HELLEN KAGOTHO FINAL PROJECT
HELLEN KAGOTHO FINAL PROJECT
HELLEN KAGOTHO FINAL PROJECT
THE DIGO
NOVEMBER, 2017
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DECLARATION
This research project is my original work and has not been presented for examination in any
other university.
C50/73937/2014
This research project has been subjected for examination with our approval as University
supervisors.
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ABSTRACT
This study investigates the Kayamba performance of the Digo people, in terms of its literary
aesthetics, the performance dynamics, and their impact on the therapeutic healing of the sick.
Kayamba healing ceremony is a ritual in Digo community performed publically by both men
and women in order to drive away evil spirits possessing a person. The study examines the
literary techniques in the oral poems and the performance dynamics. The study utilizes
ethnopoetics theory that aids in collection and analysis of the oral poetry, theory of
performance that interpret the performance ritual of the Kayamba performance and
psychoanalytic that interrogates and delves into the motives of the afflicted. The study was
field based in which data was collected through various methods analyzed and interpreted. The
study has applied both qualitative and quantitative methods of research design and data
collection.The inquiry concludes that the oral poetry and performance dynamics of the
Kayamba performance leads to spirit exorcism and therefore facilitate the therapeutic healing
of the afflicted. The study recommends that further research be conducted on whether the
Kayamba performance is used as a space by the Digo women as agency to gratify them against
wishes such as power and material possession not granted to them by the male dominated
society.
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this project to my dear son, Prudence – you have given me the joy of
motherhood, my loving mother, Mrs. Paskweline Kagotho, your prayers have kept me
going. All my siblings, my husband – Tom, and above all to God who is for ever
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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
My profound gratitude goes to my almighty God for the gift of knowledge, wisdom and
strength to complete this thesis successfully. I owe immense gratitude to my supervisors, Prof.
Wasamba and Dr. Muleka for their expertise, guidance and understanding - you were patient
with me through and through even when I seemed not to flow in your high level of intellect.
This research project would not have come to its present form without their invaluable input –
thanks again. I also express my utmost appreciation to Dr. Kimingich for providing me with
literary texts and other materials that were of great impact to this study. Dr. Kitata and
Prof. Kiiru I thank you for your guidance during my research. I also express my appreciation
to the entire teaching staff of the Department of Literature at the University of Nairobi for their
forever grateful to you. Bahati Ngazi, an artist in Digo orature, all the artist in Igiza and Imani
groups of performers, thanks for your input too. Many thanks to my fellow Masters students
for provided moral and intellectual company along the journey of this research. To you I shall
always feel indebted. Lastly I appreciate my family members for their encouragement through
the difficulties during my study and research and much more to my son Prudence who was
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
DECLARATION ...................................................................................................................... ii
ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. iii
DEDICATION ......................................................................................................................... iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENT ...........................................................................................................v
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2.4 The role of the exorcist and the possessed ..........................................................................28
2.5 Types of Spirits ...................................................................................................................30
2.6 The Role of Acoustics and the Oral Poetry in Spirit Possession .........................................32
2.7 Attendance during the Kayamba Ritual Healing and its Effects .........................................33
2.8 The Musical Ensemble and performance dynamics in the Kayamba Dance.......................36
2.9 Costumes, Props and Colour Symbolism in Kayamba Dance.............................................38
2.10 Legitimization of Kayamba Healing: The Coastal Traditional Healers ............................39
2.11 Apprenticeship in the Training of Exorcists ......................................................................39
2.12 The Digo Spirit Exorcism: A Case Study..........................................................................40
APPENDICES .........................................................................................................................87
Appendix 1: Interview Schedules ..............................................................................................87
Appendix 2 Protocol During Performance ................................................................................89
Appendix 3: Digo Words Related To Spirits Possession And Exorcism ..................................90
Appendix 4: Analytical Guide ...................................................................................................91
Appendix 5 : Songs in Digo and English ..................................................................................92
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Appendix 6: Interviews: ..........................................................................................................100
Appendix 7: Consent Forms ....................................................................................................107
Appendix 8: Pictorial...............................................................................................................116
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Spirit possession along the East African coastline and even globally has attracted a lot of
enquiry. A lot of research has been mounted in the field of anthropology, sociology,
musicology, ethnograpy and literature in an attempt to unravel the many facets of spirit
possession.
This area of inquiry is on the Digo performance during which spirit possession and exorcism
are experienced. Of greater interest are the significance of the Kayamba oral poetry techniques
and the dynamics of the performance rendered during the exorcism of the evil spirit inhabiting
communities. A number of communities in Kenya practice ritual healing to drive away evil
spirits that hold people captive through possession. They include Maasai, Taita, Kamba,
During my undergraduate oral literature field work that I conducted among the Digo people of
Kwale County in Msambweni in 2016, I developed interest in the oral poetry enacted during
the Kayamba performance. Of interest to me is the role played by the literary aesthetics in the
oral poetry and the performance dynamics in the therapeutic healing of the sick.
Digo people of Kenya live along the south coast and the adjacent hinterland of Kenya. They
are a sub-tribe of the Mijikenda community with whom they have a shared historical cradle
and cultural practice. According to many historical records (Spear 1977; 74; 1986, Gillette
1978; Mwanngudza 1983; Wills 1986, Park 2015), they came from a place called Shungwaya
in the 16th century. The Digo have a rich oral tradition which has a wealth of oral poetry and
dances that mark many of their traditional, ethno-social activities such as marriage ceremonies,
traditional worship of the deity, circumcision ceremonies and healing rituals. Healing rituals
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are facilitated through Kayamba performances. This community strongly believes in the
presence of the spirits both good and evil. During the healing ritual whose main focus is the
exorcism of the evil spirits, Kayamba oral poetry is performed. The oral poetry, the musical
instruments played and the dance are believed by the community to have therapeutic effects on
the sick.
Scholarship on oral poetry and healing can be traced to classical ethnographic discourses that
dealt with music in rituals of healing ceremonies in particular traditions. Works on American
Indians and their application of folk music in healing is documented (Densmore (1927:3,
Bauman: 1975:292). In Africa we have Zambia (Colson: 1969), Ethiopia (Lewis: 1991),
Nigeria (last: 1991, Echard: 1991:64). In Kenya communities experiencing spirit possession
and healing phenomenon in include Maasai (Hurskainen: 2006), Luo (Whisson: 1964), Kamba
Among the Digo, performance on healing takes several stages where each stage is marked
with oral poetry. While performing the healing ritual, different musical instruments are played
at each stage of the ritual performance. The main musical instrument deployed is the
Kayamba. In the first stage, the performers play the Kayamba. This is at the stage of appealing
to the evil spirits to leave the sick. During the actual exorcising stage where the spirits have
accepted to leave the sick, the community uses drums and other instruments as
accompaniments.
The study therefore examines the poetic techniques and performance dynamics in the
Kayamba Performance and their role in offering therapeutic healing to the possessed. The oral
poetry is performed during the traditional healing rituals in which the patient who is possessed
by evil spirit is treated through exorcism of the malevolent spirit by traditional medicine
persons (Mganga).
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1.2 Statement of the Research Problem
This study interrogates the artistic techniques and performance dynamics in Kayamba oral
carried out in a poetic manner. It is carried out to exorcise malevolent spirit residing in the
body of the afflicted person. This healing ceremony is still very relevant to the contemporary
society as an alternative form of medical care. This study is triggered by the curiosity to
explain the relationship between healing of the sick and plain oral poetry performance without
applying any tangible medicine and so the reason to investigate its mode of delivery as regards
1.3 Objectives
a) To investigate the kayamba oral poetry performance as a source of therapy for the sick.
1.4 Hypothesis
a) Kayamba oral performance is trusted among the Digo community as a source of therapeutic
healing.
b) The healing power in the kayamba oral performance is dependant upon how different
Kayamba healing performance is an alternative form of medical care in the Digo community.
The medical aspect is achieved through the healing ritual which is rendered in a poetic
manner. This study seeks to investigate the poetic strategies and the performance dynamics in
this oral poetry. The findings will boost the appreciation, appeal, legitimacy and relevance of
Kayamba performance among the Digo.This study will also contribute to scholarship in
African oral literature through poetic studies and how they relate to real life situations.
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1.6 Literature Review
The literature review explores what scholars have written on Orality and therapeutic healing. I
have demarcated the scholarship included in the literature review into different sections; the
historiography of the Digo people, literature on spirit possession and healing dynamics, and
finally scholarly works on oral poetry and healing among the Digo people.
Chiang (2008:31) distinguishes between ―Music Therapy‖ and ―Music and Healing‖. She
defines Music therapy as a western conventional that applies music as a device to heal people
mentally, physically and emotionally. The purpose of music therapy, she adds, is to improve
people‘s health, wellness, and life. Traditional music and healing is found in traditional
cultures of the developing countries. She reports that the many cultures in developing worlds
have a strong belief in the power to heal through ritual because modern medical care is often
not available or is expensive. Much of Chiang‘s research is on Music and its healing and not
Maccanley (1880) and Mathews (1884) both examine the application of music in healing in
Native American Indian environment. They argue that diseases and death are not natural but
are due to evil influence of spirits, ghost and witches. Robertson (1974) in an essay ―music as
therapy‖: A bio cultural problem‖ explores the application of songs in healing and its relation
to psychiatry.
The three scholars have it in common that music is applied in traditional healing as a way of
bringing wellness to the sick, what they have not shown is the how? How the type of music
mentioned facilitates therapeutic healing. In addition their findings are in the area of
musicology.
Friedson (1996) provides a study about ritual healing in Tumbuka-speaking people in Malawi,
in this community healing involves dancing Vimbuza (musical instruments) all night this
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results to a trance that provides the cause and treatment of the affliction affecting the sufferer.
Rouget (1985) examines the role of music and trance in therapeutic treatment in a cultural
context. He explores different types of trance and how they affect treatment on the sufferer.
His findings are mainly trance and its effect on the patient. Both Friedson and Rouget
illustrates the importance of the possessed gaining the state of trance, since according to them
that is when healing begins, they regard it as process that leads to successful exorcism but they
have not looked at the oral artistic that trigger the trance.
Radin (1948:5-7) acknowledges the power and efficacy of music in healing. He argues that the
folksong is a symbol of the healer‘s power with regards to his power over spirits and deity
(Ibid 22-23). His findings are in line with Chiang‘s study who describes healing music as
ritual and traditional music done to please the gods. Also in the same view is Steven
interrogates ritual healing tradition of the Tumbuka-speaking people of northern Malawi. The
healing ceremony involves dancing the spirit dance all night in an attempt to heal the afflicted
but the three of them have not looked at the internal structure of the healing ritual.
Sajal (2010:10) in an essay ―Tangomas‘ language: examines the role of oral literature in
herbal medicine practice among the Bakossi people of Cameroon. The essay examines the use
of poetic expression and dramatic dialogue to establish a rapport between man and the
supernatural forces in the process of healing. Sajal‘s concern in this essay is on the role of
orality in healing but has not examined the techniques in the said orality or even performance
Topan (1971: 20) explores the role of spirit songs in a spirit- mediumship cult of Mombasa.
He examines the implications of the songs within the context of the rituals in which they are
sung. The thesis is concerned with the spiritual impact of the deployment of oral literature in
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Kigunda (1975) examines the application of music in healing among the Christian and the
Kamba traditional healing and music. His study is mainly in music and not orature. Kiiru, in
Kenya, examines the oral poetry (dirge) and its power to offer therapeutic effects to the
bereaved, after the loss of a loved one. According to him music works as a therapy to assist the
bereaved persons to express the deepest human emotion that cannot be expressed through any
other form. His work is so much on the strategy applied to cope after the death of a loved one.
He has explored different ways of grieving as a way of relief, similar in a way, to Friedson, the
Dancing Prophets (1996) who also interrogates ritual in terms of dancing the spirit out to heal
the affected. Both of them have appraised music and dancing as a therapy but has not looked at
it interns of the techniques deployed to bring the effects of therapy to those affected by spirit
possession.
Historiographical literature in this study on oral poetry and Kayamba performance is relevant
because of a number of reasons. The literature confirms the existence of spirit possession and
the application of orature in the therapeutic healing of the possessed. The literature justifies the
treatment. It also demonstrates the historical predicaments of the Digo people after their
their encounter with slavery, colonialism, Islamization and post independent governments that
The history of the Digo people demonstrates the environment that provides grounds for
adherence to the belief in traditional healing music. Mwangundza (1983:24) looks at how the
Mijikenda came to Kenya, the meaning of Mijikenda, the organization of kayas (villages),
their family life, how they spent their time, and about their social organization and religion.
His work sheds some light on the general background of the Digo. Johnson has provided three
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traditional stories and some riddles which offer a rich background of oral history of the Digo;
however, he has not done any critical appraisal of Digo Kayamba Performances.
Turner (1981), an authority on Digo society and its history, has documented massive cultural
and historiographical information about Digo community in his two books: The kaya
Complex: A History of the Mijikenda People of the Kenyan Coast to 1900‘ and ‗Kenyan Past:
Introduction to Historical Methods in Africa”. He provides a detailed and a rich account of the
Mijikenda and their environment, history and economic expansion. In some aspects, he has
is that Mwangundza looks so much at the social economic factors of the Digo while Turner
explore into the history of the Digo, invasion, migration and settlement in their present
location. The historiographical perspective of the two historian shed lights on the social
dynamics of the community and their application of traditional healing approaches despite the
Gillette (1978) in her PhD thesis titled - Test of the Concept of backwardness: A Case Study of
Digo Society in Kenya argues that history and traditions play a role in explaining
backwardness of the Digo which is constrained by local conditions rather than backwardness.
The Thesis interrogates why the Digo are considered ―backward‖ and the economic and social
impact of the Kamba people who have settled in Digo. Gillette attributes the application of
Gillette‘s perspective has not interrogated the role of orality in the traditional healing of the
Digo but her argument has brought in an insider/ outsider dichotomy in the study of African
traditional practices like healing. Digo practice of Kayamba healing ceremony is an alternative
healthcare to modern medicine and not an aspect of backwardness. It is the skewed resource
distribution in the entire coast region that is partly responsible for the under development
experienced by the Digo community. What she looks at as backwardness would be considered
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David (2010), in his PhD thesis ‗Sacred Spaces, Political Authority, and the Dynamics of
Tradition in Mijikenda History‘, explores the social, political, and symbolic roles of the
Mijikenda kayas in the Coast Province of Kenya and the duality of their religious orientation-
Muslim and traditional religion, however he has not talked of healing through Kayamba
performance. Gillette and Bresnaham have shed some light on social and cultural factors
around the Digo community which contribute to our understanding of the environment that
A key subject in the scholarly study of spirit possession is the claim that women in cultures
where this practice is exists apply the ritual as a way of challenging male dominance. A
number of scholars have confirmed this claim (Gomm: 1975:530, Harris 1957:433, Lewis
1966:33, Messing 1958: 345, Parka in 1972:330, Shack: 1966:56, Wilson 1967:56 and Caplan
1968). Gomm (1975:530) reports that a majority of possessed victims are mainly women, both
the married and the betrothed. The betrothal is privately and secretely negotiated by parents
without the knowledge of the bride. Majority of Young bride in Digo community detest
arranged marriages by parents in which their opinion and consent is not sought. Roger Gomm
Ethno medical diagnosis interprets this ‗possession‘ as the god‘s objection to the bride being
married to the chosen suitor. Graham Furniss and Liz Gunner (1995) in Power, marginality
and African oral literature opines that oral Literature can be deployed as tool of significant
African oral literature, like other forms of popular culture, is not merely folksy, domestic
entertainment but a domain in which individuals in a variety of social roles are free to
comment on power relations in society. It can also be a significant agent of change capable of
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(Gomm: 1975:197) argues that The Kayamba dance is partly as a tool to bring back lost health
and wellbeing of the community and as a way of working for the interests of women who are
weak and downtrodden and have otherwise few effective means to press their claims for
attention and respect in relation to economic and social marginalization. The above scholars
challenge patriarchy. This study is concerned with the aesthetics of the deployment of literary
According to Uka (1991:45) African people believe in a host of spirits which inhabit all sorts
of places. Idowu (1973:173) calls the spirits as ―those entities which are almost abstract, as
possessed that confirms that indeed spirit possession is a ritual (Gomm 1975:535, Boddy:
1989:145, Lewis1998:109). Included in the above citations are the enumeration of the
manifestation of a possessed person which include; running amok, hitting people, fear,
anxiety, and mental confusion among other symptoms. These works only provide
The application of songs and dances in the traditional healing ceremonies has been reported by
a number of scholars. Caciola (2005:2928) reports that the elements of dance and music are
applied by many cultures in the world. The Digo healing ceremony involves exorcism of the
Dorit (1997:2) in an essay, ‗Understanding the Role of Folk Songs in Jewish-Israeli Culture:
Implications for Music Therapy‘ Emphasizes the importance of songs as a healing force. She
argues that ‗Expressing pain and processing it through singing is often followed by a new
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feeling of inner freedom that strengthens the person and allows them to make meaningful life
decisions.(2).
Densmore (1927:3) while writing on the use of music in the treatment of the American Indians
report that the potency in a song is not the power behind the cure for the affliction in the
person but the power put in the song by the spirit. The two, Dorit and Densmore have different
viewpoint on the way they look at an oral poetry, Dorit states that an oral poetry is the healing
force and power behind healing, while Densmore states that it is not really the song that brings
healing rather the power put in the song by the spirit, the two have appraised oral poetry but in
different perspectives. The different views between the two scholars on what actually heals in
an oral poetry performance leave a gap for this research to fill up. Their findings is a pointer
that indeed, there is a particular style of delivery of the oral song that facilitate therapeutic
healing. Their findings justify the objectives of this research which is to explore the artistic
In conclusion it is clear that what has been done is more on the anthropological- the study
dealing with cultures, the cultural development and various aspects of mankind within past
and present societies. The above literature review is devoid of literary components in the area
of aesthetics and performance dynamics, as the above scholars are mainly preoccupied with
examines the deployment of poetic techniques in Kayamba healing poetry and its performance
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1.7 Theoretical Framework
1.7.1 Introduction
theoryBelow is the description of the theoretical approach and then a conceptual framework
1.7.2 Ethnopoetics
As a literary theory, Ethnopoetics focuses on the aesthetic and poetic structuring of oral art.
and the performance.‖ Anttonen (1994:113). One strand of this theory was advanced by Dell
Hymes. It is based on the idea that works of verbal art are important organizations of lines and
verses (Hymes 1982). Therefore, ―these oral poetry and expressions are founded upon a
socially constituted poetic structure that is presented both in the organization of experience as
Hymes (1982), the lines and verses are ―organized in ways that are not only poetic, but also a
kind of rhetoric of action in that they embody an implicit cultural schema for the organization
of experience.‖ The implication of the above is that an analysis of verbal art cannot be
interpreted or analyzed outside of the context in which it was performed. In other words, an
understanding of the culture of the source community will aid in a comprehensive analysis of
The theory has two main strands generated by Dennis Tedlock and Dell Hymes. Both strands
complement each other. Tedlock‘s emphasis is placed on the oral nature of texts and the
dependence of the organization of the texts upon lines. When transcribing, two factors guided
the activity; ―The text is arranged into lines according to the pauses in the oral performance.
Each New pause indicates the end of one line and the beginning of another (Anttonen,
1994:114). In addition, the transcription shows the variation in pitch, volume, vowel length
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and presents the text as it was heard in performance‖ (Anttonen 1994:114).This strand
emphasizes the importance of fieldwork- all the material studied must have been collected and
Transcribed by the researcher studying it. Dell Hymes‘ strand of ethnopoetics on the other
hand has Emphasis on the notion that many things in an oral text revolve around a pattern
Based on their findings therefore, it can be argued that the graph-logical presentation of a
given poem retains certain original features that would otherwise be lost. To find the formal
poetic structure of a text, the strand focuses ―on the stylistic and grammatical features. The
analysis is based on the principles of structural analysis in which signs and text are looked at
This theory will aid in literary interpretation of the performance and the methodology of
transcription and analysis of the collected data/text especially on the literary strategies
deployed by the artist and the mediated social concerns and the impacts they have in the
healing of the afflicted in society. The conceptual-analytical framework I have deployed in this
It has no room for armchair researchers (Murunga 2001) in which one theorizes without actual
interaction with the materials under study. One has to get to the inside of the community. In
the study of the oral poetry of the Kayamba performance, the researcher got integrated into the
community such that its members felt free to interact and share information. In addition the
researcher had prior contact with the community during undergraduate study when a similar
research was conducted. Interpretation and analysis of oral texts is done within their cultural
contexts: the linguistic signs and their symbolic meaning are cultural bound. The meaning in
the songs can correctly be interpreted if analyzed from a cultural perspective of the source
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basic referential uses of language. In other words, in artistic performance of this kind, there is
something going on in the communicative inter-change which says to the auditor, ‗interpret
what I say in some special sense; do not take it to mean what the words alone, taken literally,
would convey.‖ This may lead to the further suggestion that performance sets up, or
represents, an interpretive frame within which the messages being communicated are to be
understood, and this frame contrasts with at least one other frame, the literal one.‖A researcher
must be deeply involved in dialogue and interaction to understand the structural and
research, the researcher got deeply involved with the community in an attempt to comprehend
the intricacies surrounding spirit possession and the role of oral poetry in the healing of the
sick.
Foley (1995: 48-49) posits: ―to appreciate the work on its own terms, one must attend the
event in the proper arena, the same place (with the same limits) in which it has always been
performed and received. I actively participated and even joined the performers for my
appreciation of the cultural meaning and symbolism of the performances. Ethnopoetics theory
will therefore aid in documentation, transcription and analysis of performance and the oral
poetry as elucidated by some of its proponents such Anttonen 994:113) and Hymes (1982).
It focuses on the visual aspects of the performance and the relationship between a performer
and the audience. In most cases, two fundamental units are required in the conception of the
performance: a performer and a spectator, any relation action that can be deduced from these
two units can be considered a performance. The author or artist creates or defines the
Its main proponents are Richard Schechner and Victor Turner. This theory is helpful in
analyzing the performance on healing/ therapy as rituals and drama are generally crisis
oriented. Crises are moments where balance and order are threatened and must be restored. So
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performance theory will help me identify the crisis and restore the much needed order. These
crises are imagined by the creator of the poetics. The crises have a bearing on the lives of the
spectators because they imitate their own lives. The content in the works and how it is
mediated to have an impact in the healing of the afflicted is the concerns of this project.
The research will draw much of conception of performance theory as a literary framework to
be applied in this study by mainly deploying the works of Bauman (1984), Turner (1993) and
verbal arts. Performance studies as a discipline does not narrow itself to the classical definition
as a tool to study the world. It studies artistic and aesthetic performance such as concerts,
theatrical events, sporting events, ritual events among others. The ritual of spirit possession
and exorcism in Digo culture and the attendant artistic events that accompany the ritual such
as the songs rendition, musical accompaniments and dancing warrant the event to be defined
a performance (Bauman: 1975:292). He argues that the term performance conveys a dual sense
of artist action-the doing of folk and an artistic event –the performance situation involving
performer, art form, audience and setting (Bauman 1972:223). To Bauman ―the touchstone of
verbal art lies in a maximized use of the devices of the language in such a way that this use
itself attracts attention and is perceived as uncommon‖ (1984:7). Here he explores how
potential in his application of words. Bauman, in addition states that performance is seen in
appreciation of the roles of language and other semiotic conduct in human life. In cultural
behavior.
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The Kayamba performance is essentially a ritual event. Rituals in performance studies are part
of performance (Schechner: 1982; 8) Schechner‘s idea of ―as if‘ (1984: xiii) where rituals
provide moments of realizing the imaginary to reality. The events in the Kayamba
Performance, provides an avenue with which we can study a community on the role of their
Orality in therapeutic healing. The Kayamba performance essentially involves the possessed
person being exorcised of the malevolent spirit through rigorous procedures involving
Through invocation by the healer (Mgbwanga), the evil spirit induces a trance in the possessed
during a stage called „golomokpwa‟- „this is the point in a spirit appeasement where the spirit
manifests itself in the possessed person by 'coming to the head'- speaking through the person
As a theory, psychoanalysis is based on the concept that an individual is unaware of the factors
that cause her behaviour and emotions. This perspectivel aided in my understanding of the
motives behind the actions of the possessed during the healing session in the performances.
Certain fears and uncertainty in characters compel them to unconsciously violate the
expectation of the society. Finnegan (1992), in addressing issues of theory in the study of oral
the inflicted persons. Psychoanalytic theory seeks to explain the complex relationship between
the body and mind and so brings out the understanding of one‘s emotions. Psychoanalysis was
Psychoanalysis as a set of theoretical approach and therapeutic attention dealing with the
unconscious mind can be deployed to analyse trance during spirit possession. The following
tenets of the theory can be applied in the analysis of spirit possession and the mind. Human
behaviour and understanding is largely determined by irrational drives that are rooted
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in the unconscious- the behaviour of the possessed during trance period is irrational
and indicative of a person who has mental disturbances, conflicts between conscious
and unconscious material can result in mental disturbances such as neurosis, neurotic
traits, anxiety and depression. Those inflicted display behaviour that are consistent
liberation from the effects of the unconscious is achieved by bringing this material into the
conscious mind through therapeutic intervention- through well coordinated music and the use
of musical instrument, the patient is enabled to release this tension by way of making
demands, which when provided leads to her healing . Bourguignon (2004:557) postulate that
providing them a means for the gratification of wishes ordinarily denied to them‖
1.8.1 Introduction
Peter Clough and Cathy Nut-brown in their book Research Methodology for Students states
which a particular task is approached, carried out and accomplished. In this chapter, the
researcher demonstrates how the data was collected and analyzed. The focus is on the relevant
information to consider in an attempt to address the research questions. The nature of the
research problem and theoretical orientation have led the researcher to identify relevant
analysis, and methods of interpretation of the material, and its presentation. In the sections that
follow the project describes all these aspects. In addition, the section highlights the challenges
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1.8.2 Permission to Conduct Research
Permission to conduct research from the relevant arms of the government was sought. This
was done during the preparatory visit once the research was given a go ahead.
Necessery equipment were sourced. A first aid kit was sourced, and travel arrangements taken
care of, also personnal items, accomodation was organized before commencement of the
research.
This study deployed primarily qualitative methods and some elements of quantitative designs.
Bruscia (2000:129) postulates that qualitative and quantitative approaches are competing
the purpose of inquiry remains broad based, the researcher formulated both research question
and hypothesis.The researcher combined the two methodologies with the objective of coming
up with convergence results and expanding the scope and breadth of a study (Green, Caracelli
and Graham: 1987:255) The researcher mainly applied qualitative research design because of
the nature of my inquiry: the role of the oral poetry in therapy in Digo Kayamba performance.
The oral poetry connection to issues of health takes us to a level that is both cultural and
personal which may change through time. An oral presentation may be therapeutically
functional on an ailing individual at one time and not another, one individual and not the other,
one tradition and not another. This chapter discusses the collection and analysis of relevant
information to address the research question. Specifically, the relevant research design,
sampling frame, research instruments methods of data collection, analysis, interpretation, and
Deliberate sampling was done in the selection of the research area and identification of
informants. The initial study of the topic of healing and oral poetry through reviewed
literature, demonstrated that traditional ritual healing closely related to oral poetry was found
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in the coastal, Eastern and Western regions of Kenya. In the coast of Kenya the Taita and the
Mijikenda are known to perform songs as part of healing of those possessed by evil spirits
(Akombo, 2006:234, Judge:2003:206) Digo is a sub – tribe of Mijikenda and so the choice of
coastal area. The second reason for picking on the Digo of Golini village Matuga sub County
of Kwale County was because with time I developed curiosity of Digo healing ritual through
my social interactions with the community members and that triggered my interest to study
On the selection of informants and artist, deliberate sampling was preferred in comparison to
random sampling because (lincon and Guba: 1985:40) not every Digo person in Golini
understands how healing takes place during Kayamba performances or not all Digo people are
performers or herbalist. Using the purposive sampling method made it possible to identify
interviewees, events, site and contexts that provided data that is needed and also enables a
researcher to demonstrate all possible viewpoints. The interviews and observations that I made
A number of methods were deployed in the collection of data. They include participatory
literature research was also applied. To identify well with the informants and artists versed in
the culture and oral tradition of a community requires that the researcher integrates with the
community. Once accepted he/she collaborate with the members of the community to identify
the recognized bards amongst the people. This method was largely applied in the study of the
oral traditions of the American Indians (Anttonen: 1994). The Ethnopoetics method of
research allows data collection from a number of ways including: interviewing, writings, study
of artifacts and observations. These data collection methods were aided by digital audio and
video recording tools through which any important acoustic sound and visual material could
18
be recorded. These instruments were assembled with the objective of limiting the area of
interest to those issues related to objectives of the study and to complementing each other, to
add depth. To reduce biases related to single data collection methods, the data was collected
through interviews and then sought to establish its relationship to the data from observations
made. The information collected using the two instruments correlated without much traceable
conflict and therefore valid. Sometimes observations are not recorded as seen because the
researcher might have predetermined ideas about a performance that may result into some
improper observations or even biases. In this study, data acquired from observations, interview
the recorded oral poetry did not have any prominent conflict.
The observations were also selective: observations that had to do with informants whose
interviews had been presented were given prominence. Observations made during the
performances were correlated, through the interviews of the performers. This greatly enhanced
reliability and validity of the research findings. The oral poetry sampled for analysis was
selected purposively, so that an oral poetry was given priority if it had elements that the
date, place and time, was applied. The observation schedule provided details of the situation
before, during the healing session and after the performance to confirm whether therapy had
taken effect.
b) Interview Schedules
Structured interviewing, in which questions were posed to the informants the same set of pre-
established questions was used. The questions were left open ended, providing room for
variation of answers. The schedules included those of the performers, the healers and experts
in Digo culture. This interview schedules gave data that was not observable and or personal. It
also helped in reinforcing what was already recorded. Historical details of certain cultural
19
practices were sought from experienced individuals. (See the appendix 9 for the interview
schedule).
c) Case Study
Bromley (1990:302) defines a case study as ―systematic inquiry into an event or a set of
related events which aims to describe and explain the phenomenon of interest.‖ Although
using case study as a research design is well grounded in the field of anthropology,
psychology and other social sciences, its application in literature is not as wide spread though
still a tool of gathering more data. The application of this methodological approach was
important in this study because informant would provide their real life encounter with evil
forces and how they got healed through the intervention of healers. In addition the method
would shed more light on the significance of the oral poetry and the performance dynamics in
In this research method, a protocol was devised as a frame of operation to guide the researcher
in conductng the case study research approach. This approach was adopted from Donna (2009)
d) Review of Documents
The researcher studied a number of documents both published and unpublished that dealt with
the area of inquiry. The documents which were examined included: Dissertations and Articles
in journals. These documents were acquired from the University of Nairobi library and internet
data bases (Much of this material is captured in the Literature review in the introductory
e) Recording Tools
Oral poetry performances, the ritual healing, spirit possession and exorcism and the
deployment of music ensembles were all recorded on electronic devices including: digital
20
f) Analytical guide
This is a type of a format on what to reflect on before, during and after performance. It
acts as a guide on what to look for in the performance.It helps in making informed field
notes, and analyzing the observation made to ensure that the researcher keeps to the set
1.8.6 Research Period and the Selection of the Performers and Research Assistant
a) Research Perioud
This research was conducted in Golini village of Golini ward, Matuga sub County in Kwale
county from 21st to 24th of February, 2017. The research, as indicated elsewhere called for
meticulous planning and collaboration, especially from the selected assistants and the actual
performers. Their remuneration had to be deliberated before they could commence their work.
Mobilization of the community to attend the ritual performances was given to known village
gate keepers who have sufficient control over the villagers being the village opinion shapers
b) Persons well known in the community were engaged in the research. They were
persons of integrity, well grounded in the culture of the Digo people especially their Kayamba
ritual performances. The researcher sought the assistant of a female expert, Bi.Kauchi
Chivumba. She helped to identify the right performers and then they were inducted in the
research methodology.
She is a 68 year old retired social worker who is well versed in Digo ethnography and oral
tradition. She is a resident of the area, well respected and very good at creating rapport. She
played a double role; as a local assistant and a research assistant. The local community respect
her and she partly act as a community gate keeper. She has played host and research assistant
21
ii) Swaleh Ali (informant)
He is 66 years and hails from Golini in Kwale County. He is an authority in Digo culture and
tradition. He holds a certificate in traditional medicine and is registered with the ministry of
He is 64 years old, a retired teacher and a resident of Golini in Kwale County. He is a healer of
the Kayamba ritual. He practices as a general traditional medicine man treating all types of
common illness and also treats those suffering from bewitchment and psychiatry.
She is 72 years of age and a resident of Golini Sub County. She treats those suffering from
spirit possession. She is well versed in her trade. Apart from treating the possessed
Mwanajuma is able to cure all possible illnesses associated with evil spirits e.g ancestral
At least fifteen oral poems were recorded; the recordings were by group performers, and they
proved to be appropriate. This was to ensure that there was variety of poetic techniques and a
wider range of comparison to make. Once the songs were collected, they were transcribed,
translated and subjected them to critical appraisal to asses those that adhered to the project
objectives and criteria. In addition, the performance dynamics and their contribution to therapy
The data collected from the field was transcribed and translated into the language of analysis-
English. Once the data collected was processed, the researcher embarked on its analysis. The
analysis involved a synoptic outline of each of the poems and identification of the concerns in
22
each especially concerns related to therapeutic healing. This was followed by an identification
Finally the poems were subjected to an examination of the functional significance of the oral
poem in relation to their effects on the patient being attended to by the healer.
A part from analysis of oral poems, the researcher studied performance critically to identify
and understand the movements, symbolic implications of actions, costumes, aural, ensemble
and the behaviour of the healer and the possessee in relation to the healing of the sick.
Transcription and translation are activities that come immediately after the actual research
phase. They are post research activities that should take place right in the field, to ensure the
accuracy of the data. The reasons they should take place in the field is to ensure that
transcribing and translation is done through the help of the experts in the language and culture
it also allows for any clarification of the data, or reinforcing of some information that is not
clear in the recordings. The researcher hired a native expert in Digo language and culture
there are many issues that needed to be addressed when one is transcribing and translating
given texts. Okpewho (1992) for instance argues that one should not correct or improve the
source text.
Oral literature‖ argues that the accuracy of transcription and translation depend on what is
being transcribed, for whom, why, and the theory of language or communication that lies
behind it. The researcher applied free translation of the selected oral poetry because it was
difficult to transfer meaning, structure and even style from one language to another. I have
also included relevant extra linguistic features and metadata in the text for ease of analysis,
though I have parenthesized them. The texts, which are in Digo language were transcribed
from the audio tapes and then translated into English, The language of analysis to ensure
23
accuracy of the transcribed translated texts. I engaged the services of an expert in Digo
This research work was confined to the Kayamba performances of the community living
around Golini area in Kwale County in Kenya. The choice of this area was appropriate
because the area has wide range of oral artists on Kayamba performance and also because the
researcher am familiar with the area having carried out another research in the area. The
research interrogated the performance dynamics of the Kayamba performance and the literary
approaches deployed in the oral poetry to contribute to the therapeutic potential of the genre.
The next chapter explores the Kayamba performance dynamic and therapeutic healing process.
24
CHAPTER TWO
2.1 Introduction
various sections. The chapter starts off by setting the context and the beliefs surrounding the
Kayamba performance. It then goes ahead and offer an explanation on the various forms of
spirit manifestations and possessions as well the exorcism process. In addition, the chapter
highlights the roles of the exorcist and the person possessed by the spirits. Another aspect of
the performance exponded here in is the role of music and the props that accompany it. the
chapter concludes with a case study that illustrates how the whole process of the Kayamba
2.2 Kayamba Performance: Its Context and the African Belief Systems
people of coast province of Kenya. It is a therapeutic ritual dance that is specifically performed
during a healing rite in which the sick regain health. The dance involves traditional healers
who play a vital role in exorcising evil spirit who are believed to be the cause of the sickness.
During the healing session, there is a lot of vocal music performed by ritual dancers who are
mostly women, and the playing of ensemble by men. It is this combination of song rendition,
the dance and instrumental playing that mediate therapeutic healing to the inflicted (the
possessed). In this section, I attempt a description of the performance and how healing is
achieved.
The Digo community cherishes performance art and especially in the form of traditional
dances. They have different categories of dances each with a given role and context. Apart
from Kayamba performance the other dances include; Zembe, Gonda, Sengenya, Chakacha,
Marimba, Goma and Mbiru. They are performed during different occasions such as healing,
25
entertainment, mourning, initiation and wedding ceremonies. It is important to examine the
context of performance of the Kayamba dance and performance. The context of a dance
cannot be separated from the performance. It is the central part of the performance. It is the
canvas on which the performance operates. The context of a Kayamba performance is on the
healing ceremony.
Many culturally related elements come into play. Spirits in this community are known to cause
certain illnesses. During the Kayamba performance, the position of spirit is paramount. By
expelling the spirit from the afflicted person, the health of the patient is restored. The
Kayamba performance is purely about spirit possession and how they are exorcised through
the deployment of music, the instruments, oral poetry and dance. All these components are
A number of scholars have dealt with the subject of spirits in African belief and the role they
play in the way of life of the people. According to Uka (1991:45) African people believe in a
host of spirit who inherit all sorts of places such as trees, hills, rivers, seas, oceans, and
sometimes in plants and animals. Idowu (1973: 183) calls the spirits as ―those entities which
form a separate category of being from those described as divinities‖. He defines spirit as
―those powers which are almost abstract as shades of vapours which take on human shape‖.
The Kayamba dance is essentially a ritual that involves elaborate stages and coded images
Ray (1987:87), states that ―ritual means to perform offering and sacrifices and to renew
relationship between the dead and the living descendant‖. Ray (1987:88) argues that ―almost
every African ritual is an occasion in which human experience is morally and spiritually
transformed. The Kayamba dance and performance involves a traditional healer (Mganga)
who goes about his healing process through elaborate process from the time they enter the
performances arena to when they exit after a successful exorcism of the malevolent spirit and
return to normalcy or regaining of health of the possessed. The healer in the Kayamba
26
performance engages in the art of divination in which he invokes the spirits to reveal
through the use of magic, Ancestors and spirits to communicate with the living through
divinatory process. The Kayamba performance is also replete with exorcism of the spirit
causing the suffering of the possessed person. Spirit possession is manifested through certain
2.3 The Manifestation of Spirit Possession and setting of the Kayamba performance
Gomm (1975:535) in his well acclaimed essay on the Digo spirit possession, ―Bargaining
from Weaknesses: Spirit Possession on the Kenya Coast‖, enumerates the manifestation of
spirit possession in the possessed person. He argues that spirit possession is not simply a
People have first to be seen to fall into category of certain traditionally known manifestation
of spirit possession. Scholars in the study of spirit possession reports manifestation of spirits
possession as running amok, hitting people, fear, anxiety, general malaise, unhappiness,
Spitefulness, treating others with hatred, aggression towards people, oneself (hostility) to
inanimate objects, Moodiness, bad temper among other symptoms (Boddy1989:145, Lewis
1998:109. Gomm: 1975:535) the patient hosting the evil spirit are exorcised of the spirit in
order to remove the evil spirits in their bodies. Exorcism in this case is in a form of healing in
Digo Kayamba performance and once the spirits are expelled the patient heals and recovers
completely.
The Digo Kayamba performance is rendered during the day either in the morning or evening
near a water body or a forest. The exorcism ritual is performed in the morning or evening
because they belief that it‘s easy to tame evil spirit and appease them at this time for they are
less hostile. They believe that evil spirits reside in water and forests. Getting near to where
these spirits resides facilitate a closer communion with them and therefore easing their
27
appeasement. Also with the reasoning that when the spirits leave the possessed it will be easier
for them to get back to their ―real home‖ which is in the forest or in a water body.
The exorcist interrogates the spirit with the aim of getting information on how and why it has
invaded the possessed person. The exorcist does this through the help of medium called the
familiar spirit. This is a friendly, all knowing spirit that negotiates with hostile demons. Once
the exorcist identifies the possessing spirit, he tries to negotiate a ground of communication
that will allow him to establish the conditions that must be satisfied for the spirit to depart. The
spirit normally order for tangible gifts. These gifts are provided to the possessing spirit
through the possessed person by the husband of the possessed or her male relatives from her
maternal side through the healer. If the sufferer is not married her relatives provide the gift.
The exorcist has ability to cause the spirit to free thus bringing healing to the sick person. The
healer does this by calling out the evil spirit and pleading with it to leave the sick. If it still
holds on to its host, the healer gives orders by shouting at it. The following oral poem
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Song: Mduruma
Mganga: Nduruma the evil spirit, The evil spirit must leave
Nduruma the evil spirit Leave and go back to the nyika
Your place is the dry land nyika is where you belong
Your place is the dry land You belong to the dry land
The nyika is your home You belong to the dry land
Once the spirit causing the affliction is identified and confirmed it is made public. Diagnosis
is done to get to know the particular spirit inhabiting as well as establishing a cure and the
way forward for the sick. There times that the spirit is known to communicate in whispers,
meaning even when the spirits voice is not heard the exorcist will still carry the day as he
claims that him alone can capture the low tone the members of the community have no cause
The possessed person is considered to be genuinely sick, and she has not contributed in any
way to be possessed or has not committed any evil to cause her illness. The community looks
at her as unfortunate and regards her with sympathy and genuine concern. In her condition of
possession she commands attention and care. The possessed person chants and makes
demands that must be met for the possessing spirit to leave. She also works like the medium
between her and the spirit possessing her as she receives the gifts on behalf of the possessing
spirit. At some point in the performance she will dramatize the oral poetry and will go into a
trance.
The whole process of exorcism offers the possessed an opportunity to release her heavy
burdens as caused by life issues especially in reference to the married woman, also gives an
opportunity to be the core concern of everone in the exorcism ceremony. This therapy is
needs and is given audience people have reasons to take her as a patient, though some people
and especially men may not always be fully convinced of some cases of possession. This
position is not overtly expressed by the community. Privately men would readily volunteer
this explanation. This interpretation is shared by the male informants that were interviewed.
29
Gomm (1975:354) while conducting research on spirit possession in southern coast of East
Africa makes similar findings. It should also be emphasized here that majority of the patients
seeking therapeutic attention from the healers in gender terms are married women. Details
from the healers showed that cases of male patients or unmarried persons were rare. The
healer pointed out that in his many years of healing he has only experienced less than eight
cases of male possession while he has had to treat more than fifty women cases. He argued
that men are able to sort out their issues and are hardened while women are weak when it
It would also be scandalous culturally to have a male patient suffering from spirit possession,
and especially a repeated attack like it happens to women.The songs sung during this
exorcism are specific to the ceremony. Not any song can be sung. Particular spirits are enticed
by specific songs. Identification of the songs for particular spirits is done through trial and
The idea that the members of the community view the possessed as a patient and gather in the
effort to free her from the spirit, demonstrates their love and concern. This brings relief and
therapy to the sick. As they gather, she becomes the core concern of the whole ceremony as
they express their empathetic love, thus confirming their honour for her. They willingly
participate in dancing and singing raising her esteem. This brings therapeutic effects on her.
The re-assurance expels the life frustrations that weigh her down.
The Digo spirits are of two types. The good, benevolent spirits (ruhani) and the evil spirits,
malevolent (mashetani). The good spirits are not exorcised because they protect the host,
Caciola (2005; 2928). The good spirits are actually begged to stay with the person for
protection. They act as the ‗sixth sense‘ that keeps the host informed of the future. They
regard this spirit as the spirit of discernment through whom would be directed the way to go
30
in times of danger. Therefore the good spirit is beseeched to stay on through songs of praise.
They also believe every good person has this helping spirit to alert you in the times of danger.
Song 9 Mbarawa
SOLOIST Mbarawa ngoma madede
Mbarawa mwanamadziho wadedi
Mbarawa we howadede
Mbarawa we ngomaniurembo
Baba matari we ngomaniurembo
Mbarawa we ngomaniurembo
Mbarawa we wee
Song 9 Mbarawa
SOLOIST Mbarwa – (good spirit)
Mbarawa the clean spirit ma de dede
Mbarawa the clean spirit ma de dede
Mbarwa the clean spirit
Mbarawa my dear one, dear one
Mbarawa my helper, my helper
Mbarawa we wee
The evil spirits are destructive and unpredictable. Most of them are foreign or alien while
others are local Digo spirits. The Digo people believe that diseases can be caused by
outsiders. Evil spirits may originate from the Duruma people or the Arabs. They are at first
persuaded to abandon their host. If they defy the persuasion, they are forced out of the sick
person through invocation. This involves dancing, singing and the deployment of musical
instruments and verbal acoustic. Caciola (2005:2928) reports that those elements of the dance
and music are applied by many cultures in the world. The following poems illustrate the
31
Exorcism through Verbal Acoustics and Invocation
The process of spirit exorcism requires application of diplomacy for it to work. As illustrated above,
the healer starts by the application of appropriate etiquette when dealing with the enemy. When
diplomacy fails, he/she applies force through verbal acoustic whose effect is dreaded by the evil
spirit
Nketia (1987:6256) recognizes the application of the oral poetry in a performance to exorcise the
spirits causing the ailments. He reports that music has the potential to expel the evil spirits. The
spirits dread the sound emanating from the musical instruments especially the music from the
Kayamba instrument and the oral poetry. When the vocal and the instrumental music is blended and
played, they have the potential to trigger trance during which the spirits declare their demands
through their medium, in this case the possessed. In Digo Kayamba dance, different oral poem are
deployed in healing ritual practices depending on the song that will awaken the spirits. The same
2.6 The Role of Acoustics and the Oral Poetry in Spirit Possession
But essentially, what is the role of music and the oral poetry in spirit possession and exorcism?
As already pointed out, elsewhere in this thesis, spirit identifies and dread the sounds from the
musical instruments especially sounds coming from Kayamba instrument. In addition the oral
32
poetry from the dancers enhances the rhythm of the music, further threatening the survival of the
The music and dance start from a low note at the initial stage and increases to a crescendo. When
the music is at its peak; the possessed gets into a trance and makes demands as directed by the
spirit. Rouget (1995:125) points out that the music during the initial stage is passive and becomes
progressively more active as the sick passes from initiation phase to more advanced phases. This
When the music becomes intense, the patient goes to a trance. Rouget (1985:126) support this
phenomenon. It is during this trance that the spirit possessing the patient makes demands. Once the
demands are met, the patient slowly relaxes and signs of healing start to emerge. The patients
In Digo, both vocal (oral poetry) and instrumental music are vital in the healing of the afflicted.
Music whether vocal or instrumental socializes the ritual of the healing and enables the ritual to
2.7 Attendance during the Kayamba Ritual Healing and its Effects
The Kayamba healing ceremony is attended by all the villagers in the locality. It is a communal
affair that is collectively performed. Children, women, young adult and men are at liberty to attend.
All their activities during the ceremony are centered on the patient. The ritual is a contest between
good and evil. It is about man‘s struggle with supernatural forces. This contest that involves man
and invisible forces requires massive support from the people. The healer is a contestant
representing the living while the invisible spirits represent the evil forces that have brought disorder
to the living. The attendance of the villagers is therefore important to the possessed in that it gives
them comfort and assurance of healing on seeing people attending to her needs. Her recognition by
the people present is a demonstration of their value for the suffering fellow villager. These concerns
33
and support offer the patient psychological satisfaction that facilitate her healing and release from
Gender is a critical aspect of the process of music production and the spirit possession. Scholarship
on music and spirit possession has demonstrated the gender aspect by reporting that the afflicted are
largely women (Skultan 1987:57, king 1958:124, Gomm: 2006:322, Norton 2000:89). Majority of
those afflicted in Digo community are mostly women, both married and those with an arranged
marriage that they are not willing to honour. In one of the interviews, an elder reported that
because women in Digo are of ―little faith and easily carried away‖, they results to believing in
spirits.
Faced with earthly challenges especially of marital upheavals, women are unable to confront these
marital anxieties. They therefore become easy target for evil spirit. Gender role is well defined
during performance. The composition of the performer is largely women, who are more active than
men. While the men play the ensemble while sitting down, women are aggressively active. They
dance, sing chant and in certain instances assist the healer in mediating their healing function. The
voices of the women provide melody sounds that are soft lyrical and smooth. These kinds of
Scholars in spirit possession have not been able to empirically establish whether possessed women
feign their illnesses. A number of scholars have reported cases of possible faking possession
(Lewis: 1971:200, Ferber: 2004, Gomm: 2006:2). Roger Gomm (2006:2) states that the sorts of
demands that are made by women in marriage and are refused are now voiced when the sufferer is
in a trance. Husbands are publicly and culturally bound to provide the gifts demanded by the spirit.
A man who would fail to provide for his wife at such a time would be alienated in the society; male
relatives are also bound to take care of their female relations if they are not married.
Economic and social pressures that bring a Digo woman down are expressed through spirit
possession. The woman becomes the main subject of sympathetic concern as people assemble. This
34
gives the woman an avenue to voice her concerns of which in a normal setting the husband and her
male relatives would not have been obligated to take care of. This raises self-esteem of the patient.
The public participation registers her prominent position and this makes her attain privileges like
stating her demands which are seriously met and this leads to her healing. To avoid being
considered uncaring by the community, the husband or the families of the afflicted have to meet the
Majority of the male informant showed some signs of doubting some of the cases of the possession,
suggesting that some women would pretend to be possessed so as to win favours denied them by
their husbands. To them it is a form of protest and subversion by women. It is an attempt to seek
recognition by the patriarchal hegemony in Digo society that has perpetuated oppression of women.
This view is widely shared by a number of scholars on spirit possession (Gomm:1975:530), Harris
1957:433, Lewis 1966:33, Messing 1958: 345, Parkain 1972:330, Shack:1966:56, Wilson 1967:56,
Caplan 1968). Other scholars regard the possessed as suffering from insanity or mental disorder.
Apart from middle age and elderly, newly married women experience possession, nearly married
brides have been reported to experience spirit possession. Multiple interviews with those well
versed in Digo culture report that young bride are in most cases married to men that are not of their
choice and in their marriage, experience difficulties because of emotional entrapment. In the
process, they become vulnerable to spirit which fancy young bride. Culturally, it is assumed that
this spirits incite the young bride to deny the husband conjugal attention. During the trance the
young bride verbalizes utterances suggestive that she is opposed to her current marital status. She
also aggressively attacks the husband who is in attendance. These acts finally propel the two
families to terminate the arranged marriage for the sake of the troubled couple. This view is
supported some scholars (Isabelle Nabokov: 1997:298, Opler, 1958, Dube, 1970,)
35
2.8 The Musical Ensemble and performance dynamics in the Kayamba Dance
The Kayamba performance utilizes a number of musical instruments and accompaniments. They
i) Kayamba
Kayamba is in the category of percussion instruments. Muchiba (2007) examines the etymology of
the word kayamba. He traces its origin to Greek. He argues that the word is derived from the Greek
word ‗kyambalon‘which is a Greek musical instrument of the percussion type. It is from this word
that the English musical instrumrnt, cymbal is derived. It is a raft rattle idiophone. The instrument
contains seeds or pebbles which are placed between two trays or raft made from canes which are
tied together to allow for ease of mobility of the seeds and the production of sounds.The two rafts
are separated from one another by slats of sticks that form the sideways of the instrument. When
playing, it is held horinzontally between the palms of both of the hands of the players such that one
raft is facing up wards while the other down. The instrument produces sound through sliding the
rattle back and forth. Kayamba instrument is not a preserve of the Digo people. Many African
It‘s relevant to interrogate the use of kayamba musical instrument in modern Christian music and
worship. The modern church in Africa has embraced the use of African ethnomusicology and other
arts its liturgy. The incorporation of certain cultural elements in Christian worship is away of
Africanizing Christian worship (Felix: 2007: 12). Its away of contualization of Christian worship in
as a way of showing sensitivity to indigenous African music and arts.The instrument main use in
worship is to connect the believers with their deity and facilitate worship. Meaning it occupies the
same place as in traditional healing – connecting the people to their deity and facilitate communion.
36
ii) Chivoti
Chivoti is a traditional flute. It is also called (rizumari) in Digo. It has six finger holes. It is
decorated in different colours. The top end is closed while the other end is open. The flute when
iii) Bumbumbu
Bumbumbu (Drum) is also used. It is a pitched drum that accompanies a lower pitched one during
Kayamba performance. Other instruments include chingobe and marimba.Their instruments are
mostly played by men. The music produced is dreaded by malevolent spirits which scare and expel
them from the possessed person.The Digo believe that Kayamba has the potential to project the
sound into heavens connecting the spaces of the living and that of the spirit and hence attracting the
Certain elements of the oral poetry bring about healing of the afflicted. They include rhythm, pitch
tempo and volume (these elements are discussed in chapter four under textual analysis). These are
brought about by the organization of the oral text. The songs have ability to hypnotize a patient into
a trance which leads to healing. The tempo of the songs starts from a slow pace which increases as
the music is played. At its crescendo, the patient gets into a trance and start making demands and
once the demands are met, the patient relaxes and the melody in the music is lowered.
The dynamics is in relation to the vocal and instrumental music. Kayamba performance is so intense
to an extent of becoming violent. The purpose of the session is to trigger a patient to declare the
spirit possessing them. To encourage trance the dancers sing loudly but rhythmically while the
music ensembles play as loudly as possible. The speed and rhythm of the songs constitute a trigger
for a trance. The faster the acceleration of the tempo, the higher and louder the intensity of the oral
performance. Once the malady afflicting the host is expelled, the music is slowed and the volume
and intensity reduced. The sounds of the Kayamba fuel the trance and also stabilize when played
slowly. It is the rhythm, melody and the repetition of particular notes when combined with vocal
37
2.9 Costumes, Props and Colour Symbolism in Kayamba Dance
a) Costumes
The participants of the Kayamba dance are dressed in different apparels with different hues
depending on their role in the dance and the symbolic meaning of the colour of their costumes. The
possessed is initially adorned in white shuka which is symbolic of good spirit (ruhani). The patient
changes into different costumes depending on the suspected spirit as the dance progresses. Black
shuka is symbolic of evil spirit (pepo mdigo), Red shuka represent evil spirit from Duruma
community while Blue shuka stand for malevolent spirit called mlungu which are mostly found in
the sea.
The Women dancers perform in red scarf full of decorations and beadwork laces at the seam. The
jingling of the beads are said to chase away evil spirits. Red scarf also enhances shoulder movement
and therefore contribute to the elegancy of the dance. The black dress is symbolic of sad moment
where a member is possessed and oppressed by the evil spirits. ‗Chisingu‘ is a headband made from
beads that look like a round ring and worn on the head by the healer.
A mat, made of raffia, is spread at the centre of the dancing arena where the sick and the healer sit.
They sit and walk on it barefoot, Symbolic of its purity and sanctity, being the abode of the
supernatural forces. Next to the dancing arena is an imitation of a forest and the sea. They stand
for the dwelling or spirit habitations, as presented in the imitation in the form of a huge cooking pan
with water and aquatic twigs inside the container. The image of the forest and sea is presented by
the plants and water. This image represents the places where the evil spirit would go to after they
The patient is also administered with traditional medicine; a black concoction of herbals mixed with
the soil. The healer holds Ndonga, a kind of bottle gourd used by the traditional healers to store and
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2.10 Legitimization of Kayamba Healing: The Coastal Traditional Healers
The Kayamba dance and healing is an institution, well entrenched in the traditional dynamics of the
Digo community. It is a highly recognized and respected cultural practice whose practitioners are
remunerated by those they attend. Their treatment is syncretic. They heal using both traditional
medicine and exorcism of the evil spirits. The government has recognized this practice by issuing
the healers with practicing licenses. One such group is Amani Traditional Healers based in Ngodoni
Sub County in Kwale County. The group which is nineteen years old has a membership of twenty
healers. The gender is mixed though there are only three female healers. The group is registered
with the ministry of culture and social services. It is a well knownassociation. Conventional doctors
in the area refer their patients to this herbalist when unable to treat patients they are attending to.
They explain that for patient they are unable to treat, the cures lies in traditional medicine. Though
there are many such associations in the entire coastal region each group occupies its own niche or
area of operation.
The group is not entirely specialist in spirit exorcism, they also deal in the administration of herbs
or traditional medicine when their patients do not exhibit signs related to spirit possession. Apart
from Amani traditional healers, there are other groups that are involved in Digo ethnomedical care
or alternative medicine. They include; Godoni Traditional dance troupe and Igiza ziwani group.
The acquisition of this trade is through apprenticeship. It is also hereditary, though in some cases
those interested are trained but after paying a fee. Some join this trade by chance. One of the
―My own personal experience of is a testimony of why we result to alternative medical care. I was
possessed by evil spirits, I developed a strange sickness where modern hospitals attempted a cure in
vain, and then I tried the herbal therapy through a medicine man. Though the symptoms gradually
went down but I did not heal. I only got completely healed after a ritual healing was performed on
me. Though the ritual healing is taken by many as the last option it has proved over the years as a
39
successful way of treatment especially when one suffers from a ‗strange‘ disease. Through my
interest and admiration of ritual healers I reached a point that I decided to train as a ritual healer
through apprenticeship.‖
a) Introduction
I now turn into a detailed presentation of a healing session that I attended. This took place on the
morning of Wednesday 22nd February 2017. All the preparations and arrangements were in place. I
had interacted with the community members sufficiently and was now part of them. The important
components of this ritual had been assembled. There were women dancers, a female exorcist and
her two assistants, eight male instrumentalists, audience, and the possessed who was a female.
The possessed, Mariam Mutta Suleiman (not her real name) is a 52 years old mother of five,
married to Mohamed Dzole Suleiman. They both hail from Tsimba Ward in Msambweni, Kwale
County. They are of limited education, having only reached at primary level of education. Their
marital life is riddled with perpetual feuding mainly caused by unfaithfulness, financial imbalance
On a number of occasions that Mariam would seek refuge in her parents‘ home. Their differences
would then be settled. Mariam confessed that indeed the accusations leveled against her by the
husband were partly true. She admitted that she has been unfaithful to the husband. She justifies
these extra marital affairs by accusing the husband of being unable to provide for her needs such as
clothing and cosmetics. She also bitterly complains about Digo arranged married in which the
Mariam Mutta had visited various hospitals seeking treatment. She had been suffering from various
illnesses whose symptomatic were stomach pains, hallucination, some element of mental illness in
40
which she would beat everybody in sight, fainting, spasm and convulsion. The conventional
doctors had given up on her and advised her to seek alternative treatment from Traditional doctors.
This prompted her husband to seek the assistance of the healers or Waganga. He visited
Mwanajuma Mwandia, a healer and exorcist and after preliminary diagnosis the husband was
informed that his wife was possessed by evil spirit and needed exorcism for her to
heal.Arrangements were made in which payments were agreed upon. The healer and his performers
of Igiza Ziwani troupe and healers were now ready to carry out the ritual of spirit exorcism or
Slight changes were done to accommodate this researcher. Instead of the ceremony being
conducted next to the sea or in a forest where it is believed spirits inhabited, it was conducted in the
healer‘s homestead under a tree. In addition it was conducted during the day. In ordinary
circumstances it is done early in the morning or at night. To confuse the evil spirits, a model forest
and sea were created within the performance area. The forest was made of twigs planted on the
ground under a huge baobab tree. A huge aluminum container with sea water mixed with aquatic
The performance started at around 10.00 am on 22nd of February 2017. Everything was ready for the
ritual; dancers, instrumentalists, the possessed person, audience, the healer and his assistants.The
sick (called Muwele) is shepherded to the centre of the area where the performance is to take place.
At the centre is a raffia mat on which stands a wooden bench (Chigodi). The sick is covered with a
black cloth when entering (symbolize possession by an evil spirit called ‗Mwanamlungua‟) on
sitting down the black veil is removed and replaced with a white one. On sitting on the stool, the
possessed woman, now covered on the shoulder above with her heard bending, is surrounded by
The healer, dressed in headband (chisingu) made from beads that look like a round ring, commences
the ritual healing ceremony while sitting opposite the sick woman facing her. Next to the sick are
41
two women who sandwich her, whose job is to nurse the sick woman and keep company. Next to
her is a container with sea water full of aquatic plants and mixed with medicinal herbs. Under a tree
that stands behind the ‗theatre‘ is an imitation of a forest. Inside the ‗forest‘ is a small chick,
medicinal concoction wrapped into a ball and pierced with a sharp stick and some eggs.
The ritual starts with slow pace of the playing of the Kayamba. The dancers sing while seated. The
atmosphere created is tense, solemn and gloomy. This atmosphere is indicative of the tension
gripping the participants. All focus is on the possessed woman. She looks haggard and her face is
partly covered with a veil whose colour will change as the ritual progress until the particular spirit
inhabiting the sick is identified. The performers who are women start dancing. The pace of the
dance is low but the speed will increase gradually depending on the level of response from the
The singing commences as the instruments are played. Meanwhile the healer burns incense and
makes the possessed inhale it as a preparation for undergoing spirit appeasement ceremony
(Dzifukizafuso). Burning of essence is said to invite the spirit which fancy aroma of burning
essence. There is chanting by a few dancers. The singing is led by the soloist while the rest act as
the chorus. At different stages soloist changes. A dancer, the healer or the spirit can act as the
soloist. There is also intermittent ululation, done when signs of recovery of the patient are detected.
The pace and tempo of the dance, the singing and the Kayamba playing is increased but are well
blended, harmonized and synclonised for effect. This is done to induce trance.
When a patient is in a trance, the spirit speaks through her. This happened on that day. When the
music and the singing were so intense, the sick woman suddenly started to shout and make
demands. The healer got closer to her and started the invocation.
She wanted to know what the spirit wanted. She is busy seeking the identity of the spirit inhabiting
her. The dancers are on the other hand calling upon the spirits to leave the sick alone. There is no
response from the patient. The white veil is removed and replaced with a blue one. Still there is no
42
response despite making incoherent gestures. The music is still playing. The sick woman is making
slight movement of the head but when talked to by the healer, she does not respond. The blue veil
is replaced with a red one and the dancing, singing and Kayamba played are intensified. Singing
and the ensemble playing continues. The singing reaches a crescendo; the sick woman abruptly
makes violent moves. She throws her hands in the air and shouts for perfumes, lesso and a horse.
The mood now changes to excitement. The sick is in a trance (golomokpwa). She is now held by
the spirits which are making demands. Perfume is brought and is smeared on her head and limbs.
Medicinal water (vuwo ra chifudu) is also sprinkled on her head using a special flywhisk (mwingo).
She lies prostrate on the ground writhing in spasm. The healer takes out containers that have
powdered herbs and apply on her body. The sick wakes up and relaxes on her seat. At this juncture,
the healer brings a ball of wet mud with a stick pierced through it and the small chick. The ball of
wet mud is actually a concoction of medicine. She holds them and pleads with the sick woman to
accept them. Particular Spirits love chicks as a delicacy. The sick woman receives the two items,
stands up and makes quick steps heading to the nearby bush. She is quickly followed by everybody.
On reaching the fringes of the bushes nearby, she drops down and lay flat on the ground. The healer
who followed her catches on her and lays the container that had sea medicinal water next to the sick
woman. She starts spraying her with the sea water and while assisted by a male assistant applies a
black concoction on her limbs, shoulders and face. This is a way of anointing and protecting her
against unwelcome evil forces. She then wakes up slowly while assisted by the healer and join the
She is on her way to recovery. She is now shepherded back to ritual arena. All present are in
celebratory mood. At last the evil spirit has been quieted and appeased. They can now rest in peace.
Normalcy has returned to the village. When the ritual ended those present dispersed. The now
healed woman and her family members led by the husband trooped to the inside of the healers
house. The fee for exorcism was cleared and the Mariam and her family left for home.
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c) Performance Subtext and Women Agency in Kayamba Ritual Healing.
The above section demonstrates the elaborate performance ceremony conducted by the parties
involved that leads to the eventual healing of the sick person. Indeed the possessed body gestures
and facial expressions and the excitement in her, tell of a person who has fully regained her health.
But Behind the ritual healing is a hidden subtext propelled by the Digo woman who deploys
Kayamba performance as an agency to voice her displeasure with her marital upheavals. To the
ordinary Digo person, Kayamba performances are the usual ethno cultural expressions that bring
back elusive good health to the sick. The men folk interpret exorcism differently. Multiple
interviews with Digo men on the subject of woman and rebellion through Kayamba performance
give credence to the many studies conducted on other cultures and even in Digo, on how women
deploy spirit possession and exorcism to challenge men hegemonic control on them. The men argue
that women involvement in spirit possession is a deliberate way of seeking attention from men,
The Digo woman operates under the control of the husband. She has no economic or social power
in the affairs of the family. Gomm (1987) in his well argued essay ―Harlots and Bachelors: Marital
Instability among the Coastal Digo of Kenya‖ demonstrate that many marriage breakages are
turning wives into harlots and men into bachelors. Women are freeing from men in search of
elusive freedom.
Gomm‘s views are also supported by Ayuka Aendo (1987). In his essay, ―Marriage instability and
domestic continuity in Digo‖. He voices concerns over the rate at which Digo man is faced with
unstable marriages because the woman is in constant desire to free her marital life and starts her
own life or remarry. Her dominance in spirit possession ritual ensures her control in cultural
Some women stick in the marriage but engage in spirit possession and exorcism as a way of seeking
more attention and economic gains from their husbands who are compelled by societal demands to
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meet the cost of exorcism and the demands made by their husbands. This view is supported by a
number of scholars on spirit possession and exorcism (Gomm: 1975, Carine: 2011, Lewis I.M:
In the next chapter, I turn to the literary strategies deployed in the texuality of the songs to
demonstrate how the strategies play a significant function in reviving the health wellbeing of the
possessed.
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CHAPTER THREE
This section provides a synopsis of the songs, their content and a literary analysis of the oral poetry.
The content of the poetry informs the stylistic strategies deployed by the artist. An examination of
the thematic concerns and the literary strategies employed will demonstrate the functional and
aesthetic aspects of the poetry that contribute to the healing and therapeutic potential.
The oral text is central in the Kayamba healing. This chapter offers a stylistic interrogation of the
application of literary strategies whose functions are to navigate the thereapeutic healing during the
Digo ritual healing in the Kayamba healing ceremonies. The oral poems are embellished and
ornamented with numerous stylistic approaches that illuminate their role in the thereapeutic process.
The songs address the spirit through both the coaxing and soothing music from the sung text.
Benolevolent spirits are provided with a space to connect the healer and the patient. In addition, the
oral text creates a site for negotiations between the evil spirit and the healer on what is demanded
for the sick to heal during the trance. There are particular features of the Kayamba oral poetry that
directly contribute to therapeutic effects on the patient. These features are realized during
performance and can also be identified in the text of the oral poetry. The oral poetry is unique
mainly because they are rendered during the healing ritual of a patient who is afflicted by evil
spirits.
In this section my intention is to provide a brief synopsis of the oral poems. I have provided a brief
summary of the fifteen poems. The poems are presented chronologically. From the introductory
poem that invites all the participants to the concluding poems sung after normalcy returns to the
village.
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The first poem, „Taireni‟ is an introductory song that invites those in attendance to actively
participate in the healing of the sufferer before them. It calls for the medicine-man to heal the sick
The second poem „Mwarabu‟ is an allusion to the good Arab spirit which is known to bring cure to
the afflicted according to Digo mythology. It protects Digo from spirit attacks or pleads with evil
spirit to dismount from the sick. The song invites the spirit to bring healing. The song pleads with
the medicine person to come and heal the sick. He is being asked to come and mediate on behalf of
the afflicted.
The third poem, ‗mnazi unayumba‟ touches on a key agricultural plant that has both economic and
cultural symbolism in the life of the coastal inhabitants. During healing both fauna and flora are
brought into attention. The sick claims that the coconut is shaking and that the spirits are attacking
her. These utterances represent her state of mind. She demands ‗lesso‘, horse and perfume.
The fourth poem ‗mwanamkuse' is about a malevolent Digo spirit called ‗mwanamkuse‘. It‘s being
ordered to come out of the afflicted body. Once it leaves the healer now ‗smells‘ the cure. There is
ululation from women dancers. The Dancers threaten to apply fire to attack the spirit if it fails to
depart.
The fifth poem ‗Ngoma‘ is about the sick that is still in a trance. She hallucinates. She talks about
music being played inside and outside the house. She rhetorically asks:
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Poem number six, ‗mkwaphi‟ is in reference to the possessed. She is still in a trance and she claims
to be eating meat, a male Digo delicacy to the possessed. According to Digo mythology, some spirit
hunt for beautiful women whom they attack and make them marriage partners.
‗Nenda Pwani‟ is a poem that further explores the intimate relationship that is common in spirit
possession. Though this may not come out clearly, further examination of the hidden subtext points
to an intimate relationship that the possessed is involved in as displayed in the body language but is
euphemistically framed.
This call for intimacy is followed by frantic wriggling of her body, symbolic of a romantic struggle
with an invisible lover-spirit.The undressing of the sick woman is a way of cleansing herself of her
defilement by the evil spirit marking a clean break with the spirit world.
The eighth poem, „fundi‟ or herbalist is a song in praise of the medicine man. This song points to
the application of a combination of Digo ethnomedical care to the afflicted by apply not only the
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method of spirit exorcism but also deployment of traditional herbs, especially water lilies that are
The song „mbarawa‟ refers to a Digo spirit known to insulate a Digo against evil spirits. It is being
exalted. It is referred to as the helper and companion:
„Zumira uganga‟ and ‗zira ya mkangaga‟ are two songs in praise of Marera, a known spirit exorcist
and whose participation in the healing brings a gender dimension in the Kayamba healing
ceremony. Her healing prowess is praised. The power and potency of a traditional healer are
metaphorically exalted:
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These songs emphasize the gender dimension in Digo Kayamba song. Healing is not a
preserve of men. Women are also involved in Digo ethno medicine, a fact explained by their
duality in gender power relation in marital matrix which is partly matrilineal and patriarchal
(Gomm: 1972:7)
‗Mwana mlungu‟ is a song roughly translated as ‗child of God‘. It is addressed to the sick
who is being comforted and consoled by the dancers. The song brings in another dimension
Mwana mlungu
Mwana mlungu
Healer The possessed is bewitched
Healer Howe mwanamlungu
The possessed is bewitched
Howe mwanamlungu
The possessed is bewitched
Howe mwanamlungu
The possessed is bewitched
Howe mwanamlungu
You will receive healing
Wahenda Iobgwa we
You will receive healing
Pore we nkaziya mlungu
You will be well its god‘s doing
Mwana mlungu wahenda lobgwa we
Lobgwa we pore we nkazi ya mlungu
The mentioning of God in the last verse suggests the Digo believe in a deity that is superior to
evil spirit. It is at this stage that the sufferer experiences a trance. In the trance the evil spirit
through its host demands a horse, perfume and a lesso (a woman garment won round the
waist).
Trance experience in spirit therapy is the apex of the healing process. Once the demands are
„Mvula‟ is a song that signals restoration of normalcy after a period of agony anguish and
misery in the hands of nefarious, callous and beastly spirits. It calls for rain to fall. The song
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refers to both fauna and flora and water masses. It calls for their return to normal life. Rain is
„Mduruma‟ is a song that refers to an evil spirit from Duruma, ethnic group, a sub-tribe of the
nine Miji Kenda tribes. It is a category of exotic spirit that is responsible of evil attack.
According to Digo medical epidemiology, foreign spirits especially from their neighborhood
are responsible of spirit attack. The order by the herbalist for the evil spirit to leave is
promptly obeyed. The evil spirit announces his dismount from the sufferer:
“Ruhani” is a song in praise of the most reliable of all the good spirit. After of the evil spirit
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Ruhani take over and drive away
The evil spirits, Drive to the sea
Drive to the forest and to the plain
I explore the concerns in the Kayamba oral poetry that inform literary strategies that convey
them. The central concern is restoration of health. There are other related concerns that are
embedded in the subplot of the poems. They include healers and their trade, spirits,
supernatural forces, exorcism and communal undertaking in which they gather in times of
Functional roles of the Kayamba oral poetry rendered during the healing ritual are the
therapeutic intervention. This therapy is subjected to the possessed. Those involved in the
healing are struggling with invisible forces that have power over life and death. The evil
spirits are appeased and mollified so that they release the sick from bondage. This is well
In the above oral poetry, the soloist is addressing those present, pleading with them to listen,
to pay attention to her. She is calling upon the traditional healer to listen to him. The main
concern here is about healing. The soloist praises the traditional healer by describing them as
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Kayamba Spirit possession and exorcism is an enterprise. An enterprise whose practitioners
(healers) draw their income from. It is an enterprise with structures that make it thrive. This
enterprise is ethno medical in nature, though the healers‘, according to the informants, charge
they seem to understand the nature of their clients and their purchasing power. The healers
The evil spirits such as ‗Mduruma‟ and ‗Mrabumkuse‘ are responsible for illnesses inflicted
on their victims. There are also human friendly spirits such as Mwarabu and Ruhani who
shield the Digo from spirit attack or negotiate and mollify evil spirits from attacking their
benefactors. On the other hand are the medicine men and women who mediate between the
possessed and the evil spirits. This is done through appeasement that focuses on material
reward and verbal pleading. If both fails, force is applied in which the healers order the evil
spirit to leave. Spirits dread voices emanating from healers. They therefore obey these voices
DIGO ENGLISH
Howa navyoga tandara The evil spirit must leave
Mbona unaihwania bayo Nyika Leave and go back to the Nyika
Taireni mganga Because Nyika is where you belong
Taireni mganga You belong to the dry land
Taireni mganga You belong to the dry land
The process of healing is not complex. All that is required is to play music through singing
and playing musical instruments. The blending of this music creates a mystic force that
hypnotizes and drives the patient into a trance. During the trance, the spirits are able to
The supremacy of their gods and spirits are reflected in the songs. Their deity is much
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DIGO ENGLISH
Chuwo cha mtume Pray about this trade
Namuombea mungu I pray to god for the Mwarabu
The concern of gender identity is not explicit in the poems. A number of scholars as argued
elsewhere in this thesis have explored the extent to which women negotiate for space through
spirit possession (Gomm 1975:535, Boddy: 1989:145, Lewis1998:109). Their demands for
gifts, the attention they are given by the society and their spouses point to a desire to be
recognized.
Theme of erotic fulfillment is connoted in the oral poetry as illustrated in the songs below:
The act of stripping nude connotes seduction by the spirit. ‗When she is mixed in thoughts‘.
There is a link between trance and expression of desire (Louise: 2010:53, Lewis: 2003). There
is sufficient evidence realized both in the bodily behaviour of the possessed woman and
textual evidence as shown in the oral poetry quoted above. This can psychoanalytically be
interpreted as the woman‘s unrealized and unfulfilled romantic desire by her husband. The
trance triggers what is in the unconscious mind to expose itself through the utterances of the
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The above concerns in the oral poetry are conveyed through literary strategies which include
strategies. The next section interrogate the deployment of style in effective therapeutic
healing
The texts under study represent a creative phenomenon which is of importance in the
therapeutic healing of the afflicted in the Digo society. Finnegan (1992:123) in addressing
issues of style in oral text argues that knowledge of the social and literary context of the songs
is important. She adds that Stylistic features may have layers of meaning which one may not
be able to interpret if a scholar relies on the translated text alone. The researcher has therefore
applied the ethnopoetic theory to aid in the interpretation of the oral poetry. Hymes (1982:26)
one of the proponents of the theory opines that for an effective interpretation of the songs,
both the original text and the translated should be studied for effective interpretation. I have
presented both the Digo songs and the translated text for illustration. Studies in the causal
relationship between trance during spirit possession and the oral poetry rendered during the
performance ritual have demonstrated that the oral poetry contribute in the therapeutic healing
of the sick (Becker: 2004, Berliner: 1975, blacking; 1985, Boddy: 1994, Crapanzano: 1973,
Finnegan outlines a number of literary strategies in a given oral text (Finnegan: 1992:163).
The following sub-section interogates the deployment of some of the above stylistic strategies
in the oral poetry. The section examines the presence of the literary styles in the poems and
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3.3.1 Repetition
The most outstanding, predominant and identifiable literary quality of Digo healing songs is
repetition. The literary repetition is at different levels. These include; lexical, syntactical and
phonological patterning.
a) Lexical repetition
Most often, the soloist repeats words she has previously sang while the chorus re-echoes the
same words:
The word mbarawa is repeated a number of times. Mbarawa is a benevolent spirit that
protects individuals against evil spirit. The repetition of the word therefore is an urgent appeal
to the good spirit to respond to the request of the singer. In addition the repetition brings
rhythm and musicality to the poem. In another poem, ‗Mduruma,‟ the word Mduruma is
repeated five times. ―Mduruma‖ refers to a Duruma evil spirit from Duruma ethnic group, a
Mduruma Mduruma
Mganga: Mduruma yuya mayo Mganga: Nduruma the evil spirit,
Mduruma yuya mayoo Nduruma the evil spirit
Nganga mduruma wee yuya Your place is the dry land
Nganga mduruma wee yuya Your place is the dry land
Nyika mduruma The nyika is your home
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The repetitions in the above poem prompt the evil spirit to leave the sick.It is clear from the
repetation in the poem that a certain spirit is the target and this intensity coarse the spirit to
leave.The song, „Mbarawa‟ is in praise of the Digo spirit. The morale and conviction of the
good spirit to drive the evil spirits out of the sick are enhanced when praised. The healer
communes with the spirits, both good and evil. It is this repeated flattery of the good spirit
that emboldens them and gives them power to confront the evil spirits during the invocation
period.
On the other hand, the presence of the healer and the continued praise heaped on him by the
performers provides a sense of security and comfort to the possessed that is now hopeful of
regaining her health. This song is sung in praise of the good spirit in the Digo spirit world
whereevil and benevolent spirits are found. In their world outlook, they believe that good
spirits can mediate between them and the evil spirits. In song 11 similar repetition is in praise
literary device in orality: Repetition is no doubt one of the most fundamental characteristic
features of oral literature. It has both aesthetic and utilitarian value. In other words, it is a
device that not only gives a touch of beauty or attractive to a piece of oral expression, stresses
57
the intended meaning, which in this case is to pressurize the possessing spirit to leave the
It also serves certain practical purposes in the overall organization of the oral performance
for example in the poem above it creates intensity and enhances the rhythm. Further, Nketia
(1955:104) states that repetition is not monotonous, neither is it done due to barrenness of
thought on the contrary, they may have a musical mode of meaning or they may be a means
of emphasizing a point.
Phonological patterning is the foremost form of repetitions deployed in the Digo oral poetry
of the Kayamba subgenre of Digo orature. As a literary tool, it is employed to achieve rhythm
and harmony that are instrumental in the therapeutic healing of the possessed. They include
alliteration, assonance and rhyme. Translation of the Digo Kayamba oral poetry into English
An examination of these phonological patterns in the Kayamba oral poetry points to a heavy
borrowing from the rich phonological and prosodic features in the Swahili poetry of eastern
Africa though the poetry is not strictly metrical when juxtaposed with Swahili poetry. East
African Swahili poetry is replete with phonological patterning and metre as observed by
Finnegan (1977:168). The poem ‗mwarabu‘ is an example of the poem with repetitive
phonological patterning
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Song 2 Mwarabu Chorus: The afflicted will be set free
Soloist: I pray for Mwarabu spirit Mwarabu spirit
I pray to god about your trade I pray to god
I pray for Mwarabu spirit I pray to god
I pray about this trade The prophet‘s trade
I pray to god for the mwarabu The prophet‘s trade
This trade of the prophet
That the afflicted will be set fre
An examination of the above song in Digo version depicts a song replete with a number of
sound patterns such as alliteration, assonance and rhyme. Alliteration is found in the
Assonance is also present in the following verses in the repletion of the vowel sound /a/:
Namuombea aliepagawa apone sound /a/ in line 7
The poem also contains end rhyme. They are emboldened and assigned similar letters
Mwarabu
Soloist:Mwarabu namuombea mungu a
Chuwo cha mtume b
Mwarabu namuombea mungu a
Chuwo cha mtume b
Namuombea mungu a
Chuwo cha mtume b
Namuombea aliepagawa apone c
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Chorus Aliepagawa apone c
Pepho mwarabu d
Namuombea mungu a
Namuombea mungu a
Chuwo cha mtume b
Chuwo cha mtume b
The above poem has a near regular rhyme scheme as demonstrated above. Is rhyme scheme is
The above poem is replete with alliteration, assonance, and rhyme. For the alliteration the
60
Hoiyee matari hoiyee
Hoiyee matari hoiyee
The rhyme scheme of this poem is also regular as shown below. Rhyming sounds are
assigned similar letter of the alphabet
Song 9 Mbarawa
SOLOIST Mbarawa ngoma madede a
Mbarawa mwana madziho wadede a
Mbarawa we howadede a
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo b
Baba matari we ngoma niurembo b
Kala namalingere kugula uganga heee c
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo b
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo b
Matari we ngomani urembo b
Matari we ngomani urembo b
Baba matari we wee weee c
Haya howee hee matari d
We ngoma niurembo a
Hoiyee matari hoiyee c
Hoiyee matari hoiyee c
Hoiyee matari hoiyee c
Hoiyee matari hoiyee c
The rhyme scheme of the above poem is aaaaacbbbbcdacccc. This pattern confirms the
richness of Kayamba poetry in phonological patterning.The rhyme brings in the beauty and
entertaining bit of the oral poetry, thus encouraging participation by all even those who do not
understand the real meaning of the ritual like the young children. Assonance is realized in the
Assonance
SOLOIST Mbarawa ngoma madede „a‟ and „e‟
Mbarawa mwana madziho wadede „a‟ and „e‟
Mbarawa we howa dede „a‟ and „e‟
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo „a‟, „o‟ and „e‟
Baba matari we ngoma niurembo „a‟, „o‟ and „e‟
Kala namalingere kugula uganga heee „a‟, „o‟ „e‟ and „u‟
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo „a‟, „o‟ and „e‟
Mbarawa we ngoma niurembo „a‟, „o‟ and „e‟
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Matari we ngoma ni urembo „a‟, „o‟ „i‟ and „e‟
Matari we ngomani urembo „a‟, „o‟ „i‟ and „e‟
The above illustrations of phonological patterns demonstrate the application of prosodic and
phonological forms in Kayamba oral poetry.The use of these sound patterns has enormous
literary significance that are both aesthetic and utilitarian in nature (Okpewho: 1992: 72). A
number of literary scholars have made a number of observations concerning the functional
Ruth Finnegan while examining phonological features in Akan dirges acknowledges the
(1998:742), repetition may consist of sounds of particular syllables and words, phrases,
stanzas, metrical patterns, ideas, allusions, refrain alliterations rhyme and assonance. Gbolo
(2010:342) while examining functional and aesthetic value of repetition of sounds report that
they enhance the rhythm and structural unity of the poem. The repetition of these sounds
allows the participation of the audience in the rendition of the poems since the ritual is a
prosodic features are appliedwith the intention to create a melody suitable to a particular
spirit. These features are difficult to represent the graphological for they are effectively
During the rendition of the Kayamba text, the tempo changes gradually until it reaches a
crescendo and climax when the sick person is healed. The role of the tempo in Digo music is
to drive the spirit away and awaken the sick to achieve a trance. Trance is achieved when all
aspect of the performance are collaborated. These include the ensemble (the musical
instruments), the dance moves and the enactment of the song text.The repetitive melodies in
the oral poetry and its textual content have the potential to invite a particular possessed person
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to the dance arena through the persona possessing the sick person. The Kayamba oral poetry
This is done through trial and error methods in which different melodies are tested until when
the spirit responds. These repetitive melodies, lexicon, syntax, prosodic elements and
phonological patterns contribute to the healing of the sick when collaborated with other
elements of the ritual such as ensemble, dancing and the content of the songs.
c) Syntactic repetition
This refers to the repetition of the phrases in the poems. There is extensive deployment of
syntactic structures in all the poems. Gbolo (2010:143), Argues that syntax is applied in oral
In Kayamba poetry syntax is generally used not only for structural unity but also to enhance
the meaning of the poem, enhance rhythm and memorability of the poems when rendered
orally. The following poems will illustrate the above functionality of the poems.
Song 2 “Mwarabu”
The above syntactic repetitions refer to the soloist asking God to intervene in the protection of
the good spirit ―Mwarabu‖. These repetitions enhance the structural unity of the poem,
advance the theme and rhythm of the poem. Other poems with syntactic repetitions include:
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Song 7 Nenda pwani
Nenda pwani I am going to the coast
Nkavule nguwo nangoma To strip naked
Hayalola nikavule nguwo To strip naked
Nkavule nguwo na ngoma To strip naked
Hayalola nikavule nguwo To strip naked
Hayalola madzigavuwo Look at me, I am stripping
Hayalola madzigavuwo Look at me, I am stripping
Hayalola madzigavuwo Stripping, stripping, stripping
Hayalola madzigavuwo Look at me, I am stripping
In the Kayamba oral poetry, a number of idiophones have been injected in the poems to affect
The use of repeated the sound /e/ as a linguistic unit at the end of the poem emphasize the
message in the poem-that all should listen to the herbalist. The healer is pleading with those
gathered to listen to him. In another poem, ‗Mwarabu namkuse‘. The bard makes use of
Chorus: Chorus:
Wee ananunkamavuwo With the herbals, heal her
Wee ananunkamavuwo With the herbals, heal her
he, ananukamavuwo he With the art heal her
Ananukamavuwo he With the expertise heal her
Ananukamavuwo he With your power heal her
Ananukamavuwo he hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee
The above idiophones not only conclude the poem but also enhance its rhythm. According to
Opkewho, idiophones ―are not like normal words to which meaning are readily assigned.
They are simply sounds used in conveying a vivid impression. In short an idiophone is an
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idea –in sound (Opkewho 1992: 92).Nketia on the other hand, in his study of the Akan dirges
refers to them as end particles (Nketia 1955; 75). Agyekum (2007:51) observes that
idiophones are employed in oral text to achieve a number of effects. There are mainly used
for rhythm and not meaning since they cannot be translated. This assertion does not apply to
the use of ideophones in Kayamba poetry. In some instances, the meanings of idiophones are
clear.
3.3.3 Imagery
In my examination of imagery, I interrogate the imagery deployed in the songs and how they
bring in therapeutic healing to the sick. Imagery has the potential to awaken the sick
especially when what is familiar is mentioned to them. Some of the categories of imagery
a) Personification
In Digo oral poetry, nonhuman things, ideas and object are given human attribute. The world
of spirits, the fauna and flora operate on the same plane. To understand the Kayamba poetry
knowledge about the ethno cultural and sociological background of the community is
important (Finnegan: 1992: 163). Spirits inhabiting the world of the Digo people are assumed
to be human beings.
In these oral poems, personification is mainly applied when addressing both evil and good
spirits. The spirits are addressed as though they are physically present. For evil spirits can be
persuaded to leave the sick and go back to their place of origin. If they defy the request to
leave, then through invocation, the healer orders them to leave. In the poem ―Mwarabu‖ the
good spirit is addressed as though it were a human being. It is being requested to intervene
and rescue the afflicted that has been invaded by evil spirit. The singer prays to God to take
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In another poem ―Ruhani”, the soloist is pleading with ruhani, the good spirit not to abandon
the people in their hour of need.
Ruhani Ruhani
Wee zamra, zamra, zamra Ruhani please stay
Soma chambaweweu mwalimu soma Your place is here with us
Kama weweumwalimu soma wee be with her, order any evil
Nachuochangu cha bwana spirit to leave, release her
Ruhani cha hilalahilala Your place is here for you Ruhani
Ruhani the good spirit is addressed as if he were a human being. Through this address the
people are assured of protection against evil spirit. Giles (1987) in her study of spirits in East
Africa recognizes the superiority of Ruhani in the spirit world of the people living in the East
African coastline. She says: In the spirit hierarchy, ruhani spirits are the highest, most
The symbolic world of the latter is associated with Islam, Koran, the Middle East (and
sometimes North East Africa), urban, coastal and cosmopolitan characteristics (as opposed to
rural village culture), the Arabic language, and, in many cases, with the sea (the Indian
Ocean) (pp.245).Evil spirit causing the affliction in the body of the sick are at first coaxed to
abandon the sick person. But if they defy, they are commanded to leave. The following poem
Mduruma Mduruma
Mganga:Mduruma yuya mayo Mganga : Nduruma the evil spirit,
Mduruma yuya mayoo Nduruma the evil spirit
Nganga mduruma wee yuya Your place is the dry land
Nganga mduruma wee yuya Your place is the dry land
Nyika Mduruma The nyika is your home
Howa navyoga tandara
The evil spirit must leave
Mbona unaihwania bayo nyika
Leave and go back to the nyika
Taireni mganga
Because nyika is where you belong
Taireni mganga
You belong to the dry land
Taireni mgang
You belong to the dry land
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In the oral poem above, the healer, after failing to drive the evil spirit from the possessed
through persuasion, is now ordering the evil spirit to leave immediately. Through this
invocation, the power of the healer is felt. The evil spirit leaves but not before making
demands through its host, the sick person. Floral, celestial and aquatic imagery are also
deployed in the poem. Plants, the forest and the sea are given human attribute as reflected in
Mvula Mvula
Oh Mvula nainyena inyenavoya Oh may the rain fall,
Mlungu mvula nainye Oh may the rain fall
Mlungu mvula nainye That the plants should not complain
Matoro waambwa umuganyi That the plants should not murmur
Navoyamlunguvugula That the plants should not whisper
Ugangazani wee Saying that you are not the provider
Matoronguoyangunavoya That the people may have a place
Mlungumvulanainyee To bring their cry-in the forest, the sea
Ano mayo heee To bring their cry-in the forest, the sea
Ano mayo heee Revive the plants
Ano mayo heee Revive the sea
Ano mayo heee. Revive your mystery, ooh, god.
The divine God is being asked to provide rain so that the plants don‘t ‗complain‘, ‗murmur‘
or ‗whisper‘. Rain will bring life to the sea and forest where the people will take their cry, and
suffering as a refuge to offer healing.The above personifications unite the human and the non
human and demonstrate their dependant on each other.In addition, the above text has a
religious imagery. After the possessed has healed, her life is bound to return to normalcy.
The healer and performers seek God‘s intervention asking him to bring life to plants:
Plants being their source of food are represented by coconut. The mention of the sea and the
forest is a symbolic reminder of the very important social religious and economic spaces that
are harmonized if spirits are tamed. The songs utilize aquatic images that are within the
people‘s environment. These images are associated with oceanic imaginaries and landscapes.
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The mention of the sea, water lilies and coconut provide mental pictures of the fine weather
of the coastline. These images are familiar to the sick and therefore provide an avenue to
b) Symbolism
Odaga (1981:31) while interrogating the functions of literary techniques in orature posit that
creativity of the oral artist is important in appreciating the didactic value of orature. The
Kayamba oral poem has a number of symbolic representations. These symbols are in
harmony with the sociological and cultural life of the source community. Spirits are
Mwarabu(no.2) and ruhani (no 14) symbolize good spirits that mediate with good spirit while
on behalf of the sick, while spirits like Mduruma (13), and Mrabumkuse(no 4) represent evil
spirit. In the poem ―fundi” ‗water lilies‘ represent the herbal cures administered to the sick
During the exorcism ceremony, traditional herbal medicine is used alongside exorcism. The
use of the water lilies shows the community‘s fidelity to their tradition. The mention of
healers such as „Marera‟, the skilful healers is a mark of recognition and confidence in Digo
ethno medicine. The healers symbolize the old, the tradition, the cure and the solution to
human maladies.
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The mention of ‗marera‘, a woman herbalist is recognition of women in community‘s
medical care. Taboo topics in the poems have been euphemistically been referred to through
use of symbolism. Aleksandr Gura in essay ―coitus in the symbolic language of Slavic
culture‖ explores the use of symbolism to refer to taboo topic such as sex (45). He says that
―usually coitus is referred to with euphemisms and other substitutes that can be both neutral
and expressive, or even humorous. He gives the images of a ―sting‖ or a ―bite‖ as the more
The Kayamba poetry has utilized symbolism to refer to the subject of coitus encounters. In a
poem ―Mkwaphi” a number of verses symbolically represent sexual images in this poem,
―Mkwaphi”, the possessed woman is in a trance. During trance the victim is gripped by the
evil spirit and it is believed that the evil spirit engages its host in a conjugal escapade. The
woman utters words indicative of this romantic encounter with the evil spirit.
This is presented in a euphemisic manner bearing in mind the kayamba healing ritual is
attended by all including the children and again with the knowledge that the concerned person
gets the message who is in this case the husband, who is expected to take his role, this would
lead to healing and also prevent future attacks by the malevolent spirits.She starts by saying
that she is ―eating meat‖ followed by ―I am stripping naked. Finally she says that she is
―confused in thoughts‖. This refers to the spirit‘s seduction as it progresses until the wooing is
complete.
c) Metaphors
The Kayamba oral poetry has metaphors embedded in them. They not only embellish the
poetry but they also communicate the poetic messages vividly. Examples are bound in a
number of poems: In an attempt to force evil spirits in out of the afflicted, the soloist says
―We light up the fire against you.‖ This connotes the violence that they are going to expose
the spirit to if it fails to leave the body of its victim. ―Fire‖ here stand for violence
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Chinapepeta ooh howa We know you are in her
Mwamhowaeee We tell the spirit to leave
Mwamhowaeee We light up the fire against you
Mwamhowaeee We ask you to leave
Mwamhowaeee
(Poem no 3)
The application of this imagery scares away the evil spirit and leaves the sick.In another poem
―zile ya mganga‖, the healer is praised and described as the ―lake of all mysteries‖. This is an
indication of how healers in this community are respected and revered. The metaphor gives
Schenb (2007: 98) argues that ―This plotting of images is really the special language of all
humans: communication happens not through words but by images created with the assistance
performance not only employ the use of imagery to spice up the poems but also to reflect the
d) Euphemism
There is a sub text in the stanza below. The possessed woman is declaring her undressing. She
is heading to the sea-the abode of the evil spirits. She says that she is mixed in thoughts
indicative of her being in the physical world and the spirit world at the same time; she talks of
gifts that she is enjoying from the spirits intimate embrace with the spirit seductive advances
and eventual healing. These images connote conjugal fulfillment probably denied to her by
her husband due to marital incongruence. Some scholars in the study of spirit possession have
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pointed out that spirits engage in romantic encounters with their victims (Lewis: 1989:
xiii,Jones :1949 ), in the songs there are images that are suggestive of romantic encounters
between the spirit and the sick woman especially when she reaches a trance. Her behavior
especially the ways she wriggles her body and her verbal utterances are indicative of an
intimate relationship with the spirit. This is reflected in the following lines;
Song 7 Nendapwani
Nendapwani I am going to the coast
To strip naked
Nkavulenguwonangoma
To strip naked
Hayalolanikavulenguwo To strip naked
nkavulenguwonangoma
To strip naked
Hayalolanikavulenguwo
Look at me, I am stripping
Hayalolamadzigavuwo Look at me, I am stripping
Hayalolamadzigavuwo Stripping, stripping, stripping
Nambirwamkwaphianaryanyama Look at me, I am stripping
Look at me Iam striping,
Wee howanaryanyama I am told that I am eating meat
Nambirwamkwaphiananzaiko I am mixed in thoughts
Chifyu change mgalankurya I am mixed in thoughts
meat! meat! meat!
Chifyu change mgalankurya
Chifyu change mgalankurya
Nyama, nyama
Nyama, nayama
3.3.4 Apostrophe
absent person or non-human interlocutor. The Kayamba oral poetry is replete with this
In the poem mwarabu mkuse, the dancers, addressing the evil spirits they request it;
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In another poem, Ruhani, the soloist pleads with Ruhani, the good spirit not to abandon them.
The spirit is request to stay and protect them against alien spirits
illness. The face to face encounter with the spirit is an assurance that they are hearing and will
respond. These ensure the afflicted that she is on her road to recovery once the spirit agrees to
unchain her.
The performance aesthetics and functionality of Digo healing songs are most often enhanced
by the soloist interpreting the healing process and so leading the song and calling the others to
respond. This is rendered antiphonally and dialogically. The structure of the song allows this
verbal collaboration. Its brevity allows the singers to memorize and recall the lines with ease.
These frequent vocal interactions between the soloist or lead singer and the chorus, illustrate
the communal collaboration in the singing. The call and response style also give the lead
singer time to observe how the possessed is behaving and so can insert or create new lines to
Finnegan (1977: 253) define antiphony as ―repetition of two phrases between soloist and
chorus while Nketia (1962:28) calls it call and respond form.This call and responsorial form
in Kayamba oral poetry is of different forms. One form involves the soloist who introduces
the oral poem and the chorus responds. In another form, the lead singer introduces the song
and joins in the choral respond. A good example is the song “mwarabu”. In this song both
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Dancer: Ooh yoyo mwambe yoyo
Kutanimohochidzungo
Chinapepeta ooh howa
Mwamhowaeee
Mwamhowaeee
Mwamhowaeee
Mwamhowaeee
Chorus/Dancer:Anomayohoiyee–hoiyee
Ano mayo hoiyee–hoiyee
Ano mayo hoiyee–hoiyee
Dancers : She smells of your presence
Set her free, ooh -- herbalist
We know you are in her
We tell the spirit to leave
We light up the fire against you
We ask you to leave
We ask you to leave
Chorus/dancer All the women hoiyee–
All the women hoiyee - hoiyee
All the women hoiyee - hoiyee
Antiphony is a powerful form of collaboration between the lead singer and the chorus. It has
a number of literary significance. It allows flexibility of the singing, give room for popular
and communal participation by all, makes the song musically embellished and finally it
The oral poems, when sung or chanted play a number of roles. They have both the aesthetic
value and also play a role in advancing the themes of the text.The healer uses artistic strategy
to communicate to the spirits thus acquiring a platform to navigate healing. When the healer
makes appeal or commands to the spirit, he does not use everyday language but uses poetic
expression and dramatic dialogue to navigate healing. Spirits which are difficult to deal with
are driven out through invocation in which the singing is intense and commanding. For those
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spirits who seem to comply they are persuaded to leave by applying soothing tunes of
different meoldies.
3.5 Conclusion
As demonstrated in the above section that the Kayamba song offers therapeutic healing to the
afflicted through the textual rendition of the oral poetry. In the section, I have explored how
literary strategies have been deployed to bring back the wellbeing of the sick person through
the textual techniques that are tailored towards healing of the patients. The following
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CHAPTER FOUR
This chapter presents a summary of the findings based on the data collected, processed and
analysed. The chapter provides the conclusion of the study and recommendation on further
research.
Quite a number of challenges were encountered while carrying out the field research, for
example some of the informants had limited education and could only converse in Digo
language little of which the researcher could comprehend. A translator was hired. I also had
under estimated the cost of research project during budgeting, the amount almost doubled the
initial cost. Extra trips to the performance sites were made where certain clarifications were
required.
Some of the electronic equipment malfunctioned causing extra expenditure in the editing of
the voices in the audio data collected. The cost of processing of the data shot up because the
expert I had contracted to transcribe and translate the data found it challenging and so extra
transcribers and new translators with better competence of both the local and research
languages and expertise had to be employed. This was to facilitate quick, efficient and
effective data collection and analysis so as to complete the work within the time frame
offered for this research work. The researcher also had to bear with the personal changes in
dietry habits, weather conditions as well us cultural differences and practices. However, the
interest of the research work made it easier for the researcher to acclimatize with the
variations in general, and by the end of the day I came up with the following findings;
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4.3 Summary and Findings
This study set out to interrogate the artistic technique and performance dynamics in Digo
healing poetry and their role in the therapeutic healing of the afflicted during the Kayamba
spirit possession and exorcism. Since this was a study with an inter-disciplinary trajectory that
Psychology, Medical sciences among others, the research intended to only examine the
intersection of literature and the other disciplines- a study of performance dynamics and the
application of aesthetic strategies in the performance oral poetry of the kayamba therapeutic
healing ritual.
The objectives of the study were to interrogate the Kayamba poetry performance and their
deployment of artistic technique of the Kayamba poetry in the therapeutic healing of spirit
possessed persons. The scope of the study was limited to a study of the Kayamba
performance among the Digo of Golini sub-county of Kwale County in Coast region of
Kenya.
The finding of this study will contribute to scholarship in African folklore and also provide
kayamba oral performance of the Digo community as an alternative medical care in the Digo
community.
On literature review, a corpus of data was reviewed in an attempt to examine the knowledge
the intersection of history of the community and the cradle of the kayamba performance and
Further review of available literature explored the scholarly study of Orality and healing in
which the contribution of oral poetry in ethno medical care was examined. Works that treat
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spirit possession and exorcism as agency for women seeking to interrupt male dominance in
The study applied theories of performance, Ethnopoetics and psychoanalytic in its execution
of the problem at hand. Ethnopetics, a theory whose cradle is traced to the study of American
Indians folklore was found appropriate because it is well grounded in the ethnography of the
community under study. The theory privileges the literary aesthetic of oral poetry in its
original language by studying the way it‘s rendered and the aesthetics in the poetry before
translation. This theory challenges the application of western theories in the analysis of
translated Orality. It argues that a translated oral text cannot retain its context and aesthetics
Performance theory on the other hand aided this research in the interpretation of the kayamba
performance as a verbal art. The kayamba performance and its ritual of spirit possession and
exorcism, its attendant artistic events that accompany the ritual such as songs rendition,
musical accompaniment and dancing are the events to be defined as literary performance.
This position is supported by schechner (1982:8) who postulate that rituals in performance
studies are part of performance in which the ritual provides moments of realizing the
imaginary reality. Further performance theory interpreted the events in the kayamba dance as
To correctly interpret the motives behind the actions of the possessed during the healing
session, and the underlying connotative semantics in certain verbal utterances, psychoanalytic
theory was deployed. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were applied while
conducting the field research. This is because of the nature of the inquiry. Purposive sampling
method of data collection was applied in the selection of research area, informants and artists.
77
The field research site was Golini village of Msambweni in Kwale County. Once the
permission to conduct research in the area was granted by the relevant local county
performances that research instruments were put into use. The research instruments included
ethno methodological approach and interviews. In addition the study involved library research
During the field research, two categories of data were collected: data on performance
dynamics and data on oral poetry of the Kayamba rendered during the performance.
Processing of the data involved transcription and translation of the oral songs. Analysis dwelt
with interpretation of the data by the examination of the performance dynamics and aesthetic
strategies deployed. The analysis partly involved the application of Ethnopoetics approach in
which the identification of the aesthetics emanated from the oral songs in their transcribed
form. This was especially in elements such as lexical, phonological and syntactic repetitions.
The oral poetry was transcribed from the recorded audio and video sources and later
The poems were later subjected to a critical analysis of the artistic techniques present in the
poems and their functional implications in the healing of the afflicted. Artistic strategies
instrumental in the healing include the use of figurative language, antiphony, repetition of
syntactic, phonological and lexical elements in the poem. The performance dynamics and
artistic qualities when deployed in the Kayamba healing ritual were found to effect healing on
the patient. The public is called to attention after confirmation that the sick person is suffering
from spirit possession. The confirmation is done by the traditional healers after conducting
78
elaborate ethno medical diagnosis. The manifestation of spirit possession is well documented.
These manifestations assist the healer to confirm the possession, carry out the diagnoses
confirm the cause of the illness and bring healing to the sick.
Traditional healers have power over evil. They have the potency to drive evil spirits away.
Spirits that are easy to appease are persuaded to leave while those that are resistant and
malignant are ordered to leave the host through verbal invocation and intense kayamba
playing. The evil spirits dread voices and sounds emanating from musical instruments,
especially the kayamba playing. It‘s these sounds whose intensity and volume are believed to
The texts of the oral poetry allow communication between the evil spirit and the healer. The
singing. The aesthetic elements in the songs impact on the evil spirits and the possessed
leading to trance and eventual demand pronouncements. When the demands are fulfilled, the
patient heals. The hypothesis of the study were that the Kayamba oral poetry of the Digo is
embedded with artistic techniques that play a role in therapeutic healing of the possessed
person.The hypothesis two was that the performance dynamics in the healing ritual also
facilitate healing.The performance dynamics and artistic qualities when deployed in the
techniques were responsible for the inducement and appeasement of the malevolent spirit and
so facilitating exorcism. This research therefore ascertained that the artistic techniques and
performance dynamics are of great significance in the therapeutic healing of the possessed
personsick person.
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4.4 Recommendation for further research.
This research confined itself to a study of performance dynamics and artistic techniques in the
Kayamba performance and oral poetry. While in the field, a number of male informants
privately and confidentially explained that women were involved in spirit possession as a way
society. This position is shared by some scholars especially in the field of anthropology and
musicology (Gomm: 1975:530, Harris 1957:433, Lewis 1966:33, Messing 1958: 345, Parkain
1972:330, Shack: 1966:56, Wilson 1967:56 and Caplan 1968). A close reading of the
collected oral poetry of the Digo has elements of protest discourses but euphemistically and
symbolically stated. This study recommends that further research be mounted on the elements
of women marginalization in the performance and oral poetry of the Kayamba performance.
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APPENDICES
These were questions directed to different individuals in the kayamba oral performance that
is, an interview schedule for experts, healers and artist.
Age----
Biographical Gender--
information
Level of education--
Profession--
87
INTERVIEW QUESTIONS TO THE ARTISTS
Age----
Gender--
Level of education--
Place of resident--
Contacts--
88
APPENDIX 2 PROTOCOL DURING PERFORMANCE
i. Gender
ii. Age
4. The singers/artist
89
APPENDIX 3
(Kayamba) is black
Chigodi- this is a seat used by one whose evil spirits are being appeased-trancer
Dzifukizafuso: it means burn and inhale incense as a preparation for undergoing a Kayamba
spirit exorcism ceremony
Kujifukiza fuso /golomokpwa/ it means Trance- during this period, the sprit manifests itself in
the possessed person by 'coming to the head'- the possessed becomes the host in whose body
the spirit resides.
1) Traditional instrument made of a flat case of sticks enclosing Seeds which is held in both
hands and shaken rhythmically; Kayamba.
2) Healing ceremony involving singing and dancing during which spirits are appeased or
exorcised. Kayamba is not allowed during the month of Ramadan, since it is said to contradict
the teachings of the Qur'an;
Mwingo: (mi) kind of whip made of horse hair used to sprinkle water Head of a spirit-
possessed person to make the spirit happy during a
Pepo] (-) evil spirit: general term used for spirits (not of people) which bring Trouble; these
are of five basic types depending on their origin and the Language they speak during
Kayamba ceremonies:
Vuwo ra chifudu: this refers to medicinal water sprinkled on the head of a possessed person
During a Kayamba spirit appeasement ceremony to make the spirit Happy.
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APPENDIX 4
ANALYTICAL GUIDE
How is kayamba performance setting different from other settings of oral performances?
What special features appear in the delivery of the kayamba performance?
What role do the instruments play in the performance, how are they are played and who play
them.
How is gender representation in the performance, and the role of each gender.
What are the common artistic strategy used in the performance?
What role do artistic strategy play in a performance?
What kind of costumes are used in the performance?
Taking note of the types of poetry work.
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APPENDIX 5 : Songs in Digo and
English SONGS IN ENGLISH
SONGS IN DIGO
1 – Taireni
Song 1Taireni Soloist) Listen, ooh listen, the herbalist
Soloist) :Taireni wee mafundi Listen, ooh listen the medicimen
Taireni wee waganga All experts listen to me
Taireni wee All experts listen to me
Taireni wee All experts listen to me
Taireni wee Mganga: Traditional healers listen
Mganga: Navayako mana mlungu Traditional herbalists listen
mwema Those wise in traditional wisdom listen
Wee waganga taireni (Waganga) listen to me
Wee mafundi taireni eeeeeee, eeeeeee , eeeeeee
Taireni wee wee wee
eeeeeee, eeeeeee , eeeeeee ------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------- Song 2 Mwarabu
Song 2 Mwarabu Soloist: I pray for Mwarabu spirit
Soloist:Mwarabu namuombea mungu I pray to god about your trade
Chuwo cha mtume I pray for Mwarabu spirit
Mwarabu namuombea mungu I pray about this trade
Chuwo cha mtume I pray to god for the mwarabu
Namuombea mungu This trade of the prophet
Chuwo cha mtume That the afflicted will be set free
Namuombea aliepagawa apone Chorus /soloist That the afflicted will be set
Chorus/soloist Aliepagawa apone free
Pepho mwarabu Mwarabu spirit
Namuombea mungu I pray to god
Namuombea mungu I pray to god
Chuwo cha mtume The prophets trade
Chuwo cha mtume The prophets trade
------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------------------- Song 3 Mnazi unayumba
Song 3 Mnazi unayumba
Possessee: Give me the mirror woman(to
Possessee : Niphani chilolo nrorere mayo mganga)
Mnaziunayumba ,naihwanibaba (In a trance) I look at the coconut plant
Howa wanigondomola mambo Coconut plant, coconut plant
Yoyo nlole mayo mnazi The coconuts tree is shaking,
Yoyo nlole mayo mnazi Shaking, shaking, shaking
Unayumbanaihwani baba hawu I am being called by my father
Unayumbanaihwani baba hawu The spirits are attacking me
Unayumbanaihwani baba hawu Oh herbalist ooh herbalist
Unayumbanaihwani baba hawu Where is the perfume and horse ?
Wapimarashinafarasi Give me lesso
Hebu nipeleso (Possessed woman speaks She makes
(Possessed woman speaks She makes demands
demands)
Song 4 Mwarabunamkuse(A Digo Song 4 Mwarabu na mkuse
spirit)
Dancers; The Digo evil spirits
The Digo evil spirits
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Dancers; Mwarabu na mkuse nguwo The Digo evil spirits
Mwarabu na mkuse nguwo The Digo evil spirits
Mwarabu na mkuse nguwo The possessed needs healing
Mwarabu na mkuse nguwo Come out wee (mwarabumkuse)
Yanguhawemayemuwele Please leave her
Yarabiananukamavuwo Please depart from her
Yarabiananukamavuwo Please allow her freedom
Walobgwadzeyuno
Ananukamavuno Chorus/soloist Ooh people, the possessed
needs
Chorus/soloist Healing, healing, healing
Walogwadzeyunoo…. Herbalist,-- the afflicted smells your cure
Ananukamavuo Herbalist,-- heal the afflicted
Walogwadzeyuno Herbalist,-- the afflicted smells your cure
Ananukamavuo Herbalist,-- the afflicted smells your cure
Ananukamavuo Herbalist,-- the afflicted smells your cure
Ananukamavuo
Ananukamavuo With the herbals, heal her
With the herbals, heal her
Wee ananunkamavuwo With the art heal her
Wee ananunkamavuwo With the expertise heal her
he, ananukamavuwo he With your power heal her
Ananukamavuwo he hee, hee, hee
Ananukamavuwo he hee, hee, hee
Ananukamavuwo he hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee
hee, hee, hee
Dancers : She smells of your presence heal
A Dancer Ooh yoyo mwambe yoyo her
Kutanimohochidzungo Set her free, ooh -- herbalist
Chinapepeta ooh howa We know you are in her
Mwamhowaeee We tell the spirit to leave
Mwamhowaeee We light up the fire against you
Mwamhowaeee We ask you to leave
Mwamhowaeee We ask you to leave
98
I am leaving
I am releasing
I am departing
I leave I the Duruma Spirit
Back to nyika I go
Where I have a home to say
I go back to nyika
RUHANI
That you may reveal to us what is the cure
for the affected
Affected in body mind and soul
All of us are in different places
The young ones and the youth are in the
training
The old in their homes come in this
gathering
Ruhani please stay
Your place is here with us
If be with her, any evil
Spirit leave, release her and depart
Your place is here for you Ruhani
99
APPENDIX 6: INTERVIEWS:
BIO DATA
Age 66 years
Gender Male
Place of Golini
resident
Contacts 0704757115
SWALE ALI: I acquired the skill of healing through apprenticeship from a female
professional ritual healer. Elder sister Hakim, had recurring demonic attacks and got total
healing through this female healer, her name was Kabuu, now deceased.
SWALE ALI: The performance and especially the singing and dancing chase away the evil
spirits, not to forget the role of the instruments that enrich the whole performance.
RESEARCHER: How do people select this form of treatment yet we have other alternatives
types of medical care?
SWALE ALI: my own past experience when my got gripped by evil spirit can explain your
question. My sister‘s experience of evil spirit is a testimony of why we result to alternative
medical care. She was possessed by evil spirits, she developed strange sickness where modern
hospitals attempted a cure in vain, then she tried the herbal cure through a medicine woman
100
where the symptoms gradually went down but no total cure, she only got completely healed
after a ritual healing was performed on her. Though the ritual healing is taken by many as the
last option it has proved over the years as a successful way of treatment especially when one
suffers from a ‗strange‘ disease. Through the experience of my sister I developed interest
and admiration of ritual healers. I reached a point that I decided to train as a ritual healer.
RESEARCHER: Why are the performances done near a water body or a forest?
SWALE ALI: Evil spirits are known to reside in waters and forests and so the proximity to
either the waters or the forest or both as it is believed the act of exorcism will be much easier
as they are likely to flee from the possessed to their place of ‗normal‘ residence.
RESEARCHER: What are the changes that have taken place in those performances as time
passes by?
SWALE ALI :The changes that have taken place are so minimal compared to the original
performance that were done years ago, one of the changes is the place of the performance, we
have the performances happening away from the rivers and forest though with symbolic items
to bring out the same setting.
RESEARCHER: You have a legal document connected with your healing professional, say
something about it.
SWALE ALI: The certificate was awarded to me after several successful ritual healing were
witnessed.
The certificate was awarded to me by ministry of Social and Culture then to allow me transact
my business freely and also for building much needed faith and confidence from the sick that
come to me for healing.
SWALE ALI: The performance has a bright future, in that the young people are eager to take
over from the old, the younger children who are acting as spectators today will tomorrow be
the performers.
People of all ages and especially the female gender. I also treat people from other
communities such as Duruma people from Nyika
SWALE ALI: Quite a success bearing in mind that I deal with stubborn and strange cases
where every other method of healing has failed. No patient has come to me and failed to
obtain at least some healing to a certain degree.
101
MOHAMMED JUMNA: EXPERT IN DIGO CULTURE
BIO DATA
Age 46years
Gender Male
Profession farmer, has a skill in playing Kayamba for healing, expert in Digo culture
Contact 0704757115
RESEARCHER: Why is it that the healer kept on covering the possessed with different
coloured shukas?
JUMA: This is because different types of spirits are enticed by different colours, so the healer
keep on using different colours of shuka to see which appeals to the spirit so as to appease it
to an extent of departing from the possessed.
RESEARCHER: The women singers kept on varying their tunes, what effect did that have to
the healing?
JUMA: The tone variation has a lot to do with the healing for the are those spirits that detest
loud voices and they are those ones that get appeased, so as the tone variation happens an
observation is concurrently made on the possessed to see how she responds, and if signs of
relief are noted the volume is increased to facilitate the healing.
JUMA: Basically ritual healing is taken as a last option after both medical care and herbalist
have failed.
It has proved to give results as the possessed who receive either get completely healed or
show signs of improvement, and are able to continue with normal life.
RESEARCHER: Most people around this place are Muslims and yet they belief in exorcism
of evil spirits, how can one explain this?
JUMA: They confess Islamic faith and so required by their faith to detach themselves with
such traditions but yet they have to seek this method of healing for it is the only one known to
cure the possessed otherwise they will be faced by death threat, though it is good to note that
for the strict Muslims the exorcism is somehow done secretly to avoid being considered a
pagan.
102
INTERVIEW OF A RITUAL HEALER
BIO DATA
Age 67 years
Gender Male
Contacts 072878092
Mwarachuma: The performance and especially the singing and dancing chase away the evil
spirits, not to forget the role of the instruments that enrich the whole performance.
RESEARCHER: How do people select this form of treatment yet we have other alternatives
types of medical care?
Mwarachuma: my own mother‘s past can explains your question. Her experience during the
spirit attack is a testimony of why we result to alternative medical care. She was possessed by
evil spirits, she developed strange sickness where modern hospitals attempted a cure in vain,
then she tried the herbal cure through a medicine man where the symptoms gradually went
down but no total cure, she only got completely healed after a ritual healing was performed
on her. Though the ritual healing is taken by many as the last option it has proved over the
years as a successful way of treatment especially when one suffers from a ‗strange‘ disease.
through my interest and admiration of ritual healers I reached a point that I decided to train
as a ritual healer.
RESEARCHER: Why are the performances done near a water body or a forest?
Mwarachuma: Evil spirits are known to reside in waters and forests and so the proximity to
either the waters or the forest or both as it is believed the act of exorcism will be much easier
as they are likely to flee from the possessed to their place of ‗normal‘ residence.
103
RESEARCHER: What are the changes that have taken place in those performances as time
passes by?
Mwarachuma:The changes that have taken place are so minimal compared to the original
performance that were done years ago, one of the changes is the place of the performance, we
have the performances happening away from the rivers and forest though with symbolic items
to bring out the same setting.
RESEARCHER: You have a legal document connected with your healing professional, say
something about it.
Mwarachuma: The certificate was awarded to me after several successful ritual healing were
witnessed.
The certificate was awarded to me by ministry of Social and Culture then to allow me transact
my business freely and also for building much needed faith and confidence from the sick that
come to me for healing.
Mwarachuma: The performance has a bright future, in that the young people are eager to
take over from the old, the younger children who are acting as spectators today will tomorrow
be the performers.
Mwarachuma :People of all ages and especially the female gender. I also treat people from
other communities such as Duruma people from Nyika
Mwarachuma: Quite a success bearing in mind that I deal with stubborn and strange cases
where every other method of healing has failed. No patient has come to me and failed to
obtain at least some healing to a certain degree.
104
INTERVIEW OF A RITUAL HEALER
Name Ramadhan Tajiri
Age 64yrs
Gender Male
Contact 0714201777
RESEARCHER: What is the connection between the performance and the healing?
RAMADHAN TAJIRI: The connection between the healing and the performance is a
combination of elements; the faith, the melody, the instrumentation and the techniques used
in the dance and the voicing of the selected words.
RAMADHAN TAJIRI: In most cases ritual healing deals with so called rare and strange
sickness, most patients will first seek modern medical care if it fails to give the results they
will seek for a doctor that uses herbal medicine and if it fails they will result to ritual healing
as the last option.
RAMADHAN TAJIRI: Different techniques applied in the song soothes particular spirits
Every possessing spirit has the melody that soothes it, at the beginning different tunes of
melody are played to see what the possessing spirit identify with. When it is discovered a lot
more is played to appease the spirit.
RESEARCHER: What are the roles of different ages and gender in a performance?
RAMADHAN TAJIRI: The men play the instruments while the women sing and dance,
youth and children are spectators.
RAMADHAN TAJIRI : Because the Kayamba instrument is the one used most of all the
instruments, as it nature of the tune it gives is known to soothe, please and appeals to the
spirit such that through variation in shaking it spirits respond and are triggered to leave there
making exorcism possible.
105
EXPERT IN KAYAMBA PERFORMANCE
Name Mwanajuma Mwindia Mariamu
Age 72 years
Gender Female
Residence Golini
contact 0733110400
RESEARCHER: What was the significant of the items that you gave to the possessed during
the performance that is the chick and the herbal concoction?
MWANAJUMA: The chick is a gift to the possessing spirit so that it may accept to depart
from the sick, while the herbal concoction is for the sick to be smeared with to sends away the
evil spirits.
MWANAJUMA: A patient is anointed so that the evil spirits do not attack the person again.
It is like a mark put on her that will repel the evil spirits.
106
APPENDIX 7: CONSENT FORMS
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
APPENDIX 8: PICTORIAL
116
THE HEALER
THE POSSESED
THE HEALER, THE POSSED AND THE THE SETTING, SUFURIA WITH WATER,
SIGNIFYING WATERBODY, PLANTS AND
PERFORMERS
SELECTED LEAVES SIGNIFYING A FOREST
117
Certificate/legal document (acquired through the ministry of social and culture)
that permits the healer to perform his duties.
Swaleh Ali and the Researcher Halima Tse tse and the Researcher
Ramadhani Tajiri and the Researcher Saum Swale and the Researcher
118
Group of the performers and the researcher
119
The researcher consulting with the
Performance in progress
research assistant
120
The possessed making demands e.g
The possessed going into trance asking for marashi, leso etc
121