This article examines textual variants in the text of 4 Maccabees as presented in Codex Alexandrinus. This study seeks to show that the reader of Alexandrinus would be more likely to give assent to the author's thesis. Textual Criticism is not normally a topic which causes many to raise eyebrows in interest.
This article examines textual variants in the text of 4 Maccabees as presented in Codex Alexandrinus. This study seeks to show that the reader of Alexandrinus would be more likely to give assent to the author's thesis. Textual Criticism is not normally a topic which causes many to raise eyebrows in interest.
This article examines textual variants in the text of 4 Maccabees as presented in Codex Alexandrinus. This study seeks to show that the reader of Alexandrinus would be more likely to give assent to the author's thesis. Textual Criticism is not normally a topic which causes many to raise eyebrows in interest.
This article examines textual variants in the text of 4 Maccabees as presented in Codex Alexandrinus. This study seeks to show that the reader of Alexandrinus would be more likely to give assent to the author's thesis. Textual Criticism is not normally a topic which causes many to raise eyebrows in interest.
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Journal for the study of the Pseudepigrapha
Vol 17.3 (2008): 207-231
2008 SAGE Publications, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore DOI: 10.1177/0951820708089936 http://JSP.sagepub.com The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees * MARCUS P. ADAMS Department of Philosophy, Western Michigan University, 1903 W Michigan Ave. Kalamazoo, MI 49009, USA Abstract This article examines textual variants in the text of 4 Maccabees as presented in Codex Alexandrinus. The specic variant trends from Alexandrinus discussed in this study relate to the portrayal of the abilities of the Torah and reason, the diminished rewards the martyrs receive, how the torturers and torture acts are described, how the martyrs direct speech about these torture acts is presented, and the manner in which the mother of the martyrs is domesticated. Rather than providing an etiology for these variants by attributing them to scribal intentionality, this study seeks to show that the reader of Alexandrinus would be more likely to give assent to the authors thesis, namely, that pious reason is the supreme master of the passions because of the manner in which the martyrs and their tortures are depicted. Additionally, Alexandrinus provides its reader with a more vivid picture of the training the Torah provides and with a more domesti- cated representation of the martyrs mother. This article is thus focused on how the text of Alexandrinus would affect its reader differently than todays eclectic text. Keywords: 4 Maccabees, Textual Criticism, Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Sinaiticus, Jewish Philosophy, Torah, Ancient Torture * I would like to thank David deSilva and John Byron for extensive comments and feedback on an earlier draft of this article. A condensed version of this study was presented at the 2006 SBL National Meeting in Washington, DC and the 2006 Eastern Biblical Society Meeting in Erie, PA. I thank the particpants at these conferences for their helpful comments. 208 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) Textual criticism is not normally a topic which causes many to raise eyebrows in interest. The mention of a text critic may bring to mind a lonely individual locked away in a small library cell endlessly inspecting manuscripts, letter by letter and folio by folio. To a certain extent this picture is true. On the other hand, text critics have made many exciting discoveries in the past century alone which have changed the face of theology and biblical studies. The focus of textual criticism, however, has undergone a change in the past several decades. Whereas textual criticism in the past was primarily concerned with constructing a hypo- thetical original text, textual criticism is now looking, in many ways, beyond such a product to other areas. Rather than viewing this hypotheti- cal text as an end in itself, scholars today are viewing particular manu- scripts as windows into the world of (a) scribe(s) at a particular time in history. With this in mind, there has been much work done to see how particular scribes actively shaped and molded texts to suit particular ideologies or theologies. 1 In addition to viewing manuscripts as windows into scribal tendencies, it is also important to consider that each manuscript served as the Scripture text for a particular community at a certain time and place. Variants which may appear as small, insignicant readings at the bottom of a page in a critical edition of the Greek Bible may have been the only representation of a text a community had available. In many cases the average scribe did not have available to him several manuscripts with readings that differed signicantly. This being the case, the unique vari- ants provided by a manuscript shed light on what a particular community with access to that manuscript would have read. Each manuscript with its own distinctive variants would have pro- vided a different depiction of the text being represented. Some texts would have provided a more realistic or graphic narrative. In others, arguments or rhetorical features may have appeared as embellished to the reader. Still others may have provided a more toned-down picture of certain elements, such as with items relating to disputed theological issues. Whatever the case, each manuscript provided a different repre- sentation to each community because of its own unique characteristics and tendencies. It is with these interests in mind that the present study developed. The book of 4 Maccabees as represented in Codex Sinaiticus (hereafter S) 1. See, e.g., Epp 1966. More recent investigations of this sort are Ehrman 1995 and 2000. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 209 has already been examined by David A. deSilva (2006c). Several trends emerged from deSilvas study of S that illuminate how an ancient reader would have experienced its text differently than the modern reader with an eclectic text at his or her disposal. These trends in S include a philoso- phical demonstration which is enhanced by its description of the mother and the brothers, a narrative demonstration which is slightly more vivid, and an emphasis on virtue and victory in the encomiastic sections (deSilva 2006c). With this study by deSilva as a model I have examined the text of 4 Maccabees as it appears in Codex Alexandrinus (hereafter A). Together with deSilvas analysis of S, the present study represents a treatment of the only other major codex which contains 4 Maccabees in its entirety. 2 In reconstructing the text of 4 Maccabees I worked with a photocopy of the full-size facsimile of A as well as the more readily available reduced- size facsimile. Through my perusal of the uncial text, several trends emerged which indicate that the reader of 4 Maccabees as it stands in A would have experienced the text differently than the reader of todays eclectic text. 3 While it is certainly true that many of the signicant textual variants discussed in this study are available to any reader of the eclectic text, larger trends beyond those at the individual verse level would be easily missed. It is with these trends that the majority of this article will be concerned. 4 2. Hadas (1953: 135-36) notes that the book of 4 Maccabees is represented in its entirety only in A and S. Roughly two-thirds of the text is also represented in codex Venetus. 3. Most readers of 4 Maccabees today would encounter the text as found in the NRSV, which is based upon Ralphss eclectic text. 4. In addition to the trends which will be discussed in this article, I discovered signicant differences in reading occurring at the following points in A: 1.6, 7, 8, 9, 20, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 35; 2.2, 6, 11, 13, 14, 20, 24; 3.2, 4, 7, 12, 14, 18; 4.8, 9, 13, 19, 20, 21, 24; 5.1, 2, 4, 9, 11, 13, 18, 20, 23-24, 27, 30, 33, 34, 38; 6.9, 11, 15, 20, 25, 32; 7.3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23; 8.2, 3, 5, 7, 9, 17, 19, 25; 9.2, 6, 8, 11, 14, 17, 18, 19, 23, 26, 28, 31; 10.2, 4, 6, 7; 11.5, 7-8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 24; 12.2, 6, 12, 16, 17; 13.2, 3, 9, 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26; 14.1, 2, 3, 6; 15.4, 6, 13, 14, 20, 21, 31, 32; 16.3, 14, 17, 20- 21, 23, 25; 17.1, 3, 4, 6, 9; 17.12, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20-21; 18.9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 16, 19, 23. Additionally, there is a dot following the names or titles of certain characters in A that will not be discussed in this article. At many places in the A text of 4 Maccabees, the reader encounters punctuation dots placed at the mid-point, in terms of height, of the text line (see Swete 1914: 126, for a discussion of the punctuation dots in A). This is a consis- tent trend throughout A. This dot following the names or titles of certain individuals in A is distinct, however, since it is placed slightly above the text line and also since it appears to be written more rmly than the ubiquitous punctuation dot and in a slightly curved 210 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) Before addressing these trends, however, it is important to note a signicant difference between the text of 4 Maccabees as it is presented in A and the text as it is presented in S. While evidence from ultra-violet examination has shown that the scribes of S erased and replaced text at several points (Metzger 1981: 77), many corrections to the text of 4 Maccabees were made in S without causing the original reading to be unintelligible. 5 The scribes of A, however, have made numerous correc- tions by erasing and replacing text. Thus, at many points the original reading in A has been lost. Therefore, since the original hand has been obscured in most points at which the corrector has changed the text, the trends my study has discovered will present readings which usually have either only the original reading or the corrected reading available. 1. A More Dynamic View of the Abilities of the Torah and Reason The book of 4 Maccabees presents itself as a philosophical text which sets forth to show that pious reason is sovereign (ocxotooxo) over fashion at points (cf. especially 13.17). Rather than using the nomina sacra normally associated with revered persons such as patriarchs, at the following points throughout the text of A the scribe placed this supralinear dot following the names of patriarchs: 2.19; 6.17, 22; 7.19; 13.12, 17; 14.20; 15.28; 16.20, 25; 17.6. The scribe also used this same dot following Daniels name at 16.21 and following the article in the phrase the sanctied (oi yioout voi) at 17.19. This dot seems to encourage a certain reverence for the character that it follows. Surprisingly the mother of the seven brothers also receives this dot at several places in the text of A. At most points her title as mother is represented with either the standard nomen sacrum M|P or with the term uxp, but there are three occasions where she appears to receive this dot (15.14; 16.12, 24). Upon seeing this dot following the mothers name the reader of A may have attributed patriarchal importance to the mother, not surprising since the third time the dot appears is following the term txouxcp which, given its similarity to the nearby term in 16.20 used to describe Isaac as the father of a nation (tvoo xopo; see Hadas 1953: 230, for a discussion of this term), may have patriarchal connotations. These references where the mother receives this dot would enhance the degree to which the reader of A would view the Torah as cultivating mastery of the passions and augment the authors view that the mothers endurance is the ultimate proof that decisively determines it must be admitted that devout reason is sovereign over the emotions (16.1). 5. I have also worked through the text of S while proong the reconstruction by David A. deSilva in his recent Brill commentary. DeSilva discusses the state of Ss text in more detail but notes specically that the correctors worked carefully so as to not obscure the original reading (2006a: xl). ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 211 the passions (1.1). 6 The author seeks to demonstrate (titivcooi, 1.7) this thesis by providing narrative examples of individuals who were able, as a consequence of their training in the Torah, completely to master their passions, suffer many tortures, and even die for the sake of virtue (1.7-8). 7 The examples the author provides as the best possible proofs are the sufferings and deaths of Eleazar, the seven brothers, and the mother of these brothers. The author of 4 Maccabees provides a different solution for mastery of the passions than most philosophers in the Greco-Roman world. 8 The author states it is by pious reason (tcotp oyiouo) that mastery of the passions is possible. The solution tcotp oyiouo is directly tied to the authors own presuppositions about the function of the Torah. In 4 Maccabees, then, this concept of tcotp oyiouo becomes a sort of leitmotif for rm obedience to the Torah (deSilva 1995: 37). That is, the author believes the fulllment of the ideals of Greco-Roman philosophy, namely mastery of the passions and the pursuit of virtue, is not only possible through adherence to the Torah but moreover that the Torah provides the best training for the achievement of these ideals. Since it is pious reason (tcotp oyiouo) the author seeks to promote as the means by which individuals may master the passions, it seems protable to examine rst how the reader of A would view this key concept. Through my examination of A, several instances emerged in which the reader would be provided with a more dynamic view of the abilities of pious reason and the Torah. Some of these variants to be discussed are most likely the result of a scribal error. This study will not, however, examine the cause of these variants but rather only address how the ancient reader would have been affected differently by them. 6. Unless otherwise noted, English language references which represent an eclectic text will be from the NRSV. The readings from A will be my translation. 7. For discussion of the authors thesis, see Redditt 1983: 249; van Henten 1997: 58. 8. It is impossible to assign the philosophical treatise the author of 4 Maccabees provides to one particular school of ancient philosophy. In 4 Maccabees scholars have found afnities to a variety of philosophical schools including the following: Platonic, Peripatetic and Stoic. For a discussion of the various schools to which this authors philosophy has been attributed, see Renehan 1972. It can denitely be said, however, that the author combines the views of the philoso- phies of his day with his own views of the Torah. David C. Aune (1994: 134) views the authors philosophy as a primarily Stoic one which is informed by his own particular understanding of Judaism. Whatever the case, the author of 4 Maccabees was well versed in both the Torah and the philosophies of his day. 212 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) During the authors portrayal of Joseph as one who resisted the temp- tation to engage in illicit sexual activity, A provides a reading which testies to a greater sphere of inuence for reason. Having displayed Joseph as one who nullied the frenzy of the passions by means of reason (c pcot xc oyiouc xov xcv oc v oi oxpov, 2.3), the author states reason is not only seen to rule over sexual desire, but even over every desire (oo ticui o, 2.4). Following these statements, A pro- vides an embellished view of the things over which reason has control. tiooiu ov cuo oxi xcv ticuticv poxtiv cvoxoi o oyiouo cotp oi xcv ccxicv x ioiooc v oocv. 9 I could persuade you all the more that reason is able to restrain the passions, just as also all [passions] that hinder one from justice. (2.6 A) Whereas the reading in Ralphss text (hereafter R) at 2.6 states that reason is able to restrain the emotions (oc v) that prevent one from justice, A represents reason as holding back all passions that prevent one from justice. In the preceding verses (2.3-5), the author moves from par- ticular to general as a strategy for demonstrating that reason has mastery of over all desires. Joseph serves as the proof that a particular passion, namely sexual desire, may be mastered through reason (2.3-4). The author then relates this particular case of mastery to a more general one. That is, since the Torah prohibits coveting, which is a particular appli- cation, it is possible to show that reason is able to master all passions, a general application (2.6a). The term oocv in 2.6b embellishes the readers view of the capacity of the Torah to master the particular pas- sions that prevent one from acting justly. 10 Thus, the reader of A may be encouraged to imagine other passions preventative of justice over which reason exerts control that are not mentioned by the author in 2.7-9. Several verses later, as the author discusses the ability of reason to master anger, A provides another reading which presents a depiction of the power of reason that is more expansive than the description R pro- vides. After presenting a quote from Jacob condemning the irrational actions of those who killed the Shechemites (2.19), the author notes in a contra-factual condition that reason must certainly be able to control anger (xoc cuoc) since Jacob made such a statement (2.20). Rather than seeing reason as being able to govern the singular emotion of anger, 9. I have changed instances of itacismus in A to standard spellings. 10. Justice is a central theme the author addresses. The educative function of the Torah with regard to justice is embellished in A later at 5.24 (discussed below). ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 213 however, the reader of A views reason as governing the angry emotions or outbursts of passion (xcv cucv). 11 Thus, reason is not just able to control one angry emotion, namely anger, but multiple angry emotions. While, admittedly, this does not provide a deviation in meaning from the reading in R, it does provide an expanded depiction of the purview of reason. Another variant reading in A which contributes to a more dynamic view of pious reason occurs in the hypothetical objection to the authors thesis at 2.24. In the protasis of the hypothetical objection, where R describes reason as master of the emotions (xcv ocv too x toxiv o oyiouo), A uses a form of the verb poxt c and reads reason con- trols the passions (xcv oc v o oyiouo poxti). Given the occur- rence of poxtc once already in this verse and once in the following verse (tipoxtiv, 3.1) in R, this third instance found in A reinforces the idea that reason truly controls the emotions. In A this treble repetition of the pox- root in these two verses would further emphasize to the reader this function of pious reason. Within the authors later account of Eleazars debate with Antiochus in ch. 5, A provides its reader with a string of variants in 5.23-24 which give an expanded and more vivid view of the Torahs teaching activity in the life of the one in whom it is habituating the practice of pious reason. Having told Eleazar to wake up from his foolish philosophy (5.11) and having encouraged Eleazar to eat the pork being offered since even if there is some power (xic voui, 5.13) watching over his religion it would surely not hold him accountable for an act committed while under duress, Antiochus grants Eleazar permission to speak (5.15). Seizing the opportunity to respond to Antiochus derision, Eleazar expresses his commitment to the Torah and its teachings, reecting that this commit- ment is that of the Jewish people as well by his use of rst person plural language (5.16-27). In representing the functions of the Torah that Eleazar lists, A emphasizes the educative training which it provides to its students: 11. The rst meaning follows the denition for cuo provided in Lust, Eynikel, and Hauspie 2003: 280. In a plural use the term cuo can also refer to ts of anger (LSJ, p. 810, col. 1) as it is used in Aristotle, Rhet. 1390a11 or in a more general sense to passions. Given the context in 4 Macc. 2 referring to actions relating to anger (e.g. 2.17, 19), it seems best to view this term here as referring specically to anger, but providing an expanded view since it is angry emotions over which reason has mastery. 214 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) ocpoocvv xt yop uo tio oti coxt oocv xcv ovcv oi tic- uic(v) poxtiv oi ovptiov tooti(v) coxt o vxo o vov tocoi c coutvtiv 12 But it teaches us self-control, so that we master all passions and desires, and so that it trains us in courage so that we endure any suffering willingly. (5.23 A) ocpoocvv xt yop uo tio oti coxt oocv xcv ovcv oi ticuicv poxtiv oi ovptiov tooti coxt o vxo o vov t ocoi c coutvtiv But it teaches us self-control, so that we master all pleasures and desires, and it also trains us in courage, so that we endure any suffering willingly. (5.23 R) The use of the present innitive tootiv at 5.23 in A rather than the indicative verb tooti found in R causes the reader to view this training as part of the result of the teaching activity of the Torah. This activity can be viewed as such because tootiv is governed by the conjunction coxt. That is, the reader of A understands that rather than viewing training for courage as a separate activity, an intended result of which is willingness to endure suffering, this component of the work of the Torah is a result of its teaching. Not only does the Torah teach self-control with the result that its students master the passions and with the result that it trains in courage, but the training which it provides results in its students developing a willingness to endure suffering. The depiction in A, then, is more of a linear progression so that all these activities in which the Torah engages can be traced back to its teaching activity. Redditt regards this mention by Eleazar of the training of the Torah as highlighting its function to provide encouragement to the faithful (1983: 253). The reader of A would therefore understand that the Torah primarily functions to teach and that one result of this teaching is the training by which it encourages its students to endure. Another instance in which the teaching activity of the Torah in the life of its students is highlighted is found in the following verse. At 5.24 the verbs instructs (oitc ti) and teaches thoroughly (tio oti) in R are reected with present innitives in A: 12. The characters in parentheses indicate where for a nu the scribe has used a macron over the preceding vowel. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 215 oi ioiooc v(v) oitctiv coxt io o vxc(v) xcv cv tioovoutiv oi tcotptiov iootiv coxt uo vov xov ovxo ON ot ptiv utyooptc. and so that it instructs us in justice so that we render what is due in all our dealings, and so that it teaches us piety so that we worship the only living God magnicently. (5.24 A) oi ioioocvv oitcti coxt io o vxcv xcv cv ioovoutiv oi tcotptiov tio oti coxt uo vov xov ovxo tov ot ptiv utyooptc it instructs us in justice, so that in all our dealings we act impartially, and it teaches us piety, so that with proper reverence we worship the only living God. (5.24 R) These innitives in A at 5.24 are also governed by the conjunction coxt so the reader would view these as also being an intended result of tiooti from 5.23, but not in a direct sense. That is, given that there are several conjunctions (oi ) in the two verses, it seems the reader would view these results, namely training, instructing, and teaching, as occurring in a linear sequence which begins with the teaching of the Torah. Thus, a great deal of emphasis is placed on the teaching function of the Torah. Furthermore, these present innitives all describe the function of the Torah as it relates to the cultivation of virtues commonly accepted as honorable in Greco-Roman society. That is, the Torah cultivates self- control, courage, justice, and piety (deSilva 2006a: 134-36). Since Antiochus has derided the philosophy of the Jews (5.7, 11), this response by Eleazar seems to be an answer designed to show that, in fact, the Torah provides a means by which one can develop these virtues hailed as excellent by Greco-Roman ethicists (deSilva 2006a: 134). 13 The reading A provides, however, emphasizes the thorough teaching of the Torah as the foundation for the development of these virtues. It seems, then, that the Torah, rather than cultivating these virtues by separate activities, actually works toward producing these virtues in one continu- ous stream of activity beginning with its teaching. The reader of A encounters a philosophical system, namely the Torah, which is more uni- ed in its efforts to cultivate virtue in its students. Since A more vividly describes the teaching activity of the Torah by representing the linear progression of its activities, this directly enhances the degree to which its reader would view the Torah as providing a sound philosophical system against which Antiochus has hurled hollow accusations. 13. Hadas (1953: 173) also discusses these virtues and other sources in which they are referenced. 216 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) 2. Diminished Eternal Rewards for the Martyrs Throughout the text of 4 Maccabees a primary motivation for enduring suffering and accepting a violent death is the afterlife one receives after dying in such a way, provided the death is a noble one. For Eleazar and the seven brothers, a serious concern is what will happen to them after death (e.g. 7.19; 16.25). The ancient reader of 4 Maccabees may have wondered what the ultimate motivating factor was that encouraged these martyrs to die. That is, did the martyrs die only for the sake of what is good and true (i.e. a deontological reason) or did they die for the reward they would receive (i.e. a teleontological reason)? Of course, setting up the dilemma in such clear-cut categories may present a false ethical dichotomy, but concern about the motivation behind the martyrs actions would certainly creep into the mind of anyone familiar with these ethical distinctions. 14 The text of A provides several unique views about this issue of the rewards received by the martyrs for their suffering. In A the martyrs still receive an eternal reward, but it is less emphasized. Since the text of 4 Maccabees was preserved by Christian scribes in A, it is tempting to consider whether or not these variants were introduced by a scribe want- ing to rewrite the story. This is especially enticing because in A Eleazar is explicitly identied as a Hebrew (ti pc xo t x oyt Lppoio ovouoxi Ltoopo, 5.4 A) where other manuscripts, as well as R, simply refer to him as one man, Eleazar by name, leader of the ock. 14. It would be articial to attempt neatly to divide the martyrs motivations into these two categories. The martyrs were concerned both with justice and dying nobly as well as the afterlife. These two elements worked in tandem together and both inuenced their decision to die for the sake of virtue (1.7-8). The concept of justice, as well as the hope of an afterlife, is a theme which runs throughout 4 Maccabees. The martyrs concern for the divine justice which Antiochus will receive (e.g. 9.9) is a prime example. DeSilva (2006a: 174) notes that the martyrs considered the noble course (i.e. holding fast to the Torah) as the benecial one, despite the tortures they endured, because they held eternity in their view. This issue of virtue vs. benet is similar to the dilemma Socrates poses in Book 4 of The Republic. The question is whether one should act justly whether or not he or she is rewarded for it (Rep 4.444e-45a). In the end, Socrates concludes that benet will inevitably be received by the one who acts justly, either benet in this life or in whatever follows (Rep 10.613a-c). Thus, it appears one can act for the sake of virtue and be fully cognizant of the benet he or she will receive. As will be discussed below, for the reader of A, these variant readings swing the emphasis away from the benet the martyrs hope to receive as a result of their actions and encourage the view that the martyrs acted primarily out of a concern for virtue. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 217 After describing Eleazars torture in ch. 6, the author provides an enco- mium for him in ch. 7 which praises his endurance. Eleazars struggle is described using a nautical metaphor (7.1-3) which was a common way of describing kings who were successful in leading cities (deSilva 2006a: 150). Since the author of 4 Maccabees views the mind as functioning correctly when it rules over the other components of the body (2.21-23), it was not too far a stretch for him to apply this metaphor to Eleazar, who, through pious reason, allowed his mind to steer him through various trials. 15 Whereas the reader of R nds Eleazar completing his journey in the haven of immortal victory, the reader of A would be confronted with a different haven for Eleazar. in no way did he turn the rudder of religion until he sailed into the haven of the victory of death (xov x ovoxoc vi iutvo). (7.3 A) in no way did he turn the rudder of religion until he sailed into the haven of immortal victory (xov x oovoxoc vi iutvo). (7.3 R) Rather than viewing Eleazar as the recipient of eternal life (o ovo xoc), in A the reader encounters him as simply one who has arrived at the haven of the victory of death (ovo xoc). It is important to note this does not necessarily cast Eleazars actions in a pejorative light. This variant simply diminishes the degree to which the reader would view his actions (i.e. enduring torture and dying a noble death) as having an eternal effect. If this reading in A were the only one of this sort, then one could surmise that the damage done to the theme of an immortal reward for the martyrs may not be so severe, but this is not the case. Several other variants follow this trend of the martyrs receiving a diminished reward. The author devotes a large portion of the narrative proof to describing the tortures and deaths of the seven brothers (9.1012.19). Just prior to the rst brothers torture the author displays the brothers grouped about their mother as though a chorus (tv yopc ) (8.4). The tyrant is pleased at their appearance and offers them his friendship. The sort of friendship being offered by Antiochus (8.5), however, did not come without strings attached. 16 To gain this honorable title, the brothers would have to eat pork. In an effort to persuade them to forsake their Jewish ways he not 15. DeSilva (2006a: 150) quotes Philo Leg. 3.223-24 as a source for this comparison. See Hadas (1953: 183) for a discussion of Philos Abel et Caini 90 as it compares to the nautical metaphor in 4 Maccabees. 16. As Hadas (1953: 188) notes, this title Friend of the king was a regular title of honor. 218 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) only makes them an offer of friendship but also hopes to scare them into action by showing them the instruments of torture (8.12-14). After considering a hypothetical answer the brothers might have given if they were not courageous (8.16-26), the author depicts the brothers as stalwart in their opinion. As one voice they reply to Antiochus, Why do you delay, O tyrant? (8.299.1) and, taking courage from Eleazars example (9.6), encourage the tyrant to begin the tortures so they may be proven faithful. The fact that the author portrays the brothers as speak- ing with one voice together, as from one mind (8.29) is crucial because the reader would understand whatever follows to be the opinion of the entire group. Thus, any variant which occurs during this united statement will be especially helpful for determining how the reader of A would view the brothers: uti utv yop io xot x oooti o oi couov xo x optx oo oiooutv For we, through this severe suffering and endurance, shall win the prize of virtue. (9.8 A) uti utv yop io xot x oooti o oi couov xo x optx oo toutv oi toouto opo tc i ov oi ooyoutv For we, through this severe suffering and endurance, shall have the prize of virtue and shall be with God, on whose account we suffer. (9.8 R) This omission by A provides quite a different picture than the one R provides. Instead of taking hope in eternal retribution, in A the brothers only know they will win (oiooutv) the prize of virtue. With this reward the brothers receive signicantly less. Given the wide range of possible meanings for the term, it seems best to understand t pc in this context to mean carry off, win or gain in the sense that this action is accomplished by toil or trouble (LSJ, p. 1923, col. 2). 17 That is, the brothers understand they will die a noble death and as a result win the prize of virtue. This prize may or may not carry implications of eternal life. As with Eleazar, this does not place the struggle of the martyrs in a pejorative light but rather diminishes the degree to which the reader of A would see the brothers as receiving motivation from the hope for eternal life. 17. This variant in A provides a verbal link with the discussion of justice in the Republic. Here Socrates uses the same verb to describe what the just person receives in this life. In Rep 10.613c the just person is compared to an athlete who runs well at both the start and end of a race and as a result will have honor and bear away the prizes of people (xo oo opo xcv ovpccv tpovxoi). ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 219 The nal set of variants which would contribute to the reader of A viewing the martyrs as having received a diminished reward for their endurance occurs at the end of the second peroration, during the authors conclusion. In discussing the state of both the mother and her sons after their violent deaths (18.23), the author makes reference to the martyrs having received pure and immortal souls from God: oi t Appouioioi oit ocv x ooo pc MPl ti HPON ycpov ocvo- ytoovxoi |cyo oyvo oi ooopoc otio xt opo xoc OY But the sons of Abraham with their victorious mother are gathered together into the place of the fathers, and have received pure and victorious souls from God. (18.23 A) oi t Appouioioi oit ocv x ooo pc uxpi ti oxt pcv yopov ocvoytoovxoi |cyo oyvo oi oovoxoc otio xt opo xoc toc But the sons of Abraham with their victorious mother are gathered together into the chorus of the fathers, and have received pure and immortal souls from God. (18.23 R) The two variants in this verse which provide a diminished view of the reward the mother and her sons receive relate to the following: (1) where the martyrs will be following their deaths and (2) what they will receive from God. In A the reader nds that instead of the martyrs being in the chorus (yopov) of the fathers they are simply in the place (yc pov) of the fathers. The concept of a chorus presenting a unied group of individuals is a theme used by the author elsewhere in 4 Maccabees (e.g. 8.4; 13.8). The reading in A provides a more generic picture of the reward the martyrs receive. The second variant, which is a tentative suggestion for the original reading in A, provides a view which has the mother and her sons receiving souls from God which are victorious but not immortal. 18 These variants relating to the eternal reward the martyrs receive diminish the degree to which the reader of A would see them as acting for their own benet (i.e. acting so as to receive the reward of eternal 18. This variant ooopoc is the reading posited by Swete as the original reading in A. The corrector of A reads oovoxoc, which agrees with R. The reading ooopoc, a reading designated fortasse by Swete (1912) in his critical edition based on the text of A, is not one which is clearly evident but the facsimile does visibly show that -voxoc has been added on top of an erasure (super rasuram). This reading of ooopoc agrees with the reading in S. Although the original reading of A is uncertain due to the erasure, it was most likely a term other than oovoxoc. 220 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) life). Although it is tempting to attribute these variants to a Christian scribe with a desire to avoid showing Jewish martyrs receiving eternal life, there are several points at which eternal life is mentioned in A which lead away from this view. There are numerous references to eternal life which remain for the reader of A (e.g. 7.19; 15.3; 17.18). 19 This does not, however, decrease the signicance of the distinctive view of the martyrs motivation that A provides. Since less emphasis is placed on the reward to be received by the martyrs, A emphasizes virtue as that for the sake of which the martyrs suffered and died. 3. Distancing from the Tortures by the Martyrs and More Vivid Torture Scenes The tortures described in 4 Maccabees are violent and gruesome. The author embellishes his source (2 Macc. 67) by adapting the account to suit his rhetorical goals, especially reconguring the speeches by the martyrs and amplifying the encomia (van Henten 1997: 70-72). It seems these embellishments, as well as his desire to portray the tortures in such graphic detail, are related to his rhetorical objective. The author depicts the martyrs as suffering through some of the worst tortures imaginable so that the audience will see the degree to which the Torah provides training in pious reason and thus enables mastery of the passions (deSilva 2006a: xxvii). The authors reference to the hearers shuddering (14.9) seems to reect this desire to surprise the audience by describing the extreme nature of these tortures. Within the overall narrative proof, the tortures the mother and the brothers endure are used by the author to demonstrate their incredible self-control and ultimately their courage (Moore and Anderson 1998: 254). Thus, any embellishing or diminishing of these torture scenes would directly affect the authors rhetorical strategy and either increase or lessen the degree to which the reader would nd the narrative proof cogent. In the text of A there are two aspects of the torture scenes which are distinctive when compared to R. First, there is a sense that the seven brothers are in some way distanced from the tortures either occurring or 19. The mention of the patriarchs receiving eternal life at 7.19 is emphasized in A for two reasons: (1) the names of the patriarchs are set apart from the rest of the verse by asyndeton where in R they are not and (2) because of the dot Isaac receives following his name (cf. n. 6). Also, not only does the reference at 17.18 remain in A, but this entire verse is actually underlined in the manuscript, causing it to stand out to the reader. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 221 about to occur. These variants showing some form of distancing are found on the mouths of these characters when the author provides a direct quotation. Secondly, there is a more vivid manner in which the tortures or torturers are presented. These variants occur when the author describes the actions of the torturers in the third person. Since these two trends are integrally related to the overall picture the reader of A receives and the degree to which its reader would buy into the authors proof, it seems best to discuss them together. The majority of the variants relating to these two trends occur during the torture of the rst brother (9.10-25). This is tting since he is the rst of the brothers which the reader would encounter, thus making a greater impact at the outset of this crucial component of the narrative proof. The rst variant in this section relates to the manner in which the torturers are described. When at 9.11 R describes those commanded to torture the rst brother as guards (cooioxoi), A describes these individuals as scourgers (uooxioxoi). 20 This highlights the precise function of these individuals Antiochus calls forward since they are described later as beating the rst brother with whips (9.12). The second set of variants which affects the picture received by the reader of A is one in which the rst brother distances himself from the tortures which have occurred and which are sure to continue. Having already been beaten with whips and thrown onto the wheel (9.12), the brother is stretched around the wheel so that his limbs dislocate (9.13). As every one of his limbs becomes dislocated, the brother tells the tyrant he is being tortured only because he is a protector of the divine law and not because he has done something unjust (9.14-15). The brother refuses the offer of mercy from the guards and gives a response that shows his total commitment to the Torah (9.16-17). It is here the brother distances himself from what has occurred and what is to come: o t ti tv ocy ocxc ioycpo cucv toxiv o xpoo c uioipoi ioovoi coxt uoc xov oyiouov ooi xtuvtxt uoc ut oi cpocxt xo oopo oi oxptpocxoi xo o ppo He replied, You abominable lackeys, your manner is not so powerful as to lead away my reason. Cut my limbs, burn the esh, and twist the joints (9.17 A) 20. LSJ (p. 1083, col. 2) provides this meaning and notes that this terms only occurs as a varia lectio at this reference in 4 Maccabees. It is related to the noun uo oxi (whip, scourge). 222 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) o t ti tv ocy oc xc ioycpo cucv toxiv o xpoyo c uiopoi ioovoi coxt uoc xov oyiouov oyoi xtuvtxt uoc xo ut oi cpocxt uoc xo oo po oi oxptpocxt xo o ppo He replied, You abominable lackeys, your wheel is not so powerful as to strangle my reason. Cut my limbs, burn my esh, and twist the joints (9.17 R) For the reader of A the rst brother seems to describe a struggle which is more mental than physical. The wheel (xpoyo), which is a torture device on which the brother is placed, is mentioned earlier in the text (9.12) by the author when he describes the actions of the torturers, but the thing to which the brother himself refers is different. The term xpo o found in A relates to a persons manner, ways, habits, or character (LSJ, p. 1827, col. 1). The use of xpo o not only exhibits a distancing from the torture the brother is undergoing but it also provides a link to Eleazars struggle. 21 The second variant in this verse also provides a picture of the rst brother distancing himself from the tortures. Rather than the graphic verb strangle (o yoi) which the reader of R encounters, A provides lead away (o oi). The nal variant in this verse makes the torture less personal in A by including one less personal pronoun than R. Where R reads burn my esh (cpocxt uoc xo oopo), A reads burn the esh (cpocxt xo oopo). The reader of A could certainly infer the posses- sive sense from its use with regard to the brothers limbs (uoc ut ), but the single use of uoc in A compared to the double use in R diminishes the degree to which the reader would view this as a personal act against the brothers body. Since two of these variants are the result of only a one- letter difference between A and R, they are most likely the result of an error by the scribe of A. Whatever their cause may be, however, these variants do provide a distanced account of the torture scene to the reader of A. After this statement in 9.17, the rst brother continues by telling the tyrant he will convince him through his endurance that the Hebrews alone are invincible where virtue is concerned (9.18). While the rst brother is speaking, the torturers start inicting suffering on him again 21. The term xpo o is used elsewhere in the text of 4 Maccabees (cf. 4 Macc. 1.29; 2.7; 4.1, 24; 5.14, 17; 6.1, 5; 7.3; 9.15, 29; 10.7; 11.4, 10; 12.13; 15.4; 18.1). One reference which relates to the verse at hand is 4 Macc. 5.14 where the author uses xpoo to refer to Antiochus method of urging Eleazar to eat pork (xocxov xov xpo ov t i xv ttouov oopooyiov toxpc vovxo xoc xcpo vvoc). ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 223 (9.19-21). The brother, though he is in the midst of excruciating pain, does not even groan but nobly endures (9.22). At this point the author again provides a quotation from the rst brother which would suggest to the reader of A that he has distanced himself from the tortures he is currently undergoing: Do not leave your post in my age (uoc xov oicvo) or renounce our courageous family ties. (9.23 A) Do not leave your post in my struggle (uoc xov oycvo) or renounce our courageous family ties. (9.23 R) If this variant occurred at only one point in the text of A it would seem this is simply the result of an understandable scribal error. That is, a scribe confused an iota for a gamma, which is explicable given the high degree of similarity between the two characters in uncial Greek. This is certainly possible, but the agreement of A with S at this point decreases the likelihood of this being a simple orthographical error, 22 as also does the fact that this same variant occurs later in A during the sixth brothers speech: While being tortured he said, O age betting holiness (c itpoptoc oicvo), in which so many of us brothers have been summoned to an arena of sufferings for religion (11.20 A) While being tortured he said, O contest betting holiness (c itpoptoc oycvo), in which so many of us brothers have been summoned to an arena of sufferings for religion (11.20 R) Whatever the cause of these variants may beand it is not the purpose of this study to address this issuethe reader of A receives a different picture because of the term used by both brothers. It is signicant that in both instances where A reads age, the author is providing a direct quote from one of the brothers. 23 It seems the term oic v is best understood here as referring to a particular stretch of time (LSJ, p. 45, col. 2). That is, when used by the rst and sixth brother it is referring to the particular age in which the martyrs are suffering these tortures. Rather than nding these two brothers referencing the specic contest in which they are 22. See DeSilva 2006a: 179, for a discussion of the implications of this term. DeSilva suggests that in S oicvo might make sense if it is understood as referring to the challenges of the time in which the brothers nd themselves. 23. The term contest (oycv) occurs elsewhere in A but either on the lips of the mother (16.16), in an apostrophe (15.29), or during the authors review of the martyrs accomplishments (17.17). 224 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) engaged, namely the horrible tortures, the reader of A nds the more generic term age being used which refers in a much more general sense to the time period in which the events of this text occurred. As the rst brother nishes his speech and dies, everyone watching is amazed at his courageous spirit (9.25-26). Since Antiochus was unable to force the rst brother to capitulate, the guards bring the second eldest brother to the torture area, where the guards then donned their torture gear (9.26). It is here that A provides a more vivid description of the things with which the second brother will be tortured. Whereas R notes at 9.26 that the guards bound the brother to the torture machine (opyo vc) and catapult, A describes the guards binding the brother to the torture machines (xoi o pyovoi) and catapult. 24 The arthrous plural form of this term is found only in A and provides the reader with the opportunity to imagine what these other torture instruments in addition to the catapult might have been. This plural reference found in A may certainly cause the reader to wonder to which of the other torture devices referenced earlier in the text (8.13) this may refer. Another variant that further embellishes the torture of the second brother occurs two verses later. As the author describes the aying of the brother in much more graphic detail than it is described in 2 Macc. 7.7 (Hadas 1953: 197), the reader of R nds that the torturers ayed all his esh up to his chin (ut ypi xcv ytvti cv, 9.28). This is a gruesome scene which would make even the most stolid reader cringe. The reader of A, however, is provided with a particle that adds emphasis to the severity of the torturers actions: [they] ayed all the esh, even up to his chin (ut ypi yt xcv ytvticv, 9.28 A). 25 Having described the torture and glorious death of the second brother in detail, the author transitions to the torture of the third brother by describing those in the crowd who attempt to dissuade him from resisting the tyrant (10.1). The third brother, however, maintains solidarity with his brothers and declares his loyalty to the things in which he has been trained (10.2-3). Here at 10.6 A introduces a variant which, although 24. Whereas the NRSV and Hadas (1953: 199) suggest at least two torture machines are present by translating oi in 9.26 as a conjunction, deSilva (2006a: 33) translates it functioning as an epexegetical oi, so that the torture instrument and the catapult are the same object. The reading in A, however, provides the reader with multiple torture instruments to which the brother is attached. 25. LSJ (p. 340, col. 1) notes that the term yt gives emphasis to the word or words which it follows. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 225 most surely the result of a careless scribal metathesis, provides a more graphic description of the third brothers torture. Though the representa- tion of the guards breaking (tpitcv) his ngers and arms and legs and elbows is by no means pleasant, the depiction in A of them tearing asunder (tpitcv) 26 his ngers and arms and legs and elbows pro- vides a more vivid account of the torture. When the torturers decide the third brother will not yield to the tyrants will because of the torture instruments, they decide to take a more direct approach by scalping him. oi oxo ut vo xpo ov ioycovxt ocxov oyoi tpiocpovxt xo tpuo ocv opoi xoi xcv oxccv opcoi otoc iov Since they were not able in any way to break his spirit, tearing off his skin they scalped him with their ngernails in a Scythian fashion. (10.7 A) oi oxo ut vo xpoov ioyc ovxt ocxov oyoi tpicoovxt xo o pyovo ocv opoi xoi xcv oxccv opcoi otoc iov Since they were not able in any way to break his spirit, they abandoned the instruments and scalped him with their ngernails in a Scythian fashion. (10.7 R) Instead of nding the guards taking a moment to pause so as to lay down their instruments of torture, the reader of A is confronted with guards who, without a moments thought, proceed to tearing away (tpioc pov- xt) the third brothers skin (LSJ, p. 1389, col. 2). This added reference to the third brothers aying not only makes the scene more graphic but also provides a verbal link to the second brothers aying in 2 Macc. 7.7. There the guards are described with the same verb as tearing off the skin of his head with the hair (xo x to t puo ocv xoi piiv tpiocpovxt, 2 Macc. 7.7 R). The next signicant set of variants in A relating to the tortures occurs during the authors encomium for the seven brothers in ch. 13. The brothers have all suffered and died some of the most gruesome deaths imaginable and now the author praises their actions by providing an account of what the brothers accomplished and what their exhortations were to one another as they faced torture and death. 27 Having provided a 26. See LSJ (p. 534, col. 2) for this term. This term can also mean drag away (cf. also LSJ, p. 1372, col. 2). The rst reference is for the term ttc in LSJ and the second is where the prepostion tpi- is afxed to the verb. Swete (1912) accepts the variant tpitcv. 27. Hadas (1953: 210) describes 13.8-18 as an elaboration of the statement in 2 Macc. 7.5-6 where the brothers (and mother) simply encourage one another. 226 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) quotation spoken as a group by which the brothers encouraged one another (13.8-10), the author lists anonymous quotations that individual brothers spoke to each other (13.11-12). Following these references, the author, in a similar way to 8.29 discussed above, provides a quotation from the group which shows a distancing from the tortures. ocxc oovxo uo Appoou oi looo oi locp cot ovxoiu oxoioycv uo ott ut |tco xoc poooovo vxo Having suffered thus, Abraham and Isaac and Jacob will welcome us Do not put us to shame, brother, or betray the ones who have died before us. (13.17-18 A) ocxc yop ovovxo uo Appoou oi looo oi locp cot ovxoiu oxoioycv uo ott ut |tc o xoc poooovovxo ucv otoc For if we so die, Abraham and Isaac and Jacob will welcome us Do not put us to shame, brother, or betray the brothers who have died before us. (13.17- 18 R) Since this is a group quotation it provides the reader with a view of all the brothers at once. In 13.17 the reader of A nds this speech spoken jointly by all the brothers as more distant from the gruesome tortures because, rather than focusing on their imminent deaths, the brothers only focus on their suffering. The variant in 13.18 also provides a more distant and depersonalized perspective because the reference to the other brothers made by the the ones left behind omits the fact that it is their brothers who have already died. The reader of A might take xoc po- ooovovxo to mean the ones who have died before in a generic sense, namely all those before this time who have similarly died a noble death. Having thus displayed these variants relating to the torture of the seven brothers, the question which must be answered is the degree to which these variants would affect the experience of the reader of A. The variants providing a more graphic depiction of the tortures directly assist the authors desire to show the seven brothers as the ultimate examples of individuals who have mastered the passions. That is, the added tortures and more violent types of torture the reader of A nds make the brothers seem even more courageous and thus make the Torah look even more pedagogically effective. It is more difcult to determine how the second trend of torture scene variants relating to the manner in which the brothers are depicted through direct quotations would affect the reader of A differently. Would the reader of A view the brothers as acting more bravely when they avoid ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 227 focusing on the actual tortures and instead focus on the tyrant and guards (9.17)? Or would the reader of R nd the brothers to be braver because they are unafraid to mock directly and despise the tortures? Would the reader of A view the avoidance of speaking about their coming deaths (13.17-18) as less courageous? Or does the rendition in R where they openly discuss their deaths seem gutsier? It seems these trends would ultimately lead most readers to view the martyrs as more courageous because in A they avoid focusing on their immediate pain and instead focus their attention toward what is in store for them, namely a noble death and divine justice for those who are harming their physical bodies. Different readers may view these direct quotes differently, but it is clear that the overall proof has been enhanced by the more vivid depiction of the tortures. The reader of A would thus be more likely to aver that reason provides its students with mastery over the passions. 4. A Domestication of the Mother of the Seven Brothers The manner in which the mother of the seven brothers is depicted in 4 Maccabees has been the subject of numerous recent publications. 28 In Greco-Roman society, mastery was seen to be a masculine trait. Free men had this ability, namely the ability to master others such as women, children, and slaves, and this sort of mastery was justied if they had already mastered themselves (Moore and Anderson 1998: 250). In the text of 4 Maccabees the mother is presented as one who has completely mastered her passions and thus she is described as more courageous (ovpticxtpo, lit. manly) than men at 15.30. The mother is praised for her endurance through numerous apostrophes (e.g. 15.29; 16.14) and is even given the title of guardian of the law (vouoc o) at 15.32. In these references the mother is portrayed as one who was the teacher of her sons and who provided them with the encouragement they needed to die nobly. The authors depiction of the mother in 18.6-19, however, seems quite different. Stephen Moore and Janice Anderson view this section as an attempt by the author to bring the mother back into the patriarchal fold (1998: 270). Mary Rose DAngelo and Robin Young have similarly seen this section functioning to control the mother by placing her in a domes- tic setting (DAngelo 2003: 155-57; Young 1991: 79). Some have also 28, For example, see Young 1991; Moore and Anderson 1998; DAngelo 2003; deSilva 2006b. 228 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) viewed this passage as an interpolation, but it seems this can be rejected since these verses t well with other examples of a peroration. 29 The con- tribution of the present study is to show distinctive variants in A which would affect the readers view of the mother. The following quotations display these distinctive variants: While he was still with us (ocv uiv), he taught you the law and the prophets. He read to us (ui v) about Abel slain by Cain, and Isaac who was offered as a burnt offering, and about Joseph in prison. He told us (uiv) of the zeal of Phinehas, and he taught you about Hananiah, Azariah, and Mishael in the re He sang to us (uiv) songs of the psalmist David, who said, Many are the afictions of the righteous. He recounted to us (uiv) Solomons proverb, There is a tree of life for all who do his will. (18.10-16 A) 30 While he was still with you (ocv uiv), he taught you the law and the prophets. He read to you (uiv) about Abel slain by Cain, and Isaac who was offered as a burnt offering, and about Joseph in prison. He told you (uiv) of the zeal of Phinehas, and he taught you about Hananiah, Azariah, and Mishael in the re He sang to you (uiv) songs of the psalmist David, who said, Many are the afictions of the righteous. He recounted to you (uiv) Solomons proverb, There is a tree of life for those who do his will. (18.10- 16 R) The reader of A nds the mother included in the circle of those instructed by the father (18.10, 11, 12, 15, 16) in a way not found in the text of R (or the text of S for that matter) because of the abundance of plural rst person pronouns in A. 31 Although the mother is never the object of the verb iooc in these verses (e.g. 18.10, 12), she is included in the group of those to whom the father read (18.11), 32 spoke (18.12), sang (18.15), and recounted (lit. made proverbial, 18.16). These are all teaching roles that the father of the seven brothers assumes. If the mothers bravery and strong role in the lives of her sons is diminished in 18.6-19 to a 29. See deSilva 2006a: 256-57, for a discussion of the history of interpretations of this passage. Regarding how this passage functions as a peroration, deSilva (p. 257) specically mentions Thucydides, War 2.35-44, as a comparison. 30. The text of A also has the term ooiv in the authors quotation of LXX Prov. 3.18. This provides one more link to the Proverbs reference than R. 31. These variants are most likely the result of improper hearing on the part of the scribe of either A or S. Although the hearer would have been required to make a decision as to which pronoun was being spoken, the reader of A would have been confronted with only one option. See Metzger 1992: 190-92, for a discussion of personal pronouns and errors of hearing. 32. R. Bultmann (1964) discusses how ovoyivcoc and its cognate noun ovoyvcoi often refer specically to the reading or public reading of the Hebrew Bible. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 229 charming picture of domestic piety (Hadas 1953: 239), the description she receives in A is one in which her importance in the training of her children is even more diminished. The reader of A would be even more likely to view the mother as being relegated by the author to the student of her husband (DAngelo 2003: 156). 5. Conclusion The text of A presents a distinctive rendition of 4 Maccabees. This study has shown several trends which explain the way in which the reader of A would experience its text differently than the reader of todays eclectic text. Since I only desired to discuss broad trends that emerged through a reading of A, I have not discussed individual variants which would signicantly affect the meaning of the text at the verse level. The text of A provides the reader with a different portrayal of 4 Maccabees in several signicant ways. First, the abilities of the Torah and reason are presented in a more dynamic and expanded way. The reader of A would view the teaching function of the Torah as the foundational activity by which the Torah shapes and molds its students. Secondly, the benets the martyrs receive, namely some sort of eternal reward and existence with God, are diminished in A. These variant readings may be the result of anti-Judaic ideology on the part of the scribe, but caution should prevent such a drastic view since there are other references in A to the eternal rewards the martyrs receive which remain untouched. Whatever the case, the reader of A would be more likely to view the martyrs as acting more for the sake of virtue than for the sake of their own benet because of these variants. Thirdly, the torturers and tortures are discussed much more vividly and the brothers are depicted as distanced from their tortures and deaths. As a result, I have argued that the reader of A would be more likely to aver that pious reason is the sovereign ruler of the passions since the tortures the brothers endure in A are even more gruesome than those in R. Fourthly, if the mother, as some contend, is domesticated in the eclectic text, she is further domesticated in A during her second speech (18.6-19) by the manner in which she is portrayed as a student of her husband. The reader of A would thus view the mother as even more subject to her husbands authority than the reader of R. 33 These variants 33. Although n. 4 provides a theory of how, in other areas of the text, the reader of A might be lead to view the mother more reverently. 230 Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 17.3 (2008) in ch. 18 add one additional facet to the ongoing discussion of how the mother of 4 Maccabees in particular and how women in general were depicted in the literature of the Greco-Roman world. These variant trends that have emerged from my study of A point to the fact that the community having A in its possession would have understood 4 Maccabees differently than the reader of todays eclectic text. Such a study points to the plethora of texts circulating in antiquity and the impact that variant readings would have on readers of possessing only one manuscript. With this study both manuscripts which contain 4 Maccabees in its entirety have now been examined for variant trends which would affect the reader of each. Further studies of this sort might examine the partial representation of 4 Maccabees in codex Venetus as well as the text as it is represented in Syriac and in various fragments. Other studies could also examine how particular manuscripts provide different depictions of the text. For example, examining how the reader of A would be affected differently than the reader of S might be a protable study. This would prevent a dependence on the eclectic text and actually provide a description of what one ancient reader would have read vs. what another ancient reader would have read with a different manuscript in front of him or her. These examples show just several of the many ways in which textual criticism can move beyond simply constructing a hypothetical original text and provide a window into the world of ancient scribes and readers. Bibliography Aune, David C. 1994 Mastery of the Passions: Philo, 4 Maccabees and Earliest Christianity, in W.E. Helleman (ed.), Hellenization Revisited: Shaping a Christian Response within the Greco-Roman World (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1994): 125-58. Bultmann, R. 1964 ovoyivc oc, TDNT, I: 343-44. DAngelo, Mary R. 2003 Lcot ptio: Roman Imperial Values and the Sexual Politics of 4 Maccabees and the Pastorals, Bib Int 11: 136-65. DeSilva, D.A. 1995 The Noble Contest: Honor, Shame, and the Rhetorical Strategy of 4 Macca- bees, JSP 13: 31-57. 2006a 4 Maccabees (Leiden: Brill). 2006b The Perfection of Love for Offspring: Greek Representations of Maternal Affection and the Achievement of the Heroine of 4 Maccabees, NTS 52: 251-68. ADAMS The Alexandrinus Text of 4 Maccabees 231 2006c The Sinaiticus Text of 4 Maccabees, CBQ 68: 47-62. Epp, E.J. 1966 The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantebrigiensis in Acts (Cam- bridge: Cambridge University Press). Ehrman, B.D. 1995 The Text as Window: New Testament Manuscripts and the Social History of Early Christianity, in B.D. Ehrman and M.W. Holmes (eds.), The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research: Essays on the Status Quaestionis (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995): 361-79. 2000 Text and Transmission: The Historical Signicance of the Altered Text, TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism 5, available online at <http://purl.org/TC>. Hadas, M. 1953 The Third and Fourth Books of Maccabees (New York: Harper). Henten, J.W. van 1997 The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours of the Jewish People (Leiden: Brill). Lust, J., E. Eynikel, and K. Hauspie 2003 GreekEnglish Lexicon of the Septuagint (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesell- schaft). Metzger, Bruce M. 1981 Manuscripts of the Greek Bible: An Introduction to Greek Paleography (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press). 1992 The Text of the New Testament (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Moore, Stephen D., and Janice C. Anderson 1998 Taking it Like a Man: Masculinity in 4 Maccabees, JBL 117: 249-73. Redditt, P.L. 1983 The Concept of Nomos in Fourth Maccabees, CBQ 45: 249-70. Renehan, R. 1972 The Greek Philosophic Background of Fourth Maccabees, Rheinisches fr Philologie 115: 223-38. Swete, Henry B. 1912 The Old Testament in Greek According to the Septuagint (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press). 1914 An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Young, Robin D. 1991 The Woman with the Soul of Abraham: Traditions about the Mother of the Maccabean Martyrs, in Jill-Amy Levine (ed.), Women Like This: New Perspectives on Jewish Women in the Greco-Roman World (Atlanta: Scholars Press): 67-81.