the land
as an ecological community to be loved and respected. His ‘land ethic’
was based on the notion that ‘there is inherent worth in the integrity of
natural ecosystems apart from any value they may possess for humans’
(De Steiguer 2006: 15). His work, aimed at extending our moral concern
to the natural environment and promoting harmonious relations between
humans and the land, has left a profound impact on the conservation
movement. The other major ecocentric figure of the last century is
Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess. His work originated the tradition
known as ‘deep ecology’, a term he coined in his seminal essay ‘The
Shallow and the Deep’ (1973). Naess rejected the separation between
humans and nature in favour of a relational image of nature based on
‘biospherical egalitarianism’ in which all ecological beings depend
on each other and have an equal right to exist. His work provided a
wholesale normative critique of modern human society, particularly of
the modern human relationship with nonhuman nature, and inspired the
emergence of ecocentric environmental groups in the twentieth century.
The way we conceive of the relationship between humans and nature
shapes how we interact with the natural environment and the kinds of
actions and policies we will support or reject when it comes to dealing
with environmental issues – including, for example, the level at which
we might include or exclude beings other than humans (e.g. nonhuman
animals) in our conceptions of citizenship. In this regard, Andrew Dobson
has theorized an important distinction between two forms of green
political thought that inform two kinds of green politics, derived from the
different understanding of the relationship between humans and nature:
ecologism (or dark green politics); and environmentalism (or light green
politics). The dominant form of green politics, light green politics,
is informed by environmentalism, which ‘argues for a managerial
approach to environmental problems, secure in the belief that they can
be solved without fundamental changes in present values or patterns
of production and consumption’ (Dobson 2007: 2). This approach is
underpinned by a sense of human control of the nonhuman natural
world that derives from the modernist, anthropocentric notion of the
‘domination of nature’ and is reflected in contemporary notions of
‘sustainable development’ and ‘ecological modernization’. In contrast,
16 • Environment and citizenship: the basics
the less common (and more radical) form of green politics, dark green
politics, derives from ecologism, which ‘holds that a sustainable and
fulfilling existence presupposes radical changes in our relationship with
the non-human natural world, and in our mode of social and political life’
(Dobson 2007: 3). This approach is underpinned by a sense of human
frailty and ultimate dependence on the environment, as well as by an
appreciation of nature for its own sake, and not simply or necessarily in
relation to human life. Instead of a managerial approach, ecologism takes
an ethical approach that emphasizes care and justice, rather than control
of the nonhuman natural world.
Historical overview
Box 1.1
● The Three Mile Island nuclear accident, Pennsylvania, USA (1979): When some water
pumps failed, there was a partial meltdown of one reactor core resulting in the release
of radiation. Whilst there were no victims, the incident caused a major public safety
alert. This was the first significant nuclear accident and is still the most serious in US
history.
● The Bhopal chemical disaster, India (1984): A gas leak in a chemical plant run by
the American company Union Carbide caused the immediate death of over 2,000
local residents of Bhopal, and hundreds of thousands of appalling physical and
psychological injuries. The total death toll remains disputed, ranging from the official
figure of 3,787 to well over 20,000 disaster-related deaths. The surviving victims
continue to fight for appropriate compensation and justice. This is still the largest
industrial disaster in world history.
● Amazon jungle fires, Brazil (early 1980s): Massive fires broke out across the Brazilian
jungles in the early 1980s as a result of slash and burn rancher activities to clear land
for farming. The extent of the fires attracted international attention to ruinous farming
practices and to the need to protect large tropical forests, especially the Amazon.
● The Chernobyl nuclear explosion, Ukraine (1986): The explosion of a nuclear reactor
sent a cloud of radioactive material into the atmosphere that spread across Europe. The
health effects of this meltdown have been highly contested since then, but the incident
is symbolic of the worst possible outcomes associated with nuclear energy. This was
the world’s worst nuclear accident, until the Fukushima disaster of 2011.
● The Exxon Valdez oil spill, Alaska, USA (1989): An oil tanker, the Exxon Valdez,
spilled over 11 million gallons (41.8 million litres) of crude oil into an extremely
environmentally sensitive area of Alaska. This was the largest oil spill ever to take
place in the US until the Deep Water Horizon accident of 2010.
● Deep Water Horizon or BP oil spill, Gulf of Mexico, USA (2010): A wellhead blowout
at a deep water ocean oil rig caused a catastrophic oil spill, killed 11 workers and
caused a fire that burned for 36 hours before the rig sank, ironically, on 22 April, Earth
Day. As engineers scrambled to find a solution, the well continued to gush oil, until it
was finally capped on 15 July. There is no exact estimate of how much oil was actually
spilled, but the US government and BP have spent billions cleaning up the mess.
● Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, Japan (2011): Catastrophic failure of the
Fukushima nuclear plant after fuel rods were exposed following the tsunami of 2011.
Although no short-term deaths from radiation were reported, thousands of people were
evacuated and the operator, Tokyo Electric Power Co (Tepco), continues to struggle
to decommission the plant, which is now allegedly leaking radioactive water into the
Pacific Ocean.
20 • Environment and citizenship: the basics
with the needs of those who are neglected by present economic and
political structures, namely: people living in underdeveloped countries
and future generations (Postma 2006: 6). Yet, the concept has a clear
anthropocentric nature, best reflected in the first of the 27 principles of
the Rio Declaration: ‘Human beings are at the center of concerns for
sustainable development’ (UNEP 1992a).
The term sustainable development has been broadly accepted, not least
due to its lack of specificity. The general consensus around sustainable
development as the mainstream framework for global environmental
policy rests upon the vague substance of the term sustainability, one
that leaves much room for interpretation. Indeed, there are hundreds of
documented definitions of sustainability and sustainable development
(Keiner 2006: 1–3). This is not to say these terms lack meaning or
substance. However, in the absence of a precise meaning, the struggle
between those who prioritize development and those who prioritize
sustainability will continue unabated. In any case, the widespread
adoption of the term sustainable development has placed the environment
at the heart of mainstream global politics.
The turn of the century opened also what Gregg Easterbrook called
‘The Coming Age of Environmental Optimism’ – the subtitle of his book,
A Moment on the Earth (1995). Easterbrook argues that the worst is
nearly over. Technology has finished a phase of creating environmental
problems and is now entering a phase of solving them (Easterbrook 1995:
267). His self-proclaimed ‘ecorealism’ echoes the optimism of earlier
critics of the ‘limits to growth’ approach, exemplified most notably by
Julian Simon and Herman Kahn’s edited volume, The Resourceful Earth
(1984), and Bjørn Lomborg’s The Skeptical Environmentalist (2001).
The optimism of these authors is anchored in what David Pepper calls
‘technocentrism’: a mode of thought that recognizes environmental
problems but believes that humans always will be able to solve them
and achieve unlimited growth (cornucopians) or that we will be able to
negotiate them with careful economic and environmental management
(accommodators) (1996: 37).
Technocentrism is at the heart of ecological modernization, the paradigm
of ecological economics that has come to dominate environmental
politics (and policy) in the early twenty-first century. First proposed by
Joseph Huber in the 1980s, the essence of ecological modernization is the
notion that economic growth can be decoupled from environmental harm
through ‘the invention, innovation and diffusion of new technologies
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