Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Oral Tradition

Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi
Oral Tradition
Perspectives on Philosophy and Religious
Thought
Perspectives on Philosophy and Religious Thought (formerly

Gorgias Studies in Philosophy and Theology) provides a forum for
original scholarship on theological and philosophical issues,
promoting dialogue between the wide-ranging fields of religious
and logical thought. This series includes studies on both the
interaction between different theistic or philosophical traditions
and their development in historical perspective.
Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi
Oral Tradition
Eszter Spät
9
34 2013
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To my Mother
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents.....................................................................................v
The Yezidis and Late Antique Gnosis: Introduction to Eszter
Spät’s Late Antique Motifs in Yezidi Mythology and Oral
Tradition by István Perczel.............................................................ix
Acknowledgments ..................................................................................xv
Abbreviations ........................................................................................xvii
Introduction ..............................................................................................1
“Late Antique” Motifs ..................................................................12
The Nature of Oral Tradition: Tradition and Change.............16
The Time Gap................................................................................20
Sources on Yezidi Religion ..........................................................24
2 Religious Movements in the Middle East..................................35
The Geopolitical Background .....................................................35
From Gnostics to Islamic Ghulat...............................................42
Gnostics - Gnosticism ............................................................43
Manichaeism.............................................................................49
The Dualistic Movements after the Advent of
Islam .................................................................................53
Contemporary Heterodox Religious Movements in the
Middle East............................................................................57
3 The Origin of the Yezidis and of Yezidi Studies......................69
The History of the Yezidis...........................................................69
Yezidis and Western “Yezidi Studies” .......................................80
4 The Religion of the Yezidis .........................................................91
Orality..............................................................................................91
Lack of Sources........................................................................93
Variability..................................................................................94
Qewwals....................................................................................96
Parading of the Peacock .........................................................98
Genres of Yezidi Oral Tradition:........................................101
v
vi LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
God, the Angels and the Khas in Traditional Yezidi Belief...106

The Godhead and its Seven Angel or Seven
Mysteries. .......................................................................107
The Khas – the Holy Beings, or Incarnate Angels............113
5 Religious Oral Tradition and Literacy among the Yezidis
of Iraq............................................................................................125
The Appearance of “Canonical” Texts....................................128
Books on the Yezidis as a Source of Knowledge...................129
Modernizing Yezidi Mythology: Scientific Interpretation ....133
Pre-Islamic Origin and Islam as an Alien Element................136
New Origin Myths of the Yezidis.............................................139
6 The Yezidi Creation Myth of Adam.........................................147
Adam’s Creation and Fall...........................................................147
Tasting the Forbidden Grain...............................................151
Adam and His Digestion......................................................157
Other Texts and Other Details .................................................160
The Divine Origin of Adam’s Soul ....................................163
The Khirqe of Adam...............................................................167
7 The Khirqe, or Garment of Faith ...............................................183
The Khirqe in Yezidi Tradition...................................................185
The Sufi Khirka and the Yezidi Khirqe ......................................211
Late Antique Garment Theologies ...........................................215
Judaism....................................................................................216
Christianity..............................................................................225
Gnosticism..............................................................................236
The Hymn of the Pearl.........................................................243
Manichaeism...........................................................................249
The Garment of Light among Contemporary Heterodox
Groups in the Middle East................................................253
Comparison of the Yezidi Khirqe and the Late Antique
Robe of Glory .....................................................................256
8 “The Song of the Commoner”: The Motif of Sleep and
Awakening ....................................................................................265
The Title and Composition of “The Song of the
Commoner” (Beyta Cindî) ..................................................265
Sleep and the “Call of Awakening” in Late Antiquity ...........276
The Gnostics..........................................................................279
The Hymn of the Pearl.........................................................287
The Manichaeans...................................................................290
TABLE OF CONTENTS vii
The Mandaeans......................................................................296
Beyta Cindî and the Call of Awakening ...............................298
The Headdress: The Reward of Awakening – the Crown
(and the Robe).....................................................................310
The Crown of Light in Late Antique Calls of
Awakening .....................................................................313
The Headdress and the Promise of Heaven in the
Beyta Cindî.......................................................................319
9 The Origin Myth of the Yezidis – the Myth of Shehid bin
Jer ...................................................................................................327
The Creation Myth of Shehid bin Jer.......................................327
Creation from the Sur in Adam’s Forehead ......................327
The Creation of Shehid from Adam’s Seed ......................332
The Gnostic Myth of Seth .........................................................337
The Roots of the Speculations Concerning Seth .............337
The Birth of Seth from “Another Seed” ...........................340
The Seed of Seth – the Race of Seth..................................348
The Birth of Seth and the Enmity of Eve in the
Manichaean Myth .........................................................351
The Twin-Wife of Seth.........................................................355
Seth in the Middle East ..............................................................358
The Myth of Shehid and Its Two Variants..............................363
10 The Birth of Prophet Ismail in the Yezidi “Tale of
Ibrahim”........................................................................................369
The Tale of Ibrahim....................................................................369
The Birth of Ismail................................................................374
Appearance of Ali as a Child, Young Man and Old
Man in Nusayrî Mythology .........................................376
The Trimorphic Divinity in Late Antique Literature.............380
Trimorphic Christ..................................................................380
The Trimporhic Deity and the Hellenic God of
Eternal Time, Aion.......................................................383
Further Applications of Trimorphy in Early
Christian Writings.........................................................389
The Motif of Divine Trimorphy in Medieval Texts ..............392
The Abgar Legend.................................................................394
The Three Magi of the Orient.............................................397
viii LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
11 Conclusion....................................................................................403
Epilogue: Late Antique Motifs and Modern Yezidism ..................411
Plates (between pp. 416-417)
Appendix I: Transcript of Recordings of the Myth of Adam and
the Myth of Shehid bin Jer.........................................................417
Appendix II: Yezidi Hymns translated by P. Kreyenbroek...........453
Bibliography ..........................................................................................515
Index.......................................................................................................545
THE YEZIDIS AND LATE ANTIQUE
GNOSIS: INTRODUCTION TO ESZTER
SPÄT’S LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS IN YEZIDI
MYTHOLOGY AND ORAL TRADITION
PRELIMINARIES
Ten years ago, Eszter Spät embarked upon an adventurous
enterprise, begirded by many dangers, intellectual not less than
physical. Originally a Latinist and a scholar of Late Antique Gnosis
and Manichaeism, she decided to do fieldwork on a contemporary
religious and ethnic minority, the Yezidis, a Kurdish group
scattered between Iraq, Turkey and Armenia, with its own religion,
transmitted via oral tradition. She embarked upon this unusual
journey with a hypothesis: from what she learned from the
literature that she had read about the Yezidis, she conceived the
intuition that the Yezidis may preserve old Gnostic and
Manichaean traditions, which, in other parts of the world, only live
on as objects of bookish scholarship. As this was going to be a
Ph.D. project within the framework of a Department of Medieval
Studies, which had an eye on Late Antiquity but not on the
contemporary Middle East, this decision caused some
apprehensions. Would it be feasable? Would it be methodologically
sound? Would Eszter be able to manage to learn the necessary
languages and the necessary skills of the anthropologist? Would she
be able to manage all the background knowledge on the religious
and factual history of medieval and early modern Middle East,
without which her work would not be professional research? And
last but not least: would she not risk her personal safety going
alone to the Kurdish mountains in a situation of quasi-war that, as
we all know by now, was soon to turn into a real war, the famous
or, rather, ill-famous “War on Iraq.“
ix
x LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
The book presently published by Gorgias Press, based on

Eszter Spät’s Ph.D. thesis defended summa cum laude in April 2009
at Central European University, Budapest, is a glamorous response
to all these apprehensions. The project has proven feasable; its
methodology is sound, at the same time conservative and
innovative, Eszter has so well learned the Kurdish dialects that she
needed and the skills of the anthropologist that, through her field
work, she was able to collect important new data that will most
certainly serve as primary material for other researchers too. And
Eszter took the risk of going to Northern Iraq in a tense situation,
to work there in an NGO and, later, at the University of Dohuk,
teaching English and staying there during the war, fleeing together
with the Yezidi community to the mountains when the bombings
rendered Dohuk unsafe. I am sure that her helpful attitude as an
English teacher and the exceptional courage she had shown greatly
increased the confidence of her informants, as a result of which
now we have gained invaluable new information on the Yezidis,
which she has partly published and which, hopefully, she will
continue to share with the scholarly community.
SOME REMARKS ON METHODOLOGY

However, the greatest challenge of this research and its most
important inherent danger, causing the most intense
apprehensions, lied elsewhere than in Eszter’s exposing herself to
physical insecurity, namely in the combination of bookish research
on the history of Gnosis and Manichaeism with contemporary field
work. Was it at all possible for one just to go to Iraq and clarify
whether or not the Yezidis are a religious group preserving ancient
Gnostic traditions? Can one apply to a contemporary oral tradition
knowledge gained from fifteen, eighteen centuries-old texts?
Undoubtedly, this was the riskiest part of the endeavour and Eszter
Spät, in the course of her work, changed her original strong
hypothesis into a weaker one. Now she does not speak about
“Gnostic traditions,” but about “Late Antique motifs.” I have little
doubt that anybody who carefully reads the present monograph
would agree that the author has brilliantly achieved this lesser goal
of detecting Late Antique elements in Yezidi oral lore. She has col-
lected, from original texts and secondary literature, a huge material
on the Late Antique motifs; this material she combines with infor-
mation on the Yezidis, partly available before her field work and
FOREWORD xi
partly collected by her; then, she analyses this double source mate-
rial through a sound methodology, which is able, as far as this is
possible, to sieve out from within the oral tradition the ancient
elements and separate them from the later layers, namely those
brought in by Islam and those accumulated by the modern literary
turn of the Yezidi lore. In fact, one of the most interesting phe-
nomena concerning the Yezidis is that the new western-educated
elite of this people that, until recently, had adhered to an exclu-
sively oral tradition of its religious teaching, now tries to redefine
Yezidi identity in the new, globalised and mediatised world, and so
tends to give a new value to literacy. This procedure is brilliantly
analysed in Chapter 5 of Eszter Spät’s book and her analysis also
serves as a methodological tool for distinguishing the late antique
elements from possible similar modern additions.
It occurs to me that the soundness of the methodology is
greatly enhanced by Eszter Spät’s cautious way of proceeding, her
aporetic approach and her way of constantly re-asking the same
questions and doubting her own results. If anything, hers is the
exact opposite of what we would call a dogmatic approach. She
does not have preconceptions, but only intuitions and working hy-
potheses, which she double- and triple- and quadruple-checks be-
fore accepting or rejecting them. Her approach is also a “positivist”
and—in a sense—“minimalist” one—she does not indulge in hy-
potheses, she does not try to “round up” the results to which she
has arrived but presents them as they are. To my mind this cautious
and thorough analysis soundly proves the survival, whatever the
ways of transmission might have been, of a very definite set of Late
Antique philosophico-mythical lore within the Yezidi oral tradition.
In fact, I even think that Eszter Spät has arrived at the paradoxical
result of proving her original hypothesis—a Gnostic-Manichaean
set of mythical doctrines in Yezidi oral lore—by renouncing it. The
image that emerges through her presentation, supported by lavish
explanations and bibliographic references, of the individual motifs,
is one of a rather coherent and structured doctrine, embedded into,
or rather using, the material provided by the ancient Persian-
Zoroastrian, later Islamic Sufi and contemporary Kurdish national
contexts.
Another methodological challenge treated in this study could
be formulated in the following way: is there anything sound in this
endeavour if the author is unable to show the historical links con-
xii LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
necting the Late Antique teachings to the religious lore of this peo-
ple? Chapter 5, treating the changes in Yezidi oral lore, while being
an interesting study in itself, presenting the challenges and the traps
that any similar fieldwork must face—including the funny phe-
nomenon of the “feedback”—also gives the methodological basis
for what I called above the “sieving” of the material. Chapters 2 to
4 provide the necessary background material for understanding the
more specific parts of the second part of the thesis by giving a
good survey of what can be known on the religious history of the
Yezidis and the surrounding peoples. These chapters successfully
handle the question of the “timegap,” between our Late Antique
sources and the first, early nineteenth-century, records on Yezidi
oral lore, by giving a credible hypothesis on a general substrate of
Late Antique motifs surviving in West Asia, which the Yezidis,
gradually forming themselves from a Sufi brotherhood into a sepa-
rate religion, could have adopted and incorporated in their my-
thologemes.
LATE ANTIQUE OR GNOSTIC MOTIFS?

The second part of the book analyses five specific elements of the
Yezidi tradition: (1) the creation of Adam, (2) the symbolism of the
woolen garment of the Yezidi feqirs as the garment of glory, (3) the
motif of sleep and the call for awakening in the Song of the Com-
moner/of the Faithful Soldier, (4) the origin myth of Shehid bin
Jer, (5) the trimorphic appearance of the patriarch-prophet Ismael.
This it does by using the Yezidi oral material collected by Eszter
Spät’s predecessors (first of all, by Philip Kreyenbroek) and also the
material collected through her own field work.
I think that Eszter Spät successfully proves the Late Antique
origins of these motifs but—as mentioned above—to my mind she
does even more: she proves, without emphasising it and, perhaps
even without being convinced that she does so, that these motifs
come from an underlying Gnostic-Manichaean layer. In fact, while
some of these motifs are general Judaeo-Christian ones, and while
other motifs can incidentally also be found outside the Gnostic
current, some of the other motifs treated here belong to the differen-
tia specifica of Late Antique Gnosis. Of course, what Gnosticism is
is a highly controversial subject. The fact that there is no evil
Demiurge in Yezidi lore may even speak against a Gnostic origin.
However, I think that the evil Demiurge, even if it is the most
FOREWORD xiii
spectacular and controversial element in Gnosticism, does not de-

fine this current. The presence of a set of other elements, namely
the consubstantiality of the human spirit with God, the redeeming
role of knowledge, the exceptional origin of the “other race,”
which is the bearer on earth of Gnosis, the antinomian character of
the origin myths (against the Hebrew Scripture in the case of the
Late Antique Gnostics and against the Qur’an in the case of the
Yezidis), is perhaps sufficient for enabling us to speak about a
Gnostic set of doctrines.
LIVING AMONG THE PEOPLE

What gives a particular flavour to this scholarly study is the fact
that it was not conceived in libraries: it was conceived in the moun-
tains of Iraqi Kurdistan, among Yezidis, old and young, religious
leaders, members of diverse castes, bards, commoners, housewives,
working women, university students, schoolchildren and modern
intellectuals. It is based on an oral tradition, some elements of
which no European had ever encountered before Eszter Spät’s
field work. It was conceived in a tense situation, first when Iraq
was bombed and Kurdish hopes for a long desired for independent
homeland became stirred up, but second, when ethnic and other
killings were surging after the war. Yet Eszter Spät who, during her
field work also worked as the war correspondent of the Hungarian
daily Népszabadság, gives a serene and detached picture on the
religious development of the Yezidis as far as the past of a people
that has only an oral tradition can be traced. However, every word
of this book is permeated by a close knowledge of the people that
is its subject and by a deep empathy, which, I daresay, has a
heuristic value. It is this empathic and kind approach to the
Yezidis, which, finally, renders this study true.
István Perczel
Central European University
Budapest
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all

those, whose support has contributed to writing this thesis. I am
indebted to the Medieval Studies Department at Central European
University for having been open enough to let me write my thesis
on a rather unusual and unorthodox subject. My special thanks to
Gerhard Jaritz who has painstakingly read through my thesis (or
study, as he prefers to call it), drawing my attention to mistakes and
helping me shape it in a more academic form. I am grateful to An-
drew Palmer for drawing my attention to the topic of the Yezidis,
and to István Perczel and György Geréby for their enthusiastic
encouragement and advice. I would also like to take this chance to
thank János Bak, who was my staunch supporter during my rocky
beginnings at the department (although he always claimed other-
wise), who insisted that I write my book on the Yezidis, and to-
gether with Aziz al-Azmeh found a publisher for it.
I owe special acknowledgment to Philip Kreyenbroek, who
generously gave me access to the unpublished Yezidi texts he has
collected and translated, and helped with my research in Göttingen.
My conversations with Christine Allison helped me develop a wider
perspective of the Yezidis, while the regular Kurdish workshops
she organized in Paris made it possible for me to acquaint myself
with other aspects of Kurdish Studies.
My research was greatly helped by the financial help I received
from the Open Society Foundation and the Kurdish Institute of
Paris. I must express my appreciation to the latter not only for their
generous financial help, but even more importantly for helping me
find lodgings while in Iraqi Kurdistan, not an easy task, without
which my field research there would not have been possible.
My thanks to Alice Choyke and Judith Rasson for their help
with English and the intricacies of bibliography and footnotes. I
would also like to thank Alice for the long chats we have had and
xv
xvi LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
her moral support. I am also grateful to Csilla Dobos, our depart-

ment coordinator, for her help with practical matters. Special
thanks to my colleague Katie Keene, who not only painstakingly
corrected the English of the final version of the book, but also
drew my attention to a number of inconsistencies in spelling and
missing words.
I am forever grateful to my family for their financial and
moral support. Finally, but most of all, I would like to thank my
mother, who was the first one to read and criticize every chapter, as
well as the articles resulting from this research, suggesting altera-
tions ranging from content to spelling.
ABBREVIATIONS
AJSLL The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Lit-

eratures
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
BSOAS Bulleting of the School of Oriental and African Stud-
ies
JA Journal Asiatique
JAOS Journal of American Oriental Society
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
NHS Nag Hammadi Studies
NHMS Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies
RMM Revue du Monde Musulman
RSO Rivista degli Studii Orientali
SC Sources Chretiénnes
xvii
INTRODUCTION
Yezidis are a Kurdish-speaking religious minority of a few hundred

thousand souls, living mainly in northern Iraq, but also in Syria,
Turkey, Iran and in the Caucasus, where they emigrated in the
nineteenth and twentieth century. Today there is also a sizeable
Yezidi community living in Europe, primarily in Germany. Yezidis
are not Muslims, neither may they be considered Jews or Chris-
tians. Rather they follow an oral religion of their own which may be
assigned to none of these categories. These people, accused of be-
ing “devil-worshippers”1 by their Muslim and Christian neighbors,
have for a couple of centuries, since the first reports of European
travelers, exercised the imagination of European researchers and
scholars.
The aim of this work is to throw light on the meaning of
some elements in Yezidi religion through tracing their origins in
Late Antiquity. Yezidi mythology and religious imagery have incor-
porated and adapted to their particular religious system some
myths and motifs which once enjoyed widespread popularity in the
wider region, but which have since been mostly been relegated to
oblivion, except among students of late antique religions. The study
1 The Peacock Angel (Tawusi Melek), believed to be the chief of an-
gels, God’s viceroy on earth, and the special protector of the Yezidis, is
habitually identified with the devil by the Yezidi’s Muslim neighbors. As
personally I have seen nothing among the Yezidis or in Yezidi texts that
would even distantly imply that there was any truth in this accusation of
worshipping the devil, or identifying the Peacock Angel with him, I
mostly consider this accusation a time-honored method of discrediting the
“other” (or rather “another faith”) along with the charge of sexual licen-
tiousness, both wide spread since Late Antiquity, and shall not deal with it
in this thesis.
1
2 LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
of such motifs and myths would help to explain some elements of

the Yezidi faith which have previously been considered obscure,
confusing, occasionally even childish, and were deemed to be the
results of Yezidis’ misunderstanding or distorting legends or myths
taken from other religions (that is from Islam or Judeo-
Christianity), or were simply dismissed since interpreting them
proved too difficult.
These motifs fall into place within the Yezidi system of beliefs
and become easier to understand once light is shed on their origin.
Placing these motifs in the context of a religious language originat-
ing in Late Antiquity could be the key to a better understanding of
Yezidi religion and the way it developed, as well as of the working
of oral tradition in the region. In this context, establishing the late
antique origins of some motifs demonstrates the way literacy inter-
acted with orality in the region.
Finally, it may be of interest, especially for students of Late
Antiquity and the Hellenistic oikumene, to see that even the Yezidi
Kurds, living much later on what used to be the periphery of the
Hellenistic world, have inherited their share of a common culture
which contributed so much to the development of both the Chris-
tian and Islamic cultures.
Naturally, through Christianity and especially Islam, which
contributed much to the development of Yezidi religion, Yezidis
have inherited a great deal from late antique religious thought, as is
obvious to anyone slightly familiar with Yezidi myths. However,
the present study aims at studying motifs where such a connection
is not immediately apparent because these motifs have since sunk
into oblivion in mainstream Islam or Christianity.
To appreciate the relevance of such a piece of research, it is
necessary to place it against the background of Yezidi studies:
Yezidism, a religion based on oral tradition,2 has always proved
difficult to understand for people educated according the premises
of book-based religion, whether Muslim or Christian. Interpreting
2 Not only did Yezidis not have written books, but even reading and
writing (and especially the writing of religious texts) was forbidden them,
with the exception of the Adani lineage of sheikhs. Religious knowledge
was transmitted orally by special “experts.” See chapter “Yezidi Religion.”
INTRODUCTION 3
Yezidi oral tradition and comprehending their religion was, until

recently, to a large extent hampered by a lack of material. Re-
searchers had to base their studies on the two alleged “sacred
books” of the Yezidis, that is, two short tracts which surfaced at
the end of the nineteenth century, on some brief and generally not
too accurate observations from the pen of travelers in the region,
and scant reports, even less accurate and reliable, from mostly hos-
tile Muslim sources. Another problem was that Yezidi “teachings”
were subjected to the same criteria as religions based on written
texts and, as oral traditions function along rather different lines,
Yezidi religious concepts were promptly found wanting coherence
and even essence.
As a result, Western researchers of the nineteenth and early
twentieth century tended to dismiss Yezidi religious texts3 as inade-
quate, because they did not conform to their ideas of scholarly the-
ology. G.R. Driver writes (referring to myths, some of which will
be discussed in this study): “Their beliefs seem to be a confused
medley of Jewish legends overlaid with the crassest superstitions, of
many of which it is now quite impossible to trace the source.”4 R.
Lescot, in his seminal work on the Yezidi tribes of the Sinjar and
Syria, speaks of the incoherence of the texts, their confusion and
naïveté.5 The editor of M.N. Siouffi’s “Notice sur des Yézidis,” in
the Journal Asiatique, the first detailed account of Yezidi mythology,
applies the term “puérilité” in the introduction to the article, where
he offers an apology for publishing such childish myths.6 Such
opinions were shared by most students of Yezidi religion, who
were at a loss what to make of the little they could gather of oral
Yezidi mythology. As C. Allison writes: “Little sensitivity to the
conventions of the genres in which these texts were composed was
3 Following the conventions of linguistics I will use “text” for both

written text and speech, that is, spoken text.
4 G.R. Driver, “The Religion of the Kurds,” BSOAS 2.2 (1922): 200-
201.
5 R. Lescot, Enquète sur les Yezidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sinjār (Beyrouth:
Institut Français de Damas, 1936), 54, 55, 60.

6 M. N. Siouffi, “Notice sur des Yézidis,” Journal Asiatique ser. 7. vol.
20 (1882): 252.
shown … Little attention was paid to the ways in which Yezidis

understood, interpreted and used these traditions.”7
Yezidi religion eventually came to be seen as “degenerated”
and, as a result, academic interest in Yezidis eventually dwindled.
This situation was gradually changed in the last few decades by the
publication of Yezidi texts collected in Iraq and Armenia and, most
importantly, by P. Kreyenbroek’s two books Yezidism, Its Back-
ground, Observances and Textual Tradition (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen
Press, 1995) and God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Poems and Reli-
gious Narratives from the Yezidi Tradition (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz,
2005). These books contain dozens of sacred texts, in Kurdish and
English, as well as information collected from Iraqi Yezidis on their
religious literary genres, caste and social system, rituals, holidays,
and a list of holy beings. Besides making Yezidi religion far more
accessible to researchers, Kreyenbroek’s work has been also of
great relevance in as much as it has drawn attention to the fact that
Yezidism was essentially an oral religion and should be evaluated
and studied as such. Furthermore, while not denying the far-
reaching influence of Islam, and especially of Sufism on Yezidism,
he pointed out that Yezidi oral tradition retained ideas which could
be traced to Pre-Islamic (and in fact pre-Zoroastrian) Western Ira-
nian mythology. Thus, for example, Kreyenbroek’s comparison of
the Yezidi and Ahl-i Haqq8 cosmological creation myth with the
Avesta and Rig Veda demonstrated the presence of a very impor-
tant Iranian substratum in Yezidi mythology, transmitted orally
through the centuries.9 Kreyenbroek’s work opened up new direc-
7 C. Allison, The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan (Richmond:

Curson Press, 2001), 36.
8 Ahl-i Haqq, or Kakai, as they are known in Iraqi Kurdistan, are a
Kurdish people who follow a heterodox form of Islam. Though officially,

unlike Yezidis, they prefer to be considered Muslims, their religious sys-
tem shows a number of peculiarities which are foreign to Islam, but very
similar to Yezidi beliefs. Just like Yezidis they are considered “devil-
worshippers” by some Muslims or at least ghulat, or extreme Shiites, fol-
lowing ideas that are not acceptable to the main body of Muslims,
whether Sunni or Shiia.
9 Kreyenbroek, “Mithra and Ahreman, Binyāmīn and Malak Tāwūs,”
in Recurrent Patterns in Iranian Religions: From Mazdaism to Sufism, ed. P. Gi-

INTRODUCTION 5
tions for research, partly due to the relative abundance of texts it

made available, and partly because it made it possible to see
Yezidism as an oral tradition, which integrated motifs from differ-
ent epochs in its history into a complex whole, as is typical of oral
traditions in general.
My study, relying to a large extent on the texts published by
Kreyenbroek, as well as myths and other information collected dur-
ing my field research, intends to add to the understanding of Yezidi
religion. It aims to demonstrate that beside the Islamic and Iranian
background, Yezidi religion also shows the influence of late antique
religious thought and literature, tying Yezidis to the prolific world
of late Mediterranean Hellenistic culture. It will also try to show
that motifs coming from this common culture are not purposeless
relics adopted haphazardly and whimsically by the Yezidis, but
elements that fit into the pattern of a religion based on oral tradi-
tion and should be interpreted within the context of the interplay
between literacy and orality.
Late antique influence has, of course, already been suggested
by several researchers. Finding common points between Christian-
ity and Yezidism is hardly surprising, as Yezidis live in places where
the presence of Christianity goes back a long way, and Yezidi-
Christian relations have usually been good (probably due more to a
shared sense of persecution than shared theological points).10 The
strongly “exotic” character of Yezidis has also prompted some stu-
dents of their system to speak of late antique “dualistic,” that is, of
Gnostic and/or Manichaean influences or even origin. It must be
stated, however, that such suggestions were either based on some
misunderstood aspects of Yezidism, on generalities or just on gen-
eral impressions, not on a detailed analysis of Yezidi ideas.
gnoux (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes:

1992), 57-79; idem, Yezidism, 52-59.
10 However, the most easily observable points of such a shared reli-
gious culture, baptism and the revered position of Jesus in Yezidism, can
be misleading, as they do not necessarily designate a Christian origin. The
respect Yezidis tended to evince toward Christian holy places and saints is
again more a religio-social phenomenon than any kind of indication of a
common past.
One of the features of Yezidism which induced researchers to

look for a dualistic origin was the controversial figure of the Pea-
cock Angel, the chief angel of the Yezidis, identified with Satan by
Muslims. A. v. Haxthausen, a mid-nineteenth-century Prussian
agronomist who became familiar with Transcaucasian Yezidis,
thought that the reverence paid to the Peacock Angel could be
connected with the Gnostic doctrine of the Demiurgos (the evil
maker of the material world), rather disregarding the fact that
Gnostics were very far from revering the Demiurgos.11 A. Neander
interpreting the Yezidi’s reverence for the Peacock Angel as a cult
of the Fallen Angel links Yezidis with Medieval Bogomils and Pau-
licians, who were accused of being Manichaeanscock.12 N. Marr,
who argues for Yezidism as an “authentic Kurdish religion” actu-
ally turned Neander’s argument around and suggested that the ap-
pearance of such heretical movements as Paulicians, Tondrakites,
and so on (accused of being dualists) in Greater Armenia should be
attributed to the influence of an indigenous pagan religion “de la
même essence que le yézidisme kurde” on Armenian Christianity.13
A. Grant saw some strong resemblances to the Manichaeans
(though he ultimately ascribes to them a Jewish origin as one of the
lost tribes) based on the figure of the Peacock Angel (whom he saw
as an angel of light), the geographical position of the Yezidis, and
the similarity of Sheikh Adi’s (the holiest figure of the Yezidis)
11 A.v. Haxthausen, Transkaukasia (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1856),

referred to in W. Ainsworth, “The Assyrian Origin of the Izedis or
Yezidis – the so-called ‘Devil Worshippers,’” in Transaction of the Ethnologi-
cal Society of London Vol 1 (London: Ethnological Society, 1861), 42.
12 A. Neander, “Über die Elemente, aus denen die Lehren der Yezidis
hervorgegangen zu sein scheinen,” in Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, ed. J.L.

Jacobi (Berlin, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlugen 1851), referred to in
Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 5.
13 N. Marr, “Yeschcho o Slove ‘chelebi,’” (Again about the word
“chelebi”) Zapiski Vostochnovo Otdeleniya Imperatorskovo Russkovo

Arkheologicheskovu Obshehestva 20 (1910): 99-151, quoted by B. Nikitine, Les
Kurdes: Étude Sociologique et Historique (Paris: Éditions d’Aujourd’hui, 1956),
230-31.
INTRODUCTION 7
name with that of Addai, one of Mani’s apostles sent to northern

Mesopotamia.14
A. Mingana, following a different line of arguement, thought
that the name applied to the Yezidis in the Mosul district “Dai-
sanites” (“Dasenis”) was related to the second-century heresiarch
of Edessa, Bardaisan, who displayed an interest in astrology, and
had what were seen as gnosticizing tendencies.15 He was also said
to have established a sect known as the Daysaniyya. (Bardaisan was
actually considered the spiritual teacher or predecessor of Mani, the
founder of Manichaeism, by St. Ephram.) He argued that this claim
was supported by the “daily worship which these Yezidis direct to
the stars, to the sun and the moon.” (Yezidis pray toward the rising
and setting sun, but no such reverence is given to the moon or the
stars.) He also stated that Yezidis were “greatly influenced in the
second century by some aberrations of Gnostic thought” but he
failed to support his statement with any concrete details.16 The ar-
guments about the name “Daisanites” and a “Manichaean” origin
were also raised by D. Chwolsohn.17
Sabaean influence is also often quoted by authors, though
what they mean by Sabaeans is unclear as there have been a great
many different ideas on the identity and teachings of the mysteri-
ous Sabaeans throughout the ages. For example, Driver speaks of
the Sabaeans of Harran.18 A. Layard who equates the Sabaeans with
the Mandaeans of South Iraq and attributes a Sabaean or Chal-
14 A. Grant, The Nestorians; or, the Lost Tribes (New York: Harper and
Brothers, 1841.)
15 Actually it was not so much Gnosticism, but Hermetic doctrines
and Platonic philosophy that attracted the Edessan intellectual’s attention,

see J. Reeves, Heralds of That Good Realm: Syro-Mesopotamian Gnosis and Jewish
Traditions (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 13.
16 A. Mingana, “Devil-worshippers: their Beliefs and Their Sacred
Books,” JRAS (1916): 512 and 516.

17 D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (St Petersburg: Buch-
druckerei der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1856), quoted

in T. Bois, “Les Yézidis. Essai historique et sociologique sur leur origine
religieuse,” Al Machriq 55 (1961): 123.
18 Driver, “Religion of the Kurds,” 212; See also Chwolsohn, Die
Ssabier und der Ssabismus.

daean origin to Yezidis, actually says (though without giving ex-

plicit arguments): “There is in them a strange mixture of Sabaean-
ism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism, with a tincture of the doc-
trines of the Gnostics and Manichaeans . Sabaeanism, however,
appears to be the prevailing feature. And it is not improbable that
the sect may be a remnant of the ancient Chaldees.” Layard bases
his claim for a Sabaean/Mandaean origin on a Yezidi tradition that
he had heard, namely that Yezidis originally came from the south,
from the region of Basrah.19 G. Badger thought Yezidism came
from Zoroastrianism, but was corrupted by the Sabaeans.20
It must be added that most of these authors displayed limited
knowledge both of Yezidi mythology and late antique dualistic re-
ligions (which is hardly surprising, as most of the authors lived be-
fore the discovery of new texts made the study of Yezidis, Gnosti-
cism and Manichaeaism possible.) G. Gasparro, writing much later,
had more material at her disposal, and her suggestion of a Gnostic
influence is the only one which I think merits serious reflection.
Gasparro is induced to look for Gnostic origins by the cosmic
Pearl of divine light in Yezidi cosmology, from which God created
the world. For Gasparro this presents typological affinity to the
Gnostic image of the pearl which symbolized the consubstantiality
between the Godhead and its emanations. Gasparro finds the clos-
est parallel in Mandaean texts, where the pearl symbol is widely
utilized.21 However, the pearl plays a completely different role in
Yezidi cosmology than in Gnostic and related texts. For the Gnos-
tics it is the symbol of human soul, rather than the material and the
scene of creation.22
19 A. Layard, Niniveh and its Remains (London: Muray, 1849), vol. I.
306- 07.
20 G. Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals: With the Narrative of a
Mission to Mesopotamia and Coordistan in 1842-1844, vol 1. (London: Joseph

Masters, 1852), 126.
21 G. Gasparro, “I Miti Cosmogonici degli Yezidi,” Numen 21.3
(1974): 221.
22 For an interpretation of the pearl as the Indo-Iranian concept of
“stone sky” enclosing the world like an eggshell, see P. Kreyenbroek,

“Mithra and Ahreman, Binyāmīn and Malak Tāwūs.”
INTRODUCTION 9
In this study, instead of making sweeping generalizations, I

will analyze the possible influence of late antique religiosity on con-
crete Yezidi myths and motifs, making a detailed comparison of the
late antique and Yezidi material. Unlike some of my forerunners, I
have no wish to look for the origins of the Yezidis as a group. Such
a search for origins, once very fashionable in the field of religious
studies, is no longer thought to contribute toward understanding
religious phenomena, but rather to distort it. On the other hand,
identifying the elements Yezidi religion has in common with the
other religions of the region, either living or past, and examining
what Yezidis made of them, can be relevant for understanding the
way Yezidi religious oral tradition is constructed and works.
It must also be understood that this study does not claim to
present Yezidis as the direct and sole inheritors of the motifs dis-
cussed in the following chapters and certainly does not suggest that
Yezidis are an exceptional, isolated case, the lone survival of a long
gone culture. I do not wish to present the Yezidis as a group of
people who mysteriously preserved some curious religious con-
cepts, tenaciously clinging to them while surrounded by people for
whom such strange beliefs meant as little as they do to the modern
observer. In other words, I lay no claim to saying that Yezidis, who
appear in our sources only in the second half of the Middle Ages as
a Sufi group given to heretical tendencies, are in effect some
crypto-Gnostic or Manichaean group, even if most of the motifs
analyzed in this work can be connected to these dualistic move-
ments. Furthermore, I believe there is no reason to assume that the
late antique elements necessarily made their way from written reli-
gious texts directly into Yezidi religious tradition – seeing that this
tradition is unlikely to have emerged in a full-fledged form before
the thirteenth or fourteenth century at the earliest. Rather, I argue,
supported by the meager sources available to researchers, that the
motifs discussed in the following chapters once enjoyed a wide-
spread currency in the region and formed part of a common cul-
tural substratum shared by and understandable to many different
groups (including the proto-Yezidis). Known to us from literary
sources, whether Christian, Jewish, Gnostic or Manichaean, they
must have infiltrated “popular” religion and became an integral
part of the religious oral tradition of the region due to the interac-
tion between literary and oral, between “high” and “low”, culture.
Many of the motifs discussed in the subsequent chapters can still
be found among other groups in the Middle East, from so-called

heterodox Islamic groups to “popular” beliefs23 current among
“mainstream” Sunni Kurds. Sadly, the study of non-mainstream
religious groups such as the Kurdish Ahl-i Haqq, the Turkoman-
Kurdish-Arabic Shabak, the Kurdish-Turkish Alevis,24 and the Ara-
bic Alawites (Nusayrîs) has so far been rather limited.25 The same is
23 The use of the word “popular” has become increasingly questioned
by historians of culture, who claim that the notion of “popular” was the
“creation” of the elites, and it presupposes a kind of binary opposition
between the culture of the elite and the “general populace,” while also
giving a false impression of homogeneity within these two, artificially con-
structed classes. (See P. Burke, “Popular Culture Reconsidered,” in Mensch
und Objekt im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: Leben – Alltag – Kultur, ed.
G. Jaritz (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichische Akademie der
Wissenschaften, 1990), 181-91. However, I argue that in the present study
it is justified to use the adjective “popular” to talk about the different be-
liefs of the non-literate classes. The emphasis here is exactly on the fact
that they did not (and in the case of rural Muslim Kurds do not) belong to
the literate elite, and consequently their beliefs, which may have signifi-
cantly differed (or still differ) from those laid down in “canonized” texts,
were seen by the elite as ideas of the ignorant and were only exeptionally
recorded in writing. This lack of documentation means that one has to try
to reconstruct the different “popular” ideas professed by the non-literate
classes throughout the centuries with the help of what little was recorded
by members of the elite, and the findings of modern ethnologists.. My
use of “popular” is also far from denying the interaction between the elite
and the other classes (yet another frequent argument against the use of
“popular,”) since the core idea of this work is to demonstrate how ideas
developed in a literary culture may have become incorporated in the oral
tradition of non-literate people.
24 Turkish Alevis have to a certain degree been studied in the past
decades, though most studies concentrate on sociological elements, rather

than on mythological ones. As for Kurdish Alevis who probably have
traditions peculiar only to them, little study has been carried out, no doubt
due to the sensitive political situation in Kurdish regions. As recently as
2001, Dersim (Tunceli), the heartland of the Zaza Alevis, was strictly off
limits to visitors.
25 This is partly due, no doubt, to political considerations, but also to
the fact that these groups traditionally practice taqiyya, or concealment and
have been reluctant to divulge their teachings to foreigners. The same was
true of the Yezidis, though the last few decades have seen great changes.
INTRODUCTION 11
true (perhaps even to a greater extent) of the “popular” religious

beliefs and myths of the Muslim and Christian population.26 As
Allison writes: “the religiosity of the vast majority of Sunni Mus-
lims, with their low literacy rates, their thriving Sufi brotherhoods,
and their religious practices which bear a close resemblance to
those of their non-Muslim neighbors, has hardly been studied at
all.”27 Hamzeh’ee corroborates this statement: “Oral traditions
have not received the attention they deserve among social scien-
tists. Unfortunately, one of the most neglected areas in this respect
is the Near East. In 1961 Stith Thompson wrote in his introduction
to Antti Aarne’s book on folktales that Iranian folk literature is
‘almost completely unexplored’. Even after 35 years, this statement
is still valid today.”28 Nevertheless, there is enough information at
our disposal to at least indicate that the motifs analyzed in this
work are not exclusively peculiar to the Yezidis, but are generally
shared by one or more of the other religious groups as well, includ-
ing “non-official” or “popular” beliefs current among majority
Muslims.
Naturally, such an unusual study, combining an analysis of late
antique and early Medieval texts and of contemporary oral tradi-
tion, raises a great number of questions and difficulties which will
26 Speaking of Christian oral traditions in Iraq, J. Walker states that

“studies of the ‘oral literature’ of the Kurdistani Jews support the hy-
pothesis that the Christians of late antique Iraq also possessed a rich and
diverse oral culture.” J. T. Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh: Narrative and
Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 2006), 78. As Kurdistani Jews were mostly studied in the second
half of the twentieth century, there is no reason to suppose that such a
rich oral and diverse oral culture among Christians would have been re-
stricted to Late Antiquity and not be found much later as well.
27 C. Allison, “Oral History Methodologies and Islamic Groups,” in
Ethnology of Sufi Orders: Theory and Practice, ed. A. Zhelyazkova and J. Niel-
sen. (Sofia: IMIR, 2001), 442.
28 M. R. Fariborz Hamzeh’ee, “Methodological Notes on Interdisci-
plinary Research,” in Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East, ed. K.

Kehl-Bodrogi, B. Kellner-Heinkele, A. Otter-Beaujean (Brill: Leiden,
1997), 111.
have to be addressed as far as possible. These include the follow-

ing, related research problems:
“LATE ANTIQUE” MOTIFS
When I started my research my aim was to work on Gnostic motifs

in Yezidi mythology. However, I soon came to realize that while
some of the motifs I have found are clearly of Gnostic origin, oth-
ers were shared by a variety of other groups, that is, they were part
of the religious language in the cultural milieu of Late Antiquity,
especially in the East, in the regions of Syria, Mesopotamia and
Iran. My readers have to be aware that I use “Late antique” as an
auxiliary collective term to designate such different but still interre-
lated religious movements as Judaism, Christianity (or rather the
varieties of Christianity), Gnosticism, Manichaeism and everything
in between.29
It would not be feasible to pinpoint the exact origin of any of
the motifs analyzed. Some of them are clearly of a dualistic charac-
ter, but it would be impossible to say if they reflect ideas from
Gnosticism or Manichaeism, and if the former, then which school
29 Gnosticism (which is usually dated as roughly lasting from the mid-

second century AD to the fifth century) and Manichaeism (starting in the
second half of the third century and slowly disappearing in the Middle
East only after the coming of Islam) are both labeled late antique spiritual
movements in the literature, hence my choice of the term. Although they
cannot be labeled “proper” late antique religions, I will also consider the
influences of Christianity and Judaism, for both of them not only coex-
isted (and were mixed) with Gnosticism and Manichaeism during this
period, but also shared a number of common features and motifs with
them. J. Reeves, talking of shared forms of mythological expressions and
expositions ultimately rooted in Jewish biblical exegesis, uses the the term
“Syro-Mesopotamian Gnosis” and “Syro-Mesopotamian” to label what he
defines as “a regional trajectory that expresses itself in a series of discrete
ideological formulations within the religious discourse of confessionally
disparate communities in Syria (including Palestine), Mesopotamia, and
Iran during late antiquity and even into the medieval era.” Reeves, Heralds
of That Good Realm, 209.
INTRODUCTION 13
of Gnosticism. Other motifs are equally likely to have come from

Judaism, Syriac Christianity, Gnosticism and Manichaeism alike. In
fact, it is even feasible that they are the result of an amalgamation
of all these different religious traditions, with ideas and motifs fus-
ing into each other and producing ever new forms over the centu-
ries.
It should not come as surprise that it might be impossible to
unravel which late antique religious movement left its mark on
Yezidi mythology, since a veritable vista of religious syncretism
opens up before us in late antique Syria and Mesopotamia.30 “The
East also became the home of a variety of gnostic groups, all of
which display tantalizing hints of genetic connections with earlier
Jewish, Jewish–Christian and/or pagan currents,”31 lived side by
side and drew on the same sources. Furthermore, it may be as-
sumed that these movements, at least in their embryonic form, in-
fluenced each other as well. They converged, mixing and producing
ever-new forms of religious expression that shared many common
points and facets. What seems to be a clear-cut border between
what we call orthodoxy and “heresy” today may not have been per-
ceived as clearly back then.32 As Reeves said, there existed a “com-
30 Though we know practically nothing of the history of the Kurdish
mountains during Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, it cannot be
doubted that the different ideas fermenting in the intellectually fertile
world of Syria and the Mesopotamian plains at the foot of these hills
could not have failed to penetrate the mountains. Possibly they may have
even served as a refuge for those who were persecuted for their particular
religious views in the lowlands either by Christian, Zoroastrian or later
Islamic authorities.
31 Reeves, Heralds of That Good Realm, 46.
32 On the question of “varieties of Christianity” and the problem of
“orthodoxy” and “heresy,” especially in the Syriac speaking territories, see

W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (Philadephia: Fortress
Press, 1971.) The best documented example for the shifting boundaries
between orthodoxy and heterodoxy is perhaps the fourth-century Nag
Hammadi Gnostic Library from Egypt, which includes works traced to
different Gnostic schools, as well as works of Hermetic, encratite (Tho-
mas) Christian, Platonic and Jewish origin. What is more, the codices
probably belonged not to a Gnostic community, but to a nearby Pa-
plex ‘symbiosis’ wherein Jewish, Christian, Zoroastrian, Gnostic

and pagan currents feed off of and reinforce each other to form
strange, hybrid ideological structures.”33 One result of this symbio-
sis was that boundaries between “orthodox” Syriac Christianity,
dualistic movements and other schools of thoughts are sometimes
extremely hard to distinguish between. This is clearly demonstrated
by a number of literary works,34 whose provenance is much de-
bated among scholars. They have been ascribed to a number of
theoretically distinct schools of thought. The ideas and motifs they
contain may have come from Syriac Gnostic groups or
Manichaeans, but they may have equally come from mainstream
Syrian Christianity, or may even have an Iranian background.
Two more important factors must also be taken into consid-
eration. First, we have at our disposal only a fraction of the reli-
gious literature of Late Antiquity (and the early Middle Ages) espe-
cially as regards those of a “heterodox” nature; consequently our
knowledge of the religious landscape of late antique Mesopotamia
is rather limited. Secondly, we must also keep in mind that the ma-
jority of the people must have been illiterate, at least from the func-
tional point of view.35 According to W. Harris, orality played a
more important role than written works even in the spread of
Christianity, a theoretically book-based religion. As most ordinary
chomian monastery, proving that heterodox works were once routinely

read and copied in orthodox communities.
33 Reeves, Heralds of That Good Realm, 48. Speaking of motifs of ulti-
mately Jewish origin - one of those characteristic features which these

movements have in common (and which play an important part in the
present study) - Reeves also adds: “a prime vehicle through which Second
Temple pseudepigraphic traditions reached Mesopotamian, Iranian, and
even Arabian soil was gnostic, often Manichaean, in character, and the
subsequent manipulation of these motifs was governed by principles co-
herent with this origin.” See also F. E. Peters, “Hermes and Harran,” in
Magic and Divination in Early Islam, ed. Emilie Savage-Smith (Burlington:
Ashgate, 2004), 64-65.
34 For example, the Odes of Solomon, or the Hymn of the Pearl, probably
both composed in Syriac.

35 W. V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge MA: Harvard University
Press, 1989).
INTRODUCTION 15
Christians would have been illiterate, or semi-literate, “the church’s

leaders recognized that if Christian writings were to have much
effect on the masses they would have to be transmitted orally. In
the second century scriptures were normally heard.”36 Cyril of Jeru-
salem in the fourth century, realizing that some Christians could
not read the scriptures, “tells them to learn by heart a short sum-
mary of the dogma. In Augustine’s time, pamphlets describing mi-
raculous events (aretalogies) were read out to the faithful. These
were all ways in which the church brought the written word to bear
on its partly illiterate public.”37 Harris’ examples, naturally, come
mostly from urban centers or at least from highly populated re-
gions around the Mediterranean. It could hardly be doubted that
the rate of literacy must have been even lower in the countryside of
Mesopotamia and Syria, and the preponderance of orality even
higher. It was an oral world, with all the characteristics of religions
based on oral tradition. If the literate world (that is the written evi-
dence surviving from Late Aniquity) gives evidence of shifting reli-
gious boundaries, oral religion respected boundaries between or-
thodoxy and heresy, and between different religious movements
even less.
Of course, the world of the written word and the world of or-
ality were not rigidly separated from each other. We know that
there was a continuum between “elite” (literate) and “non-elite”
(oral) culture in Late Antiquity as well as throughout the Middle
Ages, and they mutually influenced each other, though we know
little about the mechanism of this interaction. Nor do we know
much about how orality and “popular” religion functioned in Late
Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, especially in the Middle East.
Our sources from this period are all written and consequently re-
flect the literary culture of elites.
36 Ibid., 305.
37 Ibid.
THE NATURE OF ORAL TRADITION: TRADITION AND

CHANGE
It must be understood that oral tradition, whether today, in Late

Antiquity or the Middle Ages functions in ways which are quite
distinct from literate tradition. The particular, defining characteris-
tics of oral tradition must be kept in mind in order to appreciate
how elements originating in late antique literate culture could have
come to be absorbed into the oral world of the Middle East, and
then into Yezidi mythology.
Oral tradition is characterized by an intricate balance of stabil-
ity and change (creativity).38
Stability: Oral tradition may contain elements of considerable
antiquity. Thus, for example, it is widely accepted today that the
Old Testament, and especially Genesis, contains material shared
with ancient Mesopotamian cultures and transmitted orally. Simi-
larly, the Zoroastrian Avesta (or the fraction which has survived),
which was not written down at least until the era of the Sassanians,
was for long centuries transmitted orally from generation to gen-
eration. Though no doubt its text is “corrupted” (and the oldest
texts, the Gathas, pose a serious linguistic barrier not only to mod-
ern interpreters but already to their Pahlavi commentators),39 no
researcher seriously doubts that at least some of the traditions rep-
resented by these texts can be traced back to the founder of the
movement, Zoroaster, in the second millennium before our era,40
or at the very least to the early period of Zoroastrianism. The Ira-
nian-speaking regions of the Middle East appear to be rich in oral
tradition going back many hundreds of years. A famous example is
that of the epic Irradiant, the story of the drawn-out war between
38 R. Finnigan, “What is Oral Literature Anyway?” in Oral Literature

and the Formula, ed. B. Stolz and R. Shannon (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan, 1976), 129.
39 R. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism (London: Phoe-
nix Press, 2002), 26.

40 Zaehner dates Zoroaster to the seventh century BC, but Mary
Boyce argued for a date around 1500 BC. M. Boyce, Zoroastrians: Their
Religious Beliefs and Practices (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979.)
INTRODUCTION 17
the Heavenly God and Lionish God, written in English by a man

from Luristan, based on the stories he heard from his grandfather
as a child. As R. Zaehner has demonstrated, there is an unmistak-
able likeness between Zoroastrian Cosmogony and the Irradiant.
The material of the Irradiant, transmitted either as a secret religious
lore or simply as a folktale but certainly orally, is the evidence of
the survival of a “substratum of ancient lore” through centuries of
Islam.41 Similarly, as Kreyenbroek has demonstrated, the religious
oral traditions of groups like the Yezidis and the Ahl-i Haqq retain
ideas going back to a pre-Zoroastrian Western Iranian substratum.
Creativity and Change: In counterbalance to stability stand crea-
tivity and change. The most distinguishing feature of oral tradition
is, as has become an axiom of oral literature studies since the publi-
cation of A.B. Lord’s Singer of Tales,42 the absence of a single correct
version. Oral tradition as a rule produces many different variants,
none of which can be identified as the “true,” “right” or “wrong”
version. Oral tradition is characterized by variability and all variants
are equally valid. Oral “pieces” are constantly being transformed by
the narrators. Many researchers of oral tradition have remarked on
how the words in an oral story differ not only from narrator to
narrator, but also between the performances of the same narrator,
new elements are constantly being introduced. The same is true as
regards the sequences of the episodes in case of longer “pieces.”
Two performers rarely follow the same order.43 Such variability and
creativity inevitably means that the content of oral tradition is open
to change. Non-literate religions are far more prone to change than
literate religions, with their fixed points of reference.44 This change
includes both discarding old elements and absorbing new ones.
41 R. Zaehner, “Zoroastrian Survivals in Iranian Folklore,” Iran 3
(1965): 87-96; and “Zoroastrian Survivals in Iranian Folklore II,” Iran 30

(1992): 65-75.
42 A. B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (New York: Atheneum, 1960.)
43 This is a phenomenon noted and written about by many research-
ers. See also the transcript of the interviews I made with Feqir Haji on one
and the same myth and attached in the appendix.
44 J. Goody, “Introduction: The Technology of the Intellect,” in Lit-
eracy in Traditional Societies, ed. J. Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1968), 1-26.
While oral tradition, and especially religious oral tradition,

which is more conservative by nature than oral history, may retain
very old elements, it does not necessarily retain all the old elements,
rather there is a process of selection. As W. Ong put it, oral socie-
ties can be characterized as homeostatic: “Oral societies live very
much in a present which keeps itself in equilibrium of homeostasis
by sloughing off memories which no longer have present rele-
vance.”45
At the same time, oral religions (as oral tradition in general)
show a strong propensity to absorb new data from other tradi-
tions.46 New elements can be absorbed into the old system, where
they are adapted and woven into the tapestry of older motifs, form-
ing a new, complex whole.47 While one oral tradition may easily
borrow from another one, it is equally possible that an oral tradi-
tion borrow from a literate one (either directly or indirectly). In
fact, in societies living on the margin of literate culture, literacy can
play an important role in the process of borrowing. As orality and
literacy (or oral and written traditions) are not two invariably sepa-
rated entities, they may (and often do) actually influence each
other.48 Research carried out in oral communities of Africa, Oce-
ania and the Americas has yielded countless examples of how liter-
ate cultures (especially Islam and Christianity) influence oral tradi-
tions (both oral history and oral religion.) 49 A special, and relatively
45 W. J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (New
York: Routledge, 2002), 46.

46 D. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Traditions: Quest for a Chimera (Ox-
ford: Clarendon Press, 1974), 99.

47 Ibid., chapter “Literacy, Indirect, Rule, and the Political Role of
Antiquity in Oral Tradition,” 95-120.

48 J. Goody, The Interface Between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), especially chapters “The Impact of

Islamic Writing on Oral Cultures,” 123-38, “Literacy and the Non-
Literate: The Impact of European Schooling,” 139-47; Finnigan, “What is
Oral Literature Anyway?”
49 Thus, Biblical and Quranic figures and episodes can be found in
the oral traditions of Oceanic peoples, Aztecs or the people of Western

Africa. It was this phenomenon which the advocates of cultural diffusion
INTRODUCTION 19
recent form of such influence is feedback,50 when information de-

riving from the work (and imagination) of missionaries, travelers,
colonial administrators, or anthropologists writing on a people
eventually comes to be incorporated into the oral tradition of the
same people, and comes to be seen as an integral and ancient part
of their own oral tradition.51
The influence of literate cultures on oral tradition must be
kept in mind when considering the case of the Yezidis. Even
though the impact of literacy on Yezidi oral tradition must have
been considerably weaker in the past than today, there can be no
doubt that written religions did influence Yezidis and their ances-
tors in the past, even if such an influence was less direct and more
subtle.
The influence of Sufism on Yezidis (or rather proto-Yezidis),
in approximately the twelfth to fifteenth centuries, is beyond
doubt, and it is generally assumed that Yezidis, as an organized re-
ligious community, developed out of a Sufi brotherhood.52 At least
some of the first followers of such a Sufi brotherhood would have
been literate. We have no idea when the Yezidi religious ban on
writing was imposed, but most likely there was a period when,
while this Sufi brotherhood slowly evolved into a distinctly non-
Islamic movement, literacy could not have been completely foreign
to the whole of the community. Furthermore, there existed other
groups (Christians, Jews, and possibly heterodox groups as well) in
the Kurdish mountains and their vicinity down on the plains,
which utilized written religious texts. These literary religious tradi-
tions may have influenced the Yezidis, as may have earlier oral cul-
tures of the region who then may have served as intermediaries in
transmitting these originally literary motifs in an oral milieu.
used to support their thesis. D. Henige, Oral Historiography (London:

Longman, 1982), 82-84.
50 Henige defines feedback as “the co-opting of extraneous printed or
written information into previously oral accounts.” D. Henige, The Chro-

nology of Oral Traditions, 96.
51 For a list of instances of “feedback,” see Henige, Oral Historiogra-
phy, 80-87.
52 See Chapter 3 “The Origin of the Yezidis.”
Unfortunately, due to the complete lack of (written) evidence,

we know practically nothing of how oral religion and culture would
have functioned in this region in Late Antiquity and the Middle
Ages. This is exactly the reason why observing the way Yezidi oral
tradition functions today has great relevance, supplying clues to a
better understanding how Yezidi oral tradition works. Therefore,
before starting a detailed analysis of late antique motifs in Yezidi
religious lore, a whole chapter will be devoted to the way Yezidi
oral tradition reacts today to the impact of literacy and the en-
croachment of modernization, highlighting the motivations and
considerations that trigger changes.
THE TIME GAP
Yet another difficulty facing us when we try to trace late antique

motifs in religious oral lore, either specifically among the Yezidis or
in the Middle East in general, is that of chronology. That is, we
may have (relatively speaking) plenty of evidence for the present,
and then plenty of evidence in the literature of Late Antiquity, and
perhaps the Early Middle Ages,53 but there is a gap of many centu-
ries between these two epochs, religious minorities, especially oral
ones, being very poorly documented in the surviving literary works.
The lack of sources presents a great difficulty for the study of
Yezidi religion and mythology. There is precious little evidence of
what Yezidis may have believed or the rituals they may have prac-
ticed, let alone details of their mythology, until the nineteenth cen-
tury, when European travelers started turning their attention to-
ward the Yezidis. Even these first travelers managed to learn ex-
tremely little about Yezidi mythology itself. As for the earlier peri-
ods, Muslim authors furnish hardly more than a few commonplace
accusations, remarks about Yezidis rejecting Islamic law and its
53In fact, even “plenty of evidence” for Late Antiquity and early
Middle Ages must be qualified, for we know exceedingly little of Mesopo-
tamian forms of Gnosis, most of our evidence having come from Egypt
(though some of the works from there are believed to have been originally
composed in Syriac speaking territories.)
INTRODUCTION 21
representatives and paying exaggerated veneration to some of the

early leaders of the community. The translation of a sixteenth-
century fatwa against the Yezidis recently published in the Journal of
Kurdish Studies is a good example.54 Though aimed against Yezidis,
we learn more about how orthodox Muslims of the time saw
Yezidis, and heretics and unbelievers in general, than about actual
Yezidi teaching itself. As for Yezidi mythology, the fatwa says noth-
ing. In fact the author does not even imply if Yezidis professed
flagrantly different ideas about the creation of the world and man-
kind than their Muslim brothers.
Though in theory it cannot be ruled out that more informative
tracts yet may surface in some archives, in effect this does not seem
too probable. In the first place, expecting learned men of the pe-
riod, often men of religion, to display a modern “anthropological”
interest in the “doctrines” of heretical sects (as the Yezidis were
perceived at the time), would be somewhat anachronistic. Those
writing on the Yezidis were more interested in making plain their
rejection of this “extremist” group than in delving into the myster-
ies of their teachings. In fact, if one considers that it takes a long
time and intensive contact with the people, with plenty of field re-
search thrown in, for modern researchers to get to know Yezidi (or
any other) religion and customs, it would be highly unreasonable to
expect descriptions of Yezidi religious ideas from medieval or early
modern Muslim writers. After all, which mullah, imam, or even
educated secular Muslim man would have gone and lived among
the Yezidis with the sole intention of writing about their despicable
ways? The mountainous, inhospitable and not easily accessible re-
gion where most of the Yezidis resided, was hardly a land that at-
tracted much learned attention in any case. And as Yezidis proba-
bly possessed no written books, scholars with an antiquarian inter-
est were unlikely to come across such writings and expound them
in their books. Thus, by force, our knowledge of Yezidi religion
prior to the late-nineteenth century is, and will probably remain,
extremely scanty.
54 M. Dehqan, “Fatwā of Malā Sālih al-Kurdī al-Hakkārī: An Arabic
Manuscript on the Yezidi religion,” The Journal of Kurdish Studies 6 (2008):

140-62.
Some may protest against the validity of trying to establish a

connection between late antique and modern mythologies, if we
cannot find the missing links, in other words trace how and in what
way these motifs found their way to their “final destination.” Re-
searchers, familiar with either oral tradition or the difficulties of
trying to trace the transmission of ideas in poorly documented ep-
ochs, reason otherwise. The headache of time gap is not restricted
to the study of the Yezidis alone. The manner of transmission be-
tween two or several groups is often a mysterious question, even if
the fact of a transmission having taken place is considered an es-
tablished truth. Henige writes on this problem: “In many oral so-
cieties large numbers of variant traditions co-exist. In these cases
the historian will compare and contrast these in his quest for com-
mon features: names sequences, motifs. When he finds these, he
can provisionally assume that they are clichés of surviving elements
of an earlier – perhaps even an original – version. But this must
always be by inference, the result of the historian’s applied judg-
ment, and cannot be demonstrated by a series of links from the
time of the event recorded until the present.”55
As I have said, not only oral historians, but historians working
with solid, that is written, evidence may face the problem of miss-
ing links, often losing centuries in their “chain of descent.” Estab-
lishing a connection between two systems without being able to
pinpoint the exact path of transmission is not an uncommon phe-
nomenon in the history of religions. Often researchers find such
pronounced parallels in thought, language or mythology in systems
separated by many centuries that a close correlation may safely be
assumed, while at the same time, they have to admit to not being
able to trace the exact channels through which these traditions
were transmitted.
A very good example of such an approach, also concerning
assumed Gnostic origins of some religious thought in the Middle
East, is furnished by H. Halm. In his work he has successfully
demonstrated the presence of Gnostic mythological elements in
Ismaili cosmogony. However, as regards the exact origins and the
transmission of Gnostic ideas, he simply says: “we may assume that
55 Henige, Oral Historiography, 76.

INTRODUCTION 23
the Gnostic pattern which provides its basis is of Mesopotamian

origin.” Then he adds that more cannot be said, because there is
simply not enough information existing on Mesopotamian Gnosis
to determine the exact origin of these Gnostic thoughts, nor how
they reached Ismailism, which started in the ninth century, that is,
long centuries after the heyday of the Gnostic movement.56
Similar cases of “established origins, but missing transmis-
sion” are, for example, provided by A. Wensinck and S. Brock,
albeit in different fields of research. According to A. Wensinck, the
figure of the “servant of God” (universally identified with al-Khidr)
in the Quran 18.60-82 is based on the Gilgamesh Epic (which in
fact is separated from the time of the Quran’s conception by a
much greater gap of time than Yezidi from Late Antiquity.)57
Brock, writing of Jewish traditions in native Syriac literature, says
“for the most part there appear to be no clear means for judging
just how these traditions were transmitted”58 (despite the fact that
both are amply documented in writing).
In the case of the Yezidis, there is also another consideration
which may help bridge the time gap, at least to a certain extent:
comparison with other groups in the region. As mentioned above,
Yezidis are not an isolated case. They are not the only group that
has preserved “quaint” ideas long forgotten by everybody else.
Rather they drew many of their ideas from a common substratum
shared by the people of the region. Demonstrating that motifs
which presumably can be traced back to late antique traditions may
be found not only among the Yezidis, but also among other
groups, would make the question of when these motifs were
adopted somewhat irrelevant. Before they became a part of Yezidi
religion they might have already been part of religious oral lore in
the region, and Yezidis “inherited” them not straight from the writ-
56 H. Halm, “The Cosmology of the pre-Fatimid Ismā’illiya,” in Me-
dieval Ismai’ili History and Thought, ed. F. Daftary (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1996), 82.
57 A. J. Wensinck, “Al-Khadir,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam vol. 4 (Leiden:
Brill, 1997), 902-3.

58 S. Brock, “Jewish Traditions in Syriac Sources,” Journal of Jewish
Studies 30 (1979): 225.

ten sources, but rather from the oral traditions of other people.
Thus, I propose to follow the method advocated by Henige. I shall
compare and contrast motifs in late antique works in the Yezidi
mythology of today, and in the mythologies of other Middle East
groups (including both “heterodox” movements and “popular”
beliefs among Muslims) in search of common features. Such com-
mon features would suggest a shared origin, even if the individual
links in the chain from Late Antiquity to the present cannot always
be traced.
SOURCES ON YEZIDI RELIGION
Yezidi religion was in all probability traditionally based on oral

transmission, with the writing down of religious texts actually
banned.59 Among many other consequences, this ban has also led
to a dearth of information for researchers. As a result, anyone who
wants to study Yezidi religion has to make do with unusually lim-
ited material. Furthermore, the material I have used for my study
comes almost exclusively from the Iraqi region. It is possible that
Yezidis of Turkey, Syria or the Caucasus may not be familiar with
some of the material presented in this work, or may even have
other myths and motifs with roots in Late Antiquity which are not
known in Iraq.
The “Sacred Books:” The Mes’hefa Resh and the Jelwa

Until the end of the twentieth century, the most important source
of Yezidi religious lore in Western scholarship was provided by the
two so-called “Sacred Books” of the Yezidis, the Mes’hefa Resh
(Black Book) and the Jelwa (Splendour or Revelation)60 “discovered” at
the end of the nineteenth century. The former contains an account
of Yezidi cosmogony, the beginnings of mankind and Yezidis, a
short account of ancient Yezidi history and a list of prohibitions.
59 See chapter 4 on “Yezidi Religion.”

60 Both titles are in Arabic, not in Kurdish.
INTRODUCTION 25
The second is a text written in the first person singular, that pro-
claims the sovereignty and omnipotence of a divine figure, who is
identified by tradition with the Peacock Angel.
These two books surfaced in a number of manuscripts
(probably going back to the same source), when Europeans living
or traveling in Iraq first started to display a serious interest in
Yezidis and their religion. The authenticity of these texts as genuine
“sacred books” has since been seriously questioned.61 It seems
likely that they were written down by a non-Yezidi familiar with the
Yezidi faith and sacred texts. However, today researchers agree that
even if the manuscripts are forgeries, and Yezidis themselves never
put their sacred texts down in writing, these two books reflect
Yezidi oral lore faithfully.62 In any case, these two “sacred texts”
quickly became standard sources among scholars. Thus, many arti-
cles appearing after their publication seem to repeat the same in-
formation over and over again, while other variants of the myths
they contained, for example the variant of the myth of Adam to be
treated later, escaped the attention of researchers.
In this study I use the following translations of the sa-
cred books:
• the translation of Isya Joseph based on an Arabic manuscript
given him by a friend from Mosul. His manuscript also con-
tains an Appendix with materials on Yezidi belief and practice,
a poem in praise of Sheikh Adi, the alleged principal prayer of
the Yezidis, a description of the Yezidi “sacerdotal system,”
and the 1872 Petition, which Yezidi leaders addressed to the
61 For an evaluation of the authenticity and nature of the “sacred
books,” see A. Mingana, “Devil-worshippers: Their Beliefs and Their Sa-

cred Books,” JRAS (1916): 505-26; P. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 10-15.
62 Kreyenbroek, “Yezidism,” 14-15. (As a matter of fact some, or
perhaps many, Yezidis today in Iraq think of these books as their real and
original sacred texts, while others claim that originally these texts were
written, but later they had to be destroyed lest they fell into enemy hands,
and the texts themselves were memorized and transmitted orally. The
latter group does not reflect the circumstances of the publication of the
books.)
Ottoman government to exempt them from military service.63

• the translation of Anis Frayha of the two sacred books (in
Arabic) contained in the three manuscripts brought by the an-
thropologist Henry Field from Sinjar, Iraq. According to Field,
the manuscripts were copied by a local scribe from three origi-
nal documents, two of which were written on paper and one
on gazelle skin.64
• the translation of R. Ebied and J. Young of an Arabic text
found in a nineteenth-century manuscript obtained by W.
Budge during his visit to the Middle East. The whole manu-
script contains miscellaneous material in Arabic and Syriac, in-
cluding a piece in Syriac entitled: An Extract from the Story of
the Yazīdīs.65
Accounts on Yezidis
Further information is added to the “sacred books” by the reports
of travelers and researchers working on Yezidis. By far the most
important of these for the present study is the report of the French
consul, M. N. Siouffi, which was published shortly before the ap-
pearance of the “sacred books” and contains independent informa-
tion collected by Siouffi himself (unlike many later articles which
were heavily influenced by the “sacred texts”).66
There is also the “The History of the Yezidis” edited and
translated by J. Chabot based on two Syriac manuscripts, described
by Chabot as “d’ailleurs tout modernes” from the Bibliothèque
Nationale in Paris.67 The text, which according to Chabot was
63 I. Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” The American Journal of Semitic Language
and Literatures 25.2 (1909): 111-56, 218-54.

64 A. Frayha, “New Yezīdī Texts from Beled Sinjār, ‘Iraq,” JAOS 66
(1946): 18-43.
65 R. Ebied, and J. Young, “An Account of the History and Rituals of
the Yazīdīs of Mosul,” Le Muséon 85 (1972): 481-522.

66 Siouffi, M. N. “Notice sur des Yézidis.” JA ser. 7. vol. 20 (1882):
252-68.
67 J.-B. Chabot, “Notice sur les Yézidis: publiée d’aprés deux manu-
scripts Syriaques de la Bibliothèque Nationale,” Journal Asiatique Sèr. ix, t.

vii (1896): 100-132. With slight variations, Chabot’s text corresponds to
INTRODUCTION 27
translated to Syriac from Arabic, contained some information on

the mythology of the Yezidis as well as the description of some of
their religious customs. The author of these tractates was evidently
not a Yezidi, though he undoubtedly was quite familiar with them.
Of much more recent date, the doctoral thesis of Jasim Murad
Elias, an Iraqi Yezidi, on Yezidi religious oral tradition must also be
mentioned in this context. The interviews he carried out with
Yezidis from Turkey and Iraq living in Germany were especially
valuable for my work.68
Kreyenbroek’s translations
The impact of Philip Kreyenbroek’s works has already been men-
tioned above. His translations and publications of Yezidi sacred
texts (in Yezidism, Its Background, Observances and Textual Tra-
dition and God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Poems and Re-
ligious Narratives from the Yezidi Tradition) are extensively util-
ized in this study.
Texts Collected through Fieldwork

In order to familiarize myself with Yezidi culture and religion, I
carried out research fieldwork in Northern Iraq, in what is collo-
quially referred to as “Iraqi Kurdistan,” between August 2002 and
June 2003, April/May 2004 and September 2006. As I was staying
in Duhok, a town near the Turkish border in the Kurdish Auton-
omy,69 my research initially concentrated on the Yezidi collective
the translation of a similar text by E.S. Browne in the Appendix to O.

Parry’s book, Six Months in a Syrian Monastery (London: Gorgias Press,
1895), 380-83.
68 Jasim Murad Elias, “The Sacred Poems of the Yezidis: An Anthro-
pological Approach,” PhD thesis, University of California at Los Angeles,

1993.
69 The (unofficial) Kurdish Autonomy (Herêma Kurdistanê) existed be-
tween 1992 and 2003 in the northern No-Fly Zone of Iraq.

villages70 of Shariye and Khanke near Duhok, and Baadra, the tra-
ditional village of Yezidi princes on the southern border of the
Autonomy.71 I was also able to take part in the one-week-long Au-
tumn Festival and in the Feast of Sacrifice celebrated at Lalish, the
holy valley of the Yezidis. On these occasions, men of religion and
common Yezidis alike congregate in Lalish, making it an ideal place
for research.72 After the first Gulf War and the collapse of the Sad-
dam regime, I was able to visit the settlement of the Sheikhan dis-
trict,73 as well as the twin villages of Beshiqe-Behzani, where the
qewwals or singers of the sacred songs live, near Mosul. Beside the
Duhok and Sheikhan regions, a considerable population of Yezidis
also lives in the Sinjar mountain area near the Syrian-Iraqi border.
Due to the uncertain situation west of the Tigris, I could pay only
two visits to the Sinjar. On the second visit, however, I was able to
witness the important ceremony of the Parading of the Peacock.74
Among the Yezidis, formal religious education has never been
a demand. Consequently, most Yezidi “laymen,” those without an
active connection with religion, know very little about it. The little
they do know is acquired in bits and pieces, apropos of holidays,
pilgrimages and even folktales. As a result they do not possess a
coherently structured knowledge of their own faith. Instead of
knowledge of a mythological or theological nature, Yezidi identity
can rather be said to be defined by a sense of separateness from
70 Collective villages or mujama’ats came into existence when Saddam
destroyed the Yezidi villages (many of them in the mountains) suspected

of aiding the Kurdish guerilla forces, and forced them into collective vil-
lages on the plain where Iraqi authorities could monitor their activities
more closely.
71 Though this village is a part of the Sheikhan region which remained
under Saddam’s rule, Baadra was included in the Autonomy, with Iraqi
military checkpoints just down the road.
72 Though the territories under Saddam’s rule were theoretically
sealed off from the Kurdish Autonomy where Lalish could be found,
during these holidays, Yezidis were allowed by the Iraqi authorities to
cross the border.
73 Sheikhan is the “heart” of Yezidi land. Tradition holds that it re-
ceived its name because of the many Yezidi sheikhs living there.
74 See more on this ceremony in the chapter on “Yezidi Religion.”
INTRODUCTION 29
other people, especially Muslims, coupled with a sense of constant

persecution. To this is added the observance of a number of ta-
boos, most of all the marriage taboos, observance of the Yezidi
holidays and some connected beliefs as well as adherence to the
caste system peculiar to the Yezidis. It is orthopraxy rather than
orthodoxy which makes most Yezidis a Yezidi.75 Notwithstanding,
during the course of intensive fieldwork and prolonged contact,
even such laymen can furnish many interesting details on Yezidi
religion, especially as regards the way they see their own religion
and how this perception is influenced by increasing contact with
the non-Yezidi world.
When it comes to longer, more coherent accounts of myths
and religious ideas on God, His Angels and their connection with
the human world, it is better to rely on “religious experts.” Such
experts may be qewwals (the class of religious singers), men from the
cast of sheikhs and pîrs76 who fulfill hereditary religious positions,
mijewirs (the guardian of shrines dedicated to Yezidi holy beings,)
feqirs (religious ascetics), and increasingly (this may be a modern
development) simple laymen with an interest in religion and the
Yezidi inheritance. I was lucky enough to have made the acquaint-
ance of a number of such men, the most important of whom I
would like to name here, expressing my thanks to them and to all
those Yezidis who tried to help me.
Feqir Haji was my most important source. He is from Baadra, the

traditional village of the Yezidi princes, not far from Mosul in
Northern Iraq. Though he is not a qewwal, that is, a religious singer,
he has professed a deep interest in religion and religious texts since
75 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 18.

76 Yezidis have a strict caste system: sheikh, pîr, murid. Each murid
(commoner, layman) must have a sheikh and a pîr. The choice of one’s
sheikh and a pîr is not arbitrary, but is inherited within family lineages.
Sheikhs and a pîrs fulfill certain religious obligations on behalf of their
murids and receive regular alms in exchange. Religious positions are inher-
ited within the first two castes. The class of qewwals and feqirs cuts diago-
nally across these three castes, but they are also classes one has to be born
into. For more information about the Yezidi caste system, see Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, 129-135; E. Spät, The Yezidis (London: Saqi, 2005), 42-48.
his early youth. He comes from a feqir family, and has opted for
actually becoming a feqir, that is, an ascetic or man of religion.77
Feqir Haji is one of the best known experts of Yezidi lore in the
community. During my fieldwork, none of my other informants
paralleled his immense knowledge of Yezidi hymns and legends.
He has a prodigious memory for religious texts, and just as impor-
tant, he learned what he knows as a young man listening to his eld-
ers, as he said, and not from books, being from a generation that
received no schooling. Though even his accounts occasionally re-
flected the influence of literary traditions on oral lore (notably,
when he talked about the ancient peoples of Mesopotamia having
been Yezidis),78 overall he seemed to have been much less influ-
enced by the recent publications on the Yezidi faith than people of
younger generations.79 This is a very important consideration, for –
as it will be shown in the chapter on oral tradition and literacy
among Yezidis – the ideas generated by these publications, aiming
77 Feqir literally means “the poor one” and the word originally re-
ferred to dervishes, that is, Sufi holy men and ascetics. It is assumed that
once any Yezidi who felt an ascetic inclination could become a feqir
(Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 133.) Today, only the members of certain tribes
and families have the right to be initiated as feqirs. However, no member
of a feqir tribe is under any obligation to actually become a feqir, it is purely
a matter of choice. Feqirs, who enjoy great respect, are expected to lead a
life of piety and abstinence, by fasting, refraining from drinking and
smoking as well as avoiding any violent behavior.
78 The idea that Yezidism was originally the religion of the region
(“the original Kurdish religion”) and that the old civilizations of the Mid-
dle East were in fact followers of this faith, and contemporary Yezidis are
their descendants still faithful to this faith but much diminished in num-
ber, is closely tied up with modern Kurdish nationalism. Furthermore, his
mention of peoples like Assyrians, Babylonians and especially Mitannis as
having been Yezidis, clearly indicates that even the more traditional forms
of Yezidi religious knowledge has absorbed certain modern influences in
the past decades or century, an example of the above-mentioned feed-
back.
79 Nor did he feel that he had to offer an “apology,” talking about the
moral excellence and pious message of Yezidi religion, like many younger
religious experts did. He simply recounted his myth without a flicker of
self-awareness.
INTRODUCTION 31
at modernizing Yezidi faith, often lead people to “re-edit” religion,

discarding or reinterpreting traditional myths and notions. (A col-
lection of sacred texts known by Feqir Haji was published by his
son,80 and Yezidi periodicals have also used him as a source for
their publication of sacred hymns.)
Arab Khidir could perhaps be called the diametrical opposite of

Feqir Haji. Originally from the Sinjar, he married and settled in
Beshiqe-Behzani, the twin-villages where the qewwals have tradi-
tionally resided. Arabi Khidir is a school-educated man, but merely
a layman, not from a family of men of religion, or even a sheikh or
pîr. He started collecting Yezidi texts on his own initiative, dis-
mayed by the apparent demise of the ancient lore. He strove to
interpret these texts, much in the way a person with a Western-style
education would do, and tried to construct a coherent philosophi-
cal framework, complete with a moral message based on these texts
within which he could place Yezidi religion. Paradoxically, this also
means that he is more prone to weed out some old elements which
in his view do not conform to a coherent, “Westernized” under-
standing of the world and religion.
Sheikh Deshti from the collective village of Khanke on the bank of

the Tigris, near Duhok, is a mijewir, that is, a guardian of the shrines
of Bayazid Bastami (a Sufi saint “turned Yezidi) and Mehmedê Jin-
dal (the lord of jinns). Sheikh Deshti, who is regarded as an expert
on Yezidi lore by the villagers, is one of those who mixes tradi-
tional oral learning with modern methods, that is, avid reading of
materials published on and mainly by, Yezidis. Though serving in a
traditional role as a mijewir, he followed the untraditional practice of
consulting his handwritten collection of Yezidi hymns whenever he
was quoting sacred texts or explaining religious questions. He also
regularly visited the Lalish Center in Duhok, a Yezidi cultural ce-
naer funded by the Kurdish government, where Yezidi periodicals
are being published.
80 Bedelê Feqîr Hecî, Bawerî û Mîtologiya Êzidîyan (The Faith and My-
thology of the Yezidis. Dihok (Iraq): Caphxana Hawar, 2002.)

Pîr Jafo was an octogenarian mijewir of the shrine of Mem Shîvan in

the collective village of Khanke. He was a representative of tradi-
tional, non-school-educated generation.
Qewwal Suleyman, from Beshiqe-Bahzani, is the head of the qewwals.

He was considered an influential figure who had also traveled to
Germany in the 1990s leading a group of qewwals on a visit to the
Yezidi community there.
The Baba Sheikh is the “father of the sheikhs,” and responsible for
the spiritual side of the faith.81 This position is inherited within a
certain branch of sheikh family. The present Baba Sheikh resides in
‘Eyn Sifni, a town in central Sheikhan which until the Gulf War
was under Saddam’s rule. I first met him in Lalish and following
the war I was able to visit him in ‘Eyn Sifni as well.
Qewwal Hussein is a very friendly and welcoming qewwal whom I first

met in Lalish during the Sheikh Adi Festival where he was per-
forming his music in the rituals. Later, I also visited him in his
home in Behzani.
Qewwal Qewwal was an aged qewwal in Behzani. He was eager to

share his knowledge with me – sadly, too much of what he said was
in Arabic instead of Kurdish. He died not long after my visit. Peo-
ple present at his funeral claim that the sounds of the flute and
tambour – the sacred Yezidi instruments – could be heard coming
from his empty house at that time.
Mamoste Sabah is an English teacher at the Yezidi highschool in

Baadra. His views represent the way a newly emerging, educated
Yezidi professional middle-class sees, or wishes to see the Yezidi
religion as a faith on a par with the “religions of the Book,” and
furthermore as a religion offering not only moral, but also scientific
truths.
81 Western travelers liked to refer to him as “the Yezidi Pope,”
though such a term is, of course, rather misleading.

INTRODUCTION 33
Pîr Haji is an aged pîr from the Mahad, a collective village in the
Sheikhan formerly under Saddam. He is known as a traditional and
religious man, and his followers claim he is a great expert of Yezidi
sacred texts.
** *
During my fieldwork I made many hours worth of recordings.

Evidently, it would be both impossible and unnecessary to repro-
duce all the material here. However, two of the chapters in this
study will be based on the myth of the creation of the first human
(Adam) and the Yezidi nation. As this myth is as yet only partially
known to Western scholarship and the variants I collected con-
tained many new and intriguing elements, I felt it necessary to tran-
scribe and translate three versions of this myth. These versions may
be found in the Appendix.
2 RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN THE
MIDDLE EAST
THE GEOPOLITICAL BACKGROUND
The Yezidi religion developed in the Kurdish mountains northeast

of Mosul (ancient Niniveh,) a region near the shifting border of
different empires and cultures. The center of the Yezidi religion,
both from the historical and the religious aspect, is the valley of
Lalish, sixty kilometers northeast of Mosul, at the bases of the
mountains. Lalish itself can be found in what is generally thought
of as the heartland of the Yezidis, the Sheikhan region, a transition
zone linking the mountain chains of Southern Kurdistan to the
Mosul plain. Historical sources indicate that this is where the core
of Yezidism, as an organized religion, must have first developed in
the twelfth-thirteenth centuries. From here it soon spread north-
ward, over the eastern Taurus mountain range (of the Kurdish
mountains), reaching south-eastern Anatolia. It was in this ex-
tended and mostly mountainous region where Kurdish-speaking
Yezidi tribes were numerous and powerful until the fifteenth cen-
tury.82 From here Yezidis eventually spread northward, through the
eastern Anatolian plateau (eventually reaching the Caucasian re-
gion), and westward, through northern Mesopotamia to northern
Syria and the Aleppo region.
The historical development of Yezidi religion cannot be con-
sidered without taking into account the various external influences
which affected the seemingly isolated mountainous regions known
82 See chapter 3, “The Origin of Yezidis and of Yezidi Studies.”
35
as Kurdistan. The Kurdish mountains,83 while in a way “outside

history,” have always existed on – and between – the borders of
the great civilizations and religions of the wider region. From west
and south lay Mesopotamia (a region where diverse civilizations
clashed and merged), to the east the Iranian world, and to the north
Armenia. All these regions, their cultures and religious systems,
inevitably exerted their influence on the mountains and its popula-
tion, even if the terrain checked the ambitions of any conqueror. In
fact, it may have been this very inaccessibility, which – while mak-
ing day-to-day control by remote governments tenuous at best –
made it possible that Kurdistan serve as “a refuge for various relig-
iously and politically dissident groups throughout the age.”84
Kurdistan was clearly a place of many influences. Assyrian
rock engravings at the foothills in South Kurdistan demonstrate the
influence of Mesopotamian cultures from an early date. Presumably
this influence never ceased throughout the varied history of Meso-
potamia, especially in the low-lying transition zone linking the
plains to the mountains, just like the region east of Niniveh, where
Yezidism first took root. Beside the cultural influences seeping in
from Mesopotamia, whether Semitic, Hellenistic or Roman, the
Kurdish mountains also repeatedly came, at least formally, under
the control of the successive Iranian empires (the Median, the
Achaemenid, the Parthian and the Sassanian). This must have
brought Zoroastrianism, partially supplanting, or at least influenc-
ing, the proto-Iranian religion of the mountain dwellers. More im-
portantly for the purpose of this study, Judaism, Christianity (and
no doubt related spiritual movements) also found their ways to
Kurdistan from Mesopotamia85 (and possibly from Armenia to the
north). Though little is known about the early penetration of these
religions into the Kurdish highlands, important information can be
83 Encompassing the Zagros mountains and the eastern Taurus
mountain ranges.
84 Yona Sabar, The Folk Literature of Kurdistani Jews: An Anthology, Yale
Judaica Series 23 (New Haven: Yale, 1982), xiv.

85 For centuries during Late Antiquity, Mesopotamia was divided be-
tween the Roman and the Sassanian Empire, with the border even mov-
ing due to the repeated attacks and counterattacks.
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN THE MIDDLE EAST 37
gained from the history of the kingdom (or satrapy) of Adiabene at

the foot the Kurdish mountains. This Semitic speaking kingdom
lay principally east of the Tigris in the north of ancient Assyria,
spreading between the Upper and Lower Zab rivers, with the Za-
gros mountains as its northeastern border. Its capital was Arbela,
today’s Erbil, the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan. Originally the Tigris
formed Adiabene’s southwestern boundary, but with time Adia-
bene spread westward, and incorporated Nisibis in the first century
AD.86
There were large numbers of Jews settled in the kingdom of
Adiabene since Assyrian times, when the Assyrians deposited the
ten tribes of Northern Israel there.87 Their center was in Nisibis
(modern Nusaybin), in Western Adiabene, but there must have
been a considerable community in the capital of Adiabene, Arbela
as well. According to Josephus Flavius, in the first century AD
even the royal house of Adiabene converted to Judaism, and later
Adiabene was the only community to provide help to the Jews dur-
ing the Roman siege of Jerusalem.88 There is no exact record avail-
able on when Judaism penetrated the Kurdish mountains them-
selves, but it is reasonable to believe that it could not have been
much later than the original settlement of Jews in Adiabene. Cer-
tainly, the Jews of Kurdistan traditionally believe themselves de-
scended from the Ten Tribes.89 Very little is known about the his-
tory of the Jews of Kurdistan, even the Talmud is silent on them,
but the fact that they spoke their own dialect of Aramaic (contain-
ing many Kurdish loanwords), indicates that they must have devel-
oped as a group/cultural entity independent from the Kurdish
86 See J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babyolonia: I. The Parthian Pe-
riod (Leiden: Brill, 1965), 59.

87 Neusner, The History of Jews, 13-15. For the geography of Jewish set-
tlement in Iraq in general, see A. Oppenheimer, B. Isaac and M. Lecker,

Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert
Verlag, 1983.)
88 Ibid., 14, 59-61; idem, “The Conversion of Adiabene to Judaism: A
New Perspective,” Journal of Biblical Literature 83.1 (1964): 60-66.

89 Neusner, The History of the Jews, 59, Note 1; and Sabar, Folk Litera-
ture of Kurdistani Jews, xv-xvi.

communities of Mesopotamia before the Arab conquest.90 Kurdish

Jews, who were generally poor given the limited economic possi-
bilities of the region, worked as artisans, weavers, peddlers, as well
as farmers (possessing their own lands), loggers, rafters91 and even
as nomadic shepherds – occupations almost unknown in other
Jewish communities.92 The most interesting feature of Kurdistani
Jews was the fact that illiteracy was exceptionally high among them
(that is, for a Jewish community),93 while oral tradition played an
unusually strong role in maintaining their religion.94
Judaism must have paved the way for Christianity (in its many
forms) and related movements, such as Gnosticism and
Manichaeism. Christianity spread all over Northern Mesopotamia
at an early date, and it didn’t tarry in reaching Adiabene. It had fil-
90 Down on the Mesopotamian plains, Arabic superseded Aramaic as
the language of the Jewish communities before 1000 AD, and Aramaic
survived as a spoken language (both of Jews and Christians) only in the
mountains of Kurdistan. See Sabar, Folk Literature of the Kurdistani Jews, xvi-
xvii. In the twelfth century the great Jewish traveler, Benjamin of Tudela,
reported that there were about a hundred Jewish settlements in Kurdistan,
and the town of Amadiya had 25 000 Jews, though his reports were based
only on hearsay. Considering that at the time of their forced emigration to
Israel in the early 1950s the Jews of Iraqi Kurdistan numbered 25 000,
Benjamin Tudela’s figure appears to be an exaggeration.
91 Transporting huge logs down the Khabur River toward the plains.
92 Sabar, Folk Literature of the Kurdistani Jews, xxi-xxiv.
93 Ibid. xxv-xxvi. Sabar attributes this to the lack of physical security,
poor economic conditions and communication with the outside world,

and the small size of the population. Sabar, Folk Literature of the Kurdistani
Jews, xxv. There were exceptions as well, of course. For example, the fa-
mous rabbi family of the Barzanis of Mosul, who gave one of the first
female rabbis to the Jewish community, Rabbi Asenath Barzani of the
seventeenth century, evidently hailed from the Barzan district of the
Kurdish mountains, and she was actually buried in Amadiyah.
94 Ibid. xxvi-xxix. According to Sabar, “even the written literature re-
corded in manuscripts from Kurdistan had originated in oral tradition.

Likewise, the translation of the Bible into various Neo-Aramaic diealects
was transmitted orally from generation to generation with little change in
style and vocabulary, and was only recently written down… Reading and
– much less – writing were not common. Usually only the hakamim were
literate.” Sabar, Folk Literature of the Kurdistani Jews, xxxii.
tered into Parthian Adiabene and taken root among the region’s
Jewish community by the end of the second century.95 It is as-
sumed that the church of Adiabene attracted many of its converts
from the region’s substantial Jewish population.96 Other early con-
verts may have come from among the polytheists and Zoroastrians
of Adiabene. J. T. Walker is of the opinion that “by the late Sa-
sanian period, Christians probably formed the majority of the re-
gion’s population, with smaller pockets of Zoroastrians and
Jews.”97
As regards the region where Yezidism first developed, Sheik-
han, the Yezidi heartland, was divided between two Nestorian dio-
ceses from the early centuries on. The lands east of the Gomel
River belonged to the diocese of Marga, which stretched as far as
the Greater Zab. The western part of the Sheikhan belonged to the
diocese of Bu Nuhadra. The village of ‘Eyn Sifni98 and its envi-
ronment, including the holy valley of Lalish, was known as Bet
Rustaqa (geographically located in Bu Nuhadra, but administered
by the diocese of Marga until the seventh-eight century). It was this
Bet Rustaqa which was then first renamed Sheikhan, that is, “the
95 M-L. Chaumont, Christianisation de l’empire iranien, Des origines aux

grandes persécutions du IVe siècle CSCO 499, Subsidia 80 (Louvain: E. Peet-
ers, 1988). 52–53; Neusner proposes 100 AD. Neusner, “The Conversion
of Adiabene to Christianity,” Numen 13 (1966): 144–50. However, his
dating is based on the Chronicle of Arbela. The authenticity of the Chronicle of
Arbela, an allegedly sixth-century document of Syriac Christianity in Erbil,
is very much contended by some researchers, while others accept it. There
is no scholarly consent on this question as yet.
96 Neusner, “The Conversion of Adiabene to Christianity”; idem, The
History of the Jews, 168-69; and Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 107.
97 Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 107. In any case, Christianity
was firmly established by the early third century in the Western parts of
the Sassanian Empire in general. Episcopal records show that by 224 AD
there were twenty bishops in eighty-one sees in the Western satrapies of
Iran. See Neusner, “The Conversion of Adiabene to Christianity,” 147.
98 ‘Eyn Sifni is the “capital” of the Sheikhan region, where the Baba
Sheikh resides today. Before the war of 2003 and the unification of the
Kurdish territories formerly under Saddam and the Kurdish Autonomy,
respectively, the Yezidi prince also had his official residence in ‘Eyn Sifni.
According to Yezidi legends the Flood of Noah also started in ‘Eyn Sifni.
house of the Sheikhs” in the fifteenth century, as the number of

the tombs or sanctuaries belonging to Yezidi sheikhs increased in
the region.99
The other important Yezidi conglomeration of northern Iraq can
be found in the Sinjar mountain (ancient Singara), a mountain
range in northern Mesopotamia (on the northern border of Iraq
and Syria today). According to Fuccaro, Yezidi infiltration to this
predominantly Christian region may have started as early as the
thirteenth century, and the mountain was gradually settled by
Yezidi tribal groups escaping persecution in the Mosul plain and
the Sheikhan.100 As early as the fourth century Sinjar was part of
the Nestorian diocese of Beth Arbeye, whose center was Nisibis.
For centuries after the Islamic conquest the Nestorian community
of Sinjar flourished, but the Yezidi occupation of the mountain
range eventually led to the marginalization of the Sinjari Christians.
In the first half of the seventeenth century the Nestorian diocese of
the Sinjar ceased to exist, a phenomenon which partly attributed to
the advance of the Jacobites and partly to Yezidi proselytizing
among the Nestorian population. 101
As regards the Kurdish mountains proper (which later proved
to be a fertile ground for Yezidism emanating from the Sheikhan),
the exact time when Christianity arrived is uncertain. However, the
History of Mar Qardagh, a late Sassanian Syriac work giving an ac-
count of the life of the fourth-century Nestorian saint and martyr,
Qardagh, 102 attests to the fact that Christianity had already made
99 J. M. Fiey, Assyrie chrétienne: Contribution á l’étude de l’histoire et de la

géographie ecclésiastiques et monastiques du nord de l’Iraq (Beirut: Imprimerie
catholique, 1965–68) vol. 1, 227 and vol. 2, 785-87. Interestingly, accord-
ing to Fuccaro, in the twentieth century the Christian population of mixed
settlements, like ‘Eyn Sifni, or Beshiqe and Behzani was not Chaldaean
(Nestorians returned to Rome), but mostly Jacobite and Syrian Catholic
(Jacobites returned to Rome.) See Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 45.
100 Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 45-46.
101 Ibid., 47-48.Ibid., 47-48.
102 The legend of the saint Mar Qardagh originated in the region of
Adiabene, near Arbela, during the late Sasanian period. An anonymous

East-Syrian author gave the legend its definitive written form, the History
inroads deep into the mountains. What is more, this work is in fact
a testimony to the perennial function of the Kurdish mountains as
a refuge of the persecuted. The History of Mar Qardagh talks about a
certain Abdisho, a blessed man (hermit) living in a cave in Beth
Bgash (later the hero, Qardagh himself comes to engage in ascetic
training in this region). Beth Bgash was the name of shehe moun-
tainous highlands lying north and east of Arbela, between the up-
per reaches of the Greater Zab River and Lake Urmiye, overlap-
ping the modern Iran-Iraq-Turkey border.103 This is the very heart-
land of Kurdistan, the Kurdish mountains from where Kurds even-
tually descended onto the plains lying below. The words of the
sainted Abdisho, when he recounts his life to Qardagh, imply that
the first Christians arrived in this mountainous heart of Kurdistan
as refugees fleeing for their safety:
But the blessed Abdisho answered and said to him, “As it was
told to me by my parents, they were from Hazza, a village in
the lands of the Assyrians. But because they were Christians,
they were driven out by impious pagans, and went and settled
in Tamanon, a village in the land of the Kurds.”104
of Mar Qardagh, during the early decades of the seventh century. Walker,
The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 11.
103 Walker identifies it with the Hakkari district, see The Legend of Mar
Qardagh, 24, Note 26, and 108. See also J. M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Chris-
tianus Novus: Répertoire des diocèses syriaques orientaux et occidentaux (Beirut and
Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1993), 61; idem, “Proto-histoire chrétienne
du Hakkari turc,” L’Orient Syrien 9 (1964): 448–54. The diocese of Beth
Bgash was first attested at the synod of 410, the diocese appears regularly
in East-Syrian synodical records. Its bishops participated in the synods of
424, 486, 497, 544, 585, and 605. Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 108,
Note 88.
104 Ibid., 26. The town of Haza is twelve kilometers southwest of Ar-
bela, and had a Christian community from at least the early fourth century
and preceded Arbela as the metropolitan see of Adiabene. See Fiey, As-
syrie chrétienne, 166–67. The village Tamanon lies just north of the modern
Iraqi-Turkish border, at the base of Jebel Judi, the mountain where
Noah’s ark landed according to Syrian Christian and Kurdish traditions.
There were important monasteries in its vicinity from the seventh century.
Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 26, Note 34.
This function of the Kurdish mountains as a refuge for those per-

secuted for their religious affiliations is of paramount importance
for the religious history of Kurdistan, for it seems likely that wave
after wave of refugees followed each other seeking relative security
(and sowing their own beliefs in their turn). So, for example, the
Jews of Syria and Palestine took refuge in Babylonia and Kurdistan
when the Christian Crusaders threatened their community.105 Sabar
also assumes that the Jewish population of urban centers on the
plain at the foot of the hills, like Mosul, fled deeper into the moun-
tains between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, at the time of
the Mongol raids, creating new rural settlements there.106 Similarly,
when the Mongol armies devastated the Christian (Nestorian)
communities of Mesopotamia and Northern Syria, survivors fled to
the mountains north of Niniveh (into the Kurdish mountains) to
join their fellow believers.107 Historical documents preserving the
memory of all waves of religious refugees are not available, but
there can be little doubt that there were many successive move-
ments, with people fleeing not only marauding armies, but also
central powers intolerant of religious dissent and perceived hetero-
doxy. The mountains may have thus provided a convenient refuge
for Gnostics, Manichaeans and other religious “non-conformists”
taking with them some of the heterodox ideas to be discussed be-
low.
FROM GNOSTICS TO ISLAMIC GHULAT
In the course of this study a number of different religious move-

ments will be referred to. Religions like Christianity, Judaism or
105 Sabar, Folk Literature of Kurdistani Jews, xvii.

106 Ibid., xviii.
107 Though there is no solid historical evidence that this influx of
Jews and Christian – who may have preserved some non-canonical ideas
in their oral lore – had an impact on the development of Yezidism, it is
certainly worth noting that it coincided with the period when the dervish
order founded by Sheikh Adi started to grow into a religious movement
of a non-Islamic nature.
Islam need not be explained to the reader. The same may not be
true of the other religious groups mentioned in this study. This
subchapter merely aims to give a short introduction to these reli-
gious movements.
Gnostics - Gnosticism
The terms Gnostics and Gnosticism are hard to define, there being
many different opinions and approaches to their exact meaning.
Though the term “Gnostic” was already used in Late Antiquity by
the heresiologists to refer to certain dualistic groups they described
as heretical, the term “Gnosticism” to denote a religious phenome-
non was only coined by Henry More in the seventeenth century to
be used against Catholics.108 Eventually the words “Gnosticism”
and “Gnostics” came to refer to the phenomenon of late antique
religious dualism in the works of historians of religion, though
there was never a unanimous consensus among researchers as to
which groups and teachings these words exactly covered. The dif-
ferent “sects” as described by the Church Fathers (the main source
on “Gnostics” until recently) appear to have diverged too widely
from each other to make such a definition an easy one. The twenti-
eth century discovery of numerous works considered of Gnostic
origin further confused, rather than cleared up this issue. For ex-
ample, texts from the Nag Hammadi library, the greatest discovery
in Gnostic studies, not only show an amazing variety of writings,
but at the same time “individual tractates place together opinions
and myths which, according to the heresiologists, belonged to dif-
ferent sects.”109 Battles have been raging not only about the distin-
guishing phenomenological features of Gnostic religion, but also
about the different categories within Gnosticism (Valentinian, Bar-
108 B. Layton “Prolegomena to the Study of Ancient Gnosticism,” in

The Social World of the First Christians, ed. M. White and L. Yarbrough
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 335.
109 Frederik Wisse, “The Nag Hammadi Library and the Heresiolo-
gists,” Vigiliae Christianae 25.3 (1971): 209.

belo-Gnostic, Sethian, Basilidean etc.),110 its roots and connection

with other religions and cultures,111 its dating,112 the identity of the
different tracts, and whether this word was used as a self-
designation by the authors of the texts treated today as Gnostics
writings.
All these uncertainties about the definition of Gnosticism
have led a number of researchers to doubt even the validity of the
term “Gnosticism” and whether it is possible to refer to a “Gnostic
religion.”113 In line with post-modern thinking many, who could
hardly be called experts on Gnosticism, have taken up this theme
and begin to protest at the mere mention of the word “Gnosti-
cism.”
It must be emphasized, however, that researchers using
the term “Gnosticism” do not do so in the belief that it refers to a
single, undifferentiated entity. They are perfectly aware that Gnos-
ticism is an umbrella term, and is used for the sake of simplicity to
refer to a religious phenomenon which comprises different dualis-
tic movements or schools, which may have ascribed to different
mythologies, but agreed on some basic tenets, and shared a number
of distinguishing characteristics. Doing away with the term “Gnos-
ticism” without offering a viable alternative to describe this peculiar
religious phenomenon of Late Antiquity would debilitate discourse
110 For example Pearson writes about the Cainites, “There never was
such a thing as a particular Cainite sect of Gnostics. There were instead,
varieties of Gnostic heretics who could, from time to time, be labeled
generically as Cainites…” B. Pearson, Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian
Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 105. The same could be
said of all the other sub-groups or categories known from the writings of
the heresiologists, it being clear from Gnostic texts that Gnostics them-
selves never thought of themselves along these categories, or along any
categories at all.
111 Judaism, Christianity, Greek philosophy, Iranian religions, etc.
112 Some scholars talk of pre-Christian Gnosis, pushing back the be-
ginnings of Gnosis to before our era, while others think it should strictly
be dated after the appearance of Christianity.
113 See for example M. A. Williams, Rethinking “Gnosticism:” An Argu-
ment for Dismantling a Dubious Category (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press,

1996); K. King, What is Gnosticism? (Cambridge MA: Harvard University
Press, 2003.)
on it, and any alternative terminology and definition offered so far

has proved to be similarly or even more open to criticism.114
What makes defining Gnosticism so difficult is the very char-
acter of this spiritual movement. The Church Father’s comparison
of the Gnostics to a many-headed hydra115 was perhaps more apt
than any other description of Gnosticism so far produced. The
question of categories and boundaries, and the need to adhere to
strictly defined doctrines in general were of little relevance for the
Gnostics, who ultimately believed that it was the underlying mes-
sage (the shared body of the hydra) that mattered, not the “out-
ward garb.” This is the reason why the individual Gnostic myths
(the heads of the hydra) were expressed in manifold ways, and
Gnostic works were characterized by a proliferation of myths,
which - although all based on the same anti-cosmic attitude - often
differed from each other to a great deal concerning plot, devolve-
ment, the role of protagonists and many other points. These myths
were to be interpreted as allegories and symbols, rather than the
literal and unchangeable expressions of the truth, as the Biblical
114 See King, What is Gnosticism, passim. As Gershom Scholem sums

up succinctly: “Of course, everyone agrees by now that ‘Gnosticism’ in
the comprehensive sense in which it is used in the history of religion, is a
rather loose term. Only a few of the several sects, groups, and tendencies,
now considered ‘Gnostic’ were known as such in their own time. But this
does not preclude the use of this convenient term for the religious move-
ment that proclaimed a mystical esotericism for the elect based on illumi-
nation and the acquisition of a higher knowledge of things heavenly and
divine. It is to this knowledge that the very term ‘Gnosis’ meaning
‘knowledge,’ that is to say, knowledge of an esoteric and at the same time
soteric (redeeming) character alludes.” G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Mer-
kabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition (New York: The Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, 1960), 1. While Scholem stresses the importance of
Gnosis, Pearson, emphasizes the other distinguishing feature of what usu-
ally is referred to as late antique Gnosticism, radical dualism, when he
argues that “there are definite advantages in retaining the term because
‘Gnosticism’ (or the Gnostic religion) can then be usefully distinguished
from the kinds of ‘gnosis’...that do not share in the radical dualism or
other essential features properly reserved for ‘Gnosticism’!.” B. Pearson,
Gnosticism, Judaism, and Egyptian Christianity, 7.
115 Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses I.30.15; Hippolytus, Philosophumena V.11
texts of Judaism and Christianity. As Irenaeus complains after de-

scribing various Gnostic interpretations and representations of the
Genesis myth:
And saying such things about the Creation, each day each one
of them invents, as much as he can, something new; for among
them no one is seen as “perfected” unless he makes use of the
greatest falsehoods.116
What was the lower body of this hydra then, from which its
different heads grew, which formed the basic framework of what
came to be called Gnosis by its adherents, or Gnosticism by mod-
ern historians?117 This basic framework entails the idea of dualism,
that is, “a radical disjunction between divinity and the powers that
create and govern the cosmos.”118 This manifested itself in Gnostic
thought in an unrelenting opposition between the spiritual and ma-
terial realm (of Light and Darkness). The material world, conceived
of as evil, included not only the matter itself, but also its creator
(god, the demiurge, the chief ruler) and his helpers (the angels, also
referred to as rulers, archons, often identified with the heavenly
planets and stars). To the classic question “whence evil?” they
maintained that whatever is bad and imperfect cannot come from
116 Irenaeus, Adversus Harereses I.18.1. Et de conditione quidem talia dicen-
tes, quotidie adinvenit unusquisque eorum, quemadmodum potest, aliquid novi: perfec-
tus enim nemo, nisi qui maxima mendacia apud eos fructificavent. Irénée de Lyon,
Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome 2, ed. A. Rousseau and L. Doutreleau, SC
264 (Paris: Cerf, 1979), 272. Modern researchers have been more lenient
toward Gnostic ways of exegesis and compiling texts. As Elaine Pagels
has put it: “Gnostic Christians neither sought nor found any consensus
concerning what the story meant but regarded Genesis 1-3 rather like a
fugal melody upon which they continually improvised new variations, all
of which, bishop Irenaeus said, were ‘full of blasphemy.’” E. Pagels,
Adam, Eve and the Serpent (New York: Vintage Books, 1989), 64.
117 For works explaining what Gnosis entails and the different Gnos-
tic schools, see Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion (Boston: Beacon Press
1958) (still the best book for initiates into Gnosticism); K. Rudolph, Gno-
sis: The Nature and History of Gnosticism (San Francisco: Harper & Row,
1987); G. Filoramo, A History of Gnosticism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990.)
118 A. McGuire, “Conversion and Gnosis in the ‘Gospel of Truth’,”
Novum Testamentum 28.4 (1986): 343.

the Good and Perfect (the spiritual realm of Light), in other words
the material world was not created by the transcendent God, but by
an inferior creature of the matter, the demiurge or the creator. Fur-
thermore, Gnostics believed that the human soul (or rather
“spirit”, pneuma) was a particle of Light, which “fell” from the
Realm of Light through some tragic primal accident, and became
imprisoned in matter. The 1966 Mesina Congress on the Origins of
Gnosticism mentioned as the central idea of Gnosticism:
the idea of the presence in man of a divine “spark”…, which
has proceeded from the divine world and has fallen into this
world of destiny, birth and death and which must be reawak-
ened… in order to be finally restored. This idea… is ontologi-
cally based on the conception of a downward development of
the divine whose periphery… has fatally fallen victim to a crisis
and must - even if only indirectly – produce this world, in
which it then cannot be disinterested, in that it must once gain
recover the divine “spark” (often designated as pneuma,
“spirit”).119
Gnostic view of history is one of a never-ceasing struggle be-
tween the imprisoned Light trying to escape, the representatives of
the Light world endeavoring to help it and the rulers of the matters
intent on keeping the Light imprisoned. The means of escape from
matter, of redemption, is the Gnosis itself, that is, illuminating
knowledge, which redeems and liberates its possessor.120 This Gnosis
119 Quoted in Rudolph, Gnosis, 57.

120 The term “gnosis” as spiritual knowledge, a transcendent form of
knowledge (or understanding) derived from the contemplation of the
divine, was also used by Christian authors, who referred to the Gnosis of
Gnostics as “gnosis falsely so called.” “Marifah” (or marifat) used by Sufi
philosophy to describe mystical intuitive knowledge of spiritual truth is
also translated into English as “gnosis.” Neither the Christian, nor the
Sufi usage of this term includes seeing this “knowledge” as the means of
salvation or salvation itself, unlike in Gnosticism. As in the course of this
study I shall repeatedly mention Sufi marifah (which has its place in Yezidi
religious language), in order to avoid confusion, I shall refer to “knowl-
edge as a means of salvation” in Gnostic systems as “Gnosis,” and to the
mystical, esoteric knowledge in Sufism (and Yezidism) as “gnosis.”
cannot be reached through the usual exercise of the faculties of

thinking, learning and logic, rather it is given by divine revelation,
and is available only to the elect capable of receiving it. The con-
tent of this knowledge aims at revealing the true nature of the
world and of the human soul. It is seen as the awakening of the
soul wrapped in the forgetfulness of the matter. Thus Gnosis is
both the means of salvation and salvation itself. “What liberates is
the knowledge of who we were, what we became; where we were,
whereinto we have been thrown; whereto we speed, wherefrom we
are redeemed; what birth is, and what rebirth,”121 says a Gnostic
extract preserved by the second-century Clement of Alexandria,
while a Nag Hammadi text exhorts, “before everything (else), know
your birth. Know yourself, that is, from what substance you are, or
from what race, or from what species.”122
This is the basic theme around which the different Gnostic
myths unfold, offering a unity of cosmogony, anthropogony and
soterology.123 These myths, dominated by dualism, tell of the ex-
pansion of the first principle, the Godhead, the “unknown” God,
filling the spiritual universe (Pleroma, “Fullness,” the world of Light)
with his divine power through his hyposthases emanating from
him. They tell of how the tragic fall of a part of this divine power
(or light) below, into the Chaos (darkness and primal matter) came
about, often through the mistake or error of Sophia (Wisdom) or
Ennoia (Epinoia, Forethought), the last of the divine emanations in
the Pleroma. The myths tell in many different ways how this parcel
of Light fallen below animated the matter and brought about the
creation of the cosmos (always seen as negative) by the forces of
Darkness. The forces (the rulers) are ultimately nothing but the
shadows or abortions of the light world, the unfortunate results of
a downward movement. Their existence depends on the possession
121 Clement of Alexandria, Excerpta ex Theodoto 78,2 quoted in Hans
Jonas, The Gnostic Religion, 45.

122 The Teachings of Silvanus 92,10 -14, trans. M. Peel and J. Zandee, in
Nag Hammadi Codex VII, NHS 30 (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 299.

123 The individual myths may contain all three, only two, or even only
one of these themes, the underlying idea being that the reader is already
familiar with the basic framework of the myth.
of the fallen power of Light, now enclosed in matter, and makes

them resort to various ruses, including the creation of mankind,
and all the tribulation men are henceforth subjected to.
As shall be seen when studying late antique motifs in Yezidi
religious tradition, these Gnostic cosmogonies make ample use of
Biblical material, especially of the Genesis.124 However, the use the
Gnostics made of Biblical texts is hardly conventional. They were
conceived in terms of a revolt, where anti-Judaism and a rejection
of the Old Testament creator and his laws was an aspect of the
general anti-cosmic attitude. Accordingly, most Old Testament mo-
tifs and stories are utilized in Gnostic writings in a “round-about-
way,” where black becomes white and white becomes black. Gnos-
tics achieved such an interpretation of the Old Testament with the
help of spiritual allegory, taking “each line of the Scriptures as an
enigma, a riddle pointing to a deeper meaning.”125
Manichaeism
It is debated by scholars whether Manichaeism should be included

among Gnostic religions, or should rather be seen as an inheritor
of Gnostic ideas. Certainly, unlike the Gnostic phenomenon so
hard to grasp or define, Manichaeism appears as a concrete relig-
124 In fact, the presence and role of motifs taken from the Old Tes-
tament is so striking that it has led Hans Jonas to declare that Gnosticism
is likely to have originated in “close vicinity and partial reaction to Judaism,”
hence the “impression of ambivalent proximity to Judaism.” H. Jonas,
“Delimitation of the Gnostic Phenomenon – Typological and Historical,”
in Le Origini dello Gnosticismo, ed. U. Bianchi (Leiden: Brill, 1967), 102.
Other scholars like Quispel, Pearson and Segal went so far as to argue for
a Jewish origin for Gnosticism, though this conclusion is rejected by other
researchers. See E. M. Yamauchi, “Jewish Gnosticsim: The Prologue of
John, Mandaean Parallels, and the Trimorphic Protennoia,” in Studies in
Gnosticism and Hellenistic Religions, ed. R. van Den Broek and M. J. Verma-
seren (Leiden: Brill, 1981), 467-97. See also Gerard P. Luttikhuizen, Gnos-
tic Revisions of Genesis Stories and Early Jesus Traditions, NHMS 58 (Leiden:
Brill, 2006).
125 Pagels, Adam, Eve, 64.
ion, with a founder, a canon of texts, a definite mythological sys-

tem, and a church organized along a rigid hierarchy. It was founded
by Mani (210-276), who was born in Persian-occupied southern
Mesopotamia in Ctesiphon and brought up among a baptizing Jew-
ish Christian sect (probably the Elchasaites).126 Mani, whose teach-
ings were strongly influenced by both Christian127 and Gnostic
ideas,128 saw himself as the Seal of the Prophets, who was sent to
found a universal religion among all the peoples of the earth. One
of the ten reasons he considered his own religion superior to earlier
ones was that unlike his predecessors he set down his teachings in
writing.129 He composed eight works,130 thus providing his follow-
ers with a textual canon and clearly delineated doctrines. Though
Manichaean communities produced numerous holy texts in the
subsequent centuries, adapting them to local cultures, these works
never deviated from the basic myth taught by Mani.
126 A. Henrichs, “Mani and the Babylonian Baptists,” Harvard Studies

in Classical Philology 77 (1973): 23-59.
127 An extensive range of motifs, images, expressions, ideas from the
New Testament and especially from the Pauline Epistles have been identi-
fied in Mani’s Šâbuhragân as well as in the different Coptic writings and
even in works from Central Asia. See M. Heuser and H.-J. Klimkeit, “The
Use of the Scripture in Manichaeism” in Studies in Manichaean Literature and
Art, NHMS 46 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 111-22; K. Coyle, “The Cologne
Mani Codex and Mani’s Christian Connections,” Église e Théologie 10
(1979): 179-93
128 For the influence of Gnostic mythology on Manichaean mythol-
ogy, see G. Stroumsa, Another Seed: Studies in Gnostic Mythology. (Leiden:

Brill, 1984), especially the chapter “Gnostic Myth in Manichaean Garb,”
145-67; P. Brown, “Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire,”
Journal of Roman Studies 49 (1969): 92-96; S. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later
Roman Empire and Medieval China: A Historical Survey (Tübingen: Mohr,
1992), chapter “Gnostic and Other Christian Influences on Mani,” 37-54;
and Manichaeism in Mesopotamia and the Roman East (Leiden and New York:
Brill, 1994), 51-69.
129 M. Boyce, A Reader in Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian (Lei-
den: Brill, 1977), 29-30.

130 Ibid., 12-13. He also drew the Ardahang, a picture book illustrating
Manichaean cosmogony. On Mani’s works, also see M. Tardieu, Le

Manichéisme (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1981), chapter “Les
Oeuvres de Mani,” 45-64
Unlike classical Gnosticism, which was “dualism on a monis-

tic background”131 and knew only one principle, Manichaeism
taught the primeval existence of two principles, good and evil,
prompting Hans Jonas to speak of Syrio-Egyptian type and Iranian
type of dualism. In the Iranian type of dualism evil is not derived
from good – as the consequence of the fall of a part of the divine
power to a lower state. It is the antithesis or opponent of good
from the very beginning. From the very outset God and Evil, Light
and Darkness, Spirit and Matter are opposed to each other as two
“primal natures” or principles. But, just as in earlier forms of Gno-
sis, man exists in a state of “mixture,” and the Light enclosed in his
material body is the cause or aim of the struggle fought between
the two principles within the framework of creation.132
According to the Manichaean myth, there existed two princi-
ples (or natures) side by side at the beginning. The Good Principle,
Father of Light, dwelled in the Kingdom of Light, surrounded by
his Five Glories (Intelligence/Mind, Knowledge, Reason, Thought,
Deliberation). The Evil Principle dwelt in the Kingdom of Dark-
ness, surrounded by dark powers. The powers of Darkness, having
once glimpsed the Kingdom of Light, are filled with a desire to
possess it and start waging a war. To stop its attack, the Father
sends his hyposthases. First there emanates the Mother of Life
from the Father, then the Primal Man, and finally the five sons of
the latter, who are also called the five basic elements and also cor-
respond to the Five Glories.133 The Primal Man, putting on his five
sons as a sort of armor, descends to take up the fight with Dark-
ness. The Primal Man is eventually overcome by the powers of
Darkness. The Primal Man then turns to guile, sets up a trap offer-
ing himself as a bait, letting the sons of Darkness devour him and
131 Rudolph, Gnosis, 58.

132 On Manichaean religion and mythology, see Heuser-Klimkeit,
Studies in Manichaean Literature and Art; H. Puech, Le Manichéisme. Son Fon-
dateur - sa doctrine (Paris: Civilisations du Sud, S.A.E.P, 1949), Jonas, Gnostic
Religion, chapter “Creation, World History, and Salvation according to
Mani,” 206-37.
133 “The five elements of Light which the Primal Man puts on as an
armor are, as it were, denser representations of the original five hyposta-

ses of the deity, the Sh’kinas.” Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 218, Note 15.
his armor. With the help of this ruse the Primal Man manages to
stop the attack of Darkness weakened by the Light they have de-
voured. However, as a result of his sacrifice, the Primal Man him-
self is trapped, becomes a prisoner of the evil powers. To rescue
him, the Father sends his second son, the Living Spirit (Spiritus
Vivens) to his aid. The Living Spirit awakens the unconscious di-
vine warrior with his Cry and rescues the divine warrior from the
prison of matter. His rescue however is not complete, his armor,
his soul (his Five Sons) remains in the deep, a prisoner of the pow-
ers of Darkness. The human (and all animate) soul is a part of this
armor of divine light imprisoned in matter. This armor or robe,
symbolizing the sum of the particles of light imprisoned in matter,
is also referred to as the Living Soul. It is this Living Soul (armor)
which has to be freed from its prison, so that it can again unite
with the Primal Man and return with him to the Land of Light. The
cosmos is then created by the Father to help along the separation
of matter and Light, while the Lord of Darkness, in an effort to
prevent this separation, creates man from matter and imprisons a
portion of the captured Light in his body. Henceforward human
history, just like in Gnosticism, is one of a constant struggle fought
for the liberation of the Light particles (human soul.)
Manichaeism was characterized by an extraordinary mission-
ary zeal. Already Mani sent out a number of missionaries, and his
religion spread far and wide after his death. Not only did
Manichaeism pose a serious threat to Christianity around the Medi-
terranean, in Mesopotamia, Persia and Armenia, it eventually
spread to Central Asia and China as well.134 Its missionary efforts
were greatly facilitated by Manichaeism’s ability to adapt itself to
local religions. Without altering the basic mythological framework
of message of Manichaeism, its missionaries were ready to adopt
new motifs, and displayed a great aptitude for presenting their doc-
trines in such a form that their audience, of whichever religious
background, could readily comprehend and absorb them. Some
Parthian texts even show that Manichaeism was perfectly capable
134 On the history of Manichaeism, see S. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later
Roman Empire and Medieval China, and Manichaeism in Mesopotamia and the
Roman East.
of camouflaging its message with Islamic concepts and images,

when persecution by Muslims made it necessary.135 This ability to
adopt and adapt also made Manichaeans very important literary
intermediaries between different cultures.136
These characteristics, missionary zeal, flexibility and openness
toward local culture, make Manichaeism a likely candidate for being
a vehicle of transmission between (pre-Islamic) Kurds living in the
mountains bordering Northern Mesopotamia and late antique reli-
gious traditions.
The Dualistic Movements after the Advent of Islam
Late antique Mesopotamia and Syria (as well as Armenia to the

North and Iran to the East) were home to different Gnostic groups
and Manichaeans despite periodic efforts by both Christian and
Zoroastrian authorities to exile them. Heterodox groups continued
to exist alongside “mainstream” Christianity even after the coming
of Islam. The Nestorian bishop, Theodore bar Khoni (Liber
Scholiorum, AD 792) and the Muslim scholar, Ibn an-Nadim (Fihrist,
AD 988) give accounts in their works of a number of “heretical”
sects, the Manichaeans the most prominent among them, still living
in the region at their time. As Reeves succinctly puts it, “the persis-
tent and recurrent flowering during the course of the first post-
Christian millennium of a bewildering diversity of seemingly “na-
tive” forms of Gnosticism - e.g., Manichaeism, Mazdakism, Man-
daeism, the Islamic extremist ghulat sects, the Jewish groups associ-
ated with the production of the Ma‘aseh Bereshit literature… - indi-
cates the vibrant vitality of Gnostic ideologies throughout this re-
gion during this period.”137
135 See H.-J. Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road: Gnostic Texts from Central
Asia (San Francisco: Harpercollins, 1993), 52.

136 See J. Asmussen, Manichaean Literature: Representative Texts Chiefly
from Middle Persian and Parthian Writings (Delmar NY: Scholar’s Facsimiles
and Reprints, 1975), chapter “Manichaeism as Literary Intermediary,” 37-
46.
137 Reeves, Heralds of That Good Realm, 209.
Heterodox groups certainly enjoyed a higher degree of toler-

ance under early Islamic rule than before the advent of Islam. The
Umayyads are known to have practiced tolerance toward
Manichaeans (as well as others). Some of those Manichaeans who
had left for Khorasan at the time of the Sassanian persecutions
even returned to Mesopotamia.138 At the end of the seventh cen-
tury the community enjoyed the patronage of the governor of Iraq,
and the archegos (the head of the Manichaean community, who tra-
ditionally resided in the Twin-Cities of Seleuceia-Ctesiphon, then
moved to the new capital Baghdad under the Abbasids) even re-
ceived items of luxury from him as gifts.139 The Abbasids, who
took over from the Umayyads in 750, were far less tolerant than
their predecessors, and Manichaeans were persecuted as zanadiqa.140
However, despite official persecutions and forced conversions,
which became especially severe between 783-87, the Manichaean
community remained influential and philosophically productive
well into the ninth century.141 The Caliphate of al-Muqtadir (908-
32) brought the close of Iraqi Manichaeism in Iraq. The archegos had
to leave Baghdad around the year 908.142 According to an-Nadim,
those few who stayed in Iraq kept their identity secret, while the
majority left the region. 143 He claims to have still personally known
three hundred zindiqs (heretics, not all of whom may have been
Manichaeans) in the mid-tenth century, but by the time of the
138 Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China, 112
139 Ibid., 112-13.
140 The plural of zindiq, a term borrowed from the Sassanians.
Though originally applied to refer to those who espoused a dualistic as-

cetic religious conviction, it eventually came to signify all heresies which
were seen as threatening the Islamic state, which makes it hard to know if
all those later references to zindiq are indeed an indication of flourishing
dualism, or merely a general term, much like “Manichaean” became freely
applied to different heretical tendencies in Christendom.
141 Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China, 114.
142 Cyril Glassé, “Crypto-Manicheism in the Abbasid Empire,” in
Manicheismo e Oriente Christiano Antico, ed. L. Cirillo and A. van Tongerloo

(Louvain-Naples: Brepols, 1997), 110.
143 Ibn an-Nadim. Kitab al-Fihrist. Ed. and trans. Buyard Dodge (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1970), 802.

composition of his Fihrist at the close of the first millennium, he

had only five left among his friends.144 Most Manichaeans deemed
it better either to hide their identity for good or to leave the re-
gion.145
Not only did Gnostic and Manichaean groups survive well
into Islamic times, they also seem to have seriously influenced
some ghulat146 movements. Some researchers see a strong
Manichaean influence in the emergence of such Islamic move-
ments as the Ismailis, the Qarmatis and even the Sufi movement.
Cyril Glassé argues that such emblematic figures of the Sufi
movement Bayazid Bastami (804-874), Sahl Tutsari (d. 896) and as
Mansur al-Hallaj (858-922) were in fact crypto-Manichaeans, in
active contact with other Manichaeans both in the Abbasid Empire
and outside it. 147 Even the invisible Sufi spiritual hierarchies are
believed to resemble the descriptions of the Manichaean hierar-
chy.148 However, narrowing down the possible source of Gnosticiz-
ing influence to Manichaeans alone presents a rather oversimplified
image of this region, where many different religious schools coex-
isted, and often overlapped. What seems certain is that ideas of a
Gnostic origin mixed with local forms of paganism in Iraq, giving
144 Ibid., 803.

145 The majority went to Central Asia, where the Manichaeans of the
time enjoyed the protection of the Uighur kingdom, though their recep-
tion by those already settled there was not always enthusiastic. (Lieu,
Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire, 114.) We cannot rule out, however,
even if we would have no surviving written evidence left of this, that
some could have taken refuge in the Kurdish mountains that were only
nominally Islamicised at the time.
146 Sg. Ghuluww, “extremists,” “exaggerators.” It is used to denote Is-
lamic movements, which ascribe divine characteristics to a member of

Muhammad’s family, generally Ali.
147 Cyril Glassé, “Crypto-Manicheism in the Abbasid Empire,” 105-
223. See also M. Browder-Hampon, “The Formulation of Manichaeism in

Late Umayyad Islam,” in Studia Manichaica II, ed. G. Wiessner and H.-J.
Klimkeit (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992), 328-33.
148 G. Monnot, “Matoridi et le Manichéisme,” Mélanges de l’Institut
Dominician d’Études Orientales du Caire 13 (1977): 39-65, quoted in Glassé,

“Crypto-Manicheism in the Abbasid Empire,” 123.
birth to the formation of new sects.149 Gnosticizing Islamic sects

appeared from the early eighth century on, including such powerful
movements as the Ismaili and the Nusayrî,150 as well as smaller, less
known groups and figures.151 For example, Wasserstrom writes of
Mughîra b. Sa’îd (d. 736), one of the “first Gnostics of Islam,”
whose central teaching is an Islamicized reworking of a nearly unal-
tered Gnostic cosmology, that he “emerged out of the Aramaic
milieu of late antiquity, in which such Gnostic teachings and the
syncretistic ‘transposition’ of their forms were common fea-
tures,”152 adding that “Mughîra's religion is an amalgam that com-
prises demonstrable elements of Jewish, Gnostic, Manichaean, and
native Mesopotamian mythologies, in a baptist context.”153 Wasser-
storm also emphasizes that the “free borrowing of formulae,”
“transposition of forms” and syncretism in general was one of the
distinguishing features of “the Aramaicized multicultural matrix of
late antique Mesopotamia.”154
149 M. Morony, Iraq After The Muslim Conquest (Piscataway NJ: Gor-
gias, 2005), 408-409.
150 H. Halm, Die islamische Gnosis: Die extreme Schia und die ‘Alawiten
(Zurich: Artemis & Winkler Verlag, 1982); idem, Kosmologie und Heilslehre
der frühen Ismailiya (Wiesbaden: Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft.
1978); H. Corbin, Cyclical Time & Ismaili Gnosis (London: Kegan Paul,
1983). (I must add, though, that in my opinion Corbin’s work is not quite
convincing).
151 Morony, Iraq, chapter “Pagans and Gnostics,” 384-429.
152 S. Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger Writes: Mughîra b. Sa’îd’s
Islamic Gnosis and the Myth of its Rejection,” History of Religions 25.1
(1985): 4.
153 Ibid., 14.
154 Ibid. Of course, our knowledge of heterodox communities, limited
as it is, is restricted to the domain of written religion. Nothing is known of

oral culture, among the illiterate population who, at least on the surface,
assimilated to the Islam or Christianity to avoid persecution.
CONTEMPORARY HETERODOX RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS

IN THE MIDDLE EAST
It may also be necessary to say a few words about the different het-
erodox movements of the region, with whom Yezidis have dis-
played connections of varying degrees.
Ahl-i Haqq
The Ahl-i Haqq155 (literally the “People of the Truth,” also known
as Yaresan, and in Iraqi Kurdistan as Kakai) are a Kurdish speaking
religious minority in Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, who are considered
as ghulat, or Shiite extremists by some Muslim theologians. Ahl-i
Haqq adherents themselves are not unanimous on their position
vis-à-vis Islam. Some distance themselves from Islamic tradition
and define their religion as a separate creed, others try to present
the faith as in accordance with Shiia orthodoxies, but enriched with
a mystical message.156 Very little is known of their origin, though its
155 For studies of the Ahl-i Haqq, see R. Hamzeh’ee, The Yaresan: A
Sociological, Historical and Religio-Historical Study of a Kurdish Community (Ber-
lin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1990); V. Minorsky, “Notes sur la Secte des
Ahlé-Haqq,” Revue du Monde Musulman 40-41 (1920): 20-97, and 45 (1921):
205-302; W. Ivanow, The Truth Worshippers of Kurdistan (Leiden: The Ismaili
Society, 1955); C. Edmonds, “The Beliefs and Practices of the Ahl-i Haqq
of Iraq.” Iran 7 (1969): 87-106; V. Minorsky, “Ahl-i Hakk,” in Encyclopedia
of Islam vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 260- 63.
156 The latter position is the one taken by the so-called reformists,
who belong to the school-educated, literate layer of the movement, and

who are also intent on transforming Ahl-i Haqq from a basically oral relig-
ion to a written one. Traditional, rural communities tend to subscribe to
the first view. As Jean During writes, “the written official discourse of the
elite may not reflect the illiterate or oral tradition of the people.” J. Dur-
ing, “A Critical Survey on Ahle Haqq Studies in Europe and Iran,” in
Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives, ed. T. Olson, E. Öz-
dalga, C. Raudvere (Istanbul: Swedish Research Institute, 1996), 110. The
Kakai in Iraq are officially considered Muslims at their own request, not-
withstanding, they see themselves as a separate community and do not
intermarry with other Muslim groups. Kurdish nationalists, on the other
hand, stress the ancient Kurdish or Iranian aspects of Ahl-i Haqq, calling
formation is generally dated by scholars to the fourteenth or early

fifteenth century, a period of power vacuum giving rise to many
heterodox movements in the region. Just like Yezidism, the Ahl-i
Haqq is believed to have started as a variant of Sufism, appealing to
nomadic tribesman and peasants, though in their case a strong
Shiia influence is also undeniable.157
Despite their association with extreme Shiism – unlike
Yezidis, who seem to have emerged from an orthodox Sunni back-
ground158 – the Ahl-i Haqq show a striking resemblance with
Yezidis both as regards their religious teachings and their socio-
religious institutions.159 Just like Yezidis, they teach the successive
manifestation of the Divinity (or of the divine essence) in human
form (as religious leaders), with each manifestation accompanied by
incarnated angels, the angels themselves being the emanations of
the Divinity. They profess the metempsychosis of human souls as
well.160 Their creation myth, recounting the creation of the world
from a primeval Pearl is beyond doubt related to the creation myth
of the Yezidis, and probably going back to the same West Iranian
mythological background.161 They also have a number of other
myths in common with Yezidis. Ahl-i Haqq society is stratified
according to a hereditary religious caste system, which may have
had its root in Sufi hierarchy, dividing it into murids (followers) and
pîrs. Each member of the community must have a pîr from one of
the Khandans, that is, Sayyid families (who trace their descent to
it (along with Yezidism and Alevism) the “Cult of Angels,” a term and
notion coined by M. Izady, who tried to create a national mythology for
Kurdish speakers in his book much read by Kurds. M. Izady, The Kurds: A
Concise Handbook (Washington, DC: Taylor and Francis, 1992.), 145-57.
157 Ivanow (Truth Worshippers, 69-74) is convinced that it was primarily
the Ismailism, an extreme Shiite movement, which influenced the Ahl-i

Haqq.
158 See chapter 3 “The Origin of Yezidis.”
159 For details on Yezidi religion, see chapter 4 “Yezidi Religion.”
160 Unlike Yezidis, however, they claim that people were created with
different natures. Those of yellow clay have the possibility of reaching

purification through repeated incarnation, which increases their luminous
state, while those made of black earth are irredeemably evil.
161 See Introduction.
one of the incarnations of the Divinity). Like Yezidis they also have
the institution of “brother/sister of hereafter,” which is a must for
all adherents. The Ahl-i Haqq also have a number of festivals and
rites, some of them possibly also of an ancient Iranian origin, in
common with the Yezidis.162
The Ahl-i Haqq possess a rich oral tradition in the form of the
so-called kalams (lit. “words”), their religious poetry. Kalams and
accompanying myths were originally transmitted orally from gen-
eration to generation. They were committed to writing probably
only in the nineteenth century.163 The manuscripts of the kalams
were then jealously guarded by the Sayyids, the caste of religious
leaders, and the kalam-khwan (kalam-reciters), who were the tradi-
tional keepers of the tradition.164 Until today most of Ahl-i Haqq
literature is available only in Kurdish or Persian.165 Studying the
sect and sacred texts was also hampered by the principle of taqiyya
or secrecy, dissimulation, practiced by them as well as by Yezidis
and practically all the persecuted heterodox religious groups of the
Middle East.
162 See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 52-54, and idem, “On the Study of
Some Heterodox Sects in Kurdistan,” Les Annales de l’Autre Islam
INALCO-ERISM 5 (1998): 163-84.
163 Ziba Mir-Hosseini, “Faith and Culture and the Ahl-e Haqq,” in
Kurdish Culture and Identity, ed. C. Allison and P. Kreyenbroek (London:

Zed Books, 1996), 118.
164 The kalam-khwan appear to be the Ahl-i Haqq equivalent of the
Yezidis qewwal class.

165 Notable exceptions being the translations of Hamzeh’ee, Ivanow,
Mokri and Minorsky. For the state of publication and study of Ahl-i Haqq
texts, see During, “A Critical Survey on Ahle Haqq Studies,” 105-111.
Nusayrîs
Nusayrîs,166 also known as Alawis, are an extreme Shiia sect, who
venerate Ali bin Talib as supreme God. Nusayrîs consider Ali the
incarnation of God, or rather think that he is the highest member
of the divine trinity, who periodically manifests himself in the form
of prophets in the human world, his last manifestation being Ali
bin Talib, son-in-law of Mohamed. Nusayrîs are believed to have
been strongly influenced by some heretical movements of early
Christianity, including late antique Gnosticism.167 Just like Yezidis
and other much-persecuted heterodox religious groups of the Mid-
dle East, they practice taqiyya, or dissimulation, so it has not been
easy to learn about the details of their doctrines, though some
manuscripts have come to light since the nineteenth century.
Nusayrîs teach the periodical manifestation of the Divinity on
earth. In each of its earthly manifestations (seven altogether) God
(the Essence, ma‘nā) is accompanied by two subordinate hypost-
hases, the Name and the Veil/Gate. Nusayrîs also teach that the
soul of the Nusayrîs were lights, surrounding and praising God, but
then due to their insubordination and ignorance they fell, were
closed in material bodies and condemned to metempsychosis.
From this cycle of continual rebirths, only the elect, those who be-
come capable of recognizing the true Essence of God behind the
Name and the Veil, will break free. The freed soul will journey back
across the seven heavens, and arrive at its ultimate destination, the
contemplation of the divine light.
166 For a detailed treatment of the different aspects of Nusayrî faith,

based on the analysis of a number of Nusayrî manuscripts, see M. M. Bar-
Asher and A. Kofsky, The Nusayrî-‘Alawî Religion: An Enquiry into its Theol-
ogy and Liturgy (Leiden: Brill, 2002); and T. Olsson, “The Gnosis of Moun-
taineers and Townspeople. The Religion of the Syrian Alawites, or the
Nusairîs,” in Alevi Identity: Cultural, Religious and Social Perspectives, ed. T.
Olsson, E. Özdalga and C. Raudvere (Istanbul: Swedish Research Insti-
tute, 1997), 167-83; and H. Halm, “Nusayriyya” in Encyclopeadia of Islam
vol. 8 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 145-48.
167 Halm, Gnosis, 298-300. T. Olsson, “The Gnosis of Mountaineers
and Townspeople;” M. Maróth, “Alaviták” (Alawites,) in Iráni Föld –

Perzsa Kultúra (Iranian Land – Persian Culture), ed. Éva Jeremiás M.
(Piliscsaba: Avicenna Oriental Institute, 2007), 360.
According to their tradition, the sect was probably formed in

Iraq in the ninth century by Muhammad ibn Nusayr (d. 883, a sup-
porter of the tenth Shiia imam), from where they later spread
westward. Though today Nusayrîs live in Syria and Lebanon and in
Southern Turkey,168 with the heart of their land being in the moun-
tain range, the Jabal al-Nusayrîya, running parallel to the Syrian sea-
cost, they could once be found over a much wider area. There must
have been Nusayrîs in Northern Mesopotamia, near Kurdistan, as
according to our sources in the thirteenth century a number of
Nusayrî tribes moved from the Sinjar Mountain to Syria, under the
leadership of Amir Hasan Yusuf al-Makhzun, in order to help their
co-religionists in their struggle against the oppression of the
Kurds.169 Though traditionally considered heretics and even idola-
ters by Sunni Muslims, today it is the minority Alawi who rule the
Syrian military, and consequently Syria, with the Alawi Assad family
at the helm.
Mandaeans
Mandaeans (also referred to as Sabaeans) are a group that could fit
both categories, that of contemporary heterodox movements in the
Middle East, as well as that of late antique dualistic religious
movements. Mandaeans, today living in the south of Iraq, in the
swamp region between the Euphrates and Tigris running into the
Persian Gulf, are often referred to as the last surviving Gnostic
sect.170 They hold strongly dualistic views, see the human soul as a
168 In the vicinity of Antakya, Adana and Iskandurun.

169 Maróth, “Alaviták,” 360.
170 Studies on Mandaeans are far more numerous than on other het-
erodox groups in the region. See, e. g., M. Lidzbarski, Mandaïsche Liturgien

(Berlin: Weidman, 1920); E. S. Drower, The secret Adam, a study of Nasoraean
Gnosis (London: Clarendon Press, 1960); eadem, The Canonical Prayerbook of
the Mandaeans (Leiden: Brill, 1959); eadem, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran:
Their Cults, Customs, Magic Legends, and Folklore (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias
Press. 2002); K. Rudolph, Mandaeism, Iconography of Religions 21 (Lei-
den: Brill, 1997); J. Buckley, The Mandaeans: Ancient Texts and Modern People
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); E. Yamauchi, Gnostic Ethics and
Mandaean Origins (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2004)
captive in the material world, from which it strives to break free,

through reaching Gnosis, and return to the World of Light and the
Supreme Entity. Interestingly enough, their texts display not only
strong anti-Jewish feelings, but they also condemn Jesus as a false
prophet, who perverted the teaching of John the Baptist, whom
they revere as a true messenger bringing divine revelation.
Mandaean religion is based on a strong scriptural tradition.
Attempts to reconstruct the chronology of this literature have so
far been unsuccessful, but research (comparing themes, script, and
consulting colophons) suggests that it may be dated back to the
second or third century AD.171 The fact that they were considered
ahl al-kitab (people of the Book) by Muslims also indicates that
written material played an important part in the transmission of
Mandaean religion from an early date.
For a while, Mandaeans were thought to be the descendants
of Manichaeans, but today the consensus is that they should
probably be identified with the “Baptists” of Mani. In other words,
the baptizing sect Mani grew up with must have been very similar,
even if not identical, to the ancestors of today’s Mandaeans. Very
little is known about their origin and early history. Despite the
rather pronounced anti-Judaism of Mandaean texts, researchers
today agree that the community is of Jewish origin. Like other he-
retical Jewish sects opposing official Judaism, it must have been
very open to the reception of non-Jewish influences, above all Ira-
nian and Gnostic. It is assumed that they must have emigrated as a
result of religious persecution (or at least opposition) around the
first century AD from the Jordan region to the East.172 It is possi-
ble that their road didn’t lead from the Jordan straight to the
swampland of southern Mesopotamia, but during their exodus the
171 Buckley, The Mandaeans, 4-5, 12; Rudolph, Mandaeism, 3.

172 As a sect of repeated baptism, they still refer to the baptismal wa-
ter as “Jordan.” It may be worth mentioning that Yezidis, just like Man-
daeans, have repeated baptism. The first one, usually at a young age, is for
initiatory purposes. Later baptisms, however, have a purificatory aim, to
wash away sins. Both types of baptisms (mor kirin) are carried out in the
Kaniya Spi, or “White Spring” in Lalish. For those who couldn’t go there,
baptism with the help of water taken from the White Spring was possible.
Mandaeans may have made a sojourn to more northern -lying terri-

tories and lived for a while near to the Kurdish -inhabited regions.
One of their sacred texts, the Haran Gawaita, reports that during
the rule of a Parthian king Ardaban (Artabanus)173 a large group,
“sixty thousand of Nasoreans,” fled from the Jewish rulers to the
“inner Haran” territory or the “Median hill-country.”174 Rudolph
understands “Median Hills” to refer to north-West Iranian territory
between Haran (near Edessa, today’s Urfa) and Nisibis (Nusay-
bin).175
Several scholars have already remarked on a possible relation-
ship between the Yezidis and Mandaeans. However, the extent of
possible parallels between Mandaeans and Yezidis has never been
seriously studied. Lady Drower, who has studied Mandeans and
their texts extensively, paid a few shorter visits to the Yezidis as
well. Though her trips to the Yezidis were more of a recreational
adventure tourism type rather than the in-depth research she car-
ried out among the Mandaeans, she does point out a few similari-
ties between the two groups. The most interesting point is perhaps
the fact that according to her one of the holy books of the Man-
daean portrays the Peacock Angel (Malka Tausa for the Man-
daeans) as a “spirit concerned with the destinies of this world, a
prince of the world of light, who, because of divinely appointed
destiny, plunged into the darkness of matter.”176
This is not to say that Mandaeans could have exercised a di-
rect influence on Yezidis, since their putative sojourn in the north
was divided by centuries from the appearance of the al-Adawiyya
tariqat in the Kurdish mountains. Rather it should be taken as an
indication of the presence of wildly heterodox and gnosticizing
ideas in the region. It also supports the theory that groups possess-
ing Gnostic ideas may have survived well past Late Antiquity.
173 Unfortunately there were five Ardabans.

174 Rudolph, Mandaeism, 364.
175 Unfortunately Rudolph does not explain why he identifies the
“Median hills” with this rather flat region, rather than the Kurdish moun-
tains to the east of the Tigris.
176 E. S. Drower, Peacock Angel (London: John Murray, 1941), 6; see
also eadem, The Mandaeans of Iraq and Iran, 257-8.

Other Heterodox Islamic Groups

There are a number of other heterodox Islamic groups living in the
regions where Yezidis can also be found, which may share some
characteristics and myths with the Yezidis. These groups will not
be referred to in this study, for it was not possible to study their
mythologies thoroughly enough to find parallels for the topics
treated in this work. This is not to assert, however, that such paral-
lels do not exist, merely that the field is open for further research.
Of all these groups, the best known are the Alevis of Turkey (not
to be confused with the Alawis).177 Alevis are a Twelver Shiia group
living in Turkey, whose members comprise both Turkish and
Kurdish speakers. Though of a different historical origin, and offi-
cially considered an extreme Twelver Shiia group,178 who venerate
and divinize Ali, they show some significant similarities to both
Yezidis and Ahl-i Haqq, an observation which hints at a common
substratum.
177 Alevis, who played an important role in the leftist movements of

Turkey, have been widely studied, but mainly from a sociological point of
view. Even studies of their religion mostly concentrated on their religious
institutions, and collecting myths, or folktales was not a priority. Further-
more, it is mostly Turkish Alevis who have been studied, while Kurdish
Alevis, especially those living in the rural communities of the volatile
South-East are much less known. Though Alevis have written texts (the
so-called Buyruks, a compilation of heterogeneous texts) oral tradition
probably played a more important role in sustaining religious memory:
“the traditional identification of Alevi religious and social life was based
on the oral transmission of knowledge, including the esoteric religious
teaching. Which was handed down ritually from person to person.” T.
Olsson, Epilogue: The Scripturalization of Ali-oriented religions,” in Alevi
Identity, 200.
178 Alevis, also known as “Kizilbash” (“red-heads” from their head-
gear), were the followers of Shah Ismail, the founder of the Saffavid dy-
nasty, who played a key role in the rise of Twelver Shiism in Iran. As allies
of the Shiite and Iranian foe they were persecuted by Selim the Grim and
his successors. Curiously, at the same time they are seen as a rural form of
the Bektashi dervish order, a Sufi brotherhood much respected in the
Ottoman Empire, to which the Janissary corps actually belonged.
Just like the Yezidis and the Ahl-i Haqq, they believe in the
repeated manifestation, or reincarnation of God in human form,
and in metempsychosis. They have a hereditary spiritual hierarchy,
where the spiritual leaders (murshids) are known as pîr or dede. Ordi-
nary Alevis owe allegiance to a particular dede lineage on the basis
of pre-existing family relations. They also follow the religious insti-
tution of brother and sister of the hereafter (musahiplik or ahiret
kardeşliĝi).179 Some of their rituals180 also show strong resemblances.
Though no parallels will be brought up in this work between
Yezidis and Alevis, they clearly share a number of important myths
as well. For example, all three, Yezidis, Ahl-i Haqq and Alevis, re-
late the important cosmogonic myth of the angel Gabriel (Jibrail, or
in some cases Tawusi Melek) flying around a world covered by wa-
ter at the very beginning of creation and being confronted by God,
whom Gabriel failed to recognize. He could only enter Paradise (or
sit on the tree where God was sitting in the form of a bird) after a
question-and-answer ordeal, during which he acknowledged that
his existence originated from God.181 Similarly, all three communi-
ties tell the myth of local religious leaders challenging a quasi-divine
figure of the community (Sheikh Adi, Sultan Sahak and Haji Bek-
tash respectively) to a miracle-working contest riding lions and
wielding snakes as whips, which the quasi-divine figure counters by
179 See Kreyenbroek, “On the Study of Some Heterodox Sects in

Kurdistan.”
180 For example, the feast of Khidir Ilyas, or Hizir Nebi for Turkish
Alevis. See Irène Mélikoff’s description of Alevis celebrating Hizir Nabi’s

feast, which shows a striking resemblance to my description of Khidir
Ilyas’ feast among the Yezidis in the village of Khanke in Northern Iraq.
Irène Mélikoff, Sur les Traces du Soufisme Turc: Recherches sur l’Islam populaire
en Anatolie (Istanbul: Isis, 1992) 38; and Spät, Yezidis, 63.
181 Yuri Stoyanov, “Islamic and Christian Heterodox Water Cos-
mogonies from the Ottoman Period: Parallels and Contrasts,” BSOAS

64.1 (2001): 19-33, and “Problems in the Study of the Interrelations be-
tween Medieval Christian Heterodoxies and Heterodox Islam in the Early
Ottoman Balkan-Anatolian Region,” Scripta & eScripta 2 (2004): 171-218;
Mélikoff, Sur les Traces du Soufism Turc, 48. Yezidis also share this myth
with the Ahl-i Haqq, see Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 54; Lescot, Les Yezidis,
57-8.
riding a rock or wall.182 Further studies would probably bring to

light more myths shared by these different groups.
Northern Iraq (or Iraqi Kurdistan) offers a bewildering num-
ber and variety of small, heterodox religious groups. However,
hardly any research has been carried out and very little is known
about minority religious groups like the Shabak, Sarli or Bajalan.183
The latter two are said to be sub-branches of the Ahl-i Haqq and
the Shabak respectively, though others contest this. The Shabak
community, like that of the Yezidis, the Ahl-i Haqq and the Alevis,
is organized along the lines of a hereditary spiritual hierarchy remi-
niscent of Sufi orders. They have hereditary classes of religious
specialists of different ranks; their laymen are associated with such
religious specialists. Each adult is affiliated with a pîr. They do not
observe the five pillars of Islam, but instead have five prescribed
obligations of their own (just like the Yezidis, though the actual
rules are different.) Bruinessen argues that they are closely related
to the Anatolian Alevis.184 They are multilingual; their mother lan-
guage is said to be Gurani,185 but the language of their prayers and
rituals is Turkish. Unlike the Alevis, however, they are not Twelver
Shiia, though they have urban patrons from Mosul (for whom they
are share-croppers) who belong to Twelver Shiism. According to
Bruinessen today a gradual Shi’isation is taking place among them.
182 M. Bruinessen, “When Haji Bektash Still Bore the Name of Sultan
Sahak: Notes on the Ahl-i Haqq of the Guran district,” in Bektachiyya:
études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach, ed.
A. Popovic & G. Veinstein (Istanbul: Éditions Isis, 1995), 117-138.
183 M. Leezenberg, “Between Assimilation and Deportation: The
Shabak and the Kakais in Northern Iraq,” 155, in Syncretistic Religious Com-
munities in the Near East, ed. K. Kehl-Bodrogi, B. Kellner-Heinkele and A.
Otter-Beaujean (Leiden:Brill, 1997), 155-74. While in Iraq I heard only of
the Shabaks. They were mentioned in rather hostile tones by some villag-
ers in the Yezidi village of Behzani as Arabs and Shiites, when talking
about the lack of security in the region. They certainly did not seem to
share the idea of affinity between Yezidi and Shabak religion remarked
upon by Leezenberg and other researchers.
184 M. Bruinessen , “A Kizilbash Community in Iraqi Kurdistan : The
Shabak,” Les Annales de l’Autre Islam 5 (1998): 185-196.

185 Gurani is Western Iranian language, related to Kurdish, the lan-
guage also spoken by many Ahl-i Haqq, the Sarli and the Bajalan.
Further study of the religious system of these little-known

heterodox groups, as well as of “popular religion” among the “or-
thodox” Sunni and Shiia Muslims of the region could yield more
valuable information on the common motifs inherited by the
Yezidis and other Middle East religious groups from late antique
religious traditions.
3 THE ORIGIN OF THE YEZIDIS AND OF
YEZIDI STUDIES
THE HISTORY OF THE YEZIDIS186
Yezidis themselves trace their origin to the very beginning of man-

kind, to the miraculously conceived son of Adam, Shehid bin Jer.187
Today less traditional views claim that they descend from the Zo-
roastrians, Assyrians, Babylonians, or Sumerians, in other words
from the great civilizations of Ancient Middle East.188
Non-Yezidi researchers have ascribed a number of different
origins to the Yezidis, involving a number of ancient peoples and
cults of the wider region. However, today the communis opinio
among academics is to think of “the arrival of the Sufi Sheikh ‘Adi
bin Musāfir, as the first of a chain of events which eventually re-
sulted in the emergence of Yezidism.”189 It was Sheikh Adi, a
186 For a very detailed study of Yezidi history and the events sur-
rounding it, see J. Guest, Survival Among the Kurds: A History of the Yezidis
(London: Kegan Paul, 1993), a book which makes thorough use of all
available information, whether coming from Arabic theologians, Nes-
torian bishops, Ottoman archives, or the report of European travelers.
For a more concise account of the early history of Yezidis, see Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, chapter “The Early History: Factual and Legendary Ac-
counts.”
187 See chapter 9 on “The Yezidi Origin Myth.”
188 See chapter 5 on “Oral Tradition and Literacy.”
189 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 27. For Yezidis Sheikh Adi is an extremely
important figure, who could be said to stand in the center of their religion.
He is seen as an incarnated angel, a quasi-divine figure, and the most rele-
vant historical leader of the community. His grave is a place of pilgrimage,
and sacred hymns make frequent mention of his name. There is no men-
69
twelfth-century Sufi mystic from the Be’eka valley in Lebanon, who

founded a Sufi order in Lalish, in the Kurdish mountains not far
from Mosul.190 It was this Sufi order, the al-Adawiyya, which made
possible the beginnings of the Yezidis as an organized religious
community with a conscious sense of identity.191 Even today
Yezidism retains a social structure modeled on a Sufi brotherhood,
a mythology crowded with great Sufi figures, and a religious lan-
guage that is rich in Sufi images, symbols and terminology, even if
all these seem to have undergone some profound metamorphoses,
and acquired new significance and connotations.
tion of Sheikh Adi having been a Muslim in Yezidi lore, nor is there any
reference to the period when he lived, though some hymns do mention
his having come from Syria. Several travelers mentioned that Yezidis
claimed he had lived before the Prophet Muhammad. It was only at the
end of the nineteenth century that the French vice-consul of Mosul, N.
Siouffi successfully identified the Yezidi Sheikh Adi with a historical fig-
ure, the Sufi Sheikh Adi bin Musafir. N. Siouffi, “Notice sur le Chéikh ̉Adi
et la Secte des Yézidis,” JA ser. 8, vol. 5 (1885): 78-100. This identification
is today accepted by educated Yezidis, but upsets those of a more tradi-
tional background. (Professor Kreyenbroek has told me, how at a talk he
gave on Yezidi faith to Yezidis living in Germany, an older Yezidi became
outraged when he happened to mention the Muslim origin of Sheikh Adi.)
190 Some Christian sources claim that Sheikh Adi seized a Christian
monastery in Lalish, or perhaps converted its monks. I. Joseph, Devil Wor-

ship: Sacred Books and Traditions of the Yezidiz (Boston: Badger, 1919) 98-99;
Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 30-31; Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 14. Yezidi oral
tradition also makes mention of figures like Mar Mati (the founder of the
Mar Mati monastery on the Meqlub mountain a couple of miles from
Lalish) in connection with Sheikh Adi, implying that there may indeed
have been some connection, and even rivalry between the early Adawiyya
and local Christians. As regards the idea that Lalish was originally the site
of a Christian church or monastery, Birgul Acikyildiz, a Turkish art histo-
rian, is of the opinion that the layout of the Central Sanctuary in Lalish
indicates a Sufi convent or tekke. Given the natural beauty of this green
valley, watered by springs in an otherwise arid region, it is likely that this
valley has been a place of worship since times immemorial.
191 Tracing the beginnings of the Yezidi community to a twelfth-
century Sufi mystic and his order does not preclude accepting that many
ideas, institutions and rituals of the Yezidis may well be older.
THE ORIGIN OF THE YEZIDIS 71
Sheikh Adi (1073-1160), of Umayyad descent, was a Sufi mys-

tic, whose orthodoxy as a Sunni Muslim, as his own writings and
the works of contemporaries attest, was never in question. He stud-
ied in Baghdad from the same teacher as ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani,
and may have known a number of celebrated Sufi scholars and phi-
losophers. He arrived in the Hakkari Mountains not long after the
turn of the century, and founded the Sufi order named after him.
When Sheikh Adi founded his order, the Kurdish inhabitants
of the mountains were only partly Islamicized, and those who were
Muslims occasionally displayed some variance from “mainstream”
Islam. According to contemporary reports there were groups of
Kurds who paid excessive worship to the Umayyad dynasty, and to
Yezid bin Muawiya, the caliph held responsible for the tragedy of
Karbala.192 A large group of tribal Kurds, on the other hand, were
still following their pre-Islamic religion, whatever that could have
been.193 Beside the Kurds, there were of course Aramaic speaking
Jewish and Christian communities living in the mountains in con-
siderable numbers.
The al-Adawiyya dervish order founded by Sheikh Adi spread
from the Hakkari mountains all over the Middle East. Today, there
is still a branch of al-Adawiyya functioning as an ordinary Sufi or-
der in Egypt, quite orthodox in nature. The Kurdish branch of
Sheikh Adi’s Sufi order, however, was to have a different career,
one which led away from Islam, until it became a system which
could be described with some exaggeration by Lescot, as one which
in “its present form… shows no similarity whatever with Islam.”194
Between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries the order founded by
Sheikh Adi gradually grew both increasingly heterodox and very
popular among the Kurds, not only in the immediate vicinity of
192 Report by al-Sam’ani, quoted in Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 27-28.

193 Reported by Bar Hebraeus, quoted ibid. It is worth noting that as
late as the end of the seventeenth century there were a hundred families in
Mardin who practiced a sun-worshipping cult. As they were not “people
of the Book;” Sultan Murad IV was ready to exile or massacre them, but
the Jacobite patriarch agreed to admit them into his community. (Guest,
Survival Among the Kurds, 58.)
194 Lescot, Les Yezidis, 19.
Lalish (the Sheikhan district), but in a much wider radius. Accord-

ing to the Sherefnameh, the sixteenth-century “Chronicle of the
Kurds,” written by the emir of Bitlis, seven of the most powerful
Kurdish tribes were Yezidis during this period, and for a brief time
in the fourteenth century Yezidism became the official religion of
the principality of Jezire (today's Cizre in south-east Turkey.)195 In
order to understand the pull the al-Adawiyya order exercised on
local, tribal Kurds, one must be aware of the immense role Sufism
played in the Islamization of the Kurdish tribes after the Muslim
conquest of Kurdistan. According to Fuccaro, “religious institu-
tions such as the ‘Adawiyya brotherhood functioned as veritable
socio-economic and religious points of reference for the rural
population. As the ethnic and religious composition of northern
Iraq was extremely diversified, brotherhoods represented an ideal
venue for cultural and religious osmosis given the central role they
played in the development of important economic processes, pri-
marily in the exchanges between nomadic/semi-nomadic and agri-
cultural communities.”196 Besides the socio-economic considera-
tions, there was another reason why Sufism was so favorably re-
ceived by the local population. This was the “tendency of Sufi or-
ders to emphasize the experiential, emotional side of religion rather
than the question of dogma.”197 This special characteristics of Suf-
ism doubtlessly made the absorption of non-Islamic, local thoughts
(whether of Iranian origin or other) into an originally Muslim belief
system much easier – no doubt, this is what happened in the case
of the Yezidis.
It is also possible, that adherents of pre-Islamic religion con-
sciously chose to hide behind the outer form of Sufism, trying to
195 Guest, Survival of Yezidism, 45; Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 10.
196 Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 13. It must be noted that Sufi brother-
hoods continued to play an important social role throughout Kurdish
history well into the twentieth century, including even several Kurdish
nationalist risings. See M. Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State (London: Zed
Books, 1992) chapter “Shaikhs: Mystics, Saints and Politicians.” It is not
by mere chance that the leaders of the two ruling Iraqi Kurdish political
parties today, Talabani and Barzani, both come from celebrated lineages
of Sufi sheikhs.
preserve their religious identity, while appearing to have joined Is-

lam in the eyes of the outside world. Naturally, it would not be
possible to say, if looked at from this point of view, if Yezidism
was originally a Sufi order which incorporated so many pre-Islamic
elements with time that it lost its Islamic idenity, or if – conversely
– it was a native, presumably Western Iranian form of religion,
which hid behind the mask of Sufism and in the process absorbed
so many Sufi and Islamic elements, that its original character
changed and it appeared Islamic to the superficial observer. 198 Per-
ception depends on the view of the observer in this case.
We know very little of what may have actually happened in
the first centuries after Sheikh Adi, but it is certain that this turbu-
lent period, which was characterized by political instability and lack
of central rule as successive waves of conquerors followed each
other, was favorable to the unchecked growth of religious move-
ments with heterodox tendencies.199
We know that Sheikh Adi was succeeded by his nephew, a pi-
ous Muslim, as the head of the order, who in his turn was suc-
ceeded by his son, the second Sheikh Adi. It was the latter’s son,
the fourth leader of the order, Al-Hasan b. ‘Adi (Sheikh Hassan),
who first came into conflict with the outside world, and was exe-
cuted by the Zangid Atabeg of Mosul, Badr al-Din Lu’lu, who
probably felt threatened by the large number of Sheikh Hassan’s
followers. Badr al-Din Lu’lu also ordered the execution of two
hundred of the order’s followers and had Sheikh Adi’s bones
burned. Our sources also indicate that the influence of the order
and its leader was increasing among the local Kurdish popula-
tion.200 At the middle of the thirteenth century chronicles speak of
198 When discussing the question of “Sufism incorporated by pre-
Islamic elements” versus “native religion hiding behind a façade of Suf-

ism” with Mihaly Dobrovits, an expert on Cenral Asian religions, I had to
compare this question to mixing coffee with milk. So, was it coffee or
milk then? To which I promptly received the answer “cappuccino.”
Yezidis then may be seen as the cappuccino of Sufi Islam meeting previ-
ous religious beliefs in the region.
199 On the impact of the Mongols on the local power structures, see
Guest, Survival Among the Kurds, 20-27.

200 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 31-32.
the successors of Sheikh Adi only as regards their military and po-
litical activities concerning the new Mongol conquerors. Following
this date there is a long silence, then al-Maqrizi, writing of the year
1415, reports of the growing hostility between the followers of or-
thodox Islam and the Adawiyya order or, as it was also known at
the time, the al-Sohbetiye, “the companions.” In that year a cam-
paign was organized against the followers of Sheikh Adi, many of
them were massacred, Sheikh Adi’s tomb and sanctuary were de-
stroyed, and any bones they could find were burned. However, as
al-Maqrizi reports, the “companions” soon rallied, rebuilt the sanc-
tuary, and became sworn enemies of those “who bore the title of
faqih.”201
It is worth noting that Al-Maqrizi, though a strict orthodox
much inclined to cry heresy, speaks only of the excessive worship
that the followers of the Adawiyya order paid to the figure of
Sheikh Adi and his descendants, and even cites this extreme adora-
tion as the explanation for the order belittling the laws of Sharia
and for sexual immorality. He makes no mention of devil-worship,
and sees them as Muslims who veered from the right road, but
hardly as a distinct religion.202
The sixteenth century brought a marked change in both the
situation and perception of the Yezidis. The turbulent period
brought on by the Mongol invasions, accompanied by political un-
certainty, power vacuum and mass migrations of people with di-
verse cultural and religious backgrounds, which saw the emergence
of a number of heterodox communities, was drawing to a close. In
the late fifteenth to sixteenth centuries two new strong multina-
tional states, the Sunni Ottoman and the Shiia Saffavid Empires,
emerged, which – by means of military might and shrewd diplo-
macy – managed to extend their authority over the Kurdish moun-
tains. Most Yezidi tribes lived in the territories which now be-
longed to the Ottomans, who were staunch Sunnis. With this the
gradual marginalization of Yezidis had started, and many of the
201Ibid., 35. Faqihs are experts in Islamic law, literally jurists. Here,
however, the term probably refers either to Islamic authorities, or ortho-
dox followers of the Sharia or Islamic law.
Yezidi tribes converted to Islam, either voluntarily or under pres-

sure, a fact attested by the Sherefnameh. Though Sheref Bitlisi, its
author, mentions a couple of Yezidi tribes, the most important of
whom were the Daseni, in the vicinity of Mosul,203 he puts the
Yezidis’ days of glory in the past, when seven of the most powerful
Kurdish tribes used to be Yezidi, and the emirate of Jezire was
Yezidi as well.204
What is really interesting is the description of “those who
maintain the doctrine of Yezidism” by Bitlisi in his Prologue:205
They are followers of Shaykh ‘Adi b. Musāfir … and ascribe
themselves to him. Their wrongful belief is that Shaykh
‘Adi…‘has done for us in his own days the requisite daily
prayers and the fasting. Thus on the Day of Judgment, we will
be taken into Paradise without being reproached or ques-
tioned.’ They bear unlimited animosity towards the exoteric
ulema [that is to the Shariya or Islamic law.] 206
It is clear that in Bitlisi’s age Yezidis were still not associated with
devil-worship, or he would have certainly mentioned it. The Sheref-
nameh does not even accuse them of being kafirs, that is, unbeliev-
ers, rather they are simply seen as belonging to one of the extremist
203 Sharaf al-Dîn Bitlîsi, Sharafnāma: Or the History of the Kurdish Nation,
trans. M. R. Izady (Costa Mesa (Cal.): Mazda Publishers, 2005), 36. Sadly,
the Sherefname’s chapter dealing with the Daseni has been lost (or else
never written), as it is missing from all manuscripts (ibid., 36, note 2.)
There were also Yezidi tribes around Batman and Silvan (south-east Tur-
key), Yezidis possessed the castle of Hosap near Lake Van, and there were
Yezidis west of the Lake Urmia, as well as in Northern Syria, in the moun-
tainous Jebel Seman.
204 Guest, Survival of Yezidism, 45; Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 10.
205 The term “Yezidi” to denote the followers of Sheikh Adi seems to
have been in use by the sixteenth century, as it can be found in anti-Yezidi

texts. See below.
206 Bitlisi, Sharafnāma, 36-38. (While this latter remark holds true for
today’s Yezidis, the assertion that they are not afraid of the Day of Judg-
ment, or see no need for fasts, contradicts my own experiences, though
some travelers of the nineteenth and twentieth century claimed that
Yezidis believed they could delegate their duties to fast to the so-called
men of religion in exchange of some alms.)
groups of Islam. Even more telling is the assertion that, according

to the testimony of the Sherefnameh, is that during the period of Ot-
toman conquest Yezidi leaders were appointed in very high posi-
tions in the recently conquered territories. Sultan Selim the Grim,
famed for his orthodoxy and persecution of the Shiites of Anatolia,
made a Yezidi, Sheikh Izz ed-Din the “emir of the Kurds” instead
of the orthodox Qasim beg (who was executed as a result of the
intrigues of the Yezidi chief) in the newly conquered district of
Aleppo.207 Selim’s successor, Suleiman the Magnificent, upon con-
quering Iraq, made another Yezidi, Hussein beg from the Daseni
tribe, the governor of Erbil. A little later Suleiman added the emir-
ate of Soran (of the Sorani Kurds to the South) to the sanjak of
Erbil, and made Hussein beg his appointed ruler over the whole
territory.208 These events certainly throw interesting light on the
perception of the Yezidis in the sixteenth century by the Sunni
community. While hardly considered orthodox in their ways, they
must still have been seen as part of the Muslim (and Sunni) com-
munity for Sultan Selim and Suleiman the Magnificent, both known
as zealous defenders of orthodox Sunni faith, unlikely to support
kafirs, especially devil-worshippers, to elevate them into high posi-
tions.
Paradoxically (and confusingly), not withstanding the surpris-
ingly magnanimous treatment these Sultans accorded to at least
some of their Yezidi subjects, the sixteenth century was also a time
of anti-Yezidi fatwā and radd (treatises of religious character) being
compiled by Muslim scholars.209 The recently published sixteenth-
century Fatwā of Malā Sālih (identified as a Kurdish mufti by the
editor of the text) is a good example of how Yezidis were viewed at
207 Chèref-ou’ddine Prince de Bidlîs, Chèref-Nâmeh: Ou Fastes de la Na-
tion Kourde, Tome II, Partie I, trans. F. B. Charmoy (St-Petersburg:

Académie Impériale des Sciences, 1873), 68-69.
208 Ibid., 129.
209 Dehqan, “Fatwā of Malā Sālih,” 141, note 4. Unfortunately the au-
thor does not quote other examples. (Guest as yet knows only of the
Sherefnameh as a sixteenth-century text dealing with the Yezidis.) Neither is
it clear on what basis the sixteenth century is identified as the time the
manuscript was composed, as according to the author we have no other
information on Malā Sālih.
the time by some religious authorities of Kurdistan (and how little

actually was known about them).
Most of the points brought up against the Yezidis do not con-
tain anything new. According to Malā Sālih they deny the Koran
and the Sharia, instead “they believe in absurd statements such as
those of Fakhr al-Dīn, and the like; to which they think they must
cling.”210 What these statements, obviously coming from their
sheikhs or leaders, were, Malā Sālih does not say (probably does
not know in the first place). Furthermore, according to Malā Sālih,
they are hostile toward the ulema, and destroy Islamic books if they
come into their hands. They prefer Sheikh Adi over the Prophet,
have no need for prayer, but believe they will be carried to Paradise
by Sheikh Adi. They make pilgrimage to Lalish instead of the Kaba.
Some of the charges brought up seem to be no more than common
places of anti-heretical literature, such as accusing Yezidis of attrib-
uting to God such qualities as eating, drinking, standing, sitting,
and the like, which are related to the body, and of course the ubiq-
uitous accusation of sexual licentiousness .
By far the most important part of the tract is the one dealing
with the person of Sheikh Adi. Yezidis are said to be divided into
three sects based on their belief concerning his person:211
One consists of the Ghulāt (Extremists), who say that ‘Adī b.
Musāfir is God. Secondly, (there are) those who say that he
shares divinity with God. (That is) that the heavens are in the
hands of God and the earth is in the hands of Sheikh ‘Adī.
Thirdly, (there are) those who say that he is neither God nor
His partner, but that he is the great minister of God and no af-
210 Dehqan, “The Fatwā of Malā Sālih,” 144.

211 It is really hard to know what kind of three-fold division the au-
thor is thinking of here. The only one that comes to mind is the tradi-
tional division of Yezidis into three castes that, however, has nothing to
do with how Sheikh Adi is perceived. It is more likely that it was outsiders
who had three different concepts about how Sheikh Adi was viewed by
his followers.
fair whatever comes from God without his approval and coun-
sel.212
This statement implies that by this time the notion that Sheikh Adi
was the incarnation of the divine had developed among the
Yezidis. This theory is also supported by another comment to the
effect that: “the basis on which their religion rests (and I re-
searched this) is reincarnation, and because of this, they are close to
the Christians and share some of their beliefs.”213 The translation
here is not clear, but the reference to Christians makes it likely that
it refers to the incarnation of the divine, rather than the repeated
reincarnation of the soul. Then the text takes a surprising turn ask-
ing: “Are they Muslims just because on the outside they outwardly
show Islamic behaviour and pronounce the shahādatayn (i.e. the
Islamic Creed)?” In other words, Yezidis of the time may have still
considered themselves Muslims, if they recited the Muslim Creed.
The rest of the tract is devoted to debating if Yezidis are apostates
(who turned away from Islam) or unbelievers (who are godless) and
to expounding that in either case it is legitimate to prosecute them,
confiscate their property, and either convert or kill them.
For all its enmity toward Yezidis, one cannot fail to notice
that one important element is missing. There is still no mention of
worshipping the devil. However, this latter accusation seems to
have reared its head by the mid-seventeenth century, when Evliya
Chelebi, the famous traveler and writer, describes his encounters
with the Yezidis. In his account of the military campaign against
the Yezidis of Sinjar he simply calls them “godless.” (It must be
added that the cause of the campaign was not religion, simply the
Yezidis’ failure to pay the taxes.) However, Evliya also paid a
friendly visit to the leader of the Yezidi Daseni tribe in Duhok, in
the province of Mosul. It is in his account of the visit that Evliya
212 Dehqan, “The Fatwā of Malā Sālih,” 148. The above statement on
Yezidis attributing human qualities to God could, of course, refer to His

incarnation as Sheikh Adi, however, as the two things are mentioned in
completely separate passages, it is more likely that the mufti was just re-
peating some stock phrases of heresiologists, rather than thinking of the
veneration of Sheikh Adi.
213 Dehqan, “The Fatwā of Malā Sālih,” 149.
mentions, far as I know first among those who wrote about the
Yezidis, how they would kill anyone cursing the Satan (which Mus-
lims tended and still tend to interpret as an indication that Yezidi
worship the aforementioned evil angel).214
In 1671 the head of the Carmelite and Franciscan missions in
Aleppo, who had earlier had some designs of converting Yezidis to
Christianity, reported that “there was little chance of achieving any-
thing with the devil-worshipping Yezidis.”215 In 1674 Michele
Febvre, an Italian traveler, published his book, Specchio, o vero descri-
zione della Turchia, giving an account of his travels in the Ottoman
Empire. In the book he describes the Yezidis of the Aleppo dis-
trict, who appear to have extremely bad relations with the Muslim
majority, and there is no suggestion here of any possible Islamic
background. While rather sympathetic toward the Yezidis, the au-
thor equates the Peacock Angel,216 the highest angel of the Yezidi
“pantheon” and the protector of the Yezidis, with the devil.217 As
the Yezidis themselves are extremely unlikely to have called them-
selves devil-worshippers or indicate that their Peacock Angel was
in fact the devil, it is obvious that the accusation of the Yezidis be-
ing “devil-worshippers” must have been commonly accepted
among the non-Yezidi inhabitants of the region, from whom the
European travelers must have learned it.
Later reports from Western travelers regularly echo this accu-
sation of devil-worship (which most of them took at face value).
They also report rather tense relations between the Yezidis and the
Muslims, especially Muslim authorities, with the nineteenth century
bringing an increased persecution of Yezidis, complete with several
military conflicts against them.
214 Guest, Survival Among the Kurds, 50-51.Evliya also report some ex-
tremely curious bans about stepping on an onion or striking a black dog.

215 Quoted ibid., 56.
216 Far as I could ascertain, this is the first written mention of the
Peacock Angel of the Yezidis.

217 M. Febvre, Theatre De la Turquie (Paris: Couterot, 1682), 367-68..
YEZIDIS AND WESTERN “YEZIDI STUDIES”
From the beginning of the nineteenth century, with the growing

interest of European powers in the Middle East and its people, the
attention of the West was increasingly drawn to the Yezidis. Quite
a few travelers in the region remarked upon this curious group,
despised by their neighbors as adorators of the devil,218 even if they
were unable to provide much solid information.219
The most valuable information on the social organization,
customs, and religious rituals of the Yezidis, from this period
comes from the famous archeologist A. Layard,220 who was a great
friend of the Yezidis, and from the Protestant missionaries W.
Ainsworth221 and G. Badger,222 whose primary work was among
the Nestorians, but who wondered if the Yezidis might be won for
their cause. What they can say on actual Yezidi beliefs is sadly less
informative. Layard, while genuinely liking Yezidis, accepted their
being devil-worshippers without much ado, while the two Protes-
tant preachers were dismayed at what they saw as a lack of interest
in religion and an indifference toward the Creator. Layard, as well
as O. Parry decades later, described the persecution to which the
Yezidis were subjected by the Ottoman authorities while they were
staying in the region, including military campaigns that they wit-
nessed.
218 There can be little doubt that it was this peculiar epithet awarded
to Yezidis by neighboring Muslims which primarily raised (and still raises)

Western interest in the Yezidis. It suffices to surf the internet for news
articles today on this group. Not a single one refrains from mentioning
the accusation of devil worship, and more than one even refers to this in
the title of the article.
219 For a list of early travelers, see Ainsworth, “The Assyrian Origin
of the Izedis or Yezidis,” 12.

220 A. Layard,, A “popular” Account of Discoveries at Nineveh (New York:
Derby, 1854); idem, Discoveries Among the Ruins of Niniveh and Babylon (Lon-
don: Murray, 1853); idem, Niniveh and its Remains.
221 W. Aisnworth, “The Assyrian Origin of the Izedis or Yezidis – the
so-called ‘Devil Worshippers.’”.

222 G. Badger, The Nestorians and Their Rituals.
In the 1880s important steps were taken forward in Yezidi

studies thanks to N. Siouffi, the French vice-consul of Mosul. In
1882 he published some fascinating information on Yezidi religion
and mythology. Three years later he came forward with an article in
which he identified the mysterious Sheikh Adi of Yezidis with the
twelfth-century Sufi saint, Sheikh Adi bin Musafir.223 A few decades
later R. Frank’s study consolidated Siouffi’s finding,224 rounding
out the information concerning the figure of Sheikh Adi. Definitely
identifying Sheikh Adi’s person helped to establish the great influ-
ence Sufism exerted on this peculiar Kurdish religion known under
the name of Yezidism. (Less fortunately, this finding also opened
the way to seeing Yezidi religion as merely a peculiar, corrupted
form of Islam, which became a dominant view during the better
part of the twentieth century).
In 1872 more information came to light about the Yezidis
from an unusual source. It was the attempt of the Ottoman gov-
ernment, trying to bring about reforms, to draft Yezidis into the
army, which triggered this event. Yezidis, desperately opposed to
this plan, asked Western diplomats to intervene on their behalf,
and drew up a petition asking for exemption on religious grounds.
This document, which came to be known as the 1872 Petition, is of
little interest to a student of Yezidi mythology, but contains a valu-
able exposition on the main observances of the Yezidi faith. As an
authentic document beyond doubts originating from the Yezidis, it
was reproduced many times in articles in English, German, French
and Italian works dealing with the Yezidis.225
223 N. Siouffi, “Notice sur le Chéikh ̉Adi et la Secte des Yézidis.” He

also published an article containing very valuable information on religion
and mythology collected from Yezidis: “Notice sur des Yézidis.” JA ser.
7. vol. 20. (1882): 252-68.
224 R. Frank, Scheich Adi der grosse Heilige der Jezîdîs (Berlin: Kirchhain,
1911).
225 It was published by Brown, in Parry, Six Months; Lidzbarsky, “Ein
Exposé der Yesiden,” ZDMG 51 (1897): 592-604; Joseph (“Yezidi

Texts,”); Driver, “The Religion of the Kurds;”; F. Nau and J. Tfinkdji,
“Recueil de textes et de documents sur les Yézidis,” Revue de l’Orient Chré-
tien ser. 2. vol. 20 (1915-7): 142-200, 225-75; Furlani, Testi Religiosi dei
Yezidi (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1930).
The importance of the 1872 Petition and the reports of travel-

ers were soon to be eclipsed by a far more spectacular discovery,
that of the Sacred Books of the Yezidis.226 In 1889 a curious char-
acter called Jeremiah Shamir, a former East Syrian monk, and a
dealer of manuscripts (among other things) helped procure some
manuscripts for Wallis Budge, an official of the British Museum..
One of these manuscripts included a number of treatises dealing
with the Yezidis, including a copy of the 1872 Petition, and what
was purported to be the text of two (or rather the two) Yezidi holy
books, the Mes’hefa Resh and the Jelwa. A colophon to the manu-
script states that it was copied by Gabriel Jeremiah (son of
Jeremiah Shamir) in Mosul.
In 1891 the Bibliothèque Nationale acquired a manuscript
copied by one Abdul Aziz, a Jacobite living in the Yezidi village of
Beshiqe and a work acquaintance of Jeremiah Shamir. The manu-
script contained a portion dealing with the Yezidis, the material
being virtually identical with comparable portions of Budge’s
manuscript.
In 1892 Oswald Parry, a young priest from England, sent to
inspect the work of the Syrian Patriarchate Educational Society,
one of the several little missionary societies that sprang up in Eng-
land at the end of the nineteenth century to help the Oriental
churches, acquired a number of manuscripts in Mosul. One of
them included versions of the Mes’hefa Resh (Black Book) and the
Jelwa (Splendour), that were very similar to those found in the two
earlier manuscripts. Eventually Parry’s manuscript was published
in E. G. Brown’s translation, included in the Appendix to Six
Months in a Syrian Monastery, becoming the first published version of
the Yezidi Sacred Books.
Soon other copies of the two books, displaying some varia-
tions in the text, appeared, along with new translations. By the be-
ginning of the twentieth century there were at least half a dozen
manuscripts of the so-called Yezidi Sacred Books in existence.227
For an account of the successive surfacing of manuscripts, see J.

226
Guest, Survival Among the Kurds, chapter “The Publication of the Sacred
Books,” 146-63.
Then, in 1911, Père Anastase Marie announced that he had discov-

ered the original Kurdish version of the Sacred Books (all previous
manuscripts were in Arabic). He claimed that the text was written
in an archaic Kurdish dialect.228
Refutation was quick to come, not just of the authenticity of
Anastase’s text, but of the Sacred Books in general, from A. Min-
gana, an orientalist of oriental origin. Mingana demonstrated that
the manuscripts could not have represented an ancient scriptural
tradition, but were probably forgeries. He used both internal (lin-
guistic and philological) and external (reference to the Yezidi cos-
tumes, information from Christians living in close proximity with
the Yezidis) arguments to question the authenticity of the Sacred
Books.229 It was probably the interest of Western researchers in the
reputed existence of the Sacred Books which motivated the forger
(whom he thought to identify with Jeremias Shamir.) Later Ed-
monds pointed out that the “archaic Kurdish dialect” of Anastase’s
manuscript was in fact present-day Sorani, spoken by the Kurds of
the South, but not by the Yezidis, who are Kurmanji speakers.230
Needless to say, students of Yezidism, eager for new information,
were reluctant to repudiate the Sacred Books as forgeries, and au-
thors continued to refer to the Mes’hef-a Resh and the Jelwa as if they
were documents similar to the Bible or the Quran. These two “sa-
cred texts” quickly became standard sources among scholars and
many articles appearing after their publication seem to repeat the
information they contained over and over again, while different
mythological variants, like those published by Siouffi, received
scant attention.
Though today the Sacred Books’ authenticity as secret manu-
scripts is considered implausible, there is little doubt that they rep-
resent genuine Yezidi tradition. The sacred hymns (qewls) and other
orally-transmitted religious texts support the cosmogonical content
228 M. Anastase, “La découverte récente des deux livres sacrés des
Yézîdis,” Anthropos 6 (1911): 1-39.

229 A. Mingana, “Devil-worshippers; Their Beliefs and their Sacred
Books,” JRAS (1916): 505-26.

230 C. Edmonds, A Pilgrimage to Lalish (London: Royal Asiatic Society,
1967): 88.
of the Black Book. The structuring of the texts, displaying the char-
acteristics of orally transmitted tradition, indicates that they existed
as oral, rather than written texts. It is likely that both texts were
committed to heart and recited as oral texts, perhaps even under
these same titles.231
Another document was published in 1908, when Ismail beg,
the rebel of the princely family, who had his eyes on the position of
the Yezidi Prince, drew up a document for the Armenian Yezidis.
This document was similar to the 1872 Petition, but differed on
some interesting points. From the religio-historical perspective the
most remarkable aspect of the document is its attestation to the
increasing influence that written monotheistic religions (Christian-
ity in this case) had on the more educated Yezidi layers, who had a
growing contact with the non-Yezidi world (Ismail beg used to
serve in the British Levies in Iraq). It starts with the confession:
“We believe in one God, the Creator of Heaven, Earth and all that
is alive.”232
During the time of the Mandate, attempts by some disgrun-
tled groups (mostly from Sinjar) to remove the Yezidi prince, who
was seen to have failed his people and to have displayed question-
able moral conduct, prompted the British to suggest that the
Yezidis form a spiritual council, like the other religious groups of
Iraq, regulating the appointment and dismissal of the Yezidi Prince,
as well as the administration of religious revenues. However, reli-
gious leaders, most of whom came from the Sheikhan, finally
closed ranks and issued a proclamation called the Sheikhan Memo-
rial in 1931. The Memorial not only declared that the Prince was
the unquestionable head of the community, who could be removed
only by death, but also spelled out the religious laws of the com-
munity.233

232 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 8. I know of no similarly-worded “creed”
among Yezidis hymns. Ismail’s opening sentence is clearly a contemporary
nod toward Christians and their Nicene Creed.
233 For the text of the Sheikhan Memorial, see Edmonds, Pilgrimage to
Lalish, 25-27; for the circumstances, see Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 138-44.
Though still meager, the amount of data gained from these

documents and from the writings of travelers enabled scholars to
write erudite works on the Yezidis. Most of these focused not so
much on the functioning of the Yezidis’ religious system, the con-
struct of their mythology, or the interpretation of particular myths,
but rather on the origin of Yezidi religion, or the ethnic roots of
this origin.
While Muslim scholars were mostly inclined to see Yezidis as
apostates234 and local Christians claimed that the Yezidis were
originally Christians who went astray,235 early researchers tended to
ascribe an ancient origin to Yezidis, seeing them as a fascinating
relic of a forgotten era. As early as 1827 the Austrian orientalist,
Hammer-Purgstall in his Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches236 regarded
them as descendants of the Mardi, an old Persian sect whom
Strabo and others mention, and who were said to worship the prin-
ciple of the evil.237 A Zoroastrian, or at least Iranian, origin was
suggested by Layard and Badger,238 though mixed with Sabaean or
Christian and Muslim elements respectively. W. Jackson also advo-
cated an Iranian origin, identifying the Yezidis with the opponents
of Zoroaster’s religious reform, whom the Prophet called devil-
worshippers.239 Others, like Neander, Chwolsohn, Haxthausen, and
Mingana, looked toward the dualistic movements of the Middle
234 See Joseph, Devil Worship, chapter “The Dogmatic View of the
Mahommedan Scholars,” especially 118-21. I must add that most Iraqi
Kurdish Muslims, at least today, simply consider Yezidis pagans and devil-
worshippers. I cannot recall anyone claiming that they were originally
Muslims, who lost the right road.
235 See, for example, Joseph, Devil Worship, 97-104. This view is still
current at least among some of the Iraqi Christians, though it is not possi-
ble to say if perhaps there are some practical or political considerations
behind this (looking for a natural ally in another religious minority). Some
Christians used to hold that Sheik Adi was in fact Mar Addai, the Apostle
of Mesopotamian Christianity. Meanwhile Armenians in the region of Van
considered Yezidis to be the apostates of the Armenian Church.
236 Pest: Hartleben, 1827-35.
237 Referred to in G.R. Driver, “The Religion of the Kurds,” 200.
238 At the same time Badger thought that the Yezidis’ ethnic origin
was Assyrian (as of Kurds in general).

239 W. Jackson, Persia, Past and Present (New York: MacMillan, 1906).
East.240 Nau and Anastase stressed the influence of Christianity,

while Grant looked toward Judaism. Ainsworth was convinced of
the Assyrian (as in Babylonian) origin of Yezidi religion, and
quoted a dozen of rather arbitrary similarities he perceived between
Assyrians (Babylonians) and the Yezidis. Marr saw Yezidism as the
representative of an indigenous religion predating the literary relig-
ions of the region.
Another branch of researchers was predisposed to seeing
Yezidism as a heretical form of Islam. This view, starting with
Siouffi’s identification of the Yezidi Sheikh Adi with the Sufi
Sheikh Adi bin Musafir, eventually grew to be the dominant one.
The second phase of Yezidi research, from the 1930s onwards,
favored an interpretation of Yezidism as an offshoot of Islam. This
view of Yezidism as an aberrant form of extremist Islam was
shared by Muslim and European writers alike. The pioneer of this
approach among Western scholars was the Islamist M. Guidi, who
laid the emphasis on Islamic roots, connecting Yezidis with Yazid
bin Omayyad, and tracing the beginnings of the Yezidis back to an
exaggerated veneration for the Umayyads.241 While Guidi agreed
that the cult displayed a non-Islamic substratum of beliefs, pre-
sumably of Iranian or “Kurdish” origin, and admitted the influence
of “Iranian dualism,” he paid little attention to these phenomena.
This notion of “Umayyad ghulat” became entrenched when the
Kurdologist R. Lescot endorsed Guidi’s views, adding that
Yezidism was channeled toward mysticism by Sheik Adi. It must be
added that despite being an expert on the Yezidis of the Jebel Sin-
jar and Siman (Syria), Lescot’s interest in their religion was limited.
Sensitive as his study is of the social and tribal organization, politi-
cal and social establishments of the Yezidis, it takes a skeptical and
rather superior view of Yezidi religion, which, as he declares,
Yezidis themselves are not familiar with.242 T. Bois also cast his
240 See Introduction.

241 M. Guidi, “Origine dei Yazidi Storia Religiosa dell’Islam e del Du-
alismo,” RSO 12 (1932): 266-300.
242 This, of course, is true to a certain extent, but not true of “all
classes” as he claims (Lescot, Les Yezidis, 7) as for Yezidis religion stays

strictly in the domain of the “religious experts.”
vote for an Islamic origin, putting the emphasis on Sufism, evident

in the social organization of the Yezidis, their devotional practice
and religious language. A special case is constituted by Furlani who
- while realizing the importance of the Islamic component - em-
phasizes the presence of Iranian and Nestorian Christian elements.
243 Even more interestingly, he seems to find the roots of the
Yezidi concept of Satan in the teachings of Origen.244
The State of Yezidi Research Today

As has been said above, all these scholars had to make do with pre-
cious little information actually originating from the Yezidis them-
selves, a fact which greatly hindered both their work, and the
growth of Yezidi studies as a discipline. This situation slowly
started to change (though there is still a long way to go) toward the
close of the millennium. In the Soviet Union, the Armenian Yezidi
researchers, the brothers Ordekhan and Jelîlê Jelîl included a num-
ber of qewls, that is, Yezidi hymns, which are of paramount impor-
tance for the transmission of Yezidi religion, in their collection
Kurdskij Foklor (Moskow, 1978.) At the same time in Iraq two
young Yezidi university graduates, Pîr Khidr Silêman and Dr Khelil
Jindî Rashow, realizing that the transition to a modern lifestyle rep-
resented a serious threat to Yezidi oral tradition, managed to con-
vince the spiritual leaders (residing in Northern Iraq) to allow them
to publish Yezidi sacred texts. The result was Êzdiyati (Baghdad,
1979) to be followed by Gundiyatî by Sîleman (Baghdad, 1985.)
These collections, and the work of recording and publishing hymns
and other texts which followed, are of great value for preserving
Yezidi religious tradition from oblivion. These new texts, and the
horizons they opened for research, were made available to Western
researchers with the first translations published by P. Kreyenbroek.
The approach of recent researchers has become more subtle,
and the idea of seeing Yezidism as the final product of a many-
243 Furlani, Testi religiosi dei Yezidi (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1930) and “Sui
Yezidi,” RSO 13 (1932): 97-132.
244 Furlani, “Origene e i Yezidi,” Rendiconte dell’Accademia Nazionale dei
Lincei, Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche series 8, vol. 2 (1952): 7-14.
layered cultural and religious syncretism has advanced. Authors no

longer try to trace back Yezidism to a single source, but see it as a
special synthesis of diverse elements, which resulted in the exis-
tence of a novel, independent system, a religion “of its own.” This
approach does not deny the strong influence of Islam, specifically
of Sufism, but simultaneously looks for other pre-Islamic elements
that contributed to the development of Yezidi mythology and de-
termined the ethos particular to it. The fact that Yezidism is an
orally-transmitted religion is also in the forefront of interest, along
with analyzing what this entails from the perspective of content
and structure.
The past decade or so has also seen a fast-growing interest in
Yezidis in academic circles. In 2001 Christine Allison published her
The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan, a detailed analysis of
non-religious Yezidi oral tradition, as well as number of articles on
this topic.245 Presently she has turned her attention toward the
oral history of Caucasian Yezidis. Research on Armenian Yezidis is
also being carried out by Garnik Asatrian246 and Victoria
Arakelova.247 The music of Armenian Yezidis is being studied by
Estelle de la Brèteque248 and Nahro Zagros. Birgul Acikyildiz249
245 Her articles include “Old and New Oral Traditions in Badinan,” in
Kurdish Culture and Identity, ed. P. Kreyenbroek and C. Allison (London:

Zed Books, 1996), 29-47; “Unbelievable Slowness of Mind: Yezidi studies,
from Nineteenth to Twenty-first Century,” Journal of Kurdish Studies 6
(2009): 1-24; “Orality, Literacy and Textual Authority amongst the
Yezidis,” in Proceedings of the 2007 workshop on Ritual and Alevism, University
of Heidelberg, ed. P. Langer and J. Karolewski, forthcoming.
246 G. Asatrian, “The Holy Brotherhood: The Yezidi Religious Insti-
tution of the ‘Brother’ and ‘Sister’ of the ‘Next World,’” Iran and the Cauca-
sus 3 -4 (1999 – 2000): 79-96; G. Asatrian and V. Arakelova, “Malak
Tāwūs: The Peacock Angel of the Yezidis,” Iran and the Caucasus 7.1-2
(2003): 1-36; and “The Yezidi Pantheon,” Iran and the Caucasus 8.2 (2004):
231-79.
247 V. Arakelova, “Three figures from the Yezidi Folk Pantheon,”
Iran and the Caucasus 6.1-2 (2002): 57 – 73; “Notes on the Yezidi Religious
Syncretism,” Iran and the Caucasus 8.1 (2004): 19-28.
248 E. Brèteque, “Chants pour la maisonnée au chevet du défunt La
communauté et l’exil dans les funérailles des Yézidis d’Arménie,” Fron-

tieres 20.2 (2008): 60-66, http://id.erudit.org/iderudit/018336ar
has prepared her PhD thesis on Yezidi sacral architecture. The

work of collecting and publishing has also started in Turkey among
the remaining few hundred Yezidis by Amed Gökçen and Esra
Danacıoğlu and others. A growing number of researchers are be-
ginning to pay attention to Yezidi history within the framework of
the Ottoman Empire, while others are dealing with the fascinating
phenomenon of the Yezidi diaspora in Europe, a minority of mi-
norities among emigrant Kurds from Iraq and Turkey.250 Pres-
ently there are several Master and Doctoral theses being prepared
on the Yezidis at various institution of higher education in Europe.
249 “Le Yézidism, son patrimoine architectural et ses stèles
funéraires,” The Journal of Kurdish Studies 4 (2009): 94-104; “The Sanctuary

of Shaykh ‘Adī at Lalish: Centre of Pilgrimage of the Yezidis,” The
BSOAS 72.2 (2009): 302-333; The Yezidis: The History of a Community, Cul-
ture and Religion, forthcoming.
250 A. Ackermann, “A Double Minority: Notes on the Emerging
Yezidi Diaspora,” in Diaspora, Identity and Religion: New Directions in Theory

and Research, ed. W. Kokot, K. Tölölyan, C. Alfonso (London: Routledge,
2004), 156 – 69; “Yeziden in Deutschland: Von der Minderheit zur Dias-
pora,” Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde 49 (2003): 157 – 77.
4 THE RELIGION OF THE YEZIDIS
This chapter does not aspire to give a comprehensive, all-

encompassing description of Yezidi Religion. My aim is simply to
give a concise analysis of those aspects of Yezidi religion which are
indispensable for understanding the questions analyzed in the sub-
sequent parts of this study. These topics are
• orality
• the relationship between God (the Godhead) and His An-
gels and between the Angels and the khas, that is, their in-
carnation on earth as Yezidi leaders.
ORALITY
The most important aspect of Yezidi religion is its oral nature.

Despite rumors about the existence of holy books already reported
by nineteenth-century travelers,251 and despite the late nineteenth-
century discovery of the alleged sacred books, the Jelwa and the
Meshef’a Resh or Black Book, all evidence points toward the fact that
251 Such claims probably reflect the influence of the surrounding “Re-
ligions of the Book.” (One must remember that in the Ottoman Empire
following the rules of Sharia, religions considered “of the Book” had a
much more prestigious, and certainly a much safer legal position.) Thus
for example, already the Arabic poem purporting to be an eulogy of
Sheikh Adi, and translated by Badger (Nestorians and their Rituals, 113)
mentions a Book of Glad Tidings, a work which is still referred to by
some Yezidis (under the title Mijde) as the “original” Yezidi sacred book,
now probably lost. The title of the work strongly indicates that it was con-
ceived after the fashion of the Evangelium (Good News) probably under
strong Christian influence.
91
Yezidi religion has been based on oral transmission for centuries.

Yezidis, with the sole exception of the Adani sheikh lineage, have
been banned by religious precepts from even learning to read and
write.252 As the Jelwa itself says: “I guide without a book.”253 This
orality has had far- reaching consequences.
252Some Adani sheikhs today claim that they were not only allowed to
read and write, but were in fact the keepers of sacred texts. However, so
far no genuine Yezidi manuscript has surfaced. Furthermore, as the
transmission of the sacred texts was primarily the task of the qewwals, or
singers (on whom see more below), the existence of any written texts in
the hands of the Adani sheikhs would have been basically irrelevant as far
as the oral nature and oral transmission of Yezidi religion and sacred texts
is concerned. Some pîr families also possess a special book called Mishuri. I
was not able to see any such book, but according to one old pîr lady, who
possessed such a Mishuri, allegedly 800-year-old, the book consisted –
besides a few prayers – of lists of tribes, and of the sheikhs and pîrs whom
each of these tribes followed. All of it in Arabic! However, it contained no
religious instructions, hymns, or cosmological/mythological material. Ac-
cording to her, the book could be opened only once a year, on the feast
day of the holy patron of this lineage of pîrs, when anybody could read
from it. However, as it turned out, neither the pîr, nor her late husband,
his father, grandfather or other people around them could read, and even
she was doubtful about how the book was read in the past. Furthermore,
her description of the book indicated a printed book, rather than a manu-
script (which would mean nineteenth century as the earliest date in this
region.) My impression was confirmed by the well-known Armenian Kur-
dologist, Jelîlê Jelîl, who told me in Paris that he had seen the same book,
and it was indeed a printed one. Philip Kreyenbroek also saw another
Mishuri when he was in Iraq in 2006. From what he said I gathered the
impression that this book was used for fortune telling (something Mus-
lims also do with the Quran, though officially this is haram) rather than as
a source of religious knowledge. Allison recounts that Adani sheikhs make
(or made) a similar use of books they referred to as the Jelwa. (Allison,
Yezidi Oral Tradition, 48.) Of course, doubting the ancient nature of such
Jelwas and Mishuris as sources of religious knowledge does not make their
existence any less interesting as a phenomenon, but it seems unlikely that
they could have served as transmitters of religious knowledge. Both the
Adani’s claim to have preserved a written tradition, and claims about the
Mishuri of the pîrs seem to be more in keeping with the desire to meet the
image of a “Religion of the Book” and the intellectual demands brought
about by modernity, school-education, and increased contacts with book-
THE RELIGION OF THE YEZIDIS 93
Lack of Sources
The most important, and from the researcher’s point of view un-
fortunate, consequence of orality is the dire lack of sources. Even
today, when the collection (and translation) of texts has become
possible and some headway has been made, a researcher, especially
a non-Yezidi researcher, can be familiar with only a fraction of the
existing material. As for the past, this orality simply means that we
have no sources for Yezidi religion, mythology, sacred hymns and
so on, before the late nineteenth century at the earliest, when the
alleged holy books appeared, and no sources for first- hand ac-
counts before the 1970s. Thus the reconstruction of Yezidi history,
that is, the history of Yezidi religion prior to these dates, is a work
of mere conjecture, where the researcher cannot simply rely on
earlier sources, unlike in many other fields of historical enquiry.
Finally this lack of sources has, naturally, resulted in a correspond-
ing lack of secondary literature. Though Yezidis have fascinated the
imagination of Western scholars since at least the early nineteenth
century, the lack of sources hindered the development of scholarly
debate and serious work. What little appeared, mainly after the
publication of the Sacred Books, tends to be repetitive, and of lim-
ited interest today, as - lacking material to sink its teeth into – the
majority of past scholarship in Yezidis was concerned with the pu-
tative origins of the Yezidis, most of which cannot be taken seri-
ously today.
ish traditions, especially in the diaspora, rather than with the actual facts,
(see chapter 5 on “Oral Tradition and Literacy”).
253 Frayha, “New Yezidi Texts,” 24; Joseph’s translation (“Yezidi
Texts,” 220) says: “I lead to the straight path without a revealed book.”
Today most Yezidis, especially older ones, claim that the “hymns cannot
be written.” Others claim that Yezidis used to possess such books, but
they were destroyed or lost during the many persecutions (ferman) inflicted
on the Yezidis, or they destroyed them as a safety measure and decided to
keep the sacred texts in their heart. A minority, though, believes that the
sacred texts are indeed written books which survived the centuries hidden
by some high-ranking families of religion.
Variability
The lack of written texts has led to a lack of a “universally” ac-

cepted canon, which has led to the lack of a corpus of theological
and exegetical works, which in its turn has led to an absence of a
unified theological system or a coherent dogma. As Kreyenbroek
summarizes: “The Yezidi tradition can only be understood as the
product of a long period of oral transmission. The lack of a written
tradition has… prevented the development of formal theology, or
the emergence of a single, monolithic system of beliefs.”254 In other
words, there exist side by side not only many different versions of
the same myth, hymn, motif, but even basic religious ideas and
concepts come in many, often contradictory forms. People as well
as sacred texts may describe certain concepts in different ways.
What is more, the virtual absence of an “official body” of teachings
can occasionally result in the same person offering statements
which sharply contradict each other, or at least lead to inconsisten-
cies.255
The variability of Yezidi faith is certainly perplexing. There is
not even universal agreement on the names of the Seven Holy An-
gels of the Yezidi “Pantheon.”256 Holy beings and Angels, who are
considered very important in one region, may not be so in another

255 Kreyenbroek (ibid.) contributes such inconsistencies to the lack of
an “official” form of faith, where “different people have been taught dif-
ferent things… not having been trained in Aristotelian logic, some Yezidis
seem capable of holding mutually exclusive beliefs at the same time.”
However, in my experience, such blatant contradictions were more likely
to occur with educated people who tried to “tailor” traditional ideas to the
demands of modernity, but occasionally “forgot themselves,” and infor-
mation not conforming to their “modernized” version of Yezidism
slipped out.
256 For different lists of names, see Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 99; Ed-
monds, Pilgrimage to Lalish, 4; Drower, Peacock Angel, 24; Lescot, Les

Yezidis, 46-47.
one.257 There is no universally-accepted form of prayer, even prayer

times are debated,258 a fact that missionaries of the past found
“shocking to a Christian mind.”259 Recently a book was published
in Georgia, containing a collection of different variants of the
“Confession of Faith” (Şe’detiya Dîn,) a sort of prayer recited by
Yezidis from the region.260 This little book alone contained thirty-
one different variants of the same text, some of them showing
quite considerable variations.261 Little is known about textual tradi-
tion in Turkey, as Turkish Yezidis had mostly fled to Europe as a
consequence of the ongoing civil war before it was possible to
carry out research among them. However, recently some work has
been started among the remaining community. The results were
made known at a Yezidi conference in Frankfurt (2007), where one
of the researchers, Amed Gökçen, demonstrated that hymns re-
cited in Turkey, though bearing the same title as hymns published
on the basis of material collected in Iraq, showed a number of
variations when compared to hymns recited over the border.262
Of course, if one considers the extent of land inhabited
by Yezidis with its widely dispersed communities,263 the lack of a
real central power with actual, rather than merely a spiritual author-
ity over these communities, and finally the lack of written texts
which would have made the transmission and retention of knowl-
257 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 69;. Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 34.

258 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 70-71. Lescot (Les Yezidis, 70, note 1) even
claimed, probably under the impression of information he received in the
Sinjar, that “ces invocations sont soumises à la libre invention de chacun.”
259 Badger, “The Nestorians and Their Rituals,” 117-118.
260 Meselêd bona Pêzanîna H’ebandina Dînê Êzdîtiyê: Şe’detiya Dîn (Material
for Making the Yezidi Faith Known and Appreciated,) ed. K’eremê An-
qosî (Tbilisi: Pirtûkxana Êzdiya, 2005).
261 Kreyenbroek’s collection also contains a “Declaration of Faith”
(Yezidism, 226-29). This, of course, is yet another variant.

262 This triggered off violent protest by Iraqi Yezidi researchers, who
promptly claimed the Turkish variants were “wrong,” despite the fact that
oral tradition knows no “wrong” or “right” variants.
263 From Aleppo in the West to the North and North-East of Syria,
to Northern Iraq, to South-East Anatolia, to the Caucasian region, and

possible Western Iran in the past.
edge, and the comparison of variants easier, the very existence of

Yezidism as a relatively coherent religious phenomenon is amazing.
In fact, one has to marvel that Yezidism has at all survived as a
religion which is perceived by its adherents as a unified faith, and
that being a follower of Yezidism provides a clear-cut religious (and
in this region: ethnic) identity. That retaining even this much unity
was at all possible, and despite all these difficulties, or rather “ab-
sences” one can still talk about “Yezidi religion” is due in a large
extent to the existence of two crucial, distinctive Yezidi institutions:
One is a special class of people, that of the qewwals or singers, the
other is what could be termed a ritual, the so-called Parading of the
Peacock (or tawûs gerran).
Qewwals
The class of qewwals, or singers and keepers of religious knowledge,

sacred hymns, songs and stories, constitutes the living memory of
Yezidi religion.264 During religious ceremonies, most of which
would not be complete without the presence of the qewwals, they
sing the sacred hymns, and perform on their sacred instruments,
the flute and the tambourine (def û shibab). Qewwals transmit their
lore from father to son, and no one born from a non-qewwal lineage
may become a qewwal. Previously qewwals could marry only among
each other, but this restriction is no longer observed. These singers,
to whom European travelers somewhat erroneously alluded to as
“teachers of the doctrines of the sect,”265 traditionally resided in the
twin villages of Beshiqe-Behzani near Mosul, from whence they
traveled to other villages. Interestingly, these twin-villages, the tra-
ditional residence of the qewwals, who recite the sacred hymns
264The word qewwal, literally “the one who chants or recites” – from
Arabic qewl, “speech,” “word” - originally referred to Sufi singers who
sang ecstatic poems during semas, that is, spiritual sessions.
265 A. Layard, A “Popular” Account of Discoveries at Nineveh (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1852), 193.

composed in Kurdish, are the sole Yezidi settlements where the

people speak Arabic as a mother tongue.266
Of course, qewwals are not the only ones who know sacred
texts. Religious leaders (whose position is also hereditary within the
lineage), like the Baba Sheikh, Peshiman, Baba Chawush and so on, are
also versed in religious lore, while many sheikhs and pîrs know at
least a few hymns, which they need at occasions (birth, circumci-
sion, marriage, death) when they perform rituals on the behalf of
their followers, or murids. Today some murids, like Arab Khidir, one
of my most important sources, can also become experts of religion,
but this is probably a modern development. Still, it was the qewwals
whose very raison d’être as a class was memorizing, performing
and transmitting texts.
Qewwals officiate at the religious ceremonies during the differ-
ent festivals held at Lalish, at burials, and at the ceremonial mourn-
ing in graveyards on the morning of New Year. However, these
activities were (and are) usually confined to their immediate district
(Sheikhan and possibly the Sinjar). It was only during the Parading
of the Peacock that these singers really ventured far from home,
from Aleppo to the Muscovy sanjak in the Transcaucasian region.
266 The language situation in Beshiqe-Behzani is a rather obscure one.

Possibly the percentage of the population speaking Kurdish or Arabic as a
mother tongue has shifted with time. Lady Drower visited the villages
during the Second World War, and reported that she had difficulty in
speaking with some of the inhabitants, as they spoke only Kurdish.
(Drower, Peacock Angel, passim.) Kreyenbroek writes that the qewwals are
drawn from two families of the villages, the Kurdish-speaking Dimlî, and
the Arabic-speaking Tazhî family. (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 132). However,
when I visited the villages, people claimed that all inhabitants (born there)
traditionally spoke Arabic as their mother language (of course qewwals, and
most of the older men spoke Kurdish as well. Women and younger peo-
ple tended to speak little Kurdish, if at all). Furthermore, I was told by
someone from Behzani, that the word tazhi – meaning greyhound, the
only kind of dog that enjoys respect among the Kurds – is a term the
people of the villages generally use to refer to themselves, not only to one
qewwal family, because they came from the Be’eka valley following Sheikh
Adi like loyal dogs.
Parading of the Peacock
The Parading of the Peacock refers to the ritual when the sanjak,267
that is, a bronze image of a peacock, revered as the symbol of the
Peacock Angel, the protecting angel of the Yezidis, is taken around
the Yezidi villages. The Peacock sanjak is the most sacred object of
Yezidis, usually well-hidden from the prying eyes of strangers.
Originally, there were seven bronze peacocks, corresponding to the
seven Yezidi districts, also known as sanjaks (a word probably
adopted from Ottoman administrative terminology).268 There
seems to be some disagreement as to the original identity of these
seven geographical sanjaks, but they covered all the territories
where Yezidis lived, from Aleppo to Iran and from Iraq to the
Muscovy sanjak (that is, the Caucasus Mountains).269 The sanjaks
were traditionally kept in Lalish, the sacred valley of the Yezidis
near Mosul, or at other times in the house of the Yezidi Prince at
Baadra, also near Mosul, in whose possessions they officially were.
At regular intervals the sanjaks were taken on tour to visit the
Yezidi villages, each one in its own district, accompanied by a
group of qewwals. This was called the Parading of the Peacock or
tawûs gerran. The sanjaks belonging to districts near the center were
paraded two or three times a year. Those for districts further away
267 In literature on Yezidis this object is referred to as sanjak, while

Yezidis today usually talk about it as Tawûs, that is, “Peacock.”
268 The sanjaks had a troubled history. They were the favourite spoils
of the hostile Ottoman armies, and even of warring Yezidi fractions. Five
of the sanjaks kept in Lalish were for example taken as war spoils to
Baghdad in 1892, though they are said to have been returned later (Guest,
Survival among the Kurds, 166, 171). Today some of the original sanjaks seem
to have been lost for good, though it is impossible to know how many are
actually left. Fuccaro (The Other Kurds, 139) writes that in the 1920s only
three of them toured the Yezidi districts. My Yezidi friends in Iraq
claimed that today only two are left, those of the Sheikhan and Sinjar dis-
trict in Iraq, while Jasim Murad (“Sacred Poems,” 129) claims that the
Aleppo and Diyarbakir sanjaks are still left and occasionally visit their dis-
trict.
269 Today the Peacock visits only the two districts in Iraq, and per-
haps Syria.
went only once, or, when there were political troubles even less
often.
During the touring of the sanjak, the envoys stop at every vil-
lage270 on their way and perform the rituals of the tawûs gerran.271
After the small bronze image of the Peacock is ceremoniously set
up in a guest room of the village and the appropriate prayer recited,
believers arrive in long queues to pay their respect, that is, to kiss
the standard and the hand of the leading qewwal, and leave some
money as well. Later on the qewwals perform some religious hymns
accompanied by the flute and the tambour. The highlight of the
event is the sermon, or mishabet272 preached by the leading qewwal.
The topic is chosen after consulting the wishes of the audience,
and the recitation of the sacred hymns is mixed with the retelling of
myths and learned expositions on the subject. A ceremonial meal
consumed together with the guests is usually part of the proceed-
ings as well. (In the Sheikhan following the meal there is another
session of hymn singing, when the elderly men present can request
which hymns they would like to hear. These usually centre around
Sheikh Adi, the Peacock Angel, and Yezidi ancestors, and a special
hymn is recited in honour of the ancestor sheikh to whose lineage
the host belongs.)273 Once the allotted time is over and the trickle
of visitors dries up, the Peacock is carefully wrapped in its protec-
tive sacred clothes and taken to a new house or a new village,
where the proceedings are repeated.
The Parading of the Peacock provided (and in some isolated
places still provides) one of the rare opportunities when common
270 In collective villages the Peacock sanjak spends one day in each of
the units corresponding to the former villages.
271 The following short description is based on my own observances
in the Sinjar, in 2004. For a longer and more detailed description, see E.
Spät, “The Role of the Peacock ‘Sanjak’ in Yezidi Religious Memory:
Maintaining Yezidi Oral Tradition,” in Materializing Memory: Archaeo-
logical Material Culture and the Semantics of the Past, BAR International
Series 1977, ed. I. Barbiera, A. Choyke, J. Rasson (Oxford: Archeopress,
2009), 105-16.
272 A combination of myth narrated in prose, recital of hymns, and
possibly moral exhortations.

273 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 134-135.
Yezidis could get some form of religious instruction. Thus, the

rituals surrounding the holy object of the sanjak, when the village
community assembled to see the Peacock, and the qewwals sang
hymns and recited sermons explaining Yezidi myths and concepts,
were of great importance in preserving Yezidi religion as they se-
cured the continuance of the oral tradition by providing an oppor-
tunity for the recitation of oral texts.
The relevance of the ritual of the Parading of the Peacock in
keeping alive and “regulating” religious knowledge in the Yezidi
community is highlighted by the fieldwork carried out by Jasim
Murad among the German diaspora, which demonstrates how im-
portant a source of religious knowledge the visit of the qewwals was
for the outlying communities. Speaking of young Yezidis, who
grew up in Germany, he notes that they know practically nothing
of their religion. He is of the opinion that this can be attributed to
the fact that these youngsters, living in an alien cultural environ-
ment, were excluded from the ritual life their parents could still
experience in their native villages. It is telling that of all the cere-
monial occasions it is the Parading of the Peacock he singles out
for mention: “For example, the Standard of the Peacock Angel
does not circulate among them, a ritual containing a major source
for hearing the sacred poems as well as being instructed in the basic
doctrines of the religion.”274 This is corroborated by the interviews
made with older Yezidis now living in Germany. Most of them
mentioned the Parading of the Peacock as among the most impor-
tant aspects of their earlier life “living as Yezidis” in their home-
land, and the main source of their (limited) knowledge of Yezidi
faith.275 It apparently also served to reinforce their collective iden-
tity as Yezidis: “It was during the ritual of the Peacock Angel that
my feelings as a Yazidi would become strengthened.”276
274Ibid., 381.
275Ibid., 388-91.
276 Ibid., 390. It is also worth noting that as the sanjak was in the pos-
session of the Yezidi Prince, who represents the Peacock Angel on earth,
the Parading of the Peacock “emphasized the prince’s links with the su-
pernatural power of… [the Peacock Angel] thus, strengthening his author-
ity vis-à-vis the believers.” Fuccaro, The Other Kurds, 21. Furthermore,
It is clear that the Parading of the Peacock was an important

tool for religious standardization and maintaining the unity of
Yezidi religion, as far as this is possible in an oral tradition, through
ensuring a continuous contact between the religious centre and
periphery, limiting independent religious development in the lat-
ter.277
Genres of Yezidi Oral Tradition:
Yezidis have their own terms for different categories of religious

texts. The most important literary genres of Yezidi oral tradition
are the qewl, beyt and chirok.278 Their language is invariably Kurdish,
though the two former genres contain many Arabic expressions.
Qewls: The word qewl is translated into English as “hymn” or “sa-

cred poem.” Qewls are, ideally, transmitted verbatim, in a fixed form
by the qewwals and other religious experts.
The language of the qewls is excruciatingly difficult to under-
stand. They use plenty of Arabic expressions, while in some places
the texts may seem corrupt, or perhaps they employ old Kurdish
these tours have always provided the prince with an opportunity to inter-
vene in the life of Yezidi communities far from the centre, through the
intermediary of the qewwals chosen by the prince, and occasionally other
dignitaries accompanying the Peacock. The strengthening of the Prince’s
authority over outlying communities also contributed if not to the con-
tinuation of religious oral tradition, then at least to a sense of unity as a
community under a single leader, the Yezidi Prince.
277 Religious festivals which included ceremonial gatherings in the
holy valley of Lalish could have acted in the same way. However, it is
highly questionable how many Yezidis, and from how far, could have
attended these in the past, before the appearance of modern vehicles and
a road system. It is also worth noting that the Yezidi tribes of Armenia,
shut off from the centre after the creation of the Soviet Union, went
through an independent development that is most intriguing for research-
ers.
278 For a list of the different Yezidi genres and their description, see
Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 49-53.

forms no longer easily interpreted. Also, many “Qewls are based

upon a chirok,(“tale”) consisting of poetic allusions which are
largely incomprehensible to those who are not familiar with the
chirok,”279 that is, to the average Yezidi layman, who receives no
formal religious education whatsoever. As a result, most Yezidi
laymen have little idea about the exact content of the hymns, in
fact, evidence suggest that they feel little incentive even to try and
understand the texts of the qewls heard during ritual perform-
ances.280
The time of the composition of the qewls is hard to define.
Their language indicates that they must have been composed after
the coming of Islam. The literary images and expressions employed
by these hymns, the reference to Sufi figures and often their very
themes strongly suggest the influence of Sufi poetry and altogether
of Sufism. As for the ante quam of their composition, “in the case of
several Qewls the relatively consistent use of terms and symbols
with obviously pre-modern Islamic associations, such as ‘the
Sunna’ for the community itself and the pejorative ‘Radifites’ for
Shi’ies, strongly suggest that an important part of the Qewl tradition
goes back to a time when questions of identity could still be mean-
ingfully expressed in terms of Islamic discourse.”281
Yezidi tradition itself is ambiguous about the origin of the
hymns. Some people claim that they were composed by “wise and
saintly men from the ‘time of Sheikh Adi’” or perhaps Sheikh Adi
himself.282 More traditional Yezidis, however, insist that these
279 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 50. In fact, numerous com-
ments Kreyenbroek has attached to his translation make it clear that even
Yezidis versed in religious lore may occasionally be at a loss as to the ex-
act meaning of an expression. Presumably, they refer to stories no longer
remembered.
280 See Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 45. His statement is also
supported by my own experience in the course of fieldwork.

281 Ibid., 50.
282 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 49. Currently this seems to be the opinion
favoured by Yezidi intellectuals of Iraqi origin, who are intent on shaping

Yezidism into a modern, “scientific” religion. See chapter 5 on “Oral Tra-
dition and Literacy.”
hymns were revealed from the sky, as a sort of divine revelation,283

or were perhaps brought to mankind by the Angels.284 This view is
also supported by the very content of the hymns themselves:
Thus speaks my King,285 the Lord of Foundations:
Indeed, Fekhr,286 I shall reveal to the earth
The Qewls and the Khirqes287
So that the House of Tradition288 may
Adhere to it, rejoice and believe in it…
He fashioned the Qewls and khirqes
And revealed them on the earth
He entrusted them to Melik Fekhredin289
Melik Fekhredin entrusted them to the holy men of Sheikh Adi
The holy men of Sheikh Adi adhered to them and had faith in
them.290
283 According to Arab Khidir “just as the Christians say New Testa-
ment, and Jews say Old Testament (Ehdit, Promise, Alliance,) our hymns
are like an Alliance of God, God sent us down the hymns (qewl)… instead
of Books.” According to Pîr Haji from Mahad, the qewls are semavi, that is,
from heaven (meaning that they are revealed texts.)
284 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 1-2; Bedelê Feqîr Hecî, Bawerî, 199.
I was told the same by many Yezidis I interviewed on the matter. As the
Seven Angels became incarnate as Sheikh Adi and his companions, that is,
as “holy men” (see below), this view is in fact easy to reconcile with the
statement that the hymns were composed by Sheikh Adi and saintly men
from his time. However, the traditional approach sees these religious lead-
ers as incarnate angels, and would never say that the hymns were written
by “human beings” and were not “revealed” texts, as the adherents of the
first view do.
285 I.e., God.
286 Melek (Angel) Fekhredin, one of the Seven Angels of God. See
more below.
287 The sacred black shirts worn by the feqirs.
288 Sunnetxane (pron. “sunnetkhane”) – a Muslim expression Yezidis
apply to themselves.
289 Angel Fekhredin.
290 Hymn of the Black Furqan, 37, 41 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
100-101.) For the hymns translated by Kreyenbroek and quoted in this

study, see Appendix II.
Beyt: As far as literary compositions are concerned, beyts, translated

into English as “songs,” cannot be distinguished from qewls on the
mere basis of formal characteristics. Their categorization as beyts is
a question of tradition. Theoretically beyts are considered generally
“less holy” and less important. It must be added however that
some compositions known as beyts291 are fairly important and are
performed on a regular basis by men of religion, unlike many qewls.
Chirok (çîrok): Chirok (also called destan,) can literally be translated as

tales, folktales. Yezidis use the word chirok to refer to prose narra-
tives of Yezidi myths, which are transmitted in the form of story-
lines. The exact wording of a chirok changes from performance to
performances and may depend on a number of criteria. In fact, the
same narrator may tell the same chirok in different ways at different
times.
There is a widespread belief among many (though not all)
Yezidis today that qewls are older than the chiroks. Some of them
also claim that qewls are more sacred and “authentically Yezidi,” or
even that chiroks are not sacred at all, they are merely historical ac-
counts of events. They are seen as old and also as true, but they
have no “revealed” nature nor are they peculiar to Yezidis.292
Both claims are debatable. As regards the age and content of
the chiroks, one cannot but agree with Kreyenbroek’s observation:
“Perhaps the most essential constituent element of the Yezidi reli-
gious tradition is the chirok.”293 Chiroks contain such myths as the
creation of the world, of mankind and of the Yezidis. There are
also chiroks concerning incarnate angelic beings and their role in
Yezidi history. In short they are the very skeleton of Yezidi relig-
291For example, the Beyta Cindî (Song of the Commoner,), Beyta Êvarî
(Song of the Evening,) Beyta Sibê (Song of the Morning.)
292 Yezidis realize that figures like Ibrahim Khalil, Moses, Noah and
so on also appear in the tradition of other religions, but they are not famil-
iar enough with these religions to tell that some of the Yezidi myths con-
cerning these figures cannot be found in them, at least not in their written,
canonicalized books.
293 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 49.
ion. As regards the origin of the chiroks, it is possible that some chi-
roks may have been recently constructed to explain no longer un-
derstood references in qewls. Other chiroks, however, clearly contain
myths from a pre-Islamic religious milieu (whether Western-Iranian
or late antique.) On the other hand the strongly Sufi language and
imagery employed by the qewls, the references to the community of
the Sunna, and the very Arabic words they use indicate that the
hymns were composed at a more recent date, that is, after exposure
to Islam and Sufism.
The relationship between qewls and chiroks is intriguing. The
two are closely intertwined. Many, though not all, qewls are based
on chiroks and cannot be understood without them. At the same
time, qewls, with their fixed and memorized texts, help remember
storylines in a more or less stable form. “Thus the Qewl and chirok
traditions are complementary, each ensuring the preservation and
appreciation of the other.”294
As I have said, there is also a theory that only the qewls and
their content constitute a valid sacred tradition. However, when
one gets down to the details, there is no agreement on what is con-
tained by qewls, which is hardly surprising given that no person can
be familiar with all the different hymns, and even Yezidis suspect
that some hymns may have become lost with time. There is also a
disagreement on what constitutes a qewl. So, for example, the story
of Ibrahim Khalil was considered a chirok by some, a mishabet by
others, while Feqir Haji called it a Qewl of Prophet Ibrahim, even
though his recital consisted mostly of prose and only of a limited
amount of hymns quoted.
It seems likely that the verbatim transmission and theoretically
fixed nature of the qewls greatly contributed to the view held by
some that only the hymns are of a sacred nature and they are older
or more “authentic” than chiroks. This probably reflects the influ-
ence of the “Religions of the Book,” where only fixed texts, learned
and transmitted verbatim are considered sacred and revealed. To-
day, when considerable and conscious efforts are being made to
turn Yezidi religion into a religion modeled on Christianity and
294 Ibid., 50.

Islam, complete with a fixed canon of sacred texts, it is probable

that this view will become increasingly universal.
GOD, THE ANGELS AND THE KHAS IN TRADITIONAL

YEZIDI BELIEF
A very important caveat must be kept in mind, when writing about

Yezidi angels, and their relationship with God and the khas, or the
holy beings of Yezidi sacred history. As Yezidis do not have (as
yet) a coherent theology and theological language,295 comparable to
that of Judaism, Christianity or Islam, for example, it is inevitable
that one occasionally uses terminology taken from the language of
other theological or philosophical systems. Such expressions, for
example, as “emanation” or “manifestation” are somewhat mis-
leading, as no Yezidi would (today) use such terms. However, they
are also inevitable for describing a Yezidi religious phenomenon in
terms understandable to non-Yezidis. Furthermore, apart from the
“alien” terminology, describing religious ideas in a sterile, academic
construct would also be alien to the traditional Yezidi way of
speaking about religion, which uses myths and hymns to express
ideas, with no thought of giving Western-style definitions and con-
cise explanations. Finally, as is the wont of oral religion, different
people may have different ideas about the same thing, though it is
possible to draw up “schools of thought” with loose boundaries.
Still, I will here try to give a short summary of the traditional
religious view on the nature of the angels, holy beings and their
relationship to God, as without understanding the peculiar Yezidi
position on these questions, the following chapters would be hard
to understand.
295 As Lady Drower put it so charmingly “one of the charms of the
Yazidis is that they are never positive about theology.” Drower, Peacock
Angel, 6.
The Godhead and its Seven Angel or Seven Mysteries.
One of the most original and interesting aspect of Yezidi religion is

the nature of angels, and their connection, or identity with the
Godhead. The Yezidi creation myth, expressed by the Black Book
and by many hymns, speaks about the Seven Angels (Heptad)296
who came into being during (or just before) the process of the
creation of the world. Even though sacred texts, as well as Yezidis
talking about the creation of the angels, use the word “to create,”297
the Heptad of Yezidi mythology are not created beings, as the an-
gels of Judaism, Christianity or Islam, but rather emanations or
hypostases of the Godhead. This is made clear by the Black Book,
which declares, in Joseph’s translation: “In the beginning he cre-
ated six gods from himself and from his light, and their creation
was as one lights a light from another light.”298 Another manu-
script, in Ebied and Young’s translation says: “God… created six
gods from his essence and from his light. Their creation took place
as a man kindles a candle from another candle.”299 In other words,
the Angels come into being from the very light or essence of God,
implying consubstantiality between the Godhead and his Angels.
They are different entities, but identical in their essence. It is also
worth noting that the Black Book mentions the creation of six, not
of seven angels, just as the Hymn of the Creation of the World,300 even
though all sources agree that the number of the Angels was seven
(Seven Angels, Heptad), and many Yezidis can recite their seven
296 This Zoroastrian term, originally used to designate the Amesa Spen-
tas, or Bounteous Immortals, who are the characteristic attributes and
inseparable aspect of God (Ahura Mazda), is applied by Kreyenbroek to
the Seven Angels, but far as I know is not used by the Yezidis. (On the
other hand the Ahl-i Haqq do use the word Haftan to designate the Seven
Divine Angels of their system, who resemble the Yezidi Seven Angels.)
297 Afirandin, xolokandin, çêkirin.
298 I. Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 224.
299 Ebied –Young, “An Account of the History and Rituals of the
Yazidis of Mosul,” 521.

300 “Our Lord is the Eternal Lord, He created six Angels, He sepa-
rated Hell and Paradise.” Hymn of the Creation of the World 19, Kreyenbroek,
Yezidism, 185.
names (even if not necessarily always the same seven.) This may
imply that – at least at one point, at some stage of the tradition –
God was thought of as one of the Seven.301
Contemporary discourse on the Angels also supports the view
that the Angels are the emanations of God. As Sheikh Deshti of
Khanke said: “The Lord of the World created all the Seven Angels
from his own light (nûr), that is, from his own power (quwet,) from
his own miraculous might (keramet.)”302 Similarly Qewwal Qewwal
declared that Tawusi Melek, that is, the Peacock Angel, the leader
of the Seven Angels and the protector of the Yezidis, “came into
existence from the light (of God.)”303 Another telling, though
rather different, description was provided by Feqir Ali, one of the
old Yezidis living in Germany interviewed by Jasim Murad: “The
universe was a total void in which the light of God was shining.
God turned from His right side and prayed to himself and from his
shoulder Tawusi Melek, i.e. Angel Gabrail, was born.”304 Though
this account of the Peacock Angel’s birth is far less abstract than
the above statements on the Angels being created from God’s light
and essence, the fact that he is said to have been born from God’s
shoulder also implies a close, essential connection between them,
translated into the language of folktales.
301Similarly, in Zoroastrian tradition, Ahura Mazda, God, was one of

the Heptad, the seven Amesa Spentas, or Bounteous Immortals, the other
six abstractions of the Heptad being thought into existence by Ahura
Mazda, the supreme being himself. See R. Zaehner, The Dawn and Twilight
of Zoroastrianism (London: Phoenix Press, 2002), 34-35, 45-50.
302 Rabul alemi her heft milyaket ji nûra xwe çêkirine, yani ji quweta xwe, ji
kerema xwe çêkirine.

303 Tawsî Melek ji nûr çêbû. The Peacock Angel is traditionally identified
with the Satan by Muslims, and Yezidis are accused of worshipping the
devil. Many early studies on the Yezidis thought that they worshipped the
Peacock Angel in order to propitiate the force of evil. However, there is
nothing in Yezidi religion which would support the idea that the Peacock
Angel is a malevolent spirit out to lead humans into temptation and de-
struction, like the Satan or Devil of Judeo-Christianity and Islam
304 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 288. The Peacock Angels is often,
though not always, identified with the Angel Jibrail, that is, Gabriel
Yezidi hymns elaborate the identity between the Supreme

Divine Being and His Angels in many different ways. The Hymn of
Sheykh Obekr305 talks of how one angel became two, two angels be-
came three and so on, until the number seven is reached, and ex-
plains how these angels are identical, that is, the expressions (or
manifestations) of the same essence:
My King306 is the almighty,
There were four angels, they became five.
All five shared another’s character and qualities
My heart is happy because of this:
There were five angels, they became six.
All six became the angels of the Throne.
My King made (his) speech pleasant
They were seated together in Love.
There were six angels, they became seven.
All seven, when they were created,
Were exactly alike.
In Love, gazing at one another, they passed the time.307
Individual Angels (of the Heptad) are routinely described with
words and expressions befitting God, rather than one of his crea-
tions, in the hymns dedicated to the Angels.308 For example, the
Hymn addressed to Tawusi Melek, describes the Peacock Angel in
terms of God, attributing to him all the “characteristics” and deeds
of God. It is not possible to quote the whole hymn here, but three
stanzas would perhaps be enough to convey the general tone of the
hymn:
Oh my Lord, by your eminence, by your rank and by your sov-
ereignty,
Oh my Lord, you are generous, you are merciful,
305 The Hymn of Sheykh Obek,r 16-22 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 211-13).

306 The term “King” (Sultan) is used to denote God.
307 The Hymn of Sheykh Obekr 19-22, (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 211-13).
308 See ibid., 84, and chapter “A Survey of Prominent Yezidi Holy
Beings,” 91-124.
Oh my Lord, you are forever God,

You are forever worthy of praise and homage.
Oh my Lord, you are the angel who is the king of the world,
Oh my Lord, you are the angel who is generous king,
You are the angel of the awesome Throne,
Oh my Lord, from pre-eternity you have always been the an-
cient one.309
Oh my Lord, you are higher than the sky,
You have no attributes, you are everywhere,
You do not give birth, you are alive without having been
born.310
This hymn does not only describe Tawusi Melek in a way which is
in keeping with Muslim (as well as Jewish and Christian) traditions
of praising God as the Lord of all the creation, but point blank de-
clares him to be “forever God.” Furthermore, in accordance with
the theological traditions of describing God as the all encompass-
ing one, the Peacock Angel appears as a being who has no attrib-
utes, as it is only what was created that can be assigned attributes
(that is, can be described by them). What is even more remarkable,
the hymn – by declaring that the Peacock Angel gives no birth and
was not born - even employs a crucial term used to portray God
from one of the best known Suras: “He begetteth not, nor is He
begotten”311- meant to refute Christian ideas on God the Father
begetting Jesus the Son.
Similarly, the hymn addressed to Sheikh Shems, another of
the Seven, represents him as the Creator:
Oh Sheykh Shems, you are merciful,
You are my creator from ancient times.
309The Hymn of Melek Tawus 1-2, ibid., 245.

310The Hymn of Melek Tawus 8, ibid. (The original text of the last line is
corrupt, the translation is made on the basis of an emendated text based
on discussing the text with informants (Kreyenbroek, Note 7 for Kurdish
text, 248; Note 7 for English text 249) but given the context there is no
reason to seriously doubt the validity of this emendation.)
311 Sura 112.003.
Oh Sheykh Shems, you are compassionate,

You are my dear creator,
For all ills you are my remedy,
To all creatures you are merciful.
Oh Sheykh Shems, you are a refuge,
You are my creator for ever and ever,
You give sustenance and you take it away.312
There are many ways to describe the essential oneness of the
Godhead and His Angels. Texts and people alike mention “light”
(nûr) very often, people also refer to the power (quwet,) or miracu-
lous might (keramet) of God,313 but by far the most important word
is sur. Sur comes from a Sufi word sirr, meaning (divine) “mystery,”
“secret” hidden from those unworthy of knowing it. As mystery, it
refers to the substance of God’s grace, and approaching this sirr is a
kind of gnosis for the Sufi. In its sense as “secret,” sirr may allude
to divine love, the intimate relation between the mystic and God.
Finally it can also mean the innermost part of heart, meaning not
the physical heart, but the locus of spiritual revelation, a human
faculty for fixing on the spiritual realm.314
In Yezidi lore sur’s meaning, however, is slightly different.
When asked, most Yezidis would define (both in Kurdish and Eng-
lish) sur as nûr, that is, light, adding that it is the light of God.315
Some added “power of God” (quwet, qudret), and occasionally “mi-
raculous power” (keramet) to the “light,” and even “spirit” in Eng-
lish.
312 The Hymn of Sheykh Shems of Tabriz 3-5 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism,

259,) see the whole of the hymn as well.
313 These latter two expressions are used in contemporary discourse
rather than in the hymns.

314 See The Oxford Dictionary of Islam, ed. J. L. Esposito (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2003), 297; M. A. Amir-Moezzi, “Sirr” in Ency-

clopaedia of Islam 12, Supplement (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 752-53.
315 The only person who translated sur in its traditional sense, mys-
tery, was Mamoste Sabah, the English teacher from Baadra. Another
young, English-speaking Yezidi made a distinction between the two
words. He considered sirr, to be an Arabic word, meaning “secret,” while
sur he defined as a Yezidi word meaning “light.”
A careful analysis of Yezidi texts and Yezidi discourse on the

question of the sur leads to the conclusion that sur can best be
translated as “divine essence” or as “the essence of the divine.” In
Kreyenbroek’s definition it “refers to the mysterious nature of the
members of a Heptad of divine beings,”316 while in the Index of his
book it is defined as “the ‘essence’ of a holy being.”317 In my opin-
ion, sur ultimately refers to the essence of the Divine itself, that is,
God (or the Godhead), an essence in which his emanations, the
divine or holy beings (angels) share. It is the divine sur (from here
on translated as light or divine essence) that the angels were created
from, or rather, emanated forth from.
As Feqir Haji said about the creation of the Seven Angels
“the Great Lord created the seven Angels from his own Light, from
his own Sur.”318 The Seven Angels are in fact often simply referred
to as “Heft Sur” (“Seven Sur”)319 in the sacred hymns. Again, these
hymns make the consubstantiality between God and his emana-
tions, the angels, unambiguous, by referring to both as sur For ex-
ample, The Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 15 says of God: “My King is a
Mystery (Sur) in Heaven,”320 while his angels in turn are also often
referred to in the hymns as sur:
My King, ever since he was the Prince
Was the leader of a vast army.
With the Seven Mysteries (sur) of Sultan Êzîd,321 he was the
knowing one.322
316Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 52.

317Ibid., 342. On the “holy beings” or khas, see below.
318 Rabul Alemî heft milyaketa çêkir(in), ji sura xwe xolokandin, ji nûra xwe
xolokandin.
319 Translated by Kreyenbroek as Seven Mysteries. though this is proba-
bly due to the lack of a more fitting expression in the English language.
320 padşê min surr li sema (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 211).
321 Note how Sultan Êzîd here too appears as God, the head, or pos-
sessor of the Seven Sur, rather than one of the Seven Angels.
322 Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 11 and 14, (Kreybroek, Yezidism, 211.)
The Khas – the Holy Beings, or Incarnate Angels
The sur, the divine essence or light manifesting itself in the emana-
tion of the Godhead, plays a crucial role throughout Yezidi history
in the interplay between the human and the divine spheres. It is the
key to understanding the nature of the protagonists of Yezidi sa-
cred history. Such personages, who may be known to non-Yezidis
from Judaism323 and Islamic history,324 or may be specifically Yezidi
figures (often wearing the same name as the Seven Angels), are
called khas,325 literally “good, holy beings.”326 The khas are in effect
the incarnation of angels (that is of divine emanations) whether
they go by the same name like their divine counterparts327 or are
known by another name (often adopted from Christian or Islamic
figures.) Periodically they appear on earth in human form to lead
people (that is, Yezidis) on the road of true faith.328
323 For example, Noah, Ibrahim Khalil, that is, Abraham.

324 For example, Yezid bin Muawiya, or various Sufi figures, from
Sheikh Adi to Rabia al-Adawiyya, Bayazid Bastami, Shems of Tebriz,
Mansur al-Hallaj.
325 The other word to designate them is mêr (literally “man”), though
in my experience this designation can be found in the sacred hymns, but

was not typically used by the Yezidis I interviewed.
326 Khas is originally an Arabic term, meaning “good.” Among the
Nusayrîs, the so-called “Khāss” alludes to the elect (sons of light) accord-
ing to the Kitab al-Usus, see Bar-Asher – Kofsky, The Nusayrî-‘Alawî Relig-
ion, 56.
327 Sheikh Adi’s companions bore the names of the Heptad.
328 This idea of the successive manifestations of the deity (divine es-
sence, light) in human form is also present among contemporary and me-
dieval extreme Shiite groups, where researchers often suggest a strong
Gnostic influence. It is indeed very tempting to call this simply a Gnos-
tic/Manichaean motif, as both taught the periodical manifestation of di-
vine “illuminators” on earth to reveal Gnosis to mankind. However,
unlike concrete myths and literary motifs, such a “philosophical” concept
could have been born autonomously, leading to what would resemble
Gnostic ideas. The fact that the idea of the “manifestation of divine es-
sence” is widespread among religious movements with an Iranian back-
ground implies that this may be an autochthon feature, which draws its
inspiration, at least partially, from old Iranian beliefs (though this notion
The operative idea here seems to be the sur, that is, the divine
essence, light of God, from which the Angels were created, and
which eventually became manifest on earth whenever these Angels
incarnated as human leaders. As one of my informants said of the
holy beings, who descend on earth from time to time in order to
reincarnate in human form: “their soul is from heaven,329 from the
sur of God, the sur of the Angels, they came into being from the
light of God, their souls are not like ours, these (are) heavenly
souls.”330
The most salient example of the identity between the khas on
earth, the Angels, and ultimately God, is furnished by what could
perhaps be called the “trinity” of Sultan Êzî (one of the names
used to designate God),331 Tawusi Melek, and Sheikh Adi, the three
cannot be found in Zoroastrianism) or equally, that the two different tra-

ditions may have merged and reinforced each other in producing new
religious forms. This thesis deals only with concrete myths and mytho-
logical motifs, and not with abstract philosophical ideas whose origin is
much more uncertain to trace.
329 Behişt, or heaven, for him was the place where the special, divine
souls (and they alone) reside, and periodically come forth. Others attribute
the same function, as the treasury of holy souls, to the Qendil (“the light
Throne of God,) on which see more later.
330 Qewwal Hussein, ruhê wan ji beheşti ye, ji sura Xwedê, sura milyaketa, ji
nûra Xwedê çêbûne, na wekî yê me ye, ew ruhê beheştî.

331 Kreyenbroek (Yezidism, 95-96) identifies Sultan Êzî(d) as a holy
being other than God, who takes his name from Yazid bin Mu’awiya, the
fourth caliph . However, several of my informants claimed that Sultan Êzî
was in effect one of the names of God. Sultan Êzî navê Xwedê ye. Already
Layard reports that a qewwal asserted that the ancient Yezidi name for
God was “Azed” (Ainsworth, “Assyrian Origins,” 41). The description of
Sultan Êzî in the hymns also implies this. The Hymn of Erebeg Entush 1
opens with the statement that Sulan Êzîd is the King, the perfect one
(Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 275), King (padşa) being one of the terms used to
refer to God. He is called the “Yezidi faith” and “Yezidis religion” in the
Hymn of The Mill of Love 31 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 384). In The
Hymn of Sheykh Obekr 11-14 he is not only described as a King, yet again,
the Seven Angels are called the Seven Angels of Sultan Êzîd, under his
command (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 211). The Hymn of the Faith (Kreyen-
broek, God and Sheikh Adi, 83-89) depicts his role as the creator in the
creation of the world. Also in The Hymn of the Black Ferqan Sultan Êzî ap-
being repeatedly identified or fused with each other in Yezidi

hymns. For example, the Hymn on the Laughter of the Snakes declares,
leaving little doubt as to the essential identity of the three:
Sheikh Adi,332 Tawusi Melek and Sultan Ezi (God) are one
Don't you regard them as separate,
They quickly make wishes come true. 333
Arab Khidir’s exegesis on these lines was based on the concept of
the sur. “They are one light, one sur. If I say, Melek (angel) Adi,
Sultan Êzî and Tawusi Melek are one, it means they they are from
the light of God, one sur, they are all from the light of God.”334
The Hymn of the Faith does not state this identity as openly, but
its portrayal of Sheikh Adi is one befitting God:
What is the colour of faith?
It is the pre-eternal Word,335
It is the name of Sheykh Adi
Sheykh Adi is truly Sultan336
pears as someone who already existed before the foundation of the world,
before the angels and holy beings. Yezidi children are baptized at the
White Spring in his name (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 159,) and at circumci-
sion the boy undergoing the ritual also says “I am the lamb of the Red
Sultan Êzîd” (ibid., 96). (Feqir Haji, on the other hand, claimed that the
light of Êzî came from the Peacock Angel, whose light came from God –
thus proving that with oral tradition, especially with Yezidi oral tradition,
it is rather difficult to make generalizing statements on any possible ques-
tion, especially when it comes to the obscure relation between different
divine beings.)
332 On the identity between Sheikh Adi, or other Yezidis leaders, and
the Angels, see more below.

333 Hymn of the Laughter of the Snakes 4 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 392.). Furthermore, Tawusi Melek’s shrine in the holy valley of Lalish
is said to belong to Sultan Êzî as well, for the two are identical. See
334 Ek nûr in, ek sur in.Ew car heke me got, Melek Adî, Sultan Êzî û Tawsî
Melek ek in, yani ji nûra Xwedê, ek sur, hemi ji nûra Xwedê ne.
335 Pre-eternal Word here is not the Christian Logos (unless indi-
rectly, through indirect influences), but an Islamic notion. It was this Pre-
eternal Word which was revealed through the Quran.
He brought forth the fourteen spheres of earth and heaven.

There was neither Tablet nor Pen.
“I was with you for as much as ninety thousand years.”337
Another version of the same hymn compares Sheikh Adi with the
ocean, a traditional literary device to describe God (one that is also
employed by the Yezidi Hymn of the Oceans 14-15, where god ap-
pears as a great, endless, deep ocean338):
Sultan Sheikh Adi himself is the faith
His ocean is a mighty ocean
Divers have brought forth pearls from it339
Divers brought forth pearls from it
Anyone who shares the secrets of his King
Has brought forth a pearl from the oceans.340
While Sheikh Adi is the most important of all the khas, whose
eventual identity with Tawusi Melek and God is emphasized by
many hymns, he is by far not the only one whose appearance
among Yezidis during their history is interpreted as the earthly
manifestation of the divine sur. Sheikh Adi’s companions, for ex-
336 Şêxê Edî xwe sultane may literally be translated as “Sheikh Adi is the
Sultan himself.” Sultan is one of the epithets of God.

337 Hymn of the Faith 2-3 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 195). In The Hymn of
the Weak Broken One 7 it is Sultan Êzî who is identified with the Pen, while
Sheikh Hesen (Sin) – one of the Seven and a khas as well - is also known
as the Lord of the Tablet and Pen. See ibid., 105.
338 Ibid., 202-207.
339 Pearl as a literary metaphor of the human soul goes back to Late
Antiquity. It was employed, for example, by the famous Hymn of the Pearl.
Sufism continued, though slightly modified, this tradition. The image of
the pearl (believed to develop from raindrops that fall in the sea) as the
human soul, which starts its spiritual journey in the sea, then passes
through the clouds, to eventually drop back into the sea “its home,
changed into jewels, unable to live without the ocean yet distinct from it,”
was a much-liked metaphor of Sufi poets for describing the human soul’s
relation to God, their basic unity and temporary differentiations. A.
Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 1975), 284.
340 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 85.
ample, the ancestors of the sheikhly lineages, are considered the

incarnation of the six others of the Seven Sur or Angels. The basic
line is that all the khas or holy beings are believed to possess sur (or
to be the physical manifestation of the sur.) This is perhaps the
most poetically, and explicitly, expressed in the case of Yezid (or
Êzid, Êzî) bin Muawiya, the manifestation of the “sur of Êzî,” that
is, Sultan Êzî, God. The fourth caliph (who, after the battle of
Karbala became anathema in the eyes of the Shiite, and did not
enjoy a very good reputation among most Sunnis either) appears in
Yezidi mythology as a subverter of soulless Islamic Sharia, and a
true Yezidi leader, who turns people from Islam back to the true
religion. According to Feqir Haji, Yezid was conceived when at the
order of God the sur “entered the body of his mother,”341 the
ninety-year-old wife of Muawiya, who turned into a fourteen year
old virgin on her wedding night. “Ezid himself was sur, sur, which
came down from the sky.”342 The qewl and the chirok or “tale” on
the birth and deeds of Yezid attribute a great importance to the
sur.343 Muawiya chases away his wife, Mehwer, when he realizes she
is carrying a being of sur, who will turn away people from Islam:
When Sultan Ezi appeared in his mother’s body
The mystery (sur) became apparent to Mu’awiya
Mu’awiya was overcome with fear.344
Thus Yezid’s mother was abandoned in the desert carrying the
“mystery (sur) of Sultan Êzî.”345 The daughter of the judge of Basra,
a most pious and devoted maiden, always performed her prayers to
“Tawusi Melek and to the Lord of that Mystery (sur)” “on rooftops
and hills, so she would be able to see the mystery (sur) as soon as it
arrived.”346 Then, one day, she saw the pregnant Mehwer riding
nearby toward the city with light shining on her forehead, and she
341 Rabul Alemî emrê kir ew sur bkefte bedena wê.

342 Ezîd sur bû, sur ji ezmana hate xwar.
343 The title of the çîrok translated by Kreyenbroek even bears the title
The Story of the Appearance of the Mystery (sur) of Ezi (Kreyenbroek, God and
Sheikh Adi, 131).
344 The Great Hymn 3, ibid., 158.
345 The Great Hymn 9, ibid., 158.
346 The Story of the Appearance of the Mystery (sur) of Ezi, ibid., 144.
realized at once that the other woman was the bearer of the sur.347
She took her home to Basra, and that very night all domestic ani-
mals in Basra gave birth to two female young, and all pregnant
women had twin sons, a miracle due to the presence of the sur.
Once grown, Yezidi goes to Damascus to confront his father and
Islam and introduces himself saying “I am light, my essence is
light… It is I, and my sweet name is Sultan Ezi.”348 Then he goes
on to perform a number of miracles, including turning the river
into wine, through his sur,349 bemusing the Muslim population of
the city, and finally turning them away from Islam (back) to Yezidi
faith. Both the hymn and the çîrok repeatedly emphasize that
Yezidi is the sur of Sultan Êzî, manifestation of the Mystery (sur) of
Truth.
The Hymn of Abu Bakr 23-29 expounds the successive mani-
festation of the eternal divine sur in the form of khas, or holy be-
ings throughout the course of history:
I say a few things out of many (?)
They were bewildered by that mystery (sur)
I was present there when
I was created from the Pearl.350
I existed before all foundations
When he established earth and heaven
I was made to inhabit so many animate creatures.
I existed, I was there before all time
I existed before joy and grief
He was one; together with him I made two.351
347 The idea that this divine substance can be seen shining on the
forehead of the woman pregnant with the true possessor of the sur (that
is, the person in whom it will become incarnate) is probably showing an
influence of the Islamic concept of the “light of Muhammad.” For more
on this concept and its influence on Yezidi mythology, see the chapter
entitled “The Yezidi Creation Myth of Adam.”
348 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi and 149.
349 Feqir Haji too says “through the sur of God this water became
wine” (bi surek Xwedê ev av(a) bû şarap).

350 That is, existed when God created the Pearl encompassing him
before the creation of the world.

I exist and shall always exist

I am a person whose ego-soul is acceptable
I am Hussayn al-Hallaj
I am Mansur al-Hallaj352
I am the Turkish Tartar353
I am the ship that came to rest on Mt Judi354
Gold and silver and copper am I.
I am gold, my origin is copper
The ignorant saw this mystery and did not recognise it
Thus they rejected the truth of Sultan Ezi.
I am Mullah Abu Bekir of Jezire355
In essence I am Adi
Praise be to God and thanks that I am a Yezidi.
I was Mullah Abu Bekir of Jezire
In essence I was a Qurayshi356
Praise be to God and thanks that I am a Yezidi.357
The dividing line between the Angels and the khas is often
blurred in the hymns. As the historical manifestations of the Seven
Angels may wear the same name on earth as their heavenly coun-
terpart, it is often impossible to distinguish if a sacred hymn speaks
of the angels in heaven, or their incarnation on earth as historical
351 Presumably this means God and his sur.

352 A famous Persian Sufi mystic, executed for his claim “En el Haq”
(I am God). Yezidis claim he was a Yezidi.
353 Shems of Tabriz, a Sufi mystic who was the friend of the great
Sufi master, Mawlana Jalal al-Din Rumi. See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 98.
354 Yezidis, as well as some Muslims Kurds, hold that Noah’s Ark
came to rest on Mount Judi (today in southeast Turkey.)

355 Possibly Abu Bekr, the father-in-law of Muhammad and the first
caliph.
356 The Quraish are the tribe of Muhammad, enjoying great respect
among Muslims. However, Yezidis claim that the Quraish were Yezidis
too (probably and indication of strong Islamic influence centuries ago).
See the interviews in the Appendix.
357 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 177-78.
persons, the khas. This is true, for example, of the Hymn of the
Lights:
What a pristine light it is;
My King 358made it in his mercy and compassion
He also made Sheikh Obekir. [literally: He made Sheikh
Obekir from it.]
What a golden light it is:
It came from the Throne above
Sheikh Obekir became the Mirebbi359 of Sheikh Shems
the Tartar.
What a brilliant light it is:
It appeared from heaven
Sheikh Obekir became the Mirebbi
Of Shemsedin and Melik Fekhredin.
What a significant light it is;
It came down from Heaven
Sheikh Obekir became the Mirebbi of all four brothers.
What a shining light it is;
It came down from the Throne
Its guardian is Sheikh Fekhr360 the black.
What a great light it is;
It is the mercy and compassion of my King
He also created Melik Sheikh Sin.361
This hymn tells how the Seven Angels were successively created
from light (i.e. the Light of God.) That is, the text repeatedly refers
to angels (Melik,) and Sheikh Obekir, Shemsedin, Melik Fekhredin
358 I. e. God.
359 A “master” who leads his followers, this is one of the five obliga-
tory religious relationships a Yezidi is supposed to have (besides a sheikh,
pîr, brother/sister of the hereafter, and hosta). However, when in Iraq I
never heard any Yezidi refer to his or her mirebbi, so it is quite likely that
this institution no longer exists in practice.
360 I.e. Fekhredin.
361 The Hymn of the Lights 5-10, Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 90-
91.
and Melik Sheikh Sin are well-known names of the Seven Angels or
Seven Mysteries (surs). On the other hand, these angels bore the
same name on earth (without the prefix melik), the text talks about
the light coming “down from heaven,” which would indicate that it
is earthly figures the hymn is about, and Sheikh Shems the Tartar is
considered an earthly manifestation (khas) of Angel Sheikh Shem
(also known as Angel Shemsedin.) Furthermore the “four broth-
ers” mentioned in the text probably refers to the four sons of Êz-
dîna Mîr, Shemsedin, Fekhredin, Sejadin, and Nesradin, compan-
ions of Sheikh Adi, who became the eponyms of four branches of
the Shemseni sheikhs. Originally Angels (sur) in the sky, the word
“brothers” is more likely to refer to their manifestation on earth as
khas. Of course, as both the Angels in the sky and the khas on earth
are ultimately derived from the light and power of God, are His
manifestations, such a distinction is ultimately irrelevant from the
point of view of traditional Yezidi faith.
The fact that the angels are in fact emanations of the God-
head, come into being from His sur, while the khas, personages of
Yezidi sacred history are in their turn the earthly manifestations of
the same sur, explains what has confused so many researchers in
the past:, namely why the different divine and angelic personalities
of Yezidi myths and sacred texts are often interchangeable. After
all, if they all represent the same divine sur, there is not much point
making sharp distinctions between the different figures. As
Kreyenbroek writes “All holy beings are… regarded as representa-
tives of the Divine which, in the minds of the believers, presuma-
bly limits the relevance of their individual personalities.”362 This
fusing of identities, that is, the interchangeability of the different
holy beings, is one of the cardinal traits of Yezidi faith (and texts.)
Metempsychosis,363 that is, the idea that the same angel (or
rather his divine essence, sur) was incarnated again and again during
the course of history as human being (that is, as a khas,) further
contributes to the blurring of the different identities of Yezidi reli-
gious history. Thus, for example, Sheikh Hesen (also known as
Sheikh Sin) is simultaneously one of the Seven Angels, one of the

363 Don/kiras guhartîn (to change one’s clothes).
companions of Sheikh Adi (on earth),364 who became the epony-

mous ancestor of a lineage of Sheikhs (the Adani sheikhs), and is at
the same time, according to Edmond,365 identified with al-Hasan al-
Basri,366 and with the Prophet Muhammad. This Yezidi form of
metempsychosis makes the sort of linear chronology European
historicity is based on redundant.367
This explains why the same mythical events and acts are often
associated with different angelic figures (or rather, names), or why
the same angelic person may be associated with events that took
place at different epochs of sacred history. Thus, for instance,
when I asked the octogenarian Pîr Jafo, the guardian of the shrine
of Mem Shîvan, when exactly Pîrê Libnan,368 the khas he was just
talking about, lived, he answered: “From the beginning of the
world until today, for he appeared again and again at different in-
tervals.” On another occasion, I was confused when shown two
qobs or shrines in the village of Kheter, both of them dedicated to
Babê Shehid (Shehid Father), the ancestor of Yezidis.369 As I was
explained, there were two shrines because they were dedicated to
two different persons. One of them was Sheikh Hesen – that is,
364 Though in effect he was one of the successors of Sheikh Adi as

the leader of the community nearly a century later, see Kreyenbroek,
Yezidism, 31-33.
365 Edmonds, A Pilgrimage to Lalish, 33 and 49.
366 A famous Islamic scholar and ascetic, one of the most important
religious figures of early Islam (AD 642-728 or 737.)

367 As Edmonds (Pilgrimage, 6) writes: “For people who believe in the
transmigration of souls what appears to us to be the most appalling in-

consistencies and anachronism present no difficulty whatever: it is silly to
say that Sheykh X and Shaykh Y whose appearance on earth seems to
have been separated by one or more centuries, or even the archangel
Gabriel and Shaykh Sajādin, cannot be ‘the same’ as to try to make out
that Mr Jones who was seen last night in tails… cannot be the same as Mr
Jones who was seen the day before in a lounge suit or last summer in
shorts and an open shirt.”
368 Pîrê Libnan is another khas, whom Pîr Jafo called a melek, that is,
an angel. He was not one of the Seven Angels, but a “minor” one.
369 For a detailed study of Shehid, forefather of Yezidis, and his con-
ception from the sur of Angel Sheikh Sin, see chapter 9 on the “Origin
Myth of the Yezidis.”
Angel Sheikh Sin, from whose sur Shehid bin Jer was created. The
other was a certain Pîr Suleyman, who “recognized himself” and
realized that he was channeling the spirit of Shehid, or rather She-
hid’s “sur and keramet has reached him,” and became a religious
leader of the region. As they were two different persons, though
ultimately possessing the same sur, local Yezidis thought it expedi-
ent to erect two different qobs in their memories, both being dedi-
cated to Babê Shehid.
As this last mention of Shehid bin Jer, forefather of the
Yezidis foreshadows, the sur played an important role in Yezidi
history not only as far as the khas are concerned, but both in the
creation of the first human, Adam, and the creation of the Yezidi
people itself - questions which will be analysed in details in subse-
quent chapters.
5 RELIGIOUS ORAL TRADITION AND
LITERACY AMONG THE YEZIDIS OF IRAQ
This chapter will analyse how external influences, especially literacy

and written texts and the traditions of literate societies, are affect-
ing the religious oral tradition of the Yezidis of Iraqi Kurdistan370
today. It will look at the issues of establishing a canonical corpus of
texts, modernizing mythology, adopting new elements for being
useful, discarding old ones for being deemed obsolete or non-
scientific, and rejecting myth perceived to be of Islamic origin. Fi-
nally it will deal with the question of how new myths are con-
structed to meet the new needs raised by modern education and
increased contact with the outside world. Though what is happen-
ing today is by necessity different in some ways from what may
have happened in the past, when different cultures and traditions
met and mingled, still such an analysis can help present-day re-
searchers form some idea on the mechanics of how oral tradition
was shaped and affected by “external” influences and how it ab-
sorbed alien traditions, often originating in literate cultures.
As has already been explained, one of the most important
characteristics of Yezidi religion is its oral nature. Until quite re-
cently the faith of the Yezidis was based on oral tradition. Sacred
370 That is, in the Duhok and Sheikhan regions in Iraq. On the other
hand my research didn’t cover the Sinjar mountain west of the Tiger, near
the Syrian border, surrounded by Arab and Turkoman settlements. In this
isolated refuge of Yezidis, where the influence of the modern world is less
obvious, the changes which I have observed among Iraqi Yezidis living in
more accessible and affluent regions may not apply, or at least to a lesser
degree. It may also be assumed that Yezidis living in other regions, like
Syria, Georgia or Germany for example, are exposed to different external
influences, and therefore their traditions may see different changes
125
texts were memorised and transmitted from father to son by the

qewwals, or singers (of sacred texts) of the Yezidis. This oral nature,
which shaped the structure and nature of Yezidi belief system, has
undergone profound changes in the last few decades, thanks to the
spread of compulsory education, general literacy, the interest of
outsiders in Yezidi faith, and the interest of literate Yezidis on what
outsiders had to say about them. As a result Yezidism can no
longer be called a purely oral religion.
In Iraqi Kurdistan, especially in the area of the former Auton-
omy, school education is the norm today, especially among the
young and younger middle-aged generation, and illiteracy is slowly
becoming a thing of the past. With school education many modern
ideas inevitably intrude into the Yezidi world-view. Even more im-
portantly, educated Yezidis, influenced by the demands of the so-
called “written religions” and modern life, started putting their own
religion into writing – something that was unimaginable not so long
ago. The revolutionary change came in the 1970s when two Yezidis
university graduates managed to secure the permission of the
Yezidi religious leaders to record Yezidi religious texts in writing.
The first publication was soon followed by several others. Many of
these publications are easily available to most Yezidis in the above-
mentioned region. (Today, for example, Lalish and Roj magazines,
which publish sacred hymns, religious tales, folktales, and essays on
Yezidi religion can be found in many Yezidi homes.)
The process of putting Yezidi religion into writing was further
accelerated by the sizeable Yezidi diaspora living in the West, espe-
cially in Germany. These Yezidis are cut off from all the old forms
of Yezidi religious life, where holiday rituals, visits to holy places or
being visited by religious leaders play a central role. At the same
time, living in close proximity to other religions for the first time,
Yezidis in the West are becoming more and more acutley aware of
the fact that, unlike other religions, they lack a holy book to which
they could refer, or a clear idea of the history of their own religion.
Their children, brought up in a culture of books and confronted by
Western schoolmates or friends with more profound religious edu-
cation, are increasingly turning to written texts trying to find in-
RELIGIOUS ORAL TRADITION AND LITERACY 127
formation.371 There is also a general wish to be able to present a

holy book, just like other religions. While in the past even the idea
of putting a sacred text into writing would have been anathema,
today in Yezidi households in the diaspora it is not unusual, for
example, to find the two Yezidi “holy texts,” the Jelwa and the
Mes’hefa Resh, which contain genuine oral tradition albeit written
down by outsiders in the nineteenth century.372 Others claim to
have found the original Yezidi holy book in the form of the Zoro-
astrian Zend-Avesta.373 The diaspora, in its turn, further influences
Yezidis back in the home country. This has all led to a changing
attitude toward books and oral tradition in general, at least in the
Iraqi Sheikhan and in the European diaspora,374 where the place
accorded to oral tradition is fast becoming usurped by books writ-
ten on and mainly by Yezidis. With this development profound
371 For example, one of the interviewees of Jasim Murad stated (“Sa-
cred Poems,” 384-5): “when in the German school my classmates would
ask me about my religion. I would tell them that I am a Yazidi and then
they would ask me the details of my religion and I would just remain si-
lent. That of course irritated me for these classmates know who Christ is
and the history of Christianity and I did not know, for example, who
Sheikh Adi or Ta’us Melek is. Then I decided to search for the history and
origins of our religion. I went to the libraries and checked out some books
written in German about the Yezidis. From these sources I learned that
we worship God and believe in seven angels headed by Ta’us Melek. I
also found the two holy books Mishaf Rash and Jalwa.” Professor Philip
Kreyenbroek also confirmed in several conversations that the search for
an identity among the young and the need for books was a strong driving
force behind the birth of Yezidi religious literature in Germany. On the
role of writing in Yezidi culture in the West, see also Kreyenbroek (Sheikh
Adi: 45-6.)
372 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 12-25
373 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 396. “...many informants have
viewed the two manuscripts and declare them to be authentic books of

their religion. Those informants wrapped the tow books in silk garment
and carefully stored them on a sacred shelf beyond the reach of children.”
374 The isolated and impoverished Sinjar mountain on the Iraqi-Syrian
border, that has been a refuge of Yezidis for centuries and was under
Saddam’s rule until recently, seems to present a more traditional picture at
present, though this may also change in the near future.
changes have appeared which seem to alter the centuries-old nature

and content of Yezidi religion.
THE APPEARANCE OF “CANONICAL” TEXTS
As it is well known for all researchers of oral tradition, the most

characteristic feature of tradition based on orality is the simultane-
ous existence of many different versions of the same motif or
story. This holds, or at least used to hold, true for Yezidis as well,
as many travellers and researchers of the past have noticed. With
the publication of Yezidi sacred texts a new development appeared.
People have started to insist on the written version as the only cor-
rect and authentic one. The written version acquires the nature and
reputation of a holy scripture – all other versions are compared to
this and any divergence is commented on as “It is wrong” “He (i.e.
the source) is mistaken.”375 It is possible, though it would be hard
to prove, that the wish for one, canonised body of writings can
sub-consciously be connected with a wish to refute one of the most
popular Muslim accusations against Yezidis, namely that they have
no written scriptures, and are therefore kafirs or unbelievers. This ac-
cusation is of such great relevance in Kurdish culture that even
Christians speak about this characteristic of Yezidism in a negative
way.
This novel notion of an “authentic version” includes not only
the written text itself but is also beginning to influence the way
sources are viewed as well. The idea, characteristic of all “literizing”
societies, that orality is inferior to literacy376 is extended to religious
experts. Qewwals, the traditional keepers of religious lore, most of
whom are still illiterate, enjoy ever less respect.377 On the other
375 Similar observations were also made by Christine Allison a decade
earlier (Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 19).

376 D. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Traditions, 100.
377 During my trip to Beshiqe-Behzani, the twin-villages where qew-
wals traditionally reside, for example, local people generally preferred to

introduce me to “laymen,” whom for some reason they saw as knowl-
edgeable about the topic of religion, and accompanied me to meet qewwals
hand, literate persons, who – due to a number of factors – have

become known as “experts on Yezidi texts,” that is, they are often
quoted in writing in periodicals published by Yezidis, are seen as
the only authentic sources when it comes to differences between
two versions. Yezidis constantly tried to discourage me from trying
to interview other, less well-known persons, on the basis that “they
know less than X.” I met repeatedly with confusion and perplexity
when I wanted to speak with yet another person, after having spo-
ken with a more valued authority, especially if he was known to
“have published” about Yezidi religion. My explanation that there
may be “a different version” was even understood to mean that I
found the version already told incorrect.
Such an attitude, which insists on one fixed version coming
from one accredited source, will eventually lead to the weeding out
of “non-canonical” versions and an impoverishment, or at least
simplification, of Yezidi lore. But it is not merely the amount of
differing variants that is being affected by these changes.
BOOKS ON THE YEZIDIS AS A SOURCE OF KNOWLEDGE
Another far-reaching development of literacy is that the written

word has started influencing the self-perception of Yezidis, and it
has become a source of knowledge even for so-called religious ex-
perts. Books and periodicals are read enthusiastically by many these
days. The written word enjoys great respect and is trusted far more
than the memory and knowledge of a living person. (I have even
seen a mijewir, or guardian of a shrine, take out his hand-written
collection of hymns – despite the traditional ban on writing.)
I would like to quote a few telling examples to demonstrate
the general interest among literate (though not necessarily very
only at my own request. Some even expressed an opinion to the effect

that qewwals (and religious leaders for that matter) were no longer what
they used to be, and their knowledge can in no way be compared to the
qewwals of the past. In the Yezidi “Sunday School” in Beshiqe, a school set
up in the 90’s to teach the children of the twin-villages their religion, chil-
dren are now taught from books by laymen, and not by qewwals.
educated) Yezidis in all forms of literature regarding Yezidis, their

history, and religion. In Shariye, a collective village near Duhok, I
was shown the book of the late American researcher, John Guest,
Survival among the Kurds. My host proudly claimed having read its
contents with the aid of a dictionary, and called attention to the
fact that it contained a number of sacred hymns. He even offered
me the book so that I could gain from it what he called good in-
formation on Yezidis and their religion (regardless of the fact that
the book belonged not to him, but to his neighbor, as his mother
pointed out). Admittedly, of all Yezidi settlements Shariye is the
one where contact with foreigners has been the most frequent in
the last decade, and where perhaps there are more people speaking
or understanding some English than in other villages. This is due
both to its proximity to Duhok, in the former Kurdish Autonomy,
with its international NGOs and the UN, an important source of
jobs for nearly a decade, and to the fact that Shariye was one of the
four Yezidi settlements that foreign researchers could dream of
setting their feet into.
But even if the presence of a piece of Western scholarship can
be called an exception, books and periodicals written by Yezidis, or
even by outsiders in Arabic (provided they wrote of Yezidis in a
favourable light) have definitely found their way into many Yezidi
households around Duhok and in the Sheikhan. Just like in the case
of Guest’s book, these writings are often seen by younger people as
the best way to obtain knowledge about Yezidi traditions. In the
course of my field research I was repeatedly referred to the two
Yezidi periodicals, Lalish and Roj, as the “best sources of informa-
tion.” In one case a university undergraduate even painstakingly
translated a folktale, sentence by sentence, for my sake from Roj
magazine. Sheikh Mîrza of Baadra, who claimed to be the descen-
dant of the seventeenth-century Yezidi hero, Ĕzdi Mîrza, leafed
through a number of books written in Kurdish to look for his fam-
ily-tree and other information on his illustrious forebear. (This is all
the more surprising because in my experience family and tribal his-
tory generally still belong to the realm of oral tradition among the
Iraqi Yezidis.)
This phenomenon poses a new “caveat” for unsuspecting re-
searchers: one that is known as “feedback” among researchers of
oral tradition. “Feedback may be defined as the co-opting of extra-
neous printed or written information into previously oral ac-
counts,”378 and has been widely studied among oral groups who
came under the influence of literate cultures. The influence of
books that become sources of new tradition in their turn, that is
feedback, is not a recent phenomenon among the Yezidis – it was
first noticed when a literate elite appeared in the first half of the
twentieth century, though we cannot rule out an earlier appearance.
Lescot, writing on the book “El Yazdîyya” by the black sheep of the
Yezidi princely family, Ismail Chol beg, published in 1934, warned
that “l’auteur a eu connaissance d’articles sur la secte édités dans
des revues arabes; il a naturellement accepté toutes les erreurs qu’ils
contenaient et les a fidèlement reproduites.”379 Just around the
same time the anthropologist Henry Field purchased a Yezidi book
in the Beled Sinjar.380 Upon showing it to Father Anstase-Marie al-
Carmali, an expert on Yezidi texts, he exploded ”this is a very bad
joke, an insult... this is a careless translation into Arabic of my arti-
cle on the Yazidiyah in the Encyclopedia of Islam.”381
With the growing influence of literacy, such feedback has be-
come a common phenomenon. For example, on several occasions
I was told by “experts”382 that the black khirqe, the sacred garment
of the Yezidi holy men or ascetics, the feqirs, was a symbol of the
original darkness that surrounded the pearl, that is, God himself,
before the creation started. In other words the black shirt symbol-
izes the primordial darkness covering God. This was an idea that I
had never before encountered in the literature on Yezidis,383 and
considered it, rather proudly, an interesting new piece of informa-
tion on Yezidi religion. It was only by chance that later on in Göt-
378 Henige,Chronology of Oral Traditions, 96.

379 Lescot, Les Yezidis, 6.
380 The “capital” of the Sinjar mountain that has a sizeable Yezidi
population, and where Yezidi-Christian relations have traditionally been

very good.
381 Henry Field’s “Foreword” vii to Ahmed, The Yazidis.
382 Once by Sheikh Deshti, the guardian of a shrine in Khanke, and
once by Arab KHidir, a village teacher collecting religious texts, see be-
low.
383 Yezidi hymns do in fact say that the khirqe was the garment of
God (see chapter “Khirqe as a Garment of Faith,”) but it (or its colour) is
not connected with the darkness covering God before creation.
tingen Dr Khalil Jindy Rashow (known among Yezidis as Sheikh

Khalil Jindy), a Yezidi researcher presently living in Germany, but
publishing in Kurdish, heard this recorded on my tape. He told me
that this was not an original piece of Yezidi mythology, but his own
idea or interpretation of the black shirt of the feqirs, which he had
published in the Roj magazine. My two informants had obviously
read it in the magazine, and they passed it on as an authentic bit of
Yezidi mythology. (It is worth noting that one of my informants
was from Behzani, under Saddam’s rule until 2003, which means
that Yezidi publications have reached even there, despite the offi-
cial policy of trying to repress Yezidi identity.) Through those who
read Yezidi publications or publications on Yezidis, usually consid-
ered the “local intelligentsia,” the information is quick to reach
others and eventually become part of oral tradition.
Not only do books take the place of oral tradition where gain-
ing concrete information on Yezidi religion is concerned, but they
have started influencing Yezidi identity as well. Thus, for example,
the English teacher of the high school in Baadra, Mamoste Sabah,
claimed that the content of the Three Holy Books, that is, the Old
and New Testament and the Quran, can all be traced back to the
sacred books (i.e. mythology) of the Sumerians. At the same time,
Sumerian sacred texts (just as later Babylonian and Assyrian texts)
mention the word “ezid,” which had been solved to mean “pure
souls,” those “who go on the right path.” In other words, they re-
fer to the Yezidis, who are thus proven to be the fountainhead of
Sumerian religion and consequently of the three religions based on
the above mentioned Holy Books. According to Mamoste Sabah,
the source of his knowledge on this matter was a book written by
Dr Khalil Jindy Rashow. Unfortunately, I had no way to ascertain
the exact content of the book, but this certainly demonstrates the
great impact of the written word (especially if written by authors
well-known to the community) on disseminating new ideas and
forming Yezidi identity as regards their own religion and past.
Interestingly enough, some of the books that seem to have
exerted a great influence on how Yezidis view their own mythology
and religion were written by non-Yezidis. An example of such an
author is George Habibi, a Christian, whose theory of the Assyrian
origin of the Yezidis, also put forward by other non-Yezidi authors,
enjoys great popularity among the Yezidis (who quote him, or read
from his book, to support their claim of an Assyrian origin). It may
have been in a similar way that the Sufi interpretation of Lucifer’s

Fall reached Yezidism. (Lucifer’s role is here taken by the Peacock
Angel of the Yezidis, identified with the devil by Muslims.) Though
the Yezidi view of creation originally did not accept the existence
of the devil or any evil principle, now quite a few Yezidis will re-
peat a rather daring interpretation of the myth on Lucifer’s Fall that
can probably be traced back to the Sufi philosopher al-Hallaj. Ac-
cording to this interpretation, when Lucifer refused to worship
Adam, despite having been ordered to do so by God, he was in fact
just being loyal to God, who earlier commanded him not to wor-
ship any other being. Though this is a very interesting interpreta-
tion of Lucifer’s Fall, it simply does not fit into Yezidi mythology,
where there is absolutely no place for evil. In all probability, it was
from the work of Muslim authors, who had tried to explain the
obviously false accusation of devil worship among the Yezidis that
Yezidis picked up this nice sounding story. Today it is repeated by
many Yezidis (though not by the most conservative ones384) and
also by some educated Muslims.
MODERNIZING YEZIDI MYTHOLOGY: SCIENTIFIC

INTERPRETATION
The other salient feature of this transition from oral to written tra-
dition is a “rewriting,” one could say a “modernization” by the
Yezidis of their own mythology. For long centuries, the Yezidi
community was relatively isolated, and had limited contact with
their – often hostile – Muslim neighbors,385 and even less with the
384 For example Feqir Haji, one of the best known and most quoted
experts on Yezidi religious lore, emphatically denied this story, and none
of those older people who acquired their knowledge, much or little, on
Yezidi religion in the traditional (oral) way repeated this myth. On the
other hand it was quoted by a number of people who read publications on
Yezidis and were obviously influenced by what they had read.
385 This is not to say, of course, that there was no contact at all, even
if many Iraqi Yezidis today claim to have lived completely separated from
Muslim Kurds in the past. Thus, for example, great tribal confederations
world outside the Kurdish mountains. Today, there is an ever-

increasing exposure to the external world, and what is more impor-
tant, a growing participation in it (both in Europe and in Iraq).
This increased contact with the world at large has led to an at-
tempt at modernization and similarly at trying to avoid ridicule.
Yezidis who have attended school and have extensive, everyday
contact with non-Yezidis (Muslims or Christians) tend to modern-
ize or rewrite their legends so that they conform to the expectation
of outsiders and also to their newly acquired knowledge of history
and science. Some Yezidi intellectuals leading this trend like to re-
fer to it as “reforming” Yezidi faith.386 As a part of this process
some myths are slowly being discarded as absurd, while others re-
ceive new interpretation. These novel interpretations sometimes
seem to contradict the ethos of Yezidi hymns and tales, while they
are more in keeping with Christian and Muslim notions on the di-
vine and its relationship with the created world.
An arresting feature of such attempts to make Yezidi faith
“up-to-date” is the wish to give a modern scientific interpretation
to Yezidi legends, so that they are fit for consumption by people
whose world view is determined by compulsory school education.
How educated Yezidis of a modern turn of mind wish to see their
own religion, and have it seen by outsiders, was eloquently demon-
strated by the principal of a school in ‘Eyn Sifni. The principal,
included both Muslim Kurdish and Yezidi tribes (as well as Christians),
and in some regions there were close contacts between Yezidis and the
Turkoman and Arabic population as well. (See Fuccaro, The Other Kurds,
51-54; see also Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 45.) The institution of keriv
(the keriv acts as a sort of “godfather” when a child is circumcised –
Yezidi children often had and have Muslims as their kerivs, a tactic provid-
ing them with a certain measure of protection from outside their own
religious group) also implies continuous communication between the two
communities.
386 Thus, from example, Pîr Mamou Othman at a conference on
Yezidis at Frankfurt (Yezidism in Transition, 12-17 April, 2007, Frobenius

Institute, Frankfurt) talked of the need of “reformation of religion” and
repeatedly referred to the influence of Martin Luther and the Reformation
of Christianity in Europe, drawing a parallel to the need of a similar “Ref-
ormation” in the framework of Yezidi religion.
who formerly taught in the Yezidi village of Baadra (the Kurdish

Autonomy), instructed me to write about Yezidis in a “scientific
way” (alemi), and not like other researchers. When asked, what ex-
actly he meant by this, he expressed his distaste against what he
called “old men’s fancy” about people flying up to the sky and
similar absurd tales (or myths as a researcher would call them), and
explained that researchers must call attention to the fact that Yezidi
hymns express scientific truth only recently known to modern sci-
ence. For example hymns on the creation talk of the world first
being an endless sea above which God was travelling in a ship,
while modern science has only recently “proven” that water was
the beginning of life on earth. Accordingly, he wished me to talk
about the ancient scientific knowledge coated in ceremonial lan-
guage in Yezidi hymns, instead of what he viewed as fairy-tale-like
accounts on incarnated angels and their miraculous deeds.
His endeavours at a scientific interpretation of Yezidi religious
traditions are not unique among today’s educated Yezidis. Arab
Khidir, a volunteer collector of sacred hymns and a teacher at the
religious Yezidi school in Beshiqe-Behzani, who is known for his
exceptional interest in Yezidi lore, expressed similar opinions.
Rather proudly, he related that Yezidi hymns contain a hidden,
deeper understanding of the universe that has become known to
the greater masses only recently. He quoted a hymn on the death of
Sheikh Hassan at the hands of Badradin Lulu, mentioning a “black
star” (sterê resh), which he claimed to refer to the phenomenon
known as “black hole” centuries before Western science realized its
existence. The popular tale of Mîr Mih, the young prince looking
for a place where no death exists, and who spends four hundred
years at the abode of Fortune as if it were four, was interpreted by
him as an allegory of Einstein’s concept of relativity. Similarly he
claimed that Yezidi qewls speaking of the Seven Angels and God
prove that Yezidis had a heliocentric view long before Copernicus.
This ancient knowledge was also indicated by the sema, the religious
dance, as well, where the line of the seven men circumambulating
the sacred fire symbolizes the stars turning around the sun. As a
further proof he mentioned that while all other religions speak of
water as the element out of which the world was created, Yezidi
hymns alone name the air (ba), which, “as we now know, is the ba-
sis of water (H2O) and all other elements.” Of course, this latter
information is at variance with the one volunteered by the school
principal mentioned above, but in both cases we meet the same

concept: Yezidi qewls indicate a divinely-inspired scientific under-
standing of the universe that is unique among religious texts.
How fast this approach is gaining ground was demonstrated
by a young university student of physics from Duhok University.
During an interview (concerning the creation of the world), where
she helped me with translation, she referred to the divine Pearl of
the hymns from which the world was created as an “atom,” to the
creation as the “Big Boom,” or the barren period before vegetation
was created as the “Ice Age.” Typically, she did not really translate
what was said (as I later ascertained listening to my tapes), rather
she told me her own ideas, which were clearly influenced by her
wish to adjust her faith to her scientific knowledge. Whether such
attempts at a modern, scientific interpretation of ancient sacred
texts are culturally influenced by similar attempts among Muslims
to find references to all modern scientific phenomena in the holy
text of the Quran (such as rockets for example) is an open ques-
tion.
Not only the content, but even the very origin of these sacred
hymns has become a bone of contention in the quest of making a
“scientific religion” out of Yezidi faith. Some reformist go as far as
to claim that Yezidi tradition attributes the authorship of Yezidi
sacred hymns to different human beings, and Yezidis have no tradi-
tion of their sacred texts being revealed by Angels or sent from
heaven, despite clear (and recorded) evidence to the contrary.387
PRE-ISLAMIC ORIGIN AND ISLAM AS AN ALIEN ELEMENT
Finally, this modern “rewriting” of Yezidi lore entails another phe-

nomenon, namely, rejecting any notions of Islamic origin or Mus-
lim influence. Yezidi–Muslim relationships have traditionally been
387This view was put forward, for example, by Mamou Othman at

the Frankfurt conference. It is debatable, however, if such an extremely
rationalist view would be embraced by the majority of the Yezidis, espe-
cially as they feel the need to become a “religion of the book,” as noticed
above.
rather strained, as Yezidis were considered either kafirs or heretics,

that is, Muslims who deviated from the right path, a capital sin in
Islam, and even worshippers of the devil. In fact, this view still
holds, despite the official propaganda that declares Yezidi faith to
be the “original Kurdish religion.”388 Today, when understanding
and dealing with religion has become more conscious among the
educated, Yezidis seem to be “taking their revenge” in a novel way.
They claim that anything that appears to be connected with Islam is
a “foreign body” added to pure Yezidi religion either to mislead the
Muslims, or as a result of aggressive Muslim proselytising.
This re-interpretation is best reflected in the way the figure of
Sheikh Adi, the most important religious figure of Yezidi faith, is
treated today. Sheikh Adi was traditionally considered a divine be-
ing incarnated in human form, the earthly manifestation of Tawusi
Melek (the Peacock Angel), the head of the Seven Angels.389 He
has been identified by scholars as a historical person, a twelfth-
century Sufi mystic of Arabic origin, and the founder of the al-
Adawiyya brotherhood. On the other hand, in the 1930s, the Be-
dirkhan brothers, in their search for a unified Kurdish identity,
came up with the idea that Yezidism was in fact the original, pre-
Islamic Kurdish religion.390 During the struggle for Kurdish inde-
pendence in the last few decades, much was made of this theory,
and it was enthusiastically embraced by many Yezidis as well, at
least in the Sheikhan region.391 For Yezidis keen about this “origi-
nal Kurdish religion image,” the presence of Sheikh Adi, an Arab
and a Muslim, proved somewhat confusing, or even embarrassing.
388 Some people actually manage to endorse both views simultane-

ously. That is, they proudly claim that Yezidism, the original Kurdish
faith, is much older than Islam and Christianity, or even Judaism and Zo-
roastrianims while insisting that Yezidis worship the devil.
389 See chapter “Yezidi Religion.”
390 Kamiran Bedirxan, “Zerdeşt û rêya Zerdeşt,” (“Zarahustra and the
way of Zarahustra”) Hawar 4.26 (1935): 9-10; and “Le Soleil Noir,” Hawar
4.26 (1935): 11-14. See also M. Strohmeier, Crucial Images in the Presentation
of a Kurdish National Identity: Heroes, and Patriots, Traitors and Foes (Leiden:
Brill, 2003) 167.
391 I found that in the Sinjar mountain, for example, the situation is
somewhat different.
All the more so as the Saddam regime tried to present the Yezidis
as people of an Arab origin, and Sheikh Adi’s figure was quite use-
ful for this purpose. As a result, today educated Yezidis who wish
to distance themselves from any allegation that Yezidi faith is a
deviation of Islam, not only reject the divinity of Sheikh Adi, but
also stress that he was a “reformer,” and no more, of the Yezidi
religion. The presence of many elements perceived as coming from
Islam is thus attributed to the outside influence of Sheikh Adi. The
idea of Sheikh Adi as a mere reformer leads to another curious de-
velopment. There seems to be a new theory among the Yezidis of
there being two clearly separate stages in the history of Yezidis: one
before and one after Sheikh Adi. Sometimes the two different ver-
sions of the same myth are being explained as one belonging to the
substratum before Sheik Adi and the other to the one after him.
Younger, educated, and secular Yezidis, with a strong Kurdish
consciousness, go even further in rejecting Sheikh Adi. For exam-
ple, talking of certain taboos, like not eating fish, one young man
claimed “these do not have to be followed, because they are not
ancient Yezidi ideas, but come from Sheikh Adi, who was an
Arab.”392 Even the idea that Sheikh Adi “corrupted” pure Yezidi
faith is voiced occasionally. For example, some state that Yezidi
hymns are not authentic, as Sheikh Adi used the old Yezidi texts
and mixed them with quotations taken from the Quran. They base
this assertion on the presence of Arabic words and expressions in
the hymns, the references to Islam and the Sunna, and some coin-
cidences they claim to see in the Quranic text and the hymns, say-
ing that the two use the same words and expressions.
Such a bias against Islam may even lead to the rejection of
legends and hymns which should by rights be considered authentic
Yezidi legends, as their content clearly echoes the Yezidi ethos. But
these are still rejected by “modernizing” Yezidis – often with their
exact content unknown - as “late insertions” simply because the
heroes of such works bear the names of Islamic historical figures.
Similar observations were made by Allison (Yezidi Oral Tradition,

392
39). Another solution, among those of a more traditional mind, who are
not ready to deny Sheikh Adi, is to claim that his family originally hailed
from Hakkari and he was born among the Kurds of Lebanon.
The so-called Qewlê Mezin, or Great Hymn, is a perfect example.

This hymn on Yezid bin Muawiya was declared a “forgery” by a
young university graduate, who is an editor of the Yezidi periodical
Lalish, and writes articles on the faith of the Yezidis. He claimed
the hymn was the product of attempts on the part of Yezidis to
placate Muslims by inserting the name of a Muslim personage, the
second Umayyad caliph into their system. This view was shared by
Arab Khidir, mentioned above, who was of the opinion that the
Great Hymn itself was an authentic hymn, but the name of Yezid
bin Muawiya was inserted into it later on by Muslims. No attention
was paid to the fact that the hymn is built around the figure and
reputation (as a drunkard given to lewd and irresponsible ways) of
Yezid bin Muawiya. Similarly neither of my informants seemed to
recall that the caliph has never enjoyed a very good reputation in
Islamic history, and the role attributed to him in this Yezidi hymn
is a plain rejection and mockery of the Islamic Sharia and could
have hardly won over any Muslim heart.
NEW ORIGIN MYTHS OF THE YEZIDIS
The idea of a pre-Islamic origin leads almost automatically to a

tendency to try to relate Yezidism to other, ancient religious
movements of the region, often following the suggestion of non-
Yezidi writers.393 Naturally, the notion of the ancient origin of the
Yezidi faith is a traditional one. The above-mentioned Yezidi origin
myth traces the lineage of the Yezidis straight to the son of Adam.
The words, “Our faith is old, very old,” is a sentence a researcher
hears everywhere, from fellow travellers in shared taxis travelling to
Yezidi villages to university-educated Yezidis. Similarly, most
Yezidis will be ready to tell anyone interested that Yezidis used to
be far more numerous in the past, and their numbers have been
reduced dramatically due to repeated persecutions and forced con-
versions. Today, many will even mention that originally all Kurds
were Yezidis, a notion that enjoys official patronage from the
393 See also Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 36, 40.

Kurdish state intent on building up a national myth. Of course,

these statements do not lack a historical foundation, as persecu-
tions are still vividly remembered, and many people, even the
younger ones, have some idea when and where their tribe came
from (Turkey, other parts of Iraq394) following a wave of massacres
and forced conversions. However, there is a marked difference
between communal memory regarding past, but more-or-less con-
crete events transmitted by word of mouth and the new Yezidi
myth of an ancient and glorious past that is being constructed by
educated Yezidis who are writing or reading articles about their
people and religion. While simple people are satisfied with stressing
the fact that their religion is very old or even the oldest one, and
that they used to be far more numerous, educated Yezidis try to
trace the lineage of their faith to the once glorious cultures and
religions of the Middle East, the cradle of modern civilization, or
what is more, they try to argue for a Yezidi origin for these cul-
tures.
Yezidis are neither the only nor the first ones to try to trace
their descent from the long gone empires of the Middle East.
Claiming a glorious ancestry is a source of prestige in the region.395
In a clear instance of feedback, Christians have identified them-
selves with Assyrians since the nineteenth century, when European
reserachers first put the theory of their Assyrian origin forward.
Zoroastrian descent is popular among Kurds, while others struggle
394 Or even, surprisingly, Russia, as an older Dina woman, of the pîr
class, originally from a Syrian village near the Iraqi border, claimed. Ac-
cording to her, her people originated in Russia, and came to what was
once the Ottoman Empire only after a persecution finished off all the pîrs
of her tribe. Another young Yezidi pointed out on a trip to the mountains
just next to the Turkish border, around Kani Masi, that there used to be
many Yezidi villages these less than a century ago, and many settlements
still have the same names as Yezidi villages today more to the South. I had
no way of checking the truth content of this statement. Yet again another
Yezidi claimed that Hatra, once an important town of the Assyrians, well
South of Mosul, used to be Yezidi until its inhabitants were moved north,
to the Yezidi village of Kheter, a few kilometres north of Mosul. This is
obviously a case of false etymological reasoning.
395 Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 36, 41.
to prove that Kurds are no other than the descendants of the

Medes. A Sumerian origin is claimed by all and sundry in the region
(including even some Turkish researchers). Among Yezidis, a dis-
concerting number of theories are circulating today. Some talk en-
thusiastically of the Assyrians, who have long been promoted as
the putative grandfathers of the Yezidis by some Western research-
ers.396 Sumerians and the “ancient religions” of Mesopotamia are
also often mentioned (boundaries between different deities and
nations seem to have become somewhat obscure here). Others put
great energy into discovering the Zoroastrian,397 or even “Mith-
raean” origins of their faith.398 A constructed past needs its own
myths, and in the attempt to prove such relationships the Yezidi
talent for creating myth seems to spring to life again. So, for exam-
ple, I was told in all seriousness that there were ancient Assyrian
pictograms on the wall of the Lalish sanctuary, only they were cov-
ered by white plaster so that Muslims would not become jealous.
On another occasion I was told that the Assyrian rock carvings in
the mountain side above Duhok represented the Seven Holy An-
gels of the Yezidis (actually each of the three panels showed eight
figures.) The conviction that the legend of Mîr Mih, a young prince
who went in search of eternal life, is in fact the same myth as the
Gilgamesh epic was voiced by several people.
Some of the most ambitious reformers are not satisfied with
merely tracing the origin of the Yezidis to ancient civilizations, but,
conversely, set out to prove that these very civilizations were in fact
Yezidis. The notion, that Yezidis are the “original Kurds,” in other
396 Some Assyrian Christians also embrace the notion of the Assyrian
origin of the Yezidis, though it is hard to tell if they do so out of genuine
conviction, or political consideration.
397 Zoroastrians have also been proposed by early researchers, like
Rev. Empson (The Cult of the Peacock Angel, passim,) as the putative ances-
tors of the Yezidis.
398 Yezidis are not the only Kurdish heterodox group to seek links
with pre-Islamic cults. The Ahl-i Haqq of Southern Kurdistan also “like to
emphasize the endogenity of their culture and spirituality, and minimise
the Arabo-Islamic lore” thus securing themselves a respected space
among the Muslim, but nationalist majority. (J.During, “A Critical Survey
on Ahl-e Haqq Studies,” 111.)
words all Kurds were once Yezidis, has for some time enjoyed
popularity not only among Yezidis, but - since the foundation of
the Kurdish Autonomy in 1991, and the need for constructing a
national myth - among Sunni Kurds as well.399 But some origin-
searching Yezidis are no longer content with this and have lately
tried to lay claim to more “originality.”
One example of Yezidis having provided other religions with
their mythology through the Sumerians has been mentioned above.
Another one, rather unsettling for Western ears, is that of Aryan
(Arî) ancestry. The notion of the Aryan ancestry of the Yezidis, or
rather of Yezidi faith being the original and unadulterated Aryan
religion, seems to have gained a surprising popularity.400 I have
heard fleeting references to such ancestry several times (but inter-
estingly, never from Muslim Kurds, though they belong to the
group of Indo-European speakers too). The most coherent picture
of Yezidis as Aryans, and Aryans as Yezidis was furnished by Arab
Khidir. He gave a very good example of how traditional Yezidi
mythology and bits and pieces from modern linguistic and histori-
cal writings401 can be worked into a complex fabric to meet the
demands of the new Yezidi self-image. He related that the Forty
Men, well-known figures of Yezidi mythology, who travelled in the
boat of Noah, became the forefathers of the Aryan people.402
These Aryan people, who included, according to my informant, the
399 Allison, Yezidi Oral Religion, 38, 41. It must be noted that while
Yezidis in the Sheikhan and the Duhok are enthusiastically embracing this
notion, Sinjari Yezidis insist that they are a people apart, and since the fall
of the Saddam regime has managed to infuriate their brethren by stub-
bornly refusing to be labelled Kurds.
400 I can only assume that Yezidis are unaware of the negative images
this word, and especially casual references to Germans as Aryans, conjure

up in those familiar with European history.
401 Unfortunately I don’t know what his sources were, though I man-
aged to ascertain that he read Yezidi publication like Lalish and Roj.
402 There are different opinions as to whom the Forty Men, or Chil
Mêr to whom a high peak in the Sinjar is consecrated, exactly were. Ac-
cording to Feqir Haji they were companions of Sheikh Adi, but the Baba
Sheikh also spoke of them in connection of the Flood. See also Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, 100-101.
Sumerians, the Hurrians, the Guti, the Elami, the Mittanni and a
host of other ancient peoples of the Middle East, were all Yezidis,
that is monotheists, “Ezi” (or Êzi) being the name of God, whose
unity and oneness they worshipped. Here my informant quoted the
story of the destruction of the Tower of Babel. In his interpretation
this tale referred to the fact that originally all these people were of
the same religion, that is, worshipped God and God alone, but
then were dispersed and lost their original faith.403 In this way an
ancient myth combined with modern historiography leads to the
birth of a new myth. The story of the Tower of Babel, adapted
from one of the Semitic religions, is not rejected, but retold in a
different way. With time, and the arrival of the Semi people and the
Semitic religions the number of Yezidi Aryans dwindled, and to-
day’s Kurdish Yezidis are their sole survivors. Other Aryans, who
once peopled Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Caucasia, and Europe have
strayed from the path of the righteous religion. (A sentiment calling
to mind the view Islam takes on the “Religions of Book.”) He
claimed that the name of these once glorious peoples survived
among the tribe names of the Yezidis, thus proving that Yezidis
were in fact the descendants of these groups, who had once played
the role of protagonists at the dawn of our culture. Thus originally
the Reshke of Sinjar were the Ashak (??), the Horka were the
Horri, the Haweri were the Hurin, the Haltî were the Mittani, and
the Smokan were the Sumeri. Using similar etymological reasoning,
he pointed to the alleged fact that Sumerians used many Kurdish
words, a further proof of common origins. Thus the name of Gil-
gamesh means “buffalo.” The name of Ibrahim Khalil, that is, of
Abraham, a Yezidi himself, was in Kurdish as well, meaning the
“brother of all” (birayê hemî).
Although in the course of my research I heard the most co-
herent and full exposition of the theory of Aryan ancestry from
Arab Khidir, such ideas were presumably not all his own, but more
likely they formed a part of the current literature on Yezidis, for
similar opinions were voiced by others as well in the Sheikhan-
Duhok region. While some contented themselves with an oblique
403 This interpretation of the Tower of Babel was in fact current dur-
ing the Late Antiquity.

reference to their Aryan descent and their German relatives, others

also spoke of the Mittanis, Hurrians and so on. During a debate on
the question of mixed marriages, the fact that a Mittani king gave
his daughter in marriage to the pharaoh of Egypt was mentioned as
a proof that Yezidis had not always been opposed to marriage with
non-Yezidis. An article published in the Lalish magazine dispensed
with the Aryan origins, but repeated the Kurdish etymology of
Ibrahim’s name, trying to link the patriarch, an alleged sun-
worshipper, to Yezidis, ancient sun-worshippers.
Such academic origin-searching can eventually become a part
of everyday religious consciousness. The idea that Christians were
originally Yezidis seems to have gained currency, no doubt partly
due to the traditionally good relations between the two minorities.
An even more eloquent example is the theory that Yezidism was
originally a form of sun-worship – a very popular theory if one is to
go by the content of Lalish magazine. So, for example, the guardian
of a shrine in Khanke, Sheikh Deshti, explained to me that Bayazid
Bastami, a well-known Sufi saint of the ninth century, was a Yezidi,
and a Shemseni. The so-called Shemseni sheikhs trace their lineage
to Sheikh Shems, a companion of Sheikh Adi, who lived much later
than Bayazid Bastami. According to Sheikh Deshti’s explanation,
however, the tribe of the Shemsenis is in fact much older, for it
means “sun-worshippers.” In other words it refers to Yezidis, who
were the ancient sun-worshippers of the region, and Bayazid
Bastami, a sun worshipper, was one of them.
Though vestiges of sun worship can indeed be found in the
Yezidi belief system, it is unlikely that a Yezidi a hundred years ago,
for example, would have quite expressed himself in this way. At
least, there is nothing in the accounts of past travellers to imply
this. The notion of Shemsenis as ancient sun worshippers clearly
shows an external influence, that is, how non-Yezidi writings on
the origins of Yezidis eventually come to influence the self –
perception of the Yezidis which - in its turn - reflects on the retell-
ing of the mythology.
***
To sum it all up, while in the past it was the oral way of transmit-
ting tradition that shaped Yezidi religion and gave it its peculiar
characteristics, today one can witness the very opposite. The sud-
den appearance of literacy seems to be reshaping not only the way

traditions are transmitted, through the vehicle of books and publi-
cations instead of the oral way, but the very content of these tradi-
tions themselves. While we witness a certain simplification of
Yezidi lore, as many variants perceived as superfluous are eventu-
ally rejected, and the same happens to those myth that would be
perceived as ridiculous or unfit to modern, “scientific thinking”,
new elements are taking their place. These elements are usually the
result of research on Yezidis (generally carried out by Yezidis as
well) and first appear in some publication and then go on to be-
come a part of Yezidi lore. They aim at constructing (or recon-
structing) Yezidi history and providing Yezidis with a “modern and
scientific” religion.
The “modernization” or rewriting of Yezidi religious lore can
offer a glimpse not only of the future but of the past of Yezidi re-
ligion as well. This is not the first time in history that Yezidis came
to be influenced by the outside world. As researchers have pointed
out, there are countless motifs in their mythology and religious po-
etry that can be traced to the religions that succeeded each other in
the region. True, it is certain that outside influence has never been
as penetrating as now, in the age of mass-communication. But we
can still assume that what we witness today may serve as a model
for how oral religions in the past managed to incorporate and adapt
numerous motifs from other religions.
These days we can watch the mythmaking in the process in an
accelerated way. Above we have seen several instances of how cer-
tain new elements can become incorporated into Yezidi mythology,
and retold as part of the myth themselves. The idea that the khirqe
or sacred shirt symbolizes the darkness surrounding the original
Pearl is mentioned not as a possible explanation of a motif (taken
from a learned article), but as part of the tradition. The destruction
of the Tower of Babel is now retold as the end of the primeval
monotheism originally confessed by all Aryans. The concept of
Yezidis being sun-worshippers is apparently on its way to becom-
ing a popular element, and the same is true about notions that
Sheikh Adi’s advent marked a new stage in the history of Yezidi
religion and mythology. Many other examples could be mentioned.
While these motifs were probably originally offered as expla-
nations or theories, they are no longer seen as mere hypotheses,
attempts at interpreting the mythology or mythical history of
Yezidis, but now show all the characteristics of becoming integral

part of the mythology. They are being recounted in exactly the
same way as, say, the legend of a mythical ancestor, or the story of
a khas, or holy being connected with some sacred place, would be
recounted by an older Yezidi.
It is not unreasonable to assume that the process of adopting
new motifs and creating new myths, or rather modifying older
myths and mythology according to new ideas and concepts coming
from outside, is not altogether unlike what happened in earlier cen-
turies, even if the vehicle of transmission, writing, is a relatively
new one.
6 THE YEZIDI CREATION MYTH OF
ADAM
The Yezidi myth of Adam’s creation, his Fall and punishment

might strike outsiders as an ad hoc patchwork of ill-fitting and
sometimes senseless details. However, if analyzed with sufficient
care and with regard of the religious history of the region, this
myth proves to be a repository of the colorful mythological inheri-
tance of the Middle East.
It has never been questioned that the Yezidi myth on the
creation and fall of Adam ultimately derives from Biblical (or
Quranic) sources. But the “quaint” details, at odds with the version
known to all “peoples of the Book” were seen as the mere results
of Yezidi imagination, both childishly overactive and theologically
uninformed.404 Accordingly this myth has never received the atten-
tion it deserved as a living testimony of how long-forgotten myths
of another era can live on in a new guise, bridging the centuries and
weaving a fragile network between the cultures and religions that
followed each other in the region.
ADAM’S CREATION AND FALL
As it is characteristic of oral tradition, the Adam myth has several

different versions. The following version was collected by me in
404 As has been mentioned in the Introduction, the editor of Siouffi’s

article (“Notice sur des Yézidis,” 252), employs the term “puérilité” to
describe the myths contained in the article, including the one to be de-
scribed below, while Lescot speaks of the incoherence of the texts, their
confusion and naïveté. (R. Lescot, Enquète sur les Yezidis, 54, 55, 60).
147
the course of my field-work from Feqir Haji, famous for his ac-
quaintance with Yezidi sacred lore. This variant has so far not ap-
peared in print, apart from a few sketchy and obscure references.405
The myth as told by Feqir Haji starts with a description of
how God created the Seven Angels from his own light, as if light-
ing seven candles from one, then created the world, and then fi-
nally molded Adam’s body from the four elements, which was first
inert and lifeless as it had no soul.406 In order to revive it, one of
the Seven Angels, Sheik Sin, entered Adam’s body, albeit reluc-
tantly,407 on the condition that he, as Adam, would live in Paradise,
be guided by the Peacock Angel, and wear the khirqe, or holy
shirt:408
Sheikh Sin is from goodness. He was modeled after the Pearl
[that hid God before creation]. He existed before men and
women. Sheikh Sin was created from Goodness, and his Light
was staying in the Divine Light… In heaven he was the king of
true religion. On earth he gave power to the prophet of the
Ummah.409
405See below.
406 Both Jewish and Islamic traditions agree that Adam passed
through a stage when his body was an immobile, inert body or golem. See
L. N. B. Chipman, “Mythic aspects of the process of Adam’s creation in
Judaism and Islam,” Studia Islamica 93 (2001): 17.
407 The idea that the soul was reluctant to enter the body can be
found not only in Yezidi tradition, but also among Muslims. According to
Muslim tradition the soul was loath to enter the body, for its orifices are
cramped and narrow. “Allah forces it to enter saying ‘as you entered un-
willingly, so you shall come out unwillingly,” Chipman, “Mythic Aspects,”
19.
408 The myth below is a summary of what I was told during different
interviews with Feqir Haji. His style of recounting the myth, in a way truly
typical of oral traditions, would take up too much space to be literally
quoted here. For a transcript and translation of the myth as told by Feqir
Haji, see Appendix.
409 Ummah is a Muslim expression for the community of believers.
Yezidi religious terminology reflects the influence of Islam, especially Suf-

ism. These first lines Feqir Haji recited in verse form, they are probably
part of a sacred hymn. It was followed by an explanation and mythical
account in prose form.
THE YEZIDI CREATION MYTH OF ADAM 149
The prophet of the Ummah was no other than Adam. The di-
vine light and mysterious power [sur] of Melek [Angel] Sheikh
Sin came from heaven into the forehead of Adam.
God created Adam’s body between Saturday and Friday. After
seven hundred years, a soul entered this body. This soul was an
angel that came from heaven. The soul did not want to enter
the body. The Seven Angels stood around the body and they
said to this angel, “you have to enter into this body so that the
world (mankind) may be established.” This soul was the soul
of Melek Sheikh Sin.
For seven hundred years the soul (Sheikh Sin) did not go into
Adam, but then God and the Peacock Angel commanded he
must go into it. Before the soul [or light, sur] of Melek Sheikh
Sin entered Adam, it made conditions for entering the body
and said to God and the Peacock Angel, “take me to Paradise
then.” They consented. He said “put the khirqe [the sacred
black shirt of the Yezidi holy men, the feqirs] on me.” They
consented. He said, “and let the Peacock Angel be my imam
and show my way around Paradise.” They consented.
So finally Melek Sheik Sin consented. Then he brought his di-
vine power and light, that is, is his sur, and put it into Adam’s
forehead and stayed in Adam’s forehead. And they put the
khirqe on Adam. The khirqe became Adam’s cloth. And the
Peacock Angel took Adam to Paradise and became his imam.
Adam stayed in Paradise for a hundred years. Then God said
to the Peacock Angel, “go, and bring Adam out of Paradise, so
that mankind may be established.” The Peacock Angel went to
Adam and asked him, “have you eaten from the wheat?”410
410 The Tree of Knowledge often appears in Islamic tradition as a tree
of grain or wheat. See J. Knappert, Islamic Legends, Histories of the Heroes,

Saints and Prophets of Islam (Leiden: Brill, 1985), 37; and B. Lewis, “An Is-
maili Interpretation of the Fall of Adam,” BSOAS 9.3 (1938): 692. Some
rabbinic tradition also identified the Tree of Knowledge as wheat, see
Zofja Ameisenowa, “The Tree of Life in Jewish Iconography,” Journal of
the Warburg Institute 2.4 (1939): 336; and Alexander Haggerty Krappe, “The
Story of the Fall,” The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures
43.3 (1927): 238. Interestingly, the only mention of tasting the forbidden
fruit in Yezidi myth, which comes from the Evening Prayer 5, says, “Call to
Adam said, “no.” The Peacock Angel said, “eat from it.”
Adam said, “I won’t.” So then the Peacock Angel used a trick.
He became invisible and threw a grain of wheat into Adam’s
mouth, who ate it.411 Then his stomach became enlarged, and
the Peacock Angel took him out of Paradise, for he was not
supposed to dirty Paradise with his needs.
Then the Peacock Angel took away the khirqe of Adam, and he
took away the divine light, the sur, in Adam’s forehead. As long
as Adam was in Paradise, he was like a great angel, for the di-
vine light of Sheikh Melek Sin inside him was great. But after
the Peacock Angel took away the sur from his forehead, and
his khirqe, he became like the empty shell of a snail. He be-
came a human.
A part of Feqir Haji’s story has already been well known to West-
ern scholarship since the publication of the alleged Yezidi sacred
book, the Mes’hefa Resh, or Black Book, at the end of the nineteenth
century. As has already been mentioned,412 this work was probably
a forgery, written by a non-Yezidi. However, its content reflects
genuine Yezidi mythological traditions. The myth of Adam as re-
ported by the Black Book was then repeated by many authors on
Yezidi religion, while the other variant escaped the attention of
researchers. 413 The Black Book describes Adam’s creation and his
expulsion from Paradise as follows:
At this time the Lord came down to the Holy Land (al-Kuds),
and commanded Gabriel to bring earth from the four corners
of the world, earth, air, fire, and water. He created it and put in
mind Paradise and the Tree” (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 221) indicating that
the two different versions existed side by side.
411 The story of Adam’s expulsion from Paradise was also told by a
qewwal during the religious ceremony accompanying the Parading of the

Peacock (when the sacred image of a peacock, symbolizing the Peacock
Angel, is taken around Yezidi villages). In his version it was also the Pea-
cock Angel who threw the grain into the mouth of the unsuspecting
Adam.
412 See chapters “Introduction” and “Origin of the Yezidis.”
413 It must be noted that no effort was made at interpreting even this
published variant, or trying to place it in its religious-historical context.

it the spirit of his own power, and called it Adam. Then he

commanded Gabriel to escort Adam into Paradise, and to tell
him that he could eat from all the trees but not of wheat. Here
Adam remained for a hundred years. Thereupon, Melek Ta’us
asked God how Adam could multiply and have descendants if
he were forbidden to eat of the grain. God answered, “I have
put the whole matter into thy hands.” Thereupon Melek Ta’us
visited Adam and said, “Have you eaten of the grain?” He an-
swered, “No, God forbade me.” Melek Ta’us replied and said,
“Eat of the grain and all shall go better with thee.” Then Adam
ate of the grain and immediately his belly was inflated. But Me-
lek Ta’us drove him out of the garden, and leaving him, as-
cended into heaven. Now Adam was troubled because his belly
was inflated, for he had no outlet. God therefore sent a bird to
him which pecked at his anus and made an outlet, and Adam
was relieved.414
Tasting the Forbidden Grain
The two variants, Feqir Haji’s version and the one in the Black
Book, differ on a number of points (concerning the “incarceration”
of Sheikh Sin in Adam’s body), but both agree on a striking detail:
Adam’s expulsion from Paradise being part of a divine plan, and
being brought about not by the enticement of an evil figure (the
devil) wishing him ill, but by the intervention of a divine being, the
Peacock Angel, acting at God’s command. This part of the myth is
well known among Yezidis today,415 who like to add that Adam had
to leave Paradise, because he needed to go to the toilet urgently,
but he could not soil Paradise with such an unclean act. So the
Peacock Angel caught hold of him and put him outside Paradise
414 I. Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” AJSLL 25.3 (1909), 222-223.

415 That is, it is well known among older Yezidis, and those who are
interested in Yezidi traditions, as many younger Yezidis have only the
vaguest notion of Yezidi lore.
and then a bird came to help Adam.416 The most interesting motif,
though, is that all Yezidis, at least today (starting with the Baba
Sheikh, the “Yezidi Pope”), seem to agree that Adam’s expulsion
from Paradise was a positive act and a part of the divine plan for
mankind. How otherwise, they say, could men have multiplied and
filled the earth, after all “in Paradise there is no marriage.”
This is certainly a novel and radically different, almost in-
verted, way of interpreting the Biblical story of Adam’s Fall. How-
ever, the Yezidis were not the first to give such a positive interpre-
tation of Original Sin, seeing it as a part of a greater divine plan
aimed at the good of mankind. A very similar “revolutionary” or, if
we like, “antinomian” interpretation of the Biblical story of the Fall
was one of the core-myths of Gnostic anthropogony in Late An-
tiquity.
Gnosticism borrowed extensively from Jewish scriptures and
exegetical traditions, but reinterpreted the borrowed elements in a
revolutionary way, in the spirit of the Gnostic revolt against the
material world and its creator. One of the most salient examples of
such a treatment is the Gnostic version of the creation and fate of
Adam, the first human, which faithfully reflects the Gnostics’ view
of the world and man’s place in it.
In the Gnostics’ understanding of the creation of the material
world, the Demiurge, or the Gnostic creator, an aborted monster
expelled from the Pleroma, or the World of Light, stole a part of this
Light when he fell below, into the world of soul-less matter417 from
which he later created the material world. This Light is later im-
prisoned in man, a being created by the Evil Creator from matter.
416 Others claim that after putting him outside Paradise, the Peacock
Angel advised Adam to stick his own finger into his backside thereby cre-
ating an outlet for his pain.
417 While some Gnostic sources speak about the theft of Light, others
see the descent of Light into matter within the framework of a pre-cosmic
fall. Such differences fit easily into Gnosticism that put the stress on its
message, that is, on the idea that the human spirit is a particle of Light
imprisoned in matter and waiting to be rescued, while the individual myth
was simply seen as a vehicle of expressing this truth, and variations in the
text and details of the different myths were far more acceptable than in
text-based Judaism or Christianity.
Thus human soul (or rather “spirit,” pneuma) is a particle of Light

imprisoned in matter, and despite the humble material origin of
man’s body, man is still potentially superior to his creator due to
the element of light in him. Human history is nothing more than a
constant war between the world of Light and the Evil Archons of
matter to regain or retain this Light. The Gnostic version of the
Fall of Adam is embedded within this struggle.
According to the “classic” Gnostic myth,418 after the demons
of Darkness put together Adam’s body, their product remained
inactive and immobile for a long time (an idea paralleled in Jewish
Biblical exegesis)419 until one of the powers of the Light World,
Sophia, or Mother Wisdom, devised a plan to retrieve the part of
light stolen by the evil Demiurge. To carry out this plan she con-
vinced the Evil Creator to blow some of his spirit into Adam’s
face, so the body would rise. When the Creator blew his spirit or
power, the stolen Light, into Adam, Adam became possessed of a
pneuma, a light soul. When the powers of Darkness realized that
Adam was superior to them they became jealous and clothed him
in a material body that served as a prison of forgetfulness and igno-
rance of his true being. Then they placed this mortal Adam in
Paradise. The powers of Light, however, answered this trick with
another of their own. An envoy of the Light, that appeared as an
eagle,420 or in other versions took the body of the serpent,421 con-
vinced Adam and Eve to taste the forbidden fruit of the Tree of
Acquaintance (or Gnosis), so that they would know themselves,
418 On Gnostic creation theory and anthropology, see K. Rudolph,

Gnosis: the Nature and History of Gnosticism; and Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Relig-
ion.
For Gnostic accounts of Adam’s creation, see for example the fol-
lowing Nag Hammadi texts: Apocryphon of John, Hypostasis of the Archons, On
the Origin of the World.
419 See Pearson, Gnosticism, Judaism, chapter “Biblical Exegesis in
Gnostic Literature,” 29-38.

420 Apocryphon of John II 23.27
421 In most Gnostic accounts this envoy is Sophia, or Mother Wis-
dom, but for example in the Testimony of Truth 49 the serpent, the saving
principle, symbolizes Christ.
that is know that their soul (spirit) came from the World of Light,
but it was enslaved in its material form:
Then the female spiritual principle came (in) the snake, the in-
structor, and it taught (them) saying, “What did it (say to) you?
Was it, ‘From every tree in the garden (paradise) shall you eat;
yet from (the tree) of recognising evil and good do not
eat’?”… And the snake, the instructor, said, “With death you
shall not die; for it was out of jealousy that it said this to you.
Rather, your eyes shall open and you come to be like gods,
recognizing evil and good.” And the female instructing princi-
ple was taken away from the snake and she left it behind
merely a thing of the earth. 422
A very similar description is presented in another work, the On the
Origin of the World,423 with the difference that there the envoy is a
figure, called the Beast Zoe, who addresses Eve.424 It also gives a
422 Hypostasis of the Archons 89.31-90.17, trans. and ed. B. Layton, in
Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7, vol. 1. (Leiden: Brill, 1989), 243. The Hypostasis
of the Archons is a Gnostic interpretation of Genesis 1-6, dating probably
from the 3rd century, and composed in Greek, in Egypt.
423 This Nag Hammadi text was composed in Greek, probably in Al-
exandria, and then translated into Coptic. Certain ideas in the tract appear
to presuppose Manichaean theology. Thus it was probably not composed
before the time Manichaeism started to have influence in Egypt, that is,
the end of third century AD, but is presumably not later than early fourth
century. See H.-G. Bethge, “Introduction,” 13 (On the Origin of the World,
trans. B. Layton, and H.-G. Bethge, in Nag Hammadi Codex II. 2-7, vol. 2.
NHS 21. Leiden, Brill: 1989.)
424 “What did God say to you? Was it ‘Do not eat from the tree of
acquaintance (gnōsis)’?” She said, “He said not only, ‘Do not eat from it,’
but, ‘Do not touch it, lest you die.’” He said to her, “Do not be afraid. In
death you shall not die. For he knows that when you eat from it, your
intellect will become sober and you will come to be like gods, recognizing
the difference that obtains between evil men and good ones. Indeed, it
was in jealousy that he said this to you, so that you would not eat from it.”
On the Origin of the World 102-103, in Nag Hammadi Codex II. 2-7, vol. 2. 73-
5. See also Apocryphon of John II 21-24. Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses 1.30.7;
1.30.15; The Testimony of Truth 46.
detailed description of what happens after Eve follows the advice

of the envoy of light:
Now Eve had confidence in the words of the instructor. She
gazed at the tree and saw that it was beautiful and appetizing,
and liked it; she took some of its fruit and ate it; and she gave
some also to her husband, and he too ate it. Then their intel-
lect became open. For when they had eaten, the light of ac-
quaintance (gnōsis) had shone upon them. When they clothed
themselves with shame, they knew that they were naked of ac-
quaintance (gnōsis). When they became sober, they saw that
they were naked and became enamored of one another. When
they saw that the ones who had modelled them had the form
of beasts, they loathed them: they were very aware.425
When the Demiurge and his rulers understood that the enlightened
Adam had withdrawn from them, the creators of his body, they
cast him and Eve out of Paradise and clothed them in the matter of
oblivion, so they would forget all they had learnt when tasting the
forbidden fruit of Gnosis.426 After this the history of humankind is
one of constant struggle between the powers of Darkness and
Light, and the trophy is the possession of man’s soul, that is the
Light imprisoned in matter.
425 On the Origin of the World 104, in Nag Hammadi Codex II. 2-7, vol. 2.
73-5.
426 On the Origin of the World says: “now, when the rulers saw that
Adam had entered into an alien state of acquaintance… they became

troubled… ‘behold Adam. He has come to be like one of us, so that he
knows the difference between light and darkness… Come, let us expel
him from paradise down to the land from which he was taken, so that
henceforth he might not be able to recognize anything better than we
can.’” On the Origin of the World 110-11, in Nag Hammadi Codex II. 2-7, vol.
2. 75-77. See also Apocryphon of John II.24,7-8. This is a classical example of
Gnostic interpretation of the Old Testament, and its Creator or God,
whom they rejected as evil, or at least deficient. According to Gnostic
logic it could not have been the perfect and good God, the Father of the
Fullness, who denied mankind the ability to distinguish between good and
evil. Such an act can only be ascribed to an inferior being, the Demiurge,
or creator of the imperfect material world.
Such an inverted, positive interpretation of the Fall of Adam

can be found among the Manichaeans as well, the spiritual heirs of
the Gnostics, who also professed a radical dualism of two opposing
principles, of Light and Darkness. Manichaeans were obviously
familiar with the Gnostic version of tasting the forbidden fruit and
incorporated it into their own system. Theodore bar Khoni, the
eighth-nineth-century Nestorian bishop from Kashkar (Iraq), when
describing the teachings of Mani, writes the following: “He says
that Jesus the resplendent approached the innocent Adam and
awoke him from the sleep of death… He says that Jesus made him
rise and taste the the Tree of Life.”427 References to tasting the fruit
of the Tree of Life428 can also be found in the Coptic Manichaean
Texts. One Coptic Psalm describes the fight between the powers of
the Darkness and the envoy of Light for human soul in the follow-
ing way:
When Adam and Eve were created and put in Paradise, who
was it that ordered them “eat not of the tree” that they might
not distinguish the evil from the good? Another fought against
him and made them eat from the Tree.429
In the Kephalaia, or Chapters, Mani, the founder of the movement,
describes how the living Paraclete “unveiled to me the mystery of
the light and the darkness.… The mystery of the fashioning of
Adam, the first man. He also informed me about the mystery of
427 Liber Scholiorum II. Mimra XI.59, in Théodore Bar Khoni, Livre des
Scolies (Liber Scholiorum), Mimré VI-XI, Recension de Séert, trad. and ed.
Robert Hespel – René Draguet. CSCO vol. 432, Scriptores Syri, tomus
188. (Lovanii: Peeters, 1982), 237.
428 The Tree of Knowledge was also called the Tree of Life by the
Gnostics and the Manichaeans, referring to the idea that knowledge, that
is, knowing one’s own nature and the nature of the created world, led to
the salvation of the soul, that that is, real life in the Kingdom of Light.
429 Psalms to Jesus CCXLVIII, in Manichaean Psalm-Book: Manichaean
Manuscripts in the Chester Beatty Collection, ed. and trans. L. R. Allberry (Stutt-
gart: Kohlhammer, 1938), vol. II, 57.7-10.
the tree of knowledge, which Adam ate from, his eyes saw.”430 The
Good Tree or Tree of Life became a common Manichaean symbol
even in non-Christian regions, as attested in texts and even paint-
ings from the Central Asian Turfan Basin.431
Adam and His Digestion
There is another striking motif in the Yezidi myth of the Fall,

namely the report on how the digestion of Adam started and his
intestines and lower bodily openings were formed after he ate from
the forbidden fruit. Adam had to leave Paradise in order not to
dirty it with his bodily needs.
It is a little-known fact that the story of Adam’s eating from
the forbidden wheat, which caused his stomach to inflate so he had
to leave Paradise in order to answer nature’s call is current not only
among Yezidis but the Muslims of the region as well. So, for ex-
ample, the story of how Adam’s stomach became inflated after
breaking the divine commandment, and how a bird came to open
an outlet in his backside, is retold in Southern Turkey, in the
Mardin region.432 Diyarbakir Muslims also recount that Adam and
Eve refused (or were forbidden) to eat anything while they were in
Paradise, so they would not have to go to the toilet. After they
broke the commandment, their stomachs blew up, they dirtied
Paradise with their excrement, and as a result were expelled.433 A
430 The Kephalaia of the Teacher 15.2-12. The Edited Coptic Manichaean
Texts in Translation with Commentary. NHMS Vol. 37, ed. and trans.
Iain Gardner (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 20-21.
431 See H.-J. Klimkeit, Manichaean Art and Calligraphy, Iconography of
Religions 20 (Leiden: Brill, 1982).

432 I owe this information to my colleague, Loqman Turgut, a PhD
student at the Georg-August University of Göttingen, who informed me

that his grandmother, from the district of Mardin, used to retell two vari-
ants of Adam’s expulsion from Paradise, a Quranic version, and the folk
version expounded above.
433 My informant was a student from Diyarbakir, presently studying in
France, who did not wish to divulge her name. Her reluctance to do so is
explained by the second “shameful” part of the tale, according to which
young, university-educated Muslim woman from Duhok434 also

repeated this hygienic argument when recounting the Quranic
story. Though, as a direct question made it clear, she was aware
that this explanation of natural needs wasn’t to be found in the
holy text, she saw it as an integral part of the story, or rather as a
commonplace exegesis.
This motif, which obviously enjoys popularity in the region, is
probably of a Gnostic background as well. The formation of intes-
tines as a result of trespassing the divine command is mentioned by
Irenaeus in his accounts of the Gnostics, where he repeats the ver-
sion described above and adds that the Mother of Life (acting as
the envoy of life here) put on the body of the snake to get near
Adam, and in memory of this act of salvation, human intestines,
which feed the body the same way Gnosis feeds the soul, resemble
the form of a snake:
Some say that it was Wisdom (Sophia) herself who turned into
a snake, and therefore she was against the maker of Adam, and
introduced acquaintance into humankind… because of the po-
sition of our intestines, through which food is processed, and
because of their shape, they say this shows the life-producing
essence hidden within us in the form of a snake.”435
when Adam and Eve saw how they had dirtied Paradise, they tried to hide
their excrement between their legs and under their armpits. This is why
humans have hair in these places today.
434 She was originally from a mountain village near the Turkish bor-
der, from where her family moved to Duhok in the seventies, during the
civil war between the Iraqi government and the Kurdish peshmerga.
435 Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses 1.30.15 Quidam enim ipsam Sophiam ser-
pentem factam dicunt: quapropter et contrariam exstitisse factori Adae, et agnitionem

hominibus immisisse…. Sed et propter positionem intestinorum nostrorum, per quae
esca infertur, eo quod talem figuram habeant, ostendentem absconsam generatricem
Serpentis figurae substantiam in nobis. Irénée de Lyon, Contre les Hérésies, Livre
I., ed. Adelin Rousseau et Louis Doutreleau, Sources Chrétiennes 264
(Paris: Cerf, 1979), 384. As Layton (Gnostic Scriptures, 181.) points out, the
reading of this, probably corrupted text is much debated, but it its general
meaning is held to be clear.
This notion was probably a further development of the idea that

the reference in Gen. 3.21 to Adam and Eve putting on garments
of skin refers to the first couple donning material bodies. Such a
view, of course, cannot be called exclusively Gnostic. For example
it was propagated by Philo, and by Origen of Alexandria, the influ-
ential Christian philosopher of the late second century.436 However,
this exegesis did not enjoy much currency among mainstream
Christian writers, and even less in the Syriac church,437 so a Gnostic
source is more likely for this idea in Yezidi mythology than a Chris-
tian one.
Although both in the Yezidi and the Gnostic-Manichaean my-
thologies trespassing the divine command, and the consequent be-
ginning of biological functioning (i.e. bodily existence), occurs at
the instigation of God and through the intermediary of a Divine
messenger, there are some significant differences as well. In Gnos-
tic mythology this act is a revolt against the creator and the means
of attaining Gnostic salvation through self-knowledge. In the more
optimistic, and we could say prosaic, Yezidi religion, eating of the
forbidden wheat, that is, expulsion from Paradise, is simply a pre-
condition for the multiplication of human kind. These differences
can, however, be explained easily by the differing ethos of dualistic
Gnosticism and Yezidism, which has been termed an anti-dualistic
religion by one scholar.438 In the latter, even the existence of evil, as
436 Philo, De Allegoriis Legum III. 69; Origen, Contra Celsum 4.40 “they
received garments of skin at the time of the fall; i.e. bodies, since before
the fall they were spiritual beings.” A similar statement is found in Zohar
1.36b “Before the fall they were dressed in garments of light, after the fall
in garments of skin, which were useful only for the body, not the soul”
quoted in Louis Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews vol. 5 (Philadelphia, The Jew-
ish Publication Society, 1947), 103; see also N. 53.
437 Sebastian Brock, “Clothing Metaphors as a means of theological
expression in Syrian Tradition,” in Studies in Syriac Christianity: History, Lit-

erature and Theology (Hampshire: Variorum Reprints, 1992), 17. Further-
more, according to István Perczel (CEU, Budapest), the only occurrence
of a similar form of the myth is in an Origenist writing in the Syriac Book
of he Holy Hierotheos.
438 See G. Furlani, “L’antidualismo dei Yezidi,” Orientalia 13 (1944):
237-67.
an autonomous being, is denied. As God says in the Jelwa, the other

Yezidi “sacred book,” “I participate in all the affairs which those
who are without call evil because their nature is not such as they
approve.”439
Paradoxically it could have been the very difference between
the Yezidi and Gnostic message which may have led to the adop-
tion of this myth into Yezidi mythology. In Yezidism there is no
need to rebel against the Creator or his creation, but Yezidis, who
denied the existence of the devil (and consequently the possibility
of his leading the first couple astray), may have adopted this story
precisely in order to emphasize their point: Everything that hap-
pens is according to the plans of God, even apparently bad events
form a part of this plan, so there is no need to “blaspheme” by
assuming that there is another, malevolent power at play, in rivalry
with God. A change in the message of the story, while preserving
the structure, or plot, would therefore be understandable (just as
the Gnostics constructed a new myth from the old Biblical tale), if
it were indeed the Gnostic myth that came to be adopted into
Yezidi mythology, either directly from Gnostic-Manichaean
sources or through the intermediary of “popular” traditions which
at one point incorporated the half-understood Gnostic myth as
part of their lore.
OTHER TEXTS AND OTHER DETAILS
The case for a relationship between the Yezidi Adam myth and late
antique literary traditions concerning Adam is certainly made
stronger by further analysis of the “strange” details of Feqir Haji’s
story regarding the role of Angel Sheikh Sin and the khirqe or holy
shirt. These were not mentioned in the Black Book - and conse-
quently never attracted academic attention. Despite this omission
439Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 219. Frayha translates the manuscript in

his possession in the following way : “All the phenomena which the out-
siders reckon as evil I take part in. They call it thus because these things
do not fulfill their designs.” Frayha, “New Yezîdî Texts from Beled Sinjâr,
‘Iraq,” 23.
there are some sparse mentions of these details in reports on

Yezidi beliefs. While Feqir Haji’s version is the most complete, co-
herent and detailed account of the myth, these fragmentary ver-
sions strengthen our case for such a relationship.
One mention comes from the notes of N. Siouffi, the French
vice-consul of Mosul in the 1880s. Siouffi, like many other Europe-
ans, was interested in the exotic teachings of the Yezidis. It is
worth noting that his, admittedly short, article on the faith and cus-
toms of the Yezidis appeared before the surfacing of the sacred
books, so he clearly did not derive his knowledge from these two
texts. In his article440 he writes that God created the body of Adam
and asked his companions, the Seven Angels, which one was will-
ing to move into the body: “Je me propose, continuat-il, de créer
Adam, mais il faut pur cela qu’un de vous veuille s’incarner en lui.”
As none of them was ready to take on this role, God commanded
that it should be Angel Sheikh Sin who must move into Adam:
“C’est toi qui t’incarneras dans Adam á dit alors Dieu au Cheikh
Sinn.” Sheikh Sin first refused, saying that he had no wish to live in
a being who, as well as his descendants, would be given to commit-
ting all kinds of sin. Finally, at the insistence of God, he accepted
on the condition that God himself accompany him to the body and
help him enter it, and that he might live in Paradise. “que tu don-
neras le paradis pour demuere au premier homme dans lequel
j’habiterai.” God acquiesced and Sheikh Sin entered Adam’s body,
which came to life at once and entered Paradise. Then Adam was
clothed in the robe (i.e. khirqe) and cap of the feqirs: “Pendant tout
le séjour qu’il fit dans la demuere de la félicité, Adam était vètu et
coiffé de la robe et du bonnet des fakirs.” After his expulsion from
Paradise, God took these clothes away.441 Siouffi’s account is rather
440 Siouffi, “Notice sur des Yézidis,” JA, 252-68. The quotations be-
low come from his account of Adam’s creation on pages 256-57.
441 Ibid., 256. It is worth noting that, while Siouffi has long been con-
sidered one of the most important sources on Yezidis (prior to late 20th
century publications), his intriguing account of Adam’s story never at-
tracted any scholarly interest. This may exactly be due to its fragmentary
nature, and the fact that the information it contains is seemingly alien and
impenetrable for people schooled in “orthodox” European theology and
philosophy.
elliptical although it clearly refers to the same basic myth as the one
told by Feqir Haji.
A more detailed, though even less coherent account of the
myth can be found in the unpublished doctoral thesis of Dr Murad
Jasim, which contains a collection of Yezidi myths as told by Yezidi
immigrants in Germany. One of the versions he collected from a
certain Feqir Ali says:
The mud then by the order of God became a body of man but
lacked spirit. Then, Angel Dardail entered the body of Adam
and clapped both of his hands saying: ‘Wake up Adam and put
on your body the attire of angels.’ Adam awoke and Dirdail
clothed him in the attire of angels and the clothes were a
kharqa, white headgear, a crown and a red belt.442 Then Dirdail
taught Adam the science of God and brought him to Paradise
and said unto him: ‘Now you are an angel, do not leave Para-
dise for if you do so, you shall become a man.’443
The story continues with the well known question of how Adam
would be able to multiply while in Paradise and the Peacock An-
gel’s trick. When Adam tried to return to heaven after having made
a hole in his backside by rubbing his back against a tree and after
relieving himself, the Peacock Angel stopped him saying:
Now you have become a human being and you have lost your
angelic nature.” Adam endeavored to once again to re-enter
Paradise and Tawusi Melek halted him with the same explana-
tion. Then Tawusi Melek stripped Adam of the angelic clothes
and left him only with the pearl on his forehead, and then
threw him away from the gates of paradise saying to him: “You
have lost your access to heaven.444
442The white headgear and the red belt are the insignia of religious
dignities (e.g. the Baba Sheikh, the Peshimam, the Baba Chawush, etc).
443 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 290-91.
444 Ibid.
The Divine Origin of Adam’s Soul
The first point that should be noted is the angelic origin of Adam’s
soul, on which all three of my sources agree.445 As has been elabo-
rated in the chapter on Yezidi religion, an angelic origin in Yezidi
parlance refers to a divine origin, for the angels of Yezidi mythol-
ogy are not creatures, as in orthodox Judaism, Christianity or Islam,
but emanations, hypostases of the Godhead. As the Mes’hefa Resh or
Black Book says “God… created six gods from his essence and
from his light. Their creation took place as a man kindles a candle
from another candle.”446 Yezidi hymns also elaborate the identity
between the Supreme Divine Being and His Angels in many differ-
ent ways.447 As Feqir Haji himself said, “the Great Lord created the
445 Regarding the origin of Adam’s soul, a similar tale was related by
Shamdin, a Yezidi follower (murid) to Jasim Murad (“Sacred Poems,”

293.): “Then the seven angels made Adam out of the soil. The seven an-
gels entered the body of Adam. Afterwards, six angels came out of the
body and one remained in his forehead. And the six angels put Adam in
the Paradise.”
446 Ebied and Young, “An Account of the History and Rituals of the
Yazidis of Mosul,” 521. Joseph translates, “their creation was as one lights
a light from another light.” (“Yezidi Texts,” 225.) The candle simile was
repeated to me by Arab Khidir, a Yezidi from Beshiqe-Behzani devoted
to collecting sacred texts, though it is possible that he was influenced by
publications on Yezidis, which contain and elaborate on the Black Book.
Another telling description was provided by Feqir Ali in Dr Jasim Murad’s
collection: “The universe was a total void in which the light of God was
shining. God turned from His right side and prayed to himself and from
His shoulder Tawusi Melek, i.e. Angel Gabrail, was born.” Jasim Murad,
“Sacred Poems,” 288.
447 For example “Sheikh Adi [the earthly incarnation of the Peacock
Angel], Tawusi Melek [the Peacock Angel] and Sultan Ezi [God] are one;
Don’t you regard them as separate; They quickly make wishes come true.”
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 392.) For further descriptions of the
divine beings in terms that make clear their identity with the Creator, see
the following hymns: The Hymn of Faith; The Declaration of Faith, The Hymn
of the Oceans (in Kreyenbroek, Yezidism); Hymn of Faith , Hymn of Abu Bakr
(in Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi). The Seven Angels are often re-
ferred to as “Heft (seven) Sur.” Sur literally means mystery, but is usually
translated by Yezidis as divine light (nur,) divine power.
seven Angels from his own Light, from his own sur”448 (i.e., divine
power, mysterious essence.) In other words, all the sources claim
that the soul of Adam, the father of humankind, is of divine origin,
a part of the divine.449
It must be mentioned here that the Ahl-i Haqq, this Kurdish-
speaking heterodox movement in Iranian and Iraqi Kurdistan with
close ties to Yezidis, have a very similar myth on the divine origin
of Adam’s soul. According to the followers of this movement,
when God created Adam he wanted to put a piece of his soul in
Adam, however the piece of divine soul refused. Then God asked
Angel Jibrail to hide in Adam’s body and play on the tambour. The
piece of soul became confused. He was attracted by the music and
wanted to see where it came from. So he went closer and closer to
Adam’s body, until the music pulled him inside the body.450 A
more complicated version of the Ahl-i Haqq myth on the creation
448 (Rabul Alemî emir kir heft milyaketa xolokandin ji sura xwe, ji nûra xwe.)
Also Sheik Deshti, a guardian of shrines in the Yezidi settlement of

Khanke explained that “The Lord of the Universe made Seven Angels
from his light, from his miraculous power.” (Rabul Alemî heft milyaketa ji
nûra xwe, ji kerameta xwe çêkir.)
449 Though the qewls published so far do not mention Sheikh Sin, or
his sur entering Adam and giving him a soul, they do say that it was the sur
or divine mystery, light, that animated Adam’s lifeless body, after he was
made to drink from the Cup of Mystery, or Cup of Love: “Our Lord, you
are merciful. You brought Adam the cup of the Mystery [sur], He drank
water from the cup, and came to life… Adam drank from that cup, The
Mystery of the cup was agreeable to him, He reached the blessing of the
cup, and became conscious.” The Hymn of the Creation of the World 32, 34
(Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 189.) As regards the published versions of the
Black Book (or Mes’hefa Resh), although they do not make mention of an
angel entering Adam’s body to give him a thought, they still seem to re-
flect on the idea that Adam’s soul was in some way of divine origin. Thus,
for example, Joseph’s translation says: “He created it and put in it the
spirit of his own power, and called it Adam. Jospeh,” (Joseph, “Yezidi
Texts,” 222.)
450 C. Bird, Ezer lázadás, ezer sóhaj (A Thousand Sighs, a Thousand
Revolts,) trans. Adam Szieberth (Budapest: General Press, 2005),184.

of humans recounts that the Seven Angels451 requested God to

manifest himself in human form. But, the Divine Essence was like
fire, and the material form would have been burnt. Therefore it was
decided to place a soul in Adam’s [previously created] body. When
the Divine Essence manifests itself in a human body, the soul like
water prevents it from being burnt.452 The soul too refused to enter
Adam’s body, so the Haftan entered Adam’s heart and began to
play mystical music. When the soul heard this music, it went into a
mystical trance and entered Adam’s body. Then the Haftan came
out and the soul remained imprisoned there.”453
The idea of the divine origin of the human soul is definitely
heretical and untenable in both Christianity and Islam (and Juda-
ism) alike, nor is such a feature a part of the Zoroastrian mythology
believed to descend from that same Western Iranian mythology
from which the core of Yezidis religion probably hails.454 On the
other hand, the notion of the divine origin of the human soul is
one of the cornerstones of dualistic movements, be it Gnostic or
Manichaean. These dualistic religions taught that the human soul
was a parcel of the divine light imprisoned below in matter.455 The
idea of the divinity of Adam’s soul therefore is congruent with the
radically “inverted” interpretation of the Fall of Adam where tast-
ing the forbidden fruit becomes a positive act, benefiting mankind
and the instigator of this act is a divine being.
451 The Haftan, or Seven, who, just like the Yezidi Seven Angels, are
the emanations of the Godhead. See Hamzeh’ee, The Yaresan, 70-71; and
chapter “Yezidi Religion.”
452 Clearly, the Ahl-i Haqq myth subscribes to the three-part division
of humans, consisting of material body, soul (psyche), and spirit

(pneuma.) This view was generally accepted by late antique dualistic
movements, which considered the spirit (pneuma) of divine origin, pro-
viding the link between humans and the world of Light.
453 Hamzeh’ee, The Yaresan, 73-74. Yezidi hymns also talk of how the
soul refused to enter the body of Adam until the shibab and def (tambour
and flute, the sacred Yezidi instruments) came down from above and
started playing.
454 See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 54-59; and P. Kreyenbroek, “Mithra
and Ahreman,” 57-79.

455 See chapter 2 “Religious Movements in the Middle East.”
The fact that this sur representing the divine essence of Angel
Sheikh Sin in Adam’s body, acting as his soul, can be found on the
forehead of Adam, shining as a drop of light,456 is an exciting ex-
ample of how mythological motifs of different origin could merge
and produce new forms of myth in the Middle East. The motif of
the light showing on the forehead probably goes back to the specu-
lations on the notion of the nūr Muhammad, or “the light of Mu-
hammad,” the “primordial luminous substance” of Muhammad,
which shone as a blaze of light on the forehead of his forebears
from Adam on down to Muhammad’s parents.457 (Note, however,
that in this case there can be no mention of divine essence, as Mu-
hammad, though the first among the prophets, is definitely a hu-
man, and the light is merely an exalted symbol of his prophethood,
and of his special position vis-à-vis God).
From literary theological speculations on the “light of
Muhammad,” the motif of the light in the forehead seems to have
456 Feqir Haji, as well as many of my other informants, usually ex-
plained sur as nûr, that is, light.

457 Already early Muslim sources mention how the spirit of Muham-
mad, “forming part of the spermatic substance of his ancestors existed in

the world as an integral prophetic entity before his birth.” (U. Rubin,
“Pre-existence and light: Aspects of the concept of Nūr Muhammad,,”
Israel Oriental Studies 5 (1975): 67.) This luminous prophetic substance,
represented by the light shining on the forehead of its bearer, was first
placed in the loins of Adam, from where it passed on to Eve when she
conceived with Seth, then to Seth, and so on, until it reached Muhammad.
Several of Muhammad’s biographers even recount stories regarding how
the light shining on the forehead of Abdullah, father of Muhammad, at-
tracted women, until he lost it to Amina at the conception of Muhammad.
See U. Rubin, “Pre-existence and light: Aspects of the concept of Nūr Muham-
mad,” 62-117; and “Prophets and Progenitors in the Early Shi’a Tradition,”
Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 1 (1979): 46-47. Rubin does not deal
with the origins of this concept, in my opinion, however, it is possible that
it had a Zoroastrian background. See M. Eliade, “Spirit, Light and Seed,”
History of Religions 11.1 (1971), 13-16 on the xvarenah (xwarnah) the fiery
substance (light, glory) of divine beings, giving a radiant aspect to Zoro-
aster and his mother. In Yaŝt 10.127 dedicated to Mithra, it is stated that
from the forehead of the god “goes forth the flaming fire that is the
strong royal xvarenah.” (Eliade, “Spirit,” 14.)
gradually spread to the folktales and the oral (often unorthodox)

religion of the Middle East. An Islamic folk legend on Ismail, for
example, recounts how: “He had the luminous disc of divine light
on his forehead, for God had decreed that he would be the first
prophet of the Arabian nation”458 An Ahl-i Haqq holy text, on the
creation of Adam, explains how the soul first refused to enter the
body of Adam until “Jibra’il fixed the light of Muhammad the
Prophet in Adam’s forehead and ordered the soul to enter his
body, which it refused to do until it noticed the light of that
Saint.”459 Divine light on the forehead obviously also became a
motif of non-religious folktales as well. So for example, one of my
sources, when asked about the meaning of the sur, told me that it
was the light shining in the forehead of the Yezidi Angels (yet an-
other indication that Adam, while in Paradise, was in fact a divine
Angel). Then he added that he knew this, because in the tales told
by his aunt when he was a child, the heroes were described as be-
ings with light shining in their forehead, looking just like the Yezidi
Angels.460
The Khirqe of Adam
There is one more element that seems incongruent, or at least sur-

prising at first sight: the khirqe (and the cap) of feqirs that Melek
Sheikh Sin demanded to wear as a condition for entering the body
of Adam, and which were stripped off Adam after his expulsion in
Feqir Haji’s story. Siouffi also mentions the robe and the cap of the
feqirs as the clothing of Adam while in Paradise. The third version
talks of the attire of the angels, which is described as a khirqe once
again, plus white headgear and a red belt. These latter two are also
458 Knappert, Islamic legends, 78.

459 Ivanow, The Truth Worshippers of Kurdistan, 107.
460 My source was a Yezidi from Behzani, but he claimed that the folk
tales recounted by his aunt were not specifically Yezidi folk tales. It has
also been mentioned in the chapter on “Yezidi Religion” how Mehwer,
the mother of Yezid bin Muawiya had the sur of Yezid shining on her
forehead as long as he was pregnant with Yezid.
sacred clothes though worn not by the feqirs, but by religious lead-
ers today.
Khirqe (or khirka) is originally a Sufi term, one of the legacies
of Sufi influence on Yezidis. Literally meaning “rag,” “tattered
piece of cloth,” it denotes the rough cloak of the Sufis, followers of
the mystical branch of Islam.461 Among the Yezidis khirqe is the
black shirt of the feqirs, the order of Yezidi holy men. Its reputation
is so great that no one can strike someone wearing a khirqe how-
ever great the provocation may be. The word khirqe, and of course
the Yezidi garment itself, may be of Sufi origin but the story of
Adam wearing such a sacred shirt, or the attire of the angels, in
Paradise, before his expulsion certainly is not.462 Are there any par-
allels to such motifs in late antique mythology? At this point we can
no longer confine our search for the roots of the Adam myth to
the realm of Gnosticism or dualistic movements. We are dealing
here with one of the many motifs that were held in common by
many religious movements in the Late Hellenistic period.
Judaism
The garment of Adam before his Fall and the complex symbolism
it is linked with falls into the category of motifs shared by various
movements that were rooted (at least partially) in Judaism. This is
what some scholars dub the “theology of clothing” or the “meta-
461 For a more detailed analysis of both the Sufi and Yezidi khirqe, see
the next chapter. The accepted transliteration of the Sufi garment is khirka
(or khirqa), while the Yezidi garment appears as khirqe. These are the spell-
ings I will use when referring to the Yezidi and Sufi garment respectively.
462 Some Sufi traditions hold that the khirka was derived from the
“prototypical custom worn by Adam and Eve when they were placed
upon on earth,” after the Fall. See Jamal J. Elias, “The Sufi Robe (Khirqa)
as a Vehicle of Spiritual Authority,” in Robes and Honor: The Medieval World
of Investiture, ed. Stewart Gordon (New York: Palgrave, 2001), 277 and 278.
However, this refers to Adam’s state after, and not before the Fall, and it
refers to the fact that Adam was the first in the chain of prophets, and not
to his angelic status. In fact, some Sufi writers claim that Adam adopted
wearing black wool on the advice on the archangel Gabriel as a symbol of
his baseness. (Elias, “The Sufi Robe,” 281.)
phor of garment.”463 The notion of an angelic robe or heavenly

garment worn by Adam (and Eve) before the Fall was a leit-motif of
Jewish apocalyptic tradition, from where it passed on to some
schools of orthodox Christian thought. It probably originated with
certain interpretations of Genesis 3.21 on the “garments of skin”
the Lord made for Adam and Eve. “The older Haggadah speaks of
‘garment of Light,’ which the first pair wore before the fall of man,
as bestowed upon them by God in accordance with Gen. 3.21,
where ‫( עור‬skin) is explained as though it were written ‫( אור‬light).
This verse is said to refer to the state before the fall.”464 Both the
Babylonian and Palestinian Targums (Aramaic translations of the
Bible) speak of garments of glory (lbūšîn d-îqâr), while the Genesis
Rabbah (or Bereshit Rabbah) 20.12, a midrash comprising a collection
of ancient rabbinical homiletical interpretations of the book of
Genesis, tells how Rebbi Meir was said to possess a manuscript
reading the word “light” instead of “skin.”465 The Targum of
Pseudo-Jonathan for Gen. 3, 7, talking of Adam finding himself
naked, refers to the loss by Adam of a purple or onyx-coloured
robe.466 The midrash, Pirqe of Rabbi Eliezer also speak of shining
robes.467
Some traditions connected this wonderful garment of Light
worn by Adam in Paradise with the shining garments of the angels.
The idea of Adam wearing a robe similar to that of the Angels (just
as in one of the versions of the Yezidi myth recounted above) is
traced by some researchers to the words of Psalm 8. 6: “You cre-
463 On this topic, see Brock, Studies in Syriac Christianity, especially

chapters “XI. Clothing Metaphors as a Means of Theological Expression
in Syriac Tradition,” 11- 35 and “IV. Jewish Tradition in Syriac Sources,”
212-232; idem, Syriac Perspectives on Late Antiquity (London: Variorum Re-
prints, 1984), chapter “Some Aspects of Greek Words in Syriac,” 80-108;
and B. Murdoch, “The Garment of Paradise: A Note on the Wiener Genesis
and the Anegenge.” Euphorion 61 (1967): 375–82.
464 Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews 5, 97, note 69. See also p. 103, note 96.
465 Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 14; Murdoch, “Garment of Para-
dise,” 376.
466 Murdoch, “Garment of Paradise,” 376.
467 Ibid.; and R.Graves and R. Patai, Héber mítoszok (Hebrew myths:
The book of Genesis), trans. István Terényi (Szeged: Szukits, 1994), 70.
ated men a little less than the angels, and in honour and glory did
you clothe him,” while some writings describe angels as wearing
robes of light. For example, in the Syriac translation of the Bible,
the Peshitta text of the Book of Daniel,468 Daniel’s angelic interlocu-
tor also wears “garments of Glory.” The “garment of Glory/Light”
was seen as a symbol of Adam’s high status before the Fall, when
he was equal to the angels. “For indeed human beings are not cre-
ated but to be like angels, permanently to maintain pure and right-
eous lives.”469
Christianity
Though later Jewish tradition preferred interpreting the garment as
one provided by God after the Fall, the earlier notion was adopted
by Christian, especially Syriac-speaking Christian literary tradition
that liked to dwell on the robe of Glory or “robe of light” lost by
Adam, (with the difference that the robe of Glory was recovered
through the sacrifice of Christ and is put on again by Christians at
baptism):470
With radiance and glory was Adam clothed at the beginning,
before he sinned; the Evil one was envious, led Eve astray and
had Adam rejected from Paradise: he was then covered by fig
leaves in place of the glory with which he had been clothed.471
The vehicle of transmission might have been the legendary cycle
that grew up around the figures of Adam and Eve (the so called
Adam Books) and enjoyed great popularity both in Jewish and
Christian (and probably also Gnostic) circles. Adam’s “robe of
468Daniel 10.5 and 12.7, see Brock, “Jewish Traditions in Syriac

Sources,” 223.
469 I Enoch 69,11, trans. E. Isaac, in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
vol. 1, ed. James H. Charlesworth (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1983),

48.. For a more detailed treatment of angelic clothing in Jewish literature,
see the next chapter.
470 On the recovery of the “robe of light,” see the next chapter.
471 Maronite liturgical text of uncertain date, quoted in Brock, “Jewish
Tradition in Syriac Sources,” p. 222

Glory” makes a frequent appearance in the extant Adam-books,

particularly those of the Near and Middle East. 472 In the apocry-
phal Apocalypse of Moses (the Greek version of the Life of Adam and
Eve) that speaks of the tribulations of the first human pair, Eve
describes her trespass of the divine command to her son, Seth:
And at that very moment my eyes were opened and I knew
that I was naked of the righteousness with which I had been
clothed. And I wept saying: “Why have you done this to me,
that I have been estranged from my glory with which I was
clothed.”473
The Adam Books in their turn influenced Syriac Christian literature.
The most eloquent example is the famous Cave of Treasures, a Syriac
collection of Biblical legends474 that provides an account of Adam’s
creation and fall in the following way:
Adam was created in Jerusalem. There he was arrayed in the
apparel of sovereignty, and there was the crown of glory set
upon his head, there was he made king, and priest and
prophet. 475
We can form some idea as to what this royal robe and crown
looked like on the basis of the passage that says:
When the angels saw Adam’s glorious appearance they were
greatly moved by the beauty thereof. For they saw the image of
his face burning with glorious splendour like the orb of the
472 Ibid. 376, note 15.

473 Apocalypse of Moses 20, trans. M. D. Johnson, in The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha vol 2. ed. J. H. Charlesworth, (Garden City, NY: Doubleday,
1985), 281.
474 The Cave of Treasures is believed to have been written in Sassanid
Mesopotamia, probably at the Nestorian school of Nisibis in the fifth or

sixth century AD. However, it was probably based on an earlier work with
a similar character and title.
475 The Book of the Cave of Treasures, trans. Wallis E. A. Budge (London:
The Religious Tract Society, 1927), 53.

sun, and the light of his eyes was like the light of the sun, and
the image of his body was like unto the sparkling of crystal.”476
Christian tradition also continued the Jewish concept that Adam in
this luminous state must have resembled, or been just like the an-
gels.477 Accordingly, luminous garments like that of Adam were
also worn by angels (just as in one of the versions of the Yezidi
myth recounted above). This is made clear by the story of the re-
bellious Satan, the prince of the lower order of angels in the Cave of
Treasures, when he and his followers are cast out of heaven:
The apparel of their glorious state was stripped off them. And
his name was called… “Daiwa” because he lost the apparel of
his glory. And behold, from that time until the present day, he
and all his hosts have stripped of their apparel, and they go na-
ked and have horrible faces.478
476 Ibid., 52.

477 This is, for example, also expressed by the so-called Conflict of
Adam and Eve with Satan. This Christian pseudepigraphical work belonging
to the Adam-legends cycle, found in Ethiopic and Arabic, dates from the
fifth century AD at the earliest, and tells the story and tribulations of
Adam and Eve after their expulsion from Paradise. In this work, God
reminds Adam of his earlier state as a luminous angel: “Then God said to
Adam, ‘While you were under My command and were a bright angel.’”
(First Book of Adam and Eve 10.5, translated by Dr. S. C. Malan, in The For-
gotten Books of Eden, ed. R. H. Plat (New York, World Publishing Com-
pany, 1927), (Modernized version:
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/398/398.txt)) The same text refers to
Adam being filled with “bright light,” to the angels as “angels of light,”
and talks about the clothing of Adam and Eve before the Fall as a “gar-
ment of Light and glory.”
478 Budge, Cave of Treasures, 56. The loss of Satan’s glorious apparel is
also already foreshadowed in Jewish literature, for example The Book of

Adam and Eve xii 1-2 (a version of the Apocalypse of Moses) speaks of being
expelled from his glory: “And with a heavy sigh, the devil spoke: ‘O
Adam! all my hostility, envy, and sorrow is for thee, since it is for thee that
I have been expelled from my glory, which I possessed in the heavens in
the midst of the angels and for thee was I cast out in the earth.’”
(http://www.ccel.org/c/charles/otpseudepig/adamnev.htm)
Adam, as we know, fared hardly better. In a twist on the text of the

Genesis, after Eve tasted the forbidden fruit “immediately she
found herself stripped naked… and when he (Adam) had eaten he
also became naked.”479 In other words, they lost their luminous
garment and crown. A similar statement on the loss of the garment
of Light can be found in the Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan.
While Adam and Eve are looking for skins to cover their cold and
bruised bodies, as instructed by God, they meet Satan who, while
attempting to steal and destroy the skins, was bound to the spot
and disclosed in his hideous form by God:
Then came the Word of God to Adam and Eve, and said to
them, “This is he who was hidden in the serpent, and who de-
ceived you, and stripped you of the garment of Light and glory
in which you were. This is he who promised you majesty and
divinity. Where, then, is the beauty that was on him? Where is
his divinity? Where is his light? Where is the glory that rested
on him? Now his figure is hideous; he is become abominable
among angels; and he has come to be called Satan.”480
However, as shall be seen in the next chapter, in keeping with
the Christian theme of Old Adam – New Adam, Adam recovers
his robe of Glory when the sacrifice of Christ takes away his sin
and he becomes baptized in the water and blood that flowed from
Christ’s side:
The blood and the water [from the wound in Christ’s side] ran
down into the mouth of Adam, and Adam was redeemed, and
put on a garment of glory.481
The motif of the loss of glory, or loss of the garment of Light, by
Adam and Eve became very popular in Christian literature, espe-
cially in the Syriac-speaking Church. For example, one of the most
emblematic representatives of Syriac Christianity, Ephrem of Syria,
liked to refer to “the robe of Glory that was stolen away among the
479 Ibid., 64.

480 First Book of Adam and Eve, 51, in Forgotten Books of Eden, 34.
481 Budge, Cave of Treasures, 231-32.
trees have you put on in the baptismal water”482 and often spoke of
the first couple as “clothed in glory:”
Because of that glory with which they were wrapped they felt
no shame; but when this was taken away from them after their
transgression of the commandment, they felt shame because
they have been stripped.483
And when they transgressed the commandment the garment
of glory, which had been like a veil for their nakedness, was
removed and taken away from them and they [then] knew and
understood whence they had fallen.484
This description persisted in the writing of the Syrian, Greek, Cop-
tic and Arabic exegetes485 and was incorporated into Armenian lit-
urgy, where it appears in the hymn sung while the priest is vest-
ing.486 As late as the thirteenth century Solomon of Bosra (or
Basra) writes in his Book of the Bee, a compilation of Biblical legends:
“Adam and Eve were stripped of the fair glory and the glorious
light of purity with which they had been clothed.”487
482Ephrem, H. Virg. XVI.9, quoted in Brock, “Jewish Tradition in

Syriac Sources,” 221-23.
483 Ephrem, Comm. Gen. (ed. R. M. Tonneau), II.14, quoted in
Brock “Clothing Metaphors,” 23.

484 The Armenian Commenta on Genesis Attributed to Ephrem the Syrian [p.
25], trans. Edward. G. Mathews, Jr. CSCO vol. 573, Scrip. Armen. tom.
24 (Lovanii: Peeters, 1998), 27.
485 Murdoch, “Garment of Paradise,” 377, see also note 19. The list
of later authors making use of this motif include Johannes Chrysostomos;

the ninth-century Jacobite bishop Moses bar Kepha from Balad; Sahdona
(Martyrius), a Nestorian exegetes from Hakkari; the ninth-century Syrian
exegetes Ishodad of Merv; The idea is also found in an anonymous Nes-
torian commentary on Genesis of the twelfth century. The legend was less
“popular” in the West, but it can still be found both in exegetical litera-
ture, apocryphal readings, and medieval German poems, See Murdoch,
passim.
486 Ibid. note 20. The printed form of this liturgy is dated to the four-
teenth century, but as Murdoch points out the Armenian Church has had
an established liturgy since the fifth.
487 Solomon of Bosra, Book of the Bee 16, trans. and ed. W. Budge (Ox-
ford: Clarendon Press: 1886), 21.

Gnostics
Gnostics, in all probability influenced by Jewish exegesis, also used
the motif of Adam’s garment of Light in building up their mythol-
ogy. However, in their understanding this garment, often described
as a kind of luminosity covering Adam’s body, refers to Gnosis, or
self-knowledge. In a Gnostic twist on Genesis 2.7, the Apocryphon of
John describes, how the heavenly powers tricked the chief Archon,
Sophia’s fallen offspring, into breathing the divine power, or Light,
he had stolen from the Realm of Light, into Adam’s inert body,
which then gains strength (i.e., comes to consciousness) and be-
comes luminous:
The Mother wanted to retrieve the power which she had given
to the chief Ruler… [the heavenly powers helping her] said to
Yaltabaoth [the chief archon,] “Blow into his [Adam’s] face
something of your spirit and his body will arise.” And he blew
into his face the spirit which is the power of his Mother; he did
not know (this), for he exists in ignorance. And the power of
the mother went out of Yaltabaoth into the psychic body [of
Adam]…. The body moved and gained strength, and it was
luminous... [the evil powers] recognized that he was luminous,
and that he could think better than they.488
In the Apocalypse of Adam489 the revelation of Adam to his son
Seth starts with the description of his primordial state, when he and
488 Apocryphon of John II.19,15-20,7, trans. F. Wisse and M. Waldstein,

ed. in The Apocryphon of John: Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices II,1; III,1; and
IV, 1 with BG 8502,2 (hereafter Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices), NHMS
33. (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 113-17.
489 The Apocalypse of Adam is a non-Christian Gnostic work, albeit
showing a close dependence on Jewish apocalyptic tradition. In MacRae’s

view it may represent a transitional stage in an evolution from Jewish to
Gnostic apocalyptic, and is thus very early, dating from the first or second
century AD. See MacRae, Introduction to Apocalypse of Adam, in Nag Ham-
madi Codices V,2-5 and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, 1 and 4 (hereafter
Nag Hammadi Codices V,2-5 and VI ), NHS 11 (Leiden: Brill, 1979), 152.
Charlesworth, on the other hand, is of the opinion that the Apocalypse
Eve were still like the beings of the Realm of Light, the eternal an-
gels, and went about in glory:
When god had created me out of earth along with Eve, your
mother, I went about with her in a glory that she had seen in
the aeon from which we had come forth… And we resembled
the great eternal angels, for we were higher than the god who
had created us and the powers with him, whom we did not
know.490
The loss of this luminous covering is not due to the tasting of the
forbidden fruit, but to the jealousy of the Evil Ruler (and his an-
gels), who devises scheme after scheme to deprive Adam of his
Light. In the first attempt a body is fashioned so as to enclose lu-
minous Adam in it:
[The evil powers of Matter]...recognized that he (Adam) was
luminous, and that he could think better than they, and that he
was free from wickedness, they took him and threw him into
the lowest region of all matter…491 This is the tomb of the
newly-formed body with which the robbers had clothed the
man, the bond of forgetfulness; and he became a mortal
man.492
Then Adam is placed in Paradise where the episode of the forbid-
den fruit of Gnosis occurs. In retribution the Evil Ruler “cast them
[Adam and Eve] out of Paradise, and he clothed them in gloomy
darkness”493 to make them lose their Gnosis, knowledge of origin
and become obedient to him again. This is the final loss of Adam’s
luminous covering. The Church Father Irenaeus, speaking about
should be dated to the fourth century and its theology resembles

Epiphanius’ description of the Archontics. The teachings of the Archon-
tics originated in Palestine, from where it was carried to (greater and
lesser) Armenia. See Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigraphia vol. 1, 708.
490 Apocalypse of Adam 64,6-19, trans. G. MacRae, in Nag Hammadi Co-
dices V,2-5 and VI , 155.

491 Apocryphon of John II 20.6-9, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices, 117.
492 Apocryphon of John II 21.10-13, ibid., 123.
493 Apocryphon of John II 24. 7, ibid., 137. Layton translates “obscure
darkness” (Gnostic Scriptures, 46).

the Gnostics, reports that Adam and Eve used to have shining
forms, their material bodies being formed only after the expulsion:
Previously Adam and Eve had light, shining bodies, like spiri-
tual bodies, as they had first been formed, but when they came
hither, these changed into darker, fatter and more sluggish
ones.”494
Finally, references to Adam’s “garments of light” are frequent
in the sacred texts of the Mandaeans, the present-day descendants
of late antique Gnosticism.495
There seem to be enough parallels between the khirqe worn
and lost by the Yezidi Adam and the garment of Light that Adam
wore before his Fall in Judaeo-Christian and related traditions to
justify the conclusion that we are facing the same myth. In the Jew-
ish and Christian traditions, Adam, when first created, wore a gar-
ment of Light, or robe of glory that symbolized his high spiritual
status before the Fall. According to the testimony of works like the
Syriac Cave of Treasures and perhaps the Gnostic Apocalypse of
Adam, similar garments of light were worn by the angels as well.
After trespassing God’s commandment, Adam lost his garment of
light, had to leave Paradise, and fell from his high moral and spiri-
tual status to a much lower one. In the Yezidi myth, Adam, while
in Paradise, wears the khirqe, which is mentioned by one source as
the attire not of the feqirs, but of the angels. Some Yezidi hymns
indeed talk of the Seven Great Angels wearing khirqes, or even
identify the Angels with the khirqes, by describing their creation, or
rather emanation, as the creation of khirqes.496 Furthermore, Angel
494
Irenaeus, Adversus Haereres 1.30.9 “Adam autem et Evam prius
quidem habuisse levia et clara et velut spiritualia corpora, quemadmodum
et plasmati sunt; venientes autem huc, demutasse in obscurius, et pin-
guius, et pigrius.” Irénée, Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome 2, 374.
495 For example, in the Ginza Rabba. See Lidzbarski, Ginza, 108, 15:
243, 21f.: 261, 7: 488, 12: 489, 31; referred to in Murdoch, “The Gar-
ment,” 376.
496 Hymn of Qere Ferqan, 9-10: “My King calls out loudly: The Pearl
had waves, it became the Ocean; There was activity and the number of
khirqes became four; For 90,000 years he hid them in the Lamp; But now
he made manifest the four Friends. The four wise Friends were made
Sheik Sin would not enter Adam’s body unless as Adam he could
don the khirqe, thus preserving his position as an Angel. And when
Adam leaves Paradise he has to strip off his khirqe, loosing his an-
gelic status and becoming a mere human. If Adam’s khirqe indeed
goes back to the garment of Light or robe of Glory of late antique
mythology, this would also explain the curious reference to the
khirqe in the Yezidi hymns as the “luminous or shining (nûranî)
black khirqe,”497 and why some hymns talk of the light that ema-
nated from the (black) khirqe498 which would otherwise be a con-
tradiction of terms.
Of course, the notion that Adam and Eve were clad in clothes
of light was not unknown to Muslim tradition, after all this tradi-
tion inherited a great deal from Jewish, Christian, especially Syriac
Christian sources. The Quran (Sura 7.27) mentions merely that the
snake made Adam and Eve lose their robes and appear naked, but
does not elaborate on the nature of the robe:
O children of Adam, do not let the devil dupe you as he did
when he caused the eviction of your parents from Paradise,
and the removal of their garments to expose their bodies.
manifest; Born of the Origin: Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin, Nasirdin
and Sejadin; They set this world in motion.” (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 95-6), cf. Hymn of the Ocean 13-16 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 205) de-
scribing the creation of the four Companions (Great Angels). Also, see
the next chapter.
497 The Hymn of Faith 16 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 85), Hymn
of Qere Ferqan 24 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 98).

498 The Hymn of Qere Ferqan 25-6: “They put on that Mystery, that
khirqe, They declared their faith in Sultan Ezi, By their light things were
revealed before dawn. Before dawn things were revealed by their light.
Earth and heaven shuddered, The (holy) men sat down in unity. Together
they discussed the true path of Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin.”
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 98.) Yezidi tradition holds that the
black khirqe and kof (“crown”, in this case a conical hat) worn by Sheikh
Adi, a divine incarnation and the central figure of Yezidi religious history,
used to emanate light. (Tradition also maintains that both the khirqe and
kof worn by the leader of the feqirs during the sacred Evening Dance in the
Central Sanctuary of Lalish used to belong to Sheikh Adi. They are both
made from a black, furry material.)
Interestingly, while there is some consciousness of a lost gar-

ment, going back to the interpretation of Gen. 3.21 as losing gar-
ments of Light instead of getting garments of skin, the garment in
the Quran is not qualified in any way, and certainly not as a gar-
ment of Light or Glory, a symbol of Adam’s elevated state. Rather,
the stress seems to be on the “after the sin” state of Adam, his
shame at becoming naked.
The tradition of the robe of light, however, does come up in
some Muslim works. Al-Ya’qūbi, a ninth-century Muslim historian
writes that Adam and Eve were clad in “clothes of light” in Para-
dise.499 Wahb bin Munabbih of Yemen, a prolific early eighth-
century narrator of legends on prophetic figures, mostly drawn
from Jewish lore though presented in an Islamic guise,500 relates
that Allah coated Adam with a very beautiful nail-like substance
that shone like the sun. After Adam transgressed God’s com-
mandment, this coating was reduced, surviving only on his finger-
tips.501 This latter tradition seems to reflect direct Jewish influence.
At least the Genesis Rabbah compares the smooth surface of the
shining robe of Adam and Eve to the smoothness of fingernails,502
while the later Pirqe of Rabbi Eliezer states:
What was the garment of Adam? Skin of fingernail and the
Cloud of Glory covering him. When he ate of the fruit of the
tree, the fingernail skin fell off him, and he saw himself naked,
while the Cloud of Glory departed from him.503
This inevitably raises the question, whether Islam (that is main-
stream Islamic literature) could have been the transmitter between
Late Antiquity and Yezidism. Such a possibility, of course, cannot
be categorically excluded, but does not seem very likely either. In
499 See Rubin, “Pre-existence and Light,” 96.

500 R. G. Khoury, “Wahb bin Munabbih,” in Encyclopedia of Islam vol.
11 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 34-36.
501 Rubin, “Pre-existence and Light,” 96.
502 Genesis Rabbah 196, see Graves-Patai, Hebrew Myths, 70-71.
503Pesiqta of Rabbi Eliezer (Warsaw, 1852), 14, quoted in N. Rubin - A.
Kosman, “The Clothing of the Primordial Adam as a Symbol of Apoca-

lyptic Time in the Midrashic Sources,” The Harvard Theological Review 90.2
(1997): 170.
the orthodox Islamic tradition504 the legend of Adam and Eve’s

light robes never became as popular as in earlier, especially in Syr-
ian Christian literature and religious tradition, and speculations on
the lost robe and its consequences (for Adam and mankind) never
played a central role, as they did in the other traditions. Even more
importantly, there is no place in Islamic salvational and eschato-
logical symbolism for the eventual recovery of this shining robe by
(or for) the righteous, unlike both among Syriac Christians and
Gnostic-Manichaeans, the parallels of which can clearly be found in
Yezidi sacred hymns. As we shall see in the next chapter, in late
antique tradition Adam’s garment of Light was far more than
merely the garment lost by Adam, just as the khirqe of the Yezidis is
more than the angelic garment Adam wore. These motifs, to the
best of my knowledge, cannot be found in orthodox Islam. The
robe of Glory or garment of Light functioning as a garment of
hope, of salvation, that can be (re)gained and worn by all those
who prove themselves deserving, shall constitute the topic of the
next chapter.
***
I have attempted to demonstrate the late antique origin of a num-

ber of “strange” motifs in the Yezidi Adam myth. The inverted
interpretation of the breaking of the Divine Command, and the
positive understanding of the Fall seem to go back to the Gnostic-
Manichaean interpretation of the Adam myth. The same could be
true for the idea, which can also be found in the “popular” Islam of
the region, that the creation of the material body, especially the
beginnings of the bodily functions and digestive system is linked to
this fall. The idea of the divine origin of the soul of Adam, shared
by the Ahl-i Haqq mythology, is again something that has its paral-
lels in Gnostic ideology. Finally, to make the horizon wider, there is
the thought that Adam used to wear an angelic garment while in
Paradise, symbolizing his angelic status. This idea was primarily
504 That is in the Islamic tradition of the erudite, literate classes, as we
have no way of knowing whether it made its way into “popular” lore.
current in Judaism and Christianity, especially Syriac Christianity,

though echoes of it can be found in Gnosticism as well.
The next chapter will concentrate on this angelic garment
the khirqe, its role in Yezidi mythology other than the lost clothing
of Adam, and the possible connection of this khirqe with late an-
tique religious language.
7 THE KHIRQE, OR GARMENT OF FAITH
The idea that Adam’s khirqe was none other than the garmentof
Light of Late Antiquity and that this may explain the curious refer-
ences in the Yezidi hymns to the ”luminous black khirqe” takes us
to the next stage of research into the mystery of the Yezidi khirqe.
There are many other references to the luminous khirqe in Yezidi
hymns - as a divine garment of cosmic dimensions, as a means of
attaining religious enlightenment, and as an eschatological symbol -
that cannot, at first glance at least, be directly connected with the
myth of Adam. This chapter will try to trace the roots of this sym-
bolic use of the khirqe, and analyze possible late antique influences.
As has already been mentioned, the word khirka or khirqa
originally referred to the patched, woolen shirt of Sufi dervishes,
denoting poverty and devotion to God, as well as spiritual adher-
ence to a certain Sufi “path” (tariqat, Sufi dervish order). The as-
sumption of the khirka symbolized embarking on the “mystical
path” or tariqat, as well as being a symbol of the spiritual relation-
ship or bond between Sufi master (murshid) and disciple (murid).
The khirka was ceremoniously bestowed upon a disciple by his Sufi
master, his leader on the mystical path, as part of his initiation, and
as a recognition of the attainment of a certain spiritual station
(maqâm) upon the completion of the disciple’s training with the
master. In this case the khirka “functioned as a kind of credential
for the Sufi indicating that he had been trained by an accredited
master”505 (whose spiritual authority could be traced back to the
Prophet), for common Sufi wisdom held, “if a murid does not have
505 M. Malamud, “Sufi Organizations and Structures of Authority in
Medieval Nishapur,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 26.3 (1994):

434.
183
a murshid, the devil will be his pîr (spiritual guide).” In other cases
the khirka was given to the disciple at the beginning of his training
with his murshid,506 in which case it indicated that he had embarked
upon the mystical path and had to learn to become utterly depend-
ent upon the sheikh as a means of learning to become dependent
upon God.”507 The khirka as a concrete object was occasionally
also thought to be imbued with the master’s spiritual qualities,
which could have a transformative impact on the disciple who in-
herited it, helping him attain a higher degree of spiritual advance-
ment.508
Used in a metaphorical sense khirka was also a symbol of the
chain of transmission (silsila) of spiritual, mystical teaching. Being
given a khirka by one’s master could be the proof of being selected
as the successor after the latter’s death. More importantly, the
handing down and acceptance of the khirka, respectively, symbol-
ized the mystical affiliation between successive masters and disci-
ples of a tariqat, a chain that ultimately ended in Muhammad, back
to whom all chains of mystical affiliation were traced. Through the
khirka the master transmits to the initiate/successor the blessing
inherited from the prophet.509
As shall be seen, Yezidi khirqe is closely modeled on its Sufi
counterpart. However, the significance of the khirqe is far more
complex in Yezidi hymns than in Sufi terminology, presenting im-
ages and ideas that cannot be traced to Sufism or Islam. I believe
that the explanation for this intriguing phenomenon is the fact that
the Yezidi khirqe has conserved traces of a “garment symbolism”
that is much older than Sufi mysticism, and has its roots in late an-
tique religious language. It was this late antique symbolic language
of the “theology of garment” that merged with the Sufi khirka,
506Or sheikh or pîr, these terms being by and large synonymous.

507 Malamud, “Sufi Organisations,” 434. See also J.L Michon,
“Khirka,” in Encyclopedia of Islam vol. 5 (Leiden: Brill, 1986), 17-18.
508 Elias, “The Sufi Robe,” 276, 286.
509 Sufis knew many different kinds of khirka, each with its own
name, as there were many different affiliations, and also different stages of
spiritual advancement. Yezidis, however, make no such distinction.
THE KHIRQE 185
producing the unique and extremely complex image of the Yezidi

khirqe.
THE KHIRQE IN YEZIDI TRADITION
The quest for the meaning of the khirqe in Yezidi texts is as long
and difficult as any treasure-hunt in view of the nature of such
texts. The language of Yezidi hymns is often enigmatic, and refer-
ences are hard to understand for the “uninitiated.” Furthermore, as
Yezidis don’t have what could be dubbed a “formal theology,”
there is no concrete and comprehensive “definition” of the khirqe,
rather we meet shifting images and (apparently) conflicting descrip-
tions. Perhaps the best way to grasp the manifold meaning of the
khirqe is to envisage different levels that are built on each other:
- Khirqe as the clothing and companion of God at the creation;
- Khirqe as angelic garment and also a symbol of the Great Angels
and their essential unity with the Godhead;
- Khirqe as the clothing of Adam in Paradise (a function mentioned
only in the myths, not in the hymns);
- Khirqe as the garment of angels descended on earth as Yezidi khas
(angels incarnated as Yezidi heroes or religious leaders), symboliz-
ing the gnosis or religious instruction distributed by these khas;
- Khirqe as the garment of the truly faithful, that is, the feqirs, not in
the contemporary sense of the word, but rather meaning all those
who have reached true religious enlightenment;
- Finally, closely connected with the previous point, khirqe as the
“other-worldly” reward of all those who fight for their faith and
strive to reach spiritual perfection
That is, khirqe is ultimately the symbol of divine gnosis, something
that first belonged to, was a part of the Godhead and the divine
sphere, and eventually served as both the means and reward of reli-
gious enlightenment. This perception of the khirqe shows many
striking parallels with the “garment of glory,” or “robe of Light” of
Late Antiquity.
In fact, if we consider that the khirqe, the garment of the
Yezidi feqirs, borrowed many of its characteristics from the garment
of Light or robe of Glory which played such an important part in
the theology and salvational eschatology of late antique religions,
this would explain a great number of motifs connected with the

Yezidi khirqe, which have so far puzzled researchers.
Before we can embark on a comparison between the Yezidi
khirqe and late antique garment theology, it is necessary to give a
detailed analysis of Yezidi khirqe as it appears in the sacred texts. It
is often referred to together with the luminous black crown or
headdress (tac/tanc or kof - as the one worn by Sheikh Adi and also
Adam in some of the myth variants mentioned in the previous
chapter):
Miserable one! What are you doing in Mecca and Medina?
Your dress is the khirqe, you should be clad in the black man-
tle;
The crown on your head lights up...
Yezidis do not make pilgrimage, except to Lalish the lumi-
nous510
Your dress is the khirqe, you should be clad in the black man-
tle;
The crown on your head is of gold.511
The Khirqe and its Creation at the Beginning of Creation

Yezidi sacred hymns describe the creation of the khirqe in different
ways, but all descriptions amount to the same thing: the khirqe is a
part of the divine, inherently connected with it since its moment of
creation. Some texts say that the khirqe (together with the head-
dress, and occasionally a mantle or robe) came forth, emanated
from the Pearl, the same Pearl that was the dwelling place of God
(which is occasionally called luminous – nūrani- just like the khirqe)
before the beginning of creation:
My King separated the Pearl from himself.
He gazed on it with concentration
The holy valley of the Yezidis.

510
Beyt of Mir Mih 6-8 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 338;) see
511
also Hymn of the Faith 16, 19 (quoted below in the text). (Kreyenbroek,
God and Sheikh Adi, 85-6.)
THE KHIRQE 187
He made a mental image and brought it into existence…

The Pearl comes from the word of the King
The khirqe appeared from it,
Always holy men receive salutations because of it. 512
Some hymns describe the khirqe as created by God himself, saying
that he put his hand into the lamp of power (Qendil), brought out a
Pearl, and produced from it the crown and the luminous khirqe:
Sultan Ezi put his hand to the lamp of power
He brought out a Pearl
Sultan Sheikh Adi placed it in his hand
And produced from it the crown, the robe, and the luminous
khirqes.
They were given to Sheikh Adi's holy men;
As you know, they put them on.” 513
Another hymn says:
Sultan Ezi brought pearls forth from the Oceans
Sheikh Adi put them in the palm of his hand
From them he made: the Crown and the mantle, and the lumi-
nous black khirqe.
He brought these forth and put them on himself…
My Sultan Ezi put on the khirqe;
He placed a luminous black crown of power on his head514
Here, Sultan Ezi is one of the epithets of God, and Sheikh Adi is to
be understood as the hyposthasis of the Godhead, that is, these
actions are to be understood as the actions of God.515
Other Yezid hymns state that the khirqe first existed together
with God, as His sole companion, and the object of his love (which
at the same time is His creative power):
My King separated the Pearl from himself
512 The Hymn of Sheykh Obekr 5-6 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 209).

513 Hymn of the Black Furqan 24 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 98).
514 Hymn of the Faith 16-18 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 85-86).
515 On Sultan Ezi (or Êzî), and the identity between God, his angels
and the Yezidi khas, see the chapter on Yezidi religion.

He approved of one Companion516

He fashioned a luminous [nūranî] khirqe517
Melik Fekhredin stands before the King and asked him a ques-
tion:
Oh God, you are the One, triumphant
Before the foundation of the earths, before the heavens
Before the (holy) men, before the angels
Love was at your disposal: what did you create with it?
Before the foundation of the earths,
Before the heavens
My love worshipped the khirqe.518
The verse claiming that God worshipped His khirqe refers to an
identity between God and His khirqe, for – as another hymn puts it
- it was Himself that God worshipped with love before the creation
of the world:
No world had yet appeared
By himself [God], he knew himself
He worshipped himself
Love was always one and conscious
He became light, worshipping himself.519
The Prayer of Pilgrimage also expresses an identity between God
and the khirqe to which He paid a pilgrimage, as the object of His
worship, while making clear that this object was in effect no other
than He Himself:
The King speaks thus:
The Throne and Seat are in my hand
516 The word yar may also be translated as “lover”, instead of com-
panion.
517 Hymn of the Weak Broken One 12 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
59).
518 Hymn of the Black Furqan 6- 7 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
95).
519 Hymn of B and A 2-3 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 72).
THE KHIRQE 189
Before the foundation of the earths and the heavens

Before the holy men and the angels
Before the mountains and the foundations
Before the moon and sun
What I worshipped was the pilgrimage to the khirqe…
God made the Mystery of the Tradition the boundary of pil-
grimage
He had prostrated himself before his King520
It was always He himself, he was his own object of worship.
It was always He himself, he was his own object of worship.521
There is no clear statement as to the nature of the khirqe, but
the same Prayer of Pilgrimage may imply that the khirqe, the garment
of God, was “made” of light, as after talking about God worship-
ping the pilgrimage to the khirqe, another verse adds that it was to
His light that God made pilgrimage to:
As yet, earth and sky did not exist
The King was lonely in the Pearl
He loved to make pilgrimage to his own light
The angels bore witness to this.522
The idea that the khirqe may be identified with the light of God is
born out by the Hymn of A and B quoted above, which states that
God “became light, worshipping himself,” while other hymns claim
it was His khirqe God worshipped.
The khirqe then is baptized by God in the White Spring,523 the
sacred spring of the Yezidis, where Yezidi children are baptized.
According to Yezidi tradition the White Spring was the first thing
520 That is before Himself.

521 Prayer of Pilgrimage 1 and 12 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 106,
107).
522 Prayer of Pilgrimage 9, ibid, 107.
523 It may perhaps be worthwhile to refer here to Christ’s descent into
the Jordan at his baptism, which will be discussed later on. As Brock says,
“for it is then that Christ deposits the “robe of Glory/light” in the water,
thus making available once again for mankind to put on in baptism.” Brock,
“Clothing Metaphors,” 12. The black khirqe of the feqirs is still baptized in the
White Spring in Lalish before feqirs can start wearing it.
that was created, while others maintain that it flowed from the
throne of God.524 The khirqe then was put on and worn by God
himself:
My King …
.. removed his khirqe at the Kaniya Sipî,525
He baptized it with his own hand.526
And:
My King established the pillars on high
He ‘baptised’ the khirqe
The status of the khirqe is way up above
My Sultan Ezi(d) the Red put it on.
Sheikh Adi will come with the foundations
He put them up on high, brought the khirqe and ‘baptised’ it
The khirqe is the garment of my Sultan Ezi(d) the Red.
Sheikh Adi will come with the foundations
He put them up on high, brought the khirqe and 'baptised' it
My Sultan Ezi(d) put on the khirqe
He placed a luminous black crown of power on his head
The Feqirs set out on a journey to reach him.527
524 It should also be noted that some say that the White Spring got its
name, because at the time of the Flood, when everything was covered by
“black water” (ava reş), the water of this Spring alone remained clear, rising
like a tower in the dark water. This image is reminiscent of the living wa-
ter – turbid water dichotomy of Manichaean and Mandaean terminology,
See Jonas, The Gnostic Religion, 97, 99. The sacral importance of the White
Spring is attested to by statements like: “our direction of prayer is the
White Spring.” Hymn of the Mill of Love, (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
381.) Interestingly, Mandaeans derive all rivers and waters from a proto-
type, a white, pure river, the Light-Euphrates. Drower, Mandaeans of Iran
and Iran, xxv.
525 The White Spring.
526 Hymn of Faith 15 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 197).
THE KHIRQE 191
The Hymn of the Khirqe, a hymn so far published only in Kurd-

ish,528 simply calls the khirqe the cloth of God, calling it a cloth of
light (nuranî) which was brought forth from the treasury of (divine)
power:
Before the world existed
On that day the khirqe was already there
The khirqe was the cloth of God itself (or alone)…
Khirqe is a cloth of light (nuranî)
It came forth from the treasury of power.529
Contemporary Yezidi lore also maintains – probably based on

the content of the hymns – that the khirqe was the “cloth of God
himself,” (“xirqe libsê Xwedêye.”)
All this reinforces the idea that there is a strong connection
between the Godhead and the khirqe. Not only was it directly cre-
ated by (or emanating from) Him, before all the other created (or
emanated) beings (and even before the emanation of the angels),
the khirqe was His chosen companion as well. Clearly, here com-
panion refers to something that was an “expression,” a part or as-
pect of the Godhead, identical with His essence, for God’s Love
could have hardly worshipped something inferior, or even merely
external to Him. This is what the Prayer of Pilgrimage seems to imply,
when it talks of the khirqe as the object of God’s worship. The idea
that God wore the khirqe as His clothing, presumably also reflects
this close connection between khirqe and God, where the two exist
in inseparable unity.
528 Published in Bedelê Feqîr Hecî , The Faith and Mythology of the
Yezidis (Bawerî û Mîtologiya Êzidîyan), (Dihok: Hawar - Dihok Publishers,

2002). Bedelê is the son of Feqîr Haji.
529 My translation. Berî dinya nebû, wê rojê xeqe hebû, Xerqe libsê Xwedê bi
– xwe bû… Xerqe libse nuranî, ji xezîna qudretê deranî. Qewlê Xerqey 1, 9. Be-
delê, Faith and Mythology, 332-34.
Khirqe and the Angels

The khirqe that was God’s first companion, or rather the expression
of His light, power and love, is also associated with his Great An-
gels, who are none other than the emanations of the divine light.
Some texts even poetically refer to the angels as khirqes themselves.
To be more exact, the successive emanation of the Angels men-
tioned in the Black Book as lighting many candles from one, and in
some qewls as four lamps burning with one wick,530 is also described
as a multiplication of the original, divine khirqe:
My King calls out loudly:
The Pearl had waves, it became the Ocean
There was activity and the number of khirqes became four531
For 90,000 years he hid them in the Lamp532
530 Hymn of the Oceans 14 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 205).

531 I.e. four holy beings came into existence. Many qewls, when speak-
ing of the creation, either speak only of the “Four Great Mysteries,” or
“Four Angels” (e.g. four lamps with (of) one wick; four Friends or Lovers
(yar), four cornerstones (erkan), or four streams from the Ocean of God)
or say that first Four came into existence, and finally it was Seven. The
number four probably refers to the four elements, earth, water wind and
fire, which are often mentioned in texts on the creation of the world. (See
Kreyenbroek Yezidism, 100.) The exact identity of these Four Great Mys-
teries is uncertain.) Kreyenbroek thinks they should be identified with
four “historical” Yezidi leaders (that is, incarnated angels), the four sons
of Ezdina Mîr: Sheykh Shems, Fekhr el-Dîn, Sejadîn and Nasir el-Dîn, but
in the hymn quoted above – ever so typically of Yezidi lore – different
identities are given.
532 Qendil is a term difficult to translate as it has overlapping mean-
ings. Literally it means “lamp,” but in Yezidi texts it refers to light or a

“body of light.” Thus, it may refer to the sun (venerated as an expression
of the divine light), but more often it refers to the Light (Essence) of
God, from which other divine angels also emanated (see Hymn o the
Lights), or alternately it is used in a way that parallels the usage of the
“throne of God” in Judeo-Christian tradition. According to Sheikh De-
shti, for example, divine souls (meaning the members of the Heptad, peri-
odically incarnated as important historical figures, khas) stay in the Qendil
and periodically descend from there time and again as “prophets.” See
Hymn of the Weak Broken One 41-42. See also Feqir Haji’s account of the
“birth” of Angel Sheikh Sin in the Appendix (Interview of Lalish, 2002).
THE KHIRQE 193
But now he made manifest the four Friends

The four wise Friends were made manifest
Born of the Origin: Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin
Nasirdin and Sejadin
They set the world in motion…
Thus spoke the King, the luminous one Fekhr and Sultan Ezi
Put on the Crown and the Robe
They brought these out of the White Spring
From then on (holy) men gave them their allegiance and their
faith 533
And:
By means of faith they brought the khirqes into being
They laid ninety-nine foundations
From then on the angels believed.
The angels brought belief into being
They took the khirqes and put them on
From then on the angels added their own profession of
faith.534
It was also seen in the previous chapter on the creation
of Adam that the khirqe was the clothing of Angels as well. As Me-
lek Sheikh Sin insisted on continuing to wear his angelic clothing,
that is, the khirqe, even while he doubled as Adam’s soul, the khirqe
was also Adam’s clothing as long as he retained his angelic nature
(that is, he retained Melek Sheikh Sin as his soul, represented by the
sur in his forehead).
When it comes to the Khas (translated as “holy men” in the
hymns)535 or Angels incarnated as Yezidi leaders on the earth, the
khirqe primarily seems to represent their legitimacy as leaders. One
533 Hymn of the Black Furqan 9-10, 14 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 95-6).
534 The Prayer of Belief 8-9 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 105).
535 On the khas, see chapter 4 “Yezidi Religion.”
hymn refers to the khirqe as the symbol of the chain of spiritual

authority, a sort of Sufi silsila, of Yezidi holy men:
What a cornerstone he made!536
It was pristine at the time of the holy men:
The khirqe came to Sheykh Obekr.537
What a cornerstone at that time,
Came to be held dear among the good men:
The khirqe came to Sheykh Shelal.538
What a visible cornerstone,
Took his turn among the good men:
The khirqe came to Sheims the Tartar539
My King created a chain of cornerstones.
He removed his khirqe at the Kaniya Sipî,540
He baptized it with his own hand.
He created the descendants of Red Êzid.541
They bring a cornerstone
They invest him with the khirqe of Sheykh Adi,
They send him to the House of the family of Adi.542
A similar transmission of spiritual authority symbolized by the
putting on of the khirqe is expressed by the Hymn of Black Furqan
already quoted above, where the expression “Sheikh Adi’s holy
men” (khas - khasêt Şîxadî) probably refers to Sheikh Adi’s compan-
536Erkan, Arabic broken Pl. of arkan, refers to pristine institutions

and their incumbents. See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 199, note 14.
537 I.e., Sheikh Obekr became the leader of the community (Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, 199, note 16).

538 The identity of Shelal is uncertain, unless it stands for Jelal, and re-
fers to Jalāl al-Din Rūmî, the great Sufi saint and founder of the Mewlana
dervish order in Konya. Ibid., 199, note 17.)
539 Shams-e Tabrîzî, friend of Rūmî, who inspired the latter’s poetry.
He is another Sufi figure revered by Yezidis. See ibid. 199, note 18.
540 The White Spring.
541 Êzid, or Sultan Êzi is often referred to as Red.
542 Hymn of the Faith 12-16 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 197).
THE KHIRQE 195
ions, who were also considered incarnate angels (and became the
eponymous ancestors of the sheikhly lineages):
Sultan Sheikh Adi placed it in his hand
khirqes.
They were given to Sheikh Adi’s holy men
As you know, they put them on.543
Occasionally the garment image is employed to express
this chain of spiritual legitimacy without any express mention of
the khirqe. Thus, for example, The Hymn of the Thousand and One
names uses the expression khelat (khil’a), a word literally meaning
gift, but which often referred to a “robe of honor” or “robe of
state” given as a ceremonious gift by rulers.544 In The Hymn of The
Thousand and One Names, the transmission of spiritual power and
legitimacy is described as the “Cup” (the “Cup of Love” is often
mentioned by Yezidi hymns as a vessel containing the divine es-
sence or mystery)545 passing from one khas to another, and twice
investiture with robes accompanies the receiving of the Cup.546
The khirqe of Sheikh Adi

The khirqe is often called the khirqe of Sheikh Adi, the most impor-
tant holy figure of the Yezidis. As has been mentioned in the chap-
ter on Yezidi holy beings, for traditional Yezidis Sheikh Adi is an
543 Hymn of the Black Furqan, 24 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
98).
544See, for example, D. Sourdel, “Robes of Honor in ‘Abbasid Bagh-
dad During the Eighth to Eleventh Centuries,” in Robes and Honor, 137-45;
and G. Hambly, “From Baghdad to Bukhara, from Ghazna to Delhi: The
khil’a Ceremony in the Transmission of Kingly Pomp and Circumstance,”
in Robes and Honour, 193-222.
545 The Cup (of wine) is much employed symbol of Sufi poetry. On
this, see next chapter.

546 The Hymn of Thousand and One Names 9-15, 19, 21 (Kreyenbroek,
God and Sheikh Adi, 76-77).

incarnation of the Peacock Angel and thus homomorphic with

God.547 He has existed since the beginning of time, and, though
not a founder of the faith in the strict sense,548 it is clear from the
hymns and other traditions that the religious beliefs of the Yezidis
centered around his person, and his teachings are seen as the foun-
dation of Yezidi faith. When the hymns talk of the khirqe as the
khirqe of Sheik Adi, 549 or belonging to his house,550 the khirqe be-
comes the symbol of Yezidi faith as the path of righteousness lead-
ing to God, and of its divine origin:
We have accepted the authority of the angels
Whoever believes in the religion and the foundations of the
khirqe of Sheikh Adi
(Belongs to) the House of Adi, to our Order, for ever and ever.
Don't say: What is the House of Adi?
Oh naive young man
You know nothing of the meaning of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi
Why do you say: (It takes) a little zerguz551 and a bit of wool?
Oh naive young man
You don't know what the meaning of Sheikh Adi's khirqe is
They say: The meaning of Sheikh Adi's khirqe is a handful of
zerguz and a bit of wool.
Oh young man, young man
The khirqe is made of wool, it is baptised with the zerguz
547Thus, Sheikh Adi’s khirqe is identified with that of Sultan Ezid, the
name qewls often use to refer to God: “The status of Sultan Sheikh Adi's
khirqe is indeed high. It is the garment of my Sultan Ezid the red.” Hymn of
the Mill of Love 14 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 382.)
548 Yezidis see their religion ultimately originating in the time of
Adam, as shall be dealt with in the chapter 9 “The Origin Myth of

Yezidis.”
549 On the luminous nature of Sheikh Adi’s khirqe, see previous chap-
ter.
550 E.g. Hymn of the Mill of Love 11-12, Hymn of Faith 10 (in Yezidism)
The Hymn of the Black Furqan 24-26 even talks of Sheikh Adi as the one
who fashioned the khirqe;
551 A special plant used to dye the khirqe black.
THE KHIRQE 197
The status of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi is way up above

The khirqe is the garment of my Ezi(d) the Red.
This is a strong foundation
It appeared among the Saints
It is the foundation of my Sheikh, Adi552…
Bring the khirqe
Put the foundations on it
Send it to the Feqirs
So that the Feqirs will lift it up over their heads.553
The Feqirs have lifted up the khirqe

It is a profession of faith in the House of Adi554
Khirqe represents the true faith:
Let the House of the family of Adi be witnesses,
The Kaniya Sipî was brought forth
Khirqe is the faith.555
And all those who accept the khirqe of Sheikh Adi, that is, his
teachings, and be faithful Yezidis “shall have a share of the protect-
ing hem of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi.”556
552 The text follows with an enumeration of “historical” Yezidi lead-
ers, that is incarnate Angels, such as Melik Sheikh Sin, Sheikh Obekr,
Sheikh Shems, Melik Fekhredin etc. for all of whom the khirqe served as a
foundation. See khirqe as a symbol of the chain of spiritual authority
above.
553 I.e., “will put it on.” (Kreyenbroek, note 142, Sheikh Adi, 88.)
555 Hymn of the Faith 17 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 197). Kreyenbroek
translates the Kurdish text, xerqe îmane, as “It is the khirqe of the faith,”
but I think that the literal translation would be “khirqe is the faith.” The
reason for Kreyenbroek’s translation is to render clearer the intended
meaning of the verse, that is, “this miracle [the birth of the White Spring]
was the visible manifestation or attribute of the faith” (Kreyenbroek, note
24, 200,) just as khirqe is generally understood to be.
556 Hymn of Faith 21, ibid.
Khirqe – the clothing of gnosis

As was seen in the Hymn of the Faith, quoted above, the khirqe of
Sheihk Adi, as a symbol of religion, offers protection to all his fol-
lowers. This thought takes us to the next layer of the complex sys-
tem of symbols surrounding the khirqe: the role it plays in religion,
as a vehicle of religious enlightenment or “gnosis,” ultimately sent
by God through his intermediaries (the incarnate Angels.) This is
perhaps the most relevant aspect of the Yezidi khirqe, as regards
our search for symbols and metaphors which presumably date to
the religious language of Late Antiquity. The khirqe is the symbol of
Yezidi faith and its divine origin:
This is the nation that reveres the khirqe.
It has instituted the proper use of the khirqe, and has put it on.
Sultan Êzîd has power over so many religious schools, so
many faiths, so many sects.557
Sultan Ezi is my Pir of the khirqe
It has a profound meaning
It is my belief and that of the Mirids
Sultan Ezi is my Pir of the khirqe
That is my creed and that of all believers
He is the light of both my eyes.558
Khirqe, just like the qewls or hymns, constitutes a part of the di-
vine revelation of God among Yezidis. In the words of one of my
sources, Arab Khidir of Behzani, “just as the Christians say New
Testament, and Jews say Old Testament (Ehdit, Promise, Alliance),
our hymns are like an Alliance of God, God sent us down the
hymns (qewl) and the khirqe instead of Books.”559 Therefore, khirqe
557The Hymn of Sheykh Erebeg Entūsh 25 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 279.)

558The Hymn of the Black Furqan 22-23 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 98.)
559 In other words, Yezidi religion is a revealed one, or “semavi,” an
Arabic expression used for those religions, which have divinely revealed
books, which “came down” from heaven, an important distinction in Is-
lam. Of course, it must be mentioned that my source was clearly influ-
THE KHIRQE 199
is the sign that Yezidi religion is one that was revealed by God,
from heaven, through a chain of revelations, with the ultimate aim
of showing the Yezidi community the right road to take. It is the
means of distributing divine wisdom:
Thus speaks my King, the Lord of Foundations:
Indeed, Fekhr, I shall reveal to the earth
The Qewls and the Khirqes
So that the House of Tradition may
Adhere to it, rejoice and believe in it…
The King says: Fekhr, from the sheep and the zerguz I shall
fashion the khirqe
The Feqirs shall wear it
The House of the Tradition will believe in it and adhere to it.
He fashioned the Qewls and khirqes
And revealed them on the earth
He entrusted them to Melik Fekhredin
Melik Fekhredin entrusted them to the holy men of Sheikh
Adi560
The holy men of Sheikh Adi adhered to them and had faith in
them.
My King fashioned the zerguz
He revealed it on the earth
He entrusted it to Melik Fekhredin
Melik Fekhredin entrusted it to the holy men of Sheikh Adi.
The Holy Men of Sheikh Adi entrusted it to the Feqirs
The Feqirs dyed their khirqes black with it
The Yezidi community had come to adhere to it and believe in
it.
In this way my King distributed his wisdom:
Among the holy men and the individual souls…
May you be a little mindful of the khirqe
enced by the need to express Yezidi concepts in terms understandable to

(or even modelled on) written religions.
560 Sheikh Adi’s companions, the incarnate angels, khas.
Let the quality of the khirqe be such (as it is now)

And let nothing (bad) come (to it) from me
And may all four paths come to you as supplicants.561
The khirqe, along with the crown, then becomes a source of
the mystical enlightenment, we could say, of Gnostic knowledge. It
is called sur,562 a word which in other contexts designates the mys-
terious, divine essence of the angelic beings. The light emanating
from it – a metaphor for religious enlightenment and instruction -
uncovers mystical truth, and shows the way toward the true path of
God to Sheikh Adi’s holy men (his companions, the khas) who
have declared their faith in God:
Sultan Sheikh Adi placed it in his hand,
khirqes.
They were given to Sheikh Adi's holy men
As you know, they put them on.
They put on that Mystery [sur], that khirqe
They declared their faith in Sultan Ezi
By their light things were revealed before dawn. 563
Before dawn things were revealed by their light.
Earth and heaven shuddered
The (holy) men sat down in unity
Together they discussed the true path of Sheikh Adi and Melik
Sheikh Sin.564
561Hymn of the Black Furqan 37-46 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
100-102.)
562 “They put on that Mystery, that khirqe” (Diber xo dikirin ew sure, ew
xerqeye). Hymn of the Black Furqan 25 (ibid.)

563 The Kurdish text does not state explicitly what it was that was un-
covered by the light from the khirqe, but one may assume that it refers to
the true nature of things.
564 Hymn of the Black Furqan 24-26 ( Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
98).
THE KHIRQE 201
This idea of seeing the khirqe as a symbol of divine gnosis is ex-

pressed in a different way by the Hymn of the Faith. Here the khirqes
are the signs of God left on earth as the “well being” distributed by
the angels:
It is morning, the day has five watches,
The holy men and angels distributed well-being [silev],
The symbols of Sultan Ezid were the khirqes, they stayed on
earth.
It is morning, five (times) a day they brought down (well be-
ing),
The holy men and angels took away well being,
The symbols of Sultan Ezid were the khirqes, these they left on
earth.565
The word used here “silev,” Kurdish for selam may also mean
“salvation, deliverance.” The text is rather obscure, possibly cor-
rupt, but seems to imply the loss of an earlier, original state, when
the world still possessed true religion, gnosis or “spiritual well be-
ing,” which was later lost. However, the symbol of God, the khirqe
that was left on earth indicates that the promise of salvation (silev)
is still held out to all those willing to put on the khirqe, that is, to
embrace the true faith.
Another hymn says that the khirqe will be given to all those
“who renounce the desolate, transitory evil,”566 that is, to the feqirs,
the Yezidi holy men, who reject the riches and illusions of the ma-
terial world, and who bring religious teaching to their followers
(common Yezidis). Presumably here feqir (literally: poor one)
should be understood in the original, Sufi sense of the word, con-
noting any man who spurned the material world and chose to fol-
low a spiritual path:
My dear, I have needed this world for a long time;
As much gold and riches as I can think of,
I shall give all of it for the sake of the visible khirqe.
565 Hymn of the Faith 22-23 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 199).

566 Hymn of Sheykh Obekr 9 (ibid., 209).
My dear, I have been listening for this world for a long time.
I shall relinquish all of it for the sake of the visible khirqe.
The Feqirs followed it.
Thus, he who has renounced the desolate, transitory evil,
On him they will bestow the keys.567
Those keys,
They will bring to the hands of those commoners.568
All five obligatory acts569 of Truth will bear witness for them
on the Last Day.570
It would be a khirqe representing religious truth that the feqirs,
who renounce the desultory pleasures of this world, will follow in
order to become worthy of the keys, the latter being clearly a refer-
ence to spiritual understanding. Then they will pass on this under-
standing, teaching to their fellow Yezidis, the “commoners,” or
soldiers, how to follow the true path of the khirqe.
Similar sentiments are expressed by the Hymn of the Faith, on
the connection between God, His khirqe and black crown, and the
feqirs - that is, those who are seeking to reach religious enlighten-
ment. The idea that the khirqe and the crown are the clothing of the
Godhead is reiterated here. Feqirs, in other words, those who have
succeeded in conquering the “ego-soul,”571 that is, their “lower
567 Probably the keys of religious enlightenment, gnosis.

568 Commoners (cindi) may also be translated as soldiers, it is used to re-
fer to the followers of the Yezidi Faith in general; it is usually used in a con-
text that implies fighting for the faith. (See next chapter.)
569 The five obligatory acts (pênc ferzêd) refer not to the “five pillars”
(ferz) of Islam (confession of faith, prayer, fasting, pilgrimage and alms)

but to the five obligatory religious relationships each Yezidi must enter
(that is each Yezidi must have – or must have had – a sheikh, pîr, mirebbi,
hosta and brother/sister of the hereafter).
570 Hymn of Sheyk Obekr 7-10 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 209.)
571 Nefes of the Kurdish text is the Kurdish variant of Arabic nafs,
meaning self or soul. In Sufism nafs is often described as the “carnal soul”
or “lower self,” associated with physical rather than spiritual impulses, by
contrast to ruh, or “soul,” the “higher self,” and it has to be conquered by
the true mystic.
THE KHIRQE 203
self” or physical nature, set out on a spiritual journey toward this

God wearing the khirqe. Whoever manages to complete this jour-
ney will be protected by the very same khirqe worn by God – repre-
sented here by Sheikh Adi, who is the source of the ultimate reli-
gious truth, as a being homomorphous with God:
My Sultan Ezi(d) put on the khirqe
The Feqirs set out on a journey to reach him.
The Feqirs set out to reach him
Whoever makes his ego-soul a prisoner572
Will doubtless come before the sight of the Prince.
They descend from that place
The Four Friends573 stand before it
We shall have a share of the protecting hem of the khirqe of
Sheikh Adi.574
The Khirqe and Yezidi Eschatology

Finally, the promise of the khirqe, as a symbol of spiritual enlight-
enment and protection, is held out to Yezidis not only in the here
and now, but on an eschatological plane as well. This is best ex-
pressed in the eschatological Hymn of Sherfedin. Sheikh Sherfedin,
one of the early leaders of Yezidis (d. 1257-8 CE), is identified by
Yezidis with the Mahdi, a sort of Messianic figure who will usher in
an era of justice and true belief, and restore righteousness just be-
fore the Day of Judgment, when evil will be punished and the
righteous rewarded.575 The arrival of the Mahdi (or Sherfedin) will
572 “whoever dominates his lower nature,” (Kreyenbroek, Note 138,

Sheikh Adi, 86).
573 The Four Angels, who are often mentioned as the Four Friends or
Lovers (on the Four, see above).

574 Hymn of the Faith 19-21 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 86.)
575 The concept of Mahdi is an Islamic inheritance in Yezidi religion.
The Mahdi is not mentioned in the Quran, but he is an important figure

of Muslim eschatology, especially in the Sufi and Shiia traditions.
signify the great, final battle between the followers of God (the
feqirs and the Yezidis in general) and their enemies, ending with the
victory of the former.576 Those fighting on the side of the Mahdi
will then be invested with the khirqe:
When the Mehdi arises
Neither lords nor judges will remain
On that day the community of the Tradition577 will be com-
fortable.
The Tradition will be comfortable
To whom Melik Sherfedin shows his mercy and benevolence
He will invest us with spiritual clothes.
We have been invested with spiritual clothes
When Melik Sherfedin appears on the face of the earth
Then (Yezidi) commoners will be happy about it.578
Though the text does not literally use the word khirqe, instead em-
ploying “spiritual clothing,”579 it clearly demonstrates that being
invested with spiritual clothing, an important motif of late antique
Jewish and Christian eschatology, and Gnostic speculations on the
return on the final upward journey of the soul, to be discussed
later, was part of Yezidi eschatological language. The verses follow-
576On the fight between the Mahdi and the Tercal (Dajjal in Islamic
tradition), a sort of Islamic “anti-Christ” or “false-Messiah,” an evil figure
who will try to lead people astray at the End of Time, and on the destruc-
tion wrought by the army of the Tercal and by Hajuj (Gog and Magog).
See the Hymn of the False Saviour (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 364-
68.) See also Lescot, Les Yezidis, 65-6.
577 Literally Sûnetxane. This is an Islamic expression, but one that is
often applied to refer to Yezidi community, yet another indication of the

Sufi background of Yezidism. (See Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 62,
Note 3.)
578 The Hymn of Sherfedin 2-4 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 368-
69.)
579 Sûliyêt batinê. Batin literally means “hidden, inner, secret.” In Sufi
(as well as Shiia thought) it is used to denote the esoteric, hidden, inner
aspect of the Quran. In a wider sense, used by Yezidis as well as the Ahl-i
Haqq, it came to refer the hidden truth, the spiritual as opposed to the
material world (zahiri).
THE KHIRQE 205
ing almost immediately and still referring to the victorious army of

the pious and faithful, do in fact make mention of the khirqe when
speaking of the virtuous being decked out in splendid clothes, as
brides for their wedding:
The riders of the valley are prepared
Let them come and open the boxes for you580
So as to adorn you like brides.
Let them come and adorn you like brides
Let them bring out the red and yellow boxes for you
Let them cause (people) to accept for themselves the true path
of Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin.
Here are the green and red boxes
In them there are elegant black khirqes, consecrated with holy
water581
The Feqirs will abolish laments and injustice from this world.
The Feqirs will abolish lamentations from this world
They will don the elegant, ..., black khirqes
They will take truth and their rightful share to that place.582
Similar ideas appear to be expressed by two verses of the Hymn of

the Faith:
At those times when they will fall out
At those times when they will fight each other,
At those times when (even) holy men will have doubts.
At those times when (even) holy men have doubts,
580 Kreyenbroek comments: “The reference is clearly to the Resurrec-
tion, when the virtuous will be decked out in splendid clothes. According
to this description the army of the good men—i.e. those who are emi-
nently righteous, possibly Feqirs—will bring forth the festive clothes.”
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 368, Note 31.)
581 The khirqe of the feqirs must be first baptized in the White Spring.
Cf. God baptizing his khirqe in the White Spring at the time of the crea-
tion above.
70.)
Whoever seeks the house of the family of Adi, (seeking to

touch) the hem of their khirqe,
Sultan Êzîd will fulfill his wishes (when he is) with him.583
The hymn makes references to a time to come, when people
will fall out and fight each other, when all men (or, depending on
the translation, even holy men) 584 will be shaken and tried in their
faith. It is reasonable to conclude that the hymn implies the time
when the Mahdi and the Tercal will come, and the final battle be
fought before Judgment Day. This conclusion is reinforced by the
comparison with another version of the Hymn of the Faith.585 There
are significant differences between the two versions, but their main
themes are by and large similar, including verses on the origin of
the khirqe and its passing from khas to khas. This second version of
the Hymn of the Faith makes very clear references to the eschatologi-
cal battle led by Sherfedin, the Mahdi:
Let me offer praise to beloved Sherfedin
When will the good tidings come to us
(That) he will leave his occultation in the tent with the golden
sides.586
He will leave his occultation in the tent with the golden sides
This world will wage war on him587
Even the House of Tradition588 itself will have doubts.
The House of Tradition itself will have doubts
Anyone who is a servant of the Creator
Will seek the protection of Sultan Sheikh Adi.589
583Hymn of the Faith 9-10 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 195-97.)

584 The Kurdish original writes mêra, literally the oblique form of
“men,” but according to Kreyenbroek the word often denotes saints or
holy men, and the following verses imply this is the sense in which “men”
is applied here. (See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 199, note 10.)
586 Sherfedin is said to be in occultation until the eschatological battle,
hiding either in a cave or in a golden tent.

587 The Mahdi will meet great hostility and unbelief when he comes.
588 I.e., the Yezidi community.
THE KHIRQE 207
There can be no doubt that the hymn here describes an

eschatological scene, and what is more important, describes it in
terms very similar to the ones in the first version of the Hymn of the
Faith: it mentions a war to come, a time when even the Yezidi
community will have doubts, and people will seek the protection of
Sheikh Adi. The literal translation of this latter phrase in the second
version of the hymn would be: “will seek the skirt or hem (daman)
of Sheikh Adi”590 (that is of Sheikh Adi’s robe). Daman is the word
applied by the first version of the hymn to talk about the “hem of
the khirqe.”591
The message, especially after the comparison of the two
texts is clear: At that time of fear and hope, when the world comes
to an end and the final battle between evil and good takes place,
Sheikh Adi’s khirqe will serve to protect all those who have faith-
fully followed the road of true religion and fought against evil. In
other words they will have a share of the khirqe, or as earlier hymns
already stated, they will be invested with the khirqe, the garment of
spiritual enlightenment brought down to the earth by the incar-
nated divine angels as a source, sign, and reward of religion.
The Khirqe in Contemporary Yezidi religious lore

As has already been mentioned several times, khirqe is the technical
term for the black woolen shirt worn by Yezidi feqirs, denoting the
sanctity of its wearer. No one can lift his hand against the wearer of
a khirqe without the danger of instant excommunication, however
great the provocation may be. However, feqirs may not abuse their
position, for it is possible to loose the khirqe through behavior that
does not meet the high moral standards demanded from feqirs, or if
a feqir does not lead a sufficiently pious life. “If a man is Yezidi, and
puts the khirqe on himself, he has to walk the road of true faith
(iman), of the faith that was sent down by God for us. He sent this
589 Hymn of the Faith, 11-3 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 84-85).
590 Wê qesta damana Siltan Şixadî bike.
591 Herça questa mala Adiya damina xerqe bike.
faith through his hymns.”592 Small wonder then, that only few peo-
ple coming from a lineage of feqirs actually don the khirqe. Most do
not seem to find in themselves the requisite amount of piousness
and religious ardor to take this road, despite having a birthright to
do so.
Among those interested in religion, the khirqe is of course im-
bued with more meanings than merely being the shirt of the ascet-
ics. The meaning of the khirqe is interpreted by Arab Khidir on the
basis of the hymns and his understanding of Yezidi religion in the
following way:593
“Khirqe is the cloth of God; it is the form/appearance of
God.594
“Khirqe is a material clothing, but its meaning is manifold. It
means true faith on the road of God, according to the law of
God. If a man has khirqe, then he has to have faith in God
that He is One, that He has no partner.”595
592 Mirovî ezdi bit, xirqe ber xwe (bi)ket, lazim pê wê imanê (bi)çit, imana
Xwedê bo me nazil kir. Ev imane nazil kir bi qewla.

593 It would be tempting to generalize and say that Yezidis today in-
terpret khirqe in this way. However, due to the peculiarities of Yezidi faith,
especially today, such a general statement cannot be made in good faith.
In my experience most Yezidis, at least in the Sheikhan district of Iraq,
where I carried out most of my research, are so little interested in abstract
questions of their faith that most of them would not (or could not) ven-
ture any kind of opinion on the khirqe other than that it is the clothing of
feqirs. In the case of Yezidis interested in their own tradition, one must
progress cautiously as many of them acquired their knowledge of Yezidi
faith in an “unorthodox” way, that is through reading, and what they read,
both on Yezidism and on other religious and philosophical concepts, in-
fluences their views and makes them to strive at formulating their ideas on
Yezidism in ways that would be nearer to “Western” or “modern” think-
ing. This is also true of Arab Khidir. See chapter “Religious Oral Tradi-
tion and Literacy” and E. Spät, “Religious Oral Tradition and Literacy
among the Yezidis of Iraq,” Anthropos 103.2 (2008): 393-404.
594 Xirqe libse Xwedê ye, Xirqe surretê Xwedê ye
595 Xirqe maddi lebaze. Mana wê gelek e. Mana wê iman pê rêya Xwedê, bi des-
tura Xwedê. Xirqe hebit, imana wî lazim e bi Xwedê hebit, anahu ek e, Xwede
bêşerik e. The concept of God having no “partner” (shirk) is obviously of
Islamic origin, where this doctrine disputes with the teaching of the Chris-
THE KHIRQE 209
“Khirqe is the sign of true faith, and the sign of the Oneness of
God.”596
“Our hymns are the command of God: hymns and the khirqe
came down in the place of books.”597
“Just as the Christians say New Testament, and Jews say Old
Testament (Ehdit, Promise, Alliance,) our hymns are like an
Alliance of God, God sent us down the hymns (qewl) and the
khirqe instead of Books.”598
Undoubtedly, these statements on the meaning of the khirqe
reflect the influence of modern attempts to create a religious sys-
tem that conforms to the expectations of literary religions. Empha-
sizing - of all possible things - the oneness of God as symbolized
by the khirqe, or how khirqe and hymns should be considered as
equal to the revealed books of other religions, is probably a new
phenomenon, in harmony with the wish to bring Yezidism on par
tian Trinity. As a matter of fact, a statement that the Yezidi God has no
partner companion, may not be the best description of Yezidi teachings
on God, if we think of the Angels, who are clearly his hypostases, or of
the khirqe described as God’s companion above. Such a stress on the
Oneness of God should clearly be attributed to the requirements of mod-
ernization and emerging literacy as described in the chapter on the
changes of Yezidi oral religion. The concept of the Oneness of God is
extremely “popular” among the “reformers,” who would like to stress that
Yezidism is a monotheist religion, or perhaps the first monotheist relig-
ion.
596 Xirqe nişana imanê ye, nişana yeketiya Xwedê ye
597 qewlêt me erd (irada, soz) Xwedê ne, qewl u xirqe hate xware, ji bedela ki-
taba
598 çawa falat bêjit Ehdit cadid, cih bêjin Ehdit qadim, Qewlên me jî ehdêt
Xwedê ye… Wextê Xwedê khirqe û qewl nazil kirin … ji bedelê kitaba The no-
tion that hymns and the khirqe have the same role in the religion of the
Yezidis as the revealed Books of other religions is based on the content of
the sacred hymns. As we have seen above, the Hymn of the Black Furqan
states that God revealed “The Qewls and the khirqes, So that the House of
Tradition may adhere to it, rejoice and believe in it.” However, putting
such an emphasis on the khirqe and hymns as adequate substitutes for
revealed books, probably reflects, yet again, modern Yezidis’ wish to ap-
pear as equals of the “Religions of the Book,” a very important notion in
Islamic culture.
with written religions. However, it is still clear behind the modern

terminology that khirqe is traditionally understood to stand for
more than the mere physical clothing of feqirs. It is seen as the po-
tent symbol of a divine message. The way the interpretation of this
message is framed may be somewhat novel, but the idea that the
khirqe is its vehicle presumably is not.
This theory is proven by some very interesting references to
the khirqe among modern Yezidis. One of these occurred during a
conversation on kocheks, or Yezidi “seers.” Kocheks are believed to
be able to see events taking place far away in space or time, to tell
the cause of mysterious ailments, to speak in tongues, and most
importantly, to be cognizant of the fate of a soul after death.599
They are able to achieve these marvels through divine inspiration,
that is, with the help of their delîl (divine guide) or xudan (owners)
who inspire them or even speak through their mouth.600 The mi-
raculous deeds and true predictions performed by some of the
more famous kocheks make topics of conversation, and such kocheks
are referred to as people “who have khirqe.” I was explained that
“having khirqe” in this case does not refer to the physical posses-
sion of the sacred garment – as it is strictly only the feqirs who are
entitled to wear the black woolen shirt. The expression should not
be taken in the physical sense, rather it is used to refer to someone
who is both good and pure, and possesses some sort of keramet
(divine grace, miraculous power originating from God) – in this
case manifested through the presence of the divine guide, who
clearly would never choose to communicate with someone who
was not worthy.
599 Yezidis believe in the transmigration of the soul, and kocheks may
be able to tell about the former lives of a soul, or occasionally predict

where the soul of a deceased will migrate to next. (For example, I was told
by a kochek that in a former life I used to live in Lalish, hence my interest
in Yezidis.)
600 On one occasion I was able to witness a kochek “speaking
tongues” while in trance. It is believed that it was his delîl who was speak-
ing through his mouth. While I was not quite convinced as to the authen-
ticity of the trance, it is certain that this is one of the ways traditional
Yezidis in general envisage a supernatural being communicating through a
kochek.
THE KHIRQE 211
Yet another indication of the importance of the khirqe in Yezidi

religion is that the Yezidis are said to take oaths on the khirqe. Tak-
ing a solemn oath on the khirqe precludes the possibility of any lie
or perfidy.
THE SUFI KHIRKA AND THE YEZIDI KHIRQE
The influence of Sufism on Yezidi religion is beyond any doubt.

After all, Yezidism, in its current form, would hardly exist if there
had not been the tariqat al-Adawiyya, that is, the mystical Sufi der-
vish order founded by Sheikh Adi. The same Sufi influence is
clearly detectable in this exciting article of clothing of faith – the
khirqe. Not only its physical manifestation – as the actual woolen
shirt of the feqirs, or religious ascetics - can clearly be traced back to
the clothing of the Sufi mystics, but the same holds true for many
of its symbolic aspects.
The Yezidi khirqe, just like its Sufi counterpart, is a cloth-
ing of true faith, representing piety and implying detachment from
worldly interests in favour of seeking the path leading to God. This
meaning is easily discernible in the hymns, which speak of the feqirs
as believers ready to follow the true religion and spurn the world
and give up its riches and gold and all transitory evils (Hymn of
Sheikh Obekr), and conquer their “ego souls” (nafs), or carnal nature
(Hymn of the Faith), all attributes of the true Sufi.601
For Sufis the khirka could also represent the spiritual connec-
tion between master and disciple, and eventually symbolized the
whole silsila, the chain of transmission, leading back to the ultimate
source of religious knowledge, the Prophet. This idea is reflected in
hymns on the khirqe passing from one khas (angel incarnated as
Yezidi leader) to another (Hymn of the Faith, Hymn of the Thousand and
One Name, Hymn of the Black Furqan.) Khirqe is here seen as a vehicle,
or perhaps symbol, of transmitting spiritual authority, legitimizing
601 For example, according to a thirteenth-century Sufi work discuss-

ing the khirka, “the basic Sufi cloak is either black or dark blue, signifying
that the wearer has conquered and slain his carnal soul (nafs), and is wear-
ing black so as to mourn it symbolically.” Elias, “The Sufi Robe,” 281.
the khas as the head of the community and source of valid religious
teaching, eventually constituting the same kind of silsila as that of
Sufi orders. (Seeing these leaders, the inheritors of the khirqe, as
incarnate angels is, of course, a Yezidi development or characteris-
tic, as no orthodox Islamic Sufism would have countenanced the
idea of incarnate angels leading a community.)
The importance attributed to Sheikh Adi’s khirqe also fits the
language of the Sufi khirkaJust as the khirka received from the head
of a Sufi order symbolizes that the dervish has devoted himself to
following that order (or as they said rather literally, the “path” or
tariqat), so the adherence of Yezidis in general (and of Yezidi feqirs
in particular) to Yezidi faith/path is represented by the khirqe of
Sheikh Adi, the founder of the dervish order that probably pro-
vided the organizational background, which made the emergence
of this “Kurdish religion” possible. No wonder that Sheikh Adi’s
khirqe was (and is) actually venerated in its physical form in
Lalish.602
We have accepted the authority of the angels
Whoever believes in the religion and the
Foundations of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi
(Belongs to) the House of Adi, to our
Order, for ever and ever.603
Finally, concerning the idea that the khirqe came from the su-
pernatural plane, one can perhaps perceive some distant parallels
with the speculation concerning the khirka of al-Khidr. Al-Khidr,
the mysterious figure of Quran 18.64-81, who shows a wisdom
superior to prophetic law, was widely respected throughout the
Islamic world as an immortal mystical guide.604 Investiture with the
khirqe by al-Khidr (khirka khidriyya) was used in a metaphorical
sense for saying someone had received spiritual direction directly
602 Much like the Khirka-yi Sherîf, the mantle of Muhammad kept in
the Topkapi Palace since Ottoman times.

603 Hymn of the Faith 24 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 86.)
604 In some sources he was also referred to as “Tutor of the Proph-
ets,” for, with the sole exception of Muhammad, all prophets were taught
by him.
THE KHIRQE 213
from Khidr himself, that is not from an earthly source, a living

teacher, but through direct intervention from the spiritual world.605
In this respect it is obvious that khirka was not always understood
as an actual physical object, received through a physical investiture,
but as a symbol of divine revelation of a mystical nature – an idea
that may be compared to the way Yezidi hymns speak about khirqe,
and receiving the khirqe as being tantamount to attaining true relig-
ion, or when Yezidis today refer to kocheks, generally believed to be
guided by some supernatural entity, as possessing khirqe in a meta-
phorical sense. However, as regards seeing the Yezidi khirqe as the
complementary part of the same revelations as the qewls, or hymns,
we can find no such comparison between the Quran (or sacred,
revealed texts) and the khirka in Islamic/Sufi tradition. Further-
more, while for the Yezidis Khidr - or rather Khidr Ilyas - is an
important angelic figure with his own holiday, his figure is not
mentioned in connection with the khirqe in the hymns or in “popu-
lar” tradition. This makes it unlikely that the Yezidi khirqe reflects
traditions connected with the khirka khidriyya.
These similarities notwithstanding, there are some aspects of
the Yezidi khirqe which would be hard to trace to the traditional
Sufi khirka, rich as this Sufi tradition is:
- Unlike the Yezidi khirqe, the Sufi khirka is not a garment of
God, nor was it created by God at the beginning of time, nor is
it an object of God’s love or pilgrimage.
- There are no references to the baptism of the Sufi khirqe, ei-
ther by God or any other holy being.
- The coarse, woolen shirt of the Sufis is not referred to as
“luminous” (nûranî,) nor is it in any way connected with light,
unlike the black Yezidi khirqe, that is called “luminous” both
when spoken of as God’s garment or as Sheikh Adi’s robe. As
for the latter, Yezidi oral tradition maintains light was coming
from Sheikh Adi’s khirqe when he wore it.
- The Sufi khirka is not a garment of angels, even less likely
would it be identified with the angels themselves.
605 Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, 105-6. For example, Ibn
Arabi, claimed to have received one of his khirqes from al-Khidr.

- The Sufi khirka was not the clothing covering Adam in Para-
dise, before his Fall (symbolizing his angelic status).606
- There is no crown accompanying the Sufi khirka unlike in
Yezidi texts.
- The Sufi khirka did not function as a “connecting link” be-
tween the spiritual (batini, hidden, esoteric) and material (exo-
teric, zahiri) world. It is not a source or form of divine revela-
tion on par with the Sacred Texts (Quran) unlike the Yezidi
khirqe.607 Nor is the Sufi khirka the source of spiritual well-
being (silev.)608 The khirka may be seen as a symbol of having
attained gnosis (or, to be more exact, a certain stage of spiritual
perfection and knowledge of God), but it was not seen or de-
scribed as something conferring gnosis (unlike the description
of Yezidi khirqes).609 Furthermore there were a variety of
khirkas, which were awarded to the Sufi in chronological order,
that is, they functioned as a sort of “badge of progress,” as
outward signs of the individual’s degree of spiritual advance-
ment on the Sufi path, clearly reflecting a kind of hierarchy –
hardly compatible with the idea of the khirqe conferring gnosis
on the believer (or being identical per se with divine gnosis or
enlightenment).610
606As has been mentioned in the previous chapter, even the sources
that see Adam’s clothes as a prototype of the khirka, are talking about
clothes Adam wore after his expulsion from Paradise.
607 “I shall reveal to the earth, The Qewls and the Khirqes, So that the
House of Tradition may adhere to it, rejoice and believe in it.” Hymn of the
Black Furqan 37 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 100.)
608 “The holy men and angels distributed well-being, The symbols of
Sultan Ezid were the khirqes, they stayed on earth.” Hymn of the Faith 23
(Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 199.)
609 “By their light things were revealed before dawn.” Hymn of the
Black Furqan 25 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 98.)

610 Though some traditions viewed the khirka as imbued with the
master’s spiritual qualities, which could have a transformative impact on

the disciple, this is merely to be understood as an aid in the struggle to-
ward attaining a higher degree of spiritual advancement, but did not con-
fer gnosis on the disciple.
THE KHIRQE 215
- Finally, the khirka of the Sufis was not utilized in Sufi litera-
ture as an eschatological symbol, something to be awarded to
those who fight for the true faith, either now or at the last bat-
tle preceding the Day of Judgment, as their reward – and sym-
bol of their well-earned salvation.
- At last, perhaps not so much a technical, but rather a literary
point, the Sufi khirka, unlike the Yezidi one, was not a frequent
subject of religious poetry.
LATE ANTIQUE GARMENT THEOLOGIES
How can we explain those aspects of the Yezidi khirqe that are in-
congruent with the Sufi tradition concerning the Sufi robe, the
khirka? Should we see them as independent Yezidi developments,
sort of “wild cards,” or can they be fitted into a more complex, far-
reaching pattern? As has already been said above, I believe that
those aspects of the Yezidi khirqe that do not fit the traditions con-
nected with its Sufi prototype (the khirka) are rooted in the reli-
gious-mythic imagery of Late Antiquity. For it was in Late Antiq-
uity that a most complex “theology of garment” was developed
around the theme of the clothing of Light (that is, the garment and
crown lost by Adam). In a symbolism that grew extraordinarily
rich, this garment of Light came to refer not only to the Fall of
Adam, and the loss of his original angelic state, but also to the fate
and eschatological future of the individual soul, to the saving grace
of religion and baptism, and in some systems even to the complex
relation between the human soul and the divine, and the Gnosis
connecting the two. It was an innovative fusion of two traditions,
that is, Sufi and late antique concepts regarding holy garments
(khirka and the robe of Glory or garment of Light), that eventually
gave birth to the Yezidi khirqe with its many-layered, elusive mean-
ing.
Judaism
Angelic Garment
Speculations on the garment of Adam, which some interpreted as a
garment of Light” lost by him at his Fall, have already been men-
tioned in the previous chapter. As has already been referred to in
passing,611 some traditions also attribute such robes of glory to the
angels. As Odeberg writes in his commentary on the Hebrew Enoch,
“in early traditions the ‘garment of glory’ (raiment of honour’ etc.)
represents the light substance in which the inhabitants of the high
heavens appear; the ‘glory’ is light, splendour, probably conceived
of as a reflection, outflow of the Divine Glory, the Splendour of
Shekina.”612 Examples can be found in the Enoch literature.613 The
Hebrew Book of Enoch, belonging to the tradition of Jewish Merka-
bah mysticism, describes the transformation of Enoch into the an-
gel Metatron. Enoch is translated from earth to heaven and ele-
611 See the paragraph on the clothing of Satan before his Fall in the
works Cave of Treasures and Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan in the previ-
ous chapter.
612 Hugo Odeberg, 3 Enoch or the Hebrew Book of Enoch (New York:
Ktav, 1973), 32.

613 The Enoch literature comprises three composite works of an
apocalyptic nature (also known as the Ethiopic, Slavonic and Hebrew

Book of Enoch after their language of transmission), which were attrib-
uted to Enoch of the Old Testament, who “walked with God: and he was
not; for God took him” according to Genesis 5.24. This statement was
traditionally understood to mean that Enoch was so righteous that he did
not die, but was taken up to heaven by God while still alive, and this tradi-
tion gave rise to many Haggadic stories. The so-called Enoch Books all de-
scribe visionary journeys to heaven, complete with revelations about the
mysteries of the universe, the future of the world and the course of hu-
man history up to the Day of Judgement. The date of their relative com-
position ranges from third or fourth century BC (Ethiopic Enoch) to the
fifth or sixth century AD (Hebrew Enoch). The Books of Enoch were im-
mensely popular reading material in Late Antiquity and the early Middle
Ages, and exerted a great influence not only on Jewish and Christian lit-
erature and theology, but also on Manichaean and Mandaean religious
literature.
THE KHIRQE 217
vated over all the angels as God’s “vice-regent.” This transforma-

tion includes investiture with angelic insignia, including a robe of
Glory and a crown:
Metatron, Prince of Presence, said to me: By reason of the love
with which the Holy One, blessed be He, loved me more than
all the children of heaven. He made me a garment of glory on
which were fixed all kinds of lights and He clad me in it. And
He made me a robe of honour on which were fixed all kinds of
beauty, splendour, brilliance and majesty. And he made me a
royal crown in which were fixed forty-nine costly stones like
unto the light of the globe of the sun. For its splendour went
forth in the four quarters of the Araboth Raqia, and in
(through) the seven heavens, and in the four quarters of the
world. And He put it on my head. And He called me THE
LESSER YHWH in the presence of all His heavenly House-
hold.614
The Slavonic Enoch is even more specific on how Enoch’s transfor-
mation into a celestial being includes investing him with glorious
garments – reflecting God’s glory615 - that make him like one of the
“glorious ones” (angels):
And the Lord said to Michael: “Go extract Enoch from his
earthly clothing. And anoint him with my delightful oil, and
put him in the clothes of my glory.” And so Michael did, just
as the Lord had said to him. He anointed me and he clothed
614 3 Enoch 12, Odeberg, 3 Enoch, 32-3. Cf. The translation of P.

Alexander: “Out of the love which he had for me, more than for all the
denizens of the heights, the Holy One, blessed be he, fashioned for me a
majestic robe in which all kind of luminaries were set, and he clothed me
in it. He fashioned for me a kingly crown in which 49 refulgent stones
were placed, each like the sun’s orb, and its brilliance shone into the four
quarters of the heaven of ‘Arabot, into the seven heavens, and into the
four quarters of the world. He set it upon my head and he called me, “the
lesser YHWH’,”.in Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 1, 265.
615 Some researchers even interpret the text to say that Enoch was ac-
tually clothed in God’s Glory. See A. Orlov and A. Golitzin, “‘Many

Lamps Are Lightened from the One’: Paradigms of the Transformational
Vision in Macarian Homilies,” Vigiliae Christianae 55.3 (2001): 286.
me… And I looked at myself, and I had become like of His

glorious ones, and there was no observable difference.616
As the Enoch Literature attests, speculations that the angels wore
luminous garment of Light were not unknown to late antique rab-
binical Judaism. Quite likely The Cave of Treasures, which likens
Adam’s robe to that of the angels, also preserves Jewish traditions
as is often the case with Syriac literature.617
Garment of God
It is not only Adam, the angels or the transformed Enoch who may
be conceived of as wearing a garment of Light. Late antique Juda-
ism was also familiar with the notion of God wearing a garment of
Light, a tradition that can be linked to the so-called Shiur Qomah
traditions concerning the corporeal body of God. In fact, as has
been mentioned above, the light-substance covering the inhabitants
of heaven is probably none other than the reflection or outflow of
the Splendour of the Shekina. Some writings, however, are more
daring (or more anthropomorphic) and, instead of referring to the
allusive concept of the Shekina or Divine Glory, speak about the
garment of Light of God. This idea is perhaps based on some pas-
sages in the Bible, for example, Psalm 104.1-2 which says:
Bless the Lord, o my soul. O Lord my God, thou are very
great; thou art clothed with honour and majesty.
Who coverest thyself with light as with a garment: who
stretchest out the heavens like a curtain.
Possibly the Book of Daniel (Daniel 7.9), which speaks of the An-
cient of Days as dressed in a garment white as snow, could have
also influenced speculations concerning the garment of God:618
2 (Slavonic) Enoch 22.8-9, trans. F. I. Andersen, in Charlesworth,

616
Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 1, 138.

617 See for example Brock, “Jewish traditions in Syriac Sources.”
618 However, Scholem is of the opinion that the garment of light
mentioned in the mystical texts of Late Antiquity, quoted below, is not

THE KHIRQE 219
I beheld till the thrones were cast down, and the Ancient of
days did sit, whose garment was white as snow, and the hair of
his head like the pure wool: his throne was like the fiery flame,
and his wheels as burning fire.
White as snow could be interpreted to refer to the color of light, so
God’s garment shone white with light, while his throne was also
burning with a fiery flame. In any case the Inter-testamental Ethio-
pic Book of Enoch, seems to have combined these two different im-
ages, white as snow and shining light, when it describes Enoch’s
vision of God. On his heavenly journey Enoch comes before God
sitting on his throne of glory, wearing a white garment shining
more brightly than the sun:
And I observed and saw inside it a lofty throne – its appear-
ance was like crystal and its wheels like the shining sun… and
from beneath the throne were issuing streams of flaming fire.
It was difficult to look at it. And the Great Glory was sitting
upon it – as for his gown, which was shining more brightly
than the sun, it was whiter than any snow.619
In some mystical writings this garment of Light, covering
God, appears to have acquired cosmic dimensions.620 The Genesis
Rabbah (or Bereshit Rabbah), a midrash comprising a collection of
connected with the snow-white garment of the Ancient of the Days in

Dan. 7.9, see G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, 58.
619 1 (Ethiopic Apocalypse of) Enoch 14.18-21, trans. E. Isaac,
Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 1, 21. A similar tradition is

preserved in Matthew 17.1-2, which describes the Transfiguration of
Christ on Mount Tabor, when the disciples perceive that Jesus is in fact
the Great Glory of God: “And after six days Jesus taketh Peter, James,
and John his brother, and bringeth them up into an high mountain apart,
And was transfigured before them: and his face did shine as the sun, and
his raiment was white as the light.” Mark 9.3 says, “And his raiment be-
came shining, exceeding white as snow; so as no fuller on earth can white
them.”
620 Scholem, ch. “Aggadic Sayings and Merkabah Hymns: Garment of
God,” Jewish Gnosticism 57-64. On Jewish mystical literature on God’s

garment, see also Raphael Loewe “The Divine Garment and Shi’ur
Qomah.” The Harvard Theological Review 58.1 (1965): 153-60.
ancient rabbinic homiletic interpretations of the book of Genesis,

contains a passage on the creation of light from the divine garment
of God. God wrapped Himself in this garment of Light, and with it
He illuminated the earth from one end to the other:
Rabi Simeon asked: “… tell me, whence the light was created.”
R. Samuel said: “The Holy one, blessed be He, wrapped Him-
self in a white garment [other texts have: as in a garment] and
the splendor of his glory shone forth from one end of the
world to the other.” He said this in a whisper. R. Simeon was
bewildered by this. “Is it not said explicitly in Scripture: He
covereth Himself with lights as with a garment [Psalms
104:2]?”621
The Pirqe of Rabbi Eliezer, a Haggadic-Midrashic work of the
ninth century, contains a similar thought probably based on earlier
material:
Whence were the heavens created? From the light of the gar-
ment with which he was robed; He took and stretched it like a
garment.”622
G. Scholem has shown that these Midrashic passages can be
linked to certain hymns preserved in the Greater Hekhaloth (Hek-
haloth Rabbati), which contain accounts of the mystical ascent into
heaven. Scholem claims that at least some of this literature origi-
nated no later than the second or third century, and reflects a back-
ground, which, while monotheistic, also had strong Gnostic reso-
nances. According to Scholem the hymns in the Greater Hekhaloth
“reflect teachings current in at least the third century CE, provide
us with several passages that mention the garment of God as a mat-
ter of course and as something generally known to the initiate.”623
The heavenly bearer of this garment is one of the principle objects
of the Merkabah vision, and Hekhaloth hymns imply that the vision
621 Beresith Rabbah, ed. Theodor, pp. 19-20, in G. Scholem, Jewish Gnos-
ticism, 58.
622 Pirke Eliezer ch. 3, G. Friedlander’s translation (1916), 15, in
Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, 58.

623 Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, 58.
THE KHIRQE 221
of this garment arouses the “same numinous qualities as are

aroused by the vision of the mystical ‘body of the glory’ itself… the
visionary was taught to expect such a garment of Light covering
the glory.”624 Furthermore, just as in the Genesis Rabbah, this gar-
ment has a cosmic function; stars were created by (from) the light
that issues from the garment, while the sun and moon issued from
His crown:
Who is like unto our King? Who is like unto our Creator? Who
is like unto the Lord our God?
The sun and moon is cast out and sent forth by the crown of
His head.
The Pleiades and Orion and the Planet of Venus,
Constellations and stars and Zodiac signs
Flow and issue forth from the garment of Him
Who is crowned and [shrouded] in it, sits upon the throne of
His glory.625
Another hymn preserved in the Greater Hekaloth describes the won-
ders of creations stemming from Gods’s majesty, His beauty, His
stature, His crown, and His garment.626 The crown is occasionally
substituted by garland.627 The text of a magical papyrus (in Greek)
reads: “Through the power of Jao, the strength of Sabaoth, and the
garment of Elohim, and the rules of Adonai, and the garland of
Adonai.”628
624 Ibid., 60.

625 Greater Hekaloth ch. 4:2, Ibid., 61.
626 Ibid., 61-62.
627 As in Manichaean hymns that speak of the garment/robe of light,
diadem, crown and garland as a reward of the true believer, on this see
below.
628 Ibid., 64. K. Preisendanz, Papyri Graecae Magicae, II.161. In a Coptic
Christian charm containing a particularly great wealth of Jewish material,

the garment and the crown are equally invoked. Ibid., 64.
The Garment of the Righteous After Ascension to a Heavenly

Realm
Yet another trend of Jewish thought in the Hellenistic period was
given to speculation on the garment of glory the righteous would
be rewarded with (or wear) in heaven. The Book of Ben Sira (or Eccle-
siasticus) 6.28-32, composed in the second century before Christ,
talks about a robe of Glory (στολὴ δόξης in the Greek transla-
tion) as the reward of those who seek (religious) wisdom:
Search for her [Wisdom], and she shall be made known to
thee, and when thou hast gotten her, let her not go: For in the
latter end thou shalt find rest in her, and she shall be turned to
thy joy. Then shall her fetters be a strong defence for thee, and
a firm foundation, and her chain a robe of Glory: For in her is
the beauty of life, and her bands are a healthful binding. Thou
shalt put her on as a robe of Glory, and thee shalt set her upon
thee as a crown of joy.
The Ethiopic Book of Enoch is even more explicit on the gar-
ment of glory to be given on the Last Day. It offers a vivid descrip-
tion of the Day of Judgment, when the righteous will be clothed
with garments of glory which are identified with garments of life:629
The righteous and elect ones shall rise from the earth and shall
cease being of downcast face. They shall wear the garments of
glory. These garments of yours shall become the garments of
Life from the Lord of the Spirits. Neither shall your garments
wear out, nor your glory come to an end before the Lord of
the Spirits.630
629 The Apocalypse of Abraham 13.14 (see below) and the New Testament
(Revelations 3: 5) also identify the heavenly vesture with immortality. See

J. Schultz, “Angelic Opposition to the Ascension of Moses and the Reve-
lation of the Law,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 61.4 (1971): 291.
630 1 Enoch 62.15-16, Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol.
1, 44.
THE KHIRQE 223
Similarly the Alphabet of Rabbi Akiba, a semi-mystical tract of the

early post-Talmudic period,631 which echoes the Hebrew Book of
Enoch, talks about the banquet of the pious in the Garden of Eden
in the world to come:
In that hour the wicked come to the door of the Garden of
Eden, and stand and watch the happiness of the pious. And
they see all the pious, each one with the face of his glory, in
royal robes, and with a royal crown, and with jewels of kingly
pearls.632
In the Apocalypse of Abraham, probably composed in the first
century AD, Abraham is shown visions of the future of his people.
The angel guiding Abraham scolds Azazel (Satan) when he tries to
mislead Abraham, saying that, unlike him, Abraham belongs to
heaven, and the garment of life worn earlier by Satan has been
transferred on Abraham:
Disgrace upon you, Azazel! For Abraham's lot is in heaven,
but yours is upon the earth. For behold, the garment which in
heaven was formerly yours [Satan’s] has been set aside for him
[Abraham], and the corruption which was on him has gone
over to you.633
631 D. Stern, “Midrash and Indeterminacy,” Critical Inquiry 15.1 (1988):

136-7.
632 Midrash Alpha Beta of Rabbi Akiba (BH. 3.34),
www.jafi.org.il/education/anthology/english/print/E2B-
midrash_otiyot_derbi_akiva.pdf - Source: Raphael Patai, The Messiah Texts,
Wayne State University Press, 1979. Last accessed 13 July 2008. Another
text, the Alpha Beta de Metatron, quoted by Odeberg in his commentary on
the Hebrew Enoch, after describing the eight garments made out of the
splendour of the Shekina and used to clothe Metatron/Enoch, says:
“When the righteous part from this world the Prince of the Presence
conducts him to the Garden of Eden and there he clothes him in the eight
Garments from the splendour of the Shekina.” Alpha Beta de Metatron
(Add. 15299, fol. 81b-a), in Odeberg, 3 Enoch, 32.
633 Apocalypse of Abraham 13.14, trans. R. Rubinkiewiz, in
Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 1, 695.

The text here makes a clear reference to the garment of Light or

robe of Glory lost by Satan when he rebelled against God.634
Though there is no reference to Adam, perhaps we may infer that
the angel in the Apocalypse offers Abraham, “the Friend of God,”
the robe of Glory lost not only by Satan but by his (and mankind’s)
own ancestor through his folly, upon Abraham’s return to Paradise.
The Jewish portion of the pseudepigraphic work, the History of
the Rechabites635 recounts the visit of a virtuous man, Zosimus to a
Paradise-like island where the Blessed Ones live in complete bliss,
as “mortals” who are “purified and spotless,” and as beings who
are “Earthly Angels.” 636 And they are all naked. A human, who
comes to visit the island, asks them “Why are you naked?” He is
told, that, in effect, he is the one who is naked, for his own gar-
ments are corrupted, but that of his interlocutor, who at this mo-
ment appears to have the face of an angel, are not, rather he is
wearing a clothing of glory.637 While the other texts, quoted above,
make no apparent connection between the lost garment of Light of
Adam and Eve, and the robe of Glory given to the righteous, the
History of the Rechabites provides a link between the two:
these blessed ones are like Adam and Eve before they
sinned…638 ‘we are naked not as you suppose, but we are cov-
ered with a stole of glory (similar to that) which clothed Adam
and Eve before they sinned.’639
634See previous chapter, especially the part on The Cave of Treasures.

635The History of Rechabites is a Christian document based on a Jewish
original, parts of which are preserved in the text. Though this work is little
known or quoted today, it used to be very popular in the Middle Ages
both in the West and in the Middle East. Translations existed, among
others, in Syriac, Arabic and Armenian.
636 A. De Conick, and J. Fossum, “Stripped before God: A New In-
terpretation of Logion 37 in the Gospel of Thomas,” Vigiliae Christianae

45.2 (1991): 131.
637 History of Rechabites 5.3-4, trans. J. H. Charlesworth, in

638 HR 7.2-3, ibid., 452.
639 HR 12.3, ibid., 457.
THE KHIRQE 225
In other words these purified mortals had attained the prelapsarian

state of blessedness, a state when Adam and Eve were beings cov-
ered by glory instead of material clothes. This motif, as we shall
see, was a popular theme in Christian, especially in Syriac literature,
where they were writing about being redeemed from Adam’s sin by
Christ’s sacrifice.
And finally the Qumran texts could perhaps be mentioned
here. One of the texts recounts the rewards to be bestowed upon
the “Sons of Truth” including the “crown of glory with a garment
of splendor in eternal light.”640
Christianity
Christianity’s rich inheritance from Judaism and Jewish literature

includes speculations concerning the garment of Light or robe of
Glory: a garment that was like the garments worn by the angels,
one that was worn by Adam, and that was going to be given to the
purified souls of the righteous elect in the hereafter.
However, Christianity, especially Syriac Christianity, surpassed
Judaism by far when it came to garment symbolism, and with time
there developed a veritable “theology of garment,” a complex
synthesis of different, previously somewhat disjointed, motifs. The
garment, often along with the crown, became an important symbol
of the salvation of the soul, a symbol that had its place in every
single stage of the drama of mankind, from creation and the Fall,
through the sacrifice of Christ to the salvation of the individual
soul and final eschatology.
This rich garment theology is foreshadowed already by
the New Testament. In the famous parable of the prodigal son the
father tells his servants: “Bring forth the first (usually translated as
best) robe, and put it on him; and put a ring on his hand, and shoes
on his feet:” (Luke 15:22). The Greek for what is today usually
translated as “best robe” is τὴν στολὴν τὴν πρώτην. The pri-
mary meaning of “protos” is actually “first,” though it may also
640 IQS 4:7-8, quoted by John Reeves, “Manichaica Aramaica? Adam
and the Magical Deliverance of Seth,” JAOS 119.3 (1999): 433.

mean “best.” Many of the early Church Fathers understood the

text to say “bring on his first robes” referring to the robe worn
before falling into sin (that is, Adam’s robe before the Fall.)641
The Book of Revelations talks of a “white raiment,” a “raiment of
Life” as mentioned above in the Ethiopic Book of Enoch, to be given
to the righteous waiting for the final Judgment:
3.5 He that overcometh, the same shall be clothed in white
raiment; and I will not blot out his name out of the book of
life, but I will confess his name before my Father, and before
his angels.
7.9 After this I beheld, and, lo, a great multitude, which no
man could number, of all nations, and kindreds, and people,
and tongues, stood before the throne, and before the Lamb,
clothed with white robes, and palms in their hands.642
The Crown of Life (or wreath and diadem643 in Greek) is similarly
mentioned along with the white raiment as the reward of the faith-
ful in the Book of Revelations:
641 Gregory of Nysse writes “So he <the heavenly Father> runs to

him <the prodigal son> and greets him by kissing his neck, which means
the rational yoke that is thrown through the mouth [that is, orally] by the
evangelic tradition, upon man who had declined the first yoke of the
commandment [that is, of the commandment in Paradise] and had shaked
off the law that had protected him. And he [that is, man] is also clothed in
a garment, no other than the first one, of which he had been stripped
because of the transgression, when as soon as he tasted the forbidden
fruit, he had to see himself naked.” De oratione dominica orationes v, ed. F.
Oehler, Gregor's Bischof's von Nyssa Abhandlung von der Erschaffung des Men-
schen und fünf Reden auf das Gebet (Leipzig: Engelmann, 1859), 202-314, here:
240. I owe this information and quotation to István Perczel.
642 The Epistles of Paul, though not mentioning the lost garment di-
rectly, make repeated references to clothing metaphors, like putting on the

armor of light, putting on the new man, Christ, incorruptibility, which
were made much use of later on when the “theology of garment” was
developed.
643 στέφανος, διάδημα. All three symbolize victory and kingship
(royalty), divine glory and honor, see Gregory M. Stevenson, “Conceptual

background to Golden Crown Imagery in the Apocalypse of John 4:4, 10;
14:14,” Journal of Biblical Literature 114.2 (1995): 258.
THE KHIRQE 227
2.10: Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown
of Life.
4.4: And round about the throne were four and twenty seats;
and upon the seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting, clothed
in white raiment, and they had on their heads crowns of gold.
Under the inluence of Judaism, the idea of a raiment and a crown

like that of the angels that is to be given to the just (or the saints)
after their death, or rather after the final Day of Judgement is taken
up by the Ascension of Isaiah, an early second-century AD work. The
portion also called Visio Dei (6-11), where Isaiah is granted a vision
of Heaven and God, is considered a Christian addition to an older
Jewish work (1-5.) Isaiah on his ascent is shown by his angelic
guide the garments which he will be given once he will be free of
his mortal body, garments that will make him equal to the angels:
And he said: "Hear, then, this also from your companion:
when from the body by the will of God you have come up
here, then you will receive the robe which you will see, and
also other numbered robes placed (there) you will see. And
then you will be equal to the angels who (are) in the seventh
heaven.644
For above all the heavens and their angels is placed your
throne, and also your robes and your crown, which you are to
see.645
Interestingly, while Isaiah is promised the garment and crown upon
his own ascension (after death) to heaven, the text also implies that
others will have to wait for the Christian redemption, that is for the
coming of the Son, before they can put on the heavenly robes and
crowns which await them:646
644 Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah 8.14-15, trans. M. A. Knibb, in

645 Isaiah 7.22, ibid., 167.
646 “And the angel who led me knew what I thought and said to me:
"If you rejoice over this light, how much more (will you rejoice,) in the
seventh heaven when you see the light where the Lord is and His Beloved
from where I was sent - who is to be called in the world the Son. Not
Then, in the seventh heaven Isaiah has a vision of Old Testa-

ment saints, already clad in the garments of glory making them like
angels, but not as yet crowned. Others (future Christians) will only
ascend with the Son when the time comes and then receive the
garments and crowns already set apart for them:
And there I saw Enoch and all who (were) with him, stripped
of (their) robes of the flesh, and I saw them in their robes of
the above, and they were like the angels, who stand there in
great glory. But they were not sitting on their thrones, nor
were their crowns of glory on them. And I asked the angel
who (was) with me: “How is it that they have received the
robes, but are not on their thrones nor in their crowns?” And
he said to me: “They do not receive the crowns and thrones of
glory, until the Beloved descends in the form in which you will
see Him descend [The Lord will indeed descend] into the
world in the last days (he) who is to be called Christ. And thus
His descent, as you will see, will be concealed even from the
heavens, so that it will not be known who He is. And when He
hath plundered the angel of death, He will rise on the third
day, and he will remain in that world five hundred and forty-
five days. And then many of the righteous will ascend with
Him, whose spirits do not receive [their] robes until the Lord
Christ ascends and they ascend with Him. Then indeed they
will receive their robes and their thrones and their crowns,
when He has ascended into the seventh heaven.”… And I saw
many robes placed there, and many thrones and many crowns.
And I said to the angel who led me: “Whose (are) these robes
and thrones and crowns?” And he said to me: “As for these
robes, there are many from that world who will receive (them)
through believing in the words of That One who will be
(yet) hath been manifested he shall be in the corruptible world] and the
garments, and the thrones, and the crowns which are laid up for the right-
eous, for those who trust in that Lord who will descend in your form. For
the light which is there is great and wonderful.” Isaiah 8.25-6, in
Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 2, 169: See also E. Goode-
nough, “The Crown of Victory in Judaism,” The Art Bulletin, 28.3.
(1946):158, note 157, p. 158
THE KHIRQE 229
named as I have told you, and they will keep them, and believe
in them, and believe in His cross; [for them (are) these]
placed.” 647
The garment (and the crown) offered to the righteous in the
Revelations or in the Ascension of Isaiah is not as yet qualitatively
different from the garment of the Enoch literature or other Jewish
writings, which speculate on the fate and reward of the elect in the
hereafter. However, with the passing of time Christianity developed
its own distinctive theological literature, and the garment of Light
evolved from its biblical roots in novel ways to find its niche in this
literature as a metaphor of the Christian salvation drama. As Brock
writes “Indeed one can even speak … of a ‘theology of clothing’,
seeing that the entire span of salvation history can be expressed in
terms of clothing imagery.”648 This “theology of clothing” was a
complex synthesis of the different, previously somewhat disjointed,
motifs. In this tradition, elaborately worked out in Syriac
Chritianity,649 ideas concerning Adam’s lost garment, also worn by
angels, became dynamically intertwined with notions on the
garment of Light/Glory to be given to the righteous in the
hereafter or on the Day of Judgement. The (lost and potentially
regained) garment, often along with the crown, became an
important symbol of the salvation of the soul, a symbol that had its
own place in every single stage of the drama of mankind, from the
creation and fall, through the sacrifice of Christ to the salvation of
the individual soul and final eschatology.
647 Isaiah 9.9-25, in Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepigrapha vol. 2,

170-71.
648 Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 11.
649 According to Brock (“Clothing Metaphor,” 11 and 21) while indi-
vidual elements of the garment theology may be found in Greek and Latin
writers, “it is in Syriac tradition that the imagery is the most consistently
and fully developed.” And “We have… a remarkably consistent use of the
clothing metaphor, and its application to the entire span of salvation his-
tory gives it a dynamic quality that would seem to be lacking in the Greek
and Latin traditions. It is quite clear that this ’theology of clothing’ is
deeply ingrained in the Syrian tradition.”
Adam’s Fall and Salvation

As was seen above, the Jewish tradition, which interpreted Gen
3.21 as “garments of glory/light” that Adam took off as a counter-
part to the “garments of skin,” which he put on after the Fall, was
well known to Christian authors. However, in Christian tradition,
where the descent, incarnation and death of Christ redeemed
Adam’s original sin, this also meant a return to the original, sinless
and angelic state, and to the repossession of Adam’s lost garment
of Light/Glory. As the Syriac Cave of Treasures so succinctly put it,
Adam regained his robe of Glory through the sacrifice of blood,
when he was baptized in the water (and blood) flowing from
Christ’s side:
The blood and the water [from the wound in Christ’s side] ran
down into the mouth of Adam, and Adam was redeemed, and
put on a garment of glory.650
Adam is restored to his former elevated status, when Jesus: “came
to find Adam who had got lost, and to return him in the garmentof
Light to Eden.”651
However, it is not only Adam, who has regained his robe
of Glory through the sacrifice of Christ. For Christians, just as
Adam’s sin can be redeemed by the sacrifice of God’s Son, so the
lost robe of Glory, symbolizing Adam’s sinless, angelic condition
(before the Fall) can be regained through the same act.
When Christ puts on Adam (that is, humanity), his aim is to
“reclothe mankind in the robe of Glory,”652 that is, to return it to
650The Book of the Cave of Treasures, 231-32, trans. Budge.

651Ephrem, HdVIRG XVI.9, quoted in Brock, “Clothing Meta-
phors,” 27. In another hymn Ephrem writes: “The wedded pair were
adorned in Eden; - but the serpent stole their crown: - yet mercy crushed
down the accursed one, - and made the wedded pair goodly in their rai-
ment. - Blessed be He that has mercy on all! They clothed themselves with
leaves of necessity; - but the Merciful had pity on their beauty, - and in-
stead of leaves of trees, - He clothed them with glory in the water. -
Blessed be He that has mercy on all!” Ephrem, Hymns for the Feast of the
Epiphany 12.3-4, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3704.htm, last ac-
cessed 18 July 2008.
652 Brock, “Metaphors of Clothing,” 12.
THE KHIRQE 231
its original, prelapsarian state.653 As Ephrem writes, linking the mo-

tif of incarnation with the regaining of the garment of Light: “He
(Christ) hid his own glory and gave his swaddling clothes as a robe
of Glory to mankind.”654 While in the Hymns of Paradise he speaks
of the new stole as one that was woven for Adam by the mother of
Christ: “Mary clothed us with an incorruptible robe of Glory.”655
Already the early third century Odes of Solomon speak of a
reversal of Gen. 3.21. One of the Odes on the salvation of the soul
speaks of removing the garments of skin (symbolizing the sinful
position of post-Fall man), identical with stripping off darkness and
folly – metaphors for religious ignorance - and being dressed in a
garment of Light by Christ, which is in its turn seen as being cov-
ered by the spirit of Christ:
And I abandoned the folly cast upon the earth,
And I stripped it off and cast it from me.
And the Lord renewed me with his garment,
And possessed me by his light.
And from above he gave me immortal rest,
And I became like the land that blossoms and rejoices in its
fruits.
And I stripped off darkness,
And put on light.
And even I myself acquired members.
In them there was no sickness or affliction or suffering.
And I was covered with the covering of your spirit,
And I removed from me my garments of skin.
Because your right hand raised me,
653 Or return it, indeed, to a higher, more glorious state. These differ-
entiations and the question of linearity in human history, however, is not

the subject of the present work.
654 Ephrem, Hymn on Nativity V,4,5, quoted in Brock, “Some Aspects
of Greek Words,” 100.

655 Hymns of Paradise IV,5, ibid.
And caused sickness to pass from me.656
Later, more nuanced writings connected the retrieval of the

garment of Light with baptism, linking the recapture of the robe of
Glory not so much with the incarnation or Crucifiction of Christ,
but rather with his descent and baptism in the waters of the Jordan,
to be imitated by the faithful. “The robe of Glory that was stolen
away among the trees have you put on in the baptismal water.”657
When Christ descended into the Jordan to be baptized, he depos-
ited the “robe of Glory/Light,” making it available for mankind to
put it on in baptism in the water of Jordan (the baptismal font con-
secrated by the invocation of the Holy Spirit). As a hymn attributed
to Ephrem says, referring back again to Gen. 3.7, “instead of the
leaves from the trees, he clothed them with glory from the wa-
ter.”658 Upon baptism the Christian puts on again his robe of Glory
just as he puts on the “new man” (Ep. Eph. 4.24) or Christ (Ep.
Rom. 13.14).659 As Aphrahat, a fourth-century Syriac author,660 put
656 Ode 21; De Conick - Fossum, “Stripped before God,” 125.

657 Jacob of Serugh (ed. Bedjan) I.209, quoted in Brock, “Jewish Tra-
ditions in Syrian Sources,” 222.
658 Ephrem, HdEPIPH XII.4, in Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 19.
659 See Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 12, 16, 18.
660 Aphrahat (ca. 270 – ca. 345) was originally from Persia, and was
also referred to as the “Persian Sage.” Later Syrian tradition holds that he
was the bishop of the Monastery of Mar Mattai (or Matti) near Mosul.
(See T. D. Barnes, “Constantine and the Christians of Persia,” The Journal
of Roman Studies 75 (1985): 126.) The Monastery of Mar Mattai (or Matti) is
a still functioning monastery on Mount Maqlub, a mountain (or rather
hill) separating Beshiqe-Behzani from the Yezidi settlements of the Sheik-
han on the other side of the Maqlub. The monastery and Mar Matti figure
in some Yezidi religious myths I have collected in Beshiqe. However, it is
rather doubtful if Aphrahat could have really been the bishop of the Mar
Matti monastery, as it was probably founded by Mar Matti two decades
after Aphrahat. Furthermore, Brock is of the opinion that, when Aphrahat
speaks of monks, he is referring to ascetics living either individually or in
small groups, and not yet in organized, coenobitic monasteries. (See S.
Brock, “Early Syrian Asceticism,” Numen, 20.1 (1973): 11.)
THE KHIRQE 233
it, this “clothing and garment of glory with which the righteous are
clothed” is nothing else but Christ himself.661
Many literary texts dealing with baptism reflect the notion of
regaining the garment of Light. The close relationship between
Adam’s glorious robe, the garment of the angels, and the clothing
of glory the baptized puts on in the waters of the Jordan is made
explicit in Ephrems’s Hymn of the Baptized:
Your garments glisten, my brethren, as snow;—and fair is your
shining in the likeness of Angels!
In the likeness of Angels, you have come up, beloved,—from
Jordan's river, in the armour of the Holy Ghost.
The bridal chamber that fails not, my brethren, you have re-
ceived:—and the glory of Adam's house today you have
put on.662
The expression robe of Glory became commonplace in Syriac
literature, especially in a baptismal context. As Ephrem in his Ser-
mons writes, “I gaze upon the ‘stole’ of glory that I put on at bap-
tism.”663 A Syrian Orthodox baptismal service says: “You are
anointed as a spiritual lamb so that you may put on the robe of
Glory from the water;”664 while a Nestorian baptismal Service ex-
horts the faithful to keep the robe of Glory they would receive at
baptism unsoiled by sins.665
Garment of Light as an Eschatological garment

We have seen how in Enochic literature and some of the rabbini-
cal literature the faithful, who have reached their heavenly rest,
661 Demonstrations XIV. 39 (Patrologia Syriaca I) col. 681, in Brock,
“Clothing Metaphors,” 18
662 Hymn for the Feast of the Epiphany 13 (Hymn for the Baptised), 1-3.
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3704.htm.
663 Ephrem, Sermones I,5,9, quoted in Brock, “Some Aspects of Greek
Words,” 100.
664 Syrian Orthodox baptismal service (Homs edition) 42, quoted in
Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 27.

665 Nestorian baptismal service (Urmiah edition) 74, quoted in Brock,
“Some Aspects of Greek words in Syriac,” 99.

were to be clothed in white garments. The theme is taken up by the

Book of Revelations, and can be found in later literature as well, de-
spite the concurrent theme of Christians receiving their robe of
Glory upon baptism. For baptism means merely the potential recov-
ery of the robe of Glory, but not yet the full realization of repos-
sessing the lost. (Just as baptism is a prerequisite of salvation, but
not its guarantee. The newly-baptized must then live a life that
makes him worthy.) The promise of putting on the robe of Glory
will be completely fulfilled only after Resurrection when the de-
serving righteous will be clothed with the same Robe of Light:
[At the Resurrection] the just will put on that glory and light
which we said had belonged to Adam before the transgression:
had been covered with it, and Moses and Elijah had appeared
in it when they came with Jesus.666
As it is up to the individual Christian to realize the promise of
baptism through his life and pious acts, the faithful are exhorted to
keep the robe they (potentially) received at baptism unsullied by
sin, and thereby attain salvation and be able to actually put on the
robe of Glory at the last reckoning. A Nestorian baptismal service
urges the faithful to act in a way so “that they may preserve in pu-
rity the robe of Glory with which Thou hast clothed them in thy
mercy.”667 In Jacob of Serugh’s work Jesus tells the repentant thief,
“I will clothe you with a robe of light in the marriage chamber on
high.”668 The marriage chamber (or bridal chamber) refers to Mat-
thew 22, where the resurrection and entrance into the Kingdom of
666Philoxenus, Commentary on Matthew (ed. P. Bedjan) I, 275, quoted in

Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 27. See also Isaac of Antioch (ed. P. Bed-
jan) I, 275, quoted in Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 27-8: “Do you, who
made garments of skin for Adam and Eve, give garments of light to the
departed in your paradise? You allowed Adam to remove his hands from
their task of covering his nakedness; thanks to those skins with which you
clothed them, Lord you freed their hand by your mercy. Give clothing of
glory to the departed, and a robe of light to those buried.”
667 Nestorian baptismal service (Urmiah edition) 74, quoted in Brock,
“Some Aspects of Greek words in Syriac,” 99.

668 Jacob of Serugh (ed. P. Bedjan) V, 669, quoted in Brock, “Cloth-
ing Metaphors,” 27.

THE KHIRQE 235
Heaven is compared to a royal wedding, where only those who

have prepared their wedding garments can enter. In the clothing
imagery the wedding garment is the robe of Glory that the faithful
receive at their baptism, and which they must preserve unsoiled by
sin, so when they arrive at the eschatological banquet, they might
be allowed to enter.669 Those who do not take good care of their
wedding garment will rue their negligence. Ephrem, meditating on
the Last Judgment, is assailed by doubts as to his own actions, and
describes his vision:
I saw there beautiful people, and I was desirous to of their
beauty… I saw their bridal chamber opposite, which no one
who has not a lamp may enter; I saw their joy, and I myself sat
down in mourning, not possessing works worthy of that bridal
chamber. I saw them clothed with the “robe of light,” and I
was grieved that I had prepared no virtuous raiment.670
However, the reality of putting on the robe of Glory can be antici-
pated by the saints, who preserve their baptismal “robe” unspot-
ted:671
Among the saints none is naked, for they have put on glory,
nor is there any clad in fig leaves, or standing in shame, for
they have found, through our Lord, the robe that belongs to
Adam and Eve.672
Thus Christians are called on to lead an ascetic and solitary life,
modeled on the life of the saints so that they attain the final reward
of their struggles, the state where “Your filth, which has been your
clothing, has woven you a robe of light.”673 For those however,
who do not struggle to live a sinless, pious existence, the robe of
Glory may be lost forever, despite its promise at baptism. Thus

670 Letter to Publius § 12, quoted in Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,”
19.
672 Ephrem, HdPAR VI.9, quoted in Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,”
27.
673 Isaac of Antioch (ed. Bedjan) I, 53,14, quoted in Brock, “Some
Aspects,” 103.
Ephrem laments in his Hymns of Paradise how his own sins have lost
him the “crown,674 the name, the glory, the robe, and the
bridechamber of light.”675
Summing up, early Christians were able to consistently employ
the garment of Light (and crown) as a metaphor spanning the en-
tire salvation history: From Adam’s sin (loss of the garment),
through the restitution of his sinless state (and angelic garments)
through the sacrifice of Christ, to the promise of redemption (and
of the same garments) to the individual Christian at baptism, finally
to the eschatological moment when those deserving to be saved
can take part in the divine wedding (and will be awarded the robe
of Glory, and become like the angels.) Obviously, the “theology of
clothing” was deeply ingrained in Christian, especially in Syriac tra-
dition.
Gnosticism
The Gnostic garment of Light (also known as garment of life, ar-

mor of light, imperishable clothing, wedding robe, etc.) has much
in common with its “brethren” (that is the garment of Light in Ju-
daism and Christianity.) The process of salvation of the Gnostic is
often described in the terms of stripping off (i.e. the material body
and the earthly soul – which are opposed to the spirit,) followed by
investiture with the robe of light, and finally the enthroning and
glorifying:676
674 Note, that here again the crown is a recurrent theme, accompany-
ing the robe of light. Ephrem for example speaks of the “Crown of Right-
eousness” in his Hymn for the Feast of the Epiphany 6.19 “to the priest who
has toiled in baptizing, - let there come the crown of righteousness!”
(http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3704.htm.)
675 Ephrem, Hymns of Paradise VII.5, quoted in Brock, “Some As-
pects,” 104.
676 See Alistair H. B. Logan, “The Mystery of the Five Seals: Gnostic
Initiation Reconsidered” Vigiliae Christianae 51 (1997), 188; and J. Turner,

“Ritual in Gnosticism,” Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers, 1994, ed.
E. Lovering (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994), 136-181.
THE KHIRQE 237
O my son, strip off the old garment of fornication, and put on

the garment which is clean and shining, that you may be beau-
tiful in it. But when you have this garment, protect it well. Re-
lease yourself from every bond, so that you may acquire free-
dom.677
Putting on the robe of light (or body of light) is often used as
a metaphor for returning to the Realm of Light, from where the
human soul, pneuma, originates. It is often mentioned in connection
with the Gnostic baptism,678 as bridal clothing, together with the
familiar wedding banquet and bridal chamber allegory:
You will accept robes from those who give robes and the Bap-
tists will baptize you and you will become gloriously glorious,
the way you first were when you were <Light>679
The Lord said… but when you rid yourselves of jealousy, then
you will clothe yourselves in light and enter the bridal cham-
ber.680
But the soul - she who has tasted these things - realized that
sweet passions are transitory. She had learned about evil; she
went away from them and she entered into a new conduct…
And she learns about her light, as she goes about stripping off
677 The Teaching of Silvanus 105, trans. and ed. M. Peel and J. Zandee, in
Nag Hammadi Codex VII, NHMS 30 (Ledien: Brill, 1996), 333. The Teach-
ings of Silvanus is one of the few texts from Nag Hammadi which is not
entirely Gnostic, though it has gnosticizing tendencies. It is a rare example
of early Hellenistic-Christian Wisdom literature, which drew its ideas from
a synthesis of Biblical, Late Stoic, and Middle Platonic religious and ethi-
cal ideas. The text offers a dogmatic instruction on how to “become like
God.” (Peel, “Introduction,” in Nag Hammadi VII, 268). The gnosticizing
tendencies are reflected in the tractate’s theology, anthropology, cosmol-
ogy and ascetic ethic. According to Peel the gnosticizing tendencies in the
anthropology include the use of the metaphor of sleep. (Peel, Introduc-
tion, 269.)
678 Considered to confer Gnosis on the believer.
679 Trimorphic Protennoia 1.45.16-20. trans. J. Turner in Nag Hammadi
Codices XI, XII, XIII. NHS 28, (Leiden: Brill, 1990), 423.
680 Dialogue of the Saviour 50, trans. and ed. St. Emmel in Nag Hammadi
Codex III.5. NHS 26 (Leiden: Brill, 1984), 77.

this world, while her true garment clothes her within, (and) her
bridal clothing is placed upon her in beauty of mind, not in
pride of flesh.681
All these - the garment of Light as the reward of those who tran-
scend the material world, the connection of the garment with bap-
tism, the metaphor of wedding, bridal chamber and bridal clothing,
- do not sound very different from the Christian texts quoted
above. There is, however, a marked difference between the exact
nature of the garment of Light in the Gnostic approach and that of
Christianity, just as there is a marked difference between their con-
cepts of salvation (symbolized by the robe of Glory in both of
them). For Gnostics, the soul (pneuma), a particle of light languish-
ing in the prison of matter, is saved not by the sacrifice of a Sav-
iour,682 or by obeying the precepts of religious teachings, but by
achieving Gnosis, the knowledge of where it came from, and where
it belongs. Gnosis itself is salvation, as it enables the soul to escape
the world of matter and return to the Pleroma (World of Light.)683
It was already seen in the previous chapter how the light en-
veloping Adam (or his luminous garment) at the beginning of
mankind’s history symbolized Adam’s Gnosis, the divine spark of
understanding the true nature of things. The loss of this luminous
garment is another way of referring to the theft of this Gnosis by
681Authorative Teaching 31,24-32,8, trans. G. MacRae, in Nag Hammadi

Codices V,2-5 and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, 1 and 4, NHS 11 (Le-
dien: Brill, 1979), 281. For descriptions of receiving the garment or
body/clothing of light in baptism as an instrument of spiritual enlighten-
ment, see also The Gospel of Philip, The Second Treatise of the Great Seth, pas-
sim; and Turner, “Ritual in Gnosticism.”
682 Though the Saviour figure exists in Gnostic thought, his main
function is to bring Gnosis. Typically, Christian Gnostic schools thought

of Christ’s incarnation and death on the Cross in docetic terms, teaching
that he only “appeared” to have been born, to have been crucified or to
have died.
683 In Gnostic literature, therefore, there is no place for a Last Judg-
ment, as each soul’s escape is an individual one, depending on its eventual

enlightenment. Nor is there a Resurrection, as the body as such was seen
not only as perishable but also as inimical, a trap tying the soul to the
physical world.
THE KHIRQE 239
the jealous Evil Ruler, who then clothes the first couple in obscure
darkness, that is forgetfulness, ignorance of their true origin. Salva-
tion is none other than a regaining of consciousness (Gnosis) as to
the origin of human soul (pneuma), and the real nature of the cre-
ated (material world) as opposed to the World of Light. As the Au-
thorative Teaching says: “She had learned about evil… And she learns
about her light.” The luminous robe is the symbol of this salvation
through Gnosis, as well as (at least in some texts) the bringer of
this divine revelation, or knowledge (Gnosis), a motif not to be
found in the literature quoted above. As the baptismal passage in
the Trimorphic Protennoia,684 one of the Nag Hammadi texts reads:
He who possesses the Five Seals685 of these particular names
has stripped off the garments of ignorance and put on a shin-
ing light.686
When the believer gains Gnosis, he breaks out from the
“garments of ignorance,”687 and acquires a true understanding of
his true nature. As he puts on the robe of light, he remembers eve-
rything he has forgotten, and this remembering simultaneously
means his return to the Kingdom of Light. In fact, this saving
knowledge of one’s origin (Gnosis) is identified with the robe of
Light itself:
684 Baptism here refers to the baptism practiced by Gnostics, as the
Trimorphic Protennoia must originally have been a non-Christian Gnostic

(possibly Sethian) document that was later Christianized by inserting the
name of Christ. See J. D. Turner, “Composition,” in Nag Hammadi Codices
XI, XII, XIII, 393-401.
685 The Five Seals are associated with the reception of Gnosis in
Gnostic baptism, a rite consisting of five stages of enlightenment: investi-

ture, baptism in the spring of the (Living) Water, enthronement, glorifica-
tion, and ecstatic rapture into the place of Light.
686 Trimorphic Protennoia 1.49.26-32, in Nag Hammadi Codices XI, XII,
XIII, 453.
687 The “garment of ignorance” may refer both to the material body
in which the soul is imprisoned, and to the dense oblivion of its true ori-
gin in which it suffers.
I gave688 to him from the Water of Life, which strips him of

the chaos that is in the uttermost darkness that exists inside the
entire abyss, that is, the thought of the corporeal and the psy-
chic. All these I put on. And I stripped him of it [i.e. corporeal
thoughts, the psyche] and I put upon him a shining Light, that is,
the knowledge of the Thought of the Fatherhood.689 And I delivered
him to those who give robes, Yammon, Elasso, Amenai – and
they [covered] him with a robe from the robes of Light.690
In some of the Gnostic writings the prototype of this light
garment of Gnosis is the garment of the Gnostic Saviour, a being
of the Light World, who descends to bring knowledge to mankind
and awaken it to its condition. The garment of the Saviour encom-
passes all the saving Gnosis, the secrets necessary for salvation. In
the Untitled Text of the Bruce Codex, the Mother (of Life) gives the
Son (the Saviour) a garment in which were shown all the forms the
knowledge which were needed to descend or ascend.691
688 The speaker is Protennoia, or Forethought (of the Father), the
Mother of Life, who descends to deliver the imprisoned souls from the
prisonof matter through Gnosis.
689 Layton translates “acquaintance with thinking about kinship”
(Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 99). Kinship, or fatherhood, probably refers to

the origin of the soul from the World of Light, the Pleroma.
690 Trimorphic Protennoia 1.48.10-7, in Nag Hammadi Codices XI, XII,
XIII, 431.
691 “Afterwards the mother established her first-born son (...) And
she gave to him a garment in which to accomplish all things. And in it

were all bodies: the body of fire, and the body of water, and the body of
air and the body of earth, and the body of wind, and the body (of angels),
and the body of archangels, and the body of powers, and the body of
mighty ones, and the body of gods, and the body of lords. In a word,
within it were all bodies so that none could hinder him from going to the
height or from going down to the abyss.” Untitled Text in the Bruce Codex
ch. 16, text ed. C. Schimdt, trans. V. Macdermot, in The Books of Jeu and the
Untitled Text in the Bruce Codex, NHS 13 (Leiden, Brill, 1978), 256-7.
THE KHIRQE 241
In the Paraphrase of Shem692 the garments of Gnosis, which will

help the Gnostics attain salvation, are in effect the garments of
Derdekeas, the savior figure who descends from the Realm of
Light to bring revelation to the chosen. Derdekeas uses various
garments (of light and fire). These garments not only protect him
as he travels through the clouds, and throw the evil powers into
confusion so that they have to shed the powers of the Spirit, but
they will also help the race of Shem (the Gnostics) to ascend
through the hostile spheres.
That I may teach you, O Shem, from what blindness your race
is protected. When I have revealed to you all that has been
spoken, then the righteous one will shine upon the world with
my garment…693 they who have a free conscience... they will
strip off the burden of Darkness; they will put on the Word of
the Light; and they will not be kept back in the insignificant
place… And they will be taken to them by my garments, those
which are in the clouds. It is they who guide their members.694
Here the garment is not merely a reward but also an essential in-
strument of salvation.
The same is true of the third-century Pistis Sophia,695 a work
ascribed to the Gnostikoi of Epiphanius, where the risen Christ re-
692 This late second or third century text from Nag Hammadi con-
tains the revelations of Derdekeas, a Gnostic Savior to Shem. The text is
in Coptic, but the original must have been Greek. It is of special interest,
because Wisse contends that its theological content shows some similari-
ties with the Manichaean myth. In Wisse’s view this suggests a Syrian or
Mesopotamian origin, and he concludes that the “shared concepts and
ideas seem to reflect mythological traditions at home in the Persian Em-
pire in late antiquity.”
693 Paraphrase of Shem 28.20-25, trans. F. Wisse, in Nag Hammadi Codex
VII, NHMS 30 (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 83-85.

694 Paraphrase of Shem 42.24 – 45.12, ibid., 113-15. The garment of
Derdekeas in the Paraphrase of Shem reminds us in many ways of the way

the garment is used in the Syriac Hymn of the Pearl, on which see below.
695 The work is available in Coptic, though probably it was translated
from a Greek original. See Schneemelcher, New Testament Apocrypha, I.

362-3.
veals his esoteric teaching to his disciples. This work devotes much
attention to the garment of Light of the Saviour,696 which is consis-
tently identified with saving Gnosis and spiritual enlightenment.
The Saviour, Jesus, receives his garment of Light that he had left
behind in the Pleroma (Fullness or World of Light) that is both the
instrument of his revelation to mankind and his eventual ascent
back to the Light. Even more importantly, one finds here a curious
description of the secret mystery written on the garment: “…and I
found a mystery in my garment, written in the manner of writing of
those of the height,” containing the “gnosis of all gnoses,” that is,
everything the knowledge of which is necessary for attaining Gno-
sis697 - an image that brings to mind the idea in Yezidi tradition that
696 Chapters 6-10 contain a discourse by Jesus on his garment of light,

chapters 11-16 offer an account of his ascension to Heights wearing the
garment of light, and chapters 28-31 give yet another account by Jesus of
his passing through the aeons wearing the garment of light.
697 “It happened as I was sitting at a short distance from you upon
the Mount of Olives, I was thinking of the rank of the service for which I
was sent, that it should be completed, and that my garment was not yet
sent to me by the First Mystery…. that mystery had not yet sent me the
garment, which I had left behind within it until the time was completed…
But now - it happened through the command of that mystery, it sent me
my garment of light… that I should put it on me, and that I should begin
to speak with the race of mankind, and reveal to them all things from the
beginning of the truth until its completion… these are the completion of
all completions and the Pleroma of all Pleromas and the gnosis of all gno-
ses, these which are in my garment… great power of light came down, in
which was my garment which I had left in the 24th mystery, ... And I found
a mystery in my garment, written in the manner of writing of those of the height :<.. >
whose interpretation is: 'O Mystery which art outside the world , because
of which the All exists - this is the whole coming forth and the whole
ascent which has emanated all emanations and all that is within them, and
because of which all mysteries and all their places exist - come forth to us
because we are thy fellow-members….in this garment which we have now
sent thee is the glory of the name of the mystery of the informer... And
furthermore, there is in that garment the glory of the name of the mystery
of all the ranks of the emanations of the Treasury of the Light, and their
saviours… And furthermore there is in it the whole glory of the name (of
all those) who are on the right, and all those who are in the Midst. And
furthermore there is in it the whole glory of the name of the great invisi-
THE KHIRQE 243
the khirqe is just as much a part of the divine revelation as the qewls,
or sacred hymns, both having descended from heaven with the sole
aim of bringing true religion to the Yezidis.
The Hymn of the Pearl
The most poetic expression of the garment as a metaphor of salva-

tion through enlightenment is the glorious garment in the Hymn of
the Pearl. This hymn on the soul’s incarnation in material form and
its eventual liberation stands in a category all by itself in late antique
literature, while at the same time it is an eloquent example that “the
dividing line with respect to the usage of religious metaphors be-
tween…” Christianity, Gnosticism and Manichaeism “should not
be drawn too sharply in the sands of the Syrian desert.”698 Surviv-
ing in a Greek and a Syriac version (of which the Syriac is consid-
ered the older and original one), both the date of the Hymn’s com-
position and its exact religious provenance are fiercely debated.699
Some insist its author must have belonged to Jewish Christianity,
ble one, who is the great forefather… when I saw the mystery, of all these
words in the garment which was sent to me, I put it on in that hour, and I
gave light exceedingly, and I flew to the height.” Pistis Sophia I.6-7, I.9-10,
I.11, trans. V. Macdermot, text ed. C. Schmidt. NHS 9 (Leiden: Brill,
1978), 9-10, 16-18, 20. Note the emphasis on the divine names contained
by the garment. The knowledge of the names of both the beings of light
and the evil powers of the matter were of great importance for the Gnos-
tics. See, for example, the list of divine names in the baptismal service and
hymn included in the The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit or the Egyptian
Gospel (75.24-80.13), or the abundance of esoteric divine names in Gnostic
works in general. In the Pistis Sophia when the ascending Saviour meets the
archons of the heavenly spheres, and those see the mystery of their name
on his garment, their powers are annihilated and they all prostrate them-
selves before him.
698 J. Ferreira, The Hymn of the Pearl, Early Christian Studies 3. (Sydney:
St Pauls Publications, 2002), 24.

699 For the history of research on the Hymn of the Pearl and the differ-
ent origins ascribed to it, see Ferreira, Hymn of the Pearl, 9-25.
with strong encratite overtones and tinged by Jewish colors,700 oth-

ers that it was a midrash on Christian scriptures. It has also been
suggested that it was originally written for a non-Christian reader-
ship and “presents a Hellenistic myth of the human soul’s entry
into bodily incarnation and its eventual disengagement from the
body,”701 or was a work of Iranian mysticism or even a primitive
Iranian fairytale. Most researchers, however, see the message of the
Hymn as fundamentally Gnostic in nature.702 Presently all that can
be said with certainty is that it “originated in a milieu of diverse
influences.”703 While the Hymn of the Pearl could be and was read in
an orthodox way by Syrian Christians, and was incorporated in the
Acts of Thomas, it also became a favourite reading of the dualistic
Manichaean community. Its far reaching influence on Manichaean
terminology and even on its teaching of soteriology is widely ac-
knowledged by researchers.704
The Hymn of the Pearl, the soteriological myth of the Saved
Saviour, is the story of a young prince of the East sent to Egypt
(often presented as the realm of matter and death in Gnostic and
related literature)705 to find and retrieve a precious Pearl (metaphor
700For example, Quispel, “Gnosticism and the New Testament,”

Vigiliae Christianae 19.2 (1965): 71-72.
701 Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 366.
702 H. Jonas treats it as a poetic example of Iranian type of Gnosis.
Jonas, Gnostic Religion, Chapter 5 “The ‘Hymn of the Pearl,’” 112-29.

Ferreira thinks it “belongs to the Manichaean religious trajectory and, in
particular, that in its current form it may describe the spiritual journey of
an early Manichaean convert and poet.” (J. Ferreira, Hymn of the Pearl, 2.)
Earlier scholarship (for example, Bevan, Burkitt, Preuschen) looked to-
ward Syrio-Egyptian Gnosticism, and attributed the authorship to Bardai-
san or to one of his followers.
703 P. Poirier, L’Hymne de la Perle des Actes de Thomas (Louvain-la-
Neuve: Centre d’histoire des religions, 1981), 166.

704 Heuser - Klimkeit, Studies in Manichaean Literature and Art, 79-81,
Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 361; Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 120, note
89.
705 See Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 118.
THE KHIRQE 245
of the divine soul sunk in matter)706 guarded by a dragon or ser-

pent. Upon leaving his home, he has to take off his robe:
They made me strip off the glorious garment,
which in their love they had made for me,
and my purple toga
which was measured [and] woven according to my stature.707
However, he is promised:
If you go down to Egypt
and bring [back] the one pearl,
which is in the middle of the sea
surrounded by the hissing serpent,
then you will put on your glorious garment
and your toga which rests (is laid) over it.
And with your brother, our second in command,
You will be heir in our kingdom.708
Once in Egypt, he puts on native clothes, so as not to be con-
spicuous.709 Still the locals recognize that the prince is not one of
them and poison him with their food. He sinks into a kind of deep
sleep, or a state of oblivion, forgetting his origin and mission (that
is the Pearl). His family grieves for him and they write him a letter
706 Hans Jonas argues that the pearl is the symbol of the soul (of a di-
vine origin) lost and sunk in the material word, just as the real pearl lies
hidden in the dark depth of the sea (symbol of matter or of darkness into
which the divine has sunk) and great efforts have to be made to bring it
up to the light from there. (Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 125-8.) Similarly Man-
fred Heuser argues that the pearl symbolizes the soul to be redeemed
(Heuser - Klimkeit, Studies in Manichaean Literature, 79.) The image of the
pearl hidden in the deep ocean is recalled by the Yezidi Hymn of the Weak
Broken One 3 (Kreyenbroek, Sheikh Adi, 57), “We shall tell about the great
oceans., In it there are pearls and jewels.” However, the ocean in this case
is referred to in a positive way.
707 Hymn of the Pearl 9-10, translation of the Syriac version, John
Ferreira, The Hymn of the Pearl, 40.

708 Hymn of the Pearl 12-15, ibid. 40-2.
709 The saviour putting on garments of disguise, usually understood
as material bodies, so as to trick and confuse the evil powers on his de-
scent, is another frequent motif of gnosticizing mythologies.
telling him to wake up and remember his mission. The letter takes
on the likeness of an eagle and flies to the Prince, where it becomes
like a speech of words, with voice and sound. The living letter, or
Call, reminds the Prince not only of his family and mission, but
also of his lost garment:
Think of your glorious garment
Remember your splendid toga
Which you will put on and wear
When your name is called out from the book of the
combatants (athletes).710
The Prince awakens, remembers that he is a son of kings and has
come to get the Pearl. He manages to overcome the dragon by
reading his father’s name over the monster, snatches the Pearl and,
led by the letter-awakener, return home to his kingdom, where his
royal robe is waiting for him at the border. The mere sight of his
garment restores the Prince’s memory of his childhood, that is, of
his true origin and nature (i.e., it confers Gnosis):
And my glorious garment which I had stripped off,
And my toga which was wrapped with it…
My parents sent it there…711
When he sees it he remembers his childhood and his former splen-
dour:
And I was not remembering its fashion,
For in my childhood I had left my father’s house.
Then suddenly, as I received it,
The clothing seemed to me like a mirror of myself.
I saw all of it in myself,
And also I received all in it,
Because we were two in distinction,
But we were also one in form.
710 Hymn of the Pearl 46-7, ibid. 48.

THE KHIRQE 247
There follows a detailed description of the glorious garment em-

broidered with splendid colors decorated with precious stones, and
more importantly:
And the image of the king of kings
Was brought up and depicted in full all over it.
And also like the surface of the sapphire,
So too were its differing appearances.
I also saw that all over it,
The motions of knowledge were stirring.712
The garment and the prince hasten toward each other, and the
prince puts it on in an act of union that makes them as one:
And with kingly motions
All of it was moved (spread) towards me.
And upon the hand of its givers,
It hastened that I might receive it.
And also my love urged me
That I should run to meet it that I might receive it.
Then I stretched out and received it,
With the beauty of its colours I adorned myself.
And [with] my toga of bright colours,
I covered myself completely with it.713
Thus robed the prince ascends to the palace of his Father the King
to appear before him with his pearl.
Hans Jonas argues that the garment put off by the young prince,
which later comes to greet the prince and then becomes like one
with him, is in fact “the heavenly or eternal self of the person… a
kind of double or alter ego preserved in the upper world while he
labors down below.”714 In the Hymn this transcendental self of di-

714 Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 122. He traces this image back to the Zoro-
astrian teaching about the soul having a counterpart in heaven, the

“Daena,” representing the religious conscience of man. With this counter-
part the soul is united at the moment of death. To the righteous it appears
as a beautiful maiden, and to the wicked as a withered old whore, reflect-
ing – and being formed by – the deeds of their human counterparts in the
vine alter-ego appears as the garment, and “the encounter with this
divided-off aspect of himself, the recognition of it as his own im-
age, and the reunion with it signify the real moment of his salva-
tion.” 715
However, faithful to the multilayered and complex symbolism
of this allegorical journey of salvation, the garment could be rein-
terpreted to mean more than just the divine alter-ego, or a divine
figure symbolizing religious conscience (though the two interpreta-
tions are, of course, closely related). Many researchers are of the
opinion that the royal robe or garment is also equated with Gnostic
self-acquaintance, and plays a central role as the “main salvific
symbol of the Hymn,”716 that is, it is a metaphor of salvation
through enlightenment. When the young prince leaves for Egypt,
he has to leave his jewel-studded garment behind and put on the
clothes of the Egyptians, in other words he loses consciousness of
his true origins and mission. When the messenger comes from the
royal realm to wake him up, he reminds the prince of his garment,
“call to mind your garment shot with gold” (i.e. of his origins) so
different from his present state. Finally, when he completes his
mission, and takes the pearl, he is met by his robe that reminds him
of his true origins. Indeed, in the Hymn of the Pearl Gnosis is also an
attribute of the garment itself,717 for the prince sees his true self in
the garment as in a mirror,718 as well as the image of the “King of
world below. Carl H. Kraeling “Apocalypse of Paul and the ‘Iranische

Erlösungmysterium,’” Harvard Theological Review 24.3 (1931): 219. This
doctrine was also taken over by the Manichaeans, where the divine alter ego
usually appears at the moment of death, in the form of a shining deity,
acting as guide (see Bar Khoni, below); Manichaean hymns call it the “liv-
ing self;” in the Turfan fragment the Persian word applied to this being is
grev, translated as “self”, or “ego,” denoting the metaphysical, transcen-
dent person; in Chinese Manichaean texts it is referred to as “luminous
nature” or “inner nature” (Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 122-4.)
715 Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 122.
716 Ferrera, Hymn of the Pearl, 30, see also Layton, Gnostic Scriptures,
366-7.
717 Ibid. 88, see also 31, 76-7.
718 Layton’s translation: “Suddenly I saw my garment reflected as in a
mirror, I perceived in it my whole self as well, and through it I recognized

THE KHIRQE 249
Kings” (God) depicted on it, and motions of knowledge – that is

Gnosis – stirring all over it. In other words the garment brings the
answer to the old Gnostic question “what liberates is the knowl-
edge of who we were, what we became; where we were, whereinto
we have been thrown; whereto we speed.”719 By putting on the
garment the prince becomes reacquainted with his own self, his
true identity and origin, complete with true Gnosis or understand-
ing of the nature of all things divine, and in turn arises to the realm
of peace and is reunited with the Divinity.
Manichaeism
The garment of Light as a symbol of the divinity of human soul

and its eventual salvation from the fetters of matter also played an
important role in Manichaean mythology and is frequently men-
tioned in Manichaean writings, especially in hymns of a salvational
character.
The symbolism of the heavenly robe appears on two levels: in
the Manichaean creation myth and in salvational and eschatological
hymns (the latter level probably being of more interest to the pre-
sent research). In the Manichaean creation myth,720 when the pow-
ers of Darkness attack the Kingdom of Light, and Primal Man is
sent to battle them, he puts on as his armor, also referred to as his
garment, his Five Sons representing the divine attributes of the
Godhead.721 The Primal Man is overpowered by Darkness and
then subsequently rescued, but his armor or garment stays behind
(gnosis) and saw myself. For, though we derived from one and the same,
we were partially divided; and then we were one again with a single form.”
(Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 374.)
719 Excerpta ex Theodoto 78.2, quoted in Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 45.
720 See Chapter 2 “Religious Movements.”
721 “The Primal Man clad himself with five principles, which are the
five deities, the ether (zephyr), wind, light, water and fire. He took them as
armament.” Ibn an-Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist vol. II, 779. Cf. Theodore bar
Khoni, Lib. Schol. Mimrā XI. 59, trans. Hespel – Draguet, 234 “et le pre-
mier Homme appela ses cinq fils, comme quealqu’un qui revêt une armure
pour le combat.”
captive in the matter, waiting to be rescued and to return to the

Realm of Light.722
The second level (not unconnected, of course, with the first)
of the robe of light in the Manichaean drama of salvation is proba-
bly of more interest for our research here. This aspect of the
Manichaean robe of Light may have been influenced by the robe of
Glory of Syriac Christian baptismal and eschatological literature,723
perhaps some Gnostic ideas as well, and was beyond doubt influ-
enced by the garment imagery of the Hymn of the Pearl, 724 where
the garment is the ultimate symbol of the soul’s return to its origin
(the word of light) and union with its divine “self.” The robe of
Glory, together with the garland and/or crown, was a frequent mo-
tif of Manichaean salvational and eschatological hymns as the re-
ward of those who follow the true religion and thereby manage to
break the bonds of matter and escape from the material world.
These hymns reflect the Manichaean myth according to which the
soul of the righteous (who breaks the fetters of matter and ascends
back to Light) sets out on a journey to the Paradise of Light. On
the way it receives the garment of Light, which, as Klimkeit puts, is
“the symbol of the soul’s spiritual garb, or form, which can also
appear as its alter ego. The alter ego represents the new existential
condition for which the soul, hitherto clad in the body, had been
722 “A part therefore went forth from my robe, it went, it lightened
their Darkness… for I await my robe until it comes and clothes him that
shall wear it. I will await my enlightening Light until it strips itself of their
Darkness…When therefore my shining robe comes and clothes him that
shall wear it… then I will strike my foot on the earth and sink their Dark-
ness down… I will uproot the Darkness and cast it out and plant the
Light it its place.” Psalms of Thomas, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II,
205.22-207.9. See also Kephalaia 72 and 175-76, Gardner, Kephalaia, 74 and
185-88.
723 Brock, “Some Aspect,” 98, 103
724 The Hymn of the Pearl, and the Thomas Literature (into which it was
incorporated) in general, enjoyed a great popularity and wide circulation in

Manichaean circles; so much that the apocryphal writings attributed to
Thomas, twin of Jesus, eventually became discredited in orthodox Chris-
tian circles due to their association with Manichaeans.
THE KHIRQE 251
yearning.”725 It is accompanied by the signs of “victory” or symbols

of salvation: the diadem, crown and the wreath. “Finally, the soul
can unite with its divine alter ego, or clothe itself in the heavenly
garment:”726
Mani said: When death comes to one of the Elect, Primal Man
sends him a light shining deity in the form of the Wise
Guide.727 With him are three deities, with whom there are
drinking vessel, clothing, headcloth, crown, and diadem of
light. There accompanies them a virgin who resembles the soul
of that member of the Elect… Then they take the member of
the Elect and garb him with the crown, the diadem and the
garments.728
The archetype for the victorious journey of the freed Living
Soul (the usual term for the light imprisoned in man) breaking free
of the material world is provided by the fate of Mani himself, who
could be seen not only as the last Prophet, but also as a role-model
for all the faithful. A Parthian Manichaean text describes the death
of the Manichaean Apostle with these words:
Just like a sovereign who takes off armour and garment and
puts on another royal garment, thus the Apostle of Light took
off the warlike dress of the body and sat down in a ship of
Light and received the divine garment, the diadem of Light,
and the beautiful garland. And in great joy he flew together
with the Light Gods that are going to the right and to the left
(of him.)729
Inspired by the myth and by the example of Mani’s fate,
Manichaean hymns describing the liberated soul receiving its gar-
ment of Light (with the garland and/or diadem, wreath) abound
725 Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 19.

726 Ibid.
727 The Wise Guide may be a sort of “Second Self” or “personified
righteousness,” related to the notion of the Divine Alterego in the Pearl of

the Hymn. (See Klimket, Gnosis, 18-9.)
728 An-Nadim, Fihrist II, 795.
729 T II D 79 = M 5569, Parthian: MM III: 860-62; Cat. p. 111, As-
mussen, Manichaean Literature, 55-6.

from Egypt to Central Asia, written in Coptic, Middle-Persian, Par-

thian and Turkish:
One (angel) holds the prize in his hand. The second bears the
light garment. The third is the one who possesses the diadem
and the wreath and the crown of light.730
If thou hast set thyself to love me, then I will set upon thee the
robe of Glory and the garland of victory, because thou hast be-
lieved in the Truth.731
When I reached the Land of (lacuna…) before me, they
brought a brightness forth (lacuna…) they brought a [Light],
they clothed me in it, (lacuna…) and the garland of victory
they brought it and set it upon my head; the Living numbered
me in their number and set me down among them, Amen.732
You shall put on a radiant garment and gird on Light; And I
shall set upon your head the diadem of sovereignty… A palace
is the dominion of the primeval First Born, for in it he clothes
himself in gladness and binds on the diadem of sovereignity.
And all his friends – he binds diadem upon them, and clothes
their bodies in the garment of gladness. And all the believers
and the pious Elect he clothes in praise, and binds on them the
diadem.733
They (i.e. the saved) go to the Heaven of Light where the gods
abide and are at peace.
They receive their (true) nature (or form), the original splendor
of the radiant palace and are joyful.
730 Kephalaia 36.12-21, Gardner, Kephalaia, 40.

731 Psalms to Jesus CCXLV, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 53.12-
15.
732Psalm of Thomas 18, ibid., 224.10-5.
733Huwīdagmān VI c.4-13, quoted in M. Boyce, The Manichaean Hymn
Cycles in Parthian, London Oriental Series 3. (London: Oxford University
Press, 1954), 103. Cf. Huyadagmān (Turkish version), Canto VI, Klimkeit,
Gnosis on the Silk Road, 105-6.
THE KHIRQE 253
They put on the resplendent garment, and they live in Paradise

eternally.734
My soul is saved from all the sins
which day by day [oppressed] me [ever] in anguish
And the dark, hot (?) distress is taken from me
Which at the outset, in the beginning, made me captive in.
I am clothed with a garment of Light…
Every kind of… is taken off from me.735
THE GARMENT OF LIGHT AMONG CONTEMPORARY

HETERODOX GROUPS IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Yezidis are not the only people among today’s heterodox groups in
the Middle East whose religious texts speak about a garment of
Light. It also appears as an eschatological garment in Mandaean
and Nusayrî tradition.
Mandaeans:
The garment of Light plays an important role in the baptism ritual
(maşbuta) of Mandaeans. Mandaeans teach that the water of bap-
tism is an investiture with light garments:
In the name of the Life! Let every man whose strength enables
him and who loves his soul come and go down to the yardna
and be baptised and receive the pure sign, and put on robes of
radiant light and set a fresh klila [crown or wreath] on his
head.736
According to Buckley, when Mandaean baptismal texts talk about
putting on “robes of radiant Light” and “garment of Light,” they
734 A Parthian Hymn, in Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 60.

735 Boyce, The Manichaean Hymn-Cycle, 66 (Parthian).
736 Drower, Canonical Prayerbook p. 13, quoted in J. J. Buckley, “Why
Once Is Not Enough: Mandaean Baptism (Maşbuta) as an Example of a

Repeated Ritual,” History of Religions 29.1 (1989): 29.
do not refer to material robes but rather to the water of baptism

itself, which is the “Lightworld incarnate,” the garment of Light for
the baptized. “It is in the water we clothe ourselves” says a Man-
daean text.737
The garment of Light, a garment representing the Lightworld
where the Mandaean soul strives to return, is also mentioned in
connection with death and the salvation of the human soul (from
this material word). Upon its return to the kingdom of light, its
native home, the soul, is invested with a garment and a wreath.738
According the Mandaean text, the Left Ginza, after death a “helper”
(a sort of saviour figure) meets the soul of the righteous – just like
in Manichaean myth – bringing with himself certain apparels of
clothing. These are a beautiful garment of splendor, a turban of
light, a wreath, and such other things as the Great Life presents to
its Uthras (shining angelic spirits). The soul is dressed in these gar-
ments before beginning its ascent to heaven, back to the Light-
world.739
Nusayrîs
The religious literature of the Nusayrîs740 also makes references to a
luminous garment, which Nusaryî souls wore before their fall and
imprisonment into the body, and which the soul will eventually
regain when it manages to return to its former state of purity. A
thirteenth-century treatise of the Nusayrî scholar Yūsuf ibn al-‘Ajūz
al-Nashshābî describes the ascent of the Nusayrî gnostic back to
737 Ibid. As a matter of fact the garment is present in a material form

during the ritual of (repeated) baptism, though there is no ritual of investi-
ture (after the baptism). Instead, those to undergo the rite of baptism wear
a white robe (rasta) from the beginning of the baptismal ritual. Buckley
explains this practice by the fact that Mandaeans are a baptizing sect, that
is, baptisms are usually not initiatory, and participants are usually already
Mandaeans, they are not entering a new stage of life.
738 Kurt Rudolph, Mandaeism , Iconography of Religions 21 (Leiden:
Brill, 1978), 15.

739 Ginza, p. 516, 14-19, trans. M. Lidzbarski, 1925, referred to in
Kraeling “Apocalypse of Paul,” 217-8, and note 29.

740 On Nusayrîs see chapter “Heterodox Movements.”
THE KHIRQE 255
the word of light. The soul, on its way up as it rises degree by de-
gree in the spiritual world, and seeks to be completely purified and
to follow the instruction essential for knowledge of God, will re-
member the spiritual garment that was once in its possession and
its entire existence before the Fall.741 When the soul will attain per-
fect gnosis, “one of the fundamental functions of this gnosis is to
evoke in the soul of the Nusayrî Gnostic the memory of its distant
past and of the luminous garments it wore before its imprisonment in
the body.”742 The so-called “Nusayrî Catechism”743 also makes
mention of the garments of light: enlightened souls return to the
world of light and put on garments of light:
Q. 80 Where do the souls of our brethren, the believers go
upon their departure from their tombs which are their garment
of flesh and blood?
A. They go to the great luminous world where they attain hap-
piness and eternal life for ever and ever, and put on the gar-
ments of light, which are the stars.744
Bar-Asher and Kofsky are also of the opinion that the garment of
Light in Nusayrî tradition reflects direct Christian influence: “The
goal of the Nusayrî Gnostic is to restore his lost state in the lumi-
nous paradise before the Fall…. The use of the term ‘garments of
light’ seems to reflect the author’s awareness of the old Jewish
Christian motif interpreting Gen. 3.21. This verse mentions the
‘garments of skins’ (kutnôt ‘ôr), which were interpreted as garments
of light (kutnôt ôr).”745
741 Bar-Asher, The Nusayrî-‘Alawî Religion, 77

742 Ibid., 77-78
743 Researchers are of the opinion that while the question-answer
form of this nineteenth-century Nusayrî work was influenced by Western

Christian catechisms, which circulated in nineteenth-century Syria, the
actual contents of the Catechism are genuine Nusayrî doctrines. See ibid.,
166.
744 Ibid., 192.
745 Ibid., 192, note 140.
COMPARISON OF THE YEZIDI KHIRQE AND THE LATE

ANTIQUE ROBE OF GLORY
It has been demonstrated that the garment terminology once en-

joyed an immense popularity throughout the Mediterranean, and
was a part of the common religious discourse. There is no reason
to assume that this motif could not have penetrated what later be-
came Kurdish-Yezidi territory, in the mountains bordering North-
ern Mesopotamia. Of course, there is no one-to-one correspon-
dence between Yezidi notions concerning the khirqe and the differ-
ent late antique “garment theologies” quoted above – nor can there
be. After all, Yezidism is a religion of its own, just like Judaism,
Christianity, Gnosticism or Mancihaeism before it, and as such it
reworks and creatively transforms elements inherited from older
sources. At the same time late antique garment symbolism is so
multi-faceted itself, with so many threads running through and
connecting the different traditions, that unraveling one single
thread in this complex woven texture would be more than impos-
sible
Still, just as one can trace the development of the “garment of
glory” from the Genesis story through Judaism, Christianity, and
dualistic movements to finally contemporary Mandaeism, it would
also be hard to deny that the Yezidi khirqe recalls the garment of
Light or robe of Glory on enough points to make a “genetic” rela-
tionship more than likely.
Trying to pinpoint a concrete source for these points of simi-
larity would not be possible (or even necessary). Syriac Christianity,
with a liturgy where garment theology is present to this day746
would certainly have played a strong influence. Jewish groups, es-
pecially the scholars of Mosul, could have made their own mark.
Gnostics and Manichaeans are in the race as well. Obviously these
746 According to Brock: “Although this symbolic approach to theol-
ogy suffered a set-back with the christological controversies of the fifth

and following centuries… it nevertheless continued to be favoured by the
liturgical poets… and thus it lives on to the present day, preserved in the
liturgical books of the Church of the East” (Brock, “Clothing Meta-
phors,” 21-22.)
THE KHIRQE 257
different movements would have all influenced the population in

Northern Mesopotamia and in the bordering Kurdish mountains
throughout Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, with ideas from
different sources fusing and fusing again through the contact of
different groups and traditions, until it was distilled into what is
known today as Yezidi religious tradition.
I would like to sum up briefly here only the most salient ex-
amples of possible influence, in order to highlight my contention
that notions ultimately deriving from late antique garment imagery
can be found in Yezidi religious tradition today.
God’s robe
As the Yezidi texts quoted above make it clear, the khirqe is a part
of the divine, inherently connected with it since its moment of
creation. It is the clothing of God – by virtue of being both a part
of him, and brought into existence by him. It is the very first thing
to be created and it is an integral part of the creational process.
Jewish writings mention God’s robe of shining Light. In the
Hekhaloth hymns and related literature God’s garment of Light has
cosmic dimensions, it fills the word with light at the time of crea-
tion, or, alternatively, heaven or the heavenly light bodies were cre-
ated from the light of God’s garment.
Yezidi hymns do not explicitly mention light coming from the
khirqe, but it is repeatedly referred to as nûranî – luminous, literally
“from light” - and as was seen above, the text of the Prayer of Pil-
grimage and the Hymn of A and B may legitimately lead to the conclu-
sion that khirqe was identified with God’s light. There are also
many references to light coming from God, or from the Pearl in
which God was first hidden, and which was simultaneously also
created by him,747 and from which the khirqe appeared.748
747 “One day I was pondering night and day, I seek protection with
God. What a great ocean he is! He is also an endless light.” The Hymn of the
Oceans 1-2 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 203.) “In the ocean there was only a
pearl… you quickly gave it a soul, You made your own light manifest in
it.” The Hymn of the Creation of the World 4 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 183.) On
It may also be worthy of attention that parallels of Yezidi

beliefs concerning a sacred garment worn by God can also be
found among the Ahl-i Haqq, another heterodox Kurdish speaking
group.749 Ahl-i Haqq texts mention that “for some time He (God)
was also in the dress (libas) of Adam,” indicating belief in a divine
garment that was worn by God, but was also “available” to Adam
in his prelapsarian state.750
Baptism of the khirqe in the White Spring

The baptism of the khirqe in the White Spring, where all Yezidis
must be baptized (as well as the khirqes of the feqirs,) is another im-
portant theme of Yezidi hymns. This association of baptism, sacred
spring, garment and God may possibly be traced back to Christian
tradition where not only is baptism associated with the garment of
Light (just as in Gnosticism,) but Jesus is understood to have de-
posited the robe of Glory in the water upon his descent into the
Jordan for his baptism, making it available for all those to be bap-
tized in the “Jordan” in the future.
Angels and the khirqe

Yezidi angels being in possession of the khirqe is part of an old tra-
dition. Angels wearing garments of light – just like the garment of
Adam before the Fall, and the garment promised to the righteous
as their reward in the hereafter – has been known to both Jewish
and Christian tradition.
God inundating the world with his Light, see The Hymn of the Lights
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 90-93.)
748 “My King separated the Pearl from himself, He gazed on it with
concentration, He made a mental image and brought in into existence. My

King detached the Pearl from himself. The Pearl is a plentiful light, The
luminous light is (like) a star. The Pearl comes from the word of the King,
The khirqe appeared from it. Always holy men receive salutations because
of it.” The Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 4-6 (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 209.)
749 See chapter on “Heterodox Movements.”
750 Ivanow, The Truth Worshippers of Kurdistan, 169.
THE KHIRQE 259
Identifying the angels with the khirqes, in hymns where the

emanation of the angels is described as the multiplication of the
khirqes, is a more exciting development. As far as can be ascer-
tained, this is probably a Yezidi innovation, where material inher-
ited from earlier traditions is reworked in a creative way to help
best express Yezidi belief concerning the Godhead and its relation
with its angelic emanations. Just as the khirqe is an expression of
God’s light, love and very being, so are the angels the emanations
or expression of this same primordial existence, hence the image of
identifying the appearance of the angels with that of the khirqe.
It is just possible, that the Gnostic garment, this external, but
still integrally connected “accessory” of the saviour figure, which
gains an independent existence when the Saviour751 descends be-
low, to exist then as a tool of Gnosis and also a divine alterego,752
may have influenced the Yezidi notions of the connections be-
tween the khirqe and the divine emanations of God.
Adam’s lost angelic robe

The story of Adam’s angelic robe and its loss when he transgressed
God’s command has already been dealt with in the last chapter.
There is no need to reiterate the details here.
Khirqe as a garment of Gnosis / spiritual enlightenment

The comparison of the Yezidi khirqe as a garment of divine revela-
tion with the late antique garment of Light as a source of religious
Gnosis is a difficult task because of possible parallels with the
khirka, garment of those who choose to follow the path of the true
Sufi, who spurns the world and seeks a life of piety, spiritual
enlightenment and mystical perfection. Of course, it is exactly these
parallels and similarities between the Sufi khirka and late antique
garment of Light that may have made the eventual “marriage” of
the two diverse traditions easier, contributing to the birth of the
751 The Saviour himself is of course an emanation of the Godhead, as
everything in the World of Light.

752 See, for example, Paraphrase of Shem, Pistis Sophia, Hymn of the Pearl.
Yezidi khirqe. Notwithstanding, some features of this Yezidi gar-

ment of religious salvation present characteristics that are peculiar
to the garment of Light as a bringer of divine revelation, Gnosis in
late antique dualistic writings.
The khirqe itself is called sur, the word used to denote the
“mystery,” the “essence of the divine,” and as a sur it is the source
of divine revelation.753 Khirqe is a part of divine revelation, it brings
gnosis just like (or together with) the sacred hymns,754 recalling the
light garment of the Parahrase of Shem, the Untitled Text, or the Tri-
morphic Protennoia. It is the source of gnosis, the final aim that feqirs
(all those ready to get rid of their lower soul and seek a higher un-
derstanding of themselves and of God) seek for, it is the key to
spiritual understanding.755 The Yezidi khas, or incarnated angels
(who are themselves the emanations of God’s essence, sur) bring
the khirqe (also emanated from God and representing an aspect of
his sur) to the earth in order to distribute divine wisdom756 and silev
(well-being, salvation, deliverance), an image that calls to mind the
successive incarnations of divine beings in Gnostic writings, who
descend on earth to bring Gnosis:
The holy men and angels distributed well-being
The symbols of Sultad Ezid were the khirqes, they stayed on
earth.757
Khirqe as an eschatological garment

Finally there is the eschatological aspect: the garment of Light be-
ing given as a reward to the righteous, either immediately after
death or when the world comes to an end. This aspect can be
found in one form or another in all the religious movements men-
E.g. Hymn of Black Furqan 25.

753
E.g. Hymn of the Black Furqan 37, 41, 44.

754
755 E.g. Hymn of the Faith 19-21; The Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 7-10.
756 Hymn of the Black Furqan 37-46 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
100-02.)
757 E.g. Hymn of the Faith 22.
THE KHIRQE 261
tioned above, and it is also present in two other contemporary reli-

gious traditions, that of the Mandaeans and of the Nusayrîs.
We have seen that Yezidi mythology and hymns paint a simi-
lar image. The eschatological Hymn of Sherfedin talks about the khirqe
accruing to those pure souls who fight on the side of the Mahdi at
the End of the World. The two versions of the Hymn of the Faith
attest to similar beliefs.
Having studied the garment imagery in Christian and
Gnosticism hymns, another motif in The Hymn of Sherfedin can be
mentioned now, which helps further reinforce the argument that
such a usage of the khirqe can be traced back to late antique reli-
gious language. The passage in the hymn dealing with the confer-
ring of the khirqes runs as follows:
The riders of the valley are prepared
Let them come and open the boxes for you
Let them come and adorn you like brides
Let them cause (people) to accept for themselves the true path
of Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin.
Here are the green and red boxes
water
The Feqirs will abolish laments and injustice from this world.
The Feqirs will abolish lamentations from this world
They will take truth and their rightful share to that place.758
Comparing the conferring of the khirqe to the adorning of
brides in an eschatological hymn is clearly a distant echo of the
wedding garment and eschatological wedding banquet, popular
themes in Syriac Christian eschatological literature (and in Gnostic
70.)
writings.)759 The choice of the word “bride” to refer to the feqirs is

rather curious even so – it should be bridegroom, surely, in such a
patriarchic society. The image of a bride is an old Christian (and
Jewish) allegory. In Christian texts it usually refers to the Church,
while Christ is the bridegroom. But it may similarly refer not only
to the “collective community of the faithful,” but also to the indi-
vidual in it, the human soul. The best known example is the alle-
gorical interpretation of the Song of Songs. In Jewish tradition it is an
allegory of God’s love for the People of Israel (the bride.) Origen,
the famous second-century Christian philosopher of Alexandria
understands it in his influential Homilies on the Song of Songs as a dou-
ble allegory of love and wedding between Christ (bridegroom) and
the Church (bride), as well as between the believer’s soul (bride)
and God. This literary background of the eschatological wedding
garment and the bride allegory may account for the surprising im-
age of the feqirs (the faithful) being donned in “elegant black
khirqes” as blushing brides at a wedding in their bridal finery, before
taking their rightful place.
***
In the previous chapter it was seen how Adam’s khirqe is closely

related to the late antique ideas concerning the garment of Light
that Adam wore in Paradise and lost as a result of his transgression.
In this chapter I demonstrated that, in addition to the myth of
Adam, there are many other points where the late antique specula-
tions concerning a garment of Light, or robe of Glory, have proba-
bly exerted a profound influence on the Yezidi concept of khirqe.
While the concept of khirqe as the shirt of Sufis or feqirs, men de-
voted to the quest of God, is of Sufi origin, its Yezidi manifestation
displays a number of aspects that can be much better understood if
one looks for their roots in the garment theologies of Late Antiq-
uity. Such aspects include the notion that the khirqe was originally
In Gnostic literature the wedding imagery seems to refer more to

759
the moment of baptism than to that of death. True, Gnostic texts are little
concerned with physical death, as for them the decisive moment is that of
receiving the soul-liberating Gnosis, also seen as spiritual baptism.
THE KHIRQE 263
the cloth of God, a notion well attested in Judaism, being a part of

his essence and creative power, as well as the idea that the khirqe
was then worn by the Angels of God, which can be found in Juda-
ism, Christianity and Gnosticism alike. The association of the bap-
tism of the khirqe may go back to the image of baptism in the wa-
ters of Jordan, where Jesus deposited the robe of Glory. Seeing the
khirqe as a means of religious enlightenment, a bringer of divine
revelation on par with the sacred texts is best paralleled in Gnostic
speculations on the garment of Light. Finally the function of the
khirqe as an eschatological garment, most likely has, once again, its
origins in the rich and long-lasting tradition of the robe of Glory
given as a reward to the righteous in the hereafter.
8 “THE SONG OF THE COMMONER”:
THE MOTIF OF SLEEP AND AWAKENING
THE TITLE AND COMPOSITION OF “THE SONG OF THE

COMMONER” (BEYTA CINDÎ)
Even the title (Beyta Cindî) of this hymn calling on believers to

awaken is intriguing. It is called a beyt, literally a song, not a hymn.
It is a song indeed, in the sense that it has to be sung every morn-
ing before sunrise by men of religion.760 However, as this practice
shows, its relevance and sacredness far surpasses that of ordinary
760 I heard the Beyta Cindî at Lalish, at the great, week-long Festival of
Sheikh Adi in October. While sharing a room with the female members of
the Prince’s family in the guest house attached to the Central Sanctuary, I
was awoken by some strange and insistent chanting of the qewwals before
dawn. I had no idea what the noise was. In fact, I was somewhat irritated,
what an ungodly hour to sing, until the next day, when I learned that what
I had heard was in fact nothing else but the Beyta Cindî. So I had to return
and spend another night there in order to witness and record the ritual.
Sadly, there was some uncertainty as to when the song should be per-
formed, so I got up with the help of an alarm clock too early, and spent
the next hour worrying if perhaps the ritual was cancelled for some ob-
scure reason. Finally, my endurance paid off, and I was rewarded with the
sight of men of religion trying to shake awake all those sleeping in the
courtyard in front of the Sanctuary door awake while the qewwals carried
on their singing. I may have heard Beyta Cindî on another occasion, on
New Year’s dawn while sleeping on a rooftop in Beshiqe-Behzani, but
later none of the household could confirm if the distant singing and
sound of instruments I had heard before dawn was that of the Song of the
Commoner sung by the qewwals of the village in honour of the holiday. Such
an uncertainty about rituals is, by the way, rather typical among lay-
Yezidis.
265
beyts, which are usually ranked lower than hymns.761 The Beyta Cindî
is among the most sacred and respected texts. Translating cindî as
“commoner” is another interesting point. Cindî literally means ‘sol-
dier’ in Kurdish762 – however, as Yezidi hymns apply this word to
“ordinary, hard-working people of no particular distinction,”763 or
to “a godfearing Yezidi, with a connotation of poverty, discipline
and simplicity,”764 Kreyenbroek opted for translating it as “com-
moner.” (Commoner here corresponds to the English translation
of mirîd, a Yezidi layman.) Notwithstanding, cindî is an appellation
that retains a sense of the need to fight for the faith765 – a sense
very much present in the Beyta Cindî that calls on the faithful to
wake up from sleep, “confront the harsh world head-on,” and go to
war.
The song begins with an exhortation to wake up, and
throw off sleep. It condemns sleep as “unlawful” for commoners
(soldiers), for good men, for discerning people, that is, for those
who are wearing the khirqe.766 Sleep is “dark” and leading to “se-
vere punishment and hell” says the song. Next, the song describes
how in the middle of the night, a voice comes from high – evi-
dently the wake up call belongs to this voice. It reminds the believ-
ers of the job waiting for them. The “owner” of the voice is re-
ferred to as a cockerel of many colors, calling from the High
Throne, where it is in the company of the Greatest Angel. It re-
peats the wake up call, saying that nights are not for sleeping, rather
it is time for the soldiers to go and confront the world head-on and
prepare for war. Further expanding on the theme of sleep, the song
761 See chapter on “Yezidi Religion.”

762 It is a word of Arabic origin.
763 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 241, note 1. According to Dr. Khalil Jindî
Rashow (oral information) it means the “soldier of God.”

764 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 369, Note 29.
765 Thus, for example, The Hymn of Sherfedin, and eschatological hymn
on the end of the world and the last battle between good and evil, repeat-
edly employs this term to talk about those who will fight on Sherfedin’s
side.
766 Again, we must remember the Sufi roots of Yezidism, when the
adherents of this Sufi dervish order must have all been considered as feqirs
at least in a loose sense and, thus, possess the khirka.
“THE SONG OF THE COMMONER” 267
declares that the soldier, who was asleep, was slack in his service,
not willing, and was therefore dismissed by his master from his job.
The injunction against sleep is repeated, decreeing “do not sleep at
night.” Instead the commoner should look heavenward, to the
Eternal Paradise. The next five verses (28-32) leave the subject of
sleep, and sing about drinking wine from deep, strong cups - the
traditional Sufi symbol of becoming drunk with divine love and
ecstasy.767
At the thirty-second verse, there is a break in the text.
The first part of the beyt, the wake up call, ends, and the second
begins. This second part, also referred to as the Hymn of the Head-
dress, is said to constitute a separate hymn, though it is recited to-
gether with the first part of the Song of the Commoner.768 There is no
more mention of sleep and fight or of the cup of divine intoxica-
tion. Instead the text talks about a luminous, heavenly headdress,
or crown (kof) – around which all the believers and discerning ones
have gathered - and future glimpses of heaven. The song ends (44-
46) with a description of the holy places in Lalish, though it may be
assumed that it is heavenly Lalish (the prototype of the earthly
Lalish, also considered the Throne of God) that is being described
here, which the soul reaches after ascending to the light of heaven.
To really appreciate this beyt and its vague allusions in
depth, it is necessary to quote all of the song here:
(1) Oh commoner, get up, it is day!
Enough, throw off (?) this sleep,
Sleeping (until just) before morning (leads to) severe punish-
ment and hell.
767 “Wine” in Sufi poetry has always stood for divine love and
“drunkenness” for mystical intoxication or divine ecstasy. See Omaima

Abou-Bakr, “The Symbolic Function of Metaphor in Medieval Sufi Po-
etry: The Case of Shushtari,” Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics 12 (1992):
46; and A. Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, 58-59.
768 “According to one of Silêman and Jindî’s informants, the text
from here on constitutes a separate Qewl, the ‘Hymn of Headdress’, which

is normally recited together with the ‘Song of the Commoner’.” Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, 242, note 31. The Hymn of the Headdress is also included in
the Hymn of Sheikh Heseni Sultan with minor variations.
(2) Oh commoner, get up, get up!

Enough, be content with this (much) sleep,
Sleeping (until just) before morning (leads to) severe punish-
ment.
(3) Get up from sweet sleep!
Enough, look at this narrow grave.
The Feqîrs are without anguish, without anger.
(4) Get up from dark sleep!
Sleep is now unlawful for commoners.
Oh you men with a livelihood and payments (to take care of).
(5) Get up from sleep in the morning!
Sleep is now unlawful because of (the obligation to give)
praise.
Oh you men wearing the khirqe.
(6) Get up from the sleep of early dawn!
Sleep is now unlawful for many
Oh you men wearing khirqes that have been ‘baptised.’
(7) Get up from the sleep of evenings!
Sleep is now unlawful for good men,
Oh you men with busy lives.
(8) Get up from… sleep!
Sleep is now unlawful for discerning769 people
Oh you men of…770
(9) My dear, in the middle of the night.
A voice from on high is coming
(10) Come, your job is waiting for you (?).
Your livelihood is a good one,
769 Zergûn is translated as “discerning” by Kreyenbroek. According to Dr
Khalil Jindî Rashow (oral communication) this word refers to a true Sufi,
someone highly advanced in his journey toward understanding God.
770 The Kurdish text has xudanêd danan û stûna, which means “gifts
and pillars,” but Kreyenbroek was of the opinion that these made little
sense in this context. See Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 241, note 12.
It is in the service of the Lord.

(11) My dear, the cockerels call you.
These nights are not for sleeping.
The commoners [soldiers] go out into the world.
(12) Commoners [soldiers] do not go to sleep again.
They will go to confront the harsh world head-on.
They do not tell lies to their master.
(13) The cockerel, its feathers are white.
It is calling from the High Throne,
It is with the pre-eternal Angel.771
Our shouts and cries for help are directed to the assembly of
Sheikh Adi.
(14) The cockerel, its feathers are red.
It is calling from the throne below,
It is with the Angel who presides over baptism.
Our shouts and cries for help are directed to the assembly of
the qibla of the full moons.
(15) The cockerel, its feathers are yellow.
It is calling from the throne on high,
It is with the Greatest Angel.
Our shouts and cries for help are directed to Sheykh Shems
the Tartar.
(16) The cockerel its feathers are green.
Do end this sleep!
Get up and ask Sheykh Adi for a livelihood, for berat,772 and
for sustenance.
(17) The cockerel of the Throne has crowed,
The one on earth has answered.
Sheikh Adi is in Hakkari,
My King is in the merciful heart.
(18) The cockerel, crowing,
771 Melkê beriyê – the angel who was before.

772 Little balls of earth from the Central Sanctuary in Lalish.
Is calling to the beloved.

It faces the Angel above
Oh my brother, it has made a light I the assembly of Sheykh
Adi.
(19) The cockerel, its feathers are many-coloured.
A voice comes from the Throne,
All who are awake are preparing themselves for war!
(20) My dear, the Feqîrs are clever,
They do no see their master with heir eyes.
They receive their livelihood from he great Master.
(21) Oh commoner, get up, it is day!
The Feqîrs have gone to face the sun..
The fronts of their khirqes, their buttons and their khirqes have
become wet with dew.
(22) Get up from sleep in the morning!
The Feqîrs have gone to the Doorway773
The front parts of the khirqes, their buttons and their khirqes
have become wet with dew.
(23) Get up from darkness, friend.
Head for the streams of water,
Cleanse your hands and eyes,
Such has (always) been our custom, comrade.
(24) Oh commoner, you were asleep.
You are slack in your service,
That is why the great Master has dismissed you from your job.
(25) I was not willing, that is why I slept.
Had I been willing, I would not have slept,
That is why the great Master has dismissed me from my job.
(26) Oh commoner, do not eat by day,
And do not sleep by night.
773 I.e., the “‘the doorway of the Prince’ at the Sanctuary, where the
Feqîrs stand when they pray in the mornings.” Kreyenbroek, Yezidism,

241, note 26.
Each day when the sun comes up,

You shall receive your livelihood from the Great Master.
(27) Oh commoner, do not eat in the daytime,
And do not sleep at night.
Lift your head, look at the properties and gardens (above):
Eternal Paradise is the realm of Sultan Êzid, peace be upon
him.
(28) Oh commoner, you are kind,
We need wine from the deep cups.
Come on, brother, (let us go) to this pond, the property of
Ebû Bekr the Righteous.
(29) Oh, commoner, you are a commoner,
We need wine from the strong cups.
Come on, brother, (le us go) to this pond, the property of ‘Eli
and ‘Umer.
(30) Oh, commoner, you are the guide.
We need wine from special cups.
Come on, brother, (let us go) to his pond, the property of
Khidr-Ilyas.
(31) Oh commoner, you are the one who knows the way,
We need wine from special cups.
Come on, brother (let us go) to this pond, the property of ‘Eli
and ‘Umer.
(32) Oh commmoner, you are enlightened,
We need wine from the discerning cups.
Come on, brother, (let us go) to this pond, the property of
Shems el-Dîn and Fekhr el-Dîn.
(33) My heart is full of grief,
The Pîr whose name is (Pîrê) Libnan.
Oh beloved Pîrê Libnan,
The ornament of the Mystery of Sheykh Mend, the son of
Fekhr.
(34) Your headdress is strong,
The saints have gathered around it
The ornament of the mystery of Sheykh Adi.
(35) Your headdress is in place,

The Mirîds have gathered around it.
The ornament of the mystery of Sultan Êzîd.
(36) Your headdress is great,
The believers have gathered around it.
The ornament of the mystery of Melek Sheykh Hesen.
(37) Your headdress is pristine,
It has come to be commemorated in the world.
The ornament of the mystery of Sheykh Obekr.
(38) Your headdress is luminous
The discerning ones have gathered around it.
The ornament of the mystery of Shems el-Dîn and Fekhr el-
Dîn.
(39) Your headdress is in order,
The good men have taken their share of it.
O Pîrê Libnan, Khidr-Ilyas himself is (your) neqîb.774
(40) Your headdress is precious,
It flew, it went away, it was in Heaven,
It circled around the Throne
(41) Mîr Seja of Seja,
Nasural-Dîn of Baban,
The Lion Mehmed Reshan,
The Pîr who is the translator,
Dawûd the son of Derman,
Have truly surrendered their souls.
Mîr Hesen Meman
Is the leader of all forty of us.775
774 Neqîb is a Persian word, meaning “chief, leader” or “personal ser-
vant.” It is often used in connection with Khidr-Ilyas. See Kreyenbroek,

Yezidism, 240, note 34.
Oh beloved Pîrê Libnan

The ornament of the Mystery of Sheykh Mend of Fekhr.
(42) I went towards that light.
One cries out in deep emotion.
Oh the forecourt, of the surrounding wall.
(43) I went towards heaven.
That sight pleases me,
The Commoner has become a Prince dressed in Black.
(44) I went on the Roof of the Cave.776
We saw the streams of the ocean,777
Their cups stood on the gezir.778
(45) I went to the Silavgeh,779
Our joy in the Spires,780
Oh beloved Pîrê Libnan.
(46) At the eternal place, at the eternal foundation,781
775 Hesen Meman is said to have been the leader of the forty pîrs who
became the ancestors of today’s pîr families. The descendants of the He-
sen Meman pîr lineage are forbidden to marry with other pîrs, bringing the
lineage to near extinction in our days.
776 Part of the Lalish Sanctuary above the sacred Cave.
777 According to Kreyenbroek’s informant, “the image refers to the
streams of pilgrims coming up to the Sanctuary.” Kreyenbroek, God and

Sheikh Adi, 242, note 44.
778 I.e., a special kind of firewood used in Lalish, which may only be
handled by selected people qualified to do so. According to Kreyenbroek,

“the implication seems to be that all pilgrims had reached such excep-
tional status.” Ibid., note 45.
779 The “place of greeting,” the stone marking the place on the path
leading to Lalish, from where the valley is first sighted. Pilgrims used to
fire their rifles at his spot and kiss the stone.
780 The Twins Spires of the Central Sanctuary. Many hymns contain
references to this conspicuous feature of Lalish.

781 Kreyenbroek writes: “Both PX and C [his informants] thought
that these words referred to actual places in the Lalish valley, although
they could only speculate as to the identity of these sites.” (Kreyenbroek,
We shall perform worship and prostration for Sultan Sheykh

Adi.
We are deficient, God is perfect.782
How can we interpret the Song of the Commoner? Verses 28-
32 can easily be disposed of. Wine, and becoming drunk on wine,
normally forbidden by Sharia, is a frequently employed symbol of
divine love and ecstasy in Sufi poetry. This symbol was borrowed
by Yezidi religious poetry where the cup of wine is connected with
both divine love and spiritual enlightenment.783 Intoxication is part
of seeking the divine mystery:
I am drunk from three cups,
I am overflowing from the white cup
In blackness I found perfection.784
I am drunk, I am intoxicated,
I am a hunter of falcons,785
I am a lover of the precious Mystery.786
Yezidi hymns, as has already been mentioned, describe
how Adam’s lifeless body became animated when the he was made
Yezidism, 242, note 47.) We must not forget, however, that earthly Lalish
is merely a mirror or counterpart of heavenly Lalish, the Throne of God
above, and the words “eternal place, eternal foundation” are far more
likely to refer to this heavenly Throne.
782 Beyta Cindî, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 231-39.
783 Which, as shall be seen later, is the theme pursued in the Song of the
Commoner.
784 The Hymn of Ezdina Mir 1, Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 184.
785 Kreyenbroek thinks that “the image of the falcon may go back to
that bird’s association with the concept of xwarnah [light or glory] in Zo-
roastrian literature.” (Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 271, note 1.) The falcon is
also a Sufi symbol. It may refer to the divine wisdom a man must cultivate
in himself. In Rumi’s poetry it refers to the soul seeking God. In this
Yezidi hymn it seems to refer to the divine mystery, in keeping with both
the Sufi concept of divine wisdom, and the Zoroastrian concept of
xwarnah, and hunting for it can be interpreted as sort of seeking for gno-
sis, divine mystery.
786 The Hymn of Pîr Sheref 1, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 265.
to drink from the Cup of Love.787 Wine also plays an important

role as an instrument of spiritual enlightenment in the so-called
Great Hymn on the deeds of Sultan Ezî (Yazid bin Muawiya), who –
running into opposition from the representatives of orthodox Is-
lam and Sharia – turns the river of Damascus into wine, making the
whole population drunk:
What a wine!
Any creature that has a little of it,
Give his life and his house for it,
In his eyes this world becomes a feast.788
A Sharia Judge is then sent to Sultan Ezî to turn him back to the
right road, but upon tasting a little wine, the size of a fingernail, he
himself becomes converted to the faith of Sultan Ezî and an initiate
of his mystery:
The Shari’a judge no longer reads papers,
He has become a member of the Friends,
He became a dancer at the feast.
He became a dancer and danced,
He became a diver and dove,
The Shari’a judge became an initiate of that mystery.789
Thus the verses speaking of the cup of wine in the middle of the
song may be interpreted as referring to religious intoxication, a
special, Sufi form of divine enlightenment.
What about the rest of the beyt, then? The first part, calling for
awakening and inveighing against sleep as unlawful, dark and lead-
ing to punishment, and the third part, on the headdress are harder
to interpret. Jasim Murad’s interpretation that the poem is “a cul-
787 “The Prophet Adam drank from that cup and came to life, He be-
came intoxicated and trembled, Flesh grew on him, blood circulated in his
veins. The Prophet Adam drank from that cup, The miraculous power of
that cup manifested itself: Thus the Prophet Adam sneezed and through it
he became conscious.” The Hymn of the Weak Broken One 35-6 (Kreyen-
broek, Yezidism, 177.)
788 The Great Hymn 87 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 168.)
789 The Great Hymn 110-1 (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 171.)
tural celebration of the Yazidi emphasis on hard work and on living

a simple and moral life” and that it “elaborates on the negative
consequences of indulging in excessive sleep which, if it occurs will
disrupt the daily work of the peasants, deprive the community of
the means of production, consequently generating economic cri-
sis”790 can probably be discarded as a rather too materialist ap-
proach. Seeing the song as a call for spiritual awakening is a much
more likely solution, one shared by most of those very few Yezidis
who are actually aware of the song’s content.791 This is the line I
propose to take up here, and demonstrate that once again the
theme of spiritual awakening and condemning sleep as an enemy of
the truly pious can be traced back to the religious language of Late
Antiquity.
SLEEP AND THE “CALL OF AWAKENING” IN LATE

ANTIQUITY
The metaphors of sleep and awakening were part of late antique

religious language, especially among movements with a dualistic
outlook on the opposition of spirit and matter. The image of sleep,
being asleep (together with death, oblivion and drunkenness) was
understood to symbolize religious ignorance, spiritual unawareness. It
was used to express a fundamental feature of existence in the
world,792 namely man’s total entanglement in the material world, the
complete loss of one’s consciousness and awareness of higher things.
“The soul slumbers in Matter.”793 Sleep could also serve to describe
the sensation that life on the earth is “mere illusions and dreams,
though nightmarish ones, which we are powerless to control.”794
790Jasim Murad, “The Sacred Poems,” 232.

791As has been made clear above, the song is not easily accessible to
most Yezidis, unless in writing, as very few people would actually hang
around at four in the morning in the guest house of Lalish in order to
hear it sung.
793 Ibid., 69.
794 Ibid., 70.
Awakening, on the other hand (or coming back to life, remembering,

becoming sober) was a metaphor of conversion, acquiring Gnosis, or
spiritual consciousness. The link between sleep and awakening is the
“Call from without” intended to break the spell of sleep in this world.
It represents the transmundane which “penetrates the enclosure of
the word and makes itself heard therein.”795 Many literary works (es-
pecially Gnostic ones) are in effect appeals of awakening themselves,
thus constituting a peculiar genre. Homiletic appeals for religious
conversion couched in the traditional language of sleep and awaken-
ing are often loosely termed the “Gnostic Call” in modern scholar-
ship, though “in fact [they] transcend narrow sectarian and philoso-
phical boundaries”796 and can be found all over the religious spectrum
of the age. Already the Apostle Paul utilized the image of sleep and
awakening in his Epistles:
And that, knowing the time, that now it is high time to awake
out of sleep: for now is our salvation nearer than when we be-
lieved. The night is far spent, the day is at hand: let us there-
fore cast off the works of darkness, and let us put on the ar-
mour of light (Rom. 13: 11-12)
Awake thou that sleepest and arise from the dead, and Christ
shall give you light. (Eph. 5:14)
The Call of Awakening can be found in some later Christian works
as well. An Armenian manuscript on the Harrowing of Hell para-
phrases the words of Paul:
When the earth was cleft down to the foundations, one could
see Christ in hell saying: “Awake Adam and arise from the
dead; awake, thou that sleepest in darkness that my light may
illuminate thee, awake and be strengthened thou that sittest in
darkness; awake and be clothed in immortality, thou who sat in
the shadow of death; awake and be freed, thou wast bound by
795 Ibid., 74.

poverty (?) as with iron”; And having said this he ascended to

heaven.797
In an Easter Eve homily ascribed to Epiphanius, which closely par-
allels the Armenian text, Christ takes Adam by the hand and raises
him, saying the words just cited above and adding:
I, thy God, who for thy sake became thy son… now I say… to
the prisoners, Go forth; to those that are in darkness, Show
yourselves, to those that sleep, Arise, and to thee, O sleeping
one, Arise… let us go hence, from death to life, from corrup-
tion to incorruption, from darkness to eternal light, from suf-
fering to joy, from bondage to freedom, from prison to the
heavenly Jerusalem, from captivity to the delights of Paradise,
from earth to heaven.798
The Call of Awakening can also be found in some writ-
ings of the so-called Hermetic Corpus, the Greek pseudepigraphic
literature that arose around the figure of Hermes Trismegistos.799
Poimandres800 (Pimander to scholars of Renaissance) is one of the
797S. Nersessian, “An Armenian Version of the Homilies on the Har-

rowing of Hell,” Dumbarton Oaks Paper 8 (1954): 218.
798 Ibid., and see also Migne PG 43, 461-4.
799 Thrice great Hermes – identified with Thoth, the Egyptian god of
learning. The texts of the Hermetic Corpus were composed in Egypt, proba-
bly between the first and third century AD. The Corpus contains a wide-
ranging subject-matter from astrological tractates through writings on
alchemy, magic or the power of certain gemstones to pseudo-
philosophical works, which are based on revelation rather than observa-
tion and reason. “Typically, they stress the importance of personal ac-
quaintance (gnosis) with god” (Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 447) and they aim
at spiritual rebirth through enlightening the mind. The theological content
of these latter works is strongly syncretistic in nature and has been re-
ferred to as “intellectualized pagan thought.” It shows some affinity to
Middle Platonism, the Chaldean Oracles, as well as to classic Gnostic
scripture and Valentinian Gnostic writings. Some scholars have postulated
a Gnostic influence, but Layton believes it was rather the Hermetic works
that influenced emerging Gnosticism. They show no contact with Christi-
anity, and only rare allusions to Jewish scripture.
800
Poimandres is one of those exceptional Hermetic works that show a
dependence on Jewish cosmogony and an influence of Jewish literary
pseudo-philosophical works of the Corpus. It deals with the creation

of the world and the origins of mankind. At the end of the tract,
the author is entrusted with relaying to mankind the revelation dis-
closed to him by the divine intellect, Poimandres. Accordingly he
starts his preaching with these words:
“O people, inhabitants of earth! You have given yourselves up
to drunkenness and sleep and to unacquaintance with god. Get
sober! Stop carousing, all enchanted by irrational sleep.” And
they, when they heard me, came to me with one accord.801
The Gnostics
It is in the works of dualistic character, which were already given to

seeing this world as a place of prison, bondage, darkness, spiritual
unconsciousness and death, that the metaphor of sleep and awak-
ening becomes really central. In fact, the Gnostic message itself is
nothing more than a Call of Awakening, intended to awaken those
slumbering in ignorance, hence its modern appellation, “the Gnos-
tic Call.” According to Jonas, the Call connects the command to
awaken with three doctrinal elements: reminding the soul of its
“root” or origin; a promise of salvation;802 and a moral instruction
to stay awake, that is, to live in conformity with the newly won
knowledge.803
The use of these three elements is best exemplified in the
Apocryphon of John, where the motif of sleep and awakening is car-
ried through the entire work. Here sleep symbolizes the power of
the Evil Ruler over Adam (and man), and Adam’s (man’s) lack of
Gnosis (concerning the origin of his spirit), while the Call comes
style. It also shows a strong Platonic influence, especially as regards

Plato’s Timaeus.
801 Poimandres, 27f, in Layton, The Gnostic Scirptures, 458.
802 This may be constituted by a mere reference to either ascension to
heaven or baptism.
from the perfect Pronoia,804 a revealer and savior figure, who re-
peatedly descends into the lower world to awaken Adam, and later
mankind, from his deep sleep. Adam’s sleep and awakening is an
integral part of the Gnostic myth, which, as usual, is an inverted
interpretation of the Old Testament legend of Adam. After the
creation of Adam the powers of darkness realize that – due to the
presence of the light spirit (referred to as “luminous afterthought”)
in Adam - he is superior to them, so they decide to enclose Adam
in matter, making him a body out of earth, water, fire and fiery
wind, and then put him in the garden of Paradise. “This is the
tomb of the form of the body with which the robbers had clothed
the man, the fetters of forgetfulness.”805 Not content with shack-
ling Adam in the fetters of forgetfulness, the Evil Ruler tries to
empty him of his light in a passage that gives a typically Gnostic
twist to Genesis 2.21 on the creation of Eve:
And the Lord God caused a deep sleep to fall upon Adam and
he slept: and he took one of his ribs, and closed up the flesh
instead thereof; and from the rib, which the Lord God had
taken from man, made he a woman, and brought her unto the
man.
For the Gnostic the sleep referred to in the Old Testament Genesis
is the state of spiritual unconsciousness, and it is the luminous,
spiritual power in Adam that the jealous Ruler is after, not simply
his rib:
And he [the Chief Ruler] knew that he [Adam] was disobedient
to him [the Chief Ruler] due to the light of Reflection806 which
is in him, which made him more correct in his thinking than
the Chief Ruler. And the Chief Ruler wanted to bring out the
804 Providence, also referred to as Epinoia, Afterthought or Reflection.

805 Apocryphon of John II.21.10-13, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices,
123.
806 Epionia, Layton translates it as “Afterthought,” Gnostic Scriptures,
45.
power which he himself had given him. And he brought a

“trance” over Adam.807
And I said to the saviour “What is ‘trance’”? And he said
“It is not as Moses wrote and you heard. For he said in his first
book: ‘He put him to sleep’ but it was in his perception…
And he brought a part of his power out of him. And he made
another human form in the shape of a woman… And he
brought the part which he had taken from the power of the
man into the female form and not as Moses said ‘his rib.’”808
Adam is put to sleep, but, according to the Gnostic scheme of Bib-
lical interpretation, deliverance is at hand in the person of Epinoia
of light:
And in that moment luminous Reflection (Epinoia) appeared
and she lifted the veil which lay over his mind. And he became
sober from the drunkenness of darkness…809
I appeared in the form of an eagle on the tree of knowledge,
Which is the reflection from the Providence of pure light,
That I might teach them
And awaken them out of the depth of sleep. For they were
both in a fallen state and they recognized their nakedness. Re-
flection appeared to them as light and she awakened their
thinking.810
The story then continues as has already been expounded in
the chapter on the creation of Adam. The Chief Ruler, realizing
that Adam and Eve have transgressed his commandment, eaten
from the tree of knowledge, and have once again become posses-
807 Layton translates, “And it caused deep sleep to fall upon Adam,” in
Gnostic Scriptures, 46.

808 Apocryphon of John II. 22,15-23,4, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices,
129-31.
809 Apocryphon of John II. 23,5-8, ibid., 133.
810 Apocryphon of John II. 23,26-35, ibid.,135-7.
sor of Gnosis, becomes enraged: “And he [the Chief Ruler] cast

them out of paradise, and he clothed them in a gloomy dark-
ness.”811
With this the next chapter of mankind’s history begins, which
consists of an unrelenting war between the powers of Darkness
continuing to attempt to keep Adam’s descendants in the sleep of
oblivion, and the powers of Light, struggling to awaken mankind to
its origin and condition. Mankind is divided into groups. Some will
be strong in spirit and attain salvation. Other souls, however, will
be under the power of the counterfeit spirit created by the powers
of darkness in order to keep men in the sleep of oblivion, their
heart closed to the truth “until it [the soul] awakens from forget-
fulness and acquires knowledge. And if thus it becomes perfect, it
is saved.”812
The means of this awakening is, of course, the Call from
without (from the Pleroma), personified by the Epinoia or Pronoia,
the Divine Forethought (or Reflection, referred to in the text as
Mother as well), who earlier brought help to Adam. Her message is
delivered in a first-person speech at the very end of the Apocryphon
of John, in what Layton termed as the “Poem of Deliverance”813 but
could just as well be called a Call of Awakening. G. MacRae argues
that this poem must have originally been a Gnostic liturgical hymn,
probably recited at a ceremony of initiation or Gnostic baptism.814
The hymn describes Pronoia’s repeated descents to the material
world and her attempts at bringing Gnosis, until she finally suc-
ceeds on the third try:
811 Apocryphon of John II. 24, 7-8, ibid., 137.

812 Apocryphon of John II.27,9-11, ibid., 155.
814 G. MacRae, “Sleep and Awakening in Gnostic Texts,” in Le Origini
dello Gnosticismo, ed. U. Bianchi (Leiden: Brill, 1967), 502. The hymnic
quality of the passage was already noticed by J. Doresse, though he did
not identify it as cultic (ibid.) MacRae points to the hypothetical reconstruc-
tion of Gnostic mystery-initiation by P. Pokorny based on the Naasene
Homily recorded in Hippolytus’ anti-heretical tract and the Hermetic trac-
tates I and XIII, and contends that the hymn would perfectly fit the frame-
work of such a ceremony, at the heart of which is the Call of Awakening.
I, therefore, the perfect Providence (Pronoia) of the all… I am

the richness of the light, I am the remembrance of the
pleroma…815 And I entered into the midst of their prison,
which is the prison of the body. And I said, “He who hears, let
him get up from the deep sleep.” And he wept and shed
tears… and he said, “Who is it that calls my name, and from
where has this hope come to me, while I am in the chains of
the prison?” And I said, “I am the Providence (Pronoia) of the
pure light... Arise and remember that it is you who hearkened,
and follow your root, which is I, the Merciful One, and guard
yourself against the angels of poverty and the demons of chaos
and all those who ensnare you, and beware of the deep sleep
and the enclosure of the inside of Hades.”
And I raised him up, and sealed him in the light of the water
with five seals, in order that death might not have power over
him from this time on.816
Both “sleeping themes” of the Apocryphon of John, the sleep
of Adam and his awakening by an envoy the Light World, and the
sleep of man and his awakening by the message of the Savior were
popular themes of Gnostic literature. The sleep of Adam and his
awakening to a revelation of knowledge, based on the exegesis of
the Gen. 2.21 story, is a recurrent theme of Gnostic literary works
which display a demonstrable Jewish influence. This makes some
scholars conclude that it may even have been the Gnostic (or gnos-
ticizing Jewish) interpretation of Gen. 2.21, which gave birth to the
metaphor of sleep for spiritual ignorance.817 In any case, in all the
published Coptic Gnostic works expounding the myth of human
815 Apocryphon of John II.30,1-4, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices, 169.

816 Apocryphon of John II.31.1-25, ibid., 171-175. As MacRae points out
(“Sleep and Awakening,” 497) this is a classic example of the Call of
awakening, as it contains all the three elements outlined by Jonas.
817 MacRae, “Sleep and Awakening,” 498-99. MacRae even goes as
far as to tentatively suggest that Eph. 5.14 (quoted above,) which scholars
believe is citing an early liturgical work, most likely a baptismal hymn, is
actually borrowing its language from some kind of Gnostic liturgical hom-
ily or hymn. (ibid., 505-6.)
origins, the sleep of Adam is part of the Paradise story.818 In some

texts the sleep of Adam is taken out of its original framework
originating in Gen. 2.21, demonstrating how deeply imbedded this
motif became in Gnostic mythological language. Thus, for exam-
ple, in the Apocalypse of Adam the sleep of Adam is mentioned only
after Adam has lost his glory, that is after tasting the forbidden
fruit. In this work Adam tells his son Seth about his life, how he
and Eve went about in glory (a reference to the garment of Light)
and resembled the great eternal angels. But then the evil god, the
ruler of the aeons (that is of the material world) enslaved them,
enveloped them in forgetfulness, and they lost their glory:
After these (events) we became darkened in our heart(s). Now
I slept in the thought of my heart. And I saw three men before
me whose likeness I was unable to recognise, since they were
not from the powers of the God who had [created] [us]819…
saying to me “Arise, Adam, from the sleep of death, and hear
about the aeon and the seed of that man to whom life has
come, who came from you and from Eve, your wife.”820
Describing enlightenment and salvation (that is, the receiving
of Gnosis) of the individual man as an awakening, and the Gnostic
Savior, who saves by bringing Gnosis, as a figure who awakens
those who are asleep is another frequent motif. Thus, in the Trimor-
phic Protennoia, when Barbelo, the First Thought, is described in the
opening hymn, which Layton terms the “Wisdom Monologue,”821
his aspect as a savior is expressed with the following words:
I am the life of my Epinoia (i.e., afterthought) that dwells
within every Power and every eternal movement… I walk up-
818Ibid., 503.
819That is, they are envoys of the Light World, and not belonging to
the rulers of matter.
820 Apocalypse of Adam 65,22-66,8, in Nag Hammadi Codices V,2-5 and
VI, 159. The second part of the sentence refers to Seth, the inheritor of
the Gnosis lost by Adam and Eve, and his immovable race. On this topic,
see the next chapter.
right and those who sleep I [awaken]. And I am the sight of

those who dwell in sleep.822
In the Paraphrase of Shem, Shem, the receiver of the divine mas-
sage, feels as if he awakened from sleep:
And I, Shem, awoke as if from a deep sleep. I marveled when I
received the power of the Light and his whole thought. And I
proceeded in faith to shine with me. And the righteous one
followed us with my invincible garment.823
In the Second Treatise of the Great Seth, a Christian Gnostic hom-
ily, where the ascended Christ speaks to his followers on earth, the
crucifiction of the Son of Majesty, the ultimate sacrifice of the di-
vine (albeit in a docetic sense) brings an end to the sleep of man-
kind:
They nailed him to the cross, and they fastened him with four
nails of bronze. The veil of his temple he tore with his hands.
There was a trembling that overcame the chaos of the earth,
for the souls which were in the sleep below were released, and
they were resurrected. They walked about boldly, having laid
aside jealousy of ignorance and unlearnedness beside the dead
tombs, having put on the new man, having come to know that
perfect blessed and perfect one of the eternal and incompre-
hensible Father and of the boundless light, which I am.824
Gnosis is therefore awakening (or rather awakening is Gno-
sis). The Gospel of Truth, a homily describing the reception of
Gnosis through metaphors familiar from biblical and philosophical
traditions, and attributed to the second-century Valentinus,825 even
822 Trimorphic Protennoia 35.12-22 in Nag Hammadi Codices XI, XII,

XIII, 403.
823 Paraphrase of Shem 41.22-3 (see also 47.11) in Nag Hammadi Co-
dex VII, 111. Note the reference to the invincible garment given to the
awakened Shem.
824 Second Treatise of the Great Seth 58.24-59.9, trans. G. Riley in Nag
Hammadi Codex VII, 171-73.

825 Valentinus (d. circa 170 AD) and his immediate followers, whose
aim was to raise Christian theology to the level of pagan philosophical

gives what could be termed an “exegesis” of the Gnostic use of the

sleep-awakening metaphor. The classic Gnostic myth, as ex-
pounded above, is absent from the Gospel of Truth. Its place is
taken by a mysticism that centers on salvation through Gnosis (ac-
quaintance) of the savior, the self and God. Dispensing with the
mythological scenes known from non-Valentinian Gnostic texts,
sleep is described as a void, lacking reality by comparison to truth.
It originates in error, the “evil actor” of the Gospel of Truth.
Awakening is the turn from ignorance to Gnosis, the very opposite
of sleep.826 “Gnosis awakens one from the intoxication, anxiety,
nightmares, and blindness of ignorance and calls one to turn back
to the true source of one's existence and repose, the Father of the
Entirety:”827
Such is the way of those who have cast ignorance from them
like sleep, not esteeming it as anything, nor do they esteem its
works as solid things either. But, they leave them behind like a
dream in the night. The knowledge of the Father they value as
the dawn. This is the way each one has acted, as though being
asleep at the time when he was ignorant. And this is the way he
has <come to knowledge> as if he had awakened. {And}
studies, still considered themselves members of the universal Christian

Church, and not as members of a rival religion in the second and third
centuries. Eventually, however, the Valentinian school became far re-
moved from the established Church. Their followers could be found all
over the Roman world, including Syria and Mesopotamia. See Layton,
Gnostic Scriptures, 267-70.
826 The sleep induced by the evil rulers when they tried to steal the
spirit hidden in Adam is already referred to as “Ignorance” in the Hyposta-

sis of the Archons: “The rulers took counsel with one another and said,
‘Come, let us cause a deep sleep to fall upon Adam.’ And he slept. - Now
the deep sleep that they ‘caused to fall upon him, and he slept’ is Igno-
rance. - They opened his side like a living woman. And they built up his
side with some flesh in place of her, and Adam came to be endowed only
with soul.” Hypostasis of the Archons 89.4-19, in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7,
vol. 1, 241.
827 A. McGuire, “Conversion and Gnosis in the ‘Gospel of Truth,’”
Novum Testamentum 28.4 (1986): 345.

Good for the man who will return and awaken. And blessed is
he who has opened the eyes of the blind.828
Exhortations against sleep addressed at man in general also occur
in many Gnostic works:
My son, listen to my teaching, which is good and useful, and
end the sleep which weighs heavily upon you…. Do not be-
come desirous of gold and silver, which are profitless, but
clothe yourself with wisdom like a robe; put knowledge on
yourself like a crown, and be seated upon a throne of percep-
tion.829
Then beware, lest somehow you fall into the hands of robbers.
Do not allow sleep to your eyes nor slumber to your eyelids,
that you may be saved like a gazelle from snares, and like a bird
from a trap. Fight the great fight as long as the fight lasts,
while all the powers are staring after you - not only the holy
ones, but also all the powers of the Adversary … Listen, my
son, and do not be slow with your ears.830
The Hymn of the Pearl
The Hymn of the Pearl provides perhaps the most eloquent literary
adaptation of the metaphor of sleep and awakening, while the
whole work itself is probably nothing else but a literary Call of
Awakening. When the young prince, after taking off his glorious
garment, descends to the land of Egypt to take the pearl from the
serpent, he is found out by the natives to be a stranger in their
828 Gospel of Truth 29.32-30.16, tr. H. W. Attridge and G. W. MacRae,
in Nag Hammadi Codex I (The Jung Codex), NHS 22 (Leiden: Brill, 1985),
99-101.
829 The Teachings of Silvanus 88.22-89.4, in Hag Hammadi Codex VII,
291-93.
830 Teachings of Silvanus 113.31-114,17, in Nag Hammadi Codex VII,
357-59. Note the reference to war, a recurrent motif in the text.

midst, and his sufferings at their hand is described in the language

of sleep:
But in some way or another,
They perceived that I was not of their county
So they mingled their deceit with me,
And they made me eat their food.
I forgot that I was a son of kings,
And I served their king.
And I forgot the pearl,
On account of which my parents had sent me
Because of the burden of their exhortations,
I fell into a deep sleep.831
Seeing their son’s plight, his heavenly parents then send a letter to
awaken him:
Awake and arise from your sleep,
and hear the words of our letter.
Remember that you are a song of kings,
Consider the slavery you are serving.
Remember the pearl,
On account of which you were sent to Egypt.
Think of your glorious garments,
Remember your splendid toga,
Which you will put on and wear
When your name is called out from the book of the
Combatants (athletes).
And with your brother, our viceroy,
With him, you will be in our kingdom.832
As we can see, the letter (which will then become the Call from
Without)833 comprises all the three elements that make up the
Gnostic Call in Jonas’ definition: it reminds the prince of its ori-
gins, calls attention to the task awaiting him, which he had forgot-
831Hymn of the Pearl 31-35, trans. Ferreira, 46.

832Hymn of the Pearl 43-8, ibid., 48
833 The letter as a metaphor for the message of salvation can already
be found in the Ode of Solomon 23.

ten about, and finally promises redemption, when it talks of the

prince regaining his glorious garment, and of becoming viceroy
along with his brother in the heavenly kingdom. Transforming into
a “Call,” the letter becomes an eagle, making it very clear that this
message is no ordinary letter, but a voice coming from outside of
our world:
And my letter [was] a letter,834
Which the king sealed with his right hand…
It flew in the likeness of an eagle,
the king of birds.
It flew and alighted beside me,
and all of it became speech (words) for me.
At its voice and the sound of its rustling,
I awoke and rose from my sleep…
I remembered that I was a son of kings,
and my free soul longed for its natural state.
I remembered the pearl,
on account of which I was sent to Egypt.835
As we know the awakened young prince then manages to charm
the serpent, snatch the pearl and return to him home, led by his
letter, his “awakener:”
And my letter, my awakener,
I found before me on the road.
And as with its voice it had awakened us,
So also with its light it was leading me.
Because of the royal silk,
It was shining before me with its appearance (form).
And with its voice and with its guidance,
It was also encouraging me to hurry.836
834 The Greek version says: “Like a messenger was the letter” (Jonas,
Gnostic Religion, 75.) The Greek wording makes it even more pronounced
that the letter is personified as a savior.
835 Hymn of the Pearl 49-7, ibid., 50.
836 Hymn of the Pearl? 64-7, ibid., 52-4.
Led by the letter, the prince reaches the border of the kingdom,
where his glorious garment is already waiting for him so that they
can become one again.
The Manichaeans
According to the classic work of Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion,

“the symbol of the call as the form in which the transmundane
makes its appearance within the world is so fundamental to Eastern
Gnosticism that we may even designate the Mandaean and
Manichaean religions as ‘religions of the call’”837
Manichaeans went so far as to hypostatize “Call” and “An-
swer,” which became two separate divinities in the Manichaean
pantheon. According to the Manichaean myth, after the Primal
Man descended to fight the Power of Darkness, which was threat-
ening the Realm of Light, and was overcome and eaten by Dark-
ness, he fell into a deep unconsciousness. But the King of Light
had mercy on the Primal Man and, in order to liberate him, the
Living Spirit, a new divine trinity was called forth, and sent to his
rescue:
Then al-Bahîjah838 and the Spirit of Life journeyed to the
brink, where they looked into the depths of that nether hall
and saw Primal man and the angels, whom the Devil (Iblîs)
and the exceedingly evil satanic creatures and iniquitous life
had surrounded … The Spirit of Life called to Primal Man
with a raised voice, which was like lightning in its swiftness and
which became another deity.839
837 Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 74. Jonas adds that “‘Caller of the Call’ is
the title of the Manichaean missionary; and as late as in Islam the word for
mission is ‘call,’ and for missionary, ‘caller.’” Ibid. note 27.
838 I.e., the Mother of Life, see Dodge, an-Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist II,
780, note 172.

839 An-Nadim, Kitab al-Fihrist vol. II, 780. According to the summary
of Theodore bar Khoni: “They came on the earth of darkness, and they
found the Primal Man and his five sons sunk in the darkness. Then the
The issuing of the Call and the Answer of the imprisoned light
(Primal Man) – henceforward existing as independent deities840 -
are the archetypes in Manichaean mythology of the call of the Sav-
ior and the (positive) response of the one to be saved.841 The Call
of Awakening and the Answer is then repeated again and again in
Manichaean history, or rather in the history of the imprisoned light,
for even though the Primal Man became free, his armor, his Five
Sons, were left behind as light particles enclosed in the matter,
which still had to be awakened, that is, to be rescued. Thus, for
example, the awakening of the Primal Man by the Spirit of Life is
duplicated later on by the awakening of Adam by Jesus the lumi-
nous. In this archetypal episode Jesus the Splendor approaches
Living Spirit called out with his voice, and the voice of the Living Spirit
became like a sharp double-edged sword, and it evoked the lifeless effigy
of the Primal Man and said to him: “Hailings to you, good one among the
evil, light among the darkness, god who is staying among the animals of
anger, who do not realize what a hounour this is for them.’ The Primal
Man answered: ‘Hailings to you, who bring peace and salvation in re-
turn.’… and the Living Spirit and the Call and the Answer accompanied
each other mounted toward the Mother of Life and the Living Spirit, and
the Living Spirit reclothed the Call, and the Mother of Life reclothed the
Answer, her beloved son.” Theodore Bar Khonî, Liber Scholiorum Mimrā
XI. 59, trans. Hespel – Draguet, 235. A Middle Persian hymn writes:
“And they (the Mother of the Living Spirit and the Living Spirit) send
Khvandag (Call, Khrôshtag) to him (i.e. the First Man), as one shoots a
letter with an arrow into a town. Quickly, [in] haste he came down [like] a
big rock (thrown) into the sea.” (M 819, Middle Persian: Ed. W. Sunder-
mann, lines 797-805; Cat. p. 55, Asmussen, Manichaean Literature, 121.)
The letter- saving message simile has already been mentioned above in
connection with the letter of the Hymn of the Pearl.
840 “Call and his Answer together form what the texts term ‘the
thought of life’… ‘The thought of life’ is opposed, then, to ‘the thought

of death’… which is characteristic of the Realm of Darkness.” Klimket,
Gnosis, 12.
841 Thus, for example, even Mani’s message is described as a Cry or
Call: “I heard the cry of the physician (i.e. Mani), the cry of an exorcist,
coming to [me. I] heard the cry of a physician healing his poor ones”
Psalms of Thomas XIV, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 220.25-30.
Similarly, the message of Jesus is described as a Cry, see below, quoted in
the text.
Adam, unconscious after his creation, with the divine light, his
soul, trapped inside his body. In this Manichaean version of the
tasting the forbidden fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, one can rec-
ognize the Gnostic interpretation of Gen. 3, known from the Apoc-
ryphon of John, the Hypostasis of the Archons, or the Origin of the World
and other classic Gnostic texts. Jesus awakens the sleeping Adam
to the saving knowledge of his own conditions:
(Mani) says that Jesus the Splendour approached the innocent
Adam, and awoke him from the sleep of death, so that he
might be saved from an excessive nature;842 as if a righteous
man were found to be possessed of a violent devil and might
be calmed by one’s skill. Thus was Adam also, when the be-
loved found him in a profound sleep, roused him, and shook
him and awakened him... And then Adam looked closely at
himself and he knew who (he was). And (Jesus) showed him
the Father on high, and his own self… mingled and impris-
oned in everything that exists, shackled in the corruption of
darkness. (Mani) says that he made him arise and taste the tree
of life.843
A Coptic Manichaean Psalm giving an account of Jesus
prompting Adam and Eve to eat from the Tree, writes: “The light
has shone forth for you, o you that sleep in Hell, the knowledge of
the Paraclete, the ray of Light, drink of the water of memory, cast
away oblivion.”844
Just like the drama of Primal Man’s awakening by the Call
from the Light World is repeated in the myth of Adam, so again it
is repeated in the awakening of the individual soul, a particle of
842That is, of Darkness.

843Theodore bar Khoni, Lib. Schol. XI. CSCO 69, pp 317,14-318,4,
trans. in Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire, I. Gardner and S. Lieu
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 17.
844 Psalm to Jesus CCXLVIII, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II,
57.19-21. Note the reference to the “water of memory” and compare it

with the references to the cup of wine in the Beyta Cindî. A possible merg-
ing of Sufi (wine) and Manichaean (water of memory/life) traditions can-
not be ruled out here, though this is only a tentative suggestion, one that
would need much more research.
light from Primal Man’s armor. Manichaean thinking draws a paral-

lel between the fate of the Primal Man and the individual soul, the
former serving as a mythical model for the latter. This is exempli-
fied in the Coptic Psalm of Heracleides, which is addressed to the
First (Primal) Man, but its mention of the “news,” that is the
Evangelium, the message of true religion brought by the prophet,
implies that its real addressee is the individual:
Awake, you that slumber and sleep in the… (lacuna) that you
may be told the news. Lo, the news-bearer has been sent with
the news of the Lord of Light to tell us the news of the skies
…
‘Rise up, o First Man, open thy gates that are shut that I may
tell you the news.
‘Rise up, o First Man, arouse thy beloved ones, that I may tell
thee the news.
‘Rise up, o First Man, sound, o trumpet of peace, that I may
tell thee the news.845
Detached from the mythological framework, but echoing its
message, the Call addressed to the individual human soul, impris-
oned in the fetters of matter, is a frequently recurrent theme of
Manichaean liturgical texts from Egypt to Central Asia, prompting
Jonas to speak of a “religion of the call:”
Let us not slumber and sleep until our Lord takes us across, his
garland upon his head, his palm in his hand, wearing the robe
of Glory, and we go within the bride-chamber and reign with
him, all of us together.846
I went forth to plant a garden beyond the confines of this
world, choosing and planting in it the plants that grew in the
Living ones. I will give orders to the gardener: Attend to my
trees, my new plants, attend to my new plants that they sleep
845 Psalm of Herakleides, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 197.16-

29.
846 Psalm of Herakleides, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 193.10.
not nor slumber, they sleep not nor slumber, [that] they forget
not the order that has been given them.847
Come, oh souls, to this ship of Light!848
My most beloved soul, (who is) happy and noble, where have
you gone?
Return!
Awake, dear soul, from the sleep if drunkenness into which
you have fallen!... reach (your ) home, the (heavenly)
earth created by the Word, where you were in the beginning849
As was expounded above, the Call of Awakening often con-
tains a moral instruction as to the duties of the believer, the spiri-
tual task awaiting him. Exhortations against being slack in their
service – that is, in performing their religious duties, and devoting
themselves to liberating the imprisoned light – and a fear of having
failed their duty are frequent motifs of Manichaean hymns:
The Light is come and near the leader. Arise, brethren, give
praise!
Abandon sleep, awake, behold the Light which is drawn near.
He has come to the world!
All the sons of Darkness hide.
The Light is come and near the dawn! Arise, brethren, give
praise!850
Reminding the faithful to give praise is far more than a mere
flourish of words.851 Just like for Yezidis in the Beyta Cindî,852 ne-
glecting one’s (religious) obligations leads to dire consequences
according to the Manichaean teaching. Those who fail their duties,
847 The Church unto the Apostle, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II.15-
21.
848The Ships of Light (the sun and the moon) were seen as vehicles
transporting the cleansed souls, or light, back to the Realm of Light.
849 Parthian liturgical hymn, in Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 147.
850 M 30, Parthian, Asmussen, Manichaean Literature, 142.
851 “Sleep is now unlawful because of (the obligation to give) praise”
says Beyta Cindî 5.

852 “You are slack in your service, that is why the Great Master has dis-
missed you from your job, Oh soldier, you were asleep.” Beyta Cindî 24.
that is fail to heed the Call or Cry, lose the promise of salvation,
and will be “dismissed” from the group of those who are to reach
the Light World again. The Psalm of Thomas, describing the Cry of
the physician (Mani), says of them: “He into whose ears they shall
call, if he hears not, shall be divided in all the worlds. He shall suf-
fer, for they called into his ears, he did not hear.”853
A Manichaean parable even tells the story of such a faith-
ful, who grows slack in his service, with near tragic consequences:
A man gave a banquet for his king and his entourage, lavishing
them with presents. The king and his men enjoy the banquet, but
when dusk comes, the host forgets to light the lamps, arousing the
ire of his master:
They went and enjoyed a banquet (and) received presents.
They were happy. When the sun set, the man, in his content-
ment, did not light his lamps immediately. The king became
suspicious. His intimate friends said, “This man has prepared
an excellent banquet (and) has given (us) gifts, but he has not
lit his lamps. Does he intend to commit a crime?” The man
heard them, became afraid (and) fell unconscious.
Luckily for the negligent host, his servants bring the lamps, and the
king realizes that his negligence resulted from mere forgetfulness, it
was not a deliberate act. As is the habit of Manichaean parables, an
interpretation is offered at the end:
The interpretation: The lowly born man represents the audi-
tors,854 the king is… the messengers of the king(?).. The mes-
853 Psalms of Thomas XIV, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II,

220.27-30. The text refers to the final conflagration, when the material
world and all those light participles that could not be saved will be de-
voured by fire. Concerning Manichaean eschatology and the doctrine of
“bolos” (a conglomerate and undigested mass of darkness/matter and the
small amount of unpurified light mixed with it, to be burned), see Wil-
liams Jackson, “The Doctrine of the Bolos in Manichaean Eschatology,”
JOAS 58.2 (1938): 225-34.
854 Auditor, or Hearer, is the name given to the Manichaean faithful
at the lowest rank of the religious hierarchy, who did not carry any spiri-
tual offices. The term roughly corresponds to the Yezidi mirîd or “com-
moner, denoting a simple follower.
senger [is the] Apostle… of the gods… The lamp is wisdom.

The (lamp) that is not lit immediately is that of the auditors. 855
From time to time they become slack and forgetful in their
works. (They) are (then) called to account (for their negli-
gence.) They gain victory (salvation) thereupon and are re-
deemed.856
The Mandaeans
Calls for awakening are also numerous in Mandaean literature. The

voice of the transmundane penetrating the world is referred to as
the “Call of Life” in Mandaean texts. Sometimes it is addressed to
Adam, at other times at the believers:
Arise, ye sleepers who lie there.
Rise up, ye stumblers who have stumbled,
Arise, worship and praise the Great Life
And praise His Counterpart, that is the image of the Life
Which shineth forth and is expressed
In sublime light.857
They bestowed upon the guardians a sublime call, to shake up
and make rise those that slumber. They were to awaken the
souls that had stumbled away from the place of light. They
were to awaken them and shake them up, that they might lift
their faces to the place of light.858
855 Note the close similarities between the wording of Beyta Cindî and
this Manichaean parable.

856 “Parable of the lowly born rich man” (Persian), in Klimkeit, Gnosis
on the Silk Road, 191-92.

857 E.S. Drower, Canonical Prayerbook of the Mandaeans, Leiden: 1959.
The Rus’hma, chapter 114. The Gnostic Society Library (online),

http://www.gnosis.org/library/ginzarba.htm, accessed 03.07.2008. See
also: “I am a word, a son of words… The great Life called, charged and
prepared me… It sent me forth to watch over this era, to shake out of
their sleep and raise up those that slumber.” (Ginza 295, ibid, 80).
858 Ginza 308, ibid.
Sometimes the Call is simply referred to as a “voice,” reminding

one of the wording of the Beyta Cindî:
According to what thou, great Life, saidst unto me, would that
a voice might come daily to me to awaken me, that I may not
stumble, if you callest unto me, the evil worlds will not entrap
me and I shall not fall prey to the Aeons.859
The Call frequently includes a moral instruction, sometimes short,
sometimes growing into “lengthy moral homilies which monopo-
lize the entire content of the Call:”860
I sent a call out into the world: Let every man be watchful of
himself. Whosoever is watchful of himself shall be saved from
the devouring fire.861
Do not slumber nor sleep, and do not forget that thy master
hath commanded thee. 862
The Call of Awakening is of such a crucial importance in Man-
daean religion that even the so-called Rahmia (the daily prayers re-
cited at the three prayer-times daily for each day of the week) bids
the faithful to be aware of sleep and forgetting.863
859 Ginza 485, in Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 70.

860 Ibid., 84. In the Ginza 16-27 there are, for example, over twelve
pages of exhortations, warnings, and commandments. See Jonas, Gnostic
Religion, 84-5, note 84.
861 Ginza 58, ibid., 85.
862 Book of John, p. 225, Ginza p. 387, quoted in A. Altmann, “The
Gnostic background of Rabbinic Adam legends,” The Jewish Quarterly Re-

view 35.4 (1945): 389.
863 E. S. Drower, “Mandaean Polemic,” BSOAS 25.1/3 (1962): 445.
Beyta Cindî and the Call of Awakening
Wake up call, warning against sleep and the “voice of the

without”
There can be little doubt that the Beyta Cindî fits into the late an-
tique tradition of the Call of Awakening. Its form as a hymn or
song is well in keeping with the literary traditions of the Call. It was
seen how often the Call of Awakening is phrased within the
framework of a hymn, from the baptismal hymn of the Apocryphon
of John (the Poem of Deliverance) through Manichaean hymns and
psalms calling for the awakening of the soul down to Mandaean
prayers. The Beyta Cindî, as a hymn/song of awakening (which
could even be called liturgical in context, as part of a ritual herald-
ing in the first rays of sun) would perfectly fit as a continuation of
this tradition.
Having analyzed the so-called Gnostic Call of Late Antiquity,
and accepted that Beyta Cindî is a perpetuation of this tradition, it is
much easier to interpret the often vague or confusing allusions of
the wake up call of the Beyta Cindî. Now it is easier to understand
why sleep is characterized as “dark,” “unlawful for soldiers”864 and
for “men wearing the khirqe,”865 something that “leads to… severe
punishment and hell.” Sleep, after all, is a state of spiritual uncon-
sciousness, irreligiosity, an idea also hinted at in other Yezidi
hyms.866
864I find the word “soldier” more apt here than “commoner,” for it
expresses the idea of spiritual fight for faith, much better.
865 Here again, “men wearing the khirqe” doesn’t not refer only to to-
day’s feqirs, but all the faithful, those whose behavior makes them worthy
of the khirqe.
866 Sleep, as a metaphor of spiritual slackness, ignorance can also be
found in a number of other Yezidi hymns, even if there it does not take
such a central place as in the Beyta Cindî. It is used in The Hymn of the Mill of
Love, a hymn which deals with the need for the faithful to be pure of heart
and loyal to the House of Adi (that is, the true religion). The hymn opens
with a few stanzas declaring that not even the most expensive gifts given as a
sacrifice to religious institutions will benefit a man who has no faith in his
heart. It accuses the Sharia (orthodox, non-Sufi Muslims, who follow the
If the Beyta Cindî is seen as a literary Call of Awakening, it also

becomes clear why it is “in the middle of the night” that “a voice
from on high is coming,” despite the fact that the song is not sung
in the middle of the night, rather at the very end of it, just before
dawn, and other lines speak about “early dawn.” But if one thinks
of all the negative spiritual qualities attributed to darkness and
night, making it a personification of evil, or at least of a lack of
spirituality in all the religious-literary traditions that utilized the
metaphor of sleep, it becomes evident that the sleep referred to in
the Song, which is cut into half by the Call, is nothing else than an
immersion in, a total abandonment to this spiritual darkness. The
Call pierces through this total darkness, bringing it to an end,
bringing morning. Just as the Manichaean hymn containing a Call
of Awakening says “Awake, morning has come… morning is the
Truth, the truth is the commandments [i.e., of the religion].”867
The same interpretation can be used to elucidate the rather
mysterious statement “these nights are not for sleeping.” Clearly,
nights are meant by nature for sleeping, unless far more is under-
stood by sleep than the mere physical rest of mind and body. Be-
Islamic law blindly) of only caring for possession, unlike the Sunna (that is,
the Yezidis), and it utilizes the metaphor of sleep to describe orthodox Mus-
lims, who only care for material things, and who are incapable of perceiv-
ing the mystical truth: “People of the Shari’a are lovers of possessions,
The Sunna truly goes its own way, God willing, my King will pardon the
Sunna, O lover (of God), I go straight ahead! Their (i.e., the other group’s)
hearts are preoccupied with commerce; The chests and heads… are
asleep.” (The Hymn of the Mill of Love 5-6, Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
380.) The traditional interpretation of sleep as a metaphor of ignorance, of
religious unawareness, may also help shed light on the mysterious state-
ment in some Yezidi hymns on the connection between baptism and An-
gels or divine beings preventing the faithful from sleeping. After all, bap-
tism may be seen as one of the means to help awaken man from spiritual
ignorance: “The baptism of Sheyk Shems falls on one, The holy men and
the angels, because they are actively busy, They do not allow one to sleep.”
(They Hymn of Sheikh Shems Tabriz 11, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 259.) “The bap-
tism of Sheykh Shems falls on one, The Great Ones are (actively) busy, they
do not allow you to sleep.” (The Morning Prayer 7, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism,
217.)
867 Psalmoi Sarakotôn, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 146.20.
sides the injunction against sleep as a metaphor for spiritual coma,

the text seems to retain here a trace of dualistic, anti-cosmic ten-
dency, where nature and the natural order is seen as alien, even
contrary to God and everything divine.868 The same anti-cosmic
attitude may also explain the even more mysterious lines: “Oh
commoner, do not eat by day, and do not sleep by night,” as eating,
as well as sleeping, are signs of men’s subjection to the laws of na-
ture, that is the laws of matter.
At this point it is reasonable to ask whose voice is coming
from high in the middle of the night. The text writes a “cockerel,”
which is of course the bird singing, or rather crowing, before dawn.
But the detailed description of the cockerel leads to the conclusion
that the text refers not so much to the alert king of the poultry-
yard, but rather to the mysterious voice of the transmundane,
whose message is penetrating into our world and being heard here:
The cockerel, its feathers are white.
Is calling from the High Throne
It is with the pre-eternal Angel…
It is with the Angel who presides over baptism…
It is calling from the throne on high,
It is with the Greatest Angel…
The cockerel of the Throne has crowed,
The one on earth has answered…
The cockerel, crowing,
Is calling to the beloved.869
It faces the Angel above.
Oh my brother, it has made a light in the assembly of Sheikh
Adi.
868 Cosmos in Gnostic parlance, taken over from the Greeks, refers
to the material world. On the negative Gnostic view of the cosmos and
nature, that is, “anti-cosmic” Gnostic dualism, see Jones, “The Gnostic
Revaluation,” in Gnostic Religion, 250-54; and Kurt Rudolph, “Dualism” in
Gnosis, 59-67.
869 Beloved is a common term applied to God by Sufis, who see the
relationship between the Sufi (or one seeking religious illumination) and
God as that of the lover and the beloved.
All these references to the Throne on High (God’s Throne), to

being in the company of the Greatest, pre-eternal Angel (God)
make it obvious that the owner of the voice is a divine being, a
companion of God himself, one of His Angels, calling from the
world of beyond, or to be more exact, from the throne of God.
Possibly, the cockerel calling from the Throne of God could be
Tawusi Melek, the Peacock Angel, who acts as a bringer of gnosis in
the creation myth of Adam.870 The voice of the earthly cockerel is
merely an echo of the divine message, heralding dawn, light after
darkness, both in its physical and abstract sense.871 The description
of the plumage of the cockerel also points in this direction:
The cockerel, its feathers are white…
The cockerel, its feathers are red…
The cockerel, its feathers are yellow…
The cockerel, its feathers are green…
The cockerel, its feathers are many-colored.
Such a riot of colors would generally be associated with peacocks
rather than roosters.872
870.See chapter 6 on the “Yezidi Creation Myth of Adam.”

871 Fusing the boundaries between the actual or physical with the ab-
stract or spiritual is one of the charms of the Beyta Cindî. Thus, references
to a spiritual awakening and fight are mixed with references, for example,
to the morning prayer and cleansing (verses 21-3), which could be taken
both in the concrete and abstract sense.
872 The Cockerel of the Throne is also mentioned in The Hymn of
Rabi’a al’Adawiyya (the 8th century female Sufi mystic from Basra, who is
also commemorated by Yezidi religious tradition). Rabi’a seeks for the
mystery of God everywhere, finally finding it when the pregnant mother
of Ezi (Yezid bin Muawiyya), bearing the divine sur of Ezi, arrives at Basra
one dawn, when the divine cockerel crows to announce a new dawn:
“Rabi’a is a beautiful young woman, She is yearning very much for that
mystery, She had wandered from alley to alley (looking for it), Until the
cockerel at the Throne crowed.” The Hymn of Rabi’a al’Adawiyya 5
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 197.) Mélikoff reports that one of her
old informants from Siirt claimed that Tausi Melek was called a “cock” in
Anatolia. (“Melek Tavus’a Horoz diyorlar”, Mélikoff, Soufisme Turc, 39.)
Moral Instruction: Serving God

The Call of Awakening has been defined above as often containing
one or more of the following three doctrinal elements: a reminder
of the soul’s origin, a moral instruction, and the promise of salva-
tion (or heavenly reward in the case of Yezidis.). The Song of the
Commoner also contains at least two of the three doctrinal elements
associated with the Gnostic Call: The moral instruction and the
promise of salvation - or heavenly reward in the case of Yezidis. As
concerns the third element, the reminder of the soul’s origin, it
must be emphasized that (known) Yezidi hymns do not speculate
on the origins of the individual human soul.873 The same seems to
be true of the present Song, though there is a most intriguing sen-
tence toward the end of the hymn, which, if the present analysis of
the text is not mistaken, may after all be a reference to the divine
origin of the soul.
The moral instruction, prompting the believer to remember
his religious duties, is clearly present in the text:
Get up from the sleep in the morning!
Sleep is now unlawful because of (the obligation to give)
praise.
Oh you men wearing the khirqe.
As was seen above, both Manichaean and Mandaean texts utilize
the notion of the duty of giving praise to God in their Calls of
Awakening as a means to remind the faithful of their religious obli-
873Even though Yezidis seem to have inherited the Gnostic idea of

the heavenly origin of Adam’s soul in their Adam myth (and as shall be
seen later also in the myth concerning Shehid bin Jer, the mythical forefa-
ther of the Yezidis), the existing (or published) sacred hymns do not seem
to be concerned with the origin or nature of the human soul in general.
Feqir Haji, talking of the origin of the Yezidis from the sur of Adam and
his son, Shehid bin Jer (see next chapter) expressed the opinion that this
sur has been transmitted to Yezidis in general, but he did not offer any
opinion on the nature of the human soul (Yezidi or otherwise) in general.
Some of my informants referred to the humans soul as deriving from the
“light (nûr) of God,” but it is hard to tell if this is a traditional point of
view or just a personal conviction, part of the recent effort to create a
unified and consistent Yezidi theology.
gations. “The Light is come and near the dawn! Arise, brethren,
give praise”874 exhort the Manichaeans, “Arise, worship and praise
the Great Life, And praise his Counterpart, that is the image of the
Life”875 counter the Mandaeans. After the reminder of the duty to
give praise, the Beyta Cindî becomes more explicit and reminds
those who have to awaken of the jobs waiting for them in the ser-
vice of God:
Come, your job is waiting for you
Your livelihood876 is a good one,
It is in the service of the Lord.
The usual threat of the dire fate awaiting those who fail to heed the
call, prefer to abandon themselves to sleep, and prove negligent in
carrying out the job assigned to them in the service of the Lord is
also present. They will be dismissed from the service of their Mas-
ter/God, just like the negligent dinner-host of the Manichaean par-
able, that is, they will be excluded from among the true believers:
Oh commoner, you were asleep.
You are slack in your service,
That is why the great Master has dismissed you from your job.
I was not willing, that is why I slept.
Had I been willing, I would not have slept,
That is why the great Master877 has dismissed me from my job.
874 M 30, Parthian, Asmussen, Manichaean Literature, 142.

875 E.S. Drower, Canonical Prayerbook of the Mandaeans. The Rus’hma,
chapter 114. The Gnostic Society Library (online),
http://www.gnosis.org/library/ginzarba.htm, accessed 03. 07.2008.
876 Livelihood – Kurdish maş, Arabic maaş – literally ‘salary’ is diffi-
cult to interpret. It may refer to the maş Sheikh Adi provided his compan-
ions and friends with. These salaries refer to the ability to cure different
kind of ills or to bestow fertility, inherited from their angelic forebears by
the sheikh and pîr families. When used in this sense Yezidi maş simultane-
ously means “salary” and “duty, religious work” with the two meanings
overlapping. (On the maş, see E. Spät, Yezidis (London: Saqi, 2005), 44.)
But it is also possible that here maş simply refers to the reward given to
the faithful in the hereafter. In this case, this could be a reference to the
third element of the Call, the promise of salvation.
[Literally, has he dismissed me from my maş]

It is open to debate whether the last sentence, dismissing the slack
servant from his livelihood or job, refers to the maş given to Sheikh
Adi’s companions on this earth, or to some eschatological reward.
However, it is clear that it is delivered as a warning against those
who are not willing to fulfill their religious obligations, who have
abandoned themselves to sleep.
Moral Instruction: The Fight for Faith

The second doctrinal element of the Call (i.e., the moral instruc-
tion) referring to the duties awaiting the believer who awakens can
also explain the allusions to war and fighting, which give such an
eschatological flavor to the song:
My dear, the cockerels call you.
These nights are not for sleeping.
The commoners [soldiers] go out into the world.
Commoners [soldiers] do not go to sleep again.
They will go to confront the harsh world head-on…
A voice comes from the Throne,
All who are awake are preparing themselves for [literally com-
ing to] war!
The translation, based on the interpretation of Kreyenbroek’s

informants, talks about confronting the world in the first two
verses. Interesting as this interpretation is from our point of view,
the original text makes it even more compelling. According to one
of Kreyenbroek’s informants, the literal translation of cindî holê dis-
tinin in the third line of the first stanza would be “the soldiers take
(grab) the polo sticks,” while the Kurdish dictionary of Izoli trans-
lates hol as “square, playing field”878 (“they take the field.”). The
second sentence of the second stanza, dê bi serê xo çine gewê, is trans-
lated by one of Kreyenbroek’s informants as “they will go with
877 Literally mîr, Prince.

878 Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 241, note 15.
their heads to (meet) a wooden ball.”879 Thus we have two state-

ments on taking part in some athletic competition,880 which are
interpreted by Yezidis versed in the religious language as encour-
agements to confront the harsh world head-on. This is followed a
little later by an unequivocal call to go to war.881
The language of war and athletic contest was not alien to the
late antique world of spirituality. Saint Paul actually connects awak-
ening from sleep with going to war in his Call of Awakening (1
Thess. 5: 5-8), where he implies that rejecting sleep (and drunken-
ness) means going to fight, where faith, love and salvation serve as
the protective armor of the soldier:
Ye are all the children of light, and the children of the day: we
are not of the night, nor of darkness. Therefore let us not
sleep, as do others; but let us watch and be sober. For they that
sleep sleep in the night; and they that be drunken are drunken
in the night. But let us, who are of the day, be sober, putting
on the breastplate of faith and love; and for a helmet, the hope
of salvation (1 Thess. 5: 5-8)
879 Ibid., note 16. Gew does not figure in my Kurdish-Turkish diction-
ary (Izoli, Istanbul, 2000), but Kreyebroek’s informant understood it as a
variant of go, that is ball.
880 Polo, which first developed in Central Asia, was a favourite game
of the Sassanian elite in Late Antiquity. Excelling in polo was an impor-

tant sign of nobility, a motif much employed in Sassanian literature.
(Walker, The Legend of Mar Qardagh, 127.) The heroic ideal of Iranian epic
tradition, as well as the tradition of peoples influenced by Sassanian cul-
tural and artistic models, are Iranian kings and heroes who excelled on the
battlefield, the hunt and the polo field (ibid., 122). The description of polo
found its way even into the seventh-century Syriac work on the life of the
Sassanian Christian saint, Mar Qardagh, born as a noble man, who first
drew the attention of the shah by excelling in polo – thereby showing his
superiority to other men – and then lost his ability to play the game when
he persecuted a Christian monk (ibid., 21, 25-6).
881 According to Khalil Jindî Rashow this call to war refers to the
time when Muslim rulers came to fight Sheikh Adi (oral communication),
but the fact that the song lacks any references to concrete historical
events, even if only mythical ones, makes this conclusion doubtful, and
suggests that ‘war” should be understood in a more general sense, as a
“form of conduct.”
The notion that spiritual awakening was a form of going to

war was taken up by later generations. A distinctive feature of
Syriac Christianity, especially in its monastic (or ascetic) form, was
its preoccupation with what they called the “contest,” the struggle
that an ascetic had to fight against the temptations and distractions
of the world as well as his inner demons. The vocabulary to de-
scribe this struggle borrows from the language of athletic contests,
as well as from the language of war. “Athletes” (of Christ) was a
popular term for the first of the martyrs, then of the monks in the
Eastern parts of the Roman Empire.882 Thus, for example, his bi-
ographer writes about Rabbula, the early fifth-century bishop of
Edessa, that after his conversion from paganism “he went into the
desert in order to fight there as an athlete ‘with evil spirits within
and without’”883 In the Syriac Life of St Simeon Stylites the expressions
“athlete” and “combatant” are repeatedly used to describe the saint
(as well as his fellow monks). “For he stood like a valiant man and
was brave like a combatant and trained like an athlete and armed
like a warrior in the army of the Lord.”884 The use of “athlete,”
however, was not restricted to literature dealing with monasticism
or to describing monks and ascetics. It was seen above how the
Syriac version of the Hymn of the Pearl 885 talks about the “combat-
ants” or “athletes,” when it reminds the sleeping Prince of his
splendid toga, which he will put on again when his “name is called
out from the book of the Combatants (athletes).”
War was another frequent metaphor. A treatise written by
Aphrahat contains portions from a liturgy of baptism, which ad-
monishes those who were called for “contest” to turn their back on
882S. Brock, “Early Syrian Asceticism,” Numen 20.1 (1973): 2.

883A. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient: A Contribution to
the History of Culture in the Near East, vol. 2 (Louvain: Secretariat du Corpus
Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium, 1958-60), 135.
884 The Syriac Life of Saint Simeon Stylites 45, trans. in Robert Doran, The
Lives of Simeon Stylites, Cistercian Publications 129 (Kalamazoo MI: 1992.)

885 Though of a highly debated origin, the Hymn of the Pearl is proba-
bly not connected with the monastic movement or monks, despite its
possibly encratite nature.
the world, as if they were being recruited for war. 886 Only those
whose heart is set on the war, and not on what they leave behind,
should venture to join the army:
Anyone who is afraid, let him retreat from the struggle… and
anyone who plants a vineyard, let him retreat from his work,
that he might not think of it and would be conquered in the
war… And anyone who builds a house let him retreat to it,
that he might not remember his house and would not fight
wholly. The struggle is suitable for solitaries,887 because their
faces are set for that which is before them… and anything that
they spoil, all (belongs) to themselves, and they receive their
profit abundantly…. And anyone who fears this part of the
contest, let him retreat… Anyone who loves possession, let
him retreat from the army, lest when the battle becomes hard
for him, he will remember his possessions and retreat. And
anyone who retreats from the struggle, - shame belongs to
him… every one who chooses for himself and puts on the ar-
mor, if he retreats from the struggle, laughter belongs to
him.888
As regards the dualistic movements of Late Antiquity, it
hardly needs to be said that confronting the (material) world is the
constant, underlying motif of these systems. Their very cosmology
and anthropology is based on the notion of a non-ceasing war be-
tween the powers of light and darkness. Man’s ultimate duty, once
he is awakened, is to fight relentlessly against the world of matter
to free his soul from it. Mentions of the struggle and war against
the world and its elements of Darkness are abundant in texts of
dualistic origin:
886 According to Vööbus, during a period of early monasticism “bap-

tism became the prerogative of the ascetic elite only… the sign of those
who had courage to make the radical decision to turn their backs deci-
sively upon the world.” Vööbus, History of Asceticism, vol. 1, 90. In other
words this liturgy is addressed at those who are about to embark on an
ascetic life.
887 That is ascetics, who have pledged to live a life of celibacy.
888 Vööbus, History of Asceticism I, 93-94.
Fight the great fight as long as the fight lasts, while all the
powers are staring after you - not only the holy ones, but also
all the powers of the Adversary… if you fight the fight and are
victorious over the powers which fight against you, you will
bring great joy to every holy one, and yet great grief to your
enemies.889
Only those who have faced this fight against the world bravely can
hope to reach (return to) heaven, the world of light: “Fight, o sons
of Light, yet a little while and you will be victorious. He that shirks
his burden will forfeit his bride chamber.”890
The reference to the war, which all who are awake are going
to, explains the title of the Beyta Cindî: “The Song of the Soldier.”
“Soldier” (of God) would express the message implicit in the song
much better than the more neutral “commoner.” It is a wake up
call addressed to those willing to awaken and face the world and
the enemies of faith, whether physical or abstract, as good soldiers
or athletes. As has been mentioned in the introduction to the Beyta
Cindî, cindî as a general rule appears in texts where there is a refer-
ence to the need to fight for the faith, and especially to the final,
eschatological battle between the powers of good and evil. For ex-
ample, it appears in the eschatological Hymn of Sherfedin which cen-
ters on the topic of the Final War to be fought by the Mehdi and
the faithful. It can also be found in the Hymn of Sheikh Obekr, where
it talks about the khirqe and the keys (to the divine mystery, gnosis)
being bestowed on the feqirs, who “renounced the desolate, transi-
tory evil,”891 and goes on to talk about the cindî, who will also re-
ceive the keys of mystery, in connection with the Last Day and
God as the leader of a vast army.892 Such usage of the image of the
889 Teaching of Silvanus 114.1-6, in Nag Hammadi Codex VII, 357.

890 Psalms to Jesus CCXLIX, in Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II,
58.24-26.
891 Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 9, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 209.
892 “Those keys, They will bring to the hands of those commoners
(cindî). All five obligatory acts of Truth will bear witness for them on the
Last Day. My King, ever since he was the Prince, Was the leader of a vast
army. With the Seven Mysteries (i. e., the Seven Angels) of Sultan Êzîd, he
soldier, as a soldier of God and faith, was wide-spread in Late An-

tiquity, both among those following a dualistic ideology, and in the
so-called orthodox Christian circles.
Those engaged in this fight are soldiers, or at least “combat-
ants.” As has been said above, in a Syriac-speaking environment,
“athlete” or “combatant” was commonly used to refer either to
monks or anybody in general fighting for his faith. This usage was
then carried over into Manichaeism, where the soul was the central
protagonist in the cosmological struggle between Light and Dark-
ness.893 In its turn, Yezidi usage of cindî, whose definition was given
as “a godfearing Yezidi, with a connotation of poverty, discipline
and simplicity,” sounds very similar to the definition of an “athlete
of Christ,” that is an ascetic.
Promise of salvation or heavenly reward

As a counterpoint to the “moral instruction” or rather the demand
for future actions befitting a believer and threats aimed at those
who prove to be slack in their duty, stands the third element, the
promise of salvation. Of course, talking of a heavenly reward may
be more correct than using the term “salvation” when dealing with
Yezidis concepts. But if we remember that the notion of salvation
is often expressed by the idea of return to heaven or light in late
antique texts, it cannot be doubted that we meet with the same
element in the Beyta Cindî. The text clearly promises those ready to
heed the wake up call that they will attain the gardens of Eternal
Paradise, the Realm of Sultan Êzid (God):
Oh commoner, do not eat in the daytime,
And do not sleep at night.
Lift your head, look at the properties and gardens (above):
was the knowing one. Hymn of Sheikh Obekr 10-11, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism,
209-11.
893 The Manichaean Psalm to Jesus 31 quoted above on the soul arm-
ing itself in the commandment of God and going out into the world refers
to man (or the soul) as “champion”: “As I was saying these things in tears
the Saviour called me: come, o busy champion, and give the garland of
Light to me.”
Eternal Paradise is the realm of Sultan Êzid, peace be upon

him.
The fact that reaching heaven, the realm of light, is promised as a
reward to the soldiers who wake up and take up the struggle for
faith, is made even more apparent by the last part of the song, once
its obscure references are interpreted. In fact this second,894 seem-
ingly independent part of the beyt, the Hymn of the Headdress, (follow-
ing on the wake up call and the Sufi description of divine intoxica-
tion) is nothing else but a literary expression of the third element of
the Call of Awakening, the promise of redemption or heavenly re-
ward.
THE HEADDRESS: THE REWARD OF AWAKENING – THE

CROWN (AND THE ROBE)
The Hymn of the Headdress is said to constitute a semi-independent part

of the Beyta Cindî. (It is also included in the Hymn of Sheikh Heseni Sul-
tan, on which more will be said below.) This part is almost exclusively
devoted to the headdress or crown (kof) of Pîrê Libnan, a headdress
that is “pristine,” “commemorated in the world,” “precious,” and
most relevantly, “luminous.” What is more, “saints,”895 “mirîds,” “be-
lievers,” and “discerning ones” have gathered around this headdress,
and “good men have taken their share of it.”
I must confess that I am at a loss to explain the role of Pîrê
Libnan, the owner of this headdress. He is not much mentioned in
everyday discourse on religion among Yezidis today.896 According
to Kreyenbroek’s list of Yezidi holy figures,897 Pîrê Libnan (Pîr of
the Bricks) is believed to have built many of the shrines in Lalish.
He is a khas of marriage and domesticity, he brings about mar-
894 Or third, if we consider the stanzas on wine and divine intoxica-
tion as a separate unit.

895 weli – Arabic for saints or holy men.
896 That is, I have never heard him mentioned, though I have to con-
fess that I never remembered to ask directly after his person.

riages. He also has strong links with Khidr-Ilyas. One of his epi-
thets is “whose prayers are heard.” According to Feqir Haji, he was
the leader of the legendary “Forty Men,” the companions of Sheikh
Adi.898 In Khanke, a Yezidi collective village near the bank of the
Tiger, he is prayed to by unmarried maidens and young men, who
ask for his help to find a spouse.899 None of these provides a clue
for interpreting Pîrê Libnan’s role in the hymn. Possibly, there is
some aspect of Pîrê Libnan that eludes me, and subsequent re-
search will perhaps bring to light details concerning the role of Pîrê
Libnan that will explain his association with the luminous head-
dress. It is equally possible that the information shedding light on
Pîrê Libnan’s role has long dropped out from the memory of
Yezidi oral tradition, and has been lost for good. All I can ascertain
for the time being, based on the text of the Hymn of the Headdress, is
that Pîrê Libnan and his headdress are associated with the sur, the
mystery, divine essence of the Great Angels. The sur of Sheikh
Mend, Sheikh Adi, Sultan Êzid, Melek Sheikh Hesen (Sheikh Sin),
Sheikh Obekr, Shems el-Dîn, and Fekhr el-Dîn900 are all mentioned
in sequence as to what (or whom) Pîrê Libnan, or his headdress,
serves as an ornament. The Kurdish text is rather difficult to inter-
pret at this point, but it may not be too far-fetched to assume that
898 Other traditions mention Hesen Meman, or Dawude Derman, or
Mehmed Reshan as the leader of the Forty. Some traditions connect the
forty pîr families with the Chil Mêr of Forty Men. The Forty Saints are a
well known concept in both Sufism and “popular” Islam, though the ex-
act connection with the Yezidi Forty Men is as yet not clear.
899 Oral information from Pîr Jafo, the guardian or mijewir of the
sanctuary of Mem Shîvan in Khanke. It is possible that Pîrê Libnan fulfills

the same function in other villages as well, but it does not necessarily have
to be so, given the great variability of beliefs concerning Yezidi holy be-
ings. In Khanke those praying to Pîrê Libnan try to balance three round
stone balls on top of each other at a spot dedicated to him, near the sanc-
tuary of Sheikh Adi. If the stone balls stay put, their wishes will be ful-
filled. Such a custom of balancing stones on each other seems to be wide-
spread throughout the region. For example, I have heard of similar prac-
tice in south-east (Kurdish) Turkey.
900 On these figures, appearing both sometimes as Angels, sometimes
as khas or holy beings on earth, see Kreyenbroek’s “Survey of Prominent

Yezidi Holy Beings,” Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 91-107.
it is the headdress which is the ornament of the mystery of these

divine figures (that is, the headdress is worn by the Angels possess-
ing the divine essence, mystery), rather than the ornament being
Pîrê Libnan himself.
If we set aside poor Pîrê Libnan and concentrate on this mys-
terious headdress instead, we may fare better with trying to solve
the riddle posed by the hymn. The headdress (kof or tac/tanc), also
referred to as “the luminous black crown,”901 has already been
mentioned in the chapter on the khirqe as a garment of faith. It was
created by God along with the khirqe, baptized and worn by him,
and then later worn by his Angels and the khas, the Yezidi holy
men or incarnate divine beings. It appeared in some versions of the
myth of Adam as a part of Adam’s angelic apparel, while he was
still in Paradise, with the sur or mystery of Sheikh Sin dwelling in
his forehead. And finally there was Sheikh Adi’s headdress or
crown, still guarded in Lalish, from which light is said to have
shone while he was wearing it, just as from his khirqe. On the earth,
along with the khirqe, it represents religious gnosis, divine enlight-
enment.902 If the khirqe accrues to those who follow the true faith,
after their death or on the Last Day as the eschatological hymns
analyzed in the previous chapter imply, it is reasonable to assume
that the headdress will also be given as a reward to the faithful,
when they ascends to heaven. This is, as I believe, the message of
the Hymn of the Headdress. Just as the promise of heavenly reward is
in keeping with the late antique tradition of the Call of Awakening,
the promise of a headdress (or crown) constituting a part of this
reward is probably another late antique inheritance.
901For example, Hymn of the Faith 19 “My Sultan Ezi(d) put on the
khirqe, He placed a luminous black crown of power on his head.”
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 85-6.) See also Beyt of Mir Mih 6-8.
902 The feqirs today also wear a kind of black turban along with the
black khirqe, symbolizing this divine headdress or crown.

The Crown of Light in Late Antique Calls of Awakening
It was seen in the previous chapter how in many texts a crown was
also promised along with (or occasionally in the place of) the robe
of glory to those pious who strove to live the true, sinless life of
the faithful. In Jewish and Christian tradition the crown (worn by
the angels and also lost by Adam) accompanied the robe as the
reward of the righteous in a great number of texts. There is no
need to quote again the relevant texts, but it may be worthwhile to
call attention to the fact that, just like in Beyta Cindî, the crown or
crowning is often mentioned in connection with the “war” or
“contest” that had to be fought on account of faith. For example,
Syriac literature on the life of the martyrs also speaks of martyrdom
as “crowning,” being killed for the sake of faith is being “crowned
with the crown of victory.”903 The crown appears as a sort of re-
ward, symbolizing the promise of salvation, for those who fight
valiantly: “An everlasting crown is Truth; blessed are they who set
it on their head. It is a precious stone, for the wars were on account
of the crown.” 904 The Syriac Acts of Thomas,905 which seem to have
preserved ancient liturgical formulations, say: “Blessed are the spir-
its of the holy ones (chaste ones) who have taken the crown and
gone up from the contest.”906 One of the hymns of Ephrem in his
903 See, for example, Walker, Syriac Legend of Mar Qardagh, 68 and pas-
sim.
904 Odes of Solomon 9. 8-9, in Charlesworth, Old Testament Pseudepi-
grapha vol. 2, 743.

905 This third-century New Testament apocryph has survived in
Syriac and Greek manuscripts. The Greek version contains some Gnostic
undertones, which have been purged from the Syriac version. Conse-
quently, the Greek version is considered older, though the Acts were
probably composed in Syriac in Northern Mesopotamia.
906 Vööbus, History of Asceticism, vol. 1, 91. Vööbus claims that the
crown refers to baptism, pointing to the fact that newly baptized persons
were dressed in white robes and crowns were placed on their heads, and
that liturgical hymns refer to baptism as crown. It has been seen, however,
that starting with Jewish texts and the Book of Revelation the crown may
have other, including eschatological, meanings. As the Acts of Thomas talks
about “going up from the contest” it is likely that the text wants to confer
Epiphany Hymn Cycle not only mentions the crown (and garment)
that will be set on the head of the redeemed when he recovers the
glory lost by Adam, returns to Eden and becomes again like the
angels, but they also echo a number of themes in the Beyta Cindî
analyzed above, including repeated references made to the war that
has to be fought before victory is achieved and the crown con-
ferred:
Your garments glisten, my brethren, as snow; and fair is your
shining in the likeness of Angels!
In the likeness of Angels, you have come up, beloved, from
Jordan’s river, in the armour of the Holy Ghost.
The bridal chamber that fails not, my brethren, you have re-
ceived: and the glory of Adam’s house today you have
put on.
The judgment that came of the fruit, was Adam’s condemna-
tion: but for you victory, has arisen this day.
Your vesture is shining, and goodly your crowns: which the
Firstborn has bound for you, by the priest’s hand this
day.
Woe in Paradise, did Adam receive: but you have received
glory this day.
The armour of victory, you put on my beloved: in the hour
when the priest, invoked the Holy Ghost…
The day when he dawned, the Heavenly King opens for you
His door and bids you enter Eden.
Crowns that fade not away are set on your heads: hymns of
praise hourly, let your mouths sing…
The Evil One made war, and subdued Adam’s house: through
your baptism, my brethren, lo, he is subdued this day.
Great is the victory but today you have won: if so be ye neglect
not, you shall not perish, my brethren.907
an eschatological meaning, which would be a bit premature at the mo-

ment of baptism.
907 Hymn for the Feast of the Epiphany 13 (Hymn for the Baptized), 1-7, 10,
11, 19-20. trans. E. Johnston, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, vol. 13, ed.
P. Schaff. (Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1898.)
The warning not to neglect one’s duties is added to the theme of

fight in another hymn of Ephrem, which promises receiving the
crown as the final reward. In this hymn Ephrem calls on the faith-
ful to live up to the promise of baptism, and not become slack in
their duties, or in his language, not become a heathen again, but to
remember their baptism, the commandments of God, and fight
against evil. Then they shall receive atonement and the crown.908
In Gnostic texts one also finds the image of the soul returning
to the realm of light being crowned, alongside the metaphor of
being invested with a garment of light.909 Thus, for example, the
work Zostrianos describes the mystical ascent of the soul toward
acquaintance or Gnosis, and at the end of this spiritual journey
concludes: “I united with them all910... I became all perfect and re-
ceived power. I was written in glory and sealed. I received there a
perfect crown.”911 The theme of contest reappears in the Teachings
of Silvanus, where those who contend well (are good athletes, com-
batants) will be crowned by Christ:
And the Life of Heaven wishes to renew all, that he may cast
out that which is weak, and every black form, that everyone
may shine forth with great brilliance in heavenly garments in
order to make manifest the command of the Father, and that
he may crown those wishing to contend well. Christ, being
judge of the contest, is he who crowned every one, teaching
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3704.htm, last accessed 11 October

2009.
908 “But our Shepherd has baptized His sheep… The People passed
through the water and were baptized,: the People came up on dry land
and became as heathen. The Commandment was savourless in their ears;
the manna corrupted in their vessels. Eat the living Body,—the medicine
of life that gives life to all!.... You have gone down to the victorious wa-
ters: come up and triumph in the fight! receive from the water atonement,
and from the fight the crowning!” Hymn for the Feast of the Epiphany 7.5-8,
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/3704.htm.
909 John D. Turner, “Ritual in Gnosticism,” SBLSP 33 (1994): 136-
181, http://jdt.unl.edu/ritual.htm#fnB33, last accessed 11 October 2009.

910 I.e., with the powers of Light.
911 Zostrianos, 129,12-16 (cf. 57,13-24), ed. B. Layton, trans. J. H.
Sieber, in Nag Hammadi Codex VIII, NHS 31 (Leiden: Brill, 1991), 221
every one to contend. This one who contended first received

the crown, gained dominion, and appeared, giving light to eve-
ryone.912
The Untitled Text of the Bruce Codex also makes frequent men-
tion of the ray-emitting crowns913 of the holy beings of light, which
those closed in the body strive to attain:
This is the crown which gives power to every power. And this
is the crown for which all the immortal ones pray… those who
have received bodies pray, wishing to leave their bodies be-
hind, and to receive the crown which is laid up for them in the
imperishable aeon.914… And the all-visible one came forth
wearing the crown, and gave (crowns) to those who have be-
lieved.915
Manichaean tradition is of special relevance, for hymns which
can be defined as literary Calls of Awakening often include the
promise of a crown as a reward for those who awaken, symbolizing
the promise of salvation inherent in the Gnostic Call. (The crown
of light may also appear instead as a diadem or a wreath – these
three, crown, diadem and wreath seem to be three different ways of
expressing the glorious headdress that accompanies the garment
and the different texts may mention all three, just two, or only one
of them at the same time.)916 Already some versions of the Call (of
the Living Spirit) and the Answer (of the awakened Primal Man)
contain allusions to the crown of light, like this Turfan fragment:
[Call:] Shake off the drunkenness in which thou hast slum-
bered,
912Teachings of Silvanus 112,10-27, in Nag Hammadi Codex VII, 353.

913Untitled Text of the Bruce Codex ch. 11.
914 Untitled Text of the Bruce Codex ch. 9.
915 Ibid. ch. 12.
916 It is revealing, for example, that in the Coptic Kephalaia, the dia-
dem, wreath and crown are held by the same angel, while another holds
the garment, and the third one the “prize.” One (angel) holds the prize in
his hand. The second bears the light garment. The third is the one who
possesses the diadem and the wreath and the crown of light.” Kephalaia
36.12-21, Gardner, Kephalaia, 40.
Awake and behold me!

Good tidings to thee from the world of joy
From which I am sent for thy sake.
[Answer:] I am I, the son of the mild ones.
Mingled am I and lamentation I see.
Lead me out of the embracement of death.
[Call:] Power and prosperity of the Living unto thee from thy
home!
Follow me, son of mildness,
Set upon thy head the crown of light.917
Modeled on the fate of the Primal Man, the same crown (and of
course the robe of light) awaits those souls (particles of the impris-
oned light armor, sons of the Primal Man) who manage to emulate
their forefather, wake up and break free of the matter:
Deep is the drunken stupor in which you sleep, awake and
look at me. From the World of Peace, from which I have been
sent for your sake: Hail... Follow me, son of mildness, and set
the wreath of Light upon your head.918
O Soul… thou sleeping,
They that sleep (lacuna… ) they that slumber
Awake. Lo, the morning has come, lo, the sun rises on [thee].
The morning is the Truth, the Truth is the command-
ments…919
O Noble one despised. Thy king searches for thee. Where are
thy angelic garments, thy robes that grow not old?
Where are thy gay garlands, the crowns that fall not?920
The second psalm just quoted has many parallels, concerning its
content, with the Yezidi Song of the Commoner. The whole Call of
917 Turfan fragment M 7, quoted in Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 83.

918 Zarahusra-fragment (Parthian), Klimkeit, Gnosis on the Silk Road, 47-8.
Zarahustra (Zoroaster) was considered one of the prophets preceding him
by Mani, whose message aimed at freeing the Living Soul from the matter.
919 Psalmoi Sarakotôn, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 146.14-20.
920 Psalmoi Sarakotôn, ibid., 146.38-44.
Awakening is embedded in a naturalistic scene of the morning

coming and the sun rising, just as in its Yezidi counterpart. The
Call to awaken is then followed by a reminder of Truth and the
commandments, that is, faith and the religious precepts, which a
Manichaean has to follow, if he wishes to serve his Lord. The
moral instruction is then followed by the promise of salvation,
symbolized by the garment of light, the garland and the crown,
which await the true believer. Other hymns put the emphasis on
the cry or the voice calling from the beyond (like the voice of the
cockerel calling from the Throne of God) and add the prospect of
returning to heaven to the promise of the robe and crown:
When I heard the cry of my saviour, a power clothed all my
limbs, their bitter walls I destroyed, their doors I broke down,
I ran to my Judge. The garland of glory he set upon my head,
the prize of victory he set in my hand, he clothed me in the
robe of light.921
Finally, just like Manichaean hymns, Mandaean hymns of the Call
of Life also hold out the promise of a wreath to be set on the head
of those, who rise from their sleep:
Early I arose from my sleep: I stood,
Into radiance that was great I looked,
I gazed into radiance that was great,
Into the Light which is boundless.
When clothed in robes of radiance
And light was thrown on my shoulders
A wreath of ether He set on my head
921 Psalm to Jesus CCXLIII, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 50.21.
See also: “And while I thus wept and shed tears upon the ground, I heard
the voice of the Beneficent King… I shall save you from every… Of the
rebellious Powers who have frightened [you] with fear… I shall take (you)
eagerly and soar up upon wings, High over all the (Dark) Powers and re-
bellious Princes, I shall lead (you) into the primeval calm of that land [i.e.
the New Paradise]… You shall put on a radiant garment, and gird on
Light; And I shall set on your head the diadem of sovereignty.” Parthian
Hymn-Cycles, Huvîdagmān, Canto VI, Asmussen, Manichaean Literature 85-
86.
And set it on the head of all His race

He hymned, and the ‘uthras with Him hymn
And the Light-rays answer his Voice.
And it rouseth sleepers and maketh them rise up
From their sleep. 922
The Headdress and the Promise of Heaven in the Beyta

Cindî
Admittedly, the Yezidi text, in its present form, does not openly
state that such a “luminous headdress” will accrue to those who
harken to the voice of the cockerel. However, it is possible to con-
clude that as much is implied by the text. The song’s claim that
saints, believers, mirîds923 and discerning ones have gathered around
the headdress, suggests that believers (will) have access to this pre-
cious item of divine clothing. This interpretation is reinforced by
the sentence, “Your headdress is in order, the good men have
taken their share of it.” The next few verses further illuminate the
circumstances of taking share in the crown:
Your headdress is precious,
It flew, it went away, it was in Heaven,
It circled around the Throne…
I went towards that light.
One cries out in deep emotion…
I went towards heaven.
That sight pleases me,
922 Drower, Canonical Prayerbook of the Mandaeans. The Rus’hma, chap-

ter 114. The hymn continues with the moral instruction to “worship and
praise the Great Life and praise His Counterpart,” already quoted above.
The Gnostic Society Library (online),
http://www.gnosis.org/library/ginzarba.htm, accessed 03. 07. 2008.
923 I.e., Yezidi commoners. In this context they are probably to be
understood as believers of the true faith, just like Manichaean auditors,

who do not possess a special status, but are ready to follow their religious
leaders who posses knowledge of the true religion.
The Commoner has become a Prince dressed in Black.

The headdress or crown seems to lead the way to heaven, to the
throne of God, or in any case is to be found there. And this is
where the faithful soldier himself will follow, whose reward of the
fight will be to reach heaven and the divine light, just like in the late
antique texts quoted above.924 This interpretation is reinforced by
the last line, on the commoner (soldier) being dressed in Black.
This Black symbolizes the clothing of the feqirs, who wear the sa-
cred black shirt with a black turban, believed to be fashioned after
the luminous black khirqe and crown worn by God and Angels of
the Yezidi hymns. A commoner becoming dressed in black refers
to his winning these sacred items of clothing. In other words, the
soldier who has heeded the Call of Awakening and fought the fight
for his Master, will as his reward reach heaven, become like a feqir,
that is a true man of religion, and put on the sacred clothing, khirqe
and crown.925
The expression “the commoner became a Prince”, which can
be found only in the version of the Hymn of the Headdress contained
by the Beyta Cindî, is somewhat of a challenge to interpret. Feqirs are
never referred to as “prince” (mîr), a term which as a rule refers to
God in Yezidi sacred hymns. Thus, the statement that the soldier
of faith becomes a prince upon reaching Heaven would seem to
imply a sort of apotheosis of the soldier, probably in the sense that
the soul of the true believer would eventually unite, become one
with the Divine. Such an interpretation could also be born out by
the idea that in heaven the true believer would wear the khirqe and
crown. This may, of course, merely imply that the believer becomes
like a feqir, a truly pious ascetic, but it is equally possible that the
924Note that in the Calls of Awakening above light (receiving light,

being illuminated by light, or ascending back to the world of light) was
often associated with awakening.
925 The same line is repeated in the hymn of the headdress contained in
the Hymn of Sheikh Heseni Siltan 19: “I went to the realm of heaven, That sight
pleases me, The commoner had been dressed in black” (Kreyenbroek, God
and Sheikh Adi, 360.) In his footnote Kreyenbroek explains: “in heaven the
pious commoner was recognised as the equal of a Feqir.” (Kreyenbroek,
Sheikh Adi, 360, note 111.)
black garments here refer not to the dress of the feqirs, but its heav-
enly archetypes, the luminous black khirqe and crown of God and
his Angels. Adam, while living in Paradise as an angelic being, with
the sur or divine essence in his forehead, also wore these black gar-
ments as the symbols of his angelic status.926 The (Yezidi) soldier of
faith heeding the Call to awaken would then be dressed in the same
angelic clothing as that lost by Adam (of which the garments of the
feqirs are mere earthly reminders.) At the same time he would also
regain the divine status lost by Adam (become a Prince), since being
an angel (possessor of the sur, or divine essence, power) amounts to
being a divine being in Yezidi religious thought, that is, being ulti-
mately one with the prince (mîr), or the godhead. If this interpretation
is correct, this single sentence would contain not only a promise of
heavenly reward, but also the missing reminder of the soul’s origin,
one of the doctrinal elements of the Gnostic Call. As has been seen,
the idea that human soul is of divine origin, and will eventually
(upon its redemption) unite again with the Divine, is one of the
cornerstones of Gnostic and related systems. If the interpretation
of this cryptic sentence on the soldier becoming a Prince dressed in
Black is correct, this would be a most interesting thought as far as
Yezidi anthropology, its origins and development are concerned.
Unfortunately, the texts published so far do not yield enough in-
formation to let us decide if there was indeed such a thought of the
unification of the soul with the Divine present in Yezidi religion
once, or if this is a mere corruption of the text, and “prince” has
merely been switched for feqir. The question, therefore, must for
the time being, remain open.
Any remaining doubt that these stanzas refer to the soldier of
faith ascending to heaven and reaping his reward, symbolized by re-
ceiving his share of the sacred clothing, can be removed by a com-
parison with the version of the headdress hymn found in the Hymn of
Sheikh Heseni Siltan. Though very similar to the one contained in the
Beyta Cindî, there are some interesting differences:
926 Though he lost this sur, along with the garments at the time of his
expulsion, the Yezidi “race” was then created from this lost sur, as shall be
seen in the next chapter, thus providing Yezidis (or their souls) with a divine
origin.
Your head-dress is big

Falcons called to it overhead…
I went to the realm of that head-dress
I sought to reach the shores of the ocean
Oh beloved Pire Libnan
Their cup stood on holy wood927
Oh Pir, let me be your slave.
I went to the realm of heaven
That sight pleases me
The commoner had been dressed in black
Oh Pir, let me be your slave928
The text makes it clear that the realm of heaven and the realm of
the head-dress, where the believer aims to arrive, are ultimately the
same. And if heaven is no other than the realm of head-dress, it is
probably not too far-fetched to conclude that reaching heaven will
mean attaining the headdress, or “taking a share of it” as the hymn
says.
The Song of the Commoner then ends with a brief enumeration of
the sacred spots in Lalish, the holy valley: the Cave, the Silavgeh, 929
and the Spires of the Sanctuary. Keeping in mind that Lalish is
nothing else but the earthly reflection of heavenly Lalish, the
Throne of God,930 it would not be too daring a supposition to as-
927 Gezir, the special sacred wood used for cooking in Lalish.
928 Hymn of Sheikh Heseni Siltan 16-19, Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 359-60.
929 The “place of greeting,” the stone marking the place on the path
leading to Lalish, from where the valley is first sighted. Pilgrims used to
fire their rifles at his spot and kiss the stone.
930 Yezidi oral tradition relates how the earth at the time of creation
settled only when Lalish, the Throne of God, “came down” on it. Accord-
ing to Dr. Khalil Jindî Rashow, the relationship between earthly and heav-
enly Lalish should be compared to that between God and the human soul.
Talking of the connection between earthly and heavenly Lalish, he men-
tioned the mysterious tree, Ghew(ar) referred to in the Prayer of Belief 6
(Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 104) as a tree which had “Its head be-
low, its roots above, The angels took the light from the uppermost
height.” In his interpretation this was the Tree of Knowledge connecting
sume that the text refers to heavenly Lalish (representing the batini
or spiritual, esoteric world), and not the earthly Lalish, its zahiri
(material, exoteric) counterpart. The mention of the “eternal place,
at the eternal foundation” supports his assumption. Earthly Lalish
could hardly be called “eternal foundation” unlike heavenly Lalish,
the Throne of God. It is heavenly Lalish where the soldier eventu-
ally arrives, following the flight of the headdress. Thus, the third
element of the classical Call of Awakening, the promise of heaven,
is fulfilled in the hymn of the headdress, where the faithful soldier
is rewarded with access to heaven and investiture with the head-
dress, and possibly the black khirqe as well, so that the commoner
will become “black,” (dressed as in the luminous black khirqe and
kof) in heaven, becoming once again like Adam was before his ex-
pulsion.
***
Summing up, there can be little doubt that the Beyta Cindî is a
Yezidi version of the late antique literary genre of the Call of
Awakening (also referred to as the Gnostic Call). It calls on the
faithful to wake up, designating sleep as something dark, unlawful
and leading to punishment. In other words, sleep is a metaphor for
the state of spiritual ignorance, where the individual inevitably
transgresses the divine precepts and commandments due to his
lack of religious awareness. Awakening, on the other hand, is spiri-
tual conversion, a turning toward religion and accepting its de-
mands. The classical image of awakening is here complemented by
the Sufi image of wine, divine intoxication, which leads to a mysti-
cal state of gnosis, also a form of awakening and enlightenment.
The Call itself, a voice calling for awakening in the middle of the
night, comes from the word of the beyond, from heaven or the
Throne of God, in keeping with the late antique tradition of the
Call being the voice of the transmundane penetrating this world.
Beside the exhortation to awaken and spurn sleep, the song also
contains at least two of the three doctrinal elements of the Gnostic
earthly and heavenly Lalish. With its roots it absorbed divine gnosis in
heavenly Lalish to distribute it through its branches down on earth.
Call. It contains a moral instruction, instructing the awakened be-

liever of his duties toward God and the righteous conduct expected
of him. It also calls on the believer, consistently referred to
throughout the song as soldier, to fight the war for his faith, yet
another common late antique motif. Punishment meted out to
those who prove to be slack in their service constitutes a part of
this moral instruction. As a counterpart to the moral instruction we
find the promise of salvation or, in a Yezidi context, the promise of
a heavenly reward: ascension to heaven, to the eternal Paradise and
the Throne of God (fleetingly mentioned in the first, and elabo-
rated in the last part of the hymn), and being invested with the lu-
minous black headdress (crown,) and perhaps with the black khirqe
as well.931 The promise of the headdress and the khirqe932 as a re-
ward for those who heed the Call of Awakening and take their part
in the fight for faith connects the Beyta Cindî to the same tradition
as the eschatological Hymn of Sherfedin and he Hymn of Faith. Both of
these hymns promise the khirqe as a reward to those who are will-
ing to join the fight on the side of the true religion at the battle at
the end of the world.
The story of the Yezidi khirqe and the crown (kof, tac) has
come full circle. They were the clothing of God at the very begin-
ning of the creation, and the light emanating from them played its
role in the creation. They were later inherited by the Angels, sym-
bolizing their share in the divine power. Then they were worn by
the angels incarnated on earth as Yezidi leaders, finally becoming
instruments of distributing faith and divine wisdom among men.
They play a role in the myth of Adam’s (i.e. man’s) creation as well.
The sacred clothing is then worn by Adam while he lives in Para-
dise and possesses the sur, divine essence of Angel Sheikh Sin.
931Possibly, the third element, reminder of the soul’s divine origin, is

also present. If so, the Song promises not only investiture with the lumi-
nous black garments and ascension to heaven, but also a return to the
soul’s original state, that is becoming one with the Divine again, the key
message of the Gnostic Call.
932 Though the promise of the khirqe is not explicit in the text, it may
be inferred from the line stating that the soldier will become black, that is,
in heaven he will be dressed in the black khirqe and headdress of the feqirs.
Upon his loss of the sur, that is the loss of his angelic status, Adam
is expelled from Paradise and divested of his angelic clothing.
These lost garments are finally recaptured as a heavenly reward by
the “soldier” of faith, who awakens to the true religion, and takes
up the struggle for it. It may even be inferred, even if the Yezidi
texts published so far and the extant oral traditions do not state it
openly, that the Yezidi who manages to shed the manacles of sleep
(spiritual unconsciousness) and follows the true religion, regains
the original divine state of Adam, that is he becomes like Adam
when he was in Paradise and possessed the divine soul of Melek
Sheikh Sin and wore the khirqe and the kof.
It is hard to miss the parallel between the khirqe and kof and
the garments of light of Late Antiquity, and especially the light
garments of Adam, lost at the time of his Fall and eventually re-
gained as a symbol of salvation by those who become victorious in
the spiritual fight, regaining man’s elevated position lost a the time
of the Fall.933 The appearance of the kof and the khirqe, the latter
designated with a Sufi word but carrying ideas inherited from Late
Antiquity, in a hymn continuing the late antique tradition of the
Call of Awakening is further proof of the long-lasting influence the
late antique religious thought exercised even on the periphery of
the Mediterranean world well into the Middle Ages, when Yezidi
tradition developed.
933 Christian and dualistic systems emphasize different elements of
the myth, and their understanding of the human soul’s original position
also differs (angelic or part of the divine, consubstantial with the Light),
but both concur on the notion of the soul’s return to its original elevated
position, often expressed by the investiture with the garment and crown
of light.
9 THE ORIGIN MYTH OF THE YEZIDIS –
THE MYTH OF SHEHID BIN JER
THE CREATION MYTH OF SHEHID BIN JER
Creation from the Sur in Adam’s Forehead
In this chapter I propose to return to the creation myth of Adam as

told by Feqir Haji. The first part of this myth has already been ana-
lyzed in details in a previous chapter. The second part tells of the
creation of the Yezidi race (or rather their forefather, Shehid) from
the divine essence, the sur of Angel Sheikh Sin lost by Adam along
with his angelic clothing at the time of his expulsion from Paradise.
I shall first recount again the myth as told by Feqir Haji, but now
focusing on the events that followed the fall of Adam and his loss
of the sur. The myth as told by Feqir Haji, to the best of my knowl-
edge, has never been published in full in Western literature be-
fore:934
Sheikh Sin is from goodness. He was modeled after the Pearl.
He existed before men and women. Sheikh Sin was created
from Goodness, and his Light was staying in the Divine Light.
In heaven he was the king of true religion. On earth he gave
power to the prophet of the Ummah.
The prophet of the Ummah was no other than Adam. The di-
vine light and mysterious power (sur) of Melek Sheikh Sin came
from heaven into the forehead of Adam.
934 For the original text of the myth, as recounted by Feqir Haji and
others, see the transcriptions and translations in the Appendix.
327
God created Adam’s body between Saturday and Friday. After

seven hundred years, a soul entered this body. This soul was an
angel that came from heaven. The soul did not want to enter
the body. The seven Angels stood around the body and they
said to this angel, you have to enter into this body so that the
world (mankind) may be established.” This soul was the soul
of Melek Sheik Sin.
For seven hundred years the soul (Sheikh Sin) did not go into
Adam, but then God and the Peacock Angel commanded that
he must go into it. Before the soul [or light, sur] of Melek
Sheikh Sin entered Adam, it made conditions for entering the
body and said to God and the Peacock Angel, “take me to
Paradise then.” They consented. He said, “put the khirqe on
me.” They consented. He said, “and let the Peacock Angel be
my imam and show my way around Paradise.” They con-
sented.
So, finally, Melek Sheik Sin consented. Then he brought his di-
vine power and light, that is, his sur, and put it into Adam’s
forehead and stayed in Adam’s forehead. And they put the
khirqe on Adam. The khirqe became Adam’s cloth. And the
Peacock Angel took Adam to Paradise and became his imam.
Then follows the story of the Peacock Angel tricking Adam into
tasting the forbidden grain:
Then the Peacock Angel took away the khirqe of Adam, and he
took away the sur in Adam’s forehead. As long as Adam was in
Paradise, he was like a great angel, for the divine light, or sur of
Sheikh Melek Sin inside him was great. But after the Peacock
Angel took away the sur from his forehead, and his khirqe, he
became like the empty shell of a snail. He became a human.
The Peacock Angel then created Eve from the rib of Adam,
and Adam married Eve. They had seventy-two sons and sev-
enty-two daughters, who later married each other. This was the
beginning of mankind.935
935 Yezidis, no doubt under Judeo-Christian-Islamic influence, seem
to share the view that there are seventy-two nations (not counting the
Yezidis) on earth. Interestingly, many Yezidis I met claimed that Yezidis
THE ORIGIN MYTH OF THE YEZIDIS 329
When the Peacock Angel tricked Adam, and he had to leave

Paradise, Adam swore at the Peacock Angel, pronouncing the
forbidden word,936 a habit that the descendants of his children
follow up to this day. So the Peacock Angel wanted to create a
people for himself, who would revere him, so his name
wouldn’t be lost. To this end, he took the sur, which he had
taken away out of Adam’s forehead and put it in a jar, for the
form of a jar resembles that of a womb. After nine months a
boy was born from that jar who came to be called Shehid bin
Jer, or Witness of the Jar. God then sent a houri from Paradise,
called Leyla, for him to marry. From their union were born
Hashim and Quresh.937 The Yezidis are their descendants.
They were brought forth from the sur of Shehid. They are the
nation of that sur. Yezidis are not the descendants of Adam
and Eve’s twice seventy-two children, like the rest of mankind,
with whom they cannot marry. After Shehid they have no
prophet, because they are the nation of his sur, the nation of
God, and the nation of the Peacock Angel. They are the nation
of God, and that is why they are called “Ezidis,” for Shehid
said, “God gave (made) me.”938
had weathered seventy-two fermans (persecution in this context), a number

which probably reflects the traditional number of nations, and implies that
they are a people who have been persecuted by all other nations.
936 That is, he called the Peacock Angel “Sheitan,” a word Yezidis are
forbidden to pronounce.
937 Quresh was the tribe of Mohamad, Hashim his sub-tribe. The ap-
pearance of these names in a Yezidi myth as the legendary forefathers of

the Yezidis, born from the divinely conceived Shehid, reflects the strong
influence Islam must have exercised on the ancestors of Yezidis at one
point.
938 This is connected with the word play Yezidis (or as they prefer to
say these days: Ezidi/Ezdi) use to explain their name. In the phrase Xweda
ez dam, Xweda is the etymological explanation of the Kurdish for God
(Xwedê), understood as xwe da, that is “self-created” (“he who gave/made
himself), while (Xweda) ez dam means “(by the Self-created/God) I was
made/given.” Thus Yezidis claim their name, “Ezidi,” or “Ezdi” comes
from ez dam, “I was created by God.”
A less coherent account of the same event can be found in one of

the interviews made by Jasim Murad with Yezidis living in Ger-
many:
Then, Angel Dirdail entered the body of Adam and clapped
both of his hands saying: “Wake up Adam and put on your
body the attire of angels.”… Then Dirdail taught Adam the
science of God and brought him to paradise and said unto
him: “Now you are an angel, do not leave Paradise for if you
do so, you shall become a man.”939
This is followed by the story of the Peacock Angel tricking Adam
into eating from the plant of grain, his ousting from Paradise, and
the stripping of his angelic clothing:
“Now you have become a human being and you have lost your
angelic nature.”… Then, Ta’us Malak stripped Adam of the
angelic clothes and left him only with the pearl940 on his fore-
head, and then threw him away from the gates of Paradise.941
939Version of Feqir Ali, in Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 290.

940There was no previous mention of a “pearl” in the text, but it evi-
dently refers to the drop of light or sur representing the power of the an-
gel in Adam’s forehead, known from other versions of the myth. Jasim
Murad mentions later, when referring to the myth, that according to Feqir
Ali, the pearl was given to Adam by the Peacock Angel, when he was
placed in Paradise (“Sacred Poems,” 310). It is somewhat surprising that
the Peacock Angel does not take away the “pearl” right away together
with Adam’s angelic clothing, only later on, but this is probably due to the
fact that the narrator of the myth did not associate the “pearl” with the
angelic nature of Adam, that is, the presence of divine power in him
(which is referred to in this version only in an ambiguous way). This is a
good example of how oral myths are continually being changed and re-
written, when some of the motifs can no longer be interpreted by those
retelling them. Another example is furnished by Empson (Cult of the Pea-
cock Angel, 47), when he mentions jars filled with blood from the forehead,
which again must be the result of his source (sadly unspecified), perhaps
not quite understanding the myth, substituting human essence, “blood,”
for divine essence, “sur,” in Adam’s forehead.
941 Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,” 291.
This is followed by the creation of Eve, the separation of Adam

and Eve,942 and the sending of a houri from Paradise to Adam, who
made Eve very jealous. Then the text abruptly returns to Adam’s
forehead:
Ta’us Malak then asked Adam to give up the pearl and Adam
did so… Now, the pearl which Adam gave to Ta’us Malak
transformed at the order of God into a handsome boy, and
Ta’us Malak made the boy and the Houri marry each other and
the Yazidis came from their offspring.943
The myth of Shehid’s creation ends with an account of how Eve
tried to induce her children to murder the boy, but the Peacock
Angel confused the tongue of the would-be murderers, who could
no longer understand each other and so the plan failed.944
Summing up, Sheikh Sin, one of the Seven Great Angels who
were the emanations of the Godhead, “moved” into the body of
Adam in order to bring him to life, that is, to give him a soul or
spirit. His divine essence or light, the sur, was manifested in the
forehead of Adam, something that can be imagined, perhaps, as a
drop of light shining forth from Adam’s forehead, or even as a
pearl.945 At the time of his expulsion from Paradise, Adam lost the
942 Many versions of the Yezidi myth of Adam recount that the cou-
ple lost each other, or were separated, by the Peacock Angel, and spent
forty years looking for each other. The motif of separation was already
known in Late Antiquity, for example, it can be read in the Vita Adae, and
it was known in Islamic tradition as well.
944 Ibid.: “But before the young boy married the Houri, Eve advised
her children to kill the boy born out of the pearl so that one of them
could marry the Houri. But Ta’us Malak came on that night and struck the
mouths of Adam and Eve’s children with his cane, and thus, they spoke
different languages and could not understand each other, and the plot of
murdering the young boy was aborted.” As Adam and Eve had twice sev-
enty-two children, corresponding to the traditional number of nations on
earth, it is clear that this part of the myth is related to the myth of the
Tower of Babel and God confusing the tongue of the nations.
945 On the sur shining as a drop of light on the forehead of a Yezidi
divine being, and in non-Yezidi tradition of the region, see above, in

Chapter 6 on the creation myth of Adam.
sur in his forehead, along with his angelic clothing and angelic (di-
vine) status. However, the sur was not lost for good as far as the
history of humans was concerned. It was taken by the Peacock An-
gel, who ensured that a special being was born from this sur, divine
essence or light, who then became the forefather of the Yezidi race.
As Arab Khidir of Beshiqe said:946 “Adam had sur in his forehead,
this reached Shit (Shehid), this light reached his (Shehid’s) chil-
dren.”947 In other words, Shehid (and his descendants) took the
exalted position as a special people of God (in possession of the
divine essence, sur) initially given to Adam, and which Adam even-
tually lost (though in the Yezidi version through no sin of his own,
but rather to fulfill the inscrutable plans of God).
The Creation of Shehid from Adam’s Seed
There is another variant of this myth current among the Yezidis.

This variant also attributes a special birth to Shehid, forefather of
the Yezidi race. However, there are some notable differences. The
sur of a divine being does not play a role.948 Instead the myth cen-
ters around the seed of Adam. This other version has been pub-
lished repeatedly in Western scholarship, with minor variations.949
946After having first claimed that Shehid was in fact Adam, and
Yezidis were the children of Adam and Eve.
947 Adam, sur hebû li eniya wî, ew gehişte Şit, ew nûr gehişte piçukêd wî.
948 As has already been mentioned, the myth of enclosing Angel
Sheikh Sin in Adam’s body to function as his soul is not reported in the
Black Book or in any other Western publications, except for Siouffi (writ-
ing before the publication of the Black Book,) who makes a passing refer-
ence to it. Some brief mentions of it were also made in the interviews in
the unpublished doctoral thesis of Jasim Murad. These, however, failed to
attract any attention.
949 The Black Book in Joseph’s publication (“Yezidi Texts,” 223);
Chabot, “Notice sur les Yézidis,” 118; Drower Peacock Angel, 91; Empson
Cult of the Peacock Angel, 45-7, 147-48; A. Guérinot, “Les Yézidis,” RMM
5.8 (1908): 586-7; Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 36-7.; Lescot, Enquète sur les
Yezidis, 59; F. Nau, “Recueil de textes et de documents sur les Yézidis,”
245; Siouffi, “La Secte des Yézidis,” 259-60.
According to the Black Book (in the manuscript version translated

by Joseph), Shehid’s creation took place in this way:
Now Gabriel was away from Adam for a hundred years. And
Adam was sad and weeping. Then God commanded Gabriel to
create Eve from under the left shoulder of Adam. Now it came
to pass, after the creation of Eve and of all the animals, that
Adam and Eve quarreled over the question whether the human
race should be descended from him or from her, for each
wished to be the sole begetter of the race. This quarrel origi-
nated in their observation of the fact that among animals both
the male and the female were factors in the production of their
respective species. After a long discussion Adam and Eve
agreed on this: each should cast his seed into a jar, close it, and
seal it with his own seal, and wait for nine months. When they
opened the jars at the completion of this period, they found in
Adam's jar two children, male and female. Now from these
two our sect, the Yezidis are descended. In Eve's jar they
found naught but rotten worms emitting a foul odor. And God
caused nipples to grow for Adam that he might suckle the
children that proceeded from his jar. This is the reason why
man has nipples. After this Adam knew Eve, and she bore two
children, male and female; and from these the Jews, the Chris-
tians, the Moslems, and other nations and sects are descended.
But our first fathers are Seth, Noah, and Enosh, the righteous
ones, who were descended from Adam only. 950
950 Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 223. It is worth noting that while the myth
of the creation of Adam presented at this point by the Black Book clearly
talks about the creation of Shehid from Adam’s seed, and makes no refer-
ence to the sur, the same manuscript mentions the creation of Shehid and
the Yezidis from the essence of Adam a page earlier: “O Angels, I will
create Adam and Eve; and from the essence of Adam shall proceed Sehar
bn Jebr, and of him a separate community shall appear upon the earth,
that of Azazil, i.e., that of Melek Ta'us, which is the sect of the Yezidis.”
Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 222. The manuscript in the possession of Père
Anastase Marie (published in French in Anthropos 6 (1911), 1-39) also con-
tains this reference to the essence of Adam, see F. Nau, “Recueil de textes
et de documents sur les Yézidis,” 165. On the other hand, Frayha’s manu-
Other versions recorded by researchers and travelers on the

creation of Shehid from the seed of Adam (and Adam alone) add a
few more interesting details. According to one version, Eve was so
angry or jealous at the results of Adam’s creative action that she
tried to destroy the jar, but – prevented by Adam – she succeeded
only in paralyzing one of Shehid’s legs.951 Siouffi also adds that
Adam was a possessor of the true religion, which then he transmit-
ted Shehid (and not his other sons), who “est né d’Adam seul, sans
le concours de la femme et sans aucun mélange avec la sange cor-
ruptible du sexe féminin.”952 As regards Shehid’s marriage, some
versions also state that he married a houri (or hurryah, hûri) from
Paradise,953 and not a twin sister, and from their union originated
the race of Yezidis.
Among Yezidis today both variants can be found, one putting
the emphasis on Adam’s seed, and viewing Yezidis as the children
of Adam but not of Eve, and the other emphasizing that Shehid
was created from Adam’s (that is, Sheikh Sin’s) sur. However, I had
the impression that most Yezidis would lay claim to knowing only
one or the other version. In any case, all variants, whether written
script of the Black Book simply says, “Of the seed of Adam there shall be
born ShHD bin SFR.” (Frayha, “New Yezidi Texts,” 25.) Dāmlūjī, an
Arabic author on Yezidis, also writes that “Shehid alone came by sur,” and
he didn’t look like the other children of Adam. Then he recounts the story
of Adam and Even quarreling and putting their seed in a jar. (Dāmlūjī, S.,
Al-Yazīdiyya (Mosul, 1949), 4-5. Oral translation by Dr Khalil Rashow.)
Possibly Dāmlūjī was using the Black Book as his source.
951 Siouffi, “La Secte des Yézidis,” 260; Guérinot “Les Yézidis,” 586.
Eve’s wish to destroy the newborn was already mentioned above in con-
nection with the other variant of the myth, told by Feqir Ali to Jasim Mu-
rad.
952 Siouffi, “Notice sur la secte des Yézidis,” 260.
953 Ibid.; Guérinot, “Les Yézidis” 586; Nau, “Recueil de texts,” 245.
Ahmet (Yazidis, 203) writes that “Adam and Eve then begot Seth and
Hurryah, the ‘blessed ones’ were born.” As he repeatedly mentions that
Shehid was created miraculously and from Adam alone, this is probably a
slip of the pen. On the same page, he recounts another version of the
myth mentioning a twin-sister. Others, like Drower (Peacock Angel, 91),
Empson, (Cult of the Peacock Angel, 47, 148), Chabot (, “Notice sur les Yé-
zidis,” 118) speak of a twin sister.
or oral, agree that the Yezidis spring from this Shehid of miracu-
lous birth, while the rest of mankind is the offspring of the car-
nally-conceived children of Adam and Eve.954 Therefore the
Yezidis, the race of Shehid, are the inheritors of true religion, the
tribe of true believers, and superior to the rest of mankind.955
Though the second variant of the myth has been, as was
shown above, widely published and quoted in Western literature
dealing with the Yezidis, practically no effort was made at attempt-
ing to interpret this myth, other than qualifying it as yet another
childish Yezidi myth, constructed from a misunderstood Biblical
legend. The sole exception was Lescot,956 who wished to compare
the Yezidi myth to the Zoroastrian tradition of the first human
954 The only surprising exception was Qewwal Qewwal of Behzani,

who said that Shehid was created from the sur of Adam, but claimed that
Adam had no children (except for Cain and Abel, who both died child-
less), and all mankind originated from Shehid. His remark occasioned
some discussion among those present, but as it was in Arabic, I could not
follow it.
955 The hymns so far published do not contain anything on the birth
of Shehid. In fact, they do not even mention his name. One of my infor-
mants in Shariye, who was interested in collecting Yezidi sacred texts,
claimed that there was in fact a qewl of Shehid bin Jer. (He quoted one
stanza from this hymn: haviniye me batine, ji behra spî ye, ji milyaketa. That is,
“our rennet (i.e. seed) is from the other world (batini, hidden esoteric), it is
from the white sea, it is from the angels.” This was denied by others.
(Though, as no one can be familiar with the whole corpus of existing
texts, such denial does not necessarily imply more than that any such
hymn, if it really existed, was not among the most important, often recited
ones.) On the other hand, one version of the Hymn of the Weak Broken One
49-50 talks about Eve as a houri coming from heaven to marry Adam, and
Hashim and Quresh are her sons (and not those of the houri Leyla and
Shehid): “The saintly Adam drank from the Cup, The mystical power of
that Cup came to him, So (God) sent him the Houri Eve. What a beauti-
ful Houri she is! By the mystical power of that Cup. Both the Hashemites
and the Quraysh955 came from her.” (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi,
64.) In my opinion, this is a good example of how myths get shortened,
simplified with time, with complicated extra details discarded. Further-
more, the text translated by Kreyenbroek contains çawa (how), instead of
Hawa (Eve), which is probably a distortion in the transmission.
956 Lescot, Enquète sur les Yezidis, 59, note 1.
couple having been born from a plant that grew out of the semen
of Gayomard, hidden in the earth. He also called attention to a
Greek myth according to which the god Agdistis was born out of a
drop of blood that Zeus let fall on the sun in his sleep. The simi-
larities between these myths, however, are rather superficial, and
Lescot offers no substantial argument that would establish any es-
sential link between them. Instead, I propose to trace the roots of
the myth back to a late antique, and specifically Gnos-
tic/Manichaean background, and to prove that at the time of its
adoption into Yezidi (or proto-Yezidi) mythology, this myth was
hardly childish and obscure. Rather it carried an important message
easily decipherable in the given cultural context.
The chapter on Adam’s creation has already demonstrated
how the Gnostic speculation on the divine origin of Adam’s
(man’s) spirit (pneuma) from the Realm of Light may have been the
original idea behind the thought that the Yezidi Adam’s soul was
the sur, or divine essence, of Angel Sheikh Sin, one of the Great
Seven Angels (emanations of the Godhead). It was this divine sur
which brought Adam’s lifeless body to life.
But what of the idea that this lost sur of Adam, repre-
senting the divine essence, mystery, and light of a divine being
(Sheikh Sin, and ultimately of the Godhead) was then used to cre-
ate another man, who, in his turn, was to become the forefather of
a special race, a race which was clearly distinguished from and su-
perior to all others, both in its origin and in being the possessor of
true faith? And why is the place of this sur taken by Adam’s seed in
the alternative variant of the myth, a variant which – while ac-
knowledging the parenthood of Adam – still ascribes a miraculous
conception to Shehid, and the status of the chosen race to his de-
scendant?
Here I would like to suggest that the Yezidi myth goes back to
the legends that developed around the figure of the Biblical Seth in
Late Antiquity, especially in Gnostic circles, and continued to enjoy
some popularity even in the Middle Ages as the forefather of the
pious, and ancestor of the chosen race. The Gnostic myth of Seth,
which tells of his birth from a miraculous seed, claiming true be-
lievers, shows a very close affinity to the myth of Shehid. The simi-
larities between the two myths (both of which have many versions)
are so numerous and deeply-rooted as to make it a likely proposi-
tion that the later myth is yet one more version of the ancient myth
of Seth, this time fitted to the language of Yezidi religion.
THE GNOSTIC MYTH OF SETH
The Roots of the Speculations Concerning Seth
Speculations on the figure of Seth were first elaborated in Jewish

literature, based on Adam’s genealogy in Gen. 5.3, which curiously
only mentions Seth by name among his sons, and on the enigmatic
sentence of Gen. 4.25, “God has raised up to me another seed,” pro-
nounced by Adam upon the birth of Seth after the death of Abel.957
Jewish tradition, trying to solve the riddle of the genealogy, ar-
rived at the conclusion that Cain was not the son of Adam, but was
born from a licentious relationship between Eve and the Devil, or
Sammael, thus making Seth the only surviving son of Adam. The
generation (or descendants) of Seth, as opposed to the generation
of Cain, was also a matter that received some attention. According
to most Jewish texts, the generation of Seth, the pure ones, lived
separately from the Cainites, the wicked ones, until the Flood,
when the latter were all destroyed, thus, making all mankind the
descendants of Seth. There was another school, though, which
taught that all righteous men, regardless of their race or tribe, are
the descendants of Seth, while all the wicked ones come from Cain.
We encounter this idea in Philo’s De Posteritate Caini, the Pirqe of
Rabbi Eliezer, and the Zohar.958 In the Ethiopic Book of Enoch a mysti-
cal battle between white, black and red bulls seems to suggest that
Seth was the forefather of the people of God and the Messiah.
There are also some scholars who suggest that the Samaritans, who
talked about a chain of purity, considered themselves the genera-
tion of Seth, though these arguments are not accepted by all. In
957 For an exhaustive treatment of the speculations that developed

around the Biblical figure of Seth, see A. F. J. Klijn, Seth in Jewish, Christian
and Gnostic Literature (Leiden: Brill, 1977).
958 Of course, the latter two are medieval works, but reflecting earlier
traditions.
some Jewish writings, Seth also appears as the transmitter of special

knowledge received from Adam (such as the apocryphal Life of
Adam and Eve).959
However, it is in Gnosticism that speculations concerning the
conception of Seth and his offspring came really to life, taking a
centrepiece in Gnostic anthropogony.
The core of the Gnostic myth that sprang up around the fig-
ure of Seth was the σπέρμα ἕτερον (sperma heteron) or “another
seed” of Gen. 4.25. This is the notion that Gnostics adopted and
developed into a key myth of their anthropogony. In the centre of
this mythical anthropogony stood the idea of the “other seed,” that
is, Seth, and his seed or generation, the “unshakeable,” “other”
race, the race of Seth.960
959 See Klijn, Seth in Jewish, Christian and Gnostic Literature, chapters
“Seth in Jewish Literature,” and “Seth in Samaritan Literature,” (pp. 1-33).

960 Until recently there has persisted the conviction, based on the
anti-heretical catalogues of the Church Fathers, of the existence of a

“Sethian sect” par excellence. Early Christian heresiologists, and in their
footsteps modern philologists, talked of “Sethianism,” and the “Sethian
sect.” Hans-Martin Schenke has even attempted to create an actual
Sethian system of doctrine in his influential works. (H.-M. Schenke, “Das
sethianische System nach Nag-Hammadi-Handschriften,” in Studia Coptica,
ed. P. Nagel, Berliner Byzantinische Arbeiten 45 (Berlin: Akademie Ver-
lag, 1974), 165-73; and idem, “The Phenomenon and Significance of
Sethian Gnosticism,” in The Rediscovery of Gnosticism: Proceedings of the Interna-
tional Conference on Gnosticism at Yale, New Haven, Connecticut, March 28-31,
1978. Vol. 2. Sethian Gnosticism. Studies in the History of Religions 41
(Supplements to Numen) (hereafter Rediscovery of Gnosicism), ed. B. Layton
(Leiden: Brill, 1981), 588-616.) Recent findings and developments, how-
ever, make it a likely conclusion that a concrete sect of Sethians, with a
single and rigid system of thought and clearly defined boundaries, never
existed (outside the writings of the Church Fathers, that is). A most typi-
cal case is the Nag Hammadi texts, our most important source on Gnosti-
cism, which were for a time labeled a “Sethian library.” These agree with
each other in many details, but still differ from each other to a consider-
able extent, demonstrating that we cannot talk about “a Sethian myth.”
Rather these features – the special importance they attributed to the figure
of Seth and his offspring, and a number of other mythological motifs –
were shared by various Gnostic sects, though in varying degrees and dif-
ferent forms. For example, “some of the themes considered to be typically
Gnostics believed that in the fight against Darkness and for

freeing one’s spirit or light soul from the fetters of matter, not all
men fared equally well. The cornerstone of Gnostic anthropology
was the idea that men were divided into several categories. Gnos-
tics, those who possessed true ‘knowledge’ (Gnosis), constituted a
special, spiritual race destined for salvation, clearly divided from the
rest of mankind wallowing ignorantly in the material world. This is
where Seth and his seed enter the scene: he is the forefather of this
Chosen Race. Many Gnostics based their claim to represent a spe-
cial race, superior to the rest of men, on the notion that unlike the
rest of mankind they originated from Seth, who himself was born
from “another seed” that is from a seed, a spark of Gnosis, coming
from the spiritual world, not this created, material one. In fact, Seth
is repeatedly referred to in various writings as Allogenes
(ἀλλογενής), literally meaning “another generation” or “of an-
other birth”), evidently a wordplay on “another seed.”961 In its
turn, the notion of the “Seed of Seth,” (or “Race of Seth”), mean-
ing the Gnostics, or the offspring of Seth, developed from this
idea. Gnostics thus often referred to themselves as the “Seed of the
Great Seth,” “Race of Seth,” “Children of Seth,” or “the Other
Race,” and claimed that the “Seed of Seth” had inherited Seth’s
spiritual nature, as well as his teachings on the true religion. 962
‘Sethian’ also occur in Valentinian texts.” See Stroumsa (Another Seed, 9).
In other words, the core of the “Sethian myth” was part of a common
mythological stock that these Gnostic movements drew from and further
developed according to their own religious and philosophical concepts.
On the problem of the existence of “Sethians,” see J. Turner, Sethian Gnos-
ticism and the Platonic Tradition, Bibliothèque Copte De Nag Hammadi 6
(Louvain-Paris: Peeters, 2001) 3-5, and chapter “The Sethians,” 57-59;
Wisse, “Those Elusive Sethians,” in Rediscovery of Gnosticism, 563-76; Klijn,
Seth, 81-117 and passim; and Stroumsa, Another Seed, 1-14.
961 The Nag Hammadi Gnostic library even contains a piece of writ-
ing entitled Allogenes.

962 As Stroumsa put it: for those who talk about a Sethianism “the
main characteristics… of the Sethian-Gnostic system is the self under-

standing of the Gnostics that they were the pneumatic seed of Seth.” An-
other Seed, 7.
The Birth of Seth from “Another Seed”
Gnostics interpreted the “other seed” raised up by God to mean

that Seth’s real father was not Adam, but a divine being of the
Light World, and his celestial paternity implied that he was a bearer
of the divine principle.963 Thus, Seth was intrinsically connected,
through his conception and birth, with the divine spiritual world
that the Gnostics opposed to the material world, created by the evil
powers.
Regarding the conception of Seth in Gnostic mythology, we
have a bewildering variety of stories, as is typical of Gnostics, who
loved to dress the same message in different mythological clothes,
the more complicated the better. However, all of them seem to
agree on the point emphasized above that some kind of a divine
will or providence was involved in one way or another in the con-
ception of Seth, investing him with spiritual power - the divine
spark or glory that had been lost by Adam previously964 - and mak-
963Ibid., 50.
964The loss of this spiritual power, the source of Gnosis, is usually
associated with the loss of the luminous state (covering) or glory (de-
scribed in the chapter on the Yezidi Creation Myth of Adam) and with
man’s incarceration into matter and oblivion, due to the machinations of
the enraged powers of darkness: “Now, when the rulers saw that Adam
had entered into an alien state of acquaintance… they became troubled…
‘behold Adam. He has come to be like one of us, so that he knows the
difference between light and darkness… Come, let us expel him from
paradise down to the land from which he was taken, so that henceforth he
might not be able to recognize anything better than we can.’” On the Origin
of the World 110-11, in Nag Hammadi Codex II. 2-7, vol. 2, 75-77. “[The evil
powers of Matter]...recognized that he (Adam) was luminous, and that he
could think better than they, and that he was free from wickedness, they
took him and threw him into the lowest region of all matter… This is the
tomb of the newly-formed body with which the robbers had clothed the
man, the bond of forgetfulness; and he became a mortal man.” Apocryphon
of John II.20.6-9 and 21.10-13, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices, 117, 123.
However, Irenaeus (Adversus Haereres 1.30.8.) reports a tradition where it
was the Mother (Sophia) herself who took away the “secretion of light”
after Adam and Eve were expelled from Paradise and enclosed in matter,
in order to prevent it from being sullied by the powers of matter: “For he
ing him the bearer of the divine principle and Gnosis in the mate-
rial world. In most cases, this divine plan is realized through the
intervention of Sophia (or Mother Wisdom), the divine creative
power active in the material world. In other stories the conception
of Seth is attributed to the interference of a power called the Heav-
enly Seth. Heavenly Seth is the son of Adamas, the “incorruptible
first human being,” a being of light, after whom Adam is modelled.
Heavenly Seth himself is the divine prototype of earthly Seth, and
is called the “seed of the righteous ones,” the “righteous ones” be-
ing the heavenly prototype of the Gnostic race.
Irenaeus speaks of some Gnostics, whom he called “others”
(alii), and who were identified with the Sethians by later heresiolo-
gists who drew upon Irenaeus. According to his account, following
the murder of Abel by Cain, Seth was conceived through the
providence of Prunicus, or vulgar Wisdom (that is, Sophia): “They
say that after these Seth was generated through the providence of
the vulgar Wisdom.”965
The first Patristic account to mention the Sethians explicitly
was Pseudo-Tertullianus’ catalogue of heresies, probably based on
Hippolytus’ lost Syntagma.966 In his view, Sethians taught that Cain
and Abel were born from some powers or angels, and following
the death of Abel “that power which is above all other powers,
[the Evil Ruler] wished to beget sons to Eve, but he was not able to, be-
cause his Mother opposed him in every way. And in secret the Mother
emptied Adam and Eve of seeds of Light, so that the spirit [that is, the
Light] which was from the Greatest Power would not become cursed and
be brough into opprobrium.” Irénée, Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome 2, 374.
965 Adv. Haer. I.30.9: Post quos secundum providentiam Prunici dicunt genera-
tum Seth. Irénée, Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome 2, 376. Many of the details
in this chapter are corroborated by such Nag Hammadi tractates as the
Hypostasis of the Archons, the Apocryphon of John, the Gospel of the Egyptians and
other works, suggesting that Irenaeus’s chapter “must be based on early
traditions underlying these tractates.” See F. Wisse, “The Nag Hammadi
Library and the Heresiologists,” Vigiliae Christianae 25 (1971): 218.
966 B. Pearson, “Seth in Gnostic Literature,” in Rediscovery of Gnosticism,
473; F. Wisse, “Those Elusive Sethians,” in Rediscovery f Gnosticism, 568.

who is called the Mother [Wisdom], wanted Seth to be conceived

and born in the place of Abel.” 967
Epiphanius’ account is believed to have been based either on
Pseudo-Tertullianus or Hippolytus, though in his work he claims to
have met some Sethians personally.968 Epiphanius writes that “the
Sethians proudly derive their ancestry from Seth.”969 And speaking
of the conception of Seth he adds:
Mother Wisdom… took thought and caused Seth to be
born… and deposited her power within him, establishing in him a
posterity of the father from above and the spark that had been
sent from above for the first establishment of posterity and the al-
liance… So, it is for this reason that the people of Seth have
been set apart and are descended from that origin, as being the
elect who are differentiated from other people. 970
Epiphanius then passes on to the group of the so-called Archon-
tics, whose teachings are generally identified with those of the so-
called Sethians by modern scholars,971 and whom he believed to
have infected Greater Armenia as well. He claims that according to
the Archontics, Seth was born from Adam and Eve,972 but was in a
967 Pseudo-Tertullianus, Liber de Praescriptionibus 47. PL 2.81.B: illam
virtutem quae super omnes virtutes esset, quam matrem pronuntiant… voluisse concipi
et nasci hunc Seth loco Abelis.
968 Pearson, “Seth in Gnostic Literature,” 473; Wisse, “Those Elusive
Sethians,” 568.
969 Epiphanius Panarion 39.1.3. in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 187.
970 Epiphanius, Panarion 39.2.4. in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 188. Note
the words “deposited her power” and “the spark that had been sent from
above,” which recall the sur of the Yezidi myth. This divine spark or
power here represents the heavenly Gnosis. Being of the “Heavenly Seed”
or “Seed of Seth” means, for the Gnostics, possessing the divine Gnosis
from above, and the spark or power (Gnosis) that Sophia deposited in
Seth is inherited by and resides in Seth’s offspring – the posterity and
alliance the text refers to.
971 B. Pearson, “Seth in Gnostic Literature,” Rediscovery of Gnosticism.
474.
972 Archontics, according to Epiphanius, also taught that Cain and
Abel were the children of the Evil Ruler.

way snatched up and adopted by the supreme power, 973 where he

“experienced a corporeal transformation… He ultimately returned
to earth, but in a non-physical form that was immune to the blan-
dishments of the demiurgic archons,”974 in order to bring revela-
tion for mankind. Consequently, says Epiphanius, Seth was also
called Stranger, or Allogenes, a term that refers to the “other seed”
of Genesis, and is recurrent in many “Sethian” texts.
Cloaked in the obscure wording of Gnostic mythology, a lan-
guage heavily laden with symbolism (and made even harder to de-
cipher by frequent lacunae) the texts termed “Sethian” from the
Coptic Nag Hammadi Gnostic Library seem to convey the same
idea.
In the Apocryphon of John, Cain and Abel are the results of the
seduction of Eve by the chief Evil Ruler. Then the account passes
on to the birth of Seth:
And when Adam recognized the likeness of his own fore-
knowledge (πρόγνωσις), he begot the likeness of the Son of
Man. He called him Seth, according to the way of the race in
the aeons.975
Though it is Adam who is said to have done the begetting, the
conception of Seth is not without divine interference. The words
concerning Adam getting to know “likeness of his own foreknowl-
edge” refers to the lost Gnosis of Adam, more precisely to the
973 “the higher power descended… and caught up Seth himself,

whom they also call ‘the foreigner’; carried him somewhere above and
cared for him for a while, lest he be slain; and after a long time brought
him back down into this world, having rendered him spiritual and (only)
<apparently> physical.” Epiphanius 40.7.2 in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures,
197-98. See also Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 114-15.
974 Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 115.
975 Apocryphon of John II. 24.35-25.2, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices,
141-43. Layton translates, “Now, after Adam had known the image of his
own prior acquaintance, he begot the image of the child of the human
being, and called him Seth, after the race in the eternal realm,” in Gnostic
Scriptures, 47.
Heavenly Adamas, the Perfect Human Being, 976 Adam’s heavenly

counterpart, in whom Adam recognizes his own luminous former
self, the one who still possessed the glory and Gnosis.977 The ex-
pression “according to the way of the race in the aeons” (that is, in
the eternal realm) refers to the “race” or “seed” of Heavenly
Seth,978 after whom the product of Adam’s begetting (earthly Seth)
is named – clearly postulating some kind of intrinsic relationship
between Heavenly and Earthly Seth. Similarly the “Son of Man” in
whose image Seth is created, should probably be understood as
Heavenly Seth, son of Adamas, the Perfect Human Being. The
presence of a divine agency, after whom the newborn is modeled,
and who imparts its divine spirit in him, is made even clearer by the
976 Or as Reeves sums it up, “while Adam may indeed be responsible
for the body of Seth, the ‘image’ associated with Seth (and originally
Adam) derives from the heavenly realm. Like his putative progenitor, Seth
combines within his person two disparate qualities: he is a corporeal being
who bears the ‘image’ of God. This status reinstates the hybrid position
that Adam occupies prior to his own disobedience and subsequent forfei-
ture of the ‘image.’” Heralds of that Good Realm, 119-20.
977 Getting to know his “foreknowledge (πρ γνωσις)” would mean, in
Gnostic parlance, remembering his former self, which possessed an un-

derstanding or Gnosis of the true spiritual world, before it (i.e., the soul)
was imprisoned in matter and forgetfulness. The image of this former
Adam armed with Gnosis would be Adamas, his heavenly prototype.
978 According to the Apocryphon of John, Heavenly Seth is the son of
Adamas, the Incorruptible first Human Being of the Light world, and he
is the Father of the Incorruptible and Immovable Race that dwells in the
Luminaries. He is simultaneously “a Platonic heavenly prototype of the
Earthly Seth, undoubtedly originating in Gnostic Speculation as a projec-
tion of the latter onto the transmundane, precosmic plane” (Pearson,
“Seth in Gnostic Literature,” 483). Thus, in Gnostic myth, the Heavenly
Adam and his son, Heavenly Seth, can be said to have their counterparts
in the material world in Adam, and Earthly Seth. Just as the Great Seth is
the Father of the Incorruptible Race, so Seth becomes the parent of the
Gnostic race, the earthly counterpart of the former. (On the offspring of
Seth, see below, “The Seed of Seth”). Thus it becomes clear why Heav-
enly Seth is assumed to play a part in the conception of earthly Seth, the
forefather of the Incorruptible Race on earth.
next sentence, which deals with the conception of Seth’s sister,979

which is said to be like that of Seth, with the Mother acting in the
place of Heavenly Seth: “Likewise the Mother also sent down her
spirit which is her likeness and a copy of the one who is in the
pleroma [fullness, the World of Light].”980
The Apocalypse of Adam, where Adam invests Seth with a tes-
tamentary revelation, relates how Adam and Eve lost the glory and
the Gnosis through the machinations of the Evil Ruler. Then this
glory and Gnosis passed to the “other seed,” that is Seth and his
descendants:
And the glory in our heart(s) left us, me and your mother Eve,
along with the first knowledge (γνῶσις) that breathed within
us. And it (glory) fled from us... But it (knowledge) entered
into the seed (σπορά) of great aeons. For this reason I myself
have called you by the name of that man [Seth] who is the seed
(σπορά) of the great generation or from whom (it comes.)981
This is again a play on the interpretation of “another seed.” The
glory and Gnosis lost by Adam and Eve entered into seed of great
Aeons, that is, the earthly seed of Heavenly Seth. The close con-
nection between Heavenly and earthly Seth and their generation is
made evident by Adam’s choice of a name for his son.
979 For a comprehensive treatment on the sister-wife of Seth, see B.
A. Pearson, “The Figure of Norea in Gnostic Literature,” in Proceedings of

the International Colloquium on Gnosticism, ed. Geo Windengren (Stockholm:
Royal Academy, 1977), 143-52. Also see below.
980 Apocryphon of John, II.25.3-6, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices,
143-145.
981Apocalypse of Adam 64.24-65.9, in Nag Hammadi Codices V,2-5, 155-
57.
The Gospel of the Egyptians982 gives a detailed (if somewhat

complicated) account of how Adamas, the “great incorruptible
human being” that “produced” the Great Heavenly Seth, who is to
become the parent of “the immovable and incorruptible race.”983
Later, Adam is created and the text recounts the generation, “a de-
filed and corrupt sowing” of “his” son (Cain) by the Evil Ruler.
Then, as a counter measure, Seth is created so that his race can
serve for the sowing of the holy spirit as a vessel.984 To achieve
this, Heavenly Seth sows his seed in Seth and his offspring. This is
to become the “source of the seed of eternal life,” that is the seed
of the incorruptible race on earth, the Gnostics, who become in-
corruptible by their awareness of their true origins.985
982 Also titled: The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit. Translated into
Coptic from the original Greek, this work, which belongs to the same
tradition as the Apocryphon of John, was probably composed in the sec-
ond or third century, though some of the pieces of the tradition it pre-
serves may be considerably older. See Nag Hammadi Codices III, 2 and IV,2:
The Gospel of the Egyptians ed., trans. and commentary A. Böhlig and F.
Wisse (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 24-38.
983 “[Next] Adamas the [great (?)] incorruptible human being made a
request for a child (to be produced) for it from out of itself – that for its
part, it (the child) might become parent of the immovable and incorrupti-
ble race; that, for the sake of this race, silence and speech might be shown
forth; and that, at its instigation, the realm that is dead might arise and
dissolve. And so the great […] power of the great light emanated from
above. The effulgence engendered four luminaries… together with the
great incorruptible Seth the son of Adamas [the great] incorruptible hu-
man being.” Gospel of the Egyptians 62.30-63.16, in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures,
110.
984 According to Layton, this refers to Jesus. “The begetting of Seth
establishes a line of descent… leading ultimately to Jesus and his adoption

by the great Seth.” Gnostic Scriptures, 115, note IV 71 f.
985 “And after the sowing by the ruler of this realm and those [that
derive from] that ruler – a defiled and corrupt sowing of the demon-
begetting god - and after the sowing by Adam, a sowing that resembles
the sun and the great Seth, next the great angel Hormos emanated in or-
der to prepare for the great Seth’s sowing through the holy spirit in a holy,
reason-born vessel … Next the great Seth came, bringing his seed, and he
sowed it in the earth-born aeons… This is the race that appeared through
the agency of Edōkla. For by means of reason, it (Edōkla) engendered
In contrast to the strongly symbolical language of the Gospel of

the Egyptians, the Hypostasis of the Archons puts forward the heavenly
origin of (the spirit of) Seth and his descendants in a very clear lan-
guage, though it is Norea, Seth’s sister and wife, whose origin is
actually addressed here. However, the contemporary reader would
have been aware that any account of the origins of Norea and her
descendants would inevitably apply to Seth, her male counterpart:
And Adam knew his female counterpart Eve, and she became
pregnant, and bore Seth to Adam. And she said, “I have borne
another man through God, in place of Abel.” Again Eve be-
came pregnant, and she bore Norea. And she said, “He has
begotten on me a virgin as an assistance for many generations
of mankind.” She is the virgin whom the forces did not de-
file…986 The <great> angel came down from the heavens and
said to her [Norea]… “I have been sent to speak with you and
save you from the grasp of the lawless. And I shall teach you
about your root987.…And these authorities cannot defile you
and that generation;988 for your abode is in incorruptibility,
where the virgin spirit dwells, who is superior to the authorities
of chaos and to their universe989…. You, together with your
offspring, are from the primeval father; from above, out of the
imperishable light, their souls are come. Thus the authorities
cannot approach them, because of the spirit of truth present
within them; and all who have become acquainted with this
way exist deathless in the midst of dying mankind.”990
truth and right (?), i.e. the source of the seed of eternal life and of all those
who are going to endure because of acquaintance with their emanation.
This is the great incorruptible race.” Gospel of the Egyptians 71.6-72.9, in
Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 114-15.
986 Hypostasis of the Archons 91.30-92, in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7, vol.
1, 247.
987 Ibid. 93.2-12, in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7, 251.
988 That is, the race descending from Norea and Seth.
989 Hypostasis of the Archons 93.28-31, in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7,
251.
990 Ibid. 96.19-26, in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2-7, 257.
Thus, while we have a number of different accounts concerning the

birth of Seth, all the sources seem to agree on the point that he was
created by or in the image of a divine being, the origin of his spirit
(pneuma) is from the divine Realm of Light, and he became the
bearer of Gnosis or divine self-acquaintance.
This Seth, conceived in a miraculous way through the inter-
vention of the beings of the Light World, was also often depicted
as transmitter of divine revelation, just as Shehid transmitted the
true religion to the Yezidis. In some writings, like the Apocalypse of
Adam, he appears as the conveyor of the divine message revealed
to him by Adam on his deathbed.991 This is clearly modeled on
writings like the Jewish Life of Adam and Eve.992 This idea was then
further developed. In numerous Gnostic writings, it is Seth himself
who is the first revealer of salvatory knowledge. The Church Fa-
thers mention a number of books written under the name of Seth.
The veracity of their reports is born out by the findings of the Nag
Hammadi Gnostic Library that contains a number of texts pur-
ported to bear the revelation of Seth, even including two writings
under the name of Seth: the Three Steles of Seth, and the Second Trea-
tise of the Great Seth.
The Seed of Seth – the Race of Seth
One of the cornerstones of Yezidi identity is the idea of their de-

scent from the miraculously conceived Shehid,993 coupled with the
notion that as his children, they, and they alone, have inherited the
991 The closing words of the Apocalypse of Adam are, “These are the
revelations which Adam made known to Seth, his son. And his son taught
them to his seed.” Apocalypse of Adam 85.19-22, in Nag Hammadi Codices
V,2-5 and VI, 195.
992 The Life of Adam and Eve was the most influential and perhaps first
exposition of this thought and widely read throughout the East. See G.
Nickelsburg, “Some Related Traditions in the Apocalypse of Adam, The
Books of Adam and Eve, and 1 Enoch,” in Rediscovery of Gnosticism, 515-40;
and M. Stone, “Report on Seth Traditions in the Armenian Adam Books,”
in Rediscovery of Gnosticism, 459-72.
993 This idea is often quoted to explain the strict ban on exogamy.
teachings of true religion from him. This is again a notion which

can be linked to Gnostic mythical notions concerning Seth, or the
“generation of Seth” to be more exact. 994
As has been mentioned above, for some Gnostic groups their
fascination with Seth was not limited to his birth through divine
providence. As Pearson puts it: “Probably the most important fea-
ture of Gnostic speculation on Seth is the idea that the Gnostics
constitute a ‘special race’ of Seth. Indeed this should be seen as ‘the
fixed point of what may be called Sethian Gnosticism.’”995 The
Gnostics considered themselves to be fundamentally different from
the rest of mankind, to represent a special, spiritual race (or genera-
tion - γενεά) that originated from a different seed belonging to the
eternal world - the σπέρμα ἕτερον or “other seed.” Seth, born of
this “other seed,” was seen as the progenitor of the spiritual race,
or Gnostic people. The Gnostics, also referred to as “the seed of
Seth,” inherited Seth’s spiritual nature and his teachings of the true
religion as well.
Modeled after the Heavenly Seth and his seed, the Incorrupti-
ble Race, Seth was, to use the opening words of the Three Steles of
Seth, the “father of the living and unshakable race.”996 Various
other epithets are attributed to this seed or race: “seed of the Great
Seth,” “race of Seth,” “children of Seth,” “the other race,” “im-
movable race,” “incorruptible race,” “living race,” “unshakeable
race,” “imperishable seed,” “the living elect,” and so on. The “seed
of Seth” or the corresponding titles are mentioned repeatedly in a
number of Gnostic texts, many of which do not actually recount
the myth itself. It is simply hinted at or implied, demonstrating that
the “seed of Seth” was a sufficiently basic idea for the writers and
intended readers of these texts to make retelling the myth unneces-
sary.
994 For a detailed account of the Gnostics as a “race of Seth,” see
Stroumsa, “The Gnostic Race,” in Another Seed, 73-134.

995 Pearson, “Seth in Gnostic Literature,” 489.
996 The Three Steles of Seth, 118.12-13, trans. and ed. J. M. Robinson
and J. E. Goehring, in Nag Hammadi Codex VII, NHS 30 (Leiden: Brill,

1996), 387. Layon translates “unmovable race” in Gnostic Scriptures, 152.
There is no space here to enumerate the various instances

when the “seed of Seth,” referring to the Gnostic race, is men-
tioned in Gnostic texts or in accounts of them. For the present
purpose, it should suffice to mention only some of the most elo-
quent and expressive examples.
Some of the Church Fathers explicitly speak of a “Sethian
group” that taught descent from Seth. So, for example, Epiphanius
writes that “these Sethians proudly derive their ancestry from
Seth.”997 Speaking of the conception of Seth and his receiving the
power of the mother and her spark, he states that:
she deposited her power within him, establishing in him a pos-
terity of the father from above and the spark that had been
sent from above for the first establishment of posterity and the
alliance… So, it is for this reason that the people of Seth have
been set apart and are descended from that origin, as being the
elect who are differentiated from other people.998
The Nag Hammadi writing, Zostrianos, clearly equates the seed
of Seth with the Gnostics: “O living people! O holy seed of Seth!
Understand!”999 The Gospel of the Egyptians speaks of spiritual man-
kind1000 as the seed of Seth, that is, the seed engendered on earth
by the Heavenly or Great Seth, the parent of the Immovable and
Incorruptible race (who dwell in the spiritual word).1001 The Gospel
of the Egyptians recounts how Seth had brought and sowed his seed,
and so his race appeared on earth:
Next the great Seth came, bringing his seed, and he sowed in
the earth-born aeons… This is the race that appeared… For it
engendered truth and right, i.e. the source of the seed of the
997Epiphanius, Panarion 39.1.3, in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 187.

998Epiphanius, Panarion 39.2.4-6. in Layton , Gnostic Scriptures, 188.
999 Zostrianos, 130.16-17 in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 139. In Gnostic
parlance the expression “living” refers either to the beings of the Eternal
Realm of Light, or to the Gnostics, their representatives on earth.
1000 That is, the pneumatics or Gnostics.
1001 Gospel of the Egyptians I.IV.63, in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 110.
eternal life and of all those who are going to endure because of
acquaintance with their emanation [origin])”1002
The Birth of Seth and the Enmity of Eve in the Manichaean

Myth
Though neither Feqir Haji’s myth, nor the Black Book make any
mention of Eve’s reaction to Shehid, other accounts do, describing
it as one of murderous jealousy. In Feqir Ali’s myth recounting
Shehid’s creation from a heavenly pearl (in lieu of the sur), Eve in
her hurt jealousy tries to induce her own children to kill the boy
born from the pearl.1003 Other accounts, narrating Shehid’s birth
from the seed of Adam, claim that in her rage Eve tried to destroy
the jar, but – prevented by Adam – she succeeded only in paralyz-
ing one of Shehid’s legs.1004
These details seem to have little relation to the known ver-
sions of the Gnostic myth of Seth, in which Eve either does not
play a role, or her role is seen as rather positive. However, if one
looks at the Manichaean myth of Seth (or Sethel in its Manichaean
form), which builds on traditions associated with the Gnostic Seth,
there one finds a strikingly familiar detail, namely, the enmity of
Eve toward the new-born, whom, at the prompting of the Evil
Ruler, she does not accept as her own, and wishes to destroy.
Seth continued to be a central figure in Manichaean mythol-
ogy, one of the most important figures in the Manichaean cycle of
prophets, though some changes can be observed regarding both
the myth of his birth and his role in cosmogony (or, rather, anthro-
1002 Gospel of the Egyptians II.IV.71-72, in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures 115.
Though Earthly Seth (of the Genesis) is not mentioned here, the reader
was probably assumed to be familiar with the exact content of the myth,
and so it was enough to refer to the miraculous appearance of the divine
seed on earth.
1003 Jasim Murad, “The Sacred Poems,” 292.
1004 Siouffi, “La Secte des Yézidis,” 260; Guérinot “Les Yézidis,” 586.
pogony).1005 Our main source for the Manichaean myth surround-

ing Seth’s birth comes from the Arabic historian, an-Nadim. In his
Fihrist, he writes that Eve conceived Cain from the Evil Ruler, and
then in turn conceived Abel from Cain.1006 Then, with the help of
the magic taught her by the ruler, she managed to seduce Adam
and conceived from him. 1007
She gave birth to a male child who was beautiful and of a
comely countenance. When al-Sindid [the Evil Ruler] learned
about this, it upset him, so that he became ill and said to Eve,
“This child who has been born is not one of us, but a
stranger.”1008 She therefore desired his death, but, taking hold
1005For a summary on the figure of Seth in Manichaean religion and

its connection with Gnostic Seth, see Reeves, “The Apocalypse of
Sethel,” in Heralds of That Good Realm, 111-40; Stroumsa, Another Seed, 145-
52; and B. Pearson, “The Figure of Seth in Manichaean Literature,” in
Manichaean Studies. Proceedings of the First International Conference on
Manichaeism, ed. P. Bryder (Lund: Plus Ultra, 1988), 147-55.
1006 This seems to go back to a Gnostic background. Gnostics seem
to have inherited the idea from Jewish tradition that Cain was the son of
the Evil Ruler (the Devil) conceived when the latter raped Eve. Unlike
Jews, however, they tended to see Abel as the offspring of the same un-
ion, or rape, as well. Stroumsa, Another Seed, 44-46.
1007 Although Seth(el) is the biological son of Adam in this tradition,
his description implies a connection with the world of Light (see also next
note). Furthermore, the name Sethel simultaneously connotes a heavenly
entity in Manichaean literature, to whom prayers and hymns are ad-
dressed. Occasionally he appears as the Light-Nous or the heavenly Apos-
tle of Light, the revealer of saving Gnosis, repeatedly manifesting himself
on earth in different forms, just like his literary “prototype,” the Gnostic
heavenly Seth. See Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 37, 112-13.
1008 According to Pearson “the recognition of the child born to Eve
as a “stranger” reflects Gnostic lore concerning Seth as Allogenes, of “an-

other seed.” Pearson, “The Figure of Seth in Manichaean Literature,” 149.
The chosen race or “seed of Seth” is also referred to as “strangers” or
“aliens” (that is, strangers to the creator of the material world), see for
example Apocalypse of Adam 69.18. It may also refer to Seth’s role as a
bringer of the true revelation, as the word “alien” or “stranger” usually
applied to the “messenger of the world of Light,” that is, the bringer of
the saving knowledge in Gnostic parlance. See Jonas, Gnostic Religion, 50.
of him, Adam said to Eve, “I am going to nourish him with

cow’s milk and the fruit of trees!”1009
However, al-Sindid destroyed all the trees and cows, thus leaving
Adam without the means to nourish the child. Then Adam per-
formed a magical ritual, drawing three rings around the child,
which made the evil powers flee.
Then there appeared to Adam a tree called the Lotus, from
which came forth milk with which he nourished the boy. He
(at first) called him by its name, but later he called him
Shatil.1010
Later, Adam had intercourse with Eve again but was rebuked by
his son, Shatil and brought to the wisdom of God. (In other words,
the Manichaean Seth was also a bringer of true Gnosis - in this case
to his own father in the first place.)
Al Nadim doesn’t explain by what method Eve desired to de-
stroy Seth, but the reference to Adam’s plan to nourish the child
with cow’s milk implies that Eve refused to suckle the child. This is
supported by a Manichaean Sogdian fragment from the Central
Asian Turfan basin. According to this fragment: “he [Adam] ap-
peared before Šaqlon [the Evil Ruler], and addressed him thusly:
“Command that she give him milk immediately.”1011
The widespread popularity of this Manichaean myth on the
birth of Seth, and Eve’s enmity, is attested by a series of
Manichaean cosmogonic fragments in Middle Persian also from
Turfan,1012 as well as by a magic bowl from lower Mesopotamia.
This ceramic bowl inscribed with Aramaic magical incantations
from Nippur is dated to around 600 A.D. Though it is labeled
“rabbinic,” the name of its client (for whose protection it was pro-
duced) is Persian. Part of the inscription in the bowl refers to the
1009 An-Nadim, Fihrist vol.2, 785.

1010 Ibid., 786.
1011 Trans. W. B. Henning, Selected Papers, Acta Iranica14-15 (Leiden:
Brill, 1977): 462, quoted in J. Reeves, “Manichaica Aramaica,” 435.

1012 M 4500, M 5566, M4501 in W. Sundermann, Mittelpersische und
parthische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichäer (Berlin: Akademie-

Verlag, 1973), 70-77, quoted in Reeves, “Manichaica Aramaica,” 436.
Manichaean episode of the magical deliverance of Seth by

Adam.1013
Manichaean Eve’s wish to destroy the beautiful child, whom
she sees as an intruding stranger, has its parallel in the Yezidi myth
of Shehid. What is more, even her method of trying to bring about
the newborn’s demise, that is, her refusal to suckle the newborn,
and Adam’s attempt to provide milk in his reluctant wife’s place,
can all find their echoes in the Yezidi myth. The Black Book, as well
as some other accounts,1014 claim that Adam had to suckle the baby
himself, and that this is the reason men have nipples just like
women: yet another Yezidi motif that seems to reflect the events of
the Manichaean myth.
There is one more Yezidi motif - though one of a somewhat
dubious credibility – concerning the feeding of the newborn
spurned by Eve which may be worth mentioning in connection
with the Manichaean myth. Chol Beg, the “pretender” Yezidi
prince, asserts that “Seth was the son of the tree and for this rea-
son… he is called Melik Sajadin (the tree’s name).”1015 We have
seen above how, according to the Fihrist, Adam named his son af-
ter the lotus tree which nourished him. On the other hand, late
midrashic word-plays derive the name Seth (or Sethel) from the
Hebrew root “to plant” (ŝtl), interpreting the Biblical passage to
mean, “God has planted (for) me another seed.”1016 The variant
1013 Reeves, “Manichaica Aramaica,” 437-38.

1014 Beside the Black Book, see also: Chabot “Notice sur les Yé-
zidis,”118, and Empson Cult of the Peacock Angel, 47.
1015 Quoted in Ahmet (Yazidis, 203). Chol Beg, from the princely
family (who vainly aspired to the role of Prince) was the first Yezidi to put
down (or rather dictate) the tenets of the Yezidis in writing for the benefit
of Western researchers (The Yazidis Past and Present, American University
of Berlin, 1934). We must keep in mind, however, that he was not a man
of religion, and, as is the case with most Yezidi “laymen,” was not very
likely to have received a formal religious education, while he seems to
have been a man of active imagination. Consequently the information he
offers must be treated cautiously. In the opinion of Prof. Kreyenbroek,
the part concerning the tree is likely to be a pseudo-etymology.
1016 Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews vol. 5, 148-49; Pearson, “The Figure
of Seth in Manichaean Literature,” 150-52. Stroumsa is of the opinion that

used by Manichaeans (and Mandeans as well): Shatil (Shetel, Shitil),

meaning “the planted,” might have referred to or played on the
same concept.1017 It is not possible to say if the Yezidi “son of the
tree” is simply an echo of the old Hebrew (pseudo-) etymology, or
is in some way more directly connected to the Manichaean myth of
the tree nourishing the child.
The Twin-Wife of Seth
While Feqir Haji’s myth, as well as some other accounts, talk of

Seth marrying a houri from heaven,1018 other sources maintain that
there were two children in the jar, a boy and also a girl, and it was
this girl, his twin sister, that Shehid bin Jer married.1019
Just like Shehid, Gnostic Seth also had a miraculously-
conceived sister, whom he later married. The idea that Seth married
his sister (or his twin sister) can be found in many Jewish
sources1020 (given the circumstances this seems to be an unavoid-
able conclusion). Otherwise, Seth’s wife does not seem to play a
role of any importance in Jewish literature. The Gnostics, however,
present a different picture. Here, the sister-wife of Seth, usually
mentioned as Norea, Horaia, or Orea becomes a key figure herself
in the Gnostic salvation myth, appearing as a genuine (or even the)
the motif of having the child named after the lotus tree reflects this ety-
mology (Another Seed, 74). Reeves, however, does not accept this view, and
argues that naming the child after the lotus tree is unconnected with the
Hebrew etymological word-play (Heralds of that Good Realm, 113).
1017 Stroumsa, Another Seed, 75. Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 113.
1018 This may reflect the influence of a Muslim tradition, which
counted Seth among the progenitors of Mohamed and claimed he married

a houri. On this. see more below.
1019 Black Book, in Joseph, “Yezidi Texts,” 223. The twin version is
also mentioned by Drower, Peacock Angel, 91; Empson, The Cult of the Pea-
cock Angel, 47; Chabot, “Notice sur les Yézidis,” 118; Ahmed, Yazidis. 203.
1020 Klijn, Seth, 37-9.
Savior figure.1021 In fact, she is the protagonist of a number of

Gnostic works, and the Nag Hammadi library even contains a book
written under the name of Norea, the Thought of Norea. Just like that
of Seth, the birth of Norea is a miraculous one, linking her with the
realm of Light. Irenaeus writes that like Seth, Norea was also be-
gotten through the providence of the Vulgar Wisdom, making her
his sister.1022 Epiphanius, on the other hand, writes that some sects
honor a certain power called Horaia, whom the Sethians recognize
as the wife of Seth.
They [the Sethians] say that a certain woman named Hōraia
was the wife of Seth… there are other schools of thought that
say there is a power whom they name Hōraia. So, these
(Sethians) say that the power, whom others esteem and call
Hōraia , was the wife of Seth.1023
The conception of Seth’s sister in the Hypostasis of the Archons
has already been quoted above, in the paragraph on Seth’s miracu-
lous birth.1024 The Apocryphon of John recounts how, following the
divine conception of Seth, in the image of Heavenly Seth, his sister
was created by Mother Wisdom, and endowed with her spirit:
Likewise the Mother also sent down her spirit (πνεῦμα) which
is her likeness and a copy of the one who is in the pleroma
[fullness, the World of Light], for she will prepare a dwelling
place for the aeons which will come down… thus the seed
(σπέρμα) remained for a while assisting him.1025
The female being, created by Mother Wisdom after the begetting
of Seth and endowed with her spirit, is Norea, Seth’s sister and
1021 For a comprehensive treatment on the sister-wife of Seth and the
variations of her name, see B. A. Pearson, “The Figure of Norea in Gnos-

tic Literature,” 143-52.
1022 Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses I.30.9, Post quos secundum providentiam
Prunici dicunt generatum Seth et Norean. Irénée, Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome
2, 376.
1023 Epiphanius, Panarion 39.5.2-3 in Layton, Gnostic Scriptures, 189-90.
1024 Hyposthasis of the Archons 96.19-26
1025 Apocryphon of John, II.25.3-25.10, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codi-
ces, 143-145.
wife, who plays a crucial role (as a wife and mother) in establishing
posterity, or race of Seth.1026 This is demonstrated in the text stat-
ing that this female being was brought to life with the aim of pre-
paring a dwelling place for the “aeons coming down here.” That
this is a reference to the “Great Race of the Heavenly Seth,” or
rather its earthly counterpart, the Gnostic race or “seed of Seth,” is
made clear by the words, “thus the seed remained for a while.” The
use of the term σπέρμα (seed) reflects the Gnostic interpretation
of the key term “another seed” of Gen. 4:25.1027 Thus, along with
Seth, his similarly miraculously-conceived sister also represents the
progenitor of the spiritual race.
The name of Shehid’s wife in one of the accounts also points
towards a possible late antique influence. Ahmet, recounting the
Yezidi myth, mentions that in one version Shehid’s wife is called
Nama.1028 He also adds in the footnote that Chol Beg, the pre-
tender Yezidi prince, “makes Nama the wife of Malik Miran.”1029
There are two different traditions regarding the identity of Malik
Miran (or Melekê Miran). According to one, he is the ancestor of
the Yezidis,1030 presumably Shehid himself or his son.1031 The other
tradition identifies Malik Miran with Noah, and other sources actu-
ally mention his wife as Na’mi or Na’umi.1032 In other words, in
Yezidi mythology there appears a certain Nama (or other variants
of the same name) who is sometimes known as the wife of Shehid,
but may also surface as the wife of Noah.
1026 Cf. Reality of Rulers 91.34-35; Epiphanius, Panarion 26.1.9.

1027 Pearson “Seth in Gnostic Literature,” 481.
1028 Ahmet, Yazidis, 209.
1029 Ibid., 245, note 13.
1030 G. Furlani, “I Santi dei Yezidi,” Orientalia 5 (1936): 76.
1031 Edmonds (A Pilgrimage to Lalish, 79) says that he was born of a
virgin mother, Hūrriya (sic) during the time of Shehid. Presumably, Malik
Miran is the son of Shehid and his houri wife, though his birth from a vir-
gin mother may imply that the asexual conception of Shehid himself is
behind the story.
1032 Joseph (Devil Worship, 91-92) claims that Na-‘umi is another name
of Malik Miran, whom he identifies with one of the sons of Noah. Guéri-
not (“Les Yézidis,” 587) actually identifies Na’mi with “le Noé biblique.”
As Pearson has pointed out in his article on the Gnostic figure

of Norea or Horaia, this name is the distorted Greek translation of
the Hebrew word Na’ama meaning “pleasing, lovely.”1033 This
Na’ama was well known in Jewish literature. In some Jewish writ-
ings Na’ama appears as the wife of Noah, while in other sources
she is the twin wife of Seth.1034 The appearance of the name
“Na’ama” in the Yezidi myth of origins can be explained in two
ways. It is possible that she reached the Yezidis directly from Jew-
ish circles. But it is equally possible that the source of the name
(and the myth) is to be found among Syriac-speaking Gnostics,
who used the name in its original form (Na’ama,) and not its Greek
translation, which their Egyptian co-religionists used in the extant
Gnostic texts.1035
SETH IN THE MIDDLE EAST
The figure of Seth, both as a being intimately connected with the

divine, and as the forefather or head of a chosen race, custodians
of the true religion, was widespread throughout the Middle East in
Late Antiquity as well as the Middle Ages.
As was seen above, many Gnostics based their claim to be the
“other,” “the spiritual race,” on the conviction that they were the
“pneumatic (spiritual) seed of Seth.”
1033Pearson, “The Figure of Norea in Gnostic Literature,” 147-50.

The original translation would have been Horaia. This was later distorted
to Norea.
1034 Similarly Noreia, the translation of Na’amah, sometimes appears
as the wife of Noah in some Gnostic legends, rather than the wife of Seth.
See, for example, Epiphanius, Panarion 26.1.4; cf. Hypostases of the Rulers 91-
93. In Jewish sources Na’ama was originally the idolatrous daughter of
Lamech, and sister of the Cainite Tubal Cain, and her name usually
evoked negative connotations.
1035 Unfortunately, no Gnostic texts have survived from Syriac-
speaking territories, and the extant Greek and Coptic primary sources
cannot help us on this subject.
Among the Manichaeans Seth, as a heavenly figure and ulti-

mate revealer of Gnosis,1036 was associated with the most exalted
class of the believers, that of the Electi,1037 possessors of the true
religion and destined to escape the bonds of matter and return to
the realm of Light. A Manichaean psalm lists the prayers as ad-
dressed by the different categories of believers to different “dei-
ties:”
The cry of a Virgin to Sethel, Amen.
The cry of a Continent One to Adam, Amen.
The cry of a Married One to Eve, Amen.1038
Apparently for the Manichaeans, who placed a high value on pu-
rity, Seth is connected with the most elevated class, that of the
“Virgins,” that is, the Electi,1039 while his parents, Adam and Eve lag
behind.1040
Seth continued to exercise a mysterious allure over people’s
imagination in the Middle East, even after the coming of Islam.
According to Theodore bar Khoni, the eighth-century Audians of
Northern Mesopotamia had a book called the Apocalypse of the
Strangers. Reeves argues that the “strangers” in the title can be con-
nected with the self-designated “Allogenes,” (Ἀλλογενής,
Ἀλλογενεῖς) those who saw themselves as the descendants of
Seth, the ultimate “stranger” to this world. This claim is supported
by the content of the book (dealing with the seduction of Eve by
1036 Manichaean literary works even included a “Prayer of Sethel” and
an Apocalypse of Sethel. See Reeves, Heralds of That Good Realm, 37, and chap-
ter “Apocalypse of Sethel,” 111-29.
1037 The highest class in the Manichaean hierarchy, who were obeyed,
served and provided for by the class of the Auditors, or Hearers.

1038 Psalmoi Sarakotōn, Allberry, Manichaean Psalm-Book II, 179:20-23.
1039 For the association between the Virgin and the Electi, see
Stroumsa, Another Seed, 147.

1040 Seth, as the forefather of the “chosen race,” or the idea of
Manichaeans, or the Electi constituting a special seed of Seth, does not

seem to appear openly in Manichaean lore, which is understandable, as
unlike the Gnostics, “the Manichaean religion… does not place such em-
phasis on spiritual genealogy.” (Pearson, “The Figure of Seth in
Manichaean Literature,” 151.)
the evil powers) as described by bar Khoni, which bears a close

resemblance to earlier “Sethian” works, just as their Apocalypse of
John, on the creation of the world, shows many parallels to the
Apocryphon of John (another “Sethian” work).1041
He played a role of some prominence even in Muslim tradi-
tion, where he is often mentioned as a prophet, one of the forefa-
thers of Muhammad, and the inheritor of Adam’s wassiya, or uni-
versal religious heritage.1042 Traditions about the designation of
Seth as Adam’s inheritor, for instance, were widely current in Shiia
literature,1043 displaying an influence of the apocryphal Adam books
of Late Antiquity in their turn. In fact, the idea that Shehid married
a houri may not be unconnected with Islamic tradition, which
claimed Seth married a houri (hawra) from Paradise.1044 This is due
to the great importance attributed to Muhammad’s pure genealogi-
cal origin,1045 that is, an unbroken line of Islamic matrimony.1046 As
a result, the view, also known to Islam, that Adam’s children mar-
ried their siblings, posed a serious difficulty. This difficulty was
1041 Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 115-117. The text given by bar
Khoni as the Apocalypse of John has enough parallels with the Apocryphon of
John to suggest that it was a possible source, though Wisse also points out
that there are notable differences; see Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices, 194.
See also Steve Wasserstrom, “The Moving Finger Writes: Mughîra b.
Sa’îd’s Islamic Gnosis and the Myth of its Rejection,” History of Religions
25.1 (1985): 10.
1042 Rubin “Prophets and Progenitors in the Early Shī’a Tradition,”
42-9.
1043 Rubin “Prophets and Progenitors in the Early Shī’a Tradition,”
49.
1044 Thereby indirectly supplying another proof that the Yezidi Shehid
is in fact a later-day avatar of the Biblical Seth.

1045 So, for example, Ibn Sa’d (I/1 31) ascribes these words to the
Prophet: “I emerged from (pure) matrimony and not from fornication.

No fornication of the Jāhiliyya has ever touched me since Adam. I came
out of purity.” Rubin, “Pre-existence and Light,” 73. The Jāhiliyya, or
“state of ignorance” (of pre-Islamic, pagan Arabia) was said to have prac-
ticed father-daughter marriage.
1046 “I was never born from Jāhiliyya fornication; what gave birth to
me was not other than Islamic matrimony.” Suyūti, I, 96; Zurqāni, I, 66,
quoted in Rubin, “Pre-existence and Light,” 73.
solved and the chain of pure matrimony secured by the claim that
Seth was born without a twin sister, and he married in due course a
woman descended from Paradise, a houri.1047
Heterodox groups of the medieval Middle East carried
on the tradition of considering themselves, as a group, the “people
of Seth,” thereby becoming a chosen race, jealously guarding the
mystery revealed to them, and to them alone, by Seth. ‘Abd al-
Jabbâr, an eleventh-century theologian and heresiologist, writes of
such a group:
There is among them, in addition to the people of Harran, an-
other group. They claim to follow Seth’s religion. They say that
he was sent to them, and they possess his book, which God
had descended upon him.1048
Al-Biruni, around 1000 AD, talking about the Sabaeans1049
even made mention of claims of a genealogical lineage traced to
Seth saying that they “pretend to be the offspring of Enoch, the
son of Seth.” 1050
1047 Ibid., 74. Rubin puts forward no speculation as to the possible

origins of this idea (other than the necessity of pure matrimony). Not-
withstanding, it is possible that Islamic writers here relied on earlier tradi-
tions. This is reinforced by the fact that Cain was said to have married a
demon. This may be an echo of the notion that Eve begot Cain with the
devil or a demonic figure.
1048 Mughnī, V, 152-153 (Cairo: Ministry of Culture, 1965), translated
by G. Monnot, Penseurs musulmans et religions irannienes, Abd al Jabbar et ses

devanciers, Etudes musulmanes 16 (Paris: Vrin; Cairo- Beirut: Institut
dominician d’études orientales, 1974), 126, quoted in Stroumsa, Another
Seed, 116. According to Stroumsa (note 7) the group mentioned “were a
branch of Harranian Sabaeans (and not later-day Gnostics) since they
upheld the doctrine of the eternity of the world.
1049 Today Sabaeans are identified with the people of Harran, but
were originally a distinct group. Al-Biruni also distinguishes them from

the Harranians, and claims that they were originally Jews who “adopted a
system mixed up of Magism and Judaism like that of the Samaritans of
Syria” Al-Biruni, Chronology 8, ed. and trans. E. Sachau (London: William
H. Allen and Co., 1879), 188.
1050 Al-Biruni, Chronology 8, 188.
Seth was an important figure among the Nusayrîs as well. A

passage in a Nusayrî catechism explaining the seven historical cy-
cles of the ma‘nā’s incarnation1051 identifies Seth as the name (ism)
through which the deity manifests itself in its second circle of in-
carnation.
Q. 5 How many times did our master veil himself and appear
in human form?
A: He veiled himself seven times. In the first he veiled himself
in Adam, in his cycle he was named Abel; in the second [time]
– in Noah, and was named Seth; in the third … in the seventh
and last – in Muhammad, and was named ‘Alî.1052
Q. 49 What are the exclusive names of our master, the com-

mander of the faithful, the use of which is not permitted to
anyone but him, and [through which] the interior meaning of
the prayer is to be directed to him alone?
A. They are the ma‘nā, the eternal, the unique, the primor-
dial…. My lord and master, Abel, Seth... Ali.1053
Furthermore, Nusayrîs attribute hidden, esoteric texts to Seth,
along with other prophets like Idris (Enoch,) Noah and Abra-
ham.1054
1051The principle of the cyclical manifestation of the ma‘nā (divine es-

sence) in human figures is a fundamental Nusayri creed. “According to
this concept the ma‘nā revealed himself in each cycle in the lesser person
of a pair. This concept evolved to explain the supremacy of ‘Alî in
Nusayrî theology despite his inferior position in Muslim tradition. In this
passage the author describes the principle of the manifestation of the
ma‘nā through the ism [name] in each cycle by the ma‘nā’s historical com-
panion, e.g. the ma‘nā in the seventh cycle is manifested in ‘Alî and per-
ceived through the manifestation of Muhammad.” see Bar-Asher - Kof-
sky, Nusayrî-‘Alawî Religion, 171, note 34.
1052 Ibid., 171.
1053 Ibid., 186.
Among the contemporary groups of the Middle East Seth still

has a prominent position in Mandaean mythology today. Possibly,
there were Mandaean groups in the past, which ascribed even
greater importance to Seth. At least around the year 1200, the ge-
ographer Yaqut al-Hamawi said that the Sabaeans of the Tib, the
Mandaean scribal center for centuries, consider themselves the de-
scendants of Seth, son of Adam.1055 Finally, but most importantly,
Ahl-i Haqq tradition recounts a myth about Seth that clearly sup-
ports the identification between Seth and Shehid and indicates that
the myth of Shehid/Seth’s miraculous birth is not confined to the
Yezidis. According to this, Sheyth (whom they identify with the
Biblical-Quranic Seth) was created from the seed of Adam put in a
jar, while the content of Eve’s jar turned into worms. Though the
Ahl-i Haqq do not consider Sheyth their legendary forefather, they
talk about his two lines of descendants, some of whom became
prophets, while others became worldly leaders.1056
THE MYTH OF SHEHID AND ITS TWO VARIANTS
This chapter has demonstrated that the Yezidi myth of Shehid can
ultimately be traced back to the Gnostic figure of Seth, whose myth
permeated the whole region in one form or another. His myth was,
once upon a time, known to many people, and could be used to
provide a prestigious origin to the Yezidis in the eyes of a wider
audience.
Let us now briefly sum up the motifs that are relevant to
drawing a parallel between the Gnostic Seth and the Yezidi Shehid.
1054 Ibid., 185. The idea that these Biblical figures have left esoteric
texts, revealing divine mysteries for the initiated was current in Late An-
tiquity, especially among the Gnostics.
1055 Buckley, The Mandaeans, 5.
1056 The myth of Seth is retold in the Firqān al-Akbār of H.N. Jey-
hūnābādi. This book was published in 1902, but is based on earlier oral
tradition. I owe this information to Dr. Mojane Membrado, who was
working on the edition of this work at EPHE, Paris, when I met her at a
conference on Discourses of Memory in Iranian Studies.
The most important feature of Gnostic speculation on Seth is the

idea that the Gnostics, who descend from Seth, constitute a race
apart from the rest of mankind.1057 Seth, in his turn, was conceived
in an extraordinary way, either through Wisdom or/and through
and in the image of Heavenly Seth, “seed of the righteous ones.”
The miraculous mode of his conception endowed him with a
“spark of power,” the pneuma from the World of Light. This “spark
of power” meant that (along with his twin sister) he was the “in-
heritor” of the glory and Gnosis lost by Adam, thus making him “a
type of Adam redivivus, a regenerated Adam.”1058 Seth is the earthly
counterpart of the Heavenly Seth, a being of Light, in whose image
he was conceived, and he transmits his spirit and Gnosis to his
race, which is the earthly counterpart of the “Great Seed of Seth.”
Thus, we have all the key elements of the Yezidi myth, as told
by Feqir Haji. Yezidis, springing from Shehid, are a race apart from
the rest of mankind, created by the Peacock Angel, eager for a
people he could call his own.1059 Shehid himself could boast of a
miraculous birth, being conceived not in a carnal way – unlike the
other children of Adam (and Eve) – but through divine interven-
tion. As a sort of replacement of angelic Adam, he was created
from the sur, that is, the divine essence, light, which used to belong
to Adam while he had still been one with Angel Sheikh Sin in
Paradise. This notion of sur calls to mind Epiphanius’ account of
how the Mother deposited “her power” and the “spark sent from
above” in Seth, in order to establish a posterity (race) in alliance
1057It is not clear whether we should understand the descent of the

Gnostic race from Seth in a physical or merely spiritual sense. As Gnostic
texts concentrated on the description of the World of Light, the events
leading to the creation and its nature, and the way of achieving salvation,
they do not provide us with a clear answer on this point. While the second
possibility seems more likely, in my opinion, the first one cannot be ruled
out either. According to Stroumsa (Another Seed, 101), “the term γενε
[race] is not simply metaphorical, but refers directly to the biological ori-
gin of the Gnostics.”
1058 Reeves, Heralds of that Good Realm, 125.
1059 Note that being “the people of the Peacock Angel” is ultimately
the same as being “the people of God,” as is made clear by the account of
Feqir Haji (see Appendix.)
with the Realm of Light.1060 Just like Seth is the possessor of the
“lost glory,” “the spark of power,” and is intrinsically connected
with the “race of the eternal realm” and the “seed of the great
race” (that is, Heavenly Seth and his seed), so Shehid is connected
with the world of the divine Angels through the sur of Sheikh
Sin.1061 Seth’s descendants, the Gnostics, were the race of Heavenly
Seth on earth due to the spark of divine power, while Shehid’s de-
scendants, the Yezidis, became the race of the Peacock Angel
through the sur, the very essence of divinity, which they inherited.
Both Shehid and Seth transmitted the true religion (or divine reve-
lation) to their own people, who constitute a race apart from the
rest of mankind born from a simple carnal union.1062
What about the “alternative” variant, recounted by earlier
published sources (including the Black Book) and some Yezidis to-
day? Though Shehid is conceived in a miraculous and non-sexual
way in this variant as well, it seems to know nothing of the sur of
Angel Sheikh Sin. Instead the myth centers around the seed1063 of
Adam, from which Shehid is then born, without a need for Eve.
This version seems to reflect the importance attributed to the Bib-
lical σπέρμα ἕτερον, the “other seed,” on which the Gnostics
originally based their mythical speculation concerning the origins of
their special “race.” Yezidis, not given to the metaphysical specula-
tions of the Gnostics, understandably gave a literal meaning to the
notion of the “other seed:” Shehid is literally born from another
1060 See Epiphanius, Panarion 39.2.4.

1061 It has already been mentioned in the chapter on “Yezidi Relig-
ion” that there were two shrines dedicated to two Shehids in the village of
Kheter. One of the two Shehids, the “original one,” was simply described
to me as “Sheikh Hesen” (that is, Sheikh Sin), demonstrating the close
connection traditional Yezidis perceive on account of Shehid being cre-
ated from Sheikh Sin’s sur
1062 No wonder that – according to the Yezidis - all prophets, with
the notable exception of Mohamed, were Yezidis. After all they are the
descendants of the sur. (The exclusion of Mohamed from the Yezidi race,
in fact, seems to be a relatively late development, as he is repeatedly men-
tioned in the Yezidi hymns among with other prophets of Yezidi history.)
1063 Some variants mention sweat (Jasim Murad, “Sacred Poems,”
294, 296), probably a euphemism for seed.

(pure) seed - as compared to the other offspring of Adam, who are

born from a mixed seed produced by the sexual union of Adam
and Eve.
The question of the relation of the two variants to each other
inevitably arises. Did the latter (the variant of the seed), develop
out of the former (the variant of the sur), or does it represent an
independent tradition, which evolved from the same basic myth, or
perhaps another different - although related - myth,1064 simultane-
ously?
At first glimpse, the more simplistic form of the second myth
seems to indicate that the second variant is a simplified version of
the first. The motif of the sur, representing the divinity invested on
Adam by Angel Sheikh Sin (that is, the divine principle and Gnosis
eventually lost by Adam in Gnostic writing), which is so hard to
interpret even for many Yezidis, 1065 is omitted from this version,
and the plot is definitely easier to follow.1066
However, on further reflection one has to conclude that the
importance that this variant attributes to the “seed” of Adam may
indicate that we deal here with an alternative variant, which evolved
independently, putting the emphasis on different motifs than the
“myth of sur.” As we have seen, the notion of “another seed’ was at
the origin of the myth of Seth and continued to play an important
role throughout its development, with frequent references to it in
1064 The Seth myth produced a number of different versions already
during Late Antiquity, so it is quite feasible that there was more than one
variant current in the region.
1065 Interpreting the notion of sur must have posed an intellectual
puzzle for some time. Thus Empson (Cult of the Peacock Angel, 41, 148)
talks of jars filled with blood from the forehead, Feqir Ali mentions a
pearl given to Adam by the Peacock Angel when first taken to heaven,
while the young, university-educated Yezidi, who helped me with transla-
tion during my first interview, repeatedly translated the removal of the sur
from Adam’s forehead, which Feqir Haji mimicked by wiping his fore-
head, as the Peacock Angel taking the “sweat” of Adam, a mistranslation
which caused quite a bit of confusion at the time (see Appendix.)
1066 Presumably, this is the reason why Western literature published
previously was so consistent in mentioning only the second, “seed” ver-

sion.
Gnostic literature This is the tradition which the variant of the

“seed” seems to preserve and continue, while it has let the idea of
the seed being connected to the divine world slip into oblivion. On
the other hand the first variant, that of Feqir Haji, concentrates on
the sur, the essence or light emanating from God, which establishes
a connection between Shehid (and his descendant) and the Angels,
and has discarded the motif of the seed as a superfluous detail.1067
Though these two variants of the myth seem to have devel-
oped along different lines, independently of each other, they con-
tain many elements which are interchangeable, and can be found in
the versions of both variants, in a manner truly typical of oral tradi-
tion.1068 It is also typical of oral tradition that the Gnos-
1067 One must keep in mind that oral tradition, which lacks the sup-
port of written text, often tends to simplify and shorten, especially if in-
formation which makes a motif relevant is no longer retained in memory.
1068 This is true, for example, for the negative role of Eve, or for She-
hid’s sister-wife, which can both also be traced back to Manichaean and
Gnostic speculations concerning Seth: Shehid’s wife is a houri in Feqir
Haji’s version, a twins-sister in the Black Book, but some accounts follow-
ing the “seed” variant also reported in the Black Book speak of a houri.
Eve’s attempt on Shehid’s life is mentioned by versions of the “seed of
Adam” as well as by Feqir Ali’s version of the creation of Shehid from the
“pearl” (a substitute for sur) in Adam’s forehead. The most interesting
interpretation is Empson’s account (source unknown), which mixes core
elements of the two variants. It tells of a quarrel between Adam and Eve
(on account of a houri, who is sent because Eve is barren): Eve, during a
quarrel with Adam, declared that she alone had the power of reproduc-
tion, adding that Adam had nothing to do with it. The angel Jabrâ’îl
thereupon placed blood from the forehead of Eve and Adam into four
jars… Eve’s jars were barren, but Adam’s contained a boy called Shahîd
Jayar – son of jar, and a girl, who were suckled by Adam and from whom
sprang the race of the Yezîdîs. (Empson, Cult of the Peacock Angel, 47.) The
account of a quarrel concerning the reproductive powers of man and
woman belongs to the version recounted by the Black Book, the variant of
the “seed.” (It is the quarrel which induces Adam and Eve to put their
seed in jars.) Meanwhile the role of Jibrail (who is often substituted for the
Peacock Angel), and the mention of blood (the essence connected with
soul) from the forehead (the place of the sur) belongs to the variant of
Feqir Haji, the “myth of the sur.” Finally, in this version both the houri and
tic/Manichaean myth of Seth is enriched with motifs taken from

other traditions. Thus, for example, Feqir Haji’s variant incorpo-
rates Muslim speculations on the “light of Muhammad,” when it
places the sur, from which Seth is eventually created, in Adam’s
forehead. It may also be under Muslim influence that Shehid mar-
ries a houri sent from heaven, rather than his own twin-sister.
While it seems fairly certain that the Yezidis’ Shehid is a “de-
scendant” of the Gnostic/Manichaean Seth, colored with motifs
from other traditions, and rewritten and restructured again and
again according to the needs of the narrator and/or the audience, it
would be completely impossible to pinpoint its exact source. It is
impossible to tell even if the two variants developed from a com-
mon Yezidi myth, or if they reached Yezidis already as two distinct
mythical traditions. What we can be sure about is that the myths
surrounding Seth were widely popular, well into the Islamic period,
and Yezidis (or proto-Yezidis) had plenty of material at their dis-
posal to make use of when forming their own myth(s), a myth that
underlined their claim to be the special race of God in a way that
was easily understandable outside their own community.
twin-sister make their appearance, as if its teller wanted to fuse all the
different elements heard at different occasions into one concise myth.
10 THE BIRTH OF PROPHET ISMAIL IN
THE YEZIDI “TALE OF IBRAHIM”1069
THE TALE OF IBRAHIM
The story of the prophet Ibrahim’s birth and life is a good example
of the syncretism that characterizes Yezidi tradition, where differ-
ent elements from diverse backgrounds are woven into a new and
complex whole. The “Tale of Ibrahim”1070 presents a vivid mix of
the various traditions of the wider region. It contains a great num-
ber of motifs known from Greek mythology, the Bible, Jewish
Haggadic literature, the Quran and other Islamic tradition.
The “Tale of Ibrahim” starts with a description of king Nem-
rud’s birth1071 who was so ugly that his father, the ruler of Canaan,
put him into in a basket, and threw him into the sea, from where
he was rescued by a fisherman. Once grown up, Nemrud returned
as King of Egypt, leading an army against Canaan, unwittingly
killed his father and married his own mother, who later recognized
him by a mark on his back. Clearly, here we are facing a version of
the Greek Oedipus myth. It may have been transmitted through
medieval Islamic literature. This version of Nemrud’s Oedipic be-
ginnings is preserved in the work of al-Kisāi, the author of a fa-
1069 This chapter has been accepted for publication in the Journal of
Kurdish Studies.
1070 The myth, or rather the “tale of Ibrahim the Friend” (Çîroka Bi-
rahîm Xelîl) was translated by P. Kreyenbroek, in God and Sheikh Adi, 239-
56.
1071 The figure of Nemrud (or Nimrod) came to embody the arche-
type of the pagan idolator – an antithesis of the “monotheist” Abraham –

in Jewish, Christian and Islamic tradition alike.
369
mous Arabic work, The Lives of Prophets, composed around 1200

A.D. It recounts the legends of the prophets prior to Muhammad,
and was a vivid expression of “popular” religion and narrative tra-
dition in medieval Islam. The legend is also given at greater length
in the introduction to the famous romance of Antar, a model of
the Arabic romance of chivalry, based on “popular” literature.1072
Embittered by his bad fortune Nemrud becomes the enemy of
God.
Then follows an account of Ibrahim’s birth and his deeds,
most details of which can be found, if not in the Bible, then in Jew-
ish literature and the Quran. Ibrahim’s birth is foretold by the
priests, who warn Nemrud that a man will be born who will take
the power away from him. To prevent this, Nemrud orders the
bellies of all pregnant women be ripped open, in an episode remi-
niscent of the Slaughter of the Innocents.1073 Only Ibrahim, the son
of Azir, Nemrud’s uncle and an idol maker, survived by a miracle,
for his mother’s pregnant belly disappeared every time she ap-
peared in public.1074 When her time came she fled to a rock above
the town to give birth to the baby, whom, out of fear, she left there
for the wild animals to eat. The baby Ibrahim was fed by the milk
1072 B. Heller, “Namrud,” in Encyclopedia of Islam, vol. 7 (Leiden: Brill,
1993), 952-53.
1073 According to some Jewish legends it was Nemrud himself, an ac-
complished astrologer, who read his fate in the stars, which then led him
to have seventy thousand male children slaughtered. L. Ginzberg, The
Legends of the Jews, vol. 1, (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of
America, 1947), 186-87. In another version it is the astrologers who draw
his attention to the danger. Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews vol. 1, 207-8. One
version of the Islamic legend relates that Nemrud saw a rising star in his
dream that outshone the sun, which was then interpreted by his dream-
readers. See Knappert, Islamic Legends, 72.
1074 In Jewish legends it is from her husband, a prince – in other ver-
sions an idol maker and obedient follower of Nimrod, that Abraham’s

mother has to hide her pregnancy, so he will not betray their child. “When
he passed his hand over her body, there happened a miracle. The child
rose until it lay beneath her breasts, and Terah could feel nothing with his
hands. He said to his wife, ‘Thou didst speak truly,’ and naught became
visible until the day of her delivery.” Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews vol. 1,
188; see also Knappert Islamic Legends, 73.
THE BIRTH OF THE PROPHET ISMAIL 371
of a gazelle sent by God, and he grew up in six months.1075 As he

became conscious of the external world, Ibrahim first worshipped
the stars, then the moon, then the sun, but when he saw how all
the heavenly bodies disappeared at the horizon at dusk and dawn
he understood the futility of his beliefs and recognized God, the
maker of all these things.1076 Then he returned home, where he
started his missionary campaign for the One God, against worship-
ping idols and Nemrud.1077 Informed by the boy’s father and en-
raged, Nemrud decided to burn him in a fire caused by a bal-
lista.1078 Preparing for this proved no easy task and took years, for
Ibrahim was God’s chosen, and the draft animals used for gather-
ing the wood could not carry their loads, the ropes used for fasten-
ing the wood broke, and then the wood would not catch fire.1079
Thus, Nemrud had “to do something that is not according to the
law of the world” to counteract these difficulties. So he had don-
keys mate with mares to produce mules, reeds sown to produce
ropes, and forty young maidens and boys made drunk on araq and
incited to an orgy. When this last outrage against God’s laws hap-
pened, the angels removed themselves and finally the wood caught
fire and Ibrahim was thrown into it. Ibrahim prayed to God to save
1075 In Jewish legends Abraham’s mother took refuge in a cave in the
desert. God then sent Gabriel to feed the child left in a cave, and he suck-
led the baby from his little finger. His mother, distraught at what she had
done, returned after twenty days and found Abraham fully grown.
Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews vol. 1, 1947, 188-91. The cave motif is also
retained by Islamic legends, according to which Ibrahim suckled his own
fingers on his right hand, Knappert, Islamic Legends, 73.
1076 Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews vol. 1, 189; Quran 6,76-79, 37.88-89;
1077 Quran 2.258
1078 The ballista is an ancient military engine like a catapult used for
throwing stones. Here it was used for throwing burning material. Kreyen-
broek, God and Sheikh Adi, 244, note 10. In Jewish and Islamic tradition
Abraham/Ibrahim meets this fate after having destroyed the idols.
Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews, vol. 1, 213-16; Quran 37.91-95; 21.51-67.
1079 Nimrod had all the men and women of his kingdom bring wood
for the fire. But whoever tried to throw Abraham into the fire, he was
consumed by it himself instead, so finally, at the instigation of Satan, they
threw him into the fire with the help of a catapult. Ginzberg, Legend of the
Jews, vol. 1, 198-201, 216-17: Quran 37.97-8.
him, promising to sacrifice what was special to his heart. God then
sent the Angel Jibrail, who “took Ibrahim the Friend to Paradise, to
the pastures and meadows… when the fire was over when it was
extinguished, Ibrahim the Friend was at Ayn Arus (‘The Bride’s
Spring’)”1080 together with his wife Sarah. From there Ibrahim con-
tinued his journey to Egypt, where the Biblical incident of the
pharaoh trying to wed his wife, passed off as his sister, befell him.
The pharaoh, finally realizing the terrible danger he was in, released
Ibrahim and his wife, even giving him a slave girl, Hagar. Sarah,
who had no children proposed that Ibrahim marry Hagar and beget
a child with her. By the grace of God both Sarah and Hagar be-
came pregnant at the same time. However, as the months passed,
the child in Hagar’s womb, the Prophet Ismail, made Sarah stand
up to show respect for Hagar, even when she had her arms and
legs covered in sand. Sarah resented this and made Ibrahim get rid
of her co-wife. Ibrahim had his servant take Hagar into the desert
and abandon her there.1081 This was where Hagar gave birth to Is-
mail. As she paced up and down she brought forth water first un-
der her left, then under her right foot. She named the spring that
1080 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 245-46. “The logs burst into
buds, and all the different kinds of wood put forth fruit, each tree bearing
its own kind. The furnace was transformed into a royal pleasance, and the
angels sat therein with Abraham.” Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews, vol. 1, 201;
Quran 21, 48-9; 29.24; “God commanded the branches and logs around
Abraham to sprout, grow twigs, leaves, flowers and fruit so that Abraham
was soon sitting in a shaded cover where colourful flowers spread cool
fragrance and sweet fruits offered themselves to the thirsty prisoner.
Many years later, when he was an old man, Abraham used to say: ‘These
seven days in the midst of the fire were the finest of my life.’” Knappert,
Islamic Legends, 75. In Urfa, where this took place according to the Muslim
tradition, the sacred lake that is said to have formed when God turned the
fire into a lake surrounded by a garden is still an important place of pil-
grimage, and the fish, descendants of the wood of the stake turned into
fish, are believed to be sacred and are fed by the pilgrims.
1081 In Jewish legends Abraham merely sends Hagar and Ismail away,
but in Quranic commentaries he actually accompanies them to the desert,

as far as where Mecca was later built, before abandoning them. The place
of Ibrahim here seems to be taken by his servant. R. Paret, “Ismail,” in
Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 4 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 184-85.
thus sprang up in the desert “Zemzemi.”1082 Mecca was built next

to this spring, and Ismail grew up there. When Ismail was already a
grown-up, Ibrahim came looking for him. When he arrived at Is-
mail’s home, his son was not there, and his wife failed to invite the
stranger to dismount and have something to eat and drink. Ibrahim
then left a message for his son, telling him “your house is a good
one but its door is not good, … change it and put in a better door.”
Ismail, upon his return, understood that his father had come to
seek him and his wife had not shown him courtesy, so he divorced
her.1083 He married again, but when Ibrahim came looking for him
the whole incident was repeated. When Ibrahim came the third
time, however, he was respectfully invited in by Ismail’s third wife
and he gave her and the marriage his blessing.1084 Then Ismail and
Ibrahim were reunited, but Jibrail came and reminded Ibrahim of
his vow to sacrifice what was dearest to him. Ibrahim baulked at
this demand, but his son, a true prophet, convinced him to heed
the divine command.1085 As Ibrahim prepared to sacrifice his son,
first his sharp knife refused to cut Ismail’s neck, than a fattened
ram kept by the houris in Paradise for seven years descended and
took Ismail’s place as a sacrifice
1082 In Jewish tradition, God, in response to Ismail’s prayers, bade
Miriam’s well spring up, Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews, vol. 1, 265. In Islamic
tradition, while Hagar ran in despair back and forth between the hills al-
Safā and al-Marwa, Ismail scratched the sand and thus helped the water of
Zemzem break through. Paret, “Ismail,” 184-85.
1083 In Jewish legends Ismail’s wife even refuses Abraham’s request
for water and bread, saying they have none, all the while cursing her chil-
dren and husband. Abraham recommends that her husband replace the
tent-pin. Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews, vol. 1, 266.
1084 Both Jewish and Islamic traditions are familiar with this story,
though they mention only two wives. Ginzberg, Legend of the Jews, vol. 1,
266-68; Paret, “Ismail,” 185.
1085 Quran 37.101-103; although the Quran does not mention the
name of the son to be sacrificed, most Muslim traditions maintain that it

was Ismail rather than Isaac.
The Birth of Ismail
Rich in adventures, most of the details of this tale of Ibrahim’s life

and tribulations can also be found in Jewish and Islamic legends,
which – no doubt – were a part of the oral culture throughout the
Middle East. One element, however, surprises the reader or lis-
tener, and is very hard to place or to interpret. This motif appears
in the description of the birth of Ismail, son of Ibrahim.1086 As in
Muslim tradition, Ismail was born from Hagar in the desert, and
the spring Zemzem sprang up at his birth place, but then follows a
most intriguing incident. The text transcribed and translated by
Kreyenbroek runs like this:
1086 During my field research, Yezidis knowledgeable on religious tra-
dition disagreed on whether the account of Ismail’s birth was a “tale” or a

qewl, that is, a “hymn.” The difference is that “hymns” are considered
sacred, as they have a heavenly origin, and they were revealed specifically
to the Yezidis, while “tales” are thought of more as accounts of historical
events, also shared by other nations. Some informants claimed that the
birth of Ismail was to be considered a çîrok, and as such was not a Yezidi
myth, as it was shared by other people as well (as proof the Bible was
quoted) although it was a true story. (Çîrokekî bash e, na piroz e, na qusure jî.
Bas Qewl nine, qewle Ismail na ye me ye. “It is a good story, it is neither sacred,
nor a mistake/faulty. But there is no qewl, the hymn of Ismail is not
ours.”) Others, like Feqir Haji, one of the best known experts on Yezidi
religion and texts, called it a qewl, Qewlê Nebî Ismailê, marking it as a genu-
ine Yezidi myth, despite the fact that in his performance most of the text
was in prose form. The version published by Kreyenbroek does in fact
contain a hymn about Ismail, which briefly refers to this episode: “It was
through the power of the Great One, That Ismail the Prophet appeared in
that desert, The water of the Zemzem welled up under his feet... The
merchants passed that place, The great ones, like mountains, By God’s
grace, no one knows how much wealth there is. People who were around
the merchant, Went to greet them, (saying:), We would like to know your
names. Oh Intelligent child, Are you God or the Prince? Are you a saint
or a Feqir?” (Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 251.) Such a relationship
between myth and hymns is characteristic of Yezidi oral tradition, where
many obscure references in the hymns can only be interpreted if one
knows the corresponding myth, or “tale.”
…around that time Rajab, Sha’ban and Ramadan1087 appeared

there. All three were Kurdish merchants, their real names were
Rejo, Shebo and Remo, but the Arabs called them Rajab,
Sha‘ban and Ramadan. They traded in Egypt and India, they
came and saw that water flowed there. They said to each other,
‘We have traded in these parts for several years but we have
never seen water flowing here.’ They settled by the water, they
brought their wares and said to Rejo (Rajab), ‘Squeeze your
rump, get on your horse, go to the water and see where it
comes from.’ They said that Rajab got off his bottom,
mounted his horse and traveled on and on until he came to the
source of the water; there he saw an old man with a white
beard and white clothes, and a white-haired woman. He
greeted them and said, ‘What people are you, who are you,
how long have you been here?’ They said, ‘Take your water
and have a good journey; don't ask questions!’ Rejo came back
to his friends and told them what he had seen, explaining how
things were.
The second time they sent Shebo (Sha‘ban), he went to the
source of the water and saw a young man of sixteen and a
young woman. Again he greeted them and asked, ‘May I ask
you some questions? What people are you, where do you come
from, where are you from?’ They said, ‘Sir, take your water and
have a good journey, there is no need for these questions.’
Shebo came back to his friends and explained the situation to
them and told them what he had seen with his own eyes.
The third time they sent Remo (Ramadan) like his comrades,
he too got off his bottom and rode his horse until he came to
the Spring; he saw a baby of three days, sucking on his
mother’s nipple. He greeted him and said, ‘Who are you peo-
ple, since when have you been here?’ The woman said, ‘We
have been here as long as the little one has been born.’He in
turn returned to his friends and told them what he had seen.
One said, ‘I saw an old man.’ One said, ‘I saw a young man.’
One said, ‘I saw a baby.’ Remo’s words were true. They said,
1087 The names of three months of the Muslim calendar, see Kreyen-
broek, God and Sheikh Adi, 248, note 18.

‘He is a prophet.’ They went to India to fetch their belongings

and built Mecca (i.e., makgeh, ‘the mother’s place.’)1088
The message of this portion of the chirok is that when the three
merchants realized that the old man, young man and baby they had
seen separately were in fact the same person, or rather baby, they
immediately identified him as a prophet. It must be noted here that
during my field research I found that this motif and its interpreta-
tion is still a part of living tradition. Yezidis who were familiar with
the details of the story saw the three-form appearance as a proof of
Ismail’s keramet, or divine power, and of the fact that he was indeed
a “supernatural being,” a possessor of the sur, that is, he was a di-
vine figure (khas.) His appearance in three different forms (ages) in
a short period of time proved that he was a real prophet1089 and led
to the conversion not only of the three merchants, but of all their
people.
Appearing simultaneously as a baby, young man and old man
is a striking and unusual way to describe or symbolize the status of
a prophet. One is tempted to point a finger and declare that this
must be an original Yezidi motif, so hard to interpret for an out-
sider, exactly because it is rooted in Yezidi religious symbolism.
Before we get carried away, however, we must take note that
Yezidis are not the only group in the region to possess such a myth
of the three-form appearance of a divine being or prophet.
Appearance of Ali as a Child, Young Man and Old Man in

Nusayrî Mythology
A similar account is found among the Nusayrîs (or Alawites) of

Syria. The Nusayrî renegade, Sulaimān Efendî al-Adhanî, recounts
1088 Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 248-49. In Islamic tradition, af-
ter the spring of Zemzem breaks out, Hagar gives permission to the Arab
tribe of Djurhum to settle in the neighborhood. Later Ismail takes a wife
from there. Paret, “Ismail,” 185.
1089 Some Yezidis are reluctant to use the word “prophet” about their
khas. Those who use it, however, understand it in the sense that Yezidi
prophets were invested with the divine sur.
this myth in his work Kitāb al-bākūra al-sulaymānîyya fî kashf asrār al-
dîyāna al-nusayriyya, written in 1834-35. He gives an account of the
original Fall of the Nusayrî souls. According to Nusayrî belief, the
souls of gnostics1090 originated in the divine world of light that ex-
isted before the creation of the material world. These souls, which
were originally luminous spiritual entities emanating from divine
light, existed in a pure spiritual form, in complete purity, and in this
state they beheld Ali. They fell, however, when they rebelled
against the divine will or succumbed to pride. Both faults are said
to derive from an imperfect knowledge of God (Ali, that is).1091 In
al-Adhanî’s manuscript, this came about when they committed the
sin of pride stating that “As for creation, there has not been created
anything nobler than we,” so that Ali withdrew from them. Then,
much later, Ali appeared before them, and again they sinned by
imagining that Ali was a human like them. (One of the corner-
stones of the Nusayrî’s debate with “heretics,” that is, other Shiite
sects, on Ali’s nature, is their docetic conviction that Ali, in his cy-
clical incarnations, merely seemed to take on human form, and that
it was only those ignorant of true gnosis, who thought to see him
according to a material and human form.)1092 The third time, he
appeared to them in three forms, as a child, young man and old
man, and once being deceived by their eyes and outward appear-
ances they failed to understand his true essence, so they were cast
down into the material world:
All groups of the Nusairîs believe that in the beginning, before
the existence of the world they were shining lights and lumi-
nous stars and they used to distinguish between submission
and rebellion, neither eating, nor drinking, not excreting, but
beholding ‘Alî ibn Abî Tālib in the yellow aspect. They re-
mained in this condition 7,007 years and 7 hours. Then they
1090 Gnostics here refer to those “knowers” or true believers who
have penetrated the secrets of religion, not to be confused with the dualis-
tic Gnostics of Late Antiquity.
1091 Bar-Asher - Kofsky, Nusayrî, 53. On the Fall, see also pages 45-48
and 75-77.
1092 Ibid., passim, especially the chapter “Nusayrî Trinitarian Theol-
ogy,” 7-41.
thought among themselves, “as for creation, there has not

been created anything nobler than we.” This was the first
transgression that the Nusairîs committed. And he (‘Alî) cre-
ated for them a veil (hijāb), keeping them under restraint for
7,000 years. Thereupon, ‘Alî ibn Abî Tālib appeared to them
saying, “Am I not your Lord?” and they replied, “Indeed.” Af-
ter that he had made visible to them his Omnipotence. But
they imagined they could apprehend him in his fullness on
their supposition that he was one of themselves. By that they
committed a second transgression… after 7,077 years Ali ap-
pears to them again: Thereupon, he appeared to them in the
form of an aged man with a white head and beard… then they
imagined him to be such as that shape through which he ap-
peared to them. And he said to them, “Who am I?,” and they
replied “We do not know.” Then he appeared in the form of a
young man with a twisted moustache, riding on a furious-
looking lion, then again he appeared to them in the form of a
small child. Again he called them and said “Am I not your
Lord?” And he repeated the question to them on each mani-
festation, in his company being his Name (ism) and his Gate
(bāb)… and they (the Nusairî) imagined he was one like unto
themselves, and they became confused and did not know what
to answer; and so he created them, out of their backwardness,
doubt and confusion. And he called them, saying “I have cre-
ated for you a lower abode and I intend to cast you down into
it. And I shall create for you fleshly temples and I shall appear
to you in a veil as one of your kind; and he who acknowledges
me amongst you, and acknowledges my Gate and my Veil, him
will I bring back hither.”1093
Here the three-form appearance serves to underline the important
Nusayrî notion that the deity is eternal and unchanging; it is only
the ignorant who see his manifestations in the created as according
to human or material form, the true gnostic, however, is the one
who is not misled by such outward appearances.
1093 Olsson, “The Gnosis of Mountaineers,” 177-78.

Al-Adhani‘s work was compiled in the nineteenth century, but

evidently this motif is much older, for it can be found in another,
much earlier, Nusayrî work, the Kîtāb al-usūs. The date when this
work was composed is not known, but internal evidence shows it
to have been composed before the thirteenth century.1094 Speaking
of the mystery of divinity and the way God manifests himself to
His creatures the Kîtāb al-usūs explains that before the creation only
God’s essence existed, “He was by Himself and did not describe
Himself to His creatures, for they did not yet exist.” Moreover, in
that state God neither needed contact with anyone nor did He have
to describe Himself to Himself or to converse with Himself. After
the creation of human beings, however, such a need on the part of
the deity became imperative and various categories of divine attrib-
utes were introduced in order to express the forms of relationship
existing between God and His creatures. Since it is impossible for
any change to take place in the divine essence, God created an in-
termediary entity of an external human form through which He
communicated with his creatures.1095 The Kîtāb al-usūs further
elaborates the idea of intermediary forms; in one place it speaks of
twelve human-like forms, which, according to the modern com-
mentary, may be an allusion to the spiritual archetypes of the
twelve Imams through which God reveals Himself to His believ-
ers.1096 Elsewhere, however, “the forms through which God reveals
Himself are described as angelic persons appearing in various
forms… There follows a description of three of these appear-
ances… God first appeared in the form of an old man, with hoary
head and beard, possessed of the qualities of dignity, mercy and
reverence. In His second appearance God revealed Himself to
them in the shape of a young man with a curled moustache, riding
upon a lion having the quality of wrath. Then follows the third ap-
pearance, when God reveals Himself in the form of a child.”1097
The parallels or similarities between the two myths are too
pronounced to be the results of mere coincidence. Clearly, the two
1094 Bar-Asher and Kofsky, Nusayrî, 43.

1095 Ibid., 52.
1096 Ibid.
1097 Ibid., 53.
tales are related, but what is their significance? At first glance, such
a presentation of prophethood in the Yezidi tradition and divinity
in Nusayrî tradition is confusing and hard to interpret. Obviously,
if Yezidis and Nusayrîs, share such a peculiar motif, there must be
a common source which should be sought in order to understand
this motif. While the Yezidi myth, embedded in its oral environ-
ment, offers few clues as to the origins of the motif, the Nusayrî
myth is more “helpful.” It is the Nusayrî myth, with its message
that God Himself is eternal and unchanging, opposed to the chang-
ing forms of the unstable (moving) created world, which provides
the clue to the origins of this curious motif.
THE TRIMORPHIC DIVINITY IN LATE ANTIQUE

LITERATURE
Trimorphic Christ
The very same idea, conveyed through the very same description,
that of God appearing as a boy, man and old man, representing the
cycle of human life time, is found in several Apocryphal Acts and
the Gnostic Apocryphon of John. The apocryphal Acts are non-
canonized writings of uncertain origin or authorship from the first
few centuries of the Christian era, talking about the life and deeds
of the Apostles mentioned in the canonized Biblical texts. During
Late Antiquity and even the early Middle Ages these Apocryphal
Acts enjoyed great popularity. It is in these Acts that one finds the
concept of a divine figure, in this instance Christ, appearing in
three different forms: as a boy, young man and old man.
One of the apocryphal works where the three-form, or tri-
morphic, representation of Jesus appears is the Acts of John. The
description of Christ appearing in three forms unfolds from the
story of Drusiana, one of John’s followers, who was resurrected by
John after her death through the mercy of the Lord. When John
and his friends went to her grave (more likely a catacomb or crypt)
on the third day after Drusiana’s death to break bread, as was the
custom, they were met by a beautiful smiling youth who told John
to raise Drusiana. Later, Drusiana told the other brethren that the
Lord appeared to her in the tomb in the likeness of John, and of a
youth. When her brethren doubted her words, John told them that
there was nothing to be perplexed or dubious about, but to make

them understand he would tell them about his own experiences, so
“that you may see the glory which surrounds him, which was and is
both now and evermore.”
For when he [Jesus] had chosen Peter and Andrew, who were
brothers, he [Jesus] came to me and my brother James, saying
‘I need you; come to me!’ And my brother <when he heard>
this said: ‘John, what does he want, this child (παιδίον) on the
shore who called us?’ And I said, ‘Which child?’ And he an-
swered me: ‘The one, who is beckoning to us.’ And I replied:
‘Because of the long watch we have kept at sea, you are not
seeing well, brother James. Do you not see the man standing
there who is handsome, fair and cheerful looking (ἄνδρα
εὔμοφρον καλὸν)?’ But he said to me. ‘I do not see that man,
brother; but let us go, and we shall see what this means.’ And
when we had brought the boat *to land* we saw how he also
helped us to beach the boat. And as we left the place, wishing
to follow him, he appeared to me again as rather bald
<headed> (ὑπόψιλον ἔχων <τὴν κεφαλὴν>) but with a
thick and flowing beard (τὸ δὲ γένειον δασὶν
καταγόμενον), but to James as a young man whose beard was
just beginning (ἀρχιγένειος νεανίσκος). So we were both
puzzled about the meaning of what we had seen... 1098
There follows a description of other sightings of the Lord
when he appeared in different, ever-changing forms (making one
wonder if the author of the tract was a follower of docetism), with
eyes that never closed, as a small and ugly man, sometimes with a
smooth and soft breast, which was at other times rock hard, then
stripped of his clothes and not like a man at all, with feet whiter
than snow and a head stretching up to heaven, and then again as a
small man. At other times he had a material, solid body, yet again
1098 Acts of John 88-89, trans. K. Schäferdiek, in New Testament Apoc-

rypha, vol. 2: Writings Relating to the Apostles, Apocalypses and Related Subjects,
ed. W. Schneemelcher, English trans. and ed. R. McL. Wilson (Cambridge:
James Clark, 1992), 180. Cf. Acta Ioannis in Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha,
vol. 2, 1, ed. M. Bonnet (Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1898), 194.
he was immaterial and incorporeal, “as if it did not exist at all,” and
his feet left no print in the snow. Still, there was “unity within the
many faces,”1099 for behind all these apparently changing material
forms the divine essence/power was always, and unchangingly, the
same.
The Acts of Peter relate a story about some blind old widows
who called out to Peter, begging him to give them back their sight
through the mercy of Christ. Peter then significantly answers:
If there is in you the faith which is in Christ, then see with
your mind what you do not see with your eyes… These eyes
shall again be closed, that see nothing but men and cattle and
dumb animals and stones and sticks; but only the inner eyes
see Jesus Christ. And when prayer was made, the room in
which they were shone as if with lightning, such as shines in
the clouds. Yet it was not such light as (is seen) by day, (but)
ineffable, invisible, such as no man could describe… Then Pe-
ter said to them ‘Tell us what you saw.’ And they said, ‘We saw
an old man (πρεσβύτης), who had such a presence as we can-
not describe to you;’ but others said, ‘We saw a growing lad’
(νεανίσκος ἀγένειος); and others said ‘We saw a little boy
(παιδάριον μικρόν) who gently touched our eyes, and so our
eyes were opened.’ So Peter praised the Lord, saying ‘…. God
is greater than our thoughts, as we have learnt from the aged
widows how they have seen the Lord in a variety of
forms.’”1100
The divinity appearing successively as child, young man and
old man can also be found in non-Christian, or to be more exact, in
Gnostic literature. The second-century Gnostic Apocryphon of John
contains a revelation to the narrator, a certain John, by a divine
being, called the Forethought, the creative power of the transcen-
dent Father. John describes this revelation in the following way:
Acts of John 89-93, New Testament Apocrypha, vol. 2, 180-81.

1099
Acts of Peter 21, trans. W. Schneemelcher, in New Testament Apoc-

1100
rypha, vol. 2, 308. Cf. Acta Petri in Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, vol. 1, ed. R.
A. Lipsius and M. Bonnet (Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1891), 69.
Straightaway [while I was contemplating these things] behold,

the [heavens opened, and] the [whole] creation (κτίσις)
[which] below heaven shone, and [the world (κόσμος)] was
shaken. 2. [I was afraid, and behold, I] saw in the [light a child
who stood] by me. While I looked [at it, it became] like an old
man. And he [changed his] likeness (again), becoming like a
servant.1101 There [was not a plurality] before me, but there was
a [likeness] with multiple forms (μορφή) in the [light] and [the
semblances] appeared through each other [and] the [likeness]
had three forms (μορφή).1102
The Trimporhic Deity and the Hellenic God of Eternal Time,

Aion
These enigmatic descriptions of a polyphormic, or rather trimor-

phic, deity in late antique texts have for some time aroused the in-
terest of researchers of late antique religiosity and religious phi-
losophy. Erik Peterson, the first to devote attention to the topic,
sought the explanation of this remarkable Christology, with Christ
appearing as child, youth, and old man, in the theology of Tatian,
an Encratite Assyrian Christian from second-century Mesopota-
mia.1103 He looked at the famous passage in Tatian’s Address to the
1101 Layton translates this as “young person” (Gnosic Scriptures, 28).

1102 Apocryphon of John II, 1.30-2.9, in Synopsis of Nag Hammadi Codices,
15-17; Layton (Gnosic Scriptures, 28-29) translates, “At that moment … the
heavens opened and all the creation shone with light… I... saw within the
light a child standing before me. When I saw… like and elderly person.
And it changed [its] manner of appearance to be like a young person... in
my presence. And within the light there was a multiform image. And the
[manners of appearance] were appearing through one another. [And] the
[manner of appearance] had three forms… It said to me … [Now I have
come] to teach you what exists, and what [has come to be], and what must
come to be, so that you might [know about] the invisible realm [and the]
visible realm.”
1103 E. Peterson, “Einige Bemerkungen zum Hamburger Papyrus-
Fragment der Acta Pauli,” Vigiliae Christianae 3 (1949): 142-62. See also G.
Greeks, where the aion, or time, appears to man as past, present, and
future, while he himself remains ever the same. As Tatian asked his
opponents:
Why do you divide time, saying that one part is past, and an-
other present, and another future? For how can the future be
passing when the present exists? As those who are sailing
imagine in their ignorance, as the ship is borne along, that the
hills are in motion, so you do not know that it is you who are
passing along, but that time (ὁ αἰών) remains present as long
as the Creator wills it to exist. 1104
Henri-Charles Puech, who had new texts at his disposal (such as
the translation of the longer version of the Apocryphon of John), fur-
ther elaborated this train of thought, claiming that the trimorphic
Christ in the Apocryphal Acts is no other than Aion, the abstract
Hellenic god of Infinite Time, or Eternity. The same Aion, who is
described by the dedication on the pedestal of his statute from
Eleusis (probably made in A.D. 73/74)1105 as: “He who by his di-
vine nature remains ever the same in the same things. He who is
and was and shall be, without beginning, middle or end, free from
change, universal craftsman of the eternal divine nature.”1106
According to Puech, the trimorphic god, whether Christian or
Gnostic is “conçu sur le type de l’Αἰών en qui coexistent passé,
présent, avenir, qui englobe et réunit en soi les trois dimensions du
temps, les trois stades successifs d’une durée totale, correspondant,
pour ce qui est de l’homme, aux trois âges de la vie: enfance ou
jeunesse, maturité, vieillesse.... Jésus doit être, en l’occurence, une
figure, une personnification de l’Αἰών; les trois aspects d’enfant ou
Quispel, “The Demiurge in the Apocryphon of John,” in Nag Hammadi

and Gnosis, ed. R. McL. Wilson (Leiden: Brill, 1978), 2-3.
1104 Tatian, Address to the Greeks 26, trans. J. E. Ryland, in Ante-Nicene
Fathers, vol. 2, ed. C. Coxe, A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (New York:

Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1885), 76.
1105 A. D. Nock, “A Vision of Aion Mandulis,” The Harvard Theological
Review 27.1 (1934): 83.

1106 R. Pettazzoni, “Aion – (Kronos) Chronos in Egypt,” in Essays in
the History of Religions (Supplements to Numen I), trans. H. J. Rose (Leiden:

Brill, 1954), 175.
d’adolescent, d’adulte, de vieillard, sous lesquels il se manifeste

signifient l’éternité, la perpétuité de son être et répondent, du
même coup, à autant de modes du vision ou de connaissance
proportionnés à l’homme et conformes aux trois principales étapes
de l’existence humaine.”1107
This Aion, the deified abstraction of Eternity or Eternal Time,
was a typical product of the Hellenistic culture. In Timaeus Plato
defined Aion as the conception of ideal eternity, contrasted with
Chronos, empirical time.1108 Meanwhile, an epigram attributed to
Plato claims “Aion brings everything; the long Time knows how to
change name and shape and nature as fate well.”1109 This Plationic
Aion then went through a long and gradual evolution, from being
first conceived of merely as period of time renewing itself, to ac-
quiring the attributes of a cosmic principle, and was seen at last as
the supreme and eternal principle of the universe. The last stage of
this development of the Hellenistic Aion is represented by the
Chaldean Oracles, a second-century collection of somewhat fragmen-
tary commentaries on a mystery poem. The Oracles are a product of
Hellenistic (and more precisely Alexandrian) syncretism, displaying
a combination of neo-Platonic elements with others that were
Egyptian, Persian or Babylonian in origin. The concept of Aion in
the Chaldean Oracles, as summed up by Hans Lewy, is reminiscent of
the concept of Logos as regards his relationship to the ultimate
Supreme Beings and to creation.1110 The Aion of the Chaldeans, the
1107 C. Puech, “Histoire de L’Ancienne Église et Patristique,” An-
nuaire de l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (1966/67): 130.

1108 D. Levi, “Aion,” Hesperia 13.4 (1944): 274.
1109 Ibid. Cf. Plato, “Time the Conqueror,” Select Epigrams from the
Greek Anthology, ch 9.epig. xviii, ed. and trans. John William Mackail (Lon-
don: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1890), 135.
1110 “Aion is a noetic (subtle) monad with a dual aspect; on the one
hand, he, alone is sustained by the Vital Force (‘Strength’) of the Supreme
Being, Whose Intellect he, by virtue of his noetic quality, is able to cog-
nize. On the other hand, his function is to transmit the supreme light to
the ‘Sources and Principles’ who are… the general and particular ideas,
and to keep these in perpetual circular motion…The Great Father has
created the Aion out of himself, and manifests Himself in him to man…
Aion may accordingly be regarded as identical with the ‘Light’ through
offspring of the (Platonic) Primal Being (“begotten of the Father”),

also “forms the primal measure of all temporality, in that he ‘mixes’
the ages (aeons) of the universe (Aeons),” while he himself is in
constant motion.1111
It would not have been impossible to draw a parallel between
the Hellenistic Aion, that the Great Father created out of himself in
order to manifest Himself to man, and the Christ of the Chris-
tians.1112 After all, as Hippolytus says, it was “Christ, who stood,
stands, and will stand, (that is, was, is, and is to come),”1113 there-
fore using the eloquent image of the Aion or Eternal Time, to de-
pict Christ in apocryphal writings may have been appealing.
Though no trimorphic representation of the Aion appears in
the Chaldean Oracles, a bimorphic representation can be traced. In
the Oracles the god Aion is identical with god Chronos, and
Chronos is called “old and young” (πρεβύτερον καὶ
νεώτερον).1114 There is, however, a most interesting representation
of Time, both eternal and finite, which is worth a mention at this
point. A mosaic dated to the mid-third century after Christ, exca-
vated in Antiochia,1115 shows four male figures sitting at a table,
which…the Father moves… The Light of Aion is the motion of the Su-
preme God… For the Chaldaean Theurgists the absolutely transcendent
Father manifests himself in him.” H. Lewy, Chaldean Oracles and Theurgy
(Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1978), 100-1.
1111 Ibid., 402-3. For Hans Lewy, the Aion of the Oracles represents
the Iranian Zurvan and the peculiar position Chaldeans assign to the god
Aion offers proof of the penetration of Zurvanism, a later development
of Mazdaism influenced by Babylonian astral religion, into the Hellenistic
world. In this Iranian system, Zervan Akarana, or Infinite Time, limitless,
eternal and uncreated was the cause and source of all things, a doctrine
which “formed the foundation of the cult of Aion practiced by the wor-
shippers of Mithra.” Ibid., 408.
1112 According to Istvan Perczel (personal communication), Diony-
sios Aeropagitos and Synesios of Cyrene, representing the Christian Pla-

tonic tradition, identified the Aion of the Chaldean Oracles with Christ.
1113 ὁ ἑστὼς στὰς στησόμενος Hippolytus, Philosophumena VI.1.17,
trans. A. Siouville, Réfutation de Toutes le Hérésies, vol. 2 (Milan: Archè,

1988), 15.
1114 Lewy, Chaldean Oracles, 102, note 151.
1115 D. Levi, “Aion,” Hesperia 13.4 (1944): 269-314.
three in a group on the right, and one on the left. According to the
inscriptions underneath, the lonely figure is Aion, while the group
of men is designated as Chronoi. The words, Παρω(ι)χημένος,
Ἐνεστώς, Μέλλων meaning Past, Present, and Future can be
read under the Chronoi figures. According to Doro Levi, in this con-
text the Chronoi stand for relative time, that is, “time in relation to
something, especially human life,” as opposed to absolute time,
eternity, Aion. In the group of the Chronoi, the man on the right
corner is an adult, bearded, “the second figure is a young man, with
energetic features, whose black hair is adorned with a rich wreath
of sprigs.” The third figure is a robust adolescent, showing his up-
per body in almost full nudity, whose black hair falls in waving
curls on the nape of his neck. Aion, on the left, is a figure of ad-
vanced age, with a grayish moustache and flowing beard. In his
hand he probably holds a wheel, the symbol of Aion, eternal
time.1116
A completely different line of argument is followed by Geda-
liahu Stroumsa, who takes exception to the idea that the trimorphic
God of these texts should be related to the Hellenistic god of Eter-
nity, Aion.1117 He finds the notion that “a mythologeme may origi-
nate in an abstract reflection on the nature of time and eternity”
anachronistic.1118 Stroumsa is of the opinion that the trimorphic
appearance of the divinity in these writings should rather be traced
to the bimorphy attested in rabbinical texts. He distinguishes not
one but two kinds of bimorphy in these texts: young man/old man,
and form of God/form of Servant. The latter kind of bimorphy, he
claims, can be detected in the Apocryphon of John, where the Coptic
1116 Ibid., 271-74. According to Doro Levi the Aion-Chronoi mosaic
was not a testimony of the philosophical movement in the learned and

religious metropolis, rather a testimony of “conceptions which were pass-
ing from mouth to mouth, of words which were much in the air, which
were used more or less by everybody, excerpta of philosophical speculation
which together with religious and mystic ideas had passed over, as would
often happen in popular philosophy.” Levi, “Aion,” 312.
1117 G. Stroumsa, “Polymorphie Divine et Transformations d’un My-
thologème: L’‘Apocryphon de Jean’ et ses Sources,” Vigiliae Christianae 35

(1981): 412-34.
1118 Ibid., 413.
word hal should be translated, in his opinion, as servant rather than

child. Furthermore, the Greek παῖς may also be understood both
as a “child” and a “servant.”1119 Hence, these two types of bimor-
phy were fused into one, giving birth to the threefold, child-young
man-old man manifestation of the deity.
Both interpretations of trimorphy have their own merits, and
it is also quite feasible that the two different traditions, Biblical bi-
morphy and ideas concerning the Eternal Time, may have rein-
forced each other. One must argue with Stroumsa’s claim, how-
ever, that it would be anachronistic to look for the origins of a my-
thologeme in an abstract philosophical reflection on the nature of
time and eternity. There are eloquent instances of exactly such phi-
losophical notions making their appearance in seemingly “naive”
apocryphal works.1120
Ibid. 419.
1119
1120A good example is furnished by the 2nd-c. apocryphal Protoevan-
gelium Iacobi. Joseph’s vision at the time of the Nativity, where he sees the
world and time stop, carries a philosophical-theological meaning concern-
ing the relationship between the Eternal (divine) and the created, ex-
pressed through the concept of movement and time. The scene of Mary’s
receiving the Annunciation in the same work is also redolent with Neopla-
tonic symbols. In other words, this apparently simple apocryphal work
puts forward a complex theology clothed in symbols taken from the con-
temporary philosophical language, ultimately based on Plato, and probably
well known and easily interpretable for any educated man of the time. Gy.
Geréby, “A világ és az idő megállása Jakab Prótevangéliumában,” (The
Suspension of Time and the World in the Protevangelium Iakobi) Vallás-
tudományi Szemle 2.1 (2006): 93-126. F. Bovon, “The Suspension of Time
in Chapter 18 of the Protevangelium Iacobi,” in The Future of Early Christi-
anity: Essays in Honour of Helmut Koester, ed. B. A. Pearson, A. T. Kraabel,
G. W. E. Nickelsburg, and N. R. Petersen (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
1991), 393-405. György Geréby, “Egy ortodox apokrif műhelyében: A
Jakab-ősevangélium (Protevangelium Jacobi) filozófiai szimbolikája” (In the
shop of an Orthodox apocryphe: The philosphical symbolism of the Pro-
tevangelium Iacobi), Ókor 6.3 (2007): 50-61
Further Applications of Trimorphy in Early Christian

Writings
Whatever the origin of the trimporphic manifestation of the deity,

it became a common motif of late antique religious language, for it
fitted well with the image of the Savior - who chooses to appear to
each man as he can best grasp Him, and the Savior who took on
himself all the lowly humiliations of the human condition, the in-
carnate divine Word. The true nature of this Savior is well ex-
pressed by these changing forms. As Puech says: “par l’entremise
des formes qu’il revêt, ou en quoi il se transfigure, celui-ci
s’accomode à la faiblesse des créatures, s’adapte aux diverses ca-
pacités qu’ont les spectateurs, les voyants ou les croyants, de
l’apercevoir, de le saisir, de le concevoir.”1121 These are exactly the
sentiments Peter expresses just before the episode of the blind
widows, perhaps proferring an explanation for the trimorphic ap-
pearance that is to follow: “For each of us as he was able, as he
could see, so he saw (him).”1122
The trimorphic manifestation occasionally appears in Chris-
tian works in a negative context, associated with heretics or ene-
mies or the faith, probably because it was not only “orthodox”
Christians, but also Gnostics who employed the image of trimo-
prhy to express the eternal, unmovable nature of the Divine as
contrasted to the changing created world.1123 For example, exactly
such a feat is attributed to Simon Magus, in the Acts of the Holy
Apostles Peter and Paul. Simon Magus, who made his first appearance
in the Bible as the rival of the apostles, later came to be widely con-
sidered the founding father of the Gnostic movement.1124 Simon
1121 Puech, “Histoire,” 129.

1122 “Unusquisque enim nostrum sicut capiebat videre, prout poterat
videbat,” Acta Petri 20, Acta Apostolorum I. 67
1123 The trimorphic appearance in the Apocryhon of John quoted above
is such an example of Gnostics utilizing this motif, although Quispel is of

the opinion that the introduction containing this motif was not part of the
original work. Quispel, “The Demiurge,” 5-6.
1124 Simon was considered the “father of all heresies,” (pater omnium
haereticorum). The first to call him so was Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses III
Pref., perhaps following Justin Martyr. Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. II.Pref.1) also
Magus’ duel with the Apostle Peter, rich in magical and miraculous
details, is a much-liked topic of many Apocryphal Acts. In the Acts
of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, we find a description of Simon’s
magical tricks that sounds familiar. According to this apocryphe,
the dispute between the Apostle Peter and Simon, the magician
came to the ear of Emperor Nero, who ordered Simon brought
before him:
And he, coming in, stood before him, and began suddenly to
assume different forms, so that on a sudden he became a child, and
after a little an old man, and at other times a young man; for he
changed himself both in face and stature in different forms, and
was in a frenzy, having the devil as his servant. And Nero behold-
ing this, supposed him to be truly the son of God.1125
It is not difficult to understand why such a three-form appear-
ance was associated with Simon, if one reads the Church fathers’
account of Simon’s teachings. Simon claimed to be the Great
Power of God,1126 that is, the incarnation of God the Father, de-
scended on earth in a human form. And this Father, or the princi-
ple of All, the root of all that exists, the infinite, uncreated, immov-
able Power containing everything, was defined by Simon, with
words that evoke the description of the Aion, one that “stands,
asserts that “all heretics drew their impious doctrines from Simon,” (omnes
a Simone haeretici initia sumentes impia et irreligiosa dogmata induxerunt.) Irénée,
Contre les Hérésies livre 2, tome 2, 24. And Adv. Haer. 1.27.4 “all those who
in any way corrupt the truth and hurt the glory of the Church, are the
disciples and successors of Simon Magus” (omnes qui quoquo modo adulterant
veritatem et praeconium Ecclesiae laedunt Simonis Samaritani magi discipuli et succes-
sores sunt) Irénée, Contre les Hérésies livre 1, tome 2, 352. Irenaeus often re-
peated this sentiment in his work. Other writers followed suit, and it soon
became a commonplace that just as all sins stemmed from Satan, all here-
sies were born out of the teachings of Simon.
1125 “Acts of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul” 14, trans. A. Walker,
in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 8, ed. C. Coxe, A. Roberts and J.

Donaldson (Grand Rapids: Wm. Eerdmans: 1950), 480.
1126 Acts of the Apostles 8.11: δ ναμις το θεο καλουμ νη μεγ λη;
Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses I.23.1; Hippolytus Philosophumena VI.19.4;
Pseudo-Tertullianus, Adversus. Omnes. Haereses 1; Pseudo-Clemens, Recogni-
tiones III.47.1; Pseudo-Clemens, Homiles II.2.
stood, and will stand” (ὁ ἑστὼς, στὰς, στησόμενος).1127 That is,

existing eternally, immovable (“standing”), unlike the changing
world. This infinite power that has stood, stands, and will stand is
ultimately identical with Simon, who descended to save
mankind.1128 Researchers believe to recognize the Aion or Infinite
Time of late Hellenism - that was, is and will be - in this description
of the Endless Power. As Simon, in his role as the “father of all
heretics,” was said to have claimed for himself the same role as
Christ, that is, the role of the incarnated Divine Power, it is clear
why the three-form appearance, the trademark of the Aion as a
manifestation of the Supreme Being in the created, moving world,
came to be associated with his figure. “This seems to reveal an
awareness of the fact that this view is not limited to Christianity.
Such a transformation should be considered as the expression of an
extraordinary power and an adaptation to the different levels of
spiritual capacity in the spectators”1129 in Late Antiquity.
Photius, ninth-century patriarch of Constantinople, also at-
tributes the description of divine trimorphy to the Gnostics in his
Bibliotheca, which is treated by Photius as merely another example
of those “old wife’s tales” (anicularum fabulae)1130 that Church Fa-
thers had always claimed heretics liked to tell so much. Photius
attributes the apocryphal work, Travels of the Apostles (τῶν
ἀποστόλων περίοδοι), inluding the Acts of Peter, John, Andrew,
Thomas and Paul, to a certain Leucius Charinus, whom he accuses
of having Gnostic or at least dualistic sentiments. (“He says, in fact,
1127 According to Simon, therefore, this blessed and incorruptible be-

ing resides in everything – it is hidden, it is there in power, but not in act.
It is He who stands, has stood, and will stand. He that stands above in the
unbegotten Power; he, who has stood below, having been begotten
through the image (which is reflected) in the streams of the waters; he,
who will stand above by the blessed infinite Power, when one will be just
like the other, Hippolytus, Philosophumena VI.1.17 (Siouville, Réfutation vol.
2, 25-26.) See also VI.1.9; VI.1.13; VI.1.19.
1128 Ibid. X.2 “Simon”; VI.1.18; VI.1.19
1129 Gilles Quispel, “The Demiurge in the Apocryphon of John,” in
Nag Hammadi and Gnosis, ed. R. McL. Wilson, NHS 14 (Leiden: Brill,
1978), 5.
1130 Irenaeus, Adversus Haereses I.8.1.
that there exists a God, that of the Jews, who is malicious… and
another one, Christ, whom he declares good.”)1131 One of the
accusations he levels against the work is the doctrine of docetism,
which is attested by the polymorphic appearance of God:
It pretends that Christ was not incarnated in reality, he only
appeared to have done so, and he showed himself under
different aspects at different times to his disciples: young man
(νέον), old man (πρεσβύτην), infant (παῖδα), then again old
man and again infant, and big and small, then again very big to
the point that he was touching the sky with his head.1132
THE MOTIF OF DIVINE TRIMORPHY IN MEDIEVAL TEXTS
The image of the three-form deity did not disappear with the de-
cline of Hellenistic culture of Late Antiquity, but was transmitted
both to the literary and “popular” culture of the Middle Ages,
Christian and non-Christian alike. Very likely it was the above-
mentioned Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles that served as the ve-
hicle of transmission. These Apocryphal Acts, with their descrip-
tions of the wondrous travels, adventures and miraculous deeds of
the apostles were the literary inheritors of the antique novel.1133
Despite the condemnations of religious figureheads, like Photius
above, they were enjoyed far and wide by all layers of society, but
especially by the less-educated classes, whose moral education and
amusement they simultaneously aimed at. They were both read
aloud and passed on orally. These acts, that one may also consider
1131Photius, Bibliotheca cod. 114, tr. and ed. René Henry (Paris: Les
Belles Lettres, 1960), vol. 2, 85
1132 Ibid.
1133 E.g., R. I. Pervo, Profit with Delight, The Literary Genre of the Acts of
Apostles (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987); T Hägg, The Novel in Antiquity

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983); J. N. Bremmer, “The
Novel and the Apocryphal Acts: Place, Time and Readership,” in Gronin-
gen Colloquia on the Novel, vol. 9, ed. H. Hofmann and M. Zimmerman
(Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1998), 157-180.
adventurous biographies, eventually gave birth to another genre,

hagiography, that is, the miraculous accounts of the lives of saints.
This latter fact explains why we may find, for example, an almost
verbatim copy of the incident of the blind widows contained in the
Apocryphal Acts of Peter in the Life of Saint Abercius, composed by a
tenth-century Byzantine writer. Here it is Abercius, instead of Pe-
ter, who is visited by three old widows, who ask him to give them
back their sight, for they also believe in Jesus. Abercius tells them
“If your faith in the true God is true, as you say, you shall see him
with the eyes of your heart. Then he prayed to Christ to give back
their sight, both physical and intellectual, to the widows. Then “a
great light from above spread over that place where they were
standing… nor was it light like that of the sun or of lightning, but
something not seen before, unusual and amazing.” All those in the
room fell down, and the widows regained their sight. Abercius then
asked them, what it was that they first saw. “One of them answered
‘I saw an old man, whose form was so beautiful it cannot be ex-
pressed by words.’ The other said ‘I saw a young man.’ And the
third said ‘a boy touched my eyes.’”1134
It is obvious that the episode here was absorbed almost en-
tirely from the apocryphal model, including not only the situation
itself, but even such details as the reference to the inner eyes, the
description of miraculous light filling the room, down to the form
of old man, young man and boy seen by the various widows. The
only novelty is in ascribing the story to a rather obscure second-
century saint, rather than to Peter Apostle. However, we can meet
with more creative and innovative use of the trimorphic motif in
other literary works, which testify to the popularity of this motif.
1134 Vita Abercii XI. PG 115 (Paris: Migne, 1899) 1226. B-C Ὁ δέ,
Εἰ ἡ πίστις ὑμῶν πρὸς τὸν ἀληθῆ θὼν ἀληθής ἐστιν, ὥς φατε,

τοῖς νοητοῖς αὐτὸν τῆς καρδίας ὅψεστι ὀφθαλμοῖς....καὶ ἰδοὺ
τὸν τόπον ἔνθα δὴ καὶ εἰστήκεσαν , φῶς ἄνωθεν περιήστραπτε
μέγα… τὸ δὲ φῶς οὐχ ὃιον ἐξ ἡλίου καὶ ἀστραπῆς ἔρχεται, ἄλλὰ
καινὸν ἄλλως καὶ φρικὸν καὶ ἀσύνςθες... Τί ἄρα τὸ φανὲν ὑμῖν,
ἤρετο, καὶ τί πρῶτον διαβλέψασαι έδετε; Ἡ μὲν οὗν,
Πρεσβύτην, ἔφη, τὸ εἶδος, ἄρρητον τὴν ὥραν, φαιδρόν· ἡ δὲ,
Νεανίσκος ὢφτη μοι· ἡ δὲ ἑτέρα, Παιδάριον κομιδῆ, φησὶν,
ἤφατό μου τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν.
The Abgar Legend
The motif makes a fascinating appearance in the Abgar legend.1135

This famous legend tells of the arrival of Christianity to Edessa
(today Urfa in south-east Turkey) and the conversion of its king,
Abgar. Our earliest source, the fourth-century Ecclesiastical History
(I.13) of Eusebius of Caesarea, recounts how the king of Edessa,
king Abgar, sent an envoy to Christ, stating his willingness to ac-
cept his teachings and inviting him. In response, Christ sent the
king a letter, blessing him and the city. The slightly later Syriac Doc-
trine of Addai, which probably goes back to the same common
source as Eusebius’ account, talks about a verbal message sent by
Jesus (proving the importance of orality in early Syriac Christian
culture), but adds that Jesus also sent a portrait of himself. This
image, known to later generations as the “Image of Edessa,”1136
was to become an important part of the legend and to play a crucial
role in the development of image veneration in the early Church.
While in the Doctrine of Addai it is painted by one of the envoys of
King Abgar, the painter Hannan, in later tradition it emerged as
one of the “non-hand-made” or ἀχειροποίητοι icons. Evagrius,
writing around 600, talks of the portrait as of miraculous origin
(θεότευκτος). More than a century later, John of Damascus gives
the full story of its origin. According to him, “when Augarus was
king over the city of the Edessenes, he sent a portrait painter to
paint a likeness of the Lord, and when the painter could not paint
because of the brightness that shone from His countenance, the
Lord Himself put a garment over His own divine and life-giving
face and impressed on it an image of Himself and sent this to Au-
garus, to satisfy thus his desire.”1137
1135On the Abgar Legend see H. J. W. Drijvers, “Abgar Legend,” in

New Testament Apocrypha vol. 1, 492-99.
1136 See S. Runciman, “Some Remarks of the Image of Edessa,” Cam-
bridge Historical Journal 3.3 (1931): 238-53; E. Kitzinger, “The Cult of Im-
ages before the Age of Iconoclasm,” Dumbarton Oak Papers 8 (1954): 83-
150.
1137 John of Damascus, An Exact Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, IV.
16, trans. S. D. F. Salmond , in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, ser. 2, vol. 9,

The story of the Mandylion or miraculously created portrait of

Christ soon came to enjoy a great popularity and was mentioned in
a number of theological works. It is agreed by researchers that the
legend, which originally served to support the veneration of images
in a Christian Church that was suspicious of such practices, became
of even greater importance during the Iconoclast period when it
asserted that the prototype of icons was created by Jesus himself.
Certainly, both the letter and the image were accredited with attain-
ing feats of miraculous cures and repelling enemy attacks against
the Edessa, and their legend enjoyed a wide circulation in medieval
Greek, Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Slavonic, Persian, Coptic and Arme-
nian languages.
What concerns us here is the curious version conserved by
two Armenian writers concerning the incident that took place
when the painter attempted to put Jesus’ countenance to canvas.
One is Grigor Anavarzetsi, Catholicos of Cilician Armenia (1293-
1307), whose work on the Abgar Legend, The Feast of the Asumption
of the All-blessed Mother of God, and in the Same Day [that of the] Holy and
Noble Portrait of Christ, Our God, which [was sent] to Abgar can be re-
garded as a pure apology of images, in support of image veneration
in the Armenian Church. His account preserved a number of curi-
ous details not paralleled anywhere else in the extant Abgar litera-
ture.1138
The text begins with Abgar sending his messenger, “Anane,
his trusted person, and together with him Hovhannes, the painter
and goldsmith” to Jesus with a letter, asking him to visit Edessa. In
case he would refuse, they are to bring Christ’s portrait to Abgar.
The story continues in the same vein as all the other Armenian ac-
counts, with the messengers’ arrival in Jerusalem on the day of
ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace (Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans, 1955.)

http://www.balamand.edu.lb/theology/WritingsSJD.htm#Writings. (Last
accessed 04 April 2008). See also Runciman, “Image of Edessa,” 240 and
246.
1138 Irma Karaulashvili, “Armenian Versions of the Abgar Legend,”
(MA Thesis, Central European University, Budapest, 1996), 49-50. I

would like to thank Irma Karaulashvili for drawing my attention to the
existence of this version.
Christ’s entrance, their presentation to Christ, meeting him in the

house of the Jewish high priest, and the answer of Christ, written
by Thomas Apostle. The attempt of the painter to represent the
likeness of Jesus contains novel elements:
When the painter saw that Christ did not promise to go with
them, he started to paint His face, in order to bring to Abgar
according to the command, [the portrait] of the young man, as
the Saviour was. And [the painter] looked up to Him again,
and saw a powerful aged man. And he threw away the first
sketch and started to paint with fear the portrait of the old
man. And he looked up again and saw a beautiful youth. Then
he realized that he was unable to imprint the likeness of His
face.
Christ then wiped his face on a towel, and his image appeared on it
immediately, “without any dye of human art.”1139 This Holy Towel later
performed many miracles.
The account of the famous fifteenth-century religious poet,
Gregor Khaletsi, seems to preserve a similar tradition in his The
Feast of the Ascension of the Mother of God and the Memory of the Image,
which is on the Towel. Khaletsi relates that when the messengers un-
derstood that Christ
did not oblige himself to go to Abgar, the painter started to
paint the face of Jesus according to the command received
from Abgar to paint His face, if He would not go. When [the
painter] started to represent [Jesus’] young age, as He was, and
looked at Him again, he saw him to be a boy of tender age. At
that time he was frightened and abandoned the painting. Jesus
who knew their desire, praised their faith. He took a flax towel
of fitting measure… put it onto His divine Face, and immedi-
ately the Supreme Face was imprinted on it.1140
Though this second account contains mention only of the
young man Jesus, and of a boy, while it omits the old man, there
1139 G. Bayan, ed. and trans. La Synaxaire Arménien de Ter Israel (Turn-
hout: Brepols:, 1971), 391, quoted by Karaulashvili, “Abgar Legend,” 48.

1140 Quoted in Karaulashvili, “Abgar Legend,” 51, no source is given.
can be no question that it relies on the same tradition as the ac-

count of Grigor Anavarzetsi. It is equally clear that for these au-
thors the changing appearance of Jesus no longer carried any refer-
ence to the principle of Eternal Time, nor even to the idea of God
appearing to every man in a form he was best fit to see and under-
stand. What is stressed here is the notion that icons came into be-
ing in a miraculous way – despite the Old Testament injunction
against images. The trimorphic appearance has become hardly
more than a mere literary tool here, signifying that while it is im-
possible for humans to grasp the form of the divine, their icons are
still divinely inspired.
The Three Magi of the Orient
Another branch of the development of this motif was connected

with the legends surrounding the Three Magi or Wise Men from
the Orient. Attention to the existence of such a story was first paid
to in connection with “popular” oral tradition in Persia, transmitted
to us through Marco Polo.1141
Marco Polo, traveling through Persia in the second half of the
thirteenth century, reports that at a distance of a three-day-journey
from the town of Saba,1142 from where the Three Magi of the Ori-
ent had sat forth to visit the new-born Jesus, there existed a town,
Kala Ataperistan,1143 populated by what he called “fire-worshippers.”
These people retained in their memory a version of the legend of
the Three Magi, or Three Kings as they called them. Marco Polo
1141 Puech, “Histoire,” 131-136.

1142 Identified as Savah, about fifty miles southwest of Teheran, see
A. V. Williams Jackson, “The Magi in Marco Polo and the Cities in Persia
from Which They came to Worship the Infant Christ,” JAOS 26 (1905):
80.
1143 It is not certain where this castle was, although Jackson identifies
it with Kashan, about three days travel from Savah in the province of
Isfahan, on the way toward the province of Yazd. The Italian friar, Odoric
of Pordenone, who traveled the same way about 1320, calls Kashan, or
Cassan, “the city of the Three Kings,” and says the worshippers set out
from there. Jackson, “The Magi,” 82.
tells that these Persian fire-worshippers remembered that once in

the distant past three kings of the region set off on a journey to
find and worship a prophet born just then in the country of the
Jews. They took three kinds of gifts, gold, incense and myrrh to see
which the child would choose. For the first symbolizes an earthly
king, the second God, the third a man of medicine. When they
reached the place where the child was born:
first the youngest of the kings went in to see him, and found
the child similar to himself both in his age and looks… Then
the second, middle-aged king entered, and just like the one be-
fore him, he saw the child as a man of his own age… Finally
the oldest king entered, who was of an advanced age, and after
the same had happened to him as to the other two, he re-
treated in wonder. When all three of them were together again,
they told each other what they had seen, and were even more
amazed. They agreed to enter together, all three of them, and
when they did so, they could finally see Christ as he really was,
that is a thirteen-day-old child. Then they worshiped him and
gave him the gold, incense and myrrh. The child reached for
the three presents at the same time.1144
This curious account of Marco Polo for a long time didn’t
draw much interest, apart from passing critical remarks to its
“puerile” nature, while some editions and translations even
ommitted it for being alien to the Christian faith. The first to pay
attention to this episode was Leonardo Olschki, who saw Zoroas-
trian influences in this story. Olschki associated the trimorphic ap-
pearance of Jesus, followed by his appearing the way he really was,
with the ancient Iranian, or rather Zurvaniste theory of Infinite
Time, Zurvan Akrana, the four-faced god represented by the four
Marco Polo utazásai (The travels of Marco Polo), chaps. 31-32,

1144
Hungarian tr. Endre Vajda (Budapest: Gondolat, 1984), 69-70. See also
The Travels of Marco Polo, vol. 1, ch. 13, trans. Henry Yule. Online Gutten-
berg Project, http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/10636 (last accessed 21
November 2008), p. 280.
figures, Ashôqar, who makes virile, Frashôqar, who makes excel-

lent, and Zarôqar, who makes old, Zurvan appearing as himself.1145
It was Puech, who pointed out that (apart from such trimor-
phic representations of Christ in the Apocryphal Acts) we can
clearly trace the story of the Three Magi and the polyphormic baby
Jesus in earlier Christian works, both literary and visual. In the Ar-
menian Gospel of Infancy, ch. XI, 17-21 Jesus appears to the
Three Magi under three different forms. To Balthasar as the “son
of an earthly king,” to Gaspar as a child in the manger, and to
Melkon as “Christ sitting on a throne, God become flesh.”1146 We
also possess some pictorial representations of the scene. The fresco
of a Cappadocian Church, Eĝri Taş Kilisesi (Church with the
Crooked Stone, Ihlara Valley) dated between the seventh and the
ninth century, probably represents the Three Magi seeing Christ in
three different forms. 1147 We have a more evident example in an
eleventh-century Gospel manuscript (Paris, Bibl. Nat., ms. Gr. 74,
fol. 167), where above the successive words παλαιὸς τῶν
ἡμερῶν (the well known Old Man or Ancient of Days, of Daniel
7.9), Χριστός Ἐμμανουήλ we can see three medallions. The one
in the centre shows Jesus as an old man, the medallion on the left
as a grown up, and the one on the right as a youth.1148
The most interesting example yet is furnished by another
eleventh-century manuscript (MS n° 14, fol. 106 from the Library
of the Patriarch of Jerusalem). A miniature at the bottom of fol.
106 shows the Three Magi, representing the three ages, in the pres-
ence of the Virgin, “le plus proche se courbant sur Jésus figuré
sous la forme d’un enfant nimbé, les deux autres debout et portant
chacun dans ses bras un petit personnage dont le tête est de même,
1145 Leonardo Olschki, “The Wise Men of the East in Oriental Tradi-
tions,” Semitic and Oriental Studies, University of California Publications in Semitic

Philology 11 (1951): 375-395. Quoted in Puech, “Histoire,” 132-33. Olschki
may have been right, in as much as Aion, with whom the trimorphic ap-
pearance was associated, may ultimately have gone back to the theology of
the Iranian Zurvan, as noted above.
1148 Puech, “Histoire de l’Ancienne Église et Patristique,” Annuaire de
École Pratique des Hautes Études, cinquième section (1967/68): 160.

ceinte d’un nimbe, et le menton orné d’une barbe (noire, en un cas,

blanche, dans l’autre), autrement dit: Le Christ vu et saisi sous
l’apparence, ici d’un vieillard et là d’un adulte.”1149 The accompany-
ing Greek text explains that the Three Magi, after having adored
him as was his due, returned to their lodgings and there they dis-
cussed the way the infant appeared to each of them. One said, “I
saw him as a small child (νήπιον),” the second said, “I saw him as
a rather young man of thirty years” (νεώτερον τριακονταετῆ)
and the third saw him as a white-haired old man (γέροντα
πεπαλαιωμένον).1150 This eleventh-century manuscript in its turn
is based on an earlier homily on the Nativity, delivered in 744 AD
and attributed by the manuscript tradition to a certain John of
Euboia, or else to John of Damascus. 1151
The authors of the Christian manuscripts, especially if their
source was indeed John of Damascus, may have employed the mo-
tif of divine trimorphie with its multilayered philosophical reso-
nance in mind. The Armenian Infancy Gospel and the Cappado-
cian church paintings are much more likely to derive from “popu-
lar” culture, where the three-form appearance was probably no
more than just another miracle performed by the new-born Christ.
As for the story of the Three Wise Kings, as collected by Marco
Polo somewhere in Persia, among people he termed fire-
worshippers, it is a very clear indication that - just as may have
happened to many other motifs of philosophical origin – divine
trimorphie became incorporated into the oral tradition of non-
literary classes even far away.
Thus, the story of the Three Magi and the baby Jesus is of
special importance from our point of view, for two reasons. First, it
is here that we can pinpoint the appearance of the trimorphic motif
in “popular” culture, both in paintings and oral tradition.1152 Sec-
1149Puech, “Histoire,” 135.

1150Ibid.
1151 Ibid., 136.
1152 This is not to say that the motif of Jesus’ trimorphic appearance,
fashioned after the examples cited earlier, may not have been part of
“popular” culture in the Middle Ages, especially considering the impact
the apocryphal works had. However, as it is usually only the writings of
ond, we have every reason to assume that it was this legend that
served as the final (presently traceable) source of the Yezidi myth
on the birth of the Prophet Ismail. The three merchants or travel-
ers, who come, one by one, to see a new-born prophet, who shows
himself in different form (and age) to each of them, is clearly an
echo of the Three Magi come to worship the new-born Jesus. As
the story is present not only in the Eastern Mediterranean and in
Armenia, but reached lands as far as the distant province of Isfahan
in Persia, there is no reason to doubt that on its way eastward it
may have traversed Northern Mesopotamia bordered by the moun-
tainous region of Kurdistan. Furthermore, just as in Persia, if we
are to trust Marco Polo, it was incorporated into the legends of the
“fire-worshippers;” so in Muslim lands it may have been taken up
by the Muslim population, and become “Islamicized.” For it is
clear that the story must have reached the Yezidis through an Is-
lamic or at least superficially Islamicized channel, since the baby
Jesus’ place is taken by the baby prophet Ismail. As Yezidis have
mostly had good relations with their Christian neighbours, another
religious minority, and had no adverse feelings towards Christian-
ity,1153 they probably would not have had any incentive to change
the figure of Christ into that of Ismail, had the legend reached
them directly through Christians.
***
We have followed the motif of a divine power appearing succes-

sively or simultaneously as a child, youth and old man full circle,
from its Hellenistic beginnings through its late antique and medie-
val career to medieval and modern Nusayrî religious literature, and
contemporary Yezidi oral tradition. The story of divine trimorphy
the most educated classes that have reached us, such evidence is hard to
come by.
1153 Christ is even mentioned in the sacred qewl or hymn performed
on the occasion of the Sema Evarî (“Evening Dance”), the ritual dance
performed by the religious leaders of the community after nightfall, a fact
to which Yezidis (laymen) have repeatedly and proudly drawn my atten-
tion.
serves to demonstrate how late antique motifs, possibly originating

in the syncretistic milieu of Hellenistic philosophy, and once widely
employed but long since forgotten in Christian literature, can to
this day be traced in the mythology of heterodox, and isolated, reli-
gious communities, where it is still part of a living tradition.
The ways the motif of the divine appearing in the three differ-
ent aspects of the human life-cycle “survived” and became incor-
porated into new traditions are varied, depending on the nature of
the respective religion. Ali appearing as child, young man and old
man in Nusayrî literature is probably a case of “literary inheritance”
by a non-Christian group (albeit one that was clearly very much
influenced by heterodox Christianity). Nusayrîs, who possess a rich
religious literary tradition, preserve a version that clearly reflects the
philosophical speculations connected with the trimorphic appear-
ance, where - as the Acts of Peter say - everybody sees the divinity
according to his own capacity. In the Nusayrî myth the ignorant are
unable to see behind the material disguise of Ali, appearing as child,
young man, old man, while the true gnostics, or enlightened ones,
understand his divine nature, no matter what his apparent form.
The philosophical aspect of the myth is so pronounced, that it
seems likely that the source of the Nusayrî myth was a written text
of a theological or philosophical nature.
The case of the new-born Ismael in Yezidi mythology repre-
sents the very other end of the scale – the popularization of a phi-
losophical-theological motif in oral religious culture. Such a popu-
larization was not rare, and this is not the only motif of philosophi-
cal origin that has found its way into “popular” culture, nor the
only curious Yezidi motif that originates in late antique religious
tradition. What makes this case special is the possibility of being
able to trace the development and history of the motif at least in
broad details.
11 CONCLUSION
In the five previous chapters I have shown that these “quaint”

Yezidi myths and religious motifs, which were either seen as non-
sensical vagaries (the creation and fall of Adam; the creation of
Shehid, forefather of the Yezidi race; the three-fold manifestation
of the deity in Ismail’s story), or simply failed to arouse interest
because they seemed too vague and confused (the khirqe imagery;
the Call of Awakening) can be traced back to the religious language
of Late Antiquity. Placed in context, these elements no longer seem
senseless or vague and confusing, but make up a coherent, valid
system, making it obvious that Yezidi religion, just like any other,
has its own inner logic which controls the content and its expres-
sion.
It has also become clear that it would be difficult to pinpoint a
single source for these late antique motifs. Some elements, such as
the divine origin of the human (Adam’s) soul, the tasting of the
forbidden fruit as a part of a positive divine plan, the connection
between the forbidden fruit and the digestive functions of Adam’s
body, and Shehid’s creation from the lost divine sur of Adam as the
father of a chosen people, display very strong resemblances to cru-
cial mythological concepts in Gnosticism and Manichaeism. The
various ideas concerning the “black khirqe of light” as the garment
of God, of His angels, of Adam before the Fall, and finally of those
who are redeemed or reach enlightenment may equally have been
rooted in Jewish, Christian, Gnostic or Manichaean “garment im-
agery,” reflecting the fact that these movements shared a common
cultural background and often used the same language to express
ultimately different ideas. The same could be said of the trimorphic
appearance of the deity, a motif which appears both in Gnostic and
Christian works. The Call of Awakening is generally understood as
the Gnostic Call, and is widely utilized in dualistic works, though it
403
can occasionally be found in Christian and even Hermetic litera-

ture.
How these legends were transmitted from the people of Late
Antiquity to the Yezidis, who did not appear on the historical scene
before the twelfth or thirteenth centuries would be hard to answer
given the present level of knowledge of the religious history of the
region. It is widely accepted that there existed countless connec-
tions between Jewish, Syriac Christian, Gnostic and Manichaeans
legends and religious motifs, while we know very little of the way
these elements were transmitted. Similarly, one can see the connec-
tion between Late Antiquity and the Yezidi belief system of today,
but is at a loss when it comes to the chain of transmission. It is
quite possible that already in Late Antiquity (and earlier) such leg-
ends were transmitted not only by books, but orally as well. These
elements, though today not very familiar to a Western-educated
audience, once must have formed part of “popular” mythical and
religious lore deriving from the literary culture of Late Antiquity.
The key may lie not with the Yezidis, but with the various, often
orally transmitted, traditions of the Middle East in general.
The presence of similar elements among other people of the
region indicates, as I contend at the beginning of this work, that
such legends are not the exclusive inheritance of the Yezidi people,
but are part of a common cultural substratum of the wider region
(or at least were a part of it during the formative period of
Yezidism.) The popularity of some of these elements well into the
Middle Ages is shown by written documents. Other elements,
while perhaps not documented in writing, can be found in the oral
lore of other groups living in the Middle East today, thus indicating
that they must have once enjoyed a wider currency.
• The idea that the digestive function of human stomach and
intestines was a result of eating the forbidden fruit (thus, Adam
had to leave Paradise in order not to dirty it) can be found not
only among the Yezidis, but also among Muslims in the region.
Examples have been given from Iraqi Kurdistan, Diyarbakir
and Mardin in Turkey.
• Teaching that Adam, the first man, received his soul from a
divine angel (an emanation of the Godhead) when this angel,
or his divine essence, entered Adam’s lifeless body, can also be
found among the Ahl-i Haqq.
• Muslim authors like Abd al-Jabbâr and al-Biruni, as well as
CONCLUSION 405
Nusayrî religious tracts attest to the continuing popularity of

the figure of Seth in the Middle Ages. An Ahl-i Haqq myth
tells how Sheyth (whom they identify with the Biblical-Quranic
Seth), forefather of prophets and leaders, was created from the
seminal fluid of Adam collected in a jar.
• The Call of Awakening, or Call of Life as the Mandaeans refer
to it, with its condemnation of sleep as sinful, and its call for a
spiritual awakening and promise of heavenly reward, is still an
important literary motif in contemporary Mandaean religion.
• The three-fold or trimorphic appearance of a divine figure is
well documented throughout the Middle Ages. It can be found
in the hagiography of Abercius, in medieval Greek and Arme-
nian manuscripts, in some Armenian versions of the Abgar
legend, and finally even in Persian oral lore in the time of
Marco Polo. It can also be found in the mythology of the
Nusayrîs.
• The garment of Light, which was probably the archetype for
the Yezidi khirqe, can be found both in Nusayrî and Mandaean
religious literature. For Mandeans it is both a baptismal and es-
chatological garment put on when the soul returns to the spiri-
tual realm, while for Nusayrîs it is the garment the soul wore
before its fall, and will put on again upon its ascension back to
the light world. The garment of Light also played an important
part in Syriac “garment theology,” and it often appeared in the
literary works of ecclesiastic authors of long lasting influence
such as Ephrem and others. Thus, it may be safely assumed
that Syriac-speaking Christianity was familiar with at least some
of this garment imagery even when the days of a vibrant cul-
tural life were long gone and, where the garment of Light is
concerned, it may have played a significant role in the trans-
mission of ideas.1154
1154 Unfortunately, I have no idea how well known the different mo-
tifs of the garment theology were to medieval and modern Nestorians,

Jacobites and Catholic Chaldaeans of Kurdistan. The sad fact is that while
scholarly works on late antique and early medieval Syriac literature
abound, contemporary Syriac-speaking Christianity (or that of the past
few centuries) does not seem to attract the attention of Syriac scholars.
If we consider how very little is known about the mythology

of most heterodox groups, and about the “popular” legends and
beliefs of Christians and Muslims in the region, it must be con-
cluded that even these few examples of shared late antique motifs
(not taken directly from the Bible or the Quran) are very signifi-
cant. They allow us to speculate on a common cultural substratum
which retained many oral elements that have disappeared from
written religious culture. It is not unreasonable to conclude that
were the volume of knowledge on these groups less meager, it
would be possible to pinpoint many more motifs of late antique
origin, linking these groups together as the inheritors of an earlier
oral tradition which was greatly influenced by the religious litera-
ture of Late Antiquity.
While I was working on this study, many have asked why
these elements in particular came to be incorporated into Yezidi
religion. The question of “why” can never really be answered.
However the formulation of some careful hypotheses may be at-
tempted. Certainly, there must have been a number of different
motivations at play:
Some motifs, like Adam’s transgression of God’s will which
serves to fulfill a divine plan, simply fits into the religious ethos of
the Yezidis, one that does not accept the existence of an evil being
(devil, Satan), but sees everything as originating from one principle,
God. The “original” interpretation of this event would not have
been easily compatible with the extremely strong monotheistic
views of the Yezidis, which denies the existence of an evil power
acting in opposition to God. The Gnostic version may simply have
just made more sense to the Yezidis (or proto-Yezidis) than the
orthodox Muslim one.
Some nineteenth-century travelers mention that they found the Nestori-

ans rather uneducated, while the Chaldaean clergy displayed a better
knowledge of the Syriac (Aramaic) language and literature. However, this
is of little help. As researching these Aramaic-speaking communities, their
religious language and religion in general is not the field of the author of
this thesis, the unfortunate lack of such academic works makes it impos-
sible to ascertain how common the use of images taken from a garment
theology, once so popular in the region, is in contemporary Christian
communities of the Kurdish region.
CONCLUSION 407
In the case of other motifs it is probably not Yezidi religion it-

self one has to keep in mind, rather the religious ideas professed by
the population of the region in general. Thus, the popularity of
Seth helps explain why and how this myth was incorporated into
Yezidi mythology. The adoption of the myth of Seth, probably
widely known in different variants throughout the region, as a
Yezidi origin myth, can be said to have several important purposes,
though of course these cannot easily be detached from each other.
First, we have the origin myth per se, explaining the origins of the
Yezidis, and attributing them a separate origin from the rest of
mankind, which makes them the “chosen people” of God (or
rather of the Peacock Angel). This would satisfy the internal needs
of the group to feel “different,” “special.”1155 Second, such an ori-
gin myth would also serve to explain and reinforce the practice of
endogamy, an essential feature of Yezidi religion (which itself is a
protective measure against assimilation, at least today).1156
Finally, from the external point of view, we may assume – at
least at the time of the myth’s adoption by the group – that this
myth was meant to ensure group prestige through association with
this important figure in the eyes of the environment. Descent plays,
and has always played, an important role in the Middle East, defin-
ing personal status and standing in the community.1157 Let us think
of the Sufi silsilas, the chain of tradition, where the validity of the
whole path and its teachings depended on the – often semi-
mythical - founding figure, or the more recent examples of Chris-
tians claiming to be Assyrians, or Kurds insisting on their direct
descent from the Medes. It is in such an environment that the im-
portance of this myth has to be evaluated. It may be assumed that
when it came to be adopted by the ancestors of the Yezidis, the
1155 As Jasim Murad, himself a Yezidi, writes of this myth, “This

unique birth gives the Yazidis the feeling of self assurance and content-
ment that they receive the utmost attention of the divine forces.” “Sacred
Poems,” 307.
1156 Of course, given the lack of evidence, it is impossible to tell when
Yezidis started to practice endogamy. Presumably this practice could not

have arisen before the rupture with Islam became clear and widely felt.
1157 Allison, Yezidi Oral Tradition, 36, 41.
myth of Seth and his race was still, more or less, known in some
form(s) to many people in the region. Thus, claiming descent from
Seth, or rather a later avatar of his legend, was a bid at prestigious
origins that could be easily interpreted by the other groups as well.
The need to acquire prestige, not directly, but in the sense that
it provided Yezidis (or proto-Yezidis) with today’s equivalent of
“modern scientific religion” may account for the incorporation of
many of the other elements. It was seen in the chapter concerning
the changes in oral tradition that Yezidis today try to adapt their
religion and religious language to what they see as the demands of
the modern world, lest they be looked down upon as a backward
religion of simple, rural people. This leads not only to efforts to
form a canon of sacred texts and forge a coherent theology, but
also to the adoption of motifs taken from contemporary natural
and social sciences (that is, history writing). Thus, Yezidis with
some school education will insist that the sacred texts contain ref-
erences to the ice age, atoms, heliocentric world view, black hole
and so on. At the same time, Assyrians, Sumerians, Zoroastrians,
etc., that is, nations who “made history” are being incorporated
into the retelling of Yezidi myth (“oral historiography”), not only in
order to gain direct prestige, but also so that they find the place of
Yezidis in history as presented by “mainstream” history writing.
Sometimes the simple motivation of “doing as the other
does” may be enough. I have just recently heard of a qewwal singing
Quranic songs at the one year commemoration of a death by the
grave of the deceased.1158 Despite the strong aversion of Yezidis to
Muslims and Islam, he felt tempted to learn and repeat the words
of the other (more popular, literate and powerful) religion.
This striving to “measure up to contemporary standards” and
to incorporate anything that may seem of value among neighboring
communities makes it easier to understand why Yezidis adopted
some other motifs which do not seem to carry such important
messages as Adam’s Fall, or Shehid’s miraculous creation. As has
been seen these motifs were deeply imbedded within the religious
1158 After a three day tazi or mourning period, Yezidis will hold an-
other tazi after forty days and one year. This custom is also known among
Muslims.
CONCLUSION 409
culture, trickling down from literary culture into oral circles. Mutatis
mutandis, they belonged to the “scientific language” or at least the
“educated language” of Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages,
which people tried to emulate, or at least build into their own sys-
tem.
***
This study does not pretend to be the last word on late antique
motifs, Gnostic or otherwise, in Yezidism. Rather it hopes to be
the first of its kind, opening the way to further research. Clearly,
there is a lot more to be done in this field, especially as regards the
possible influence of Gnosticism and Manichaeism. During the
course of my research, a number of motifs I suspected as being of
possible late antique origin had to be put aside due to a lack of suf-
ficient corroborating data.1159 As scholarly research (one hopes)
gathers more information on the various religious and ethnic
groups in the Middle East and their oral traditions, new details may
appear that would make finding further connections and refining
the ones treated by this work possible.
1159 The most intriguing of such motifs, which was not analyzed in
this study, is the repeated incarnation of the sur in the persons of the
Yezidi khas. The cyclical incarnation of divine beings (from the World of
Light) as prophets, or rather as “emissaries of light” was an important
concept both to the Gnostics and the Manichaeans. This idea of the suc-
cessive manifestation of the deity in human form is also present among
the Ahl-i Haqq, the Nusayrîs, the Alevis, as well as in medieval Ismaili
theology, where researchers often suggest a strong Gnostic influence. It
would indeed be tempting to call this a Gnostic/Manichaean motif, how-
ever, it cannot be ruled out that it may have been an independent devel-
opment. Unlike concrete myths and literary motifs, such a “theological”
concept could have arisen autonomously, leading to religious features that
resemble Gnostic ideas. The fact that the idea of the “manifestation of
divine essence” is widespread among religious movements with an Iranian
background implies that this may be an autochthonous feature, which
drew its inspiration, at least partially, from old Iranian beliefs. Equally, the
two different traditions may have merged and reinforced each other in
producing new religious forms. Certainly, this is a topic which would need
a lot more research than has so far been allocated to it.
EPILOGUE: LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS AND
MODERN YEZIDISM
The fast-paced changes taking place in Yezidi religious tradition

under the influence of a new-found literacy and growing contacts
with the outside world have not failed to affect the position of late
antique motifs. Just as once they were adopted because they served
some purpose, so today they are being discarded or rewritten and
reinterpreted for having become spurious or even embarrassing.
The way they are treated by a new generation of Yezidis speaks
volumes about Yezidi religion and the way it is changing.
Myths of a presumably Gnostic/Manichaean origin are a pri-
mary target of the “modernizers,” destined to be weeded out. The
religious views reflected in such myths are incompatible with the
teachings of the majority religions, be it Islam or Christianity, as
well as with what is perceived as “modern” thinking.
Such is the fate of the myth on the origin of Adam’s soul,
which relates how Angel Sheikh Sin (or his sur) was enclosed in the
lifeless body of Adam. As has been mentioned, this myth is amaz-
ingly evocative of the Gnostic teaching which claims that the hu-
man soul is a particle of the Divine Light imprisoned in the body,
but it is hardly compatible with either Christian or Islamic teach-
ings. It is hardly surprising therefore that many Yezidis display an
ambivalent attitude toward this myth. Arab Khidir, for example,
roundly denied this version or even being familiar with it. He
quoted the “story of Adam’s soul” as known from the hymns,1160
how it refused to enter Adam’s body until the sacred musical in-
struments, the def and shibab came down from the sky to accom-
1160 He shared the view that only material in the qewls or hymns can
be considered genuine Yezidi teaching.
411
pany him, and claimed that the human soul, created by God, was
clearly different from the souls of the angels (which are divine)
“The soul came into the body. The soul is from the power of God,
[but] it is not an angel, it is not sur. It is human.” It is feasible, of
course, that the version of the sur giving life to Adam, related only
in the myth, but not in the hymns, was unknown to him, but later -
talking of another topic – he referred to the sur of Adam in passing.
Sheikh Deshti also declared that Adam was a human, and the
father of humans, and his soul was a human soul. Human souls and
angelic souls are different. Later on, however, when he recounted
the myth of Shehid bin Jer, he said, “Adam had sur in his forehead,
like some divine power, I mean after the fashion of angels, I mean,
he wasn’t a human,”1161 though he did not elaborate how the an-
gelic sur got there.
The myth of Shehid bin Jer as the forefather of the Yezidis,
created in a supernatural way, proved even more sensitive. This
myth presumably posed some difficulties even before the advent of
modern education. While the variant of seed of Adam was simple
enough to be understood by people, the variant of the sur, the di-
vine essence, must have caused plenty of bewilderment among
those less well versed in Yezidi religious lore (the majority, that is)
as the concept of sur would not have been easy to grasp without
some familiarity with religious symbolism.
No wonder that in a number of versions the elusive sur is re-
placed by other “props.” One of Jasim Murad’s informants spoke
about a pearl in Adam’s forehead, without explaining what it
was.1162 Two other informants claimed it was the sweat from the
forehead of Adam and Eve which was put in jar.1163 Empson1164
also mentions jars filled by Angel Gabriel with blood from the
forehead of Adam and Eve.
Today, it is no longer the concept of the sur that creates con-
fusion in the minds, but rather the concept that Yezidis have an
“unnatural” descent, different from the rest of mankind. When I
1161 See “Transcript of Interviews” in the Appendix.

1163 Ibid., 294, 296.
1164 Empson, Cult of the Peacock Angel, 47.
EPILOGUE 413
wanted to hear the myth of Shehid bin Jer, many informants has-
tened to assure me that they believed that all mankind had the same
origin, that is, they all came from Adam and Eve,1165 and though –
at my insistence - they finally repeated the Yezidi myth, they
stressed that this was just “some old-fashioned tale” and “now we
know better.” Arab Khidir was even more adamant in denying the
validity of this myth. When asked, he claimed that Shehid was no
other than Adam, who was made from water, earth, air and fire
according to Yezidi mythology. As Arab Khidir said, water and
earth yield clay, which then is put out to dry in the air, and is finally
fired. The result is a jar. Thus the epithet, “Witness of the Jar” sim-
ply referred to Adam being created from the same four elements as
a jar. However, during a later session my informant referred to the
unique origin of the Yezidis in passing: “Adam had sur in his fore-
head, this reached Shit [i.e. Shehid], this light reached his (Shehid’s)
children.” And then he added “Shehid married a houri, the Yezidi
nation was born from them.” Clearly then, Arab Khidir was famil-
iar with the myth of the sur functioning as the soul of Adam, and of
Shehid bin Jer and ultimately the Yezidi nation being created from
this sur. However, he did not seem to think that such a myth fit
into the framework of religion that was based on scientific facts as
he tended, or wished to see, in Yezidism. His explanation of the jar
was probably nothing more than a piece of modern exegesis which
tried to resolve this “embarrassing” myth in a “rational” manner.
As I have said, one of the motivations for incorporating the
myth of Seth, born of another seed and the forefather of a special
race, was to give Yezidis a prestigious origin, one that could be un-
derstood and appreciated by the people of a given cultural milieu.
This is no longer the case. For many Yezidis today, any myth about
children springing out of jars, born either of Adam’s seed or some
divine essence, far from conferring prestige, is more likely to be a
source of embarrassment, a “childish tale” as has been put forward
by some researchers. They feel such stories make Yezidis seem to
be professing outlandish, unscientific ideas.
1165 Interestingly, I have never so far heard the myth of Shehid’s crea-
tion repudiated in favor of Darwinism, though this may simply be a ques-

tion of time.
However, Yezidi religion is still essentially an oral one, gov-

erned by the same mechanism (for the moment) as in the past. The
content may change, but the motivations are often similar. Yezidis
still wish for origins that would confer prestige on them as a group.
Consequently, the place of the myth of Shehid, or Seth, if one pre-
fers, is “usurped” by new “origin myths” more in keeping with the
spirit of the times. Today, when asked about their origins, few of
the younger Yezidis would mention Shehid (unless specifically
asked). Instead they refer to Zoroastrian, Sumerian or Assyirian
origins. To support such theories, stories are told about Assyrian
pictograms hidden under the plaster on the walls of Lalish, or
about the Assyrian rock carvings in the hillside above Duhok rep-
resenting the seven Angels. Others claim that the Sumerian cunei-
form texts mention the word “ezid,” meaning “pure souls,” “who
go on the right path,” referring to the Yezidis as the fountainhead
of Sumerian religion. These stories, amusing as they may some-
times sound to an outsider, are in fact new origin myths that are
meant to play the same function as the myth of Seth centuries ago:
confer a prestigious origin on Yezidis using a language and symbol-
ism that can also be interpreted and appreciated by outsiders.
Other motifs, such as the symbolism of the khirqe, the Call of
Awakening, or the three-fold appearance are harder to evaluate
when it comes to the question of change in Yezidi tradition.
Unlike the myth of Adam and Shehid, which are (or were) cardinal
points of Yezidi religious consciousness, serving as a basis for
communal identity and helping them orient themselves in the (sa-
cred) past, these other motifs were of little interest for most
Yezidis. The trimorphic appearance of Ismail may have been told
during “sermons,” but is not too likely to have exercised people’s
imagination any more than miracles in folktales. The Song of the
Commoner is sung exclusively by men of religion and is of little con-
cern to anybody else.1166 The khirqe, as the shirt of the feqirs is still
I am not even sure if it is actually sung every morning, or just on

1166
special occasions. Of course, ideally it should be sung every morning, and

heard and heeded by the whole community, but no traveler has reported
such a wake up call during his/her travels. When I heard it in Lalish I was
the only one in the sleeping quarters of the princely family to get up to
EPILOGUE 415
much respected (as is the khirqe of Sheikh Adi kept in Lalish), but
its symbolism, hidden in the disjointed stanzas of numerous hymns
and the myth of Adam, is far too complicated and nuanced to be
familiar to most people. Consequently they attract little attention
on the part of people who would like mold Yezidism into a religion
of the book, and little can be said about how the changes are af-
fecting these elements of traditional Yezidis religion.
Of all these elements the khirqe alone seems to have found at
least a small niche for itself in this emerging religion of the book.
As the clothing of God mentioned in the hymns, it is said to repre-
sent the darkness of cosmos before creation. This may be seen as a
part of the effort attempting to give Yezidism a modern scientific
aspect and shape it according to the criteria of scientific thinking.
Furthermore, for many Yezidis emphasizing the deep moral aspect
of Yezidi religion1167 is almost as important as talking about the
scientific side. Consequently, the khirqe, in its role as the symbol of
moral living, of “walking the road of God,” may still prove to be an
important motif in future Yezidi religion.
More than this cannot be said at the moment. Yezidi publica-
tions on Yezidi religion are more concerned with their putative
roots and the ancient nature of their faith, topics where the khirqe
does not at present figure much. (This would change of course, if
the khirqe were proven to link Yezidis to some famous people in
the past.) Most people who read such publications, or hear about
their contents, would know (or care) little more about the khirqe
other than the fact that it is worn by the feqirs and possibly that it
was once the clothing of God.
Researchers should not be discouraged, however. The canoni-
zation of Yezidism is only just beginning. It is likely that once the
listen to it, and the attendants of the Sanctuary seemed to have serious
difficulties in shaking awake people sleeping in the courtyard before the
door of the Sanctuary.
1167 I recall a long conversation that I had with a young Yezidi man
from the Sheikhan region. He was dressed in traditional garbs and was
said to be very religious and an expert in matters of religion. His conversa-
tion focused mainly on the moral aspects of Yezidism, much to the detri-
ment of the mythological detail.
collection and publishing of the texts is finished, and Yezidi intel-

lectuals manage to draw up the outlines of a fixed doctrinal system,
we will learn the fate of these elements, whether they will be rele-
gated to oblivion as quaint and useless motifs, or will be filled with
novel meaning and given a place within this new form of Yezidism.
PLATES
LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
Fig. 1. Pilgrim kissing the Peacock Standard at the Au-

tumn Assembly in Lalish.
PLATES
Fig. 2. Feqir Haji, wearing the black turban of the feqirs,

with the khirqe peeping out under his coat sleeve.
LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
Fig. 3. The Yezidi shrine of Mehmedê Jindal (lord of

the jinns), with its guardian, Sheikh Deshti in front.
The conical spire is a distinctive feature of Yezidi
shrines in the region.
PLATES
Fig. 4. The Baba Sheikh on his yearly visit to Yezidi vil-

lages.
LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
Fig. 5. Qewwals, or singers of religious hymns, resting

during the Autumn Assembly in Lalish. Qewwal
Suleyman, head of the caste of qewwals on the right.
Fig. 6. Qewwals performing during the “Parading of the

Peacock” in the Sinjar.
PLATES
Fig. 7. The performance of the Evening Dance. The

head of the feqirs leading the dance is said to wear the
black khirqe and headdress of Sheikh Adi.
Fig. 8 Qewwals playing at a graveside on New Year's

morning
LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
Fig. 9. The door of the Central Sanctuary in Lalish,

with the emblematic black snake painted next to it.
PLATES
Fig. 10. Sinjari woman.

LATE ANTIQUE MOTIFS
Fig. 11. Old women in the Sheikhan, Shariye.
Fig. 12. The ritual mourning of women on the morning

of Yezidi New Year in Beshique.
APPENDIX I: TRANSCRIPT OF
RECORDINGS OF THE MYTH OF ADAM
AND THE MYTH OF SHEHID BIN JER1168
Below are three versions of the myth of Adam and Shehid bin Jer.
Two of the three were recounted by Feqir Haji of Baadra on two
different occasions,1169 while the third is from Sheikh Deshti of
Khanke. Their way of telling the myth exemplifies very well the
way myths are recounted in oral tradition. It is clear that each re-
counting is different, even though the storyline, that is the main
message of the myth, remains the same, with many formulas re-
peated. The manner of recounting seems to presuppose a certain
familiarity with the myth. Its “staccato” telling, the lack of linearity,
and casual references to events and “protagonists” make it very
hard to understand for an outsider listening for the first time. An-
other feature, peculiar to Yezidi oral tradition, is the mixture of
qewls, or hymn, with free prose, to the extent, that I was often un-
able to determine which was which. 1170
1168 The Appendix contains different versions of the Adam and She-
hid myth which have not formerly been published in Western scholarship.
These myths form the basis of the chapters on Adam’s creation and the
origin myth of the Yezidis.
1169 He gave me two sort summaries of the myth subsequently, when
he was talking of other matters, but as these contained no extra informa-

tion, I will refrain from giving their transcript and translation here.
1170 I would like to express my thanks here to Loqman Turgut, a fel-
low PhD student at the Georg-August University of Göttingen, for help-

ing me painstakingly translate some of the first interview I made with
Feqir Haji in Lalish. Working together with him also helped me appreciate
how difficult it is for non-Yezidi Kurds to understand the peculiar lan-
417
The spelling of the transcriptions posed a serious problem.

Standard literary Kurdish is just emerging, and books published in
the Latin alphabet show some variations even in Turkey. The dia-
lect spoken in Iraq, Badhini, differs from the dialects spoken, or
written, in Turkey. Though mutually understandable, there are
some considerable differences not only in vocabulary and grammar,
but even in the way the same words are pronounced. Then again,
Yezidis in the Sheikhan district speak a Kurdish that is easily dis-
tinguishable from its Muslim Badhini counterpart. Some say that it
is nearer to the Kurdish spoken in Turkey (many of the Yezidis
presently living in Iraq retain orally transmitted memory of having
migrated from Turkey in the previous centuries, due to religious
persecution.) As Feqir Haji, as well as my other interviewees, spoke
local dialects of Yezidi Kurdish,1171 I finally decided to try and tran-
scribe their Kurdish as I hear it, and not according to the rules and
spelling taught in Kurdish grammar books. Transcription by a na-
tive speaker from the region, preferably a Yezidi, would probably
yield much more faithful results, but unfortunately this was not
viable.
Note: Texts in italics are quotations from sacred hymns. The trans-
lations of these, unless otherwise stated, are quoted on the basis of
Kreyenbroek’s translations.
guage of Yezidi sacred texts. Undoubtedly such linguistic difficulties may

add to the deep social divide existing between the two communities.
1171 This dialect was more pronounced in the case of Feqir Haji, who
was of an advanced age. Others, who were younger, and probably enjoyed
some formal education, tended to approximate the Kurdish spoken in
Duhok much more, though far from completely.
APPENDIX I 419
Feqir Haji (Lalish, Festival of Sheikh Adi, 2002)
This interview was my first interview with Feqir Haji, one of the
best experts of Yezidi oral lore. It was made at the Sheikh Adi Fes-
tival, which takes place in every October in the holy valley of
Lalish. The festival lasts a whole week, with various rituals taking
place during this period. As this is both the most important reli-
gious and social event of the year, when the members of widely
dispersed community can meet each other,1172 thousand of Yezidi
pilgrims congregate in the tiny valley of Lalish, crowding every
spot. Consequently there was a considerable background noise
(people, loudspeakers) which make the recording hard to under-
stand. To this one must add that Feqir Haji is often hard to under-
stand due to his age, the difference in dialect, and his tendency to
speak rather fast.
At the time of making this recording, as my Kurdish was still
poor, I was helped by Segvan Murad, a young Yezidi who majored
in English and was working on Yezidi publications at the Lalish
Center in Duhok. As it later turned out, once my Kurdish im-
proved, his translation was occasionally incorrect (he was probably
confused by being familiar with a different version of the myth),
which1173 led to misunderstandings on my part. I endeavored to
clarify the confusing parts with repeated questions on the same
motif, hence the occasionally repetitive nature of this interview.
In the transcription and translation of this recording I was
helped by Loqman Turgut, then a PhD student at the University of
Göttingen, whose help I would like to thank here. Unfortunately
1172 This was even more so between 1992 and 2003, when an internal
border existed between the Kurdish Autonomy and the rest of Iraq.
Those living under Saddam’s rule could not legally enter the Kurdish terri-
tories, and many of those in the Kurdish Autonomy would have taken
great risks to go to Iraq. The Festival of Sheikh Adi was practically the
only occasion when families and friends separated by the border could see
each other.
1173 Namely substituting “sweat” to “sur” or “mystery”, “divine es-
sence” mentioned by Feqir Haji.

some parts of the interview proved unintelligible even to Loqman,

but despite some resulting lacuna, most of Feqir Haji’s account is
clear.
APPENDIX I 421
Tawusî Melek xweş delîl e Tawusi Melek is a dear guide,

Rawesta bû di Qendîl de, He was staying in the Qendil
Ji berê1174 Adam û çendi Before Adam he switched
bedîl e. places.1178
Ewî heyvî da Adam û Nuh, He gave hope to Adam,
Ibrahim Xelile. Noah, and Ibrahim Khalil.1179
Melek Faxradin delîlekî erife, Angel Fahradin is a knowing
Û durra birca sedefe. guide, the Pearl is a mother-
Min b xwe li meyzand ki of-pearl fortress.
bêye ki elefe. I looked around who is bet
who is aleph,
Melek Fexredin delîlekî çê ye. Angel Fahradin is a good
Rêberê çendi rêye û zer guide. The guide of so many
Hasan j hez(i)nê ye.1175 roads, and golden Hasan1180
Hasan ji hez(i)nê1176 ye, ji is from the Treasury of
fasala durrê God.1181 Hasan is from the
Treasury of God, from the
model of the Pearl.
Ji berî nêr û mê ye, Hasan ji He existed before male and
hisnê1177 peyda bû. female, Hasan came into ex-
istence from the Goodness
of God.1182
1178 I couldn’t interpret this

1174 The Badhini English sentence.
dictionary lists “jiber” as “be- 1179 That is, Abraham.
cause of” and “ji berî” as “be- 1180 Sheikh Sin
fore.” 1181 Or: from the Thought

1175 Loqman Turgut under- of God.
stood “hezirê ye” (thought). 1182 From the Treasury of
1176 Or “hezirê ye.” God. Perhaps the reference to
1177 Loqman Turgut under- the Qendîl (Lamp of God) in the
stood “ji hisnê ye”. Hisn is Arabic next sentence makes Treasury
for goodness. The word appears of God more likely. Qendîl is
in Yezidi texts, but xeznê or hez- considered the light and throne
inê, for treasury (the throne) of of God, as well as the place
God, which I hear, is equally where the soul of the khas, or
possible. incarnated angels stay and
Û nûra wî li Qandilê rawesta And his light was staying in

bû. the Qendil,
Hesn muhabetê Hasan şax Hesn was the love a branch
(Hesenşay?) bû of love from Hasan (?)
Şaybûbê (Şaxbûbê?) muha- A branch of love (?)
betê1183
Li ezmana kire şexê sunnetê In the sky he was made the
sheikh of Tradition.1186
Erd da, quwet da nebîyê He gave the earth, he gave
Ometê.1184 power to the prophet of the
Ummah.1187
Nebîyê Ometê ki? 1185 Adam Who is the prophet of the
e, ew sure ji ezmana ya Melek Ummah? Adam. This sur, the
sur of Angel Sheikh Sin came
sometimes descend from.

Sheikh Deshti, a mijewir in
Khanke, actually called the
Qendîl “the treasury of souls”
(xazina ruhêd) for special souls.
1183 The version of Zebûnî
Meksûr 6 transcribed by
Kreyenbroek (Yezidism, 170)
writes “şaxa mehbetê” meaning
“branch of love,” which appears 1185 This is where the ex-
as an expression of he creative planation in prose seems to

divine power. start.
1184 The text up to this 1186 Sunnet, the Kurdish for
point gives the impression of Sunnah, or Tradition. The Mus-

being quoted from a hymn, lim expression signifies estab-
though I couldn’t find anything lished custom, precedent, con-
similar in the published texts. duct and cumulative tradition,
The quotation was very fast- typically based on Muhammad’s
paced, and the words were often example.
hard to understand or to trans- 1187 Islamic expression for
late. Despite our efforts the the community of believers. The

translation given on the other qewl like recitation seems to end
side may be incorrect in some at this point, to be followed by
places prose.
APPENDIX I 423
Sheikh Sin hate enîya from the sky into the fore-
Adamêda. head of Adam. What does
Here, di çi dbêjit, qewlê Ze- the hymn of the Zebûnî Mek-
bûnî Meksûr dbêjit: sûr say:
The prophet Adam drank from

Adam Peygamber ji wê kasê that cup,
vedixware The miraculous power of that cup
Quwet û kerameta wê kasê hate manifested itself:
diyare Thus the Prophet Adam sneezed
Lew Adam pêygember pêngijî pê and through it he became con-
dibû şiyare1188 scious.1191
Adam pêygember ji wê kasê vex- The Prophet Adam drank from

war û vedijiya that cup and came to life,
Mestbû, hejîya, He became intoxicated and trem-
goşt lê huriya, xwîn tê gerriya1189 bled,
Flesh grew on him, blood circu-
lated in his veins.1192

war, û lê xweş tê that cup and liked it.
Quwet u kerameta wê kasê hat û The miraculous power of that cup
geheştê came and reached him:
Lewma Adam Peygamber heldidi Thus the Prophet Adam was
û bire behiştê.1190 taken up and born to heaven
[Paradise].1193
1188 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 36,
1189 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 35, differences in the wording, and
Ibid., 176. more importantly, the sequence
1190 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 37, of the individual stanzas differs
Ibid. For these three stanzas in all three.
compare also the version of 1191 Tran. Kreyenbroek,
Zebûnî Meksûr 44-5, 47 pub- Yezidism, 177.
lished by Kreyenbroek, God 1192 Ibid.
and Sheikh Adi, 63. The three 1193 Ibid. Translating behişt
versions closely resemble each as Paradise would perhaps be

other, but there are some slight more appropriate.
Belê, ew sur… li enîya Yes, that sur… (was put) in

Adamê de, xerqe ber Adam the forehead of Adam, khirqe
kir, ew xerqe lipsê Adam bû, was put on Adam, this khirqe
ber kir. Boçi? Hingi gote was the cloth of Adam, he
milyaketa şexê sunnetê, gote put it on. Why? The sheikh
“hun dê xerqêyê li ber min of Tradition said to the an-
ken.” Gotin, “emê berken.” gels “You will put the khirqe
“Dê Tawsî Melek bite delîl, on me!” They said “We will.”
dê min bibite beheştê.” Gote, “Tawusi Melek will be (my)
“belê, te bite beheştê, û bite guide, will take me to Para-
delîlê te li behiştê.” … dise!” They said “Yes, he will
take you to Paradise, and will
be your guide in Paradise.”…
“Erda Xwedê” gote “dayne “The earth of God” he said
min.” Gote “deynim” “give to me.” They said “we
will give you.”
Hingi ew sur îna, li enîya Then he brought the sur, put
Adamê kir. Wexte ma, sed it in the forehead of Adam.
sale, ew sure, d enîya Adamê Then it stayed, a hundred
de li behiştê. Êre dibêjit “ya years, this sur, in the fore-
Tawsî Melek, wexte Adam li head of Adam in the Para-
beheştê digera, u heke mabu dise. Then he said1194 “listen
ismê te heba… ew çênabit.” Tawusi Melek, as long as
Adam walks about in Para-
dise, and if he stays there,
your name will have… this
cannot be.1195
1194 The subject is probably

God.
1195 The text here is unintel-
ligible, but probably refers to
the idea that if Adam stays in
Paradise, there will not be man
kind, neither will he Peacock
Angel have its own nation to
remember his name.
APPENDIX I 425
Sed salê wî tamam bû, bi qu- His hundred years was over,
weta Rabul Alemî gote God in his power said to
Tawusi Melek “here, wî j Tawusi Melek “go, throw
behiştê derêxe!” him out of Paradise!”
Wexte ji behiştê derexist, When he (TM) threw him
xirqê ji ber îna derê, u sur ji (Adam) out of Paradise, he
enîyê îna derê. Pişti sur ji took away the khirqe, and
eniyê îna derê. took out the sur from his
forehead. After that he took
out the sur from his forehead.
Hawa ji tanişta wî xolokand. He created Eve from his rib.
He. Hawa ji tanişta wî xolo- He. Created Eve from his
kand. Hawa lê mer (mêr) kir, rib. He married Eve to
Cibraîl lê mar kir. Ji Adam u Adam, Jibrail married
Hawa çêbûn Habil û Qabil. him.1196 From Adam and Eve
Habil Qabil kuşt, Habil mir. were born Abel and Cain.1197
Piştê wî ji Hawa û Adam Abel was killed by Cain, Abel
çêbûn heftî û dû kur, û heftî died. After that from Adam
û dû kiç, çêbûn, û lê bo- and Eve were born seventy-
civandin. two girls and seventy-two
boys, and they came to-
gether.1198
Şehîd ji kederê çêbû? Ew Where did Shehid come
surek cerekî kir, Şehidî bin from? He (TM) put the sur in
Cer, xelk dbêje Şehîdî bin a jar. Shehid bin Jer,1199 peo-
Cer. ple say Shehid bin Jer.
1196 Note how the role of

the Peacock Angel merges into
that of Jibrail (Gabriel.)
1197 Abel and Cain are Habil
and Qabil in Islamic tradition.

1198 Literally “assembled,”
here it probably means “married

each other.”
1199 Witness of the Jar.
Kurdish cer (pron. “jer”) is jar in

English.
(Segvan: çi cerekî kiri?) (Segvan: what did he put in a

Sur. Ji enîya Adam îna derê. jar?)
The sur. He took it out form
Adam’s forehead.
Cerekî kir, wexte cerekî kir. He put it in a jar. Then he
put it in jar.
(Segvan: yê Adamê b têne?) (Segvan: Only that of
Adam?)
Adamê b têne. Hawa na bû, Only that of Adam. Eve did
heta, Hawa, heta îna dere, not exist yet. Eve, first he
paşî j tanistê xolokand. Hawa brought it (the sur?) out, after
hingi nabû. that he created Eve from the
rib. Eve did not exist yet.
Sur cerekî kirin1200. Û ew sure He put the sur in a jar. And
wî, heta, heta, ew jî gehişte this sur of his, this has even
me. reached us.
Ew surek cerekî kir û jê çêbû He put the sur in a jar, and
Şehîd, Şehîd Pêygember. from it Shehid was created.
Nuhu wî milletê me, wî mil- Prophet Shehid. Now we are
letê çu pêygember nine ji his nation. His nation has no
Şehîd zêdetir. Em Şehîd dna- prophet other than Shehid.
sin bas. Em her milletê Tawsî We know only Shehid. We
Melekî, û milletê surê in. Em have always been the nation
dzanin, na milletekê cahil of Tawusi Melek, and the
bûn hetaneki pêygember nation of the sur. We have
bêêt, berê me bidite Xwedê, knowledge, we were not a
me fehminit. Em berê pêy- nation, which was igno-
gember atfahmin, em dzanin. rant1201 before prophets
came, turned us toward God,
made us understand. We had
understanding before the
prophets, we knew.
1201 Jahil, the Muslim word
used to designate the spiritual

1200 The reason for using ignorance Arabs lived in before
the Plural of “kir” (put) is not Muhammad and the coming of
clear. Islam.
APPENDIX I 427
Şehîd Pêygember çêbû, Lêyle Prophet Shehid was created,

bo Şehîd ji cennetê îna. Navê Leyla was brought from
jinkê Leyle bû, kişka cennetê, heaven for Shehid. The name
navê kişkê Leyle bû, ji cen- of this woman was Leyla, a
netê ji bo ra îna, maid from heaven, the name
Şehîd mer kir. Cibraîl, e? Şe- of this maid was Leyla, from
hîd mer kir, jê çêbûn Haşim heaven she was brought for
û Qureş. him. He married her to She-
Jê çêbûn Haşim û Qureş. Vê hid. Jibrail did, eh? He mar-
dbêjit Qureşiam navê Sultanî ried her to Shehid, from
têt bawerî imana. them were born Hashim and
Quresh.1202 From them were
born Hashim and Quresh.
They say the Qureshi came
to the true faith in the name
of God.
Em, waxtekî em Qureşî bûn. We used to be Qureshi. We
Em ji Şehîd û Leyle çêbûn, û came from Shehid and Leyla,
bûne Qureşî. Berê ew sura and became Qureshi. First
sunnetê, wexte berê Qureşî, this sur of the Tradition, be-
sur l enîya… fore the Qureshi, the sur in
the forehead…
(loudspeaker cuts Feqir (loudspeaker cuts Feqir
Haji’s voice)… sur gehişte Haji’s voice)… the sur
Şehîd, em hingi sunnet bûn, reached Shehid, we were the
sunnetxane bûn, piştihingi Tradition, the House of Tra-
bûne Qureşî, Qureşî…piştî, dition, then we became
zaman, Cihîn, piştihingi Qureshi, Qureshi… after
that, at one time, Jews,1203
1202 Quraysh was the tribe
of Muhammad, and Hashim

was his clan. Yezidi tradition
seems to appropriate these fa-
mous names for themselves
here.
1203 This is surprising, as it
is not very commonplace for

navekî dî girt, er, bûne, er, after that we took a different

em her Ezdaine. name, er, we were, er, we are
Em wexte berê Qureş her still Ezdai. We were all Ezdai
Ezdai bûn. before the Quresh. We were
Em sunnetxane bûn, paşi the House of Tradition, after
bûne Ezdai, paşi bûne that we were Ezdai, after that
Qureşî, bûne Adawi, bûne we were Qureshi, we were
Daseni, bûne Mithain (??), Adawi,1204 we became
bûne Babîli, bûne Aşûri, û Daseni,1205 became Mit-
bûne… Em Ezidi milletê tani,1206 became Babylonians,
Leyle û Şehîd in. became Assyrians, became…
We Yezidis are the nation of
Layla and Shehid.
Me çu alaqaya gel Hawa û We have no connection with
Adam nine. Min gel Adam jî Eve and Adam. We have no
çu alaqa nine. Em Ezidi zur- connection with Adam. We
retê Leyle û Şehîd in. Yezidis are the offspring of
Layla and Shehid.
1204 Followers of the Sufi
order founded by Sheikh Adi.

1205 The ancient name of
the region around Duhok is

Daseni. This was the name of
the Nestorian Diocese in the
area. The Yezidi tribe living in
his region was also known un-
der the name Daseni. Today
many Yezidis claim that Daseni
was the original name of all
Yezidis.
1206 If Mithain indeed stands
for Mitanni, this demonstrated

that contemporary nationalist
discourse on Kurdish origins
(which identifies the little-
Yezidis to claim identity with known Mitannis with a Kurdish
Jews in the past, unlike with tribe) has affected even some-
other peoples and civilizations one as traditional and far from
of the Middle East. bookish learning as Feqir Haji.
(Segwan explains the story in (Segwan explains the story in
English, first saying that English, first saying that
Shehid was created from Shehid was created from
Adam’s spirit. Then, at the Adam’s spirit. Then, at the
question why Shehid is called question why Shehid is called
bin Jer, he answers: because bin Jer, he answers: because
he put his – I don’t know he put his – I don’t know
what is it in English – he put, what is it in English – he put,
err, his like water in a jar. His err, his like water in a jar. His
sweat, and from it Shehid is sweat, and from it Shehid is
created.”) created.”)
(Şehîd) Sur bû, sur bû, jî He (Shehid) was sur, sur,

enîya Adam îna berê, û cerekî taken from the forehead of
kir, û ji cerekî xolokand Şe- Adam, put in a jar, and from
hîd. Pişti neh ma. (Cerekî that jar Shehid was created.
kaput1207 kiribû wekî zikê After nine month. (The jar
jinê.) was closed like the womb of
Ew sure, ew sure ji ezmana a woman.) This sur, this sur
hat, ew sure ji ezmana hat, came from the sky, went into
keftet d enîya wî de. Na his forehead. It wasn’t sweat,
xwêdan bû, na ew bû. Ew ji no it wasn’t. It came from
ezman hat di enîya wî de. the sky into his forehead.
(Segwan: It comes from (Segwan: It comes from

heaven. Spät: Adam’s sweat? heaven. Spät: Adam’s sweat?
Segwan: Yes, according to Segwan: Yes, according to
our mythology.) our mythology.)
Şehîd bin Cer. Yani bav nine, Shehid bin Jer. Of the Jar.
bav zêdetir… hate ji cerekî Yani, he has no father (?)…
de bê dey û bê bav. Em he came from a jar, without a
1207 Kaput or kapat, from

Turkish “kapatmak” (to close) is
used in the Kurdish of the re-
gion. Interestingly enough it
does not figure in Kurdish-
Turkish dictionaries.
429
Ezidi hemû milletê wê surê mother and a father. We

in. Yezidis are all the nation of
this sur.
Me tedexullî Nuh nekiriye, We did not join Noah, we
me tedexullî ava Tofanê did not take part in the
nekiriye, ne me tedexullî Flood, we did not join Ibra-
Brahim Xalîl jî kiriye. him Khalil.1208
Hemû cerekê ev milletê me All the time our nation was
yê hure. Ava Tofanê wexte independent. When the
rabûy em Ezidi hemû li Flood rose we Yezidis were
Hindê bûn. Dinya hemû girte all in India. The whole world
avê, wexte gehişte hudûdê was covered by water, when
Hindê, ew qewmê me, em it reached India, our nation
hemû li Hindê bûn. Ava To- were all in India. The Flood
fanê ji me negirtiye. Me miş- did not cover us.1209 We
areke bi sefine jî nekeriye. never entered the Ark.
(Feqir Haji then talked about (Feqir Haji then talked about
Habil and Qabil, the other Abel and Cain, and the other
children of Adam and Eve, children of Adam and Eve,
their marriage to each other, their marriage to each other,
and how the nations coming and how the nations coming
from the 144 children of from the 144 children of
Adam and Eve swore at Adam and Eve swore at
Tawusi Melek, unlike Tawusi Melek, unlike
Yezidis.) Yezidis.)
1208 Rather surprising re-

marks, as Yezidis have a num-
ber of myth concerning the
Flood, Noah and Ibrahim
(Abraham.) What is more, they
claim that Ibrahim was origi-
nally a Yezidi and was only later
appropriated by other groups
and creeds.
1209 The implication is that
India was spared by the Flood.

APPENDIX I 431
Hemû ji Adam û Hawa They all came from Adam

çêbûne, zuretêt Adam û and Eve, the children of
Hawa xeletit Tawsî Melek… Adam and Eve swore at
(qewl)1210 Heft û dû millet ji Tawusi Melek… (qewl). Sev-
Adam û Hawa çêbûne enty-two nations who came
Tawusî Melek kufirin, em na, from Adam and Eve swore
em milletê Tawsî Melek in, at Tawusi Melek. We did not,
em milletê wî ne… (qewl) Em we are the nation of Tawusi
milletê Tawsî Melek in, mil- Melek, we are his nation…
letê wî surrê in, çu alaqata me (qewl) We are the nation of
Hawa û Adam gelê nine. Em Tawusi Melek, the nation of
milletê Leyle û Şehîd in, that sur, we have no connec-
Leyla deyka me ye, û Şehîd tion with Adam and Eve. We
bavê me ye. are the nation of Layla and
Shehid. Layla is our mother,
Shehid is our father.
(Conversation returns to the (Conversation returns to the

sur) sur)
Sur ji ezmana hat, ji ezmana, The sur came from the sky,
sur keftet d enîyê da, semave from the sky, the sur went
(Ar.) hat. Semave hat. Ew into his forehead, it was from
sure Melek Sheikh Sin hat, heaven. From heaven. Angel
sura sunnetê. Sura sunnetê Sheikh Sin came, the sur of
hat, keftet li enîya wî de. Tradition. The sur of the
Tradition came, went into his
forehead.
1210 Here Feqir Haji quoted
a hymn, which I have not yet

appeared in print and I could
not transcribe.
(Segvan: Adam diviya tiştekî (Segvan: Did Adam have to

çêket, ji ber hindi cerekî kir? do something, was that why
Ji ber çi çêbû?) he put it in a jar? What was
the reason?)
Na, na Adam cerekî kir. Ci- No, it wasn’t Adam who put
braîl. Cibraîl sur ji enîyê îna it in a jar. Jibrail brought the
derê, cerekî kir, na Adam. sur out from his forehead,
Tawsî Melek îna derê ji enîyê. put it in a jar, not Adam.
Adam na xweş bû, pa bû çi Tawusi Melek brought it out
xeletî. from the forehead. Adam
was unhappy, he swore (?).
Tawsî Melek îna derê ji enîyê, Tawusi Melek brought it out
cerekî kir, û Adam derêxist ji from his forehead, put it in
cennetê, kire derê. Adam ma jar, and threw Adam out of
qaqulukî xali, wekî … be- Paradise, put him outside.
şerekî heye. Nepixî, wexte Adam became like an empty
dare genimî xwar, nepixî. snail-shell, like… a human.
Gotê, derkeve, here harice. He inflated, when he ate the
Sur, Tawsî Melek ji enîyê îna grain, inflated. He said to
derê. Îna derê û Şehîd jê him, leave, go outside.
çêbû, ew surek cerekî kir, û Tawusi Melek took out the
gotê “haqê te xelas,” da sur from his forehead.
qewm pê ava bit. Brought it out and Shehid
Ma li beheştê zawac heye? was born from it, he put this
Nine. sur in a jar, and said to him
(Adam) “your time (right) is
up” so that mankind could
be created. For is there mar-
riage in heaven? There is not.
(Discussion returns to the (Discussion returns to the

story of the forbidden fruit. story of the forbidden fruit.
Segvan: Ew tişte Adam Segvan: This thing that
xwarî, ma Tawsî Melek gotê Adam ate, did Tawusi Melek
“bixwe”?) tell him “eat”?)
E. Tawsî Melek gotê. Çend Yes. Tawusi Melek told him.
tamêt cennetî xwarin, wexte He ate all kind of fruits of
Rabul Alemî emir kir, dê Paradise, when the Lord de-
Adam jê derexit, îna Tawsî creed that Adam be thrown
APPENDIX I 433
Melek, çû … ber xuliya (?) out from there, he brought

genimî gotê “te jî xwariye?” Tawusi Melek, he went...
Gotê “na.” Gotê “bixwe!” to the (?) of grain, and said to
Gotê “kafir key (?).” Gotê him “Have you eaten of
“sêyda min gote min this?” “no. He said to him
‘newxe.’” “eat!” Said to him “you are
blaspheming.” Said to him
“my teacher told me “don’t
Pa Tawsî Melek her delîlê wî eat.’” In reality it was Tawusi
bû, bas xwe ji ber çavan xey- Melek, his guide, but he hid
irand. Gotê “divêt bixwey.” himself from his eyes.1211 He
Gotê “delîlê min gote min said “you have to eat.” He
‘nexwe.’” Gotê “ez dibêjime said “my guide told me ‘don’t
te bixwey.” Hate ev axawî û to eat.’” He said “I am telling
ew axawî, Tawsî Melek avête you to eat.” He talked and
devê û xwar. Mecbura xwar, the other talked, and then
bêxemt. Tawusi Melek threw (the
grain) in his mouth and he
ate it. He had to eat it, it
wasn’t his choice.
Xwar, vê neqlê zikê wî ne- He ate, and at once his stom-
pixî. Çênabit li behiştê pisti- ach inflated. There was no
yatiya biket. Zkê wî nepixî, way he could do his dirty
îna, xerqê ji beri îna derê, sur business in Paradise. His
ji enîyê îna derê… stomach inflated, his khirqe
was taken away, the sur was
taken out of his forehead.
(Segvan: Çi alaqata heye (Segvan: What is the connec-

navbeyna hindê Şehîd bin tion between the creation of
Cer çêbûy û ew ji behiştê Shehid and the expulsion of
derkeftê Adam.) Adam from Paradise?)
1211 That is, appeared in a
different form, so Adam

wouldn’t recognize him.
Şehîd bin Cer, sureka ezmani, Shehid bin Jer was a sur from
semavî bû. Sureka semavî bû, heaven. A sur from heaven, it
îna, li enîya Adam kir. Sur bû. was brought, put in Adam’s
Wê surê, karar ji wan sand forehead. He/it was sur. And
milyaketa. Gotê “hun dê min this sur took a promise from
bine cennetê.” Gotê “te those angels. He/it said “you
dêbine cennetê.” Heft sed will take me to Paradise.”
salî qalbê Adam peygemberê They said “we will take you
çêkirî bû, na çû berê, got “ez to Paradise.” For seven hun-
naçime erd de, naçime ber.” dred years the body of Adam
lay ready, it did not go inside.
He/it said “I will not go on
the earth, I will not go in-
side.”
Heft sed salî ma, qalbê Adam It was seven hundred years.
peygemberê çêkir ji şembê The body of Adam was cre-
hate înîyê, tu zani, şembê hat ated between Saturday and
înîyê çêkir. Pişti heft sed salî Friday, you know, between
ma, milyaketa wê surê gotê Saturday and Friday. After
“tu biçi ber.” Gotê “naçime seven hundred years the an-
berê.”… Rabul Alemî gotê gels said to this sur “you go
“bicî ber.” Gotê “dehêka wê inside.” He/it said “I will not
erda Xwedê dene min?” go inside” The Lord said to
Gotê “dênime te.” “Dê him “go inside.” He/it said
Tawsî Melek bo min bite “will you give me a tenth of
imam, dê min bite cennetê?” God’s earth?” He said “I will
Gotê “te bibite cennetê.” give you.” “Let Tawusi Me-
“Dê xerqe ber min bikey?” lek be my imam, let him take
Gotê “xerqe ber te me to Paradise.” He said “let
dêkem.”… Qana kirin. him take you to Paradise.”
Wexte çû berda. Ew surek j “Will you put the khirqe on
… bir .. j wan milyaketan.. me?” “I will put the khirqe on
Em, em, ji ber xatira wê you.” He accepted. He went
surrê, Adam ji behiştê derex- inside. This sur… was from
ist, sur ji enîyê îna derê, û those angels. We, we, for the
Adam pêygember ji behiştê sake of that sur, Adam was
derexist. thrown out of Paradise, the
sur was taken out of his fore-
head, and Prophet Adam was
thrown out of Paradise.
APPENDIX I 435
Adam pêygember ji cennetê Adam was thrown out of

derexist da qewm pê ava bit. Paradise, so that mankind
Şehîd, sur, cerekî kir da ev could be created. Shehid, that
qewme jî çêdbit, da sunnetx- is the sur, was put in a jar so
ane çêdbit. Ew qewmê yê that this nation be created,
Tawsî Melek çêdbit, qewmê the House of Tradition be
me, qewmê Tawsî Melek e, created, our people, the peo-
em qewmê Tewsî Melek in. ple of Tawusi Melek. We are
Her heftî û dû milletê dî the nation of Tawusi Melek.
Tawsî Melek xeletin. Bo All seventy-two nations
qewmiyeta xwe Tawsî Melek swear at Tawusi Melek. We
em çêkirin. were created so that Tawusi
Melek could have his own
people.
Û Şehîd. Şehîd cerekî kir, ew And Shehid. Shehid was put
suret cerekî kir. Şehîd jê in a jar, this sur was put in a
çêbû, j kerameta Tawsî Me- jar. Shehid was born from it,
lek. Û em milleta da çêbit bo from the miraculous power
xatira navê wî dana wî hinda of Tawusi Melek. And so
nabit. Şehîd bin Cer çêkir da that our nation could be cre-
ew, nave wî hinda nabit, da ated, so that his (TM) name
ew milletê hemû qewmê wî could be given to them, lest it
bit. Milletê wî ye, heta îvroke be lost. Shehid bin Jer was
jî em qewmê Tawsî Melek in. created so that his name not
Em na ji Adam û Hawa be lost, so that this nation, all
çêbûna, na. of it, be his people. It is his
nation, until today we are the
people of Tawusi Melek. We
are not from Adam and Eve,
no.
(Segvan, why did Tawusi Me- (Segvan, why did Tawusi Me-
lek need Adam to create lek need Adam to create
Shehid and his own people?) Shehid and his own people?)
Sebepa wî heye. Sur hate He had his reason. The sur

xwarî b navê Adamî. Bas ji came down in the name of
enîyê îna derê. Em bi wê surê Adam. But he brought it out
bûne binya Adam. Dibêjine from his forehead. Through
me binya Adam. this sur we became the sons
of Adam. They call us “sons
Em bi asa wê surê çêbûn. of Adam”1212 We were cre-

ated through (?) this sur
Heta Adam di cennetêde bû, As long as Adam was in
ew jî milyaketekî mezin bû. Paradise, he was like the
Sura Melek Şêx Sin ya mezin great angels. He was the great
bû. sur of Angel Sheikh Sin.
Wextê jê xali kir, sur ji enîyê When he was emptied of it,

îna derê, ew xali ma vêderê. the sur was brought out of
Em zurretê wê surê in. Em his forehead, he was left
sunnetxane ne. Sunnetxanek there all empty. We are the
nine nav musulman, û nav çu children of that sur We are
dere. Ew bo xwe ji me alemi the House of Tradition.
ne. There is not House of Tradi-
tion among the Muslims, or
anywhere else. They learnt it
from us.
1212 “Binya Adam” is an

Arabic, not Kurdish expression.
Feqir Haji , Baadra (2003)
This interview was made with Feqir Haji in Baarda, in June 2003.
Baadra is a sizeable village of the Sheikhan district situated on the
former border of Iraq and the Kurdish Safe haven. Unlike the rest
of Sheikhan it remained under Kurdish control between 1992 and
2003. Baadra is traditionally the village where the Yezidi prince re-
sides. The present prince, Mir Tehsin Bey, set up his residence in
‘Eyn Sifni and Mosul, on Iraqi territory, during the years of Auton-
omy, and exchanged Mosul for Duhok since the war, due to the
threats of terrorism. In his stead it was Kamiran Kheiry Bey, the
Prince’s nephew and son-in-law, who as the “acting head” of the
Yezidis in the Kurdish Safe Haven, had (and still has) his residence
in Baadra. Due to his hospitality I could pay several visits to
Baadra, where I interviewed Feqir Haji, a resident of this village,
several times. The following interview was made in June, 2003.
Though this time there were no celebrating crowds around, the
interview was still often interrupted by visitor coming to visit the
guest-room of Kamiran Bey, and a constant background noise was
provided by the “mubarida,” and eastern type of airconditioning
working with water, and by the tractor working outside in the yard.
During the interview the English teacher of the local highschool,
Mamoste Sabah was helping me, explaining (but not translating,
rather paraphrasing) what Feqir Haji said, and adding his own in-
sights of Yezidi religion and mythology.
437
Qalbê Adam pêygember, The body of Prophet Adam

Şembê dane esase On Saturday its foundations were
Şembê esase qalbê Adam laid,
pêygember dane, Adam çêkir On Saturday the foundations
Û îniyê kir xelase of Prophet Adam’s body
were laid. Adam was created.
On Friday it was completed.
Şembê dane esase On Saturday the foundations were

Îniyê kir xelase laid,
Be’dî heft sed sal Heft Sur hatine On Friday it was completed,
durran kase1213 After seven hundred years, the
Seven Mysteries came around the
Cup.1214
Piştê heft sed salî ji nû ruh After seven hundred years
hate qalbê. Ji ber çi? Ew qalb the soul came into the body.
cêkir ji şembeyê hate înîyê. Û Why? The body was created
ev ruh ya milyaketekî bû ji between Friday and Saturday.
ezmana. Milyaketa gote wî And this soul belonged to an
milyaketî, lazim e tu biciye angel from the sky. The an-
ber vî qalbî da qewm pê ava gels told this angel, you have
bit. Sura Melek Şêx Sin bû, te to go into this body, so that
zani? Ruha milyaketekî divêt mankind be created. It was
biçit di wê qalbî de da qewm the sur1215 of Angel Sheikh
pê ava bit Sin, you know? The soul of
an angel had to go into the
body, so that the mankind be
created.
1213 Text in italics quoted
from Qewlê Zebûnî Meksûr. Cf. 1214 Cf. text in italics with
Bedelê Feqîr Hecî, Bawerî Hymn of the Weak Broken One 31,
Êzidîyan, 136; cf. also Zebûnî Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 177; and
Meksûr 31, Kreyenbroek, of the Weak Broken One 38,
Yezidism, 176; and Zebûnî Meksûr Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
38, Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh Adi, 62.
Adi, 62. 1215 Mystery, essence, light.
APPENDIX I 439
Adam pêygamber ji wê kase Prophet Adam drank from that

vedxware (Arrival of guests.) cup (Arrival of guests.)
Heft sed salî ma, ew ruha Seven hundred years passed,

Melek Şêx Sin na çû ber the soul of Angel Sheikh Sin
Adamda, ina Tawsî Melek û did not go inside Adam, so
Rabul Alemî emir kir lazim e Tawusi Melek and the Lord
biçite berda, lazim e biçite of the World gave a com-
berda mand, he must go inside,
must go inside.
Adam pêygamber ji wê kasê vex- The Prophet Adam drank from

war (kas bû, vexwar) that cup (it was a/the cup,
Adam pêygamber ji wê kasê vex- drank from it.)
ware The Prophet Adam drank from
Quwet û kerameta wê kasê hate the cup,
diyare The miraculous power of that cup
Lew Adam pêygember pêngijî pê manifested itself.
bû şiyare1216 Thus the Prophet Adam sneezed
and through it he became con-
scious.1218
Adam pêygember ji wê kasê vex- Prophet Adam drank from that

war û vedijiya Cup and came to life,
Mestbû, hijîya, He became intoxicated and trem-
goşt lê huriya, xwîn tê gerriya1217 bled,
Flesh grew on him, blood circu-
lated in his veins.1219
1218 Hymn of the Weak Broken

1216 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 36, One 36, Kreyenbroek, Yezidism,
Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 176. 177.
1217 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 35, 1219 Hymn of the Weak Broken
ibid. One 35, ibid.


war, û lê xweş tê that cup and like it.
Quwet u kerameta wê kasê hat û The miraculous power of that cup
geheştê came and reached (him).
Lewma Adam Peygamber helgirt Thus Prophet Adam was taken
û bire behiştê.1220 up and borne to heaven.1221
Adam ji çi çêkir? Ji axê, ji avê, Adam was created from

û ba, û erdê. (Mamoste Sabah what? From earth, water,
cuts in to say, he has already wind and soil.1222 . (Mamoste
told me that.) Sabah cuts in to say, he has
already told me that.)
Adam pêygember. Wexte ev The Prophet Adam. When

sura Melek Sêx Sin hate ber this sur of Angel Sheikh Sin
Adam, tête ber, gote Tawsî came inside Adam, comes
Melek û Rabul Alemî, gotê inside, it said to Tawusi Me-
“hun dê min bîne cennetê.” lek and the Lord, said to
Gotê “belê.” Gotê them “you will take me to
“xerqeyê ber min (bi)keyn.” Paradise.” They said to him
Gotê “ber te (di)keyn.” Gotê “yes.” He said to them “you
“Tawsî Melek bo min bite will put the khirqe on me.”
imam, li cennetê dê min They said “we will put in on
gerit.” Gotê “belê. ” Gotê you.” He said “let Tawusi
“dehêka wê erda Xwedê bid- Melek be my imam, and take
ite min.” me around Paradise.” They
said “yes.” He said “give me
1220 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 37, a tenth of God’s earth.”
ibid. For these three stanzas
compare also the version of
Zebûnî Meksûr 44-5, 47 pub-
lished by Kreyenbroek, God and
Sheikh Adi, 63. The three ver-
sions closely resemble each
other, but there are some slight 1221 Hymn of the Weak Broken
differences in the wording, and One 37, ibid.

more importantly, the sequence 1222 The last should be
of the individual stanzas differs “fire,” this is probably just a slip

in all three. of the tongue.
APPENDIX I 441
(Yani erda Xwedê hemî.) (That is, all of God’s earth.)

Gotê “belê.” They said “yes.”
Dayê, hatenikê qana bû, hat, It was given to him, so he
keftet ber Adamda. agreed, came, and went in-
side Adam.

war, û lê xweş tê that cup and liked it. The miracu-
Quwet u kerameta wê kasê hat û lous power of that cup came and
geheştê reached (him).
Lewma Adam Peygamber helgirt Thus Prophet Adam was taken
û bire behiştê.1223 up and borne to heaven.1224
Sed sala ma, Tawsî Melek He stayed a hundred years.

imam bû. Adam Pêygember Tawusi Melek was his imam.
ma sed û ek sala cennetêde. Prophet Adam stayed a hun-
Sed û ek sal cennetêde ma. dred and one years in Para-
Rabule Alemî gote Tawsî dise. One hundred and one
Melek “here, Adam ji beheştê year he stayed in Paradise.
derexe, da qewm pê ava bit.” The Lord said to Tawusi Me-
Rabû. Sure yê enîyêde bû, lek “go, and throw Adam out
sura Melek Sheikh Sin li of Paradise, so that mankind
enîyê kirbû, û xerqe ber can be created.” He got up.
kirbû. Sur enîyêde bû, xerqe The sur was in his1225 fore-
berda. head, the sur of Angel Sheikh
Sin had been put in his fore-
1223 Cf. Zebûnî Meksûr 37, head, and the khirqe had been
Kreyenbroek, Yezidism, 176. put on him. The sur was in
For these three stanzas compare his forehead, he wore the
also the version of Zebûnî Mek- khirqe.
sûr 44-5, 47 published by
Kreyenbroek, God and Sheikh
Adi, 63. The three versions
closely resemble each other, but
there are some slight differences
in the wording, and more im-
portantly, the sequence of the 1224 Hymn of the Weak Broken
individual stanzas differs in all One 37, ibid.

three. 1225 i.e. Adam’s forehead.
Wexte Rabul Alemî emir kir, When the Lord commanded

gote Tawsî Melek “here, Tawusi Melek “go, throw
Adam ji behiştê derexe,” Adam out of Paradise,”
Tawsî Melek sur ji enîyê ina Tawusi Melek took the sur
der, u xerqe ji berî îna der. out of his forehead, and di-
Sur cerekî kir û xerqe ji berî vested him of the khirqe. He
îna der. put the sur in a jar, and di-
vested him of the khirqe.
(Arabic text: Adam took off (Arabic text: Adam took off
his clothes and went out his clothes and went out
from Paradise.) from Paradise)
Ji beheştê derexist, wextê He threw Adam out of Para-
derexist, Adam xeletî Tawsî dise. When Adam was
Melek, Adam pê xeletî. Gal- thrown out, he swore at
gala (word) xelet got. Hewa Tawusi Melek, he swore at
hingi heta vêga, em nuhu, him. He said a bad word
heftî û dû millet ji Adam about him.1226 Since then, till
çêbûye, ew wî dixeletîn. now, seventy two nations
Bas em Êzidi naxeletîn. Em were born from Adam, and
Êzidi na. they swear at Tawusi Melek.
Only we Yezidis do now
swear at him. We alone.
Wexte (sur) ji enîyê îna dere, When he (T.M.) brought the

ew sur cerekî kir. Cerekî kir û sur out of his forehead, he
ma. Jê çêbû Şehîd, ji wî cerrî, put it in a jar. Put it in a jar
Şehîd jê çêbû. and left it there. From it
came Shehid, from this jar.
From it came Shehid.
1226That is, he called

Tawusi Melek “Sheitan” (Satan.)
APPENDIX I 443
Û Adam wexte ji beheştê And when Adam was thrown

derexist, Tawsî Melek, Adam out from
ji behiştê derexist, ew (?) Paradise, by Tawusi Melek,
kelema her digote Tawsî Me- he kept saying that word to
lek. Adam wexte derexist, Tawusi Melek. When he
Hawa ji tanişta wî çêkir. (T.M.) threw Adam out, he
Hawa ji tanişta Adam çêkir. created Eve from his rib. He
Hawa el (?) Adam markir. created Eve from his rib. He
Tawsî Melek Hawa el (?) married Eve to Adam.
Adam markir. Û ji Adam û Tawusi Melek married Eve to
Hawa çêbûn Habil û Qabil. Adam. From Adam and Eve
Abel and Cain were born.
Tawsî Melek ruha Melek Şêx Tawusi Melek took away
Sin jêstand, û ew sur cerekî (out) the soul of Angel
kir. Cerekî kir, Şehîd bin Cer Sheikh Sin, and put that sur
jê çêbû. Ji Adam û Hawa in a jar. In a jar. Shehid bin
çêbûn Habil û Qabil. Habil Jer was born from it. From
Qabil kuşt, Habil mir, pişti- Adam Abel and Cain were
hingi Xwede dane Hawa û born. Cain killed Abel, Abel
Adam heftî û dû kur û heftî û died, after that God gave Eve
dû kiç, û lêk mar kirin. Heftî and Adam 72 boys and 72
û dû kur û heftî û dû kiç lêk girls, and they married each
mar kirin. other. 72 girls and 72 boys
married each other.
Ma wê derê ki? Ma Şehîd , Who was left? Shehid was
Leyle ji cennetê îna, navê wê left. Leyle was brought from
Leyle, ji cennetê îna, ji nik heaven, her name was Leyle,
hûriya. Wexte Xwede Şehîd she was brought from
xolokand, Şehîd bo Leyle re heaven, from among the
îna. Ji Leyle çêbûn û Şehîd houri. When God created
Haşim û Qureyş. Haşim û Shehid, Shehid was brought
Qureyş çêbûn. for Leyle. From Leyle
Hashim and Quresh were
born.
Piştê Şehîd min çi pêygember After Shehid we have no
ninin. Çunku em milletê wê prophet. Because we are the
sura Melek Şêx Sin in, em nation of the sur of Angel
milletê wê surê in, u me çu Sheikh Sin. We are the nation
pêygember ninin. of that sur, and we don’t have
any prophets.
Em, hing ji Adamû herwa, We, ever after Adam, we

em hemû ji millet jê cûda were apart from all other
bûn. Piçukêt Adam u Hawa, nations. The children of
fala, û cuhu, musulman, û her Adam and Eve (are) Chris-
milleteki heye. Piçukêt Şehîd tians, and Jews, Muslims, and
em Êzidi ne, bas em Êzidi all kind of nations. The chil-
ne. Ser aslê xwe kadim mayn. dren of Shehid are we
Yezidis, we Yezidis alone.
We stayed faithful to our
ancient roots (beginnings.)
Hinci zuretê Adam û Hawa Now the children of Adam
zuretê kufrê ne, ji ek û dû and Eve are the children of
zewicine, xwişk û bira. sin, they married each other.
Şehîd na, Şehîd cûda ye. Şe- Brothers and sister. Not
hîd hûri ji ezmanê îna, ji cen- Shehid. Shehid is apart. She-
netê îna, hûri lê markir, jê hid brought a houri from the
çêbûn Haşim û Qureş. sky, from Paradise, married
the houri, from her were
born Hashim and Qoresh.
Hate vega me çu pêygember Until today we have no
ninin, çunku em milletê prophets, because we are the
Xwedê in. Navê Xwedê ser nation of God. We bear the
me: wexte Şehîd Xwedê name of God. When God
xolokand î dayî (?), gotê created Shehid, Shehid said
“Xweda ez dam.” “Ez dam.” “God (he who created him-
“Xweda ez dam.”1227 self) created me.” “Created
me” (Ez dam). “God created
A word-play based on
1227 me.”
the Yezidi (and Kurdish) ety-
mology of the Kurdish word for
God. “Xwede” – interpreted as
“Xwe – da” “created (gave)
Himself.” While “Êzidi” inter-
preted as “ez Xweda dam” is “I linguistic speculation on the
was created (given) by the one origins of the name
who created (gave) Himself”, Yezidi/Ezidi. (In any case, one
shortened to “ez dam” as in “I word contains a short, closed
was created (given).” This ety- “e” (ez), the other contains a
mology is not supported by any long open “ê” (Êzidi.))
APPENDIX I 445
Em milletê ezdayîn. Ezdayîn. We are the “Ezdayi” nation.

Ezdayi (Yezidis.)1228
Hate vê gave…(Arabic) çu Until now… (Arabic) we
pêygember ninin. Em berê have no prophets. We existed
Nuh em hebûn, ji Adam û before Noah, we are apart
Hawa em cûda in ji milleta from all nations since Adam
hema. Çunku heftî û dû mil- and Eve. Because 72 nations
let kelema xelet dbêjite Tawsî say the forbidden work to
Melek, em nabêjin. Em mil- Tawusi Melek, but we don’t
letê Tawsî Melek in. Milletê say it. We are the nation of
Êzdayîn. Tawusi Melek. The Ezdayi
nation.
(Spät: Heqe Şêx Adi na pêy- (Spät: If Sheikh Adi is not a

gember e, çi ye?) prophet, what is he?)
Şêx Adi vali ye. Na pêygem- Sheikh Adi is a saint. He is
ber e, na. Şêx Adi sur e, nûr a not a prophet, no. Sheikh
la nûr e. Adi is a sur, he is light from
light.
(Mamoste Sabah: Şêx Adi is a (Mamoste Sabah: Şêx Adi is a
person, not a prophet, but person, not a prophet, but
give(s) us a secret.) give(s) us a secret.)
Şêx Adi ji nûra Êzi ye, Êzi ji Sheikh Adi is from the light
nûra Tawsî Melek e, Tawsî of Ezi. Ezi is from the light
Melek ji nûra Xwedê ye. of Tawusi Melek. Tawusi
Melek is from the light of
God.
(Spät: Qendil çi ye?) (Spät: What is Qendil?)
1228It is worth noting that

Joseph (Devil Worship, 108) al-
ready mentions that some West-
ern Orientalists think the word
Yezidi must be “an abbreviated
form of Aez-da-Khuda, that is,
created of God.”
Qendil semavi ye. Qendil Qendil is a heavenly thing.

hate xwar. (unintelligible The Qendil came down. (un-
Arabic and Kurdish text on intelligible Arabic and Kurd-
divine love follows.) Qendil ish text on divine love fol-
nûra Xwedê ye. Qendil el lows.) Qendil is the light of
arşan e. Tê heyn ruhêt God. Qendil is the throne. In
xasana. Dû Qendilêt heyn. it there are the souls of the-
Qendilek li ezmana ruhêt holy men (khas.) There are
çaka dçine têda… Xasa, two Qendils. The Qendil in the
valiye, pêygember diçine sky, the pure souls go inside
têda. it… Khas (holy souls,) saints,
prophets go inside.
(Spät: Hindek ruh ji Qendilê (Spät: Do some souls return
dzivirine?) from the Qendil?)
Belê, hatine xware. Ji Qendilê Yes, they have come below.
hatine xware… heyn xasa, From the Qendil they have
heyn çaka, ewli hatine, ruhêt come below… there are khas,
ewli hatine. Ruha Wakil ji pure ones, they came first.
Qendilê hate xwar. Ruha Şêx The soul of Wakil1229 came
Adi, Şêx Şems ji Qendilê îna down from the Qendil. The
derê. soul of Sheikh Adi, Sheikh
Shems was brought out from
the Qendil.
1229 Al-Wakil, the Trustee,

is one of the beautiful names of
Allah. This is the only mention I
have encountered of it in Yezidi
lore, and I am not sure which
angel or holy being it refers to.
APPENDIX I 447
Interview with Sheikh Deshti (2003)
Sheikh Deshti was the mijewir or guardian of the sanctuaries of Ba-

yazid Bastami and Mehmedê Jindal in the collective Yezidi village
of Khanke, about 30 kilometers from Duhok, near the bank of the
Tiger. It was a loosely joined collection of villages, which were
originally in other locations, then were later destroyed, and their
population was moved to Khanke. Most of the sanctuaries, with
the exception of the sanctuary of Mem Shîvan, a protector of sheep
and cattle, were newly rebuilt in their present places.
During the interview I made with him, I was accompanied by a
Yezidi student of physics, Suzan Haji Shmo, from the University of
Duhok, whose family (originally from Sinjar) resided in the same
village. Her comments and translations can be read in brackets,
along with my own questions. These comments are of interest not
only because she endeavors to sum up the explanations of Sheikh
Deshti in a few words, but also because occasionally they show that
lay Yezidis themselves can have problems with understanding tra-
ditional Yezidi lore just as much as foreigners. (Her attempts to
give modern scientific meaning to Yezidi myths of creation are
mentioned in some details in the chapter on “Orality and Literacy
among Yezidis Today.”)
Hinge, wexte Adam di be- When Adam was in Paradise,

hiştê de, I mean, when the sur was in
gava, yani surek eniyêde bû, his forehead, like a miracu-
yani wekî keramet, wekî qu- lous power, like a power, that
wetek yani em dbêjin sur is, we say sur He had sur in
Yani wekî sureka enîyêde bû, his forehad, like some divine
wekî quweteka îlahi, yani power, like his grade, as they
wekî dereca wî, wekî dbêjin say of the Lord Messiah Je-
sêydi Misahê Isa, yani goreza sus, I mean after the fashion
milyaketa, yani na beşer bû of angels, I mean he wasn’t a
human.
(Suzan: He was like an astral (Suzan: He was like an astral

man, because God made a man, because God made a
force, like “sure”, and He force, like “sure”, and He
give him, and Ezdiyans say give him, and Ezdiyans say
that “sure.” Sura Tawsî Me- that “sure.” The sur of
lekê and sura Ezdî, like their Tawusi Melek and of Ezdî,
force, it is called sur) like their force, it is called
sur.)
Wexte wissa li emrê Xwedê, Then, at the command of
Tawsî Melekê ew genim God, Tawusi Melek gave him
dayê, û hate erdê, û Hawa grain, and he came down on
çêbû, u zawac navbeyna xwe earth, and Eve was created,
û Adam çêbû. and the two married.
Hawayê gote Adam: heke Eve said to Adam: if there
jînek nabit, beşerê çênabita.. were no woman, human
Yani Hawa, jîna Adam bû, would not exist.
got, heger ne jînek bit, piçûk That is, Eve, the wife of
nine. Adam, said, if there were no
woman, there would be no
babies.
Adam got, na, heger zalam Adam said, no, if there were
nabit, her wissa, piçûk nabit. no man, still there would be
no babies.
Nikaş navbeyna wan çêbû. There rose a fight between
Adam gote: ka xwêdan – yani them. Adam said: where is
wekî em dbêjin “nesel” – (my) sweat – like we say
“sweat.”
APPENDIX I 449
Wissa (gesture: he wiped his Then like this (gesture: he

forehead off with the back of wiped his forehead off with
his hand) – biket şerpikêda. the back of his hand) – so
Adam wexte wisa kir (gesture that he could put it in a jar.
repeated), Tawsî Melek wissa When Adam did like this
kir, puff kir (Sheikh Deshti (gesture repeated), Tawusi
blew on his hand) ewî ket Melek did like this, he blew
şerpikêda. (Sheikh Deshti blew on his
hand), and it was put in the
jar.
Adam xwêdan wissa kir, kirit Adam did like this with his
şerpekî. sweat, and put it in a jar
(Discussion on the compati- (Discussion on the compati-
bility of taperecorder and bility of a taperecorder and
gestures. Suzan explains in gestures. Suzan explains in
Kurdish and English: Adam Kurdish and English: Adam
put his sur in the jar.) put his sur in the jar.)
Na, na sur, xwêdan, dbêjin No, not his sur, his sweat,
nesil, xoxa wî. they say his perspiration, his
sweat
Û Hawa jî kreşer (???) bûyda. And Eve did likewise (???)
Neh heyv tamam bû. Nine months passed.
Ê Hawayê, wexte şikandin, In the jar of Eve, when it was
kêzik bû, kurum bû, naçêbû. broken, there were flies, it
was rotten.
Ê Adam – Şehîd bin Jer bû. In that of Adam - Shehid bin
Jer.
Bas ew çêbû. He alone was born from it.
Wexte ew xwê kiri, Tawsî When he took his sweat,
Melek (Sheikh Deshti blew Tawusi Melek (Sheikh. De-
on his hand) shti blew on his hand.)
(Renewed discussion about (Renewed discussion about
the utility of gestures.) the utility of gestures.)
Adam wissa kir: Yani xwê kir Adam did like this. I mean he
şerpekîde. (Sheikh Deshti put his sweat in the jar.
wiped off his his forehead (Sheikh Deshti wiped off his
with his hand.) his forehead with his hand.)
şikand, mêş, murik, kêrik, we When he put it in the jar,
Wexte kire şerpekîde, neh nine months passed. Eve

heyv tamam bû. Hawayê xwe broke her jar, inside there
tişt têda çêbûn. were flies, mostquitos, in-
sects and things like that
Adam, peşi neh heyva, Şehîd Adam, after nine months,
bin Cer çêbû, hindek dbêjin Shehid bin Jer was born,
Şîd, bas Şehîd safitire. some say Shiit, but Shehid
(Witness) is more authentic.
(Spät: Wexte Adam xwêdan ji (Spät: When Adam wiped the
sere xwe jêkir, Tawsî Melek sweat from his head, what
çi kir?) did Tawusi Melek do?)
Tawsî Melek puff kir (ges- Tawusi Melek blew on it
tures: he blows on his hand), (gestures: he blows on his
yani sur jêkir, ka… bike têde. hand), I mean he took away
the sur, so... he can put it in-
side.
(Suzan: Also Tawsî Melek (Suzan: Also Tawsî Melek
put them sur (unintelligible put them sur (unintelligible
word) with Adam, in that word) with Adam, in that
jar.) jar.)
Ew sur, çû şerpikê. This sur, it went into the jar.
(Spät: Yani Adam xwêdana (Spät: That is, Adam put his
xwe dane jarê. Tawsî Melek sweat in the jar. Then Tawusi
hat, bi dizî, û puff kir û Melek came, in secret, blew,
sureka Adamê jî çû gel and the sur of Adam went
xwêdana wî?) into the jar along with the
sweat?)
E, puff kir, û sureka şer- Yes, blew, and the sur was in
pikêda. E, kete şerpik. Ew the jar. Yes, fell into the jar.
şerpik, piştê neh heyva, kurek This jar, after nine months, a
çêbû. Navê kurê bû Şehîd, boy was born (from it.) His
ew Şît, yani di cerde, di şer- name was Shehid (Witness),
pekî de. Ew Şehîd, zewici Shiit, in the jar. This Shehid,
hûriya bi jêr hatiya, zawac he married a houri who de-
çêbû, Haşim û Qûreş jê scended on the earth. He
çêbûn. married, Hashim and
Quraysh were born from
them.
(Spät: Tê got, sure Adamê. (Spät: You said, the sur of
Yani sur yê di sere wî de Adam. You mean the sur that
APPENDIX I 451
hebû.) was in his head.)

E, sur. Yes, the sur
(Spät: Yani ew sur çi ye?) (Spät: What is this sur?)

Sur xelat e, ew, dbêjin, Sur is a gift, it is, they say, a
qudrete. Messelah eme power. For example, we say:
dbêjin: Isa, û beşerî şef ferke, Jesus, who was different
Isa qudret hebû, ma na? Be- from humans, Jesus had this
ser ew qudret nine, bas, mes- power. Humans don’t have
selah, Isa, qudret hebû. this power, but Jesus, for
example, had it.
(Spät: yani, ew sure, ew (Spät: That is, I don’t have

qudrete min nine?) this sur, this power?)
Nine No, you don’t.
(Spät: bas li Adamê hebû?) (Spät: But Adam had it?)
Hebû He had it.
(Spät: wexte di behiştêde bû, (Spät: When he was in the
wî jî ew qudrete ji Xwedê Paradise, he also had this
hebû?) power from God?)
Hebû, Rabû. Wexte kete şer- He had it. It went. When it
pikêde, Şehîd, Şît, Şehîdi bin fell in the jar, Shehid, Shiit,
Cer, dbêjine, jê çêbû, ji cerê, Shehid bin Jer, they say, was
ji wê surê. Wexte Şehîd bin born from it, from the jar,
Cer mezin bû, zewici, Haşim from this sur When Shehid
û Qureş jê çêbû. Em Ezidi, bin Jer grew up, he married.
em dbêjin, em talîya wan Hashim and Qureish were
kuran. born from him. We Yezidis,
we say, we are the tribe de-
scending from these sons.
(Spät: qudreta Adamê na (Spät Adam had no power
maye? Çunku çû û bûye yê left? Because it went to She-
Şehîdê?) hid?)
E, e, Şehîdê. Yes, to Shehid.
(Spät: yani yê Adamê na (That is Adam had none
maye?) left?)
Na. Em dbêjin, Adam, em No. We say, Adam, we say,
dbêjin, lewme, hinge vega because, that is, a lot of na-
gelek milletê hem kelemekî tions say a bad word to
nebaş li Tawsî Melek dbêjine. Tawusi Melek.1232 We

Em Ezidi, em dbêjine, em ê Yezidis, we say, we belong to
Şehîdî bin Cerine, silave u Shehid bin Jer. Blessings…
selamet…1230
(Spät: qudret keramet e?) (Spät: Is this power divine

power (keramet)?)
E, qudret keramet e, ji nûrê Yes, this power is keramet,
Xwedê.1231 from the light of God.
1232 Sheikh Deshti here
probably refers to the notion,

1230 Arabic formula of also told by Feqir Haji, that
blessing addressed to Tawusi Adam cursed Tawusi Melek,
Melek follows. calling him Satan. Yezidis alone,
1231 The interview from the descendants of Shehid bin
here veers toward discussion on Jer, are free of this transgres-
parapsychology and on the mi- sion, and they are forbidden to
raculous feasts of the kocheks, pronounce this derogatory word
that is, Yezidi seers. by their religion.
APPENDIX II: YEZIDI HYMNS
TRANSLATED BY P. KREYENBROEK
Appendix II contains the hymns translated by Philip Kreyenbroek

and quoted in this study, scanned from his books Yezidism, Its Back-
ground, Observances and Textual Tradition (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen
Press, 1995) and God and Sheikh Adi are Perfect: Sacred Poems and Reli-
gious Narratives from the Yezidi Tradition (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz,
2005). Seeing these hymns in full, not only as short quotations may
perhaps be of interest to the reader. My thanks to Philip Kreyen-
broek for acquiescing to my quoting him in this way, and to Mellen
and Harrasowitz publishers for their permission.
453
The Hymn of the Weak Broken One1233
(1) Oh lowly one of mine, of broken heart,

If permission comes from dear Melek Fekhr el-Dîn,
We shall praise the deep oceans.
(2) Oh lowly one of mine, of little endurance,

If authorisation comes from dear Melek Fekhr el-Dîn,
We shall give descriptions of the deep oceans.
(3) Respectable people are gathered around me;

We shall tell (them) about that ocean,
In it there are pearls, jewels.
(4) Respectable people are gathered around me;

We shall give a full account of that ocean,
It is an ocean, and hell and pitch are (contained) in it.
(5) Give praise to the (One who is) Many.

(First there was) only the Throne; (then) the Prince came into
being.
He is the knowing one and he is the all-seeing one.
(6) My King came from the Pearl,

Some good things developed from it,
The branch of love was in it.
(7) In it was the branch of love.

Sultan Êzîd holds the Pen of Power in his hand.

APPENDIX II 455
Praise be to God, and thanks, that I have cast my lot with the
Tradition.
(8) The Lovers saw that Prince and came to know him,
Love and the Cup became separate,
He laid a number of cornerstones.
(9) He made cornerstones, and supported (the earth),

The Pearl burst open in its awe,
It could not prevent itself, and moved upward (?).
(10) It did not have the strength to remain patient,

The Pearl became adorned with colours,
It became red and white and yellow.
(11) The Pearl became radiant with colours.

Before, there was neither Earth,
Nor Sky, nor a Throne.
Let someone tell me whom my King loved.
(12) My King is nicely-spoken.

Love (and the Cup) were seated together.
At that stage my King instituted measures and laws.
(13) My King established measures and laws in it,

He separated the Shari‘a and the Truth from each other,
The Tradition had been hidden; then it was revealed.
(14) The Tradition was hidden, then it was revealed,

My King sent the Truth into (the world).
He said, “My dear, where was the Tradition, where had it es-
tablished itself?”
(15) What commanding lord of mine

Was sent, descending from the sky?
Through the Power, the Mystery of the Tradition hung sus-
pended in the air.
(16) Through the Power the Tradition hung suspended;

It obtained authorisation from its King,
He said, “My dear, (your) intercession (?) is an act of love.”
(17) What lord of mine of weighty command

Has established many cornerstones amongst them?
He gave love and the direction of light as signs for them.
(18) The direction of light is a doorway.

Two jewels were created,
One is the eye (‘eyn), and the other the eye (çav).
(19) One is the eye and one is sight;

My King caused the Pearl to become visible.
The King knows the positions of all men.
(20) The lamp came down from above, love came into (the
world),
My King seized (?) it, it became an eye.
Tell me what he said to the Pearl. Water came from it.
(21) Water came from the Pearl

A sea came into being and water collected in it
My King saddled a horse and roamed over it.
(22) My King mounted his horse,

The King and all four friends,
Together they travelled the four corners.
APPENDIX II 457
They stopped at Lalish, saying, “This is the site of Truth.”
(23) It is the site of Truth, and they stopped.

My King threw rennet into the sea and the sea coagulated,
Smoke rose up from it, the seven heavens were built with it.
(24) My King adorned (?) the sky,

Love (came) from the right side,
My King assigned the places, he moved the Throne.
(25) My King had roamed in the sky,

As many as four times he had travelled over every part.
He founded a number of pulpits.
(26) The Lovers have told you of this:

He separated another branch from it,
He established the earth everywhere.
(27) The earth was still unsettled,

A fissure appeared (?).
He said, “My dear, without this Mystery the earth will not be-
come tranquil.”
(28) Afterwards, count forty years:

The earth did not become solid,
Until Lalish came down into (the world).
(29) When Lalish came,

Plants grew on earth.
How many things were adorned by them!
(30) As the things were embellished by it,

Four elements became separate:

Earth and Water and Wind and Fire.
The body of the Prophet Adam was built from them.
(31) On Saturday He laid the foundations;

On Friday he had completed (the work).
After seven hundred years, the Seven Mysteries came into the
Pearl of the Cup.
(32) Seven hundred years later the Seven Mysteries came over-
head.
The body had remained without movement.
They said, “Oh soul, why do you not enter?”
(33) The soul said in the presence of the Lovers, “you know
(this):
As long as shibab and def do not come to me from above,
There will be a barrier between soul and body of the Prophet
Adam.”
(34) Shibab and def came and were present,

And the light of Love reached his head.
The soul came and manifested itself in the body of the Prophet
Adam.
(35) The Prophet Adam drank from that cup and came to life,
He became intoxicated and trembled,
Flesh grew on him, blood circulated in his veins.
(36) The Prophet Adam drank from that cup,

The miraculous power of that cup manifested itself:
Thus the Prophet Adam sneezed and through it he became
conscious.
APPENDIX II 459
(37) The Prophet Adam drank from that cup and liked it.
The miraculous power of that cup came and reached (him):
Thus the Prophet Adam was taken up and borne to heaven.
(38) My King is the Everlasting Lord.

From Adam (many) groups would spring:
Seventy-two nations became separate from one another.
(39) There would come the period of the Prophet Noah:

A people would appear in whose heart there was much impiety
They would become rebellious against their God.
(40) After that time,

A people would appear in whose hearts respect for the faith
did not dwell.
They would drown in the water of the storms.
(41) After those periods,

An iniquitous people would appear.
A ‘point’ would descend from the Lamp.
Among (them) Ibrahîm Khelîl would appear.
(42) Ibrahîm Khelîl is from a sincere ‘point’,

He would become the one to pronounce the three words,
Until he recognised his God as Truth.
(43) Until he recognised his God as Truth,

He would dispute with Azir and Nimrud and the Idols.
Thus he would free his spirit from impiety.
(44) After them there would be Khelîlu’llah, Jesus and Moses.

The New Muhammad is perfect.
Love for him would reach some hearts:
The last of the Princes is the Seyyid who is a Prophet.
(45) Oh Seyyid among the Prophets!

Several periods have come and gone,
Several holy beings have appeared, I have counted them:
It is Sultan Sheykh Adi, the crown from the first until the last.
APPENDIX II 461
The Hymn of the Creation of the World1234
(1) Oh Lord, in the world there was darkness,

There were neither mice nor snakes.
You brought it to life for the first time
Flowers almost burst from it.
(2) Oh Lord, you are the generous master,

You opened the way and the road from(?) darkness.
You are the master of all things,
You created Paradise, many-coloured.
(3) Earth and sky existed

The world was wide, without foundation;
There were neither men nor animals.
(4) You yourself brought order to it.

In the ocean there was only a pearl
—It did not progress, it did not progress—
You quickly gave it a soul,
You made your own light manifest in it.
(5) Flesh and soul came to it,

The light of the eyes entered it.
Hands and feet you made, the body
In it you created sweet speech.
(6) Our Lord, you are the merciful master!

You opened the road and the gate to the world.
All things you brought into being for us:

Paradise, earth and cultivated land came into being.
(7) Our Lord had a thing in mind.

He established the Pearl of the Cup from it,
From it he created the holy men.
He said, “This is still not enough”.
(8) The Pearl burst open in its awe of God,

It could not contain itself, it moved upward (?).
It became adorned with such colours:
Red and white became visible in it.
(9) Our God, in his mercy,

Brought forth goodness and beauty for us.
He gave a command to the Pen of Power:
We were thrown into the Mystery of Love.
(10) He threw rennet into the ocean.

The ocean coagulated because of it,
Smoke appeared from it.
He built heaven and earth, fourteen layers,
Our God brought the Pearl out.
(11) He threw Love into it

From it he brought forth two eyes.
A great deal of water flowed from it.
(12) Water flowed from the Pearl,

It became an ocean without end, without beginning,
Without road and without gate.
Our God circled over the water.
(13) Our God made a ship;

APPENDIX II 463
Men, animals and all sorts of birds

He gave a place in the ship, two by two.
(14) Our Lord is at the helm of the ship,

The leader who(?) roams in all four directions.
The ship sprang a leak, water came in,
The snake coiled itself over it.
(15) Our Lord sailed the ship,

He went from shore to shore,
He sailed to Lalish, and said, “It is the site of Truth”.
(16) Sultan Êzî is a good guide.

Lalish, which is the cornerstone of mankind,
Now the Yezidis know about it.
(17) Oh Lord, I call upon the Great Sheykh

The well, the spring, water is born from it.
Oh Lord, you made the world, the world (is) good;
In it men live replete.
(18) Black nights, dark nights,

Everywhere flowers appeared from it!
You are God, you are generous and merciful.
(19) He founded earth and sky,

He gave us a soul and a tongue.
Our Lord is the Eternal Lord,
He created six Angels,
He separated Hell and Paradise.
(20) Our Lord created the world, he moved the sky (upward),
It became possible to flatten the earth (?),
It was the appointed time to move (the Sky) upward.

He became a scourge to sinners.
(21) What a long time our Lord roamed in the world!

He made trees and stones subservient to his will.
In it he fashioned foundations, pulpits.
(22) He brought Lalish down from above

Lalish became pleasant everywhere.
On earth, plants began to grow,
With them he adorned the existing things as he brought them
to life.
(23) Our Lord, you are merciful

You brought four elements for us.
With them, you fashioned the beloved of Adam.
Our Lord, you are merciful,
You brought four elements into the world.
(24) One is Water, one is Light,

One is Earth, one is Fire.
Our Lord in (his) mercy
Made visible the def and shibab.
(25) Between Adam and the Seven Mysteries there is a strong

barrier.
The Seven Mysteries circled around and came overhead.
The shape of Adam had remained without movement.
They said, “Oh soul, why do you not enter it?”
(26) Our Lord is powerful.

He has brought to life so many creatures!
For them he has created Hell and Paradise.
APPENDIX II 465
(27) Our Lord has created the earth, he moved Heaven (up-
ward),
It became possible to flatten the earth (?),
It was the appointed time to flatten it (?).
Acts of goodness are demanded from man.
(28) Lalish came (down) from heaven

The earth became green, plants came
How many beings grazed on it!
(29) Our Lord laid the foundation on Friday.

On Saturday he drew up a plan,
On Wednesday he completed it.
Seven hundred years afterwards, the Seven Mysteries came to-
the Pearl and the Cup.
(30) Count seven hundred years before Adam.

The earth was below and did not become settled.
Until Lalish the luminous was sent into (the world).
(31) And the soul was present, on high,

It came and went and passed,
The Light of Love reached the head
It came and became manifest in the body of Adam.
(32) Our Lord, you are merciful.

You brought Adam the cup of the Mystery,
He drank water from the cup, and came to life.
Immediately he became drunk, and trembled.
(33) That soul demanded flesh from him,

Blood circulated in his body,
Ardour entered his head.
(34) Adam drank from that cup,

The Mystery of the cup was agreeable to him,
He reached the blessing of the cup, and became conscious.
The angels seized his shoulders and took him to Paradise.
(35) Adam drank from the cup

The blessing of the Cup became manifest in him
He coughed(?) and woke up.
(36) He said, “How pleasant this earth is.

Green plants are everywhere,
The time is the time of strong men.”
(37) Our Lord, you are merciful.

You have performed an act of grace for us,
You have laid down time and directions well.
(38) Oh man, on the face of the earth,

At all times have faith!
The Lord has delivered us from the storm.
(39) Let the mirîd do their work,

The blessing of the Power has come down to us.
Earth and heaven grant good things,
You also should become people of good deeds!
Never forget this!
APPENDIX II 467
The Hymn of Sheykh Obekr1235
(1) Lovers and loved ones all,

We need a friend to explain this question:
Did the Pearl come from the King or the King from the Pearl?
(2) Lovers are wise,

Our search is for an answer to this:
Whether the Pearl came from the King or the King from the
Pearl.
(3) Wise Lovers who are initiates,

Come and explain to me:
Is the Pearl the Throne, and did the King take his seat there?
(4) My King separated the Pearl from himself.

He gazed on it with concentration,
He made a mental image and brought it into existence.
(5) My King detached the Pearl from himself.

The Pearl is a plentiful light,
The luminous light is (like) a star.
(6) The Pearl comes from the word of the King,

The khirqe appeared from it,
Always holy men receive salutations because of it.
(7) Sheykh Obekr said,

“My dear, I have needed this word for a long time;


I shall give all of it for the sake of the visible khirqe.”
(8) “My dear, I have been listening for this word for a long
time.
As much much gold and riches as I can think of,
I shall relinquish all of it for the sake of the visble khirqe.”
(9) The Feqîrs followed it.

Thus, he who has renounced the desolate, transitory evil,
On him they will bestow the keys.
(10) Those keys,

They will bring to the hands of those commoners.
All five obligatory acts of Truth will bear witness for them on
the Last Day.
(11) My King, ever since he was the Prince,

With the Seven Mysteries of Sultan Êzîd, he was the knowing
one.
(12) My King, the King,

Is the planner of several plans.
Sultan Êzîd knows who is in front and who is behind.
(13) My King is in (a state of) oneness,

The friend of my heart was aware of this.
Sincere service is such as befits my King.
(14) My King, ever since he was the Prince,

APPENDIX II 469
With the Seven Mysteries of Sultan Êzîd, he was the Knowing

one.
(15) My King is the Mystery in Heaven.

Before, there was neither Tablet nor Pen.
Oh Sultan Êzîd, this moment, this hour is in your hands.
(16) Before, there was neither Pen nor Tablet.

We need a friend to explain this word; where is he?
There was one angel, he became two.
(17) By order of the King,

Our search is for an answer to this.
There were two angels, they became three.
(18) My King is the all-powerful.

From him came the Command.
There were three angels, they became four.
(19) My King is the almighty

There were four angels, they became five.
All five shared one another’s character and qualities.
(20) My heart is happy because of this:

There were five angels, they became six.
All six became the angels of the Throne.
(21) My King made (his) speech pleasant

They were seated together in Love.
There were six angels, they became seven.
(22) All seven, when they were created,

Were exactly alike.

In Love, gazing at one another, they passed the time.
(23) My King decided thus:

He sent a Feqîr, (who) brought forth water for always,
He named it the Kaniya Sipî.
(24) The Feqîrs told one of this:

From heaven down to earth,
From earth upward,
The water of the Kaniya Sipî has qualities to deal with so many
ills.
(25) My King is the all-powerful.

Four came from the Pearl of mystical knowledge:
Earth and Water and Wind and Fire.
(26) All four are precious.

By whom were they brought and by whom were they taken
away?
By what (divine) command were they separated from the
Pearl?
(27) All four are correct.

They neither ate nor slept.
By what (divine) command were they moved away from the
Pearl?
APPENDIX II 471
The Hymn of the Oceans1236
(1) One day I was pondering night and day,

I seek protection with God.
(2) What a great ocean he is!

He is also an endless light.
Four streams have sprung from it.
(3) What a gigantic ocean he is!

Its foundation consists of four cornerstones,
The four foundations are a cornerstone for the holy men,
The assembly of Sheykh Adi, which must observe the pre-
scribed way of dressing (?).
(4) What an endless ocean he is!

He is the everlasting King of the good men.
I am the supporter of my Sheykh,
I give much praise to my Sheykh.
(5) What a deep ocean he is!

He is the compassionate King of the good men.
I was far away, I came near.
(6) I was far away, I came to the shores

The waves removed me again
I am ready to help my Sheykh,
I give much praise to my Sheykh.

(7) I have seen an ocean,

In the middle (of it) there is a wall,
On it has come to dwell one whose steed is a lion.
(8) I have seen a (way to) safety,

A Feqîr was alone,
But he had an idea and a plan.
(9) My King is great:

He is the Lord of the eleven pairs who were ready for battle.
Thus the numbers of that large army departed.
(10) My King fashioned the Throne,

He fashioned a carpet, he laid his plan.
Like a draughtsman he concentrated on it.
(11) Two commoners whirled a spear,

Those commoners whirled their spears
You be witnesses for the love of God.
(12) My King hit it.

It returned twelve thousand salutations.
During the dhikr of my Sultan Êzîd, (there came) an opening
to the Pearl.
(13) Only one of them was seated, two others are standing up.
In my heart I can see them thus:
(As) the one wick of four lamps!
(14) Four lamps with one wick!

There are seven doorways for the one Word.
Eleven are a deep ditch:
Seven are dark, four are luminous.
APPENDIX II 473
(15) They are the judges and the pulpits,

They are the book and the records:
(From) the one cornerstone they are the four humans.
(16) Four humans from one cornerstone.

Two of them I have seen somewhere:
During the dhikr of my Sultan Êzîd they were lifted up and
thrown into the marketplace.
(17) His name consists of three letters.

One of them is in Mecca, one is in Medina:
I wish I knew where they are on earth.
(18) You people of understanding,

Melek Sheykh Hesen has taken his place on the pulpit.
He intones the hymns, he reads the records.
(19) The Qatani derwishes expounded four words of meaning.

They are not pronounced aloud (?),
In the hereafter they will not be sold.
The Declaration of Faith1237
(1) My declaration of Faith is: (there is) One God.

Melek Sheykh Hesen is Truth, (he is) the Friend of God.
(God) bless Mount Meqlûb and the Sanctuary.
(2) Salutations to the holy men men, to Lalish and to Meqlûb.

Our point of orientation on this earth are the Twin Spires.
The Yezidi nation turns towards Sheykh Adi,
In the worship of prostration.
(3) Sultan Sheykh Adi is my King,

Sheikh Obekr is my Lord,
Sultan Êzîd is my King.
(4) XX is my Pîr,
XX is my Mirebbî,
Melek Tawus is (the object of) my declaration and my faith.
(5) The Kaniya Sipî is my (the place of) baptism,

The Cave, the Cavern and the Zimzim spring are (the goals of)
my pilgrimage.
The qibla of the full moons is my qibla.
(6) Melek Sheykh Hesen is my ancestor,

XX is my lord,
Sheykh Shems is my religion,
The light of my eyes.

APPENDIX II 475
(7) Praise be to God for the House of Adi,

We have remained separate from the heretics, the Rāfidites.
We have cast our lot with the people of the Tradition.
(8) We are grateful to the holy men,

We have remained separate from the heretics, from the swine.
We have cast our lot with the Sheykhs and Pîrs.
(9) We are grateful and obliged,

We have remained separate from the heretics, from the Shari‘a.
We have cast our lot with the Sheykh of the Tradition.
(10) God willing, we are Yezidis,

Followers of the name of Sultan Êzîd.
Praise be to God, we are content with our religion and tarīqa.
The Hymn of the Weak Broken One1238
After formally asking permission from Melik Fekhredin, the Qew-

wal states that he is surrounded by good believers, and will now tell
how the world was created. The cosmogony contains the ancient
theme of the Pearl, which first contained God, and from which he
then caused to burst open, after which the Seven Mysteries, water,
and the earth came into being. Furthermore, the concept of Love,
which is said to have caused the earth to become solid, plays an
important role in the Cosmogony. The text ends with a description
of the early history of humanity and the Yezidi community.
1. All (of us) lowly ones of broken heart

If permission were to come from Melik Fekhredin, the
dear one
We shall praise the deep oceans.
2 All (of us) lowly ones of little endurance

If authorisation were coming from Melik Fekhredin, the
dear one
Of the great oceans we shall give descriptions.
3. Respectable people have gathered around me

We shall tell about the great oceans
In it there are pearls and jewels.
4. Respectable people have gathered around me

We shall give a full account of the great oceans
In the great oceans the Prince is present.
5. Give a great deal of praise

APPENDIX II 477
The Prince has come to the Throne

He is knowing, he is all-seeing.
6. When the King came from the Pearl

Some perceptions developed from it
The branch of love came into being.
7. In it the branch of love came into being

On Sultan Ezid’s head is the crown of the sovereignty
Praise be that we have cast our lot with the Tradition.
8. The Lovers came to know the Prince

The basket and the cup became distinct
All foundations were laid.
9. Foundations were laid and established

The Pearl burst open in its awe
It no longer had the strength to contain (God).
10. It no longer had the strength to remain patient

It became adorned with many colours
It became red and white and yellow.
11. The Pearl was adorned, it became shining

When there was neither earth nor sky nor Throne
Then whom could my King delight in?
12. My King separated the Pearl from himself

He approved of one Companion
He fashioned a luminous khirqe.
13. The luminous khirqe of the Gate

He put a pearl and a jewel in it

One is the eye (‘eyn) and the other the eye (çav).
14. One is the eye and one is sight

My King had caused the Pearl to become visible
The King knows who is in front and who is ahead.
15. My King spoke pleasantly

The King and the Cup and Love
They had created rules and limits
There love had its place.
16. My King established rules and limits

He separated Shari‘a and Truth from each other
The Tradition had been hidden, he revealed it.
17. The Tradition was hidden, he revealed it

He sent the Truth to it
Where had it established itself?
18. When the earth and the sky were not yet stable
He first created a form of Lalish opposite them
Love, the luminous, acting as leaven came to dwell in it.
19. No pain remained in my heart

A form of Lalish was created on high
Its gate was called the ‘Qibla of the Full Moons’.
20. Lalish lies at the centre

Its hallmark is the White Spring
The sign of earth and heaven.
APPENDIX II 479
21. My King is perfect, his judgement is weighty

He placed many cornerstones in (the world)
As a sign he gave them Love, the luminous, acting as
leaven.
22. What a powerful Lord

A command descended from the sky
By its power the Tradition was suspended in the air.
23. By its power the Tradition hung suspended in the air

The Tradition made many complaints to my King
I said: 'My dear one, (your) intercession is Love.'
24 The Lamp from above came down

My King had placed his eye in it
What did my King say to the Pearl?
From the Pearl water was coming!
25. Water came from the Pearl

It became the ocean and water collected in it
My King saddled a horse and roamed over it.
26. The King and all four Friends

Mounted horses
On them they travelled the four corners.
They stopped at Lalish saying: This is the site of Truth.
27. It is the site of Truth! They stopped

My King threw rennet into the sea and the sea coagulated
Smoke rose up from it
All the seven heavens were built with it.
28. My King adorned the sky

He laid down the place, and put the Throne on it

Love was in its right hand.
29. My King roamed in the sky

He had travelled (over the world) several times
He established a number of pulpits.
30. The Lovers have told of this:

He fashioned another branch from it
He established all the earths.
31. The earth was still unsettled

A fissure appeared
(He said) ‘My dear one, without the Mystery the earth
will not become tranquil.’
32. Afterwards count forty years:

The earth did not become solid
Until Love, the luminous, acting as rennet, was sent into
it.
33. When Lalish came down

The light of love came to the Lamp
The earth rejoiced, it was adorned with many colours.
34. When Lalish came

Plants began to grow on earth
So many phenomena were embellished by them.
35. How many phenomena were embellished by them

Earth, water, wind, and fire were mixed together
The body of the Prophet Adam was made from them.
APPENDIX II 481
36. My King is the Lord of Might

In the beginning he created the angels.
In their hands he placed hell and heaven.
37. My King and all the Seven Angels exist in loneliness

They decide that they will definitely create beings.
38. On Saturday the foundations were laid

On Friday all was completed
After seven (hundred) years the Seven Mysteries came
around the Cup.
39. The Seven Mysteries came from above

body of the Prophet Adam had remained without
movement.
They said: Oh soul, why do you not enter?
40. The soul said: Lovers know (this)

Until the shibab and def come from above
There will be a great barrier between Adam's soul and
body.
41. Shibab and def came and were present

The light of Love entered his head
The soul came and made its home (in the body).
42. When he fashioned the body of the Prophet Adam

The Holy Beings gathered around him, before Time
began
The Cup of Love (became) visible.
43. He (Adam) drank from the Cup

Because of the Cup he agreed to obey the command
The soul came and reached him.
44. The Prophet Adam drank from that Cup

He came to life, became intoxicated, and trembled
His flesh became animated
Blood circulated inside him.
42. The Prophet Adam drank from that Cup

The miraculous power of that Cup manifested itself
So he sneezed, and thus he became conscious.
46. That Cup is luminous

The Prophet Adam drank from it with the love of a faith-
ful heart
Therefore flesh and blood came to his body.
47. Adam liked the Cup

The mystical power of the Cup reached him
The Cup took Adam up to heaven.
48. The saintly Adam became intoxicated from the Cup

He had neither feet not hands
So Sultan Ezi endowed him with mystical power.
49. The saintly Adam drank from the Cup

The mystical power of that Cup came to him
So (God) sent him the Houri Eve.
50. What a beautiful Houri she is!

By the mystical power of that Cup
Both the Hashemites and the Quraysh came from her.
APPENDIX II 483
51. After that period

A people appeared
In whose hearts there was no respect for the faith
They drowned during the year of the flood.
52. Then came the epoch of Noah and the prophets

A people appeared in whose hearts there was much infi-
delity
Therefore they became rebellious against God.
53. That Cup was given to Noah

By the mystical power of that Cup he became conscious
Therefore he saved many souls from the flood.
54. That Cup was given to Ibrahim

His house was great and powerful
He gave it all up for the Generous One.
55. He sacrificed it all for the sake of the Splendid One

A point came down from the Lamp
They gave Ibrahim the name ‘the Friend’.
56. Ibrahim the Friend is from a sincere point

He became the one to encounter three words
Therefore he recognised his God as Truth.
57. He recognised his God as Truth

He disputes with Nemrud, Azir and the Idols
He freed his spirit from infidelity.
58. He detached his soul from infidelity

He threw the heathen into the fire
Brother Gabriel accepted him.
59. After him, (Ibrahim) the Friend, the Guide of God

(There were) Jesus and Moses and Mohammed the Cho-
sen
Love for him would reach some hearts.
60. 124.000 Prophets came and passed away

124.000 Favourites (of God) came and passed away
Sultan Ezi counted every one of them.
61. Sultan Ezi was light, he was adorned with light

Sultan Sheikh Adi was the crown from the first until the
last.
May God bestow His mercy on my teacher, on all men and suffer-
ers, and on the house and family where we find ourselves. The
mercy of God and Sheikh Adi.
APPENDIX II 485
The Hymn of the Thousand and One Names1239
The text illustrates how God’s different aspects, symbolised by his

1001 Names, express themselves in our world from the time of
creation onwards. A distinction is implied between the world as we
know it and the deeper, unseen reality which underlies it. Further-
more, the text describes how various great figures of the Yezidi
Tradition were made to drink from the Cup, which apparently
symbolises a mandate to play a leading role in the world. Like God,
Sultan Ezi is described as being omnipresent, and as transcending
all apparent contradictions of the exoteric world.
1. My King has a thousand and one names.

In his eyes the world is a matter of an hour, an instant
Sultan Ezi knows how many masses of water there are in the
Ocean
How many stones are scattered over dry river-beds
Sultan Ezi made Eve a bride, Adam a groom.
2. All foundations, all hills

All deserts, all oceans
They are all in the palm of God’s hand and that of Sultan
Ezi
3. All hills and all foundations

All oceans and all deserts
They are all in the palm of God’s hand and that of Sultan
Ezi
4. My King is the Ancient One

If only I knew
Whether the Bull is greater or the Fish.

5. Our explanation (is based) on this answer:

The Fish is seven time greater than the Bull.
6. By the power of the Greatest One

The Fish has seventy-two fins
One fin forms a girdle for it
On top of that fin stands the Bull.
7. I have been taken to that master

Seven angels stand on the head of that Bull
All seven angels are saints and mystics of the King.
8. My King is the one I long for

The saints know the Prince
Therefore they made him the leader of the seven angels
of Adi.
9. The ocean whose name is Nisebin

All seven angels dwell on earth.
If only I knew what their counsel is
Their proofs, which are based on certainty.
10. A Cup was fetched for me

All seven drink (from it)
Through it they became Kings on earth.
11. All seven drank (from it)

The Pearl developed waves, it became the ocean;
What they had to reveal, they revealed to me.
12. The Bull and the Fish drank from it.

Therefore they accepted (to have) on their back:
Foundations and high places, deserts and oceans.
APPENDIX II 487
13. The Lord of the Cup came to Mu’awiya

-Oh wall built on (solid) foundations-
Sultan Ezi is the Lord of the Cup!
14. He gave the Cup to Sheikh Musafir

(Saying:) Oh saint, who are so proud
The Mystery of the King is with you
From the first till the last.
15. That Cup he gave to Sheikh Barakat

He was presented with seven robes of honour.
They said: He fled from the world, he went to heaven.
16. That Cup was given to Sheikh (O)bekir

(With the words:) Sheikh Adi invested you with his
miraculous power.
Therefore he gave you a place beside himself.
17. That Cup was given to Ezdina Mir

He knows about this world and the hereafter
He stands on the shoulders of Shems(edin) and Prince
Fekhr.
18. That Cup was given to Shems, the son of Ezdin(a Mir)
The keys are in his hand
Without Shems, the son of Ezdina, no transactions are
possible (in the world).
19. That Cup was given to Mohammad the Perfect;

A good thing is in his mind
He has visions night and day.
20. That Cup was given to the Sheikh of the Tradition

Grace came to him from the Lord of that Cup

In the heavens he became the Lord of the Tradition
On earth he gave power to the prophets of the commu-
nity.
21. That Cup was given to Ali

The grace of that Cup (comes) at once
Therefore Ali was invested with seven robes of honour.
22. By the power of the Powerful One

Ali was invested with these robes of honour
One was Fatima, one Dhu ’l-Fiqar, and one Duldul.
23. That Cup was given to Ibn Mansur

He moved away, he went to the deep oceans.
Sultan Ezi is near, he is not far.
24. That Cup was given to Sayyid Nasim

Oh All-powerful One, since the days of old
Sultan Ezi is a doctor for all ills.
25. That Cup was given to Pir Mend the Gorani

He fled, he landed near that Ocean,
So he ruled over the land of unbelievers.
26. That Cup was given to Derwesh Qatani

He drank (from it), as you know
So he experienced the beneficence of his King.
APPENDIX II 489
27. ...1240
28. Oh God, you are powerful and omnipresent

Please be very patient with me
This blow has eaten the very flesh of my soul.
29. The Prophet, the martyr, became drunk from this Cup
He had neither feet nor hands
Therefore Sultan Ezi asked that a miracle would happen
to him.
30. That Cup was given to Yunis the Dancer

He stayed forty days in the belly of the Fish
From then on he recognised the King as (the) true (God).
31. From that direction we went forwards

Sultan Ezi had roamed around the world in the guise of a
dervish
This world was entirely in the hands of Sultan Ezi.
32. From that direction we went downwards

With me were a hundred leaders(?)
Sultan Ezi made the hereafter the capital of (good) men
Oh Sultan Ezi, we ask you to grant our wish:
Faith and religion, not possessions!
33. He says: There are three hundred and sixty-six Prophets sent
by God
They have all been graced by that Cup
Because of their awe of Sultan Ezi, they came into action.
1240 This stanza is not clearly audible on the cassette.

34. By the power of the Powerful One

Sultan Ezi became manifest at that assembly
Tell me: with how many colours did Sultan Ezi appear
And how many colours passed away?
35. My King is all-powerful.

The Pearl showed waves, it became the ocean
Sultan Ezi entrusts this world
To the hands of Sheikh Shems and Fekhr, the good men.
36. He says: I was with some who dug the earth

I was with some who sowed
I was with some who feared (God).
37. I was with some who do not dig

I was with some who do not fear (God)
I was with some who do not sow.
38. I was with some whose clamour reaches the skies (?)
I was with some who...
I was with some who, in spring, were longing for a little
dew.
39. I was with some whose pockets were full of money

I was with some who controlled insurgents
I was with some who were inside fortresses, (while oth-
ers) died outside the walls.
40. I was with some who went stealing

I was with some who shouted
I was with some who said: A theft is taking place there.
41. Oh Sultan Ezi, you yourself are the wind

APPENDIX II 491
You have placed yourself on high

You tell the thief to come
You tell the householders: There is a thief!
42. Oh Sultan Ezi, you are the wind

You are the wind that precedes so much rain
You are the robe (adorning) on the shoulders of good
men.
43. You are the sword in its scabbard

You are the rifle on the marksman’s shoulder
Oh Sultan Ezi, we are asking you for our desire
Faith and religion, not possessions!
44. Oh Sultan Ezi, you are on earth and in heaven

You are in the oceans, you are in the foundations (of the earth)
You(r name) is on many tongues.
45 Oh Sultan Ezi, you are on earth and in heaven

You are in the Tables, you are in the Pen
You are there in rejoicing, you are there in sorrow
You are with Jesus son of Mary.
46. You cause the clouds to drift

You cause the rain to fall
You cause the great oceans to coagulate
You set this world in motion
You are religion and faith to us
If only I could have a soul
To which you would give, and from which you would
not take!
47. Oh Sultan Ezi, you are in the keys and in the boxes
You are with the great and with the small
With grooms and brides

With Archbishops and ordinary Christian priests
You are both with the prisons and with the imprisoned.
48. You are in the markets with the grocers

You are in the marketplaces with the brokers
Oh Sultan Ezi, we ask you for our desire
Religion and faith, not possessions!
49. Oh Sultan Ezi, you are the gracious prince of this world
You are gracious, full of knowledge
Oh Sultan Ezi, from beginning to end you are in our
minds!
50. A fortress and a thousand foundations

A market and a thousand shops
A head and a thousand tongues.
51. For that fortress only

Keys come from the Treasury and from the Unseen
Some sit, longing for Sultan Ezi, and recite (prayers).
52. That fortress has two roads

Its doorway is of gold
A hundred thousand winds come to it.
53. If only I could have such a soul, be a Yezidi

Say this word: Amen, amen, amen.
May God have mercy on the one whom I asked to teach me

this Qewl,
And on the souls of the mothers and fathers of the listeners
who are present here!
APPENDIX II 493
Hymn of the Faith1241
The text contains allusions to many aspects of Yezidi sacred his-

tory, from the time when nothing existed except God, via the stage
when a principle (‘the Path’) which is connected with mystical
knowledge, came into being and the White Spring was created, to a
stage when another being existed as a servant of God (‘the Mas-
ter’), who was granted mystical knowledge. Furthermore, there are
references to the End of Time, to Sheikh Adi's role as a visionary
and an organiser of the community, to the mystical quest of the
Feqirs, and the arcane significance of their khirqe. Then the text
describes several of the great figures of Yezidi sacred history as
laying the ‘foundations’ of the faith, and ends by admonishing
community members to live pious lives and to follow a knowledge-
able man as their spiritual director.
1. The faith, what are its signs?

When there was no earth, no sky
There was no ocean, no foundations
There were no mountains and no bedrock.
2. There was a way, a path,

There were pillars of (mystical) knowledge
On that day Sultan Ezi made the White Spring
The direction of prayer for the good men.
3. That day Sultan Ezi made the White Spring the direction of
prayer of good men
Before earth and sky
Before ocean and foundations
Before mountains and bedrock
Oh Sultan Ezi, all offer you praise and signs (of devo-
tion).

4. Oh Lord, I offer you all praise,

Before the throne and the heavens
Before Table(s) and the Pen
Before Adam and Eve
Before Jesus and Mary
Oh Lord, for the last ninety-thousand years I have been
with you.
5. Oh Sultan Ezi, for the last ninety-thousand years I was there

I had neither father nor mother
My task was service to the master.
6. I was brought before the wondrous power of that master

I was given in the charge of that teacher
He created joy and happiness for me.
7. He made joy and happiness for us

I was brought to the Order of the Proud Angel
Oh Khidir son of Khidir!
8. Oh Khidir son of Khidir!

You gave me an unsullied Cup
I drank, pronouncing (God's) Name
I was taken to proud knowledge.
9. You brought me that Cup

I drank, as you know
I was taken to the knowledge of the Qatanis.
10. I speak about the Qatanis:

As to religion and the Pillars (of faith), I am the mystical
knowledge of the Path,
I want to offer praise to beloved Melik Fekhredin.
APPENDIX II 495
11. Let me offer praise to beloved Sherfedin

When will the good tidings come to us
(That) he will leave his occultation in the tent with the
golden sides.
12. He will leave his occultation in the tent with the golden sides
This world will wage war on him
Even the House of Tradition itself will have doubts.
13. The House of Tradition itself will have doubts

Anyone who is a servant of the Creator
Will seek the protection of Sultan Sheikh Adi.
14. Sultan Sheikh Adi himself is the faith

His ocean is a mighty ocean
Divers have brought forth pearls from it.
15. Divers brought forth pearls from it

Anyone who shares the secrets of his King
Has brought forth a pearl from the oceans.
16. Sultan Ezi brought forth pearls from the oceans

Sheikh Adi put them in the palm of his hand
From them he made: the crown and the mantle, and the
luminous black khirqe.
He brought these forth and put them on himself.
17. My King established the pillars on high

He ‘baptised’ the khirqe
The status of the khirqe is way up above
My Sultan Ezi(d) the Red put it on.
18. Sheikh Adi will come with the foundations

He put them up on high, brought the khirqe and
‘baptised’ it
19. My Sultan Ezi(d) put on the khirqe

The Feqirs set out on a journey to reach him.
20. The Feqirs set out to reach him

Whoever makes his ego-soul a prisoner
Will doubtless come before the sight of the Prince.
21. They descend from that place

The Four Friends stand before it
We shall have a share of the protecting hem of the khirqe
of Sheikh Adi.
22. Contentment came from above

It is Sheikh Hesen the Chosen.
Yes, my King Sultan Sheikh Adi
Is useful for all ills.
23. My King, Sultan Sheikh Adi, was useful for all ills
Whoever acts on the word of the King
Has accepted the authority of the angels.
24. We have accepted the authority of the angels

Whoever believes in the religion and the foundations of
the khirqe of Sheikh Adi
(Belongs to) the House of Adi, to our Order, for ever
and ever.
25. Don't say: What is the House of Adi?

Oh naive young man
APPENDIX II 497
You know nothing of the meaning of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi

Why do you say: (It takes) a little zerguz and a bit of wool?
26. Oh naive young man

You don't know what the meaning of Sheikh Adi’s khirqe is
They say: The meaning of Sheikh Adi’s khirqe is a handful
of zerguz and a bit of wool.
27. Oh young man, young man

The khirqe is made of wool, it is baptised with the zerguz
The status of the khirqe of Sheikh Adi is way up above
The khirqe is the garment of my Ezi(d) the Red.
28. This is a strong foundation

It appeared among the Saints
It is the foundation of my Sheikh, Adi.
29. It is an excellent foundation

It appeared among the followers (mirîd)
It is the foundation of Sheikh Adi.
30. What a great foundation it is

It appeared among the believers
It is the foundation of Melik Sheikh Sin.
31. It is an unsullied foundation

In the world it became famous and oft-mentioned
It is the foundation of Sheikh Obekr.
32. It is a luminous foundation

It appeared among the learned ones
It is the foundation of Sheikh Shems and Melik Fek-
hredin.
33. It is an artful foundation

It appeared among the good men
It is the foundation of Sheikh Shems the Tartar.
34. Bring the khirqe

Put the foundations on it
Send it to the Feqirs
So that the Feqirs will lift it up it over their heads.
35. The Feqirs have lifted up the khirqe

It is a profession of faith in the House of Adi
Our bodies are made of clay
The White Spring is (our) direction of prayer.
36. A wall was built on a strong foundation

A foundation was laid ...
My dear one, in this world no one knows about anyone
else.
37. Let them build a wall from it (i.e. from mystical knowl-
edge)
With a foundation laid underneath
Let all people, the simple and those of great intelligence,
be born and procreate.
38. If the wall does not rest on the foundation

On top of it there are heavy waves
On the Last Day the owner will shake his head in
wretchedness.
39. My unsullied master

Came to be praised and remembered in the world
The origin of the stream of water is the dam.
APPENDIX II 499
40. A stream and a flat field

I will tell you about (my) leader
Your safety lies with the House of Sheikh Mend of the
Fekhredin clan!
41. Ask a father (?) today

The world lasts for an hour, a moment
The House of Adi will always be united.
42. Come to the House of Adi

It has made the hidden secrets appear
Oh you buyers of cloth, come!
43. Come, oh ye buyers of this cloth

Do not follow an ignorant man
Lest your pains and trouble go for nothing on the Last
Day.
44. I will tell you, you who have responsible positions

Do not follow an ignorant man
Lest your pains and trouble go for nothing on the Last
Day.
45. Drive directly to the Doorway (at Lalish)

Take the Lord's path without fail
Serve and perform religious duties!
Oh Sheikh Adi, give (religious) wages and freedom from
sin to the Yezidis of East and West
Those who are present and listen, from the treasury of
power.
We are deficient, God and Sheikh Adi are perfect.

The Hymn of Qere Ferqan1242
The words Qere Ferqan, ‘Black Furqan’, apparently refer to a sa-

cred book or text named Furqan, which is also mentioned in the
Hymn of Earth and Sky. After an initial passage describing how
knowledge is revealed by God to Sheikh Fekhredin, the text deals
with Pre-eternity, Creation and the early history of the faith.
1. What a dark morning it was

A mystical state came upon me
From beginning to end the King appeared to me.
2. What a pleasant morning it is

They gave me a black line in my hand
And said: Dervish, come, the King calls you to his
throne.
3. What a red morning it is

They gave me an authoritative line (of writing) in my hand
And said: Dervish, the King calls you to the heights.
4. What a proud morning it is

My King sent down knowledge, decrees, lines (of script) and
family documents to me
They said: Dervish, the King has called you to the
heights.
5. What a precious morning it is

My King had sent down for me knowledge, decrees, and lines
Melik Fekhredin stands before my King
And asks him a question.

APPENDIX II 501
6. Melik Fekhredin stands before the King and asked him a

question:
Oh God, you are the One, triumphant
Love was at your disposal: what did you create with it?
7. The King tells him: Fekhr, my proud one

It is a duty and an obligation for me to answer you
Before the foundation of the earths, before the heavens.
My love worshipped the khirqe.
8. Melik Fekhredin stands before his King

He had put one foot on the other, and one hand over the
other one
He said: Truly my ancestor's answer is correct
After seven years the love of my ancestor existed, but it
remained without (object of) worship.
9. My King calls out loudly:

There was activity and the number of khirqes became four
For 90,000 years he hid them in the Lamp
But now he made manifest the four Friends.
10. The four wise Friends were made manifest

Born of the Origin: Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin
Nasirdin and Sejadin
They set the world in motion.
11. They set the world in motion

The King and the four Companions
Mounted their steeds
And roamed the four corners of the earth.

At Lalish they halted and said: This is the site of Truth.
12. They halted at the site of Truth

My King threw rennet into the Ocean, the Ocean
coagulated
Smoke rose up from it
The four heavens were created with it.
13. Melik Fekhredin says to him:

Oh King, it is thus
The Throne and the Seat are in your hands
By what means did you make the White Spring the direc-
tion of prayer for (holy) men?
14. Thus spoke the King, the luminous one

Fekhr and Sultan Ezi
Put on the Crown and the Robe
They brought these out of the White Spring
From then on (holy) men gave them their allegiance and
their faith.
15. Melik Fekhredin asks his King a question:

My dear one, you must tell me truly
What did the rennet of the White Spring consist of?
16. The King tells him: Oh Fekhr the profound

Learned in appropriate knowledge
If you ask me about the rennet of the White Spring
The rennet of the White Spring has existed from pre-
eternity.
17. The King tells him: Oh Fekhr, there was darkness and
gloom
APPENDIX II 503
The (only) powerful one is Truth

Sheikh Adi's key opens the White Spring
It was made the direction of prayer for the (holy) men.
18. Melik Fekhredin asks his King another question:

My dear one, you are my Creator for ever and ever
Through the agency of which holy man was the khirqe
made?

Before the holy men, before the angels
I made the khirqe through the agency of Sultan Ezi.
20. Melik Fekhredin asked his King another question:

My dear one, you are my Creator for ever and ever
Through the agency of which holy man did you invest
(dignitaries with) the khirqe?

I invested (dignitaries with) the khirqe with the help of
Ezi.
22. Sultan Ezi is my Pir of the khirqe

It has a profound meaning
It is my belief and that of the mirids.
23. Sultan Ezi is my Pir of the khirqe

That is my creed and that of all believers
He is the light of both my eyes.
24. Sultan Ezi put his hand to the lamp of power, he brought
out a Pearl
Sultan Sheikh Adi placed it in his hand,
And produced from it the crown, the robe, and the
luminous khirqes.
They were given to Sheikh Adi’s holy men
As you know, they put them on.
25. They put on that Mystery, that khirqe

They declared their faith in Sultan Ezi
By their light things were revealed before dawn.
26. Before dawn things were revealed by their light.

Earth and heaven shuddered
The (holy) men sat down in unity
Together they discussed the true path of Sheikh Adi and
Melik Sheikh Sin.
27. The (holy) men sat down in unity

They spoke together of the true path of Sheikh Adi and Melik
Sheikh Sin
Yes, my dear one, you are the healing of so many pains
By what means did you separate heaven and earth?
28. Indeed, Fekhr, I separated heaven and earth

I made the moon and sun visible in between
And I established the community that is named after
Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin.
29. The King says: Oh Fekhr, I created night and day

APPENDIX II 505
I named paradise and hell

I, Melik Fekhredin, made the moon
Melik Shemsedin made the sun.
30. Melik Fekhredin asked his King another question:

You have created this pleasant paradise
What about this hell which appeared opposite it?
31. The King tells him, Fekhr, my precious one,

It is a duty and an obligation for me to answer your
question
I made this hell for those
Who sin against the name of Tawusi Melek three times a
day.
32. Melik Fekhredin asked the King another question:

You have made this pleasant Paradise
What about Adam who appeared in it?
33. The King tells him: Oh Fekhr, full of (good) qualities,

From Adam I brought forth the seventy-two nations
And the eighty-thousand creatures.
34. Those Words (He spoke) in the beginning

Those words may be scrutinised
From them, Hashim and Quraysh were made.
35. From them Hashim and Quraysh were made.

Dissent arose among them
Sultan Ezi cut them loose from the Truth with his sword.
36. The Quraysh came to believe in the name of Sheikh Adi and
adhere to him;
Yes, my dear one, you gave the words to both

unbelievers and Muslims
You revealed to them the Torah, the Psalms, the Bible
and the Qoran.
What shall the House of the Tradition believe in, what
shall it adhere to?
37. Thus speaks my King, the Lord of Foundations:

Indeed, Fekhr, I shall reveal to the earths the Qewls and
the khirqes
So that the Yezidi community may adhere to it, rejoice
and believe in it.
38. Melik Fekhredin asks his King a question:

Your sweet name is Noble Elder.
By what means did you reveal the Qewls and khirqes to
the earths?
39. Thus speaks my King, the luminous:

Bees and zerguz and sheep
The rennet of all three is from the White Spring.
40. The King says: Fekhr, from the sheep and the zerguz I shall
fashion the khirqe
The Feqirs shall wear it
The House of the Tradition will believe in it and adhere
to it.
41. He fashioned the Qewls and khirqes

And revealed them on the earths
He entrusted them to Melik Fekhredin
Melik Fekhredin entrusted them to the holy men of
Sheikh Adi
The holy men of Sheikh Adi adhered to them and had
faith in them.
APPENDIX II 507
42. My King fashioned the zerguz

He revealed it on the earths
He entrusted it to Melik Fekhredin
Melik Fekhredin entrusted it to the holy men of Sheikh
Adi.
43. The Holy Men of Sheikh Adi entrusted it to the Feqirs

The Feqirs dyed their khirqes black with it
The Yezidi community had come to adhere to it and be-
lieve in it.
44. In this way my King distributed his wisdom:

Among the holy men and the individual souls
To the Pirs he gave religious taxes
To the Sheikhs he gave hair-locks and scissors.
45. My King is forgiving in his wisdom

From his cam the Command
To the Sheikhs he gave hair-locks and scissors
To the Pirs he gave zekat and the mishur.
46. May you be a little mindful of the khirqe

Let the quality of the khirqe be such (as it is now)
And let nothing (bad) come (to it) from me
And may all four paths come to you as supplicants.
47. The Prince said to the assembly of Sultan Ezi: The khirqe is
the garment of faith
Whoever has doubts about it and uncertainties
Let them seize him by the arms and throw him
Among the groups of Muslims.
48. Their place is hidden in the hereafter:

It is very narrow and pitch dark
From eternity to eternity, that is ever their place.
49. Those holy men watched it

At the assembly of Sultan Ezi there was glass and a
golden radiance
And a cup of pure wine went round and round among
the holy men
It went from one to the other.
50. The King says to him: Fekhr, one day, belief in the name of
Sultan Ezi will come
I shall deliver these poor ones to the unbelievers
I shall not complete.....
51. The King says to him: One day I shall come to the face of the
earths
I shall heal the hearts full of wounds and pain
Whoever has doubts and uncertainties about this word (Qewl)
Let them seize him by the arms and throw him among
the groups of Muslims.
53. His place is hidden in the hereafter

It is very narrow and pitch dark
From eternity to eternity this will ever be their place.
54. This word is the Qewl of Black Furqan

The full text of this Qewl is with the Angel of Death and
with Gava Zerzan.
We are deficient, Sheikh Adi is perfect.

APPENDIX II 509
The Hymn of Sherfedin1243
Many myths and legends are told about Sherfedin (d. 1257-8 CE),
one of the early leaders of the faith and a member of the family of
Sheikh Adi. He is especially popular among the Yezidis of Jebel
Sinjar. Here Sherfedin is identified with the Mehdi, a religious
leader who is expected to return to the world at the End of Time in
order to bring about an ideal state of existence. It can be inferred
from the text that Sherfedin is thought to be dwelling in a cave un-
til the time of his return to the world, which will be determined by
Sheikh Shems. The text also contains references to a last battle be-
tween the armies of the Good (i.e. the Yezidis) and the wicked, and
to the final defeat of those who follow the Shar’ia (i.e. orthodox
Muslims) at the hands of Sherfedin.
1. We need someone who (se knowledge) is complete

Who stands in front of those who wear the woollen cord
(To tell us) when Sherfedin the Mehdi will arise.
2. When the Mehdi arises

Neither lords nor judges will remain
On that day the community of the Tradition will be com-
fortable.
3. The Tradition will be comfortable

To whom Melik Sherfedin shows his mercy and
benevolence
He will invest us with spiritual clothes.
4. We have been invested with spiritual clothes

When Melik Sherfedin appears on the face of the earth
Then (Yezidi) commoners will be happy about it.

5. All those who are happy about it

Stand in the valley of the good men
They will require the lances of hard wood from us.
6. The riders of the valley are prepared

Let them come and open the boxes for you
7. Let them come and adorn you like brides

Let them cause (people) to accept for themselves the true
path of Sheikh Adi and Melik Sheikh Sin.
8. Here are the green and red boxes

water
The Feqirs will abolish laments and injustice from this
world.
9. The Feqirs will abolish lamentations from this world

They will take truth and their rightful share to that place.
10. They will take their rightful shares there

The legion of Sultan Ezi is great
They will collect their provisions and other requirements.
11. With those provisions, with those requirements

They will give into the hands of those leaders, those good
people
Their very lives at that assembly
(They are prepared) for ordeals and bitter experiences.
APPENDIX II 511
12. In those properties and those gardens

They will give (everything) into the hands of those good peo-
ple, those leaders
Applying branding irons to their hearts.
13. One day there will be a conflict!

There will be a dispute and a great war
On that day, the ‘old rams’ will be discovered among
those present.
14. One day there will be a war!

The Feqirs will don armour and shield.
That day is not suitable for a lame man.
15. One day the end will come!

A proud group of men will appear
On that day Melik Sherfedin will ordain what we long
for.
16. A lover says:

Oh Sultan Ezi, our hope is in you
Make Melik Sherfedin the Mehdi for us!
17. Oh Sultan Ezi, you have the power to do it and you are not
doing it
You can raise Melik Sherfedin from the Cavern
You can make rebellious people obedient to him!
18. Make rebellious people obedient to him.

Of all men who follow the pillars (of the faith), the
mystical knowledge, the way,
The five obligations-(if) one (is lacking) it will not be
right.
19. All five obligations of truth:

The Sheikh and Pir, Osta and Mirebbi, and the Friend
and Brother of the Hereafter
They are a religious duty for us and all the Tradition
Today in the world, tomorrow at the Last Call.
20. Give the clothes to the Feqirs

They will be decked out in armour and silk
Sultan Ezi, call out to evil: the worldly and ruined ones.
21. Sultan Ezi, call out to us (to encourage us)!

Together we will gather behind you
Do not abandon us into the hands of the Shari‘a.
22. Sultan Ezi, first you have freedom from sin

You are the lord of (our) beliefs
You stand at the Silat Bridge.
23. Look upon us with the eye of compassion

With the eye of mercy
Take an interest in us and in all the Tradition.
24. All who come hurrying to the Tradition

Mount swift horses
With those commoners they will go to war.
25. Oh Melik Sherfedin, you will be worshipped by the Tra-

dition
In battle you are not weak
You are not asleep in the saddle.
26. Melik Sherfedin is together (with his people)

The assembly is convened
APPENDIX II 513
All pay homage to the fame and memory of Sultan Ezi.
27. The Feqirs will come to us seeking distinction (in battle?)

Our religion is Sherfedin and our belief is (in) Ezi
It is they who will answer our calls (for help).
28. At (our) calls and at (times of) intercession

For the sake of dear ones and (spiritual) leaders
Sultan Ezi, answer our calls!
29. Let all the commoners of Lalish come to answer our calls
Let them gather at the Mosque of the Umayyads(?)
So that Sultan Ezi will answer our calls.
30. All nights, all days

The House of Tradition is free from sin, free from guilt, sin-
cere
This world is in the hands of the Shari‘a, for us it has be-
come a hell.
31. All nights, all days

The prayer of the House of Tradition is always:
Melik Sherfedin, come out of the Cave for us!
32. Thus speaks Melik Sherfedin:

If Sheikh Shems will show us favours
(If) he removes the curtain from the Cave,
My mule is always saddled.
33. I would keep my mule saddled all the time

I would convene an assembly of Sheikhs, Pirs, Mirids and
Feqirs
I would conquer the world with it.
34. I would conquer this transitory (world)

At the command of Sultan Ezi they would march
To (occupy) the Seat of the Ruler
Look what happened too those unbelievers, what tran-
spired!
35. One day I will go

I will take the army of Sultan Ezi with me
I will shatter the transitory world
What shall I do to those unbelievers?
36. For a long time I have been prepared for this service
I am indebted to the King of the world and the hereafter
Oh Sultan Ezi, give me your command for the sake of
the Tradition.
37. It will be so at that time:

We shall declare our allegiance to Sheikh Adi
Our place of pilgrimage will be the Zemzem, our direc-
tion of prayer the White Spring.
38. At that time the Mirids will be there

Our belief will be (in) Sultan Ezi
Our place of pilgrimage will be the Zemzem, our direc-
tion of prayer the White Spring.
39. At that time (the world) will have faith

The aim of our pilgrimage will be the Sultan
Pir Reshe Heyran, the poor one of all time, will be (your)
brother!
We are deficient, God and Sheikh Adi are perfect.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Primary Sources
Acta Ioannis. In Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, vol. II.1. Ed. M. Bon-

net, 151-215 (Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1898).
Acts of John (Acta Johannis). Trans. K. Schäferdiek. In New Testament

Apocrypha, vol. 2, Writings Relating to the Apostles, Apoca-
lypses and Related Subjects. Ed. Wilhelm Schneemelcher,
English trans. ed. by R. McL. Wilson, 152-212 (Cambridge:
James Clark, 1992).
Acta Petri. In Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, vol. 1. Ed. R. A. Lipsius

and M. Bonnet, 45-103 (Leipzig: Mendelssohn, 1891).
Acts of Peter (Acta Petri). Trans. W Schneemelcher. In New Testament

Apocrypha, vol. 2, Writings Relating to the Apostles, Apoca-
lypses and Related Subjects. Ed. Wilhelm Schneemelcher,
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INDEX
Abbasids, 54, 55, 195 Armenia, 4, 6, 36, 52, 53, 101,

Abel, 335, 337, 341, 342, 343, 176, 342, 395, 401
347, 351, 352 Aryans, 142, 143, 144
Abercius, 393 Assyrians, 36, 37, 69, 85, 86,
Abgar, 394–97 132, 140, 141
Adam Books, 170, 171 Audians, 359
Adamas, 341, 344, 345, 346 Autumn Festival. See Sheikh
Adani, 2, 92, 122 Adi Festival
Adanis, 92 Baba Chawush, 97, 162
Adiabene,, 37, 40 Baba Sheikh, 32, 39, 97, 142, 152,
ahiret kardeşliĝi, 65 162
ahl al-kitab, 62 Babylonians, 69, 86, 132, 169,
Ahl-i Haqq, 4, 10, 17, 57–59, 64, 386
65, 66, 107, 141, 164, 165, Badr al-Din Lu’lu, 73
167, 180, 204, 258, 362, 409 baptism
Aion, 383–88, 390, 391, 399, Christian baptism, 170, 189,
538 232, 234, 236, 239, 313,
Aleppo, 35, 76, 79, 95, 97, 98 315, See
Alevis, 10, 64, 65, 66, 409 Gnostic baptism, 237, 238,
al-Hallaj, Mansur, 55, 113, 133 239, 262, 282
Ali, ibn Talib, 55, 59, 60, 64, Mandaean baptism, 62, 253
108, 162, 163, 330, 334, 351, Yezidi baptism, 62, 258, 263,
362, 366, 367, 376, 377, 402 299
al-Khidr, 23, 212, 213 batini, 214, 323, 335
Allogenes, 339, 343, 352 Bayazid Bastami, 32, 55, 113,
al-Maqrizi, 74 144
Al-Ya’qūbi, 179 Be’eka, 70, 97
an-Nadim, Ibn, 53, 55, 250, 251, Behzani, 29, 31, 33, 40, 66, 96,
290, 351, 352 97, 128, 132, 135, 163, 167,
Arbela, 37, 39, 40, 41 233, 265, 335
545

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God, the Angels and the Khas in Traditional Yezidi Belief...106

The book presently published by Gorgias Press, based on

SOME REMARKS ON METHODOLOGY

LATE ANTIQUE OR GNOSTIC MOTIFS?

spectacular and controversial element in Gnosticism, does not de-

LIVING AMONG THE PEOPLE

I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all

her moral support. I am also grateful to Csilla Dobos, our depart-

AJSLL The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Lit-

Yezidis are a Kurdish-speaking religious minority of a few hundred

1 The Peacock Angel (Tawusi Melek), believed to be the chief of an-

of such motifs and myths would help to explain some elements of

Yezidi oral tradition and comprehending their religion was, until

3 Following the conventions of linguistics I will use “text” for both

Institut Français de Damas, 1936), 54, 55, 60.

shown … Little attention was paid to the ways in which Yezidis

7 C. Allison, The Yezidi Oral Tradition in Iraqi Kurdistan (Richmond:

Kurdish people who follow a heterodox form of Islam. Though officially,

in Recurrent Patterns in Iranian Religions: From Mazdaism to Sufism, ed. P. Gi-

tions for research, partly due to the relative abundance of texts it

gnoux (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes:

One of the features of Yezidism which induced researchers to

11 A.v. Haxthausen, Transkaukasia (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1856),

hervorgegangen zu sein scheinen,” in Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen, ed. J.L.

“chelebi”) Zapiski Vostochnovo Otdeleniya Imperatorskovo Russkovo

name with that of Addai, one of Mani’s apostles sent to northern

and Platonic philosophy that attracted the Edessan intellectual’s attention,

Books,” JRAS (1916): 512 and 516.

druckerei der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1856), quoted

Ssabier und der Ssabismus.

daean origin to Yezidis, actually says (though without giving ex-

19 A. Layard, Niniveh and its Remains (London: Muray, 1849), vol. I.

Mission to Mesopotamia and Coordistan in 1842-1844, vol 1. (London: Joseph

“stone sky” enclosing the world like an eggshell, see P. Kreyenbroek,

In this study, instead of making sweeping generalizations, I

be found among other groups in the Middle East, from so-called

23 The use of the word “popular” has become increasingly questioned

decades, though most studies concentrate on sociological elements, rather

true (perhaps even to a greater extent) of the “popular” religious

26 Speaking of Christian oral traditions in Iraq, J. Walker states that

plinary Research,” in Syncretistic Religious Communities in the Near East, ed. K.

have to be addressed as far as possible. These include the follow-

“LATE ANTIQUE” MOTIFS

When I started my research my aim was to work on Gnostic motifs

29 Gnosticism (which is usually dated as roughly lasting from the mid-

of Gnosticism. Other motifs are equally likely to have come from

30 Though we know practically nothing of the history of the Kurdish

“orthodoxy” and “heresy,” especially in the Syriac speaking territories, see

plex ‘symbiosis’ wherein Jewish, Christian, Zoroastrian, Gnostic

chomian monastery, proving that heterodox works were once routinely

mately Jewish origin - one of those characteristic features which these

both composed in Syriac.

Christians would have been illiterate, or semi-literate, “the church’s

THE NATURE OF ORAL TRADITION: TRADITION AND

It must be understood that oral tradition, whether today, in Late