INSTITUTION: THE UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA.

FACULTY: THE FACULTY OF CATHOLIC THEOLOGY.

SUBJECT: MORAL THEOLOGY.

INSTITUTE: INSTITUTE OF CATHOLIC THEOLOGY AND ETHICS.

DISSERTATION PROJECT:

TITLE: PROMOTING WOMEN’S DIGNITY AMONG THE POKOT PEOPLE OF

NORTH-WEST KENYA: A THEOLOGICAL—ETHICAL STUDY ON HOW TO
OVERCOME WOMEN'S CIRCUMCISION.

WRITER: JOHN NJENGA NGANGA.

ACADEMIC GRADE:

Studienkennzahl: A011

Studienrichtung: Studienblatt:

Matrikelnummer: a0846096.

Betreuerin: Universität.-Prof.- Dr. Sigrid Müller.

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Inhalt
DISSERTATION PROJECT: JANUARY 2019- DECEMBER 2024..........................................3
TABLE OF CONTENTS:
1. THE GENERAL INTRODUCTION………………....................................... 7
2. THE THEORY OF UNIVERSALISM AND CULTURAL RELATIVISM… 10
2.1. The notion of
Universalism……………………………………………… 11
2.2. The Notion of Cultural
Relativism………………………………………. 12
2.2.1. Culture………………………………………………………. 12
2.2.2. The components of culture……………………….....................16
2.2.3. Relativism……………………………………………………. 17
2.3. Universalism as opposed to cultural relativism………………………….
19
2.4. Reconciling universalism and cultural relativism…… ………………….
21
3. THE HISTORY OF HUMAN DIGNITY…………………………………… 23
3.1. The development of the concept ‘Dignity.’……….
………………………23
3.2. The Conclusion…………………………………………………………

PART ONE:

Chapter One.
INTRODUCTION TO THE FIELD RESEARCH:

Data Analysis.

HUMAN DIGNITY CULTURALLY EXPRESSED: AN ENQUIRY INTO THE POKOT

TRADITION………………………………………………………………………….31.

Elements of Pokot Culture Explaining Women's Dignity:

1. An Investigation into the Pokot Tradition of Female Circumcision as a Cultural

Expression of Human Dignity………………………………………………….31
1.1 The meaning of women's circumcision according to the Pokot People……32
1.2 The origin of female circumcision according to the Pokot People……….33
1.3 The relationship with male circumcision………………………………….36
1.4 The traditional reasons for women's circumcision……………………….39
1.5 Why, traditionally, every woman had to be circumcised…………………40.
1.6 The type of circumcision practiced by the Pokot People…………………40.
1.7 The age at which women were circumcised……………………………….42.
2. The Actual Women Circumcision, the Real Act, a Description and Steps…….44

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 2.1 request to the parents and the acceptance………………………………….45.
2.2 Preparation………………………………………………………………….46
2.3 Invitation to the visitors…………………………………………………….47
2.4 The night before the actual circumcision………………………………….47
2.5 Phase one: In front of the entire community……………………………….50
2.6 Phase two: Only circumcised women………………………………………52
2.7 Phase three: The older women come to check if the circumcision was done
correctly……………………………………………………………………53.
2.8 Seclusion………………………………………………………………….54.
2.9 Ng’empasany- Washing in the river………………………………………57.
2.10 Kipuno……………………………………………………………………58.
2.11 Coming out ceremony or Graduation…………………………………….60.
3. Female Circumcision and Marriage……………………………………...........64.
3.1 The reason for women's circumcision…………………………………….67.
3.2 The role of men in women's circumcision……………………………….69.
3.3 The role of women in women’s circumcision……………………............72.
3.4 Women's Circumcision as the Pathway to Marriage…………………….74.
4. The Adverse Effects of Female circumcision Among the Pokot Women…….76.
4.1 Immediate Effects……………………………………………………….76.
4.1.1 Excruciating Pain…………………………………………………77.
4.1.2 Excessive Bleeding……………………………………………….77.
4.1.3 Infection………………………………………….........................77.
4.1.4 May lead to death………………………………………………...78.
4.2 Medium-Term Effects………………………………………………….79.
4.2.1 It marks the End of Education for many young girls……………79.
4.2.2 Early Marriage………………………………………………….81.
4.2.3 Forced Marriage…………………………………………………81.
4.3 Long-Term Effects………………………………………………….82
4.3.1 Prolonged Labor during the birth of the children……………82
4.3.2 Tearing during birth………………………………………….84
4.3.3 High chances of death at birth of the children……………….85
4.3.4 Vaginal Fistulas Sicknesses………………………………….86
4.3.5 Child marriage and forced marriage for girls………………...87
4.3.6 Little or no education for girls……………………………….89
5. Human Dignity in the Understanding of the Pokot People……………….91
5.1 The concept of dignity in the Pokot Language- Silolyo-Respect…….92
5.2 The meaning of dignity according to the Pokot People………………93
5.3 The distinction between man and woman according to the Pokot People…94
5.4 Pokot Women and Ownership……………………………………….96
5.5 Pokot Women and Equality………………………………………….97
5.6 The Position of Pokot women in a family setup…………………….98
5.7 Dignity at birth……………………………………………………….99
5.8 Dignity at Circumcision………………………………………………100
5.9 When does a Pokot woman begin to have dignity?..............................102
5.10 The relationship between dignity and women's circumcision……….103
5.11 The connection between dignity and female circumcision is defined by dowry
at marriage……………………………………………………………….105
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 5.12 The position of uncircumcised women in the Pokot Community…….106
6. Conclusion………………………………………………………………....108

PART ONE
Chapter Two:
THE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF FEMALE CIRCUMCISION AMONG THE POKOT
PEOPLE.

TABLE OF CONTENTS:

1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………….109
2. THE RITES OF PASSAGE AMONG THE POKOT PEOPLE……….111
2.1. Parpara………………………………………………………………….1
12
2.2. Malal…………………………………………………………………….
112
2.3. Keghöt
Kelat…………………………………………………………….112
2.4. Mutat/
Mutin…………………………………………………………….112
2.5. Sapana………………………………………………………………….1
13
3. THE DESCRIPTION OF THE POKOT WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION. 114
3.1. The Actual Cutting……………………………………………………
114
3.2. The Beginning of the Seclusion
Period……………………………….117
3.3. The Graduation Ceremony……………………………………………
119
4. THE APPRAISAL OF WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION IN THE POKOT
CULTURE……………………………………………………………….122
4.1. Cultural Values of Pokot Women Circumcision………………………
122
4.2. The Critical Voices from Within…………………………………….126
4.2.1. Female circumcision and Health Risks……………………….127
4.2.2. Female Circumcision and Education………………………….128
4.2.3. No Freedom of Choice in Marriage………………………….128
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 4.2.4. Lack of Autonomy……………………………………………128
4.2.5. Human Rights…………………………………………………129
4.2.6. Child Abuse……………………………………………………129
4.2.7. Poverty Promotion…………………………………………….129
4.2.8. Stereotyping……………………………………………………130
5. THE POKOT UNDERSTANDING OF HUMAN DIGNITY…………130
5.1. The Pokot Understanding of Human Dignity…………………………
130
5.2. When does a woman begin to have
Dignity?.........................................131
5.3. Losing and Regaining Dignity among the Pokot
Women…………….132
5.4. Summary……………………………………………………………….1
33
6. WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION AND PATRIARCHAL MINDSET….133.
6.1. The meaning of
Patriarchy…………………………………………….133
6.2. Characteristic of Patriarchy……………………………………………
136
6.2.1. Male dominance……………………………………………….136
6.2.2. Male Identification…………………………………………….136
6.2.3. Male Centeredness…………………………………………….137
6.2.4. Obsession with Control………………………………………...138
6.3. Patriarchy and Female Genital
Mutilation…………………………….140
6.4. The patriarchal mindset among the Pokot
People………………………….141
6.5. Female Circumcision as a System of Social Control…………………
141
6.5.1. Women’s Procreative Power of Socialization Control………….142
6.5.2. The Old Women Officiate the Ritual of Female Circumcision...144
6.5.3. The Patriarchal Mindset and the Pokot People………………….144
7. CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………144
PART TWO:

Chapter One.

1. Universal Human Dignity: (Secular and Christian) ………………………147

1.1. The Universal Human Dignity…………………………………………
147
1.2. Different Perspectives of Human Dignity………………………………
147
1.3. The Definition of Human Dignity………………………………………
148
1.4. Different Types of Human
Dignity…………………………………….149

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 1.5. The Philosophical Approach to Human Dignity………………………
149
1.6. A Theological Approach to Human Dignity……………………………
154
1.7. The Bond Between Human Dignity and Human Rights………………
157
1.8. Violation of Human Rights as the Precursor to the Abuse of Human
Rights………………………………………………………………….158
2. Human Dignity and Female Circumcision in the Context of Human Right
Tradition……………………………………………………………………161
2.1. Female Circumcision as a Violation of Human
Rights……………….162
2.2. Female Circumcision as a Violation of Human Dignity………………
167
2.3. The Achieved Dignity and the Inherent Dignity………………………
169.
2.4. Every Woman must be Circumcised with no Freedom to choose or not
be circumcised (No Autonomy) ……………………………………………173.
2.5. Interference with the Integrity of a
Woman…………………………….175.
2.6. Violation of Victim’s Human Rights takes away her
Dignity………….175.

PART TWO

Chapter Two.

THE HUMAN DIGNITY AND FEMALE CIRCUMCISION IN THE CONTEXT OF

CHRISTIAN-ETHICAL TRADITION…….
1. Human Dignity in the Context of Christian- Ethical Tradition……………176
1.1. The Account of Cosmo-centrism (Ancient Times.) ……………………….178
1.2. The Account of Christo-centrism (Middle Ages.) …………………………180
1.3. The Account Focused on Logos……………………………………………182.
1.4. The Account Focused on Polis…………………………………………….184.
1.5. The Correct Definition of Human Dignity…………………………………186
1.6. Summary……………………………………………………………………188
2. The Concept of Dignity: An Analysis…………………………………………
2.1. The Four Concepts of Human Dignity…………………………………….190
2.1.1. The Dignity of Merit………………………………………………...190
2.1.2. The Dignity of Moral Stature……………………………………….191
2.1.3. The Dignity of Identity………………………………………………192
2.1.4. The Human Dignity………………………………………………….193
2.1.5. The Teaching of the Church on Human Dignity…………………….194
3. Female Circumcision in the Context of Christian-Ethical Tradition…………197
3.1. The Teachings of the Church on Cultural Practices in
General……………….197
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 3.2. The Teachings of the Church on the Culture of Women
Circumcision……….197
3.3. The church's role in Influencing the Culture of Female Circumcision
(FGM)...197.

PART THREE. (30Pgs)

Chapter One:

ENCOUNTER OF THE UNIVERSAL AND CULTURAL PARTICULAR:

1. Justification for Female Circumcision Practices.

1.1 Control Over Women’s Sexuality.
1.2 Faith (religion)
1.3 Mythologies.
1.4 Customs.
2. Arguments against female circumcision as a Practice.
2.1 Impact on Health.
2.1.1 Both Immediate and Transient Difficulties.
2.1.2 Chronic Issues.
2.1.3 Psychological trauma.
2.2 Female sexual control.
2.3 Faith (Religion.)
2.4 Mythologies.
3. Comparison between Self-Determination and Human Rights.
3.1 Arguments from a cultural self-determination perspective in support of female
circumcision.
3.2 Human rights-based Argument against Female circumcision.
4. Involuntary versus voluntary Engagement.
4.1 Participation Without Consent.
4.2 Participation Voluntarily.
5. The Universal Applicability of Human Rights.
6. Modification: past efforts and Prospects.
6.1 Actions implemented to end female circumcision.
6.1.1 Laws.
6.1.2 Faith (Religion).
6.1.3 Health Education.
6.2 Prospects and Change Recommendations.
6.2.1 Global Initiatives.
6.2.2 Programs for Health Education.
6.2.3 Influential Social Role Models.
6.2.4 Laws and Multidisciplinary Approach.
6.2.5 Alternative Rites of Passage.

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 CONCLUSION:

DISSERTATION PROJECT: JANUARY 2019- DECEMBER 2024.

1. GENERAL INTRODUCTION:
The fight for women's equality and dignity is currently the most important in human and civil
rights history. Women's issues were not considered much for a long time because it was

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“natural” for them to be considered less human. It is nearly universally accepted that mothers
should care for their children at home and remain at home. The movement for women's
independence has only recently begun to take root in society. Another example is in the
workplace, where women who performed the same tasks as men were paid less than their
counterparts who held the same positions, carried out the same duties, and received lower
incomes. This demonstrates how women have historically been viewed as belonging to the
lower class in practically every aspect of life.

“War and violence, economic disparity and impoverishment, and environmental damage fall
squarely and disproportionately upon women and girls who suffer great injustices today.
Violence, child marriage, slavery, child prostitution, rape, sexual assault, domestic brutality,
bodily and genital mutilation”1 have been a great Pandemic than we are witnessing today.

Institutions that give women little or no voice are still in place today. The fundamental rights
of women to own property, manage their bodies, move freely, get married or divorced, keep
custody of their kids, pursue an education, find employment, and have the weight of their
evidence considered equally in court are denied in such institutions. Women who attempt to
change these unfair conditions risk being shunned, mistreated, or even killed in some parts of
the world. Women still experience poverty, violence, abuse, and access to education and
healthcare that jeopardizes their health, the burden of unpaid caregiving and unequal pay, and
systematic exclusion from decision-making processes within religious and other institutions
that affect the quality of their lives.2

This shameful violation of women’s dignity and human rights is grounded on the false
premise that “men and boys are superior to women and girls.”3 In her book ‘The Just Love,’
Margaret Farley refers to Isabel Apawo Phiri, who argues that “Girls learn from their mothers
that they are created to serve their brothers. Boys also believe they were born to be served by
girls and women.”4 This kind of mentality, which has long permeated society, has completely
changed, particularly in wealthy nations. However, the status quo is still in place in most
African countries. There is still a pervasive culture of underage marriages for girls, child
prostitution and slavery, rape, sexual assault, domestic violence, and genital and body
1
“Declaration for the Dignity and Human Rights of Women” Bainbridge; Island,
https://charterforcompassion.org/declaration-for-the-dignity-and-human-rights-of-women.
2
Cf: Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Isabel Apawo Phiri, “African Women of Faith Speaks out in HIV/AIDS Era,” in African Women, HIV/ AIDS, and
Faith Communities, ed. Isabel Apawo Phiri and Beverly Haddad (Pietersburg: Cluster Publications, 2004, Pg. 9,
in Margaret A. Farley’s ‘’Just Love” A Framework for Christian Social Ethics, Continuum, London, 2006, Pg 81.

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mutilation. Beliefs in several cultures and religions support this viewpoint. This negative
mentality has infiltrated society, contributing to the widespread abuse and exploitation of
women and girls worldwide.

Even though I addressed various forms of violence that women experience daily in society in
my introductory remarks, I do not want to deal with generalizations. My main goal is to draw
attention to one of these everyday instances of assault against women. In the context of the
Pokot Community, a subtribe of the Kalenjin Community primarily situated in the Northwest
region of Kenya, my research examines female genital mutilation.

Due to a lack of information, I plan to research the Pokot people to determine how they have
survived until now.

My main goal will be to construct a long-lasting solution to give a future to young girls whose
lives appear to be on the verge of destruction. Although the answer might not appear
immediately, it will provide victims with, by tradition, a symbol of hope and, as a result,
motivation. Additionally, the study will give people food for thought, particularly those who
want to go the same route. One step is the first of a thousand kilometers. I am clearing the
way for scholars who might have considered going on the same path but needed more guts.

The guiding question in this research is, “How do the Pokot People understand the dignity
of women in the practice of female circumcision?”

Since much research has yet to be done on this topic, field research will be necessary to
provide an accurate answer. Several research techniques will be employed to carry out this
obligation. The first is the systematic-hermeneutic approach, which entails analyzing human
dignity in terms of its universal and cultural interpretation. There are many current studies on
female circumcision. Numerous libraries in prestigious educational institutions have
significant, extensive selections of literature. These can be quite beneficial, especially when
building the research's foundation. Moreover, there is a wealth of literature on human dignity.
However, the link between human dignity and how it pertains to the tradition of female
circumcision seems to be missing.

One-on-one interviews are the second method, which is a qualitative empirical approach. It is
also known as an “Open-Ended-Method.”5 This technique conducts an interview one

5
Donald Kisilu Kombo and Delno L. A. Tromp, Proposal and Thesis Writing: An Introduction. Paulines
Publications Africa, Nairobi, 2006. Pg. 92

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respondent at a time. “Focus-Group”6 is the second qualitative empirical method. Only six to
eight respondents with specific study-relevant qualities can participate in the focus group.

My dissertation is broken up into three sections, totaling five chapters. The introductory
paragraph and the conclusion are not included in this. Following the opening remarks, I will
ascertain the Universalists' stance on human dignity compared to the cultural relativists.

The first main section, "Human Dignity: An Examination into the Pokot Tradition," will come
next. This section will consist of two chapters, namely:

 The elements of Pokot culture explain women’s dignity.

 Critical examination, e.g., Aspects of Patriarchy)

The second part will be on Universal Human Dignity: secular and Christian.

This part will be divided into two chapters, namely:

 Human dignity and female circumcision in the context of human rights.

 Human dignity and female circumcision in the context of Christian tradition.

The third part will focus on the encounter between universal and cultural understanding. Is
there anything the universal version can borrow from culturally specific knowledge? How can
we find a way out of the culture that does not rhyme with Christian teaching?

Theological-Ethical and Intercultural Considerations will be the sole chapter in this section.
Can theological Christian ethics learn anything from the female circumcision culture? Or how
can we change the culture of female circumcision, which initially seems irreconcilable, using
the study of Christian ethics? This dissertation will use a scale to weigh each of these factors.

I will look at the pastoral perspective to wrap up my investigation. Female circumcision

impacts the Christian community’s life, which adheres to this culture, making it a severe rural
issue. I am convinced that if this research goes well, it will help educate society about social
vices like female circumcision and also help raise awareness of the need to foster constructive
social change.

2. THE THEORY OF UNIVERSALISM AND THE CULTURAL

RELATIVISM:

6
Ibid: Pg. 95.

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Universalism is an ideological principle and a perspective that holds that “there is only one
religion, age, and sexuality.”7 This idea is what gave rise to the concept of human rights. In
this setting, universalism and human rights are closely related. The universal nature of human
rights defines them. The universality of human rights is so implied. They are adaptable to all
people.

What, then, is a Human Right? James Nickel's definition of human rights is: “basic moral
guarantees that people in all countries and cultures allegedly have simply because they are
people.”8 These are liberties that every person has the right to exercise. In the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights Charter, the United Nations defines human rights as “rights
inherent to all human beings, despite their nationality, religion, age, ethnicity, gender, or any
other distinction. They ensure that every human being lives without discrimination.”9 A step
was taken to create and acknowledge the universality of human rights in international law
following the Second World War, which had significant ramifications. Remembering that
human rights existed long before the Second World War is crucial. Janne Mende makes it
quite plain in her statement, “The Idea of human rights is not historically new. This can be
seen among the Greeks and the Romans of the Middle Ages.”10 Despite being present, the
concept of human rights was primarily at the national rather than the international level.
However, the atrocities of the Second World War, which created much division in humanity,
led to the resurgence of human rights at the global level. Therefore, legislation is needed to
safeguard all people, regardless of their strength, wealth, race, or ethnicity. Consequently, the
UN Charter's formation and purposes stated that human rights and fundamental freedoms are
“for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.”11 A significant step toward
making human rights universal was the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.

It is unambiguously stated in the preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

“The General Assembly proclaims this Universal Declaration Of Human Rights as a common
standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations to the end that every individual and

7
Sandra Danial, „Cultural Relativism vs. Universalism: Female Genital Mutilation, Pragmatic Remedies.” The
Journal of Historical Studies, vol.2, No.1, 2013, pg.3.
8
Nickel, James W, Making Sense of Human Rights: Philosophical Reflection on the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Berkeley, 1987. Pg. 561-562.
9
Nickel, James W. Making Sense of Human Rights (2nd Edition). Oxford, 2007. Pg. 192.
10
Janne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung zur Vermittlung von Kulturrelativismus
und Universalismus, pg.28.
11
James W. Nickel, Making Sense of Human Rights (second edition). „Universal Declaration on Human Rights.”
Article 2, Pg. 192.

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every organ of society, keeping this declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching
and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures,
national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance,
both among the people of members states themselves and among the peoples of territories
under their jurisdiction.”12 As a result, a global system of laws was developed to safeguard
human rights. Human rights are accepted as universal principles, standards, and regulations
intended to govern each State and its citizens. According to Janne Mende, “The declaration of
human rights serves as ‘eternal principles’ construed as ‘the laws of humanity.”13 Many
nations today have written constitutions that serve as their laws. The Universal Declaration of
Human Rights is a part of the United Nations Charter, and all member nations must observe
its provisions. The member nations must also ensure that no Universal Declaration of Human
Rights articles are violated when creating national constitutions.

2.1. The notion of universalism:

The proponents of the universalism philosophy hold that all nations should uphold the human
rights guaranteed in international treaties and conventions, even if doing so would violate
long-standing cultural or religious norms. This idea is founded on all human rights:
universality, equality, and indivisibility. Therefore, “modern universalist theories of human
rights can be based on natural law, justice, reaction to injustice, dignity, and equality of
respect and concern.”14 Universalism affirms that “everyone, regardless of status, birth, origin,
gender or other axes of difference, has the same basic human rights.”15 However, this does not
negate the existence of diversity. Every person is unique and should be welcomed for what
the situation demands. Uniqueness and diversity must not go against the universal values that
bind all humanity together.

Therefore, universalism holds that fundamental ethical Standards and principles should be
acceptable to all cultures, religious beliefs, and political systems. It also has that human rights
and fundamental freedoms are inherent in the essence and dignity of humans. Put, “the
concept of universalism holds that each human possesses certain inalienable rights simply

12
Ibid. Pg. 191-192.
13
“Janne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung zur Vermittlung von
Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus, pg.29.
14
Michael E. Goodhart. Origin and Universality in the Human Rights Debates: Cultural Essentialism and the
Challenge of Globalization, Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 25, No.4,2003, pg.940.
15
Janne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genital Verstümmelung zur Vermittlung von
Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus, pg.53

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because they are a human, regardless of the national background. Religious or political views,
gender or age.”16

The universalism movement believes that “human nature is the only source of rights; cultures
are irrelevant concerning the validity of moral rights and rules.”17

7.1. The notion of cultural relativism:

The phrase "cultural relativism" combines the words "culture" with "relativism." To define
cultural relativism more precisely, it is necessary to explain the two terms separately.

2.2.1. Culture:

Culture is only sometimes utilized as a concept. Throughout history, many scholars have
defined culture in various ways. From a theological standpoint, theologians define culture.
From an anthropological perspective, anthropologists define culture. From an archaeological
viewpoint, archaeologists define culture. Psychologists define culture from a psychological
standpoint and historians from a historical perspective. This implies that only some definitions
of culture capture its essence.

What our ancestors have left behind for us is culture. In exchange, we must transfer it to the
following generation. Newborns do not have a culture of their own; instead, they learn the
culture from their parents and the society they are born into. As a result, an African child born
and reared in a European culture thinks, dresses, and speaks like a European. This is relevant
to a European child born and raised in Africa. This indicates that a person's culture is shaped
more by their family and community than by their skin tone.

Culture is a controversial and nuanced topic. Writing about culture may be upsetting because
the phrase is used indiscriminately in various contexts. We occasionally read about “global
culture, youth culture, pop culture, post-modem culture, café culture, gun culture, corporate
culture, print culture, transnational culture, the culture of violence, culture of poverty, culture
of war.”18 Therefore, the idea is applied by different people in different eras, making it

16
International Law, „Universalism and Cultural Relativism in Human Rights.“ https://lawteacher.net/free-
lawessays/intemational-law/universalism-and-cultural-relativism-in-human-rights-intemational-lawessay.php?
vref=l (accessed, 21 May 2021.)
17
Sylvain Bayalama, Universal human rights, and cultural relativism, Scandinavian Journal of development
alternatives, vol. 12, no. 2, 3. 1993, pg.132.
18
Gerald A. Arbuckle, Culture, Inculturation & Theologians: A Postmodern Critique, Liturgical Press, Minnesota,
2010. Pg. Xx-xxi.

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challenging to comprehend what culture means. It is hard to describe the culture in precise
and comprehensible terms, given all the diverse ways it is used.

In more precise language, “culture constitutes all the learning that a person acquires from
outside the self. It does not contain inherited factors. Culture, therefore, is a complex mix of
ideas and things produced by a group in their historical experiences at a given time. It
includes those patterns of thinking and doing that permeate their activities and distinguish
them from others. Culture is a learned way of behaving in contrast to inherited behavior
patterns. It refers to ideas, sentiments, values, objects and actions, tendencies, and
accumulations passed on from generation to generation. Culture responds to our fundamental
need for identity, the meaning of life, security, order, and a sense of belonging.”19

Each society, neighborhood, and ethnic group has its unique culture. One thing is constant,
regardless of the culture of the people: the ability to change. Culture is changing, not stagnant,
as we like to think. Our connectivity in a world with many ethnically varied nations depends
on culture.

Conflicts, religious practices, ethnic backgrounds, and ethical convictions are prevalent today
and contribute to cultural elements. As mentioned, culture is dynamic, making it
fundamentally fluid and always in motion. Every generation sees a significant change in the
culture our ancestors left for us, each generation characterized by its unique culture.

Culture can be defined in various ways and not only in one dimension. Culture is a vital
survival tool for humans. However, culture is a delicate phenomenon. Due to its existence
within the sphere of the human mind, it is continually evolving and simple to lose.

Culture is dynamic and complex. It constantly undergoes small yet noticeable changes
because it is fluid rather than static. Identifying the precise cultural dynamics at work is
challenging because humans communicate and display their cultural systems in many ways.

In explaining what culture is, I would like to concentrate on two definitions that clarify what
culture is. Edward B. Tylor, an English anthropologist, defined culture as “That complex
whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom and any other capabilities
and habits acquired by man as a member of the society.”20 According to this definition,
culture is a constantly changing reality while retaining uniqueness. This statement presents

19
Ephigenia W. Gachiri, (IBVM) Female circumcision, Paulines Publications of Africa, Nairobi, Pg. 29.
20
Edward Burnett Taylor, Primitive Culture, Vol. 1. Dover Publications, New York, 2016, Pg. 1.

~ 15 ~
culture as a fixed reality. Culture has both Clements that can be altered and Clements that
cannot. This explains why cultures have not changed much over the years. What helps to
sustain a culture's originality is its unchanging characteristics.

However, culture is also dynamic, on the other side. This implies that culture is flexible. Time
and place both affect cultural transformation. Cultures will inevitably evolve when individuals
engage with one another through education and move from rural to urban areas. This is crystal
obvious from Janne Mende's definition of culture, which reads as follows: “an accumulation
of informal knowledge that is historically inherited and changed, contained in and challenged
by traditions, absorbed and changed in practices, passed on and modified through social
learning in a community with evolving and porous boundaries.”21 Janne Mende says that
culture can change and advance because it is dynamic. It is handed down to the following
generation through inheritance. We might claim that culture changes during this process since
culture is changed through learning. Herskovits contends that all cultures are equal and that
different ways of coexisting should not be denigrated or subjected to discrimination. He
believes that historical rather than biological factors account for cultural differences. Due to
the lack of an all-encompassing standard for these cultures, this argument invalidates some of
their normative rankings.22

In his book, "Women's Liberation: A Paradigm Shift for Development," Dr. Kiruki
characterizes culture as something that “encompasses behavior, beliefs, and attitudes
characteristic to a particular society or population. We are born into a complex culture that
influences how we live, behave, and relate to others. We all consider ourselves unique
individuals, each with specific traits, attitudes, opinions, and habits. Indeed, each of us is
unique, but we share common grounds with other members of society regarding basic needs,
feelings, beliefs, and habits. The traits we share constitute what is called culture.” 23

Culture manifests in politics, economics, social pressure, cultural compulsion, and altering
knowledge. Hence, “recourse to culture is always consciously or unconsciously, implicitly or

21
Anne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung zur Vermittlung von Kulturrelativismus
und Universalismus. Pg.41.
22
Cf: Janne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung zur Vermittlung von
Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus. pg.42
23
Joseph Kahiga Kiruki, Women’s Liberation: A Paradigm Shift for Development, Eldoret, AMECEA Gaba
Publications, 2010, Pg. 9.

~ 16 ~
explicitly, in socially induced confrontation with other political, economic, social and
individual dimensions of human coexistence.”24

Janne Mende states, “Culture does not exist in a vacuum but always in a mediated relationship
with economic, political, and social processes.”25 Combining these factors creates the complex
component of culture, which can be altered through time and requires social security.
Therefore, culture exists in every community. For this reason, we discuss African culture.
Asian culture, American culture, and so forth. Additionally, each Community has its own
culture, particularly in nations with various ethnic communities.

The definition of culture in post-modern times is “what people do to negotiate their

relationship to the natural, social, and economic realities amid a rapidly changing, chaotic,
and globalizing world.”26 Generally defined, “culture is a pattern of meaning encased in a
network of Symbols, myths, narratives, and rituals, created by individuals and subdivisions, as
they struggle to respond to the competitive pressures of power and limited resources in a
rapidly globalizing and fragmenting world, and instructing its adherents about what is
considered to be the correct way to feel, think and behave.”27

2.2.2. The components of culture:

The three main parts of culture are symbols, myths, and rituals. A symbol is "anything that
can convey meaning, not just about itself but about various relationships, such as a location,
an item, or a physical object that our senses detect. However, the meaning of a sign is not a
“thing,” and it can only be deduced by observing several instances of human usage.28 Symbols
serve as a memory bank. A symbol is anything that represents another thing. For instance,
language is symbolic. It consists of different Speech sounds that can be combined to produce
meaningful words. Speaking the same language as others around one creates a strong sense of
community. Thus, language can be considered a tool that brings people together.

Myths make up the second aspect of culture. A myth is “value-impregnated beliefs or stories
that bind people together at the deepest level of their group life and that they live by or for.” 29

24
Janne Mende, Begründungsmunster weiblicher Genitalverstümmelung zur Vermittlung von Kulturrelativismus
und Universalismus, pg.46.
25
Ibid: Pg. 52
26
Gerald A. Arbuckle, Culture, Inculturation, Theologians: A Postmodern Critique, Liturgical Press, Minnesota,
2010, Pg.12.
27
Ibid. Pg.17.
28
Ibid. Pg. 20.
29
Ibid. Pg. 30.

~ 17 ~
Myths provide people with information about who they are, what is right and wrong, and how
to organize themselves and preserve their sense of individual identity in the world. A
particular community uses myths to explain every action it takes. The culture is ready without
opposition and transmitted to the following generation through myths. Put another way, “A
myth is a drama which begins as a historical event and takes on its special character to orient
people to reality.”30 Myths are never recounted for their own sake; they are told to convey a
specific message. Myths provide background information about the origins of the population
and elucidate the reasons behind their customs. People can explain the history and
significance of their own culture through myths.

Rituals make up culture's third element. All we perceive are rituals. The conviction is put into
practice. Beliefs can be put into action through rituals. Rite is derived from the Latin word
"Ritus," which refers to the process by which a particular rite is carried out. For instance,
baptism, mass, and other sacraments in the Christian tradition might be seen as rituals in their
ceremonies. Female genital mutilation and male genital mutilation are considered
circumcision procedures in African culture. Rituals are ceremonies that honor an idea of the
Sacred, to put it simply. Rituals are based on myths passed down through the generations and
are used to uphold religious or cultural traditions. They frequently have a variety of symbolic
meanings. Female genital mutilation is performed as a ritual and stands in the middle of
rituals. Female genital mutilation is carried out in a well-described ritual that is carried out by
individuals and serves a specific function.

Any culture needs all three of these elements to function. A society without symbols, myths,
and rituals is no better than a dying culture. As a result, “this brief explanation of Symbol,
ritual, and myth touches on the background to the depth of the world views of the people with
Female Genital Mutilation as a tradition. Culture comes into being after groups of similar
people have, for thousands of years, evolved and passed onto their children a set of beliefs
and practices. Cultural values may change or even die over time, but this takes longer than the
few hundred years that external cultures have affected most African people. The total culture
of people is their worldview.”31 The cultures of many societies have always had both
distinctions and commonalities.

2.2.3. Relativism:

30
Ibid. Pg. 31.
31
Ephigenia W. Gachiri, (IBVM), Female Circumcision, Paulines Publications of Africa, Nairobi, Pg. 30.

~ 18 ~
All points of view are legitimate, according to relativism. This is understood to imply that all
moralities are equally excellent in ethics and that all beliefs or belief systems are equally valid
in epistemology. Relativism's detractors regard the theory as illogical.32 Relativism is a long-
held belief that originated in the Greeks. The idea suggests specific ways in which
assessments or judgments are formed in addition to acknowledging cultural differences in
opinions or values. According to cultural relativists, it is an infringement of state sovereignty
to allow international norms to take precedence over cultural and religious beliefs. To
emphasize this point, Freeman claims, “the reference to State sovereignty is not an appeal to
cultural relativism, as the principle of sovereignty is frequently used to discourage unwanted
internal interference, maintain the peace, but also protect human rights violation.” 33

Therefore, anthropological ideology and perspective are known as cultural relativism when
examining ethics, laws, politics, religions, or other cultural practices. No truth or culture is
superior to another. “It is a philosophical notion that all beliefs are equally valid and that truth
itself is relative, depending on the cultural environment. Cultural relativism holds that all
religious, ethical, aesthetic, and political beliefs are relative to an individual within a society
of particular culture.”34 Cultural relativism allows each civilization to practice whatever was
historically appropriate to that community freely. It tries to combat the imperialist
encroachment of a different culture with distinct values. According to cultural relativists,
moral concepts are not always prominent or broadly accepted; they urge “the need for
tolerance and respect of all cultures.”35 According to cultural relativism, culture is the primary
justification for moral rights or rules. The assumption that rights are defined by culture is
known as cultural relativism. The goal of cultural relativism is to undermine universal truths.
Each culture is, therefore, accepted as correct by the community that upholds it.

For cultural relativists, “rights exist when society perceives them. Radical cultural relativism
considers culture the only source of validity of moral rights or rule.”36 Strong cultural
relativism is willing to accept the universal application of a few fundamental rights but allows
variations for most other rights. Weak cultural relativists hold that culture can be one of the

32
Cf: Amrys Westacott, “Relativism.” Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, https://iep.utm.edu/relativi/ (21-05-
2021)
33
Michael Freeman, Human Rights, Polity Press, 2010, pg.126.
34
Sandra Danial, “Cultural Relativism vs. Universalism: Female Genital Mutilation, Pragmatic Remedies.” The
Journal of Historical Studies, vol.2, No. 1,2013, pg.2.
35
Susan Deller Ross, Women’s Human Rights; The International and Comparative Law Casebook, Pennsylvania
Press, 2008, pg. 461.
36
Jack Donnelly. Cultural relativism and Universal Human Rights, Human Rights Quarterly vol. 6, No. 4, (1984),
Pg. 400.

~ 19 ~
essential sources of validity of moral freedom or rule.”37 Cultural relativists encourage cross-
cultural understanding and tolerance for other people's ways of living.38

People who abuse the idea of cultural relativism frequently cite community or collective
traditions to defend human rights violations or elevate the governing majority's interests
above those of everyone else. Two things make cultural relativism appealing: First, it asserts
that everyone has an equal right to respect, and second, this respect includes respect for that
person's culture because culture is an integral element of identity.39

Freeman contends that the idea that we should respect other cultures contradicts itself because
some cultures do not respect others. He says those advocating human rights abuses cannot
claim our respect because they are cultures. It would be impossible to explain how human
Rights could be relative if cultural relativists took the stance that human rights are based on
human nature and that human nature is universal.40 Therefore, a cultural relativist encounters a
logical contradiction. This is because “if human rights are based in human nature, on the
simple fact that one is a human being, and if human nature is universal, then how can human
rights be relative in any fundamental way?”41

Human nature is relative in several ways, according to cultural relativists. Therefore, allowing
for cross-cultural variances in human rights is necessary due to the cultural variety of human
nature. Thus, cultural relativism does not advocate for rejecting individual rights but rather for
a diverse application of human rights due to cultural variances. Fundamental human rights,
except for the extreme viewpoint of rigorous cultural relativists, are seen as universal and
cannot be disregarded due to cultural differences. However, the results of applying the same
human rights standard in other circumstances can vary due to various cultural contexts.

2.3. Universalism as opposed to cultural relativism:

When seen in the context of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the two ideologies of
universalism and cultural relativism are on different ends of the spectrum. The difficulty of
achieving peaceful coexistence among those with diverse cultural backgrounds gives rise to
universalism and cultural relativism. Culture-specific concerns take center stage. The
37
Ibid. Jack Donnelly, Pg. 401
38
Cf: Sylvain Bayalama, Universal human rights, and cultural relativism, Scandinavian Journal of development
alternatives, vol. l2, no. 2,3. 1993, pp.137-138.
39
Cf: Rein Müllerson, Human Rights Diplomacy, Routledge, 1997, pp. 84-85.
40
Cf: Michael Freeman, Human Rights, Polity Press, 2010, pg.
41
Jack Donnelly, Cultural relativism and Universal Human Rights, Human Rights Quarterly vol. 6, No. 4, (1984),
Pg. 403.

~ 20 ~
ideologies were born following the 1948 promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. Cultural relativism looks at what divides us, while universalism highlights what unites
us. This is what puts human rights in the spotlight. Human rights bind us together and work to
equalize humanity in all relevant ways. However, cultural relativism views each person as
being distinct and diverse. Because of this distinction, every culture must be respected for
what it is. Cultural relativism bids for liberty by allowing for cultural diversity through moral
autonomy.42 However, such a Position must be aware of its limitations. According to
Donnelly, arguments for cultural relativism based on people's right to self-determination
provide a substantial barrier against outside interference, especially any disruptions brought
on by implementing universal human rights.43

The fundamental transcultural human values, a part of humanity's shared heritage, are critical
in developing universalism rather than cultural relativism ideologies. Historically, the
violation of human rights from a gender viewpoint has been justified or defended as a social
phenomenon. However, it is crucial to remember that we now live in a global village.
Therefore, a person's culture impacts their community and the entire society. Migration is
humanity's means of travel. Culture shifts along with humankind wherever individuals do.
Even when only a tiny number of people engage in the culture, it tends to persist, and as the
Community develops, the culture broadens. The migration to Europe from Africa or the
Middle East is a good example. These immigrants bring their own culture with them.

Every society has its unique culture, and each culture is unique. There are constructive and
destructive Clements in any culture. No culture is better than the other. Each culture is
distinctive in its own way. We fall into the trap of cultural ethnocentrism when we label some
civilizations as good and others as terrible. This philosophy holds that one's culture should be
used as the yardstick for evaluating all other civilizations. Clearly said, “Ethnocentrism is the
disposition toward the judgment of other cultures from the position of one’s own. Estimating
all phenomena of the surrounding world based on the preferences of their ethnic group is a
universal property inherent in all societies and social associations. Every nation, in some way,
feels superior to all the others. Ethnocentrism makes its culture a standard by which all other
cultures are measured. Accordingly, the latter will be good or bad, high or low, correct or
false. Ethnocentrism generates such concepts as “elected people,” “true doctrine,” “master
race,” “backward peoples,” “primitive culture,” and “rough art,” which causes the denial of

42
Cf: Ibid: Jack Donnelly, pg. 410.
43
Cf: Ibid: Jack Donnelly, pg. 410.

~ 21 ~
foreign cultural values and turns into cultural self-isolation and interethnic conflicts.” 44 While
it is true that any culture has both positive and negative aspects, it is essential to note that
when the negative aspects tend to violate human rights, the culture constitutes a whole threat
to humanity. One such practice is female genital mutilation, which denies an African woman
the right to experience womanhood fully and runs the danger of killing her. Therefore,
cultural relativism in the context of practices like women's circumcision cannot be allowed
since it puts women’s and young girls' lives in grave danger.

Cultural imperialism was one of the most significant issues the missionaries had to deal with
at the beginning of conversion in Kenya. Missionaries and colonists alike regarded African
culture as savage and antiquated. As a result, the missionaries had to put much effort into
eradicating the African culture that seemed to go against their beliefs. Female genital
mutilation is one example of this culture. As a result, many Africans fiercely resisted this.
Many communities in Kenya that practiced circumcision committed to fighting the colonial
rulers and even rejecting their religion. They eventually had to switch up their approach to
keep doing missionary work. That implied letting people maintain their culture. 45

Due to public conviction, the campaign against female genital mutilation has persisted despite
the lack of progress. The circumcising communities think that people who disagree with their
culture see it as the standard and the yardstick. FGM is, therefore, a cruel and outdated
practice that should be eradicated. Thus, this represents one of the weaknesses of the theory of
cultural relativism. Even if FGM severely impacts the lives of people who undergo the
practice, it is essential to avoid adopting an ethnocentric viewpoint that could encourage
disobedience. Additionally, caution must be exercised to prevent viewing the situation from a
culturally imperialist perspective.

2.4. Reconciling Universalism and Cultural Relativism:

The global system's development for human rights protection depends on the ideological
reconciliation of universalism and cultural relativism. This is done out of awareness that
cultural customs infringe on people's rights, particularly women's. The extreme versions of
universalism and cultural relativism undercut the international human rights framework,
lowering its acceptance worldwide. As a result, caution must be used to avoid both extremes.
We can only produce fruitful results when we balance universalism and cultural relativism.
44
“Cultural Ethnocentrism and Cultural Relativism.” https://en.students-librarv.com/library/read/2-
culturalethnocentrism-and-cultural-relativism (14-05-2021)
45
Cf: Ephigenia W. Gachiri (IBVM), Female Circumcision. Paulines Publications Africa, Nairobi, Pg. 40.

~ 22 ~
Leaning entirely in the direction of universalism would mean utterly rejecting culture.
However, the absolute separation of humanity from culture would mean all human beings
would perish. As I mentioned earlier, culture determines a person's identity. A culture does
not exist in society. Conversely, radical cultural relativism would suggest that one's culture is
the only source of reality. All other civilizations are incorrect.

An excellent example is an authoritarian state that abuses cultural relativism by separating

valid claims based on traditional practice, supported by a specific artistic community, from
cultural particularities to be separated from essential human rights norms, and vice versa.
There must be a middle ground for both philosophies to work well together. This
compromising position has brought universalism and cultural relativism together in harmony.
The conflict surrounding the internal protection of human rights is handled through
universalism and cultural relativism.

I chose this theme to highlight the sensitivity and complexity of extreme cultural relativism in
my research, which emphasizes FGM and the dignity of women. These groups continue to
perform FGM despite its detrimental repercussions on the lives of women and girls. Human
rights activists and others have criticized this ceremony because it has hurt many women
worldwide. FGM cannot be addressed solely by legal measures without considering the
cultural context of the issue because it is an ancient artistic practice with a wide range of
cultures that value it highly. This dissertation aims to increase women's visibility, particularly
in the Pokot Community, where local customs heavily influence women’s lives.

Both universalism and cultural relativism have advantages and disadvantages. Positive
outcomes result from the tension between universalism and cultural relativism. Universalism
upholds the principles of fairness and equality, which guarantee the advancement of human
rights for all. When designing their human rights campaigns in a particular cultural context,
advocates for human rights might benefit from cultural relativism's cultural sensitivity to
avoid offending the host Community. “If cultural relativism is to function as a guarantee of
local self-determination, rather than a clock for despotism, we must insist on a strong,
authentic cultural basis, as well as the presence of alternative mechanism guaranteeing basic
human dignity, before we justify cultural derogations from ‘universal’ human rights.46
Similarly, by assisting in the rapprochement of traditional traditions with international human

46
Ibid. Jack Donnelly, Pg. 414.

~ 23 ~
standards, experts in human rights can support the evolution of culture and make it more
receptive to them.

Even though universalism is the way to go, it is essential to understand that cultural relativism
serves as the glue that binds the community. Cultural relativism serves as a metaphor for this
sense of community; to understand it, we must first recognize the significance of individual
cultures. We can only now suggest a change if we have fully immersed ourselves in the
culture of the Community. A change proposal may encounter opposition and even rejection,
along with the charge of having an imperialistic mindset.

The interpretation and execution of universal human rights standards might change depending
on the various cultural norms and traditions because they are flexible laws. Balancing regional
and global human rights and norms must be ensured at all costs. Every individual must work
toward the gradual eradication of barbaric customs that threaten society's social structures and
render them less human. Any element of culture infringing on human rights should be
rationally eliminated without harming the Community. No matter how undesirable a culture
may be, respect for all cultures must exist. The formation of awareness and education can help
people cope with inhuman elements gradually.

For Jack Donnelly, “In the conditions of modem society, rights, especially human rights, are a
particularly appropriate mechanism for protecting this basic, relatively universal core of
human nature and dignity.”47

Reviewing the definition of human rights, I have stated above that they are, in James Nickel's
words: “basic moral guarantees that people in all countries and cultures allegedly have simply
because they are people.”48 Human rights are established regardless of color, religion, race,
nationality, etc. All people are always entitled to human rights. Human nature and dignity are
related to human rights. Human rights and dignity are inseparable. Human rights are essential
to any discussion of human dignity. Human rights and human dignity are two facets of the
same coin.

3. THE HISTORY OF HUMAN DIGNITY:

7.2. Development of the Concept of “Dignity.”

47
Ibid. Jack Donnelly, Pg. 415.
48
Nickel, James W, Making Sense of Human Rights: Philosophical Reflection on the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Berkeley, 1987. Pg. 561-562.

~ 24 ~
The concept of dignity has a lengthy history and has changed across many eras. According to
the epochs into which our history is divided, there are five distinct periods: the ancient, the
medieval, the scholastic, the modern, and the current.

“In the traditional society, dignity was conceived not as an inherent feature of all humans but
as an attribute of the few. Rather than a universal principle of equality, dignity functioned as
the particularistic principle of hierarchy.”49 Although the term "dignity" was never employed
by early Greek intellectuals, they did use some other phrases that might be related to it. The
well-known Greek philosopher Plato saw human dignity and included it in his idea of justice.
Here, Plato's Republic is seen as a dissertation on justice that applies to the person rather than
the state.50 Plato views dignity from the existential aspect of beings in the specifics of their
way of existing and not in the attributes they are gifted with to summarize his philosophy on
the subject. Because of this, regardless of the unique and malleable qualities of every human
being, dignity can be acknowledged as the foundation of all human rights.51

The Aristotelian idea of dignity is significant to note. Aristotle used kindness, one of the
human virtues, rather than the word dignity in Nichomachean Ethics. Dignity and
magnanimity are closely related virtues since they both result in “proper consideration of
others”52 as of self. As a result, Aristotle's ethical philosophy places a high value on dignity.
For Aristotle, dignity becomes useful and valuable by enhancing the virtue of magnanimity
and supporting the remaining moral virtues. Aristotle defined magnanimity as the “greatness
of the soul.”53 A great-souled man deserves awesome things and believes they are worthy of
him. Regarding accolades and disgrace, the magnanimous guy has the proper perspective.
Indeed, even without debate, it is evident that honor is essential to magnanimous people
because they value integrity above all else and rightfully claim it as their due. Consequently, a
magnanimous guy exhibits brilliance in all virtues. Honor is the reward for goodness and is

49
Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (Third Edition), Cornell University Press,
London, 2013, pg. 121.
50
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 123.
51
Piechowiak Marek (2015), “Plato and Universality of Dignity- Plato on Justice,’
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/30994307 Plato and universality of Dignity (25-10-2021)
52
Kendal Gilfillan (2015), “An Aristotelian Conception of Dignity: Magnanimity and the happy life of the
Philosopher” Texas Christian University, Fort Worth Texas,
https://repositorv.tcu.edu/bitstream/handle/116099117/10334/An Aristotelian conception of Dignitv.pdf?
(15th-11-2021.
53
Robert C. Bartlett and Susan D. Collins, Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics, The University of Chicago Press,
Chicago, 2012, pg. 261.

~ 25 ~
given to the righteous. Therefore, “this makes magnanimity a crown of the virtues because it
enhances them and is never found apart from them.”54

There is more to be said about dignity’s central role in Aristotle's ethics and how it relates to
magnanimity. One can understand Aristotle's problematic account of magnanimity and, in
turn, Eudaimonia in terms of the Aristotelian conception of dignity. In addition, one can
glimpse what it means to be a person of dignity in a culture where the concept is free from
normative and prescriptive claims.55

Aristotle's understanding of dignity makes no prescriptive or normative claims about how to

perceive the inherent worth of other people. However, it also plays a crucial part in ethics,
which sheds light on the historical significance of what has come to be the cornerstone of
human rights.56

The Latin word dignitas is where the phrase dignity got its etymological start. Dignitas is
Latin for "worth." Grace refers to value or deservingness. The Romans applied the word
"dignity" in three interconnected contexts, namely:

First, "dignity" was employed to describe hierarchical distinction and quality qualities that set
the illustrious few apart from the vulgar masses. It was a title given to dignitaries, and its
significance required respect from the average citizen. The Romans used the word "dignity"
for the first time in this context.

Second, people viewed dignity as a virtue, a byproduct of integrity, or a reward for virtue.
Invoking Aristotle, dignity is a habit or tendency that recognizes human perfection. People
can lead moral lives, which is the natural conclusion for beings. When that potential is
realized, worth and respect follow. The ethical foundation for social distinction is provided by
differential virtue. According to Aristotle, “dignity refers to that aspect of virtue or excellence
that qualifies one to be worthy of honor, that which accompanies virtue as its own.”57

Thirdly, public appearance and dignity were linked. In ancient Rome, "Dignitas" originally
referred to a status attained in society and politics, often implying significant accomplishment

54
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 95.
55
Kendal Gilfillan (2015), “An Aristotelian Conception of Dignity: Magnanimity and the happy life of the
Philosopher” Texas Christian University, Fort Worth Texas,
https://repositorv.tcu.edu/bitstream/handle/116099117/10334/An Aristotelian conception of Dignitv.pdf?
(15th-11-2021), Pg. 29.
56
Ibid. Pg. 30.
57
Ibid. Pg. 122.

~ 26 ~
and moral rectitude in the public eye. Although Dignitas had an inner foundation, it expressly
referred to the exterior of a person's social role that inspires respect and symbolizes the
charisma and esteem inherent in the position, rank, or personality.58

Men and women of dignity were those deserving of great regard or distinction. Practices of
satisfaction involved receiving public recognition and esteem from one's peers, the vulgar,
society, and polity, which distinguished the dignified as good in the sense of excelling.

Personal power, majesty, greatness, magnanimity, seriousness, decorum, and other attributes
were manifestations of dignity. There, pride served the few at the expense of the many.

Cicero presents the central concept in his book "De Officiis" (on duties) as “that highest
human good, virtuous life in accord with nature and reason. Although there are hints of shared
humanity, the emphasis is on the differential realization of virtue.”59 Dignitas helps people
recognize what is admirable and deserves respect from others. For Cicero, achieving and
maintaining Dignitas involves letting go of unpleasant feelings like fear, desires, pleasure,
rage, suffering, etc. Dignitas, therefore, speaks to the higher character of human beings. Few
people can reach their higher potential.

Cicero gave human beings, in general, a sense of dignity in one paragraph when he writes, “It
is essential to every inquiry about the duty that we keep before our eyes, how far superior man
is by nature to cattle and other beasts, they have no thoughts except for sensual pleasure and
this they are compelled by every instinct to seek, but man’s mind is nurtured by study and
meditation. From this, we see that sensual pleasure is quite unworthy of the dignity of man
(Dignam hominis…. If we only consider our nature’s superiority and satisfaction (natural
excellent et Dignitas). We shall realize how wrong it is to abandon ourselves to excess and to
live in luxury and voluptuousness and how right it is to live in thrift, self-denial, simplicity,
and sobriety.60

The definition of dignity we use today includes a sense of value that calls for respect.
However, in the Roman conception, worthiness was profoundly differential—specific and
earned rather than inherent and universal—and the care it sought was to be primarily
represented by high Status and public office, not using universal rights.61

58
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 122.
59
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 122-123.
60
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 123.
61
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 123.

~ 27 ~
Although it wasn't an official social rank, dignity was a sign of a high position in the Roman
world's sharply degraded and hierarchical society.62

Three distinct senses of dignity are noted: “social dignity which is associated with positions of
high rank.”63 These societal positions can be political, academic, or even religious. An
excellent illustration is when a parliamentarian is addressed as an honorable member. He is
accorded the dignity of holding that office because he holds it.

Secondly, “the virtue of dignity, in the sense of a more or less settled disposition and
attendant attitudes, that over time contributes to the Constitution of a good moral or ethical
temperament.”64 A human being's behavior is related to dignity as a virtue. For instance, one
is expected to behave politely and with good manners. To provide a good example, a person
must always be able to control emotions. One is regarded to be virtuous if one behaves in this
way. The third and most recent definition of dignity has replaced the first two: "human
dignity, which is understood in terms of the inherent worth of the human person.”65

Universalism and human dignity are related because both believe everyone deserves respect.
In contrast to cultural relativism, the concept of human dignity encompasses universalism.
Universalist ideas seek to level the playing field for all people. Universalism is the idea that
everyone deserves respect, regardless of their social status or place in the social hierarchy.

On the other hand, cultural relativism holds that every culture should be assessed from a
comparative perspective. What some individuals may view as unfavorable may be favorable
to others. Therefore, this has significantly influenced the cultures that oppress a particular
gender.

Some of these oppressive cultural practices, such as child marriage, slavery, forced
prostitution, rape, and sexual assault, are described in plain terms in my opening paragraph.
Body and genital mutilation, as well as marital violence, are only a few examples. I have
referred to these elements as pandemics because of their frequent occurrence.

I shall solely concentrate on the one cultural activity mentioned in my dissertation's title—the
Pokot community, primarily situated in northwest Kenya, practices female circumcision.

62
Kyle Harper, Christianity and the Roots of Human Dignity in Late Antiquity, Pg. 127.
63
Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (Third Edition), Cornell University Press,
London, 2013, Pg. 129.
64
Ibid. Pg. 129.
65
Ibid. Pg. 129.

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 7.3. The Summary.

Introduction TOto THEthe FIELDField RESEARCHResearch:

This study was conducted in West Pokot County, Kenya, in August and September 2021 and
in January and February 2022. The study was carried out in two phases. The objective of this
study was to enable the researcher to complete his dissertation under the following heading:

“Promoting Women’s Dignity Among the Pokot People of North-West Kenya: A

Theological-Ethical Study on Overcoming Women Circumcision.”

The main Research question to be answered is: “How do the Pokot People understand the
dignity of women in relationship to the practice of Female Genital Mutilation?”

Three geographic zones make up the area of West Pokot County. They include the low-
altitude zone (below 900 meters above sea level), the medium-altitude zone (1500-2100
meters above sea level), and the high-altitude zone (3370 meters above sea level). The lower
elevation zone is flat land with very little vegetation. Very little, if any, rain falls in the region
every year. Most inhabitants of this region are pastoral nomads raising indigenous livestock.
A mention of the three geographical zones in this research is significant because, although
they are the same people, the weather differences contribute to their way of life. The Pokot
people who live in the low-altitude region are different from the Pokot people who live in the
high-altitude area. The low-altitude Pokot are livestock grazers, while the high-altitude Pokot
are rural farmers with livestock in their homes. The medium-altitude Pokot practices both
livestock and agricultural farming. I concentrated much of my research on the central region,
where the county's medium-altitude zone is located. The area lies between the high-altitude
and low-altitude zones. I did this to get a glimpse of the extremes of both sides and try to
understand every region.

As pointed out above, my inquiry had two distinct phases. Phase one was from August to
September 2021, and phase two was from January to February 2022. The total duration of
data collection was four months.

Phase One: I conducted the interviews in the lower altitude zones of Kacheliba, Morpus, and
Sigor during this phase. Additionally, the high-altitude divisions of Kapenguria and Lelan,
and later in the division of Chepareria, are located at a medium altitude. The empirical

~ 29 ~
qualitative approach of interviewing I employed can be divided into two categories: One-On-
One, in which only one person is the subject of attention, and the second technique, referred
to as "Focus Group," involves gathering a specific number of respondents.

These interviews took place in 2021, between the beginning of August and the end of
September. Nine women and one man primarily participated in the discussions. Most of the
people interviewed work in different professions depending on their area of competence:
some nurses, activists, farmers, homemakers, and former circumcisers.

I interviewed six respondents and one group of three ladies during the first phase. Nine people
were involved in the first phase, but this inscription will not reveal their identities. I have tried
to refer to them using a code to report about them while concealing their identity. The first
phase of this research will be represented by the code PO, which stands for Phase One. A
number will follow the PO. For instance, POl, PO2, PO3, etc., will represent the first, second,
and third respondent.

Phase Two: From the beginning of January to the end of February 2022, I conducted the
second stage of my research. The study was conducted in Chesra, Morpus, Naramam, and
Chepkobeh. These areas are in the low-altitude zone of West Pokot County. Most locals in
these regions rear indigenous cattle, goats, and sheep. The Ortum area, a part of the Batei
Division, was another area covered. Ortum is a region of medium elevation. Tamkal, which is
part of the Sigor division, is the last. Most of the people who live in Tamkal, which is a high-
altitude region, are farmers.

Seventeen respondents took part in the second phase of the interviews, and I gave them a code
of identity so that their names would not be revealed. I used the code PT in the second phase,
followed by the numbers. For instance, PTl, PT2, PT3, etc., represent the first, second, and
third respondents, respectively. Most of the people I spoke with during the second phase of
my research included head teachers, teachers, students, catechists, chiefs and assistant chiefs,
older women, and young women. One-on-one interviews and focus groups make up the
empirical qualitative methodology used.

In my field research, I interviewed twenty-sixtwenty-six respondents individually or in

groups. Two women assisted me with translation and photo-taking during the interviews. I

~ 30 ~
served as the secretary and the interviewer. For clarity and to cut costs, I had to write the data
myself in a more simplified manner.

Data Analysis:

This involves examining the information collected during the interviews, scrutinizing the
acquired data, and making inferences.

Since I applied the empirical qualitative method in my research, the data analysis method I
found most effective is the “Thematic Analysis method.” Themes refer to topics or significant
subjects in discussions during the interviews. This form of analysis categorizes related topics.
Significant concepts or themes are identified when using this form of research.

In my interviews, I formulated a questionnaire that related to my topic, and they were meant
to answer my research question. Search questions were:

 How do Pokot people understand women’s circumcision (FGM) as a cultural practice?

The meaning, origin, and relationship with male circumcision!
 How does women’s circumcision affect the health, education, and religious
inclinations of the Pokot people?
 What is the state’s position on the culture of female circumcision?
 What does the Pokot understand about human dignity and its relationship with FGM?

These four questions provide examples of other questions presented to the interviewees. The
answers to these questions give a general overview of the structure of my research findings,
forming the basis of my arguments.

These questions were comprehensively answered by different groups in the region where the
research was conducted. Such groups included young and older women, young and older
men, medical personnel, educationists, religious leaders, circumcisers, victims of the ritual,
escapees, government agencies, non-government organization personnel, etc.

The transcription procedure was first used to peruse the collected data and identify the
relevant information related to my research question. The second step was developing a
coding system based on the collected data samples. This was followed by the classification of
significant issues covered by the topic. Following is a rereading of the text, highlighting the
essential quotations/insights, insights, and interpretations, indicating the vital themes,
categorizing the related articles, and placing the coded materials under the major themes or
~ 31 ~
topics identified. All materials relevant to a specific topic are put together. Then, a summary
report identifying central themes and their association associations will be developed, using
direct quotations to present the findings.

The above-described steps were used to establish the findings of my research. During the
transcription procedure, the issues discussed by all these groups were formulated to become
topics that laid the foundation of my study. In short, in my research, the thematic transcription
method was applied.

PART ONE: HUMAN DIGNITY CULTURALLY EXPRESSED: AN INQUIRY INTO

THE POKOT TRADITION.

Chapter One: Elements of Pokot Culture Explaining Women’s Dignity.

1. An investigation into the Pokot tradition of female circumcision as a

cultural expression of human dignity.

The women’s circumcision ceremony among the Pokot People of North-West Kenya is
examined in this chapter. For Pokot women, the circumcision ritual is the single most crucial
rite. It is a sophisticated and extensive rite around puberty and validates the transition from
girlhood to adulthood to prepare for marriage. The main goal of female circumcision among
the Pokot is to give them the privilege of using procreative sex.

While seeking to understand a complex ritual ceremony and basing myself on the data
collected from the field, I wish to employ a systematic approach by conducting an extensive
analysis of the female circumcision ritual. In my research, I will seek to demonstrate how
women’s circumcision represents and dramatizes the socio-economic positions and the
relationship between the sexes. The dominant male perspective of the Pokot people seems to
be the root cause behind the persistence of the culture of women’s circumcision. From the
standpoint of the Pokot people, women’s circumcision is perceived as a method for giving
status and assuming roles.

My focus is to understand how female circumcision contributes to the aspect aspects of the
dignity of women and whether this understanding of dignity is related to the sense of dignity
as explained by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. While the rite of female
circumcision seems to hold a central position in the life of the Pokot people, it is essential to
~ 32 ~
note that in its practice, human life is jeopardized, thus leading to a violation of the dignity of
women and, more significantly, human dignity.

1.1. The meaning of women’s circumcision according to the Pokot people.

The Pokot ritual of female circumcision is defined differently by different groups among the
Pokot People. Those who have undergone the ritual describe it as “the rite of passage from
childhood to adulthood.”66 A Pokot woman who is not circumcised is seen as a child,
according to the Pokot people, and lacks a sense of belonging in the Pokot community. She is
unmarriageable and voiceless. For those who have undergone the ritual, the name given to the
uncircumcised is “Chepchawurey,”67, which means “with Clitoris.” (PO1). The focus of
paradoxical themes women present in their circumcision ritual is sexuality. So, circumcised
women are given a key to bargaining abilities in matters related to sexuality. Women make a
statement of their separate solidarity and power, which focuses on the use and control of their
sexuality; on the one hand, older women teach the initiates the accepted code of behavior,
thereby underwriting the dominant social order and male authority and on the other hand,
women make a statement of their separate solidarity and power, which focuses on the use and
management of their sexuality.68

Women's circumcision recognizes the importance of women among the Pokot people.
Without the women, the Pokot people would cease to exist. The survival of the Pokot people
is realized through the ritual of women’s circumcision. On the other hand, women’s
circumcision gives women the power to assert themselves and a right to be respected among
the Pokot people. The uncircumcised woman lacks the basic knowledge of managing her
household, so few men are ready to marry the uncircumcised woman. This basic knowledge is
acquired only during the seclusion period, which follows immediately after undergoing the
clitoridectomy. These two competing themes of women’s subordination and power are
described as portrayed in the events and activities throughout the months-long initiation
ceremony.69 Not only does the study look at how men and women interact, but it also looks at
how this interaction with each other is regulated. This is demonstrated by the role played by
each sex during the entire ritual from the beginning to the end.

66

67
PO1.
68
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pgs. 132-133.
69
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 133.

~ 33 ~
From the position of the uncircumcised women, circumcision is described as “Tempering with
the genitals of a woman, cutting and removing parts of the genitalia, generally destroying the
genitals of a woman or a young girl.”70 (PT6.) This description is closely related to the
description of the World Health Organization, which describes FGM as a “non-beneficial
cultural practice which involves the partial or total removal of external female genitalia or
another injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. The practice has no
health benefits for girls and women.”71 Female genital mutilation involves the cutting of the
clitoris of the woman and other parts that constitute the female sexual organ. It is the
tempering with the private parts of women. It involves the removal of the clitoris and the labia
majora and labia minora of a woman. This description of women’s circumcision does not
receive any accolade from those who are staunch believers in the Pokot cultural tradition.
Those who describe this culture with these words are considered to have been brainwashed by
the diehard and strong believers of the Pokot culture. With these approaches to understanding
the meaning of women’s circumcision, it becomes essential to understand the origin of this
cultural practice, which is deeply rooted among the Pokot people of North-West Kenya. In the
next part, I will investigate the probable origin of the practice of female circumcision.

1.2. The origin of female circumcision, according to the Pokot People.

Every community that practices the rite of female circumcision has its version of the origin of
the cultural practice. The stories about the source of the cultural practice differ from one
community to another. My focus in this area is confined to the Pokot people of North
Westnorth-west Kenya.

From the field of data collection, a variety of descriptions of the most probable origin of the
culture of female circumcision seem to exist. The Pokot people are Nilotes believed to have
migrated from south Egypt, through Sudan, and then past Turkana County in Kenya. They
settled in Uasin-Gishu County and Trans-Nzoia County. However, during the colonial times,
they were displaced by the colonial government and forced to move to West-Pokot and
Western Uganda (Amudat District.)72

70
PT6
71
World Health Organization, „Female Genital Mutilation” Key Facts Sheet: 21st-01-2022.
https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/details/female-genital-mutilation# (27th-07-2022)
72
Cf: PO1. “The Origin of the Culture of female circumcision.”

~ 34 ~
The Pokot people believe that the practice of FGM was handed over to them from their
forefathers and, therefore, refer to it as “Kipo Kuko,”73 which means “Thing for Fathers.” The
name of the Pokot given to it is “Mutat.”74 This practice has continued to be maintained
because it was handed over to the people by their grandfathers. It is handed over down the
generations. According to PT6, FGM is “an ancestral culture passed from one generation to
the next.”75

A big part occupied by the Pokot community is the semi-arid region. This means that most of
the Pokot people are nomadic people. They migrate from one area to another in search of
pasture and water. According to the Pokot people, women must be circumcised to reduce their
sexual desires when their husbands are away. Being away in this context means for at least
three months or more.76 The same sentiments were echoed by PO3, who argued that “men
used to go for a long time with the animals in search of water and pasture. They would leave
their wives alone for a long time. Men devised a method of ensuring that their wives would
not be tempted to go out of the marriage and sleep around with other men while they were
away. Therefore, they decided to introduce the circumcision of women to carb infidelity of
women. Generally, FGM was meant to control the sexual desire of their wives.”77

Perhaps the adjacent communities were the source of the culture of female circumcision. The
Samburu, the Sabaot, the Tugen, the Il-Chamus, the Marakwet, the Sengwer, and the Sabiny
tribes in Uganda are neighbors. All these neighboring communities were known to have been
practicing or are still practicing the rite of female circumcision.78 So, the Pokot people are
believed to have borrowed this culture for reasons such as bravery, responsibility, endurance,
discipline, maturity in behavior, attractiveness, and respect for their husbands.79 This is the
most probable reason the Pokot men adopted the rite of female circumcision. During the
seclusion, they are given instructions on how to coexist with their husbands in marriage.

Another hypothesis in searching to understand the origin of female circumcision amongst the
Pokot people is that the Pokot people are believed to have originated in Egypt. From there,
they migrated through Sudan and Ethiopia before arriving in their current location. During

73
PO1: “Kipo Kuko” means “Things for the grandfathers.” Therefore, FGM was handed over by the grandfathers
and consequently had to be safeguarded.
74
PO1: “Mutat”- The Pokot Word for the circumcision of women.
75
PT6
76
PO1
77
PO3
78
Cf: Ibid. PO1.
79
PT10.

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migration, their path was characterized by communities that vigorously practiced the ritual of
female circumcision. For instance, where they originated, Egypt is known to practice FGM
intensely. The Sudanese likewise practice the culture of female circumcision. The Ethiopians
also strongly practice the ritual of FGM. According to PO1, the Pokot People are said to have
their cousins in Ethiopia in the name of the Merile people of Southern Ethiopia. The Merile
People remained in Ethiopia during migration and were named Daasanach. The Merile people
of southern Ethiopia and the Pokot of North-West Kenya have many similarities in the areas
of social life and economic life. Like the Pokot, the Merile people are nomadic, and their main
livelihood is livestock rearing. Their names are like those of the Pokot people.80

Regarding women’s circumcision among the Merile people, “Girls undergo FGM between ten
and twelve years. FGM is related to marriageability. One becomes eligible for marriage and
dowry payment only if she has undergone female circumcision. Before girls are circumcised,
they are called ‘wild animals’ or ‘men,’ and it is believed that the clitoris must be removed to
act like women. Marriage takes place soon after the girls undergo FGM.”81 Daasanach and the
Pokot people's cultures have profound similarities in communities. Both communities practice
the culture of female circumcision.

Upon adopting this culture of female circumcision, the men discovered that a woman who
was circumcised would be able to stay longer without having sex with her husband. This
came from the teaching given during the seclusion by the aged women to the newly
circumcised. The men confirmed that if a woman is circumcised, she can endure in every
aspect. For instance, sickness during hunger is a common phenomenon in this region. During
the drought, the men would follow their animals to the pasture. The women left behind would
struggle to fend for their children and ensure they were treated and had food.

From these hypotheses, I have concluded that the origin of Female circumcision is based on
the following facts.

That female circumcision was inherited from the forefathers and passed down to every
generation. This means that the parents had to pass it over to their children. The parents,
therefore, would ensure that every woman is circumcised.

The second argument is based on the migratory character of Kenyan communities. Many
African tribes are said to have migrated along the Nile Delta. Along the migration path, we
80
Cf: Ibid. PO1.
81
Dr. Ann-Marie Wilson, “FGM in Ethiopia- October 2013“28-TOO-MANY FGM…… Let’s end it.” Pg. 40-41.

~ 36 ~
intermingled with different tribes and encountered different cultural practices. This made it
possible for the Pokot people to emulate the artistic traditions of other tribes along the
migratory paths along the Nile Delta.

The third hypothesis concerns the culture of female circumcision borrowed from the
neighboring communities. As indicated above, the adjacent communities surrounding the
Pokot land practice the culture of female circumcision. Such tribes may have contributed
significantly to the Pokot culture of female circumcision.

In conclusion to this part of my research, what has come out clearly and distinctly is that the
culture of female circumcision is alive and active to this day among the Pokot people. The
Pokot people continue to practice the ritual of female circumcision unabatedly without caring
about the severe consequences that follow. Pokot people are determined to go to any length to
see that the culture of FGM continues to spread. Despite the State’s sanctions, the culture has
camouflaged to a religious function whereby a group of women meet in the evening and sing
in the name of God only to circumcise their daughters in the early morning. This demonstrates
the level at which the Pokot people can protect and safeguard their culture.

In the past, the rite of women’s circumcision was performed with color and pomp. However,
today, the practice has ultimately turned out due to the government’s prohibition. The
following part seeks to understand whether there is any connection between women’s
circumcision and male circumcision, which is also standard practice amongst the Pokot and
many African communities in Sub-Saharan Africa.

1.3. The relationship with male circumcision.

According to the Pokot people, female circumcision and male circumcision are essential steps
in a young person’s life. This is because it is a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood.
According to the Pokot people, each must go through this rite of passage to graduate to the
next step. There is no possibility of skipping it. It is by being circumcised that one becomes a
woman, qualifying to move to the next rite of passage, which is marriage. “An uncircumcised
woman is still considered a child.”82 This principle is what lays the foundation of female
circumcision. The practice of circumcision for both men and women plays the same role. That
means a departure from childhood and an entry into adulthood. In both circumstances, the

82
PT1

~ 37 ~
uncircumcised is seen to be a child. The rite of circumcision is a gateway to marriage life, and
it is unfathomable to imagine marriage without circumcision.

In an interview conducted in the Lower altitude region of West Pokot, I learned that in the
area near the border between Kenya and Uganda, the circumcision of men is not emphasized
very much. The reason is that the enemy of the Pokot people invade the Pokot whenever they
circumcise their sons, which means they are helpless and unable to defend themselves. PO3,
in her submission, argued, “On the area of men circumcision, there is little emphasis on it.
There is no objection; it is done as a rite of passage. Traditionally, the Pokot people from the
remote areas of West Pokot (Kasauria) used not to circumcise men. The reason was that they
lived in constant conflict with their neighbors and were involved in cattle rustling. Because of
this phenomenon, there was fear that by being circumcised, their enemies would easily strike,
and there would be no one to protect them. People living in volatile areas did not circumcise
their men for a reason. Circumcision for men was a non-issue and would not be brought forth
for any discussion.83 In this region, “the emphasis has always been on the rite of female
circumcision. FGM was, therefore, more important than male circumcision. Men are always
there, whether circumcised or uncircumcised. However, women must undergo female
circumcision because they are goods to be taken to the market for sale.”84

Traditionally, women circumcision was compulsory for every Pokot woman. It was not
optional. If it was known that a particular woman was a coward, a means had to be crafted to
ensure that she was also circumcised. Referring to PO5, who was formally a circumciser, she
asserts, “Female circumcision was for all women and not for some. According to the Pokot
people, women’s circumcision was not a matter of choice. It was compulsory for every
woman who had reached that age. Otherwise, one would still be considered a child. No one,
therefore, would escape. Those known to be cowards were given a medicine called
“Chepöröt” and alcohol so they would have the courage to face the knife the following
morning without fear. In short, all women had to be circumcised.”85

The culture of female circumcision and the culture of male circumcision plays a similar role.
However, their values are different. This is because more emphasis is placed on women’s
circumcision than male circumcision. Whether they started at the same time remains
unknown. What makes female circumcision among the Pokot people have great value is that a

83
Cf: PO3.
84
Ibid. PO3.
85
Cf: PO5.

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circumcised woman is commodified and ready for sale. Such a woman brings great wealth to
the family.86 A man who marries such a woman must be prepared to part with an equivalent
number of animals. The bride price for a woman is between 30 to 50 herds of cattle. To marry
such a woman, one must be rich according to the Pokot standard. The Pokot standard of a
wealthy man is measured by the number of cattle he owns. Because a woman is exchanged
with herds of cattle, she is seen as the husband’s property.

From this perspective, women’s circumcision is incomparable to male circumcision. This

does not mean that male circumcision is less critical. The fact is that women’s circumcision
prepares a woman for marriage and, therefore, brings wealth to the family. A family with
many girls is considered a family with high prospects of being rich because, for every
circumcised daughter given out in marriage, there comes a big herd of cattle.

Women’s circumcision, unlike male circumcision, is performed in public. This means that it
is open to both men and women. The girl’s father, who is to be initiated, plays a particular
role in the celebration. Usually, the ceremony occurs outside the hut in the home compound.
Both men and women can witness the first phase of female circumcision. The reason is to
allow the young girl to rate her courage to the possible suitors of whom one is likely to be her
future husband. Another reason is that the girl demonstrates how to sing fame to the father of
the family and the entire family. This gives the girl’s parents the strength to negotiate the
bride price. If a girl shows any form of fear in front of her father, she disgraces the entire
family, and there is a high likelihood that the expected suitor will abandon her. During the
first phase of circumcision, the father stands in front of her daughter, holding a spear. This is
meant to warn her sternly, “If you should embarrass me, I will kill you with this spear in my
hand.”87 It is, therefore, suggested to scare the fear out of the girl.

Conversely, male circumcision is usually conducted in the bush, and women are not allowed
anywhere near. Women are kept at bay, including the mothers of those who are circumcised.
In other words, women’s circumcision is a public event, while men’s circumcision is mainly
for men. The role of women in men’s circumcision is only to prepare food for them and
deliver it. They are not allowed to contact their sons until they pass out.

1.4. The traditional reasons for women’s circumcision.

86
Cf: PO1.
87
PO1.

~ 39 ~
Traditionally, FGM was carried out as a sign to show that one was an adult and ready to get
married. Women circumcision is a rite of passage from childhood to adulthood. “Before a
woman is circumcised, she is considered a child. However, after the circumcision, she is seen
as an adult and ready for marriage.”88 Being allowed by the parents to undergo the ritual of
women’s circumcision was an acknowledgment that one was an adult qualified to get married.
Every woman was destined to marry and continue with life's essential thing, namely bearing
children. It was only after a woman was circumcised that she was allowed to begin taking
children.

The act of giving birth is a painful experience that requires courage. To prove that one was
ready to withstand the pangs of birth pains, one had to undergo the rite of circumcision as a
way of preparation. “One must be courageous to be able to withstand the cut. She is
considered brave when one goes through the cut Without causing any scene.”89 Any sign of
fear of being circumcised meant one would not withstand the pain of giving birth. So,
circumcision is considered a preparation for the more significant act of giving birth to a child.

The only avenue through which young girls would learn their duties and responsibilities as
future wives was during the seclusion period. This was a period that began immediately after
circumcision. The newly circumcised are isolated from the other members of the family. They
are fed well with the animal’s meat and milk during this period. As they go through the
healing process, they are accompanied by older women who take much time to teach them
how to become good wives. Also, they learn how to behave and treat their husbands. This is
because most of these girls, after graduation, go straight away to their husbands’ homes and
start their lives as wives. After their seclusion period, some are taken to “Sewö.” Sewö is
exceptional seclusion that follows the main period of isolation given to the newly circumcised
to allow the freshly newly circumcised to be taught how to behave well. This kind of
experience is not given to every freshly circumcised person but only to those who are not
well-behaved.

Another traditional reason for female circumcision was to ensure that the girl got as much
bride price as possible. As a way of preparing for marriage preparation, female circumcision
was targeted to ensure that the suitor brought as much bride price as possible. When a woman
was circumcised, bargaining for more animals at a bride price negotiation meeting was likely.
In addition, the behavior of a girl during and after circumcision was of utmost importance. If
88
PO3
89
Ibid. PO3.

~ 40 ~
the young girl manifested bravery, it would make the entire family proud. During the bride's
price negotiation, the family could demand more animals. However, if the girl showed some
cowardice, the family was disgraced, and it was difficult for them to claim more animals as
bride prices.

1.5. Traditionally, every woman had to be circumcised.

Respondent PO6 pointed out an excellent traditional reason, which I think would be
mentioned while outlining the conventional explanations for female circumcision.
Accordingly, she says, “FGM was done to enable the difference between the men and women.
Clitoris was seen as the penis; therefore, it had to be cut. Cutting the clitoris would make the
difference between men and women as clear as noonday. The cutting was, therefore, meant to
hide the clitoris. Otherwise, the clitoris would be seen as another penis.”90 The argument was
built from the fact that there were no clothes in her childhood. Every member of the family
remained naked and exposed. Only small goat skin was used to cover the essential part of the
body. As such, the children would be surprised to see similarities between their father and
mother. Before such similarities were noticed, the girls had to circumcise so that the small
children would not notice the existence of something like the clitoris. That is why there must
be a clear distinction between boys and girls as they grow up.

1.6. The type of circumcision practiced by the Pokot people.

The Pokot women’s circumcision is done in three phases. The first phase involves the
slashing of the clitoridectomy. The magnitude of the slashing depends on how courageous a
girl is known to be. The slashing will be equally significant if a young girl is known to be
very brave. Notably, if the girl is known to be fearful, the circumciser pinches her clitoris to
ensure that the blood flows out. She does that to avoid an embarrassing scene that may be
caused if the cut is so deep. From this phase, we can talk about the clitoridectomy form of
circumcision. This first phase is done in the glare of the public. Therefore, the girls are
expected to have the highest form of courage by not crying, however painful. Both men and
women are permitted to witness this part of circumcision because it brings fame to the family
and contributes immensely to the negotiating table during the time of bride price
determination later. The parents can convince the suitor that their daughter is a courageous
woman; therefore, the suitor should pay more dowry in terms of the animals.

90
PO6

~ 41 ~
The second phase of circumcision begins immediately after the first phase. It is exclusive and
limited only to older women and women who have undergone the rite of female circumcision.
This occurs in a small structure built in the cowshed where the girls spend much time. The
actual cutting takes place at this stage. The cuttings are deep and involve removing both labia
minora and labia majora. Both sides of the female organ are cut from the inside and the
outside. In the general term, this could be referred to as the excision type of circumcision. In
this phase of female circumcision, girls are allowed to cry. This is because of the magnitude
and depth of the cut. However, it is better if a young woman can be brave enough not to cry.
Immediately after this process is finished, the circumciser ensures that all is well done and,
with a special rope, ties the two legs of the just-circumcised girls. This rope is used to hold
them together to avoid rupture. It is meant to ensure that the two sides of the vagina hold
together and should heal as one.

There is also the third phase of women’s circumcision. This phase does not happen to all
women, only to those who are not well-cut. This takes place on the fourth to fifth day after the
circumcision. The older women come in where the newly circumcised are stationed. They
come to wash their wounds and see if the work is well done. If they discover that the girl was
not well circumcised, then they call the circumciser back, who comes to correct the wrong
mistake. This may sometimes subject the girls to a harrowing experience because the wound
is still raw, and cutting it again is very painful. Once the surgery has been corrected, the girl
can continue, like the others, with her healing process.

The girl must remain with her legs attached until she heals. This may take as long as six
weeks to eight weeks. However, “the whole procedure traditionally lasted for three months.” 91
This process of circumcising women closely relates to the third type of women circumcision
stipulated by the WHO in its classification. The kind is the infibulation method that Somali
women commonly practice. The Somali people practice infibulation to maintain the woman’s
virginity in preparation for marriage. However, the Pokot people do not practice infibulation
to preserve their virginity.

A known fact amongst the Pokot women is that young women who are not circumcised are
allowed to flirt with their lovers, and sometimes, they can go further to have sex. This is a
familiar character among the Pokot girls. However, when a woman is circumcised, she cannot
continue with such a relationship until she gets married. Then, it is argued that the scar from

91
PO1

~ 42 ~
circumcision is supposed to be broken by the real husband. This is why, after coming out or
graduating, she immediately gives the girl to her suitor. After circumcision, young girls are
not supposed to stay with their parents. In fact, during their seclusion, the suitors come home
and start negotiating with their parents about the dowry. Once the dowry is settled, the young
girl moves from the passing-out ceremony to her suitor’s home. That is why she has to be
prepared for her new duties and roles towards her husband and raising the children.

On the first night of her marriage to her husband, the woman whose vaginal opening is partly
closed must consummate her marriage with her husband for the first time. The man must
struggle to penetrate. Sometimes it is difficult to the point that the man uses the cow horn to
open the vagina, which is primarily closed. According to the explanation given by one of my
respondents, unique horns are used for that purpose. When the man establishes in the first
sexual encounter that the wife, after circumcision, has not had sex with another man, the
husband sends a special gift to the girl’s parents as an expression of appreciation for the work
well done.

In short, the Pokot people can be said to exercise the three forms of female circumcision, as
stated by the World Health Organization. However, they are carried out in the body of one
person. The first phase involves the clitoridectomy, the second phase consists of the excision,
and finally, tying the legs together brings about the infibulation type of women’s
circumcision. The Pokot infibulation is different from the Somali form of infibulation. The
difference lies in the stitching practiced by the Somalis. On the other hand, the Pokot women
tie their legs together, thus ensuring that both sides of the labia heal together, leaving a small
opening to enable the young woman to pass urine and menstrual blood.

The respondent PO2 on this issue asserted, “During circumcision, they cut the clitoris, then
Labia majora and Labia Minora. They tie the legs together so the raw wounds come together
and heal. In most cases, the opening is left smaller than normal. The Pokot type of
circumcision may be described as infibulation. The difference with Somali circumcision is
that in the Somali one, there is stitching. Pokot do not stitch their own. Generally, the Pokot
circumcision combines clitoridectomy, excision, and infibulation without stitching. They
encourage the initiates to keep their legs together until they have healed.”92

1.7. The age at which women were circumcised.

92
PO2.

~ 43 ~
Among the Pokot People, women’s circumcision was strongly connected to marriage. As
pointed out earlier, circumcision was the gateway to married life. Therefore, the
uncircumcised woman was unqualified to contemplate getting married. Traditionally, the age
for circumcising a woman was fifteen and sixteen. They believed that the woman was ready
for marriage at this age of female circumcision. After circumcision, they were given out
immediately. According to PO1, “the girls were booked when they were still in seclusion
where they underwent healing process and learned a lot from their sponsors.”93

According to another respondent, PO5, “the traditional marriage age was between fifteen and
twenty years.” The time given by different respondents varied widely. However, the general
view was that female circumcision took place when the girl showed some signs of maturity.
This typically happens at the beginning of puberty, around twelve to thirteen years old.

However, today, the age is as little as ten years. Some are even circumcised before they reach
the tenth year. Traditionally, they waited for a girl to grow till when she sat on the
circumcision stone, she fitted in it very well. That meant that she was already mature enough
for the ritual.94 A young victim of female circumcision with the coded name PT4 said, “She
was circumcised when she was thirteen years old, and immediately after healing, her father
gave her out for marriage. She escaped and was taken to a rescue center.”95 With different
versions from the respondents, I concluded that the traditional age of circumcision was
immediately after seeing the first menstrual blood. This was a sign that the girl had become a
woman and she could get married and start bearing children. This means the age is between
thirteen and twenty years. There was no exact age, but it all depended on the person’s
readiness and the family.

When the girl does not show any interest, and the parents feel that their daughter is taking too
long without asking for the ritual to be performed, then the parents call her to attention and
Remind her that it is time to prepare herself for the ritual so that she can get married. In the
words of PO3, “Female circumcision took place at the beginning of puberty to the end of
adolescence. However, she adds that it was mostly done to older girls preparing for marriage.
Most of them would get married immediately after healing, and the ritual of coming out was
completed.”96

93
PO1.
94
Cf: PO5
95
PT4.
96
PO3.

~ 44 ~
With the Government government declaring female circumcision illegal, the age of female
circumcision has drastically changed. Young girls between six and ten years old are being
circumcised. The ceremonial aspect has been removed because the state has imposed many
sanctions. If a family circumcises their daughter, they are arrested and imprisoned.

Due to the change in age, there is also a change in the purpose of female circumcision. From
the beginning, female circumcision was a rite of passage and a gateway to marriage, and its
defeat defeated the purpose of circumcising a small girl at six or seven years old. It is difficult
to train such a small girl on matters of family life, and giving out such a young girl for
marriage is impossible. However, the parents still circumcise their daughters even at an early
age. The reason is the fear that there is much monitoring from the authorities in the event of
delayed puberty.

2. The actual women circumcision, the real act, a description, and steps:

Each girl decides when she wants to go through the initiation process. Every year, in different
areas, initiation takes place. It is a local event, but girls from the larger community can attend.
Most girls choose to be initiated around puberty, some just before their first menstrual blood
and some later. If she does not ask her parents for permission to be circumcised, the parents
may decide to remind her what the community expects of her. Although the initiation
ceremony can be held for a single female, it is more customary for three to five girls of similar
ages from one community to decide to go through initiation together as a group. Many times,
girls who are circumcised are from one family, and therefore, they are cousins or from the
same neighborhood.

Before the initiation, Pokot girls, also known as “Tipin,” have complete sexual freedom and
engage in various flirtations with lovers. After circumcision, a woman is expected to marry,
stay with the spouse her parents have approved, and her husband to pay the bride price her
parents have demanded. Only after initiation is a woman allowed to have children; in reality,
if a Tipin becomes pregnant, she will undergo initiation shortly after, allowing her to become
a woman, or “Mrar,” before giving birth. The primary purpose of female circumcision,
According to Pokot, men and women are to legitimize a transition from immature girlhood to
mature womanhood.97

97
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pgs. 133-134.

~ 45 ~
The clitoridectomy, semi-seclusion, and public display of the ‘new’ women in the final phases
of numerous coming-out ceremonies are all part of the women’s initiation ceremony, which
lasts two to three months. These three stages have many characteristics, “with the separation,
segregation, and integration stages.”98 The ladies of one neighborhood and region control and
coordinate the many steps and events of the initiation ceremony. The initiation rite’s ritual
knowledge is cumulative. Women are only allowed to perform and learn about the
complicated meanings related to many secret portions of the ceremony as they age.

In this section, I intend to go through each step from beginning to end.

2.1. Request to the parents and acceptance:

The process of female circumcision begins with a request made by the candidate or the girl
who wishes to go through the ritual of female circumcision. As it is customary in the African
culture, “the young girl goes to her mother as the first step to request permission to undergo
the rite of female circumcision.”99 So, a young girl approaches the mother in the kitchen and
declares her intention to be circumcised. If the girl is still too young, the mother might decline
the request, as argued by PO3 when she says, “Sometimes, the mother may brush her off by
telling her that she is still a child.”100 Another reason for brushing off is when the family does
not want their daughter to be circumcised for religious reasons. The mother may object to the
request if the family is a strong Christian. However, this does not mean their daughter’s
request will be honored. Sometimes, the parents may deny her permission to test her patience.
The courageous daughters may decide to gatecrash on the celebration of the others by coming
out unexpectedly and sitting on the extra circumcision stone and, therefore, being
circumcised. The mother agrees to the daughter’s request after judging her to be at the right
age for circumcision. However, if the mother decides to comply, she pledges to bring the
proposal before the father. Very important to note is that the father must grant permission.
The reason why the father’s approval is critical is well summarized by respondent PO3 when
she says, “The permission must come from the father because he is the one to meet all the cost
starting from the beads, food to be consumed during the occasion and local beer for the elders
and the animal for slaughtering. The head of the family provides for all these requirements;
therefore, he must permit the young girl who wants to be initiated.”101

98
Ibid. Pg. 134
99
PO1.
100
PO3.
101
PO3

~ 46 ~
 2.2. Preparation.

Circumcision is not an event but a process for both women and men. This is the reason why
these procedures are essential. It is a process that begins at a specific point and ends at another
particular point. After requesting and being granted permission, the girls start the preparation.
As pointed out earlier, circumcision is never done for a single girl but rather for a group of
girls. These girls could be from the same family or the same neighborhood.

Upon receiving permission from their parents, “each girl makes an attire for the
celebration.”102 This attire is symbolic because everyone who sees it automatically knows they
are candidates for circumcision. The garment signals to the entire village that a particular
family’s daughter will be circumcised, therefore inviting the whole neighborhood.

All those girls who have received permission regroup after their parent's approval. They
gather near a molehill commonly found in Pokot land called “Kopo-Chemeiywon,” where
they sing, going around with stick-like spears while pretending to kill an enemy. This act is
called “Parata Punyon.” In the Pokot language, “Parata Punyon” implies, “We shall remain
brave or exhibit bravery during our circumcision.”103

During preparation, many things are considered, such as the cost of the whole celebration.
This is usually taken care of by the girls' fathers. The bull for slaughtering during
circumcision has to be prepared, and the families whose daughters are to be circumcised must
contribute. There is also the contribution of the food to be consumed during the celebration.
This is because many visitors are invited and have to be provided for.

Another essential preparation is in the beads bought and prepared for the celebration. Beads
are used primarily in the coming-out ceremony, also called the graduation ceremony. The
circumcised girls wear beads. The primary purpose is to create a sense of beauty in the newly
circumcised, thus attracting more suitors. The beads are meant to market the young woman,
accelerating the opportunity to get married immediately.

As mentioned earlier, newly circumcised girls are considered commodities to be sold in the
market—the more beautiful the commodity, the greater the chance of finding a quick buyer.
Negotiating the bride price will also be better if the woman is made more beautiful. Every
father must compete to ensure his daughter looks most attractive to attract more men, giving

102
Ibid. PO3
103
PO1.

~ 47 ~
the parents high bargaining power. Such a woman may bring a significant number of cows in
return.

2.3. Invitation to the visitors.

The girl who is preparing herself for the rite of female circumcision moves into the whole
village, visiting relatives and friends and inviting them to the celebration. The invitation is
basically on the family members such as uncles, unties, and other close relatives, as reported
by PO3 when she says, “The girls to be circumcised moves from one relative to the next
walking on foot informing them and inviting them to come and witness.”104 She invites them
to come and witness her courage as she stands in front of everybody. She promises them she
is ready and courageous enough to withstand the knife's sharpness. In addition, she promises
not to put them to shame by crying, screaming, or showing any signs of cowardice.

2.4. The night before the actual circumcision.

The night before the circumcision, the family prepares a big party with food and drinks.
People assemble in the afternoon for the event, singing and dancing all night until those to be
circumcised undergo clitoridectomy the following day at daybreak.105 The circumciser is
among the visitors who arrive in the evening, also referred to in the Pokot language as
“Kokomelkong.”106 The arrival of Kokomelkong is usually secretive, and only a few people
will notice her appearance. People generally revere her because of her role in women's lives.
“Her arrival is normally secretive, and her presence is not to be recognized by everybody.”107
The whole night, there is dancing, eating, and drinking.

The distinctive Ornaments worn by Kokomelkong, the initiates, and their mothers and fathers
differentiate them from the rest of the audience.108 This is meant to define the unique role each
person plays. During the dancing, they sing traditional circumcision songs intended for the
event. They sing and dance outside the hut.

Each song is unique and varies considerably depending on who is leading or calling the song.
However, a few significant themes appear in the Songs of Dawn. The most common theme is
that the girls should bravely face the operation to not embarrass themselves or their families.
104
PO3.
105
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 134.
106
PO1.
107
PO3
108
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 135

~ 48 ~
The leader emphasizes the importance of the girl “protecting” her family, referring to the
initiate’s father and patrilineage as a mother. She calls the song referring to the initiate’s clan,
her siblings, and her father by name. She also references her mother, saying, “Look at your
mother’s “Tenda,” do not neglect her. The initiate’s mother will be unable to wear the
traditional ritual “Tenda” (The Headband) if her daughter cries or flinches during the public
excision.”109

The Initiates are repeatedly warned about the excruciating pain caused by the fast slash of the
knife. Women’s emphasis on the difficulties of enduring the pain can be interpreted as a test
of a girl’s fortitude and commitment to complete the process.110 The songs emphasize that
girls must go through this alone and have the courage to do so because no one else can help
them when the public clitoridectomy occurs: “To be cut requires heart from you alone.” 111 The
girls are also continuously reminded that all the other ladies present have bravely endured the
procedure; “Look at the women sitting beneath the tree… you must take heart as they
have.”112

Women in the Pokot region view modernization as a danger to their control over young girls
and the traditional values they attempt to instill in them. Another issue that ladies sing about
these days is that girls should not be led astray by the allure of material possessions.

As the hour of reckoning approaches, a group of older women and initiates meet in a hut at
around three in the morning, separating themselves from the rest of the ceremony attendants.
Women sit swaying gently to the gentle melodic songs of the morning, crammed tightly
together in the confines of the little hut. Ladies chant the refrain, and one of the older women
leads the singing with improvised verses describing the initiates’ personal histories and the
ordeal they are about to face.113 At this juncture, the girls know they have reached a critical
point, and there is no turning back. All is ready and set for a reasonable hour. Circumcision
must take place.

The final preparations for clitoridectomy are made just as the first light rays begin to show on
the horizon. Respondent PO3 says, “Early in the morning, the girls are taken to the river to be
washed and prepared to return.”114 Taking the girls to the river is significant because it is
109
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 135.
110
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pgs. 135-136.
111
PO3.
112
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 135-136
113
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 136.
114
PO3.

~ 49 ~
meant to ensure that the girls are clean, and washing them with cold water helps their genitals
freeze, reducing blood loss. These girls are accompanied by “Mtirion,” a middle-aged woman
who is the “sponsor.” Apart from washing the girls in the river, their clitoris is pulled and
pinched to prepare them for the cut. Mtirion must be a respected woman who has also
undergone the rite of circumcision. Generally, the women involved in the whole ritual of
women’s circumcision must themselves be circumcised. The uncircumcised are kept away
from the celebration.

As soon as the girls are taken to the river, older women line up a row of large flat stones
outside the hut while men use sticks to push the crowd back and clear an area around the
rocks. The ladies sing their final songs in the house about the arrival of morning, utilizing
distinctive words and phrases unique to women’s circumcision. “Each girl to be circumcised
must have her stone. The girl whose home is hosting the event will be the first to come and be
circumcised.”115 In addition to the number of stones corresponding to the number of girls to be
initiated, there is always an addition of two or three more stones. The purpose of the extra
stones is to ensure that no girl will go uncircumcised as long as she comes out on her own.
This happens quite often, especially with the girls who are denied permission by their parents
either by saying they are still young or where the parents refuse for other reasons. In such a
situation, the girl is called “Sortum.” Sortum comes from two Pokot Names: “Sor,” which
means “the one who gatecrashed,” and “Tum,” which implies ceremony. In other words,
Sortum means “the one who gatecrashed on the ceremony that was not hers.”116 In Pokot
culture, this is acceptable and a sign of courage.

After washing in the nearby river, the girls, led by their Mtirion, embark on a return journey.
Upon their arrival, they are met by the man of the homehouse, who comes carrying a spear.
Every girl to be circumcised is supposed to go under the lance, which signals to the girl that
she must demonstrate the highest form of bravery. The spear is meant to scare the girl’s fear
and make her know that shame is not expected but rather courage. MereA blinking more blink
of an eye or any sign of fear could lead to death.

The first girl to be ushered in is the daughter of the man holding the spear, who, in most cases,
is the family's father.117 The name given to the first girl to be circumcised is “Kaporet.” This is

115
Ibid: PO3.
116
PO5.
117
Cf: Ibid. PO3.

~ 50 ~
a “title of honor.”118 This means that at circumcision, the name automatically changes. PO5
asserts that “after circumcision, she acquired a name “Kaporet” which was used for the first
one to come out to be circumcised.”119 The second one to be circumcised is known as
“Seretow.” The third name is “Sortum,” she gatecrashed in a celebration that was not hers.
According to the Pokot culture, these three names are very significant. They define the
position of a woman in society. Every woman who has been circumcised must have been
given any of these names. However, these names are short-lived. “Women with these names
change when they get married and get their children. They are now called “Kama Kimnee!”
which means “Mother to so and so!”120 The first two names are commonly repeated if those
circumcised are more than two.

At this juncture, it is good to point out that when the girls come from the river, they are
completely naked apart from “three specific ornamental belts.”121 There are some specific
situations where girls are not taken to the river because there is no river in the neighborhood.
The solution is to use cold water pouring down the front of their bodies before they sprint to
sit on the circumcision stones.

2.5. Phase one: in front of the entire community.

The first phase of circumcision takes place in the home compound in front of the hut. In front
of this hut in the home compound, the circumcision stones are arranged according to the
number of those to be circumcised. A few more stones are added for any other girl who may
decide to join.

When the girls arrive home, they are stopped at the gate where the father of the house goes to
meet them. The one leading the group is the Mtirion, who had accompanied the girls to the
river. She releases each girl alone at her time to go to the circumcision stone. When the girl
arrives at the circumcision stone, the circumciser is ready for the procedure. As pointed out
above, the first girl is called Kaporet. The girl sits at the stone with her leg spread, her head
thrown back, and both arms stretched straight out in the air. Kokomelkong grabs the labia
minora, flicks her finger across the girl’s vagina, and slashes the prepuce and a portion of the
labia minora in one or two fast slashes. The girl is then allowed to lower her head to the

118
Johannes Jakobus Visser, Pökoot Religion, Hendrik Kraemer Institute- Oegstgeest, Samenvatting, 1989. Pg.
169.
119
PO5.
120
Ibid. PO5.
121
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 136

~ 51 ~
ululation of kokomelkong, indicating that she has completed the operation.122 During the
actual cutting, “all men and women observe for any expression of pain. People rejoice if the
girl endures it without flinching, especially the mother. The mother then puts on a girdle of
cowrie shells and a ‘crown’ on her head. The girl can now sing, ‘I am honoring my
mother.”123

After the first girl comes the second by order of arrangement; the second girl is called
Seretow. When there are more than two girls, the names are alternated. At the end of every
procedure on a girl, there is always an ululation from the circumciser. At the end of the last
girl comes the “Sortum.” The process is always the same. According to the Pokot culture, if a
girl comes out during circumcision, even against the wish wishes of the parents, and sits on
the circumcision stone, the circumciser does not withhold the procedure from her. She is
immediately circumcised, and she is considered to be brave.

During the data collection, one of the respondents acknowledged that “It is common for girls
to push their way through crowds and undergo circumcision despite their families’ objections.
Approximately half of the females cut at the event are girls who emerge from the audience
without warning or formally proclaiming their intention to do so. Even though she is younger
than the others, once a girl’s friends are initiated, she will likely join them.”124

There are some excellent reasons why some parents may not want their daughters to be
circumcised. A girl’s family may not want her to be initiated for a variety of reasons: they
believe she is too young to be circumcised and will not be able to bear the pain; they think
that she is too young to marry, and they do not want to lose a vital household laborer; they do
not have the financial means to cover the costs of various stages and ceremonies of the
initiation rite.125

Kokomelkong must cut any girl who sits on the stones in the position described. The crowd
will mock any girl who cries out in pain or attempts to flee, but she will still be circumcised.
This means that other women present will hold her down until the procedure is completed. A
girl who cries during the general operation will never be able to attend the more private
elements of the initiation procedure, even as an older lady, and will emerge from her seclusion

122
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 136.
123
Johannes Jacobus Visser, Pökoot Religion. Hendrik Kraemer Institute- Oegstgeest, Samenvatting, 1989, Pg.
170.
124
PT12, PT13, PT14.
125
Cf: PT12, PT13, PT14.

~ 52 ~
period without any elaborate ceremony.126 Once the first phase is over, the girls are moved to
the second phase. All these procedures take place very quickly. There is no time wasting
because they involve the shedding of blood, which is a painful procedure.

Once the final girl has been cut, the older men and women in the audience begin to sing. The
initiates’ mothers and wives approach the men, swinging their arms in the air, and bless the
initiates’ fathers and male relatives by spreading milk on them. This is repeated several times.
The women direct their songs to the men, saying the girls have been cut, they should heed the
words and guidance of women, and they have honored their fathers, according to the lyrics.127

Since this phase of circumcision takes place in front of the hut, the blood spilled by those
initiated is covered with sand as the audience disperses.

2.6. Phase two: Only circumcised women.

At the end of the first phase, all the candidates are ushered into the second phase of
circumcision. They are taken to “Rurwo,”128, where the second phase occurs. Rurwo is a small
hut usually built in the cowshed where the second phase of women’s circumcision occurs.
This phase is generally excruciating because it involves actual cutting. Only the circumcised
women are allowed in, and girls undergoing the ritual can cry. They are supported and
encouraged to demonstrate courage and not embarrass the family. It is in “Rurwo” that girls
are cut. “The inner and outer part of the vagina is chopped. The experience is horrible. This is
normally a painful exercise in such a way that the initiates are allowed to cry.” 129 In the past,
some have died in this stage because of bleeding.130

While in the first phase, only the clitoris is cut, in the second phase, the labia minora and the
labia majora are slashed out completely. The procedure of chopping the meat is called
“Keral.”131 After that, the two legs of the girl are tied together to ensure that the two lips of the
vaginal opening heal together, closing up the larger space. When the healing process begins,
the wounds from both sides heal as one. It is problematic during healing, especially when
passing urine. The circumcised girl must take care so the wound does not open up.

126
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 136.
127
Cf: PT12, PT13, PT14.
128
PO1- “Rurwo”: The shed where the accurate and actual circumcision takes place. Here, the girls are allowed
to cry. The cutting is intense.
129
PT12, PT13, PT14.
130
PO5
131
Ibid. PO5

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In many cases of women’s circumcision, this may mark the end of the circumcision procedure
if all is perfectly done. “After the Chemeri has undergone the second phase, the work of
Kokomelkong is finished. Kokomelkong receives her due, and she goes away. The girls are
taken to “Kopo-chemeri,”132. A special hut is prepared for that purpose. In this stage, the
Chemeri lie on the grass or leaves. There is no luxury here.”133 However, if a mistake was
committed during the procedure, then comes the third phase of circumcision.

2.7. Phase three: The older women come to check if the cut was done correctly.

Pokot women claim that they ‘fix’ the wounds by ensuring that both sides of the labia are
sliced straight and evenly, allowing them to heal together and leave a smooth and even scar. 134
This phase may be referred to as examining whether Kokomelkong has done the work of
circumcision correctly. If the rite was poorly performed, she is called back to come and
correct the mistakes immediately. The third phase of women’s circumcision involves
correcting any error that may have been committed during the first and second phases. The
role of older women is to examine whether everything was done well and according to their
standards. If it is discovered that one or two of them were not well operated, they call back
Kokomelkong to come and redo it again. This is a terrible and painful experience because it
means cutting an unhealed wound.

The repair is time-consuming and often requires cutting sections of the labia majora, labia
minora, and the prepuce and tip concealing the clitoris for another one or two minutes. The
clitoris, or the clitoris shaft, is not cut. Pokot women call this a “vein,” claiming that if the
clitoris is cut, the girl will bleed to death. The girls have to be held and supported during the
correction procedure because of the pain that they have to go through. They are not mocked
when they publicly express their misery. When the cutting is finished, the wound is cooled
with the breast milk of a mother who has not lost any children and is nursing a female infant.
The juice from the ‘pipi’ plant is also applied to the wound. The name given to the
circumcised girls in the Pokot language is “Chemeri.”135 The Chemeri stay in a special hut
called “Kopo-chemeri.”

2.8. Seclusion:

132
PO1. – Kopo-Chemeri in the Pokot language means the seclusion hut for the circumcised girls.
133
PO5.
134
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 137-138.

135
PO1. “Chemeri”- The Pokot name for the circumcised girls. (Singular is Chemerion)

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The period of isolation for the circumcised girl begins the moment she enters the hut. After
that, the house is taken over by women. The father must find another place to sleep because
he and anybody else referred to as the father or uncle of the girl would be unable to see her for
the next three months until she is unveiled at the public coming-out ceremony. An essential
aspect of paying attention to is the fact that the circumcised girls either live together in Kopo-
chemeri or each one goes back to her home where Kopo-chemeri will be established for her. It
all depends on the organization of the families whose daughters were circumcised together.
The Chemeri are to remain as guarded as possible, and their fathers or uncles are not allowed
to see them.

An older woman arrives on the fourth or fifth day to perform Lapow (from Lapa- to wash).
The body of the Chemerion and wound are cleaned with water, and particular plants are
cooked in it at this time (Songowo Manampelion or Moywon, depending on the area). The
Chemerion is strictly banned from washing during her seclusion period after washing Lapow.
If the wounds become infected, Pipi leaf juice will be administered. The old woman blesses
the Chemerion by spitting chewed Moigut root over her injuries and around her upper body,
saying, “Sweet, sweet, thanks, thanks.136

Upon completing “Lapow,” the Chemerion can eat with her hands and go outside without a
Kolika covering her head. The girls’ wounds heal after about two to three weeks. However,
The damage must be cut again if the two sides are crooked and do not join correctly. When
Chemerion’s wound has healed sufficiently to prevent it from splitting open when she walks,
she and the other Chemeri collect white chalk, which they mix with water and smear all over
their bodies every morning. “This clay is considered to have a blessing and empowering
quality, for the Chemeri are considered weak after the operation. The clay also neutralizes
their polluted condition since it can harm infants and men.”137 From now on, the Chemeri will
stay together during the day. During their seclusion period, they sit and talk while producing
the numerous Ornaments required.

The girl should lie as still as possible for the first few days after clitoridectomy. She sleeps on
particular grass skin, her legs pressed together, the two cut sides of her vaginal lips meeting
and eventually joining in, making a smooth scar. The scar forms over the shaft of the clitoris
(and sometimes over the mouth of the Urethra, allowing urine to pass through the spot),
136
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 139.
137
Johannes Jacobus Visser, Pökoot Religion, Hendrik Kraemer Institute- Oegstgeest, Samenvatting, 1981. Pg.
171.

~ 55 ~
making the vaginal aperture slightly more petite than previously. She is not allowed to drink
water until her wound heals. She is not allowed to touch any food with her hands (her mother
will either feed her or she will pick up her food with a stick.) “The first four days after
circumcision, the circumcised girl is not allowed to touch anything because she is considered
as unclean. She is fed like a small baby by her mother. She is not to come into contact even
with utensils or even food.”138 She is considered unclean, and touching food or utensils defiles
those things.

She is now known as Chemerion (plural- chemeri), and she shaves her head, wears ash on her
face, and wears a Koliko (a significant skin composed of numerous goat skins sewed together)
that hides or deforms the shape of her body. The circumcised girls also wear specific beads
around the head, covering the face to ensure their fathers do not see them. The beads are
called “Chemirmet.”139 When they can move, they wear other beads called “Karkaren.”140
Karkaren beads are won by the initiates so that when they walk, they will be identified by the
people when they are far away. The beads produce noise; when one hears it, they disappear to
avoid meeting with the Chemeri. The Chemeri walk around with a “sitot,”141 a special stick to
greet other Chemeri when they meet.142 They are rarely left alone since women always come
in and out of the hut to check on them and ensure they are adequately fed. All the women in
the neighborhood meet for four nights following circumcision to sing the specific seclusion
ritual songs.

If a man goes there, he is punished severely for disregarding the traditions of the elders. If a
man forces his way into “Kopo-chemeri,” he is fined a bull typically controlled by women.
The women first arrest such a man, tied with ropes on the hands and waist. They follow these
older women in the bullying process. How they do it is strange that they undress in front of
him and tell him to smell their buttocks while naked. This is meant to demean him and is
taken as the highest form of punishment. After this punishment, he slaughters the bull for
them.143

138
PO5
139
PT12, PT13, PT14- Chemirmet: Beads won by the Chemeri around the head covering the face to prevent
them from being seen by their fathers or uncles.
140
Ibid. -Karkaren: Beads won by the Chemeri so that when they walk, they are identified when they are far
away because of the noise they produce.
141
Ibid. -Sitot: Special stick used for greeting other Chemeri when they meet.
142
PT12, PT13, PT14.
143
PO1

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After this act, the women bless him, calling him a clean man. If he was on a hunting mission
for a wife from among the circumcised inside the Kopo-chemeri, he is now told to wait until
the circumcised girls graduate. On the contrary, if this man fails to provide a bull and
slaughter it for them, these older women curse him, and the man will have many bad omens
throughout his life.

The Chemeri are regarded as unclean during their seclusion period. However, they are most
‘dangerous’ before their wounds heal; at this point, the same taboos confine them as women
during menstruation or recently giving birth.144 Some restrictions are relaxed later (for
example, after Lapow and after the wound heals), and the Chemeri assists with household
activities, such as gathering firewood or grinding and boiling corn.

Some constraints are unique to Chemerion. For instance, she must use her Sitot branch to
ensure that she does not pollute things, such as hitting the side of the hut door four times with
her Sitot before entering or leaving the hut or crossing a river. She must hit the water in the
same manner. Other limits reflect the idea that she is not only filthy but neither a girl nor a
woman, but instead exists in a liminal stage. For instance, she should only whisper, not wear
shoes, not greet men, etc. Her special relationship with women and other Chemeri is
expressed by the fact that she can greet them using her “sitot” branch but only ritualized
ritualistically. All these restrictions are meant to show that the initiates or Chemeri are in a
state of transition. So, she is neither Tipin nor Märal. She is somewhere between the two
stages. The community recognizes her as a complete woman after the passing-out ceremony.

During the seclusion period, girls are not permitted to have sexual relations and must sleep in
their “tot,”145, a specially constructed narrow bed that is shut off from the rest of the hut.
People claim that if a girl has a sexual relationship during her seclusion period, she will suffer
the same fate as a girl who cried during circumcision. Chemeri creates the unique ornaments
required for Kipuno in the latter stages of the seclusion period, such as the Sanai, a traditional
woman’s jewelry.146 The women and children of the neighborhood gather at the Chemeri
houses after two to three months, near the end of the seclusion time, to sing and practice
various songs and dances, including some unique to Kipuno.

144
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 140.
145
Ibid: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “Tot “- a specially constructed narrow bed that is shut off from the rest of
the hut. Pg. 140.
146
Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pgs. 140-141.

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 2.9. Ng’empasany washing in the river.

This is the stage in which the initiates are not allowed to be seen by men and not allowed to
cross the river. As it has been pointed out above, immediately after circumcision, many
procedures follow. First, the initiates are prohibited from touching food, utensils, or other
things other family members use. That is why the initiates are fed by their mothers like tiny
babies for the first two days and two nights. Apart from being provided, they are not allowed
to meet men. They remain indoors. Thirdly, they are not allowed to cross any river because it
is a place where people fetch water for drinking, and therefore crossing the river, they believe,
is likely to cause harm to the entire community or the people that drink the water that runs
downwards. In explaining what Ng’empasany means, PO5 says, “The initiates ought not to be
seen by any man or even cross the river. They can only go out to busk in the sun but not cross
the river or be seen by men.”147

Ng’empasany is a ritual of purification in which the initiate is allowed to meet all the items
mentioned earlier. The ceremony takes place in the river. It involves washing the initiate’s
entire body with some traditional medicine. The medicine is applied to the initiate’s body and
cleans the whole body. After this purification ritual, the initiate can eat with her hands and
utensils. She is also allowed to cross the river. The initiate is also allowed to visit relatives.
This stage in the Pokot language is called “Kesiroto Örtin.”

However, as pointed out earlier, the initiates are still seen as impure, especially when they are
still in seclusion. She must knock on the door four times with her seat whenever she enters the
house. She must hit the water four times with her sitot whenever she crosses the river. This act
of heating four times demonstrates that nothing terrible should befall whoever enters the same
door, crosses the same river, draws water from the same river, etc.

After the ritual of Ng’empasany, the initiates stay out of the water until the end of the
seclusion period. The final washing follows. This ritually ritual occurs in the river when the
girls are fully healed and almost ready to celebrate the coming-out ceremony. For the first
time after circumcision, the father sees his daughter ceremonially, which is done in a ritual
ceremony.

2.10. Kipuno:

147
Ibid. PO5

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The Kipuno celebration is a ritual ceremony that marks the beginning of the coming-out
procedure. Kipuno is done shortly before the coming-out ceremony. Several approaches
characterize the Kipuno celebration. In the Kipuno, “the father sees the daughter at a
distance.”148

Shortly before Kipuno, there is much preparation regarding clothing for the coming-out
celebration and what to eat and drink. In preparation for the Kipuno celebration, “each family
of the Chemerion must contribute one goat and twenty kilos of maize for the Lapan ceremony
before the coming-out celebrations (pan; cooked grain – the staple food of the Pokot diet).
Lapan is essentially a feast for the women of the neighborhood. The meat and the maize are
evenly distributed among the women and distributed as a gratuity to all those who participated
in the various stages of the initiation process. They also make the ‘Sanai,’ traditional woman’s
jewelry.149 Because it is a women’s ceremony, men are given the less attractive parts of the
goat that are generally presented to women in the many ceremonies done by men after two to
three months, towards the end of the seclusion time. The males are summoned to come and
enjoy their food at a discreet location nearby rather than participating in the Lapan songs and
activities. The more major Lapan are those performed nearer the time of the Coming-Out
celebrations, in which women sing several “rude” or “obscene” songs and yell out phrases in
addition to practicing Kipuno’s different songs and dances, baiting or mocking men about sex
on purpose.150

“Cheripko” is one of the first songs sung at Lapan, and it is performed with the women and
Chemeri standing in a line facing the other homesteads across the hills, waving their sitot
branches in the air. Women, but not Chemeri, shout various obscenities across the mountains
at the men at the end of most of the songs. If a man approaches the women at this time, he
will be escorted away by a group of enraged women who make a slew of obscene gestures
and insults. Some screamed remarks across the hills are about women’s sexual wants, teasing
males that they are not readily fulfilled. Some males want or need sex, and women recognize
that they are highly sought after. Women shout similar terms when boys emerge from their
seclusion phase during the male initiation process—explaining their enthusiastic behavior
expresses delight that the Chemeri are now very close to obtaining their full sexual and adult
status. Nonetheless, it stands in contrast to the stringent compliance standards.

148
Ibid. PO5.
149
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 141
150
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg 141.

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“The memorable Kipuno songs and dances are performed at the end of each Lapan, and the
Chemeri are coached or trained by the ladies to behave as wives and mothers. The more
comprehensive instructions occur at various times and in multiple neighborhoods.”151 The
mother of a specific Chemerion gives her daughter's background and personality before the
local women start yelling their recommendations. Then, each Chemerion is forced to kneel
with her head buried in her hands while the women whip her (with their sitot branches) and
rant about her countless mistakes and how she must fix them. It is a highly emotional time.
There is also the realization that Chemerion will soon leave her house after being raised and
working closely with her mother daily. The time of separation between mother and daughter
is emotionally and physically demanding.

An essential part of Kipuno is the “Kiyilat.” Kiyilat is a ritual that characterizes the actual
graduation or the coming out. Kiyilat takes place in the cow shed. “It is an act of anointing
with oil from an animal by the girl’s father.”152 After the girl is anointed, what follows is “the
blessing of the girl by the father and the uncles by pouring milk on her forehead.”153 This
takes place in the cowshed. This shows the connection between the rite of women’s
circumcision and cows. It implies that a circumcised girl or woman is recognized as the
source of cows that come through marriage and payment of the bride price.

2.11. Coming-out Ceremony or Graduation.

On the day preceding the “coming-out ceremony,” the Chemeri are locked inside a house.
They dress neatly with skin and beads on their neck and waist. Then, their parents put on
jingles. The girls’ mothers put on “Tenda” with “Songor,” an ostrich feather placed on the
head. It is a symbol of honor to the parent of the initiate. It signifies that soon they will
receive a bride price for their daughter who has graduated from circumcision. They spend the
whole night celebrating. In the morning, the girls are released and taken to the cowshed.
There, they find a female cow tied with a rope. They hit this cow using their hands until the
cow dies. After the cow has passed, the Chemeri return to their hut. The cow is slaughtered,
and the meat is prepared. The elders are served the meat to continue celebrating. 154

Early in the morning, all the Chemeri are led to the river just before Kipuno for a secret,
private ritual. Before crossing the river, the old mothers examine the clitoridectomy scar of

151
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 142.
152
PT12, PT13, PT14.
153
Ibid. PO5.
154
Cf: PT12, PT13, PT14.

~ 60 ~
each Chemerion to ensure that none of them has had sexual relations during their isolation.
The ceremonies at the river are directed by an older mother whose first kid is a girl and who
has never lost a child.155

The Chemeri are escorted to a specific pool of calm water in the river, which the local women
have used for generations. At this pool, the leader slaps the water with her sitot branch.
Moreover, each Chemerion does the same in turn. According to the women, a rainbow should
appear after each Chemerion strikes the water. According to Johannes Jacobus Visser in his
book “Pökoot Religion,” when the girls hit the water, a reddish-green color can be noticed;
Ilat shows his presence.”156 The appearance of the rainbow is a sign of approval to each
Chemerion. Kokoilat (wife of Ilat; rain, deity) is considered the rainbow and should bless
each Chemerion. If the women see a rainbow, they say a short prayer of thanks and ululate to
show their joy.

This deity is believed to favor girls and women and has a special relationship with them. It is
this deity that brings rain and, therefore, rejuvenates life. Women are supposed to relate
Closely to this deity as a source of life. Ilat must bless every woman who has undergone the
ritual of female circumcision so that she can start her duty of propagating life.

Each Chemerion must follow the leader by depositing one iron bead and some ghee in a
slightly shallower section of the river. The movement of the bead and ghee is thought to
predict each initiate’s future health and ability to bear children. It is stated, for example, that if
the beads do not lie still on the riverbed, the girl will most likely be barren. Alternatively, if
the ghee hardens and floats downstream, she will become a “Riwoy” woman who will have
difficult breech births, and so on. A few unique songs are sung now, indicating that the
Chemeri had returned to their ‘mother’ and ‘mixed’ their beads with “the others of the past.”
Whatever it is, all women acknowledge it as a powerful spiritual force that has manifested
itself over many generations and received the beads of initiates. The Chemeri are allowed to
wash their body with water for the first time since they began their seclusion period after
completing these events.157

155
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 142-143.
156
Johannes Jacobus Visser, Pökoot Religion, Hendrik Kraemer Institute- Oegstgeest, Samenvatting.1989.
Pg.171
157
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.143.

~ 61 ~
The initiation process cloaks women’s perceptions of their reproductive powers in symbolism.
Still, they regard it as something related to the supernatural – beyond themselves and their
control. During women’s circumcision, there are several taboos and references regarding
water, and, notably, most women say they wait for the appearance of the wife of the rain god
during this most secret stage of the ceremony.

Women have a specific relationship with rain and have exceptional control over it.
Reproduction is sometimes linked to rainfall and land fertility. The most obvious example is
that if the position of the constellations Mars and Venus indicates that there will be no rain for
the Pokot, the women in the neighborhood must go into the hills and sing their secret
initiation songs to make it rain. If they do not, it is thought that women will not be able to
have children and that the babies will die.

The final preparations for Kipuno begin once the Chemeri have been washed. In most ways,
Kipuno’s songs and events are similar. However, the order in which they are played differs.
The initiates usually return to their huts after returning from the river, where they collect their
Ornaments and are blessed (much like when they returned from the clitoridectomy ceremony).
Before the initiates can put on the new Ornaments for the first time, they must be blessed by
community members. Old men and women (who have not lost any children) snake the
Ornaments on a large cow leather while singing “poro, poro, poro, four.” Poro is often
reserved for older males who have completed the final step of their age-set ceremony. In most
circumstances, males say “poro four” as a modest curse to ward off any ill effects or harm the
ancestors or spirits may have inflicted.158

For the final coming-out rituals, most females are given a new “Kolika.”159 The older women
brand these skins with white chalk for the pregnant initiates and red soil for the nonpregnant
girls. Since it is expected that a girl should not become pregnant before the ritual of
circumcision, if one becomes pregnant, there must be a way of differentiating her from the
rest. This is seen through the color marks in the Kolika. Besides the color markings on their
skins, the Chemeri are treated the same throughout the initiation process.

The point that a girl must not give birth before being initiated is always given significantly
more weight than the fact that she should not become pregnant. The women believe that the
number of lines put on an initiate’s Kolika reflects the number of children she will have and
158
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.144.
159
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, - Pg. 145. -Kolika is a traditional Pokot cloth made of cow skin normally used
during the coming out ceremony. Every woman who has undergone FGM must have her own Kolika.

~ 62 ~
that any circle drawn signifies a vagina, or “woman’s dwelling.” When the initiates’ vaginas
are checked for the last time to ensure they have not had sexual intercourse, a circle is drawn
on the stone they sit on. The circle can be interpreted as a mother’s sign about the initiates’
ability to give birth to offspring because mothers sit on rocks to give birth. “While being
circumcised, a woman sits on a stone. At the same time, a woman sits on a stone when giving
birth.”160 This indicates how closely the rite of women’s circumcision relates to marriage and
giving birth.

The initiates can finally put on the Ornaments after they have been blessed and marked. They
oil their bodies and groom themselves before heading to the public dance area, where they
will be greeted by a big crowd of people, including many of their male relatives whom they
have not seen since their isolation began. Due to the quick pace of the Kipuno songs,
distinctive postures and steps are taken at public dances. Several pieces are performed,
mentioning significant events in the area, the names of the many places the ladies have come
from, their dads whom they have honored by completing the circumcision ceremony, and so
on.

The ‘poro song’ is usually sung last. The initiates then rush to the nearest white sap tree
(simotwo or Poghotwo tree) and then use their sendit sticks to pierce it (specially carved
sticks utilized at Kipuno and kept by the women until they marry). The initiates then suck or
spread the sap on their chests, symbolizing consuming the tree’s “milk.” They then kneel with
their faces buried in their hands, waiting for a young boy to promise her a stock gift as if he
were her spouse.

These promises are not taken seriously, but it is worth noting that at male circumcision, a
young lady does the same thing to a freshly initiated guy (the females refer to the young men
as their “wife” and “wake them up” by promising them a stock present, a complete reversal of
roles). The initiates keep their massive skins and unique jewelry on until four days after
Kipuno is completed when the private and secret “Sewö” rite takes place. During these four
days, the initiates visit the homes of their dad and the brothers of their fathers and mothers.
All these relatives are supposed to bless the novice by pouring milk on her forehead and
promising her stock that she can collect after a few years of marriage (usually after she has
given birth to her first child).

160
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, “The Socio-Economic and Ritual Roles of the Pokot Women.” Dissertation
submitted for the Degree of Ph.D., Faculty of Archeology and Anthropology, November 1981, Pg. 145.

~ 63 ~
Each initiate’s family must contribute a small goat and some maize as payment to the older
women who administer the ritual to attend the very last Sewö ceremony. Women are the most
private about Sewö of all the stages of initiation. Only mothers whose last-born children have
given birth can conduct the most crucial element of Sewö. According to these women, most of
the songs are the same ones sung throughout the seclusion period. Once again, the local ladies
at Sewö counseled or assessed the initiates. The method and advice offered are identical to
those given at Lapan, except that the initiates known to be recalcitrant are handled more
cruelly than before, with the ladies hitting their naked backs while kneeling.

An explanation of what happens during the remote part of Sewö is that the old grandmothers
accompany the initiates to a quiet location. The initiates bury metal beads and uncover others
from a specific place. Each novice and her leader (the same woman who performed the rite in
the river) must bury two metal beads under stones in a particular location. The leader then
unearths two metal beads from the same place belonging to the neighborhood’s most recent
initiates. Women (perhaps the moms whose daughters were initiated the previous year) are
given these two beads, which they wear on their unique ritual belts. According to some
women, initiates are forced to swear an oath at this location, agreeing to “follow the teachings
of women and not betray any of their secrets.”161 Whether or not the initiates are forced to
swear the oath, burying new beads and unearthing old beads of the initiates throughout time,
thus creating a significant symbolic tie between women in one neighborhood, women in the
whole neighborhood are joined in an oath through this ritual.

A few more songs are performed after the remote part of Sewö, and the ‘new’ women return
home to destroy their tot bed, which they have slept in for the past few months. Several bride-
wealth discussions have been completed during the initiate’s seclusion time; the night Sewö is
finished, the husband arrives to take his bride home. According to Pokot tradition, a newly
initiated woman should go to her husband’s house dressed in all the specific ornaments of
Kipuno and Sewö. If she does, it signals to the rest of the community that the ‘new’ woman’s
husband will be the first to have sexual intercourse with her, causing the scar tissue to split
and bleed for the first time.

3. Female circumcision and marriage:

Female circumcision and marriage are two rites of passage that are directly connected. One
rite is the preparation of the other. Without female circumcision, marriage becomes a mirage,
161

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and it is only by luck for an uncircumcised woman to get married. Important to note is argues
PO1 that “girl circumcision is meant to prepare her for marriage and to enable her to start her
own family.”162

In this section, I want to point out that the rites of passage last from the moment of conception
to the moment of death. The traditions, of course, are the most critical in the life of a Pokot
after a person and a cow and its interaction with women. A Pokot’s life is filled with rituals
from the start of a person’s existence until death. They begin even before birth. The primary
characteristic of these rites is that they are not genuine celebrations and are shrouded in
melancholy since they are intended to fill the gaps of what is missing in people’s life
experiences. Every Pokot man’s or woman’s life is a series of transitions from one stage to the
next, each marked with a celebration and pomp, except for the occasion of death when only
the close family members visit the family.163

According to the order of succession, the first rite of passage in the Pokot life is called
Parpara. This is a reconciliation ceremony for safe delivery. Malal or Riwoy follows this.
This is a naming ceremony for one child, two children, a child born “abnormally,” with feet
coming out first, or a child conceived before the mother had attended her monthly periods
since the previous birth, depending on the circumstance.164

Following this stage is the “knocking out teeth” (keghöt kelat), which goes hand in hand
with body adornments. (These two rituals, keghöt kelat and sorim, are primarily for aesthetic
purposes, though the former offers therapeutic benefits. A person with tetanus or any other
illness that results in locked jaws is given food through the opening. The central ritual of
circumcision or clitoridectomy then takes place. It is also known as tum, which is a song,
dance, or celebration, kepa Rotwö, which means “going to face the knife,” or simply “mutat,”
which means “the cut.” The rite is typically followed immediately by another one for men
called Sapana.165

Every Pokot man, after the rite of male circumcision, must go through the ritual of Sapana.
Through this rite, a man joins the council of elders. Traditionally, a young man would not get
married even after circumcision until he had undergone the ritual of Sapana. The rite of

162
PO1.
163
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Biblical Hermeneutics as a tool for Inculturation in Africa: A Case Study of the Pökoot
People of Kenya, Creation Enterprises Nairobi, 2007 Pg. 154-155.
164
Ibid. 154.
165
Ibid. Pgs. 154-155.

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Sapana for men is compared to the tradition of circumcision for women. Although
circumcised, a man cannot talk in front of the elders before performing the ritual of Sapana. It
is an essential rite to qualify as an elder in the Pokot community. However, due to modern
changes, men marry today and prepare themselves for the rite of Sapana. The wife must return
to her parents if a young man is married during Sapana.

The last rite of passage is death. A special ritual is carried out after a person has passed away.
Although the deceased is not an active participant (unlike in Parpara and Malal/Riwoy birth
ceremonies, they are no longer alive), they must go through the entire series of customary
rituals to rid themselves and those who have survived them of death (meghat). If not, their
spirit (Onyöt) will return and torture the living.166

Integrating these rites of passage into the community gives the initiates the strength to
confront the harsh truths of life. Hence, it is only befitting to argue that “the Pokot rejoice in
life and give God their honest gratitude for this gift and all other material blessings. During
celebrations, Christians frequently sing, "Kighanecha, Kikonecha Tororot tikuk lapoy
Kighanecha,”167, meaning, "God has given us all things. Let us believe in him.”168

The motivation behind these rites of passage is a metaphysical fear of bad things happening to
a person or the community. They are thought to support everyone in realizing their full
potential and harmony between the forces of nature and the supernatural. The rites of passage,
which are the occasions to demonstrate their communality and in which everyone is required
to participate, are occasions of great joy and celebration in addition to serving to ward off
potential disasters. Their lives are enriched, strengthened, and healed at these times; everyone
who refuses to participate is shunned as anti-social and anti-life.169

Like other Africans, the Pokot’s concept of the term “community” is marked by moments of
ceremonial shifts.

The rituals of passage serve two purposes: integration into the community and movement
from one stage of life to another. Anyone who has yet to be initiated through these ceremonies
remains an outsider and is not allowed to participate in the daily activities of their peers. The
ritual passage serves additional functions. The purpose of marriage and tooth extraction is to
achieve ceremonial purity. However, the purpose of the other four is to gain benefits.
166
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 155.
167
Ibid. Pg. 154.
168
Ibid. Pg. 154.
169
Cf: Pg. 155.

~ 66 ~
For instance, Sapana is thought to bring good fortune, including the conception of males and
exemption from social ills. Additionally, it aims to elevate a junior elder to the rank of being
able to serve and sit among elders during ceremonies held in Kokwö (under a tree). Even if
there is no inherent impurity in marriage, there is a hint of mistrust regarding the cleanliness
of the bride, her groom, and all the members of their clans. A reconciliation or blessing
ceremony is performed when a lady becomes pregnant for the first time to ensure a happy and
trouble-free marriage for the couple.170

Due to their transitory nature, the rites of passage, namely, birth, circumcision, and death, are
considered by many communities to be the most significant. Birth because it is a transition
from the unknown into the world. Circumcision transitions from childhood to adulthood and
death because it transitions from this life to the afterlife. However, marriage is the most
important rite of passage for the Pokot people because it defines their future. Unmarried
People are cursed, and if they pass away while in that state, a special ritual is held to remove
them from the family tree because, in a sense, their names have entirely vanished.

3.1. The reason for women’s circumcision.

According to the Pokot people, female circumcision is a rite of passage. It is a transition from
childhood to adulthood. This means that before one is circumcised, she remains a child and,
therefore, cannot establish her own family. Female circumcision is considered the gateway to
the rite of marriage.

Several reasons were enumerated during the field research as to why every Pokot woman had
to be circumcised. The first reason given was “marriageability.”171 In Pokot culture, every
woman is destined for marriage. Pokot women are commodified and sold to men. An
uncircumcised woman is challenging to market. For a woman to have the highest bid, she
must be prepared well by her parents. The preparation begins early in life and culminates in
the actual circumcision ritual. Circumcision, according to the Pokot people, is not an event but
a process. Therefore, a Pokot woman must undergo the entire process to be considered a real
woman.

Every Pokot woman is traditionally geared toward marriage. Every woman is, therefore,
prepared for this ritual at a particular stage in life. Pokot people believe that every woman
must be circumcised. Although circumcision was supposed to occur between 13 and 18 years,
170
Cf: Pg. 155.
171
PO3.

~ 67 ~
if one was delayed for reasons known to them or she ran away from the knife because of fear,
they would still follow her up until she went through the ritual of circumcision. In her
explanation, PO5 argued, "Female circumcision was not a matter of choice. It was meant for
every woman. It was compulsory for every woman who had reached the age of circumcision.
No one, therefore, would escape. Those known to be cowards were given a medicine called
‘Chepöröt’ and alcohol so they would have the courage to face the knife the following
morning without fear. In short, all women had to be circumcised.”172

Another reason stipulated during the field research was a demonstration of braveness. Female
circumcision is a complex act. One must be courageous to be able to withstand the cut. When
a girl or woman goes through the rite without causing any scene, she is considered a brave
woman.173 Many stages involve performing the ritual, implying a Painful encounter. In the
first stage, it is not expected that one would cry. However, one is allowed to cry in the second
and third stages. However, it is never encouraged for one to cry. They are supposed to
demonstrate the highest form of braveness.

It is also believed that the circumcision of a woman is a form of preparation for a young
woman who gets married immediately after graduation. Getting married comes with many
responsibilities, such as giving birth to children. The process of giving birth is considered to
be a significant challenge. Therefore, if a woman cannot withstand a knife, she is not ready to
fight the birth pangs that await her.

Another reason given has to do with the Pokot people’s way of life. Pokot land is divided into
three geographical areas. These are the high-altitude region, the middle-altitude region, and
the lower-altitude region. The people from each region have a different way of life. For
instance, the Pokot people of lower altitude regions attribute the reason for women’s
circumcision to control the women’s sexuality, bearing in mind that during the dry season, the
men move from one area to another in search of pasture and water. This means the women,
children, and sick animals are left behind at home, and the men follow the animals.
Sometimes, it takes up to three to six months before the husband returns. This implies that
women must stay without sex when their husbands are away. This is captured by PO6 when
she asserts, “During the dry season, men used to go far with their animals to look for water
and pasture. Circumcision was meant to control women’s sexual desires when their husbands

172
PO5.
173
Cf: PO3.

~ 68 ~
were away.”174 The women who are circumcised can persevere and wait patiently until their
husbands return home. The idea is to ensure the wives remain faithful until the husband
returns home. Female circumcision acts as a control of women’s sexuality used by men for
their women. Pokot people believe that uncircumcised women have a high libido and are
challenging to control. The removal of the clitoris helps in reducing sexual desire. Women
can stay long without sexual intercourse.

It is important to note that among the Pokot people, sexual intercourse is a tool for
procreation. There is no other reason why people marry. They marry to procreate and increase
the community. Every woman must get married because women's circumcision is the pathway
to marriage. Once a woman has been circumcised, she does not need to wait anymore but
instead goes home.

Another aspect worth mentioning is the Pokot culture of polygamous marriage. Even today,
Pokot people still value this form of marriage. A real man is supposed to lead a large number
of women. Earlier, it was a fleet of women. However, today, things are changing because of
the modern way of life, and the cost of living has gone up, thus affecting every individual,
whether in a town or a rural setting. However, the culture of polygamy is still strongly upheld.

The wealth among the Pokot people is measured by the number of cattle a man has. If a
family does not have animals, the family is said to be very poor. Low-income families seek to
have many children, hoping the girls will be exchanged for cows, thus making the family
wealthy. According to PO6, “female circumcision was meant to ‘add value to a woman.’ A
girl circumcised and well taken off by her parents would bring a heavy bride price to the
family. The bride's price came from animals and, therefore, the family's wealth.” 175

The culture is also practiced in the agricultural region of Pokot. Every Pokot family ensures
they have animals in arid or highland areas. So, the difference between the low-land Pokot
and the highland Pokot regarding women’s circumcision is minimal. All the Pokot are the
same everywhere. They all uphold the culture of their forefathers, and women’s circumcision
is entrenched all over the Pokot land.

3.2. The role of men in female circumcision.

174
PO6
175
PO3.

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When asked why women’s circumcision is carried out, Pokot men give various answers.
Sometimes, men admit to knowing nothing about a “women’s ceremony.”176 However, men
regard women’s circumcision as a significant aspect of Pokot Society’s broader ceremonial
and social structures. When Pokot men talk about the aim of women’s circumcision, they
usually give one of two explanations: that “initiation confers the privilege to bear children on
women, and secondly that women circumcise girls while men circumcise boys.”177 These
assertions will be examined in light of the prevailing social order on women’s circumcision,
as well as the larger question of whether or the level to which men exert control over a
woman’s initiation.

Traditionally, “men are the custodians of the culture. They make the rules that are to be
adhered to. They decide how to control the sexuality of women.”178 PO3 argues, "Female
Circumcision is made for men or to please men. She argues that female circumcision is meant
to help girls become attractive to men, leading to marriage. When one misses the cut, she
misses the next step of her life. After female circumcision, one is said to have met the
qualification to enter the next step.”179

Men play no direct role in women’s circumcision except during public ceremonies, when the
girls undergo clitoridectomy, and at coming-out rituals, where they are presented to the
community with a description of the circumcision rite. However, men are mentioned
throughout the ceremonies, especially in the more private secret rituals, by older women who
continually stress that girls obey the dominant social rules. Specifically, each initiate must
respect her father and obey her husband and the regulations of her affinal family. It is
important to remember that circumcision, as an initiation ritual, is required for childbirth and
marriage. In the real sense, circumcision and marriage are not two distinct experiences. After
completing the final stage of circumcision, many women are immediately transported to their
husbands’ homes. The couple is legally married from that night on, and little further ritual
elaboration occurs until later when “nosio” is performed. A woman’s marriage band is twisted
onto her wrist.

The most significant outcome of a woman’s circumcision is that it legitimizes her right to
produce children. Women’s circumcision rituals might be viewed as the first social awareness
of an attempt to manage women’s reproductive abilities. Even though girls can have sexual
176
PO1.
177
Ibid. PO1.
178
Ibid. PO1
179
PO3.

~ 70 ~
relations (and possibly become pregnant) before initiation, the Pokot do not recognize or
‘allow’ girls to give birth until they have reached social maturity. Pokot males regard
women’s physical nature as ‘hazardous,’ articulating the belief that women are polluted due to
their reproducing capacities and acknowledging this capacity as a source of power and
something beyond their control. The complicated circumcision process, seen as part of the
prevailing social order, brings women’s “natural strength” into the sphere of societal power.180

Biological changes are frequently characterized by complex rites of passage and ceremonies
that highlight physical and social transformation. Women’s circumcision is undertaken when
a female reaches puberty among the Pokot. However, the emphasis is on providing a mature
female status rather than the biological changes she may have recently undergone. In most
cases, most Pokot girls are circumcised after menstruation begins. It is considered a heinous
offense if a Pokot female becomes pregnant before she undergoes the ritual of female
circumcision. Pokot imposes a social way on a biological shift, reframing the physical change
as a cultural phenomenon.

“Cutting the girl places’, her in the market,”181 according to PO3. “Men dictate the goods to be
taken to the market. Men set the standard, and they determine what should be done, especially
in matters of female circumcision.”182 The reason is that the men pay the dowry and are not
ready to do so when the girl is not circumcised. If the girl is not circumcised, the chances of
getting married are meager. If she gets lucky to be married, she will be married as a second or
third wife. Such a girl is considered to have no value so that she will be given out. In such
cases, little or no bride price is expected. According to the Pokot standard, a real man can
only pay a dowry for a circumcised woman. If the woman is not circumcised, no dowry will
be paid.”183

Hence, men are the ones who give permission or allow female genital mutilation to happen,
and they facilitate FGM. The girl’s brothers support FGM and influence their sisters to accept
and undergo the procedure. The reason is that they are aware that if their sisters are not
circumcised, they will not get married quickly because there will be no dowry, and without a
dowry, they will not have cows to pay the dowry for their wives. The brothers, therefore,
strive to ensure that their sisters are circumcised to prepare them for marriage to bring wealth
to their future Marriage. PO3 says, “In being circumcised, the dowry will come, and this
180
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 148.
181
PO3
182
Ibid. PO3
183
Ibid. PO3.

~ 71 ~
dowry will be used to get a wife.”184 The father also encourages female circumcision to be
rich.

According to PT6, men play an active role during the ritual of female circumcision in the
following ways: by ensuring that the girls being circumcised are already booked for marriage.
After booking them for the wedding, they support them emotionally by presenting them with
a stick on their hand during the first phase of the ritual. The girl's father must ensure that he
provides money for the practice and buys the beads to beautify the girl during the coming out
or the graduation ceremony. Man’s presence is meant to encourage and console the ones to be
circumcised. The girl would not want to be seen by her future husband as a coward. During
the dating, the men prepare the girls for circumcision, promising to marry them.185

3.3. The role of women in female circumcision.

While men are the custodians of the Pokot tradition, women are the implementers of some
practices, such as women’s circumcision. Men sit at the fence and watch the women as they
perform their roles as far as women’s circumcision is concerned. While men play a role in the
ritual, especially in the first phase, the most significant role belongs to the women. From the
very youthful stage, women should teach their daughters a sense of womanhood, how to
become a woman and the roles every woman should play in the family setup. A girl grows up
knowing that her future is to become a wife and a mother, which is a process for one to
achieve motherhood. It is not a one-day event.

The whole ritual of female circumcision is a women’s affair. Women are the initiators,
promoters, and implementers. I say so because the young girls, upon attaining the age of
circumcision, do not go directly to their fathers to request. Instead, they express their desire to
be circumcised through their mothers. Then, their mothers mediate by passing this request to
their fathers, who either say yes or no. The mother prepares the celebration when the father
accepts her daughter's request.

Apart from the permission and preparation for female circumcision, the central role played by
men in female circumcision, as pointed out above, is visible only in the first phase of the ritual
of circumcision. These include the holding of the spear to scare the girls to avoid shame and
the coming-out procedure of the circumcised, where there is the blessing of the newly
circumcised girl with the milk. Otherwise, in all the other activities, men are kept away. They
184
PO3
185
PT6

~ 72 ~
are not supposed to be anywhere nearby. They are forbidden even to set their eyes on the
Chemeri. To ensure this, the Chemeri wear the skin that disguises them, making them
unrecognizable. Secondly, they cover their faces so as not to be seen.

From the very beginning of the circumcision ritual, women are involved in the whole process.
The women are the ones who journey with the girls in the process of making them women,
“hence from Girl to Wife.”186 They seek permission from their husbands, and once they are
granted, they go ahead to prepare the celebration. They partake in the actual circumcision and
accompany the Chemeri during the seclusion period. They feed and teach them what the
community expects when they undergo the procedure. During this period, women helped
inculcate the Pokot people's traditional values.

This, therefore, points out why uncircumcised women are not accepted for marriage. An
uncircumcised woman is a child and, thus, unmarriageable. She lacks basic training on how a
woman cares for her husband and the children. According to PO5, “There is a belief that in
seclusion, women are advised on matters related to home management. They believed that
those who were not circumcised would not have someone to talk to them. They would not
have someone to live with, and their behavior was considered bad.”187

Hence, the training described above was only possible during the seclusion period. One
cannot go to seclusion unless one is circumcised. So, the uncircumcised girls lack this
knowledge; therefore, no man would want to be associated with or marry such a woman.

An essential element in the Pokot culture of women’s circumcision is the names used to refer
to the circumcised girls. The uncircumcised girl is called “Sorin,”188 while the circumcised girl
is called “Mrar.”189

After circumcision, the girl becomes Mrar or a young woman. Now, she wears the distinctive
Ornamental ornaments won by other ladies and is incorporated into a new social group. She
has several societal responsibilities as a Mrar, which become more clearly defined when she
moves to her husband’s neighborhood and becomes “kokochi,” a person’s wife. When a girl
achieves full social status in Pokot, she also achieves full sexual status, which means she is

186
Johannes Jakobus Visser, Pökoot Religion, Hendrick Kraemer Institute- Oegstgeest, Samenvatting, 1989, Pg.
168.
187
PO5
188
PO4- “Sorin” – The Pokot word for a girl or a woman that is not circumcised. It signifies indignity.
189
PO4- “Mrar” – The Pokot word given to a girl or a woman who is circumcised. The strong one or the pride of
the community.

~ 73 ~
now ‘authorized’ to bear children. Giving a girl mature social status, which permits her to take
children, is nevertheless inextricably related to her biological ability. The longer the gap
between puberty and initiation, the higher the chances of pregnancy.

3.4. Female circumcision as the pathway to marriage.

Traditionally, there was a circumcision period of three months, which was meant to transform
a girl into a woman, making her eligible for marriage. “The Pokot terminology reflects this
process; subsequently, she is called “Chepto” (girl). During the circumcision period, she
acquired another name. She is called “Chemerion.” After the process, she receives another A
name called “Mrar.” Mrar means “marriageable girl.” A girl wears a skirt of goat skin and an
extensive necklace of acacia beads, while a young woman has a skirt of cattle skin and many
necklaces of colored glass beads.190

Before circumcision, “a girl may have sexual relations. However, after circumcision, she
should marry soon and be faithful to her husband, for whom she is expected to bear children.
She leaves her parent’s homestead and moves to her in-laws’ residence.”191 The ritual marks
the end of carefree youth. The embracing of the careful life of a responsible married woman.
A more crucial consequence of circumcision is that the husband “should” be the first to have
sexual intercourse with the newly circumcised wife, causing her clitoridectomy scar to split
and bleed. Because girls are allowed to flirt with their lovers before circumcision, this implies
that they are no longer virgins. After circumcision, they are not allowed to have contact with
any other man apart from the man who has paid the dowry to the parents. This is the real
husband for whom she will bear children. Circumcision transforms the woman into an
unblemished virgin for her husband by obliterating any previous sexual interactions she may
have had before marriage. Therefore, the husband is considered the first to commence his
wife’s procreative life.

This explains the reason for immediate marriage after the ritual of circumcision. This is meant
to ensure that this woman cannot have sexual intercourse with any other man before going to
her husband. The husband is the man who has paid the bride price to the parents. The claim of
one as a husband is only recognized through the payment of the bride price.

190
Johannes Jacobus Visser, Pökoot Religion, Hendrik Kraemer Institute-Oegstgeest, Samenvatting, 1989. Pg.
168.
191
Ibid. Pg.

~ 74 ~
Notably, Pokot men and women believe that a husband and wife’s first sexual act validates
their marriage, which is then formalized through the stock exchange. This happens right after
initiation; the husband is the first to split the woman’s clitoridectomy scar. This explains why
it is not expected for the newly circumcised woman to engage sexually with any other person
apart from the man who has paid her bride price. By paying the bride price, the man becomes
the legal husband and owns the woman. It is argued that if bride price negotiations are settled
long after a woman has completed the circumcision ritual, the likelihood that she will have
had sexual intercourse before she is married is greater.192 Therefore, the reason for the urgency
of entering into marriage immediately after the coming-out ceremony is to ensure that the girl
does not have an opportunity to have sex with another man apart from the one who has paid
the bride price.

The breaking of the clitoridectomy scar represents a man’s claim over his wife, who would
then be allowed to bear his children for his patrilineage. By breaking the clitoridectomy scar,
a man shows dominance over a woman by deflowering her. Men regulate women’s bleeding
rather than the uncontrolled or natural bleeding during delivery or menstruation.193 According
to the Pokot people, defloration during the breaking of the scar created at circumcision is
more significant than the other forms of bleeding.

The concept of symbolic defloration supports male control over female sexuality and
reproduction. One method of bringing women’s procreative abilities under social control is
through women’s circumcision. The circumcision ceremony is undoubtedly not under the
authority of men, even though social contracts and men’s expectations significantly impact
how women are initiated. Because of this, men cannot be blamed entirely for the social
regulation of women’s reproductive abilities; rather, both men and women must play a role.
Through their respective initiation procedures, Pokot men and women each impose their
perception of “culture” on their sexes and each other. Pokot men and women accurately
capture this concept in their typical justification for performing women’s initiation: “Women
initiate girls because males initiate boys.”194

On the other hand, uncircumcised women are considered children and, therefore,
unmarriageable. According to PO2, “Pokot parents take their daughters to school up to the
age of fourteen years. After that, they are circumcised and given out for marriage.” 195 As
192
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 150.
193
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 150-151.
194
PO1.
195
PO2

~ 75 ~
mentioned earlier, Pokot people circumcise their daughters at the age when they start
experiencing their monthly period. This implies that they are already considered mature for
marriage. This happens because of the Pokot people's understanding of who a woman is.
From the beginning, a woman is regarded as a source of wealth for the family. So, she must
be handled well throughout her life.

Along the path of life, as they grow together with their brothers, the brothers are always
cautioned by their fathers to treat their sisters well. The reason for this caution is to remind the
brothers that their sisters will make an excellent contribution to their getting married. They
contribute because the dowry given to their parents in their sister’s marriage will help bring a
wife for the brother. On this account, the boys, on their part, encourage their sisters to go
through the ritual without looking back. The brothers encourage their sisters to courageously
confront the circumcision knife so that their suitors can pay a higher dowry. The young men
in the family always play a significant role in convincing their sisters why they should go
through the ritual of female circumcision.

In summary, women’s circumcision can be described as the rite of passage before the tradition
of marriage. Because every young woman is geared towards marriage, she must endeavor to
prepare herself by demanding that the ceremony be performed upon her. Every father looks at
his daughter regarding their wealth upon marriage. Every young woman awaits with abated
breath the day she goes through the rite of female circumcision. After circumcision, there
follows marriage, which comes immediately. In fact, in many instances, women are booked
when they are still in seclusion. Before the end of the seclusion period, the suitor’s family
goes to the girl’s family to negotiate the dowry. When they have agreed, the girl is
immediately taken to her new home after the coming-out ceremony. From these findings, it
becomes evident that female circumcision is the pathway that leads to marriage. The two rites
of passage among the Pokot people are inseparable.

4. The adverse effects of female circumcision among Pokot women.

Like many other communities that practice female circumcision, the Pokot people also suffer
heavily from the effects of female circumcision. These adverse effects are characterized and
categorized into three main categories: Immediate results, medium-term consequences, and
long-term effects.

4.1. Immediate effects.

~ 76 ~
Women’s circumcision is done without anesthesia. This implies cutting the body without
caring about the feelings of the person being cut. This brings about immediate effects, which
include the following:

4.1.1. Excruciating Pain.

The immediate thing that happens is the pain that comes from the cutting. Usually, the
instruments are crude, and considering the sensitivity to the part of the body being cut, the
Pain is excruciating. PO3 says, “The instruments used are homemade knives made from
curved nails and the razorblade. According to her, using the razorblade is a later invention.”196
Other instruments used earlier were broken glasses or even sharp traditional knives. With the
advent of the razorblade, which is very sharp, things became simpler because of its
effectiveness in cutting.

The most painful phase of female circumcision is the second phase, in which a big piece of
flesh is chopped out. The cutting of the labia minora and the labia majora comes with a
tremendous amount of pain. It takes courage to withstand a deep cut in such a sensitive body
part. Without being brave, it becomes very challenging for a woman to resist.

People argue that early morning washing in the river is meant to act as anesthesia. However,
cold water in the morning cannot help one withstand such great pain. Only determination and
courage enable one to withstand the pain.

4.1.2. Excessive bleeding.

Female circumcision is done at home and without sterilized instruments. Therefore, there is
always a great possibility of severe bleeding taking place. Due to deep cuts in the area
surrounding the female genitalia, there is often severe bleeding, which may result in death.

4.1.3. Infection.

Infection may occur at different times, either during the cut or later during the healing
process. The Pokot typically uses a standard instrument to circumcise several girls who have
gathered in the same neighborhood. This exposes the girls to contracting diseases such as
AIDS and sexually transmitted infections. PO4 clarifies when she asserts that “because of the
use of common instruments in circumcising more girls at the same ceremony, there is a
danger of contracting diseases such as AIDS, STD, Infections, Tetanus, keloids, etc.”197
196
PO3
197
PO4.

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However, things seem to have changed a little because of modern society's many kinds of
diseases. So, most of the circumcisers, together with the family of the girl to be circumcised,
make sure that in every girl to be circumcised, there is a new razor blade.

Another widespread infection is caused by not using regular medicine. The Pokot people use
traditional herbs, including medicinal leaves and roots. For example, the “Pipi weeds”
produce sap, which is put in the raw wound. The milk from the breastfeeding mother may also
be used to cool the pain experienced by the newly circumcised girls.

After circumcision, the legs of the circumcised girls are tied together and have restricted
movements to create a seal. The two sides of the labia majora must heal together to close the
vagina. Like the Somali women, only a small opening is left. However, the difference
between the Pokot form of women’s circumcision and the Somali form of circumcision is that
the Somalis usually stitch their girls during the circumcision. On the other hand, the Pokot tie
the legs together so that the two sides of the labia heal together, becoming one part, sealing
the broader part of the vaginal opening. This is meant to ensure that the vaginal opening is
reduced.

Due to holding the legs together for an extended period and without proper medication, there
is always a possibility of infection. In the past, some girls have had their wounds infected to
the point that they became sick and had to be taken to the hospital for injections. Some cases
ended in death due to infection. It is essential to point out that female circumcision is illegal in
Kenya. When the wounds of the circumcised girls are infected, there is fear of taking them to
the hospital lest the police arrest them.

4.1.4. May lead to death.

Female circumcision among the Pokot people has come with its share of pains and challenges,
as pointed out above. The immediate dangers of female circumcision are excessive bleeding
and infection. When attention is not paid to the newly circumcised, there is every likelihood
and a high chance of loss of human life. The field research reported that cases of girls who,
after undergoing the ritual of female circumcision, could not survive. PO2, in her submission,
confirms that “during the female circumcision, the circumciser cuts and leaves the wound
open. When the situation becomes dire, the family decides to take their daughter to the
hospital when it is too late. This sometimes has left the young girl to die on the way.” 198 The

198
PO2

~ 78 ~
fear of the state law against women’s circumcision is the cause that makes many families
delay taking their daughters to the hospital even when the danger is imminent. In the past,
people have been arrested and imprisoned for violating the law against female circumcision.

From this perspective, there are reported cases where girls have died while being treated in
the hospital or even when they are still at home. In short, female circumcision has led to many
deaths among the Pokot people.

4.2. Medium-term effects.

The medium-term effects of the ritual of female circumcision imply those effects that do not
necessarily occur immediately after the circumcision. The results are experienced shortly
after. This may happen between three months and three years. They are referred to as
medium-term effects because they follow the event of female circumcision.

4.2.1. It marks the end of education for many young girls.

To this day, the Pokot people do not believe in the need to educate the girl-child. The Pokot
believes that educating the girl children is of no consequence. Men think educating a girl-
child is a waste of money and other resources for the family. The Pokot believe that it is
uncalled for to send girls to school. According to the Pokot people, the essential education for
women is the knowledge gained during seclusion. They argue that one can skip school to
learn how to run family affairs. This is a result of the fact that women are meant to be married
and start giving birth. School Education is therefore considered unnecessary for women.

In this respect, immediately after circumcision, many young girls who are already in their
teenage years do not go back to school. It is sad to point out that these girls are raised
knowing what awaits them in the future. They are meant to be circumcised and later given out
for marriage. They are told this by their mothers or by their senior sisters.

In the past years, finding girls in school was not easy. They would go to school up to the
lower primary school. Once they get into upper primary school, they disappear from school
after circumcision. This is because, after the ritual of female circumcision, they are given out
in marriage. However, there are some cases where young girls, after circumcision, return to
school. Such girls are completely unmanageable by the teachers. They feel that “they are
equal to their teachers and therefore uncontrollable. One interviewee argued that such girls do
not listen to their teachers, especially if their teachers are not circumcised.” 199 This happens
199
PT11.

~ 79 ~
mainly with those teachers who are not of Pokot origin. Some Pokot women are
uncircumcised and educated. Such teachers have no voice among such kinds of pupils. After
Circumcision, the girls feel they are more important than their teachers and that the teachers
should respect them.

PT6 asserts that “after circumcision, the girls that return to school come with the mentality
that she is already adults. Such girls do not accept being punished when they make mistakes.
They become rude and arrogant to everyone, especially the teachers. They feel that they know
everything. These girls feel that they are special and mature. They drop in their academic
performance. They fall out of place, and they demonstrate little interest in education. For
them, education becomes meaningless.”200

This mindset is the leading cause of most students dropping out of school. However, the main
issue is being given out for marriage, which is very common in West Pokot County.

The Pokot people still consider education a foreign ideology the colonial government brought
about. Until independence, the Pokot land was described as a dark valley requiring a pass. It
was considered a dark valley because of the Pokot people's hostility and the region's
backwardness. Any development in the area took root after Kenya became independent. The
building of the schools and hospitals was the work of the missionaries. To this day, the
existence of a sect called “Dini ya Msambwa,” also called “Mafuta Pole,” continues to
encourage the ritual of female circumcision and discourage modern-day education. The
adherence of this religious sect continues to argue by asserting, “This is our culture, and we
are not ready to follow other people’s culture.”201 Following the above arguments, it is
possible to assert that the Pokot community does not value education for the girl child.
Educating a woman is a waste of resources. It is not necessary to educate someone’s wife.
The most important instruction is “Elderly women teach them cultural behavior on how to
become good and responsible wives, to take care of their husbands and their children, how to
respect the community, the society, and their husbands, and how to build their own homes.”202

4.2.2. Early marriage.

There is a severe gender disparity among the Pokot people of North-Western Kenya. For the
Pokot people, the birth of a girl child means the delivery of a wife to a particular man. To be

200
PT6.
201
Ibid. PT11.
202
PO1.

~ 80 ~
born a girl means to be condemned in the avenue of unequal treatment and strict social norms
that govern the lives of women. As such, gender disparity and social norms are the
interpreting determining factors of what it means to be a girl. They are the driving forces for
female circumcision and early marriage, respectively. The two are strongly interrelated, and
they often follow each other.

Traditionally, after circumcision, age does not count much. One must get married and start a
family. However, due to the change in the age at which girls are being circumcised, there is
also a change in the time girls get married. Therefore, female circumcision and early marriage
are patriarchal methods of controlling women's sexuality that are frequently connected to
conventional social and cultural norms.

According to the Pokot people, the age at which girls were being circumcised was between
thirteen and eighteen years old. At this age, the girl had already started experiencing the
menstrual cycle. This meant that a girl was ready to start giving birth. Therefore, immediately
after circumcision, a girl was given out for marriage.

The Pokot people view female circumcision and early marriage as safeguarding their
daughters' futures and shielding them from premarital sex after circumcision. As mentioned
earlier, before circumcision, girls can flirt with boys and male partners. However, after
circumcision, they are confined to only one partner, the husband, who has paid the bride price.
With this view in mind, female circumcision can be seen as a wave of abuse of girls’ rights,
which has grave repercussions for their safety. The question of early marriage due to female
circumcision consequently causes young girls to drop out of school, deal with violence, have
health issues, and have problems during pregnancy.

4.2.3. Forced marriage.

Among the Pokot people, female circumcision is usually followed by marriage. Due to the
girls’ young age, some may not even know what marriage means. Such little girls are
compelled to enter a life they do not fully understand. PT4 explains her predicament: “I am a
victim of female circumcision. After being circumcised, my father gave me out for marriage,
and I ran away from my husband and was taken by the well-wishers to a rescue center where I
am now pursuing my education. The event was a painful experience I would not have wished
to go through.”203 The experience of PT4 is a common phenomenon in the entire region of

203
PT4

~ 81 ~
West Pokot. It happens daily, as explained by PO3 when she talks about her work in the area.
She trained as a teacher but abandoned her profession to involve herself actively in the fight
against FGM. She considers female circumcision the most severe violation of children's rights
and the rights of women and girls.204

Accordingly, forced marriage and female genital mutilation are terrible kinds of violence
against women and girls among the Pokot people, violating human rights and women’s rights.
These violations also amount to a breach of children's rights because they frequently happen
throughout childhood. According to the Kenyan constitution, one is considered a minor until
she attains the age of eighteen. When girls are circumcised and given out when they are below
eighteen, the parents are said to have committed a felony, which is punishable by Kenyan law.
Marriage below the age of eighteen is not permissible by Kenyan law. Such people who force
their daughters to get married immediately after circumcision know that the law forbids such
acts. Once they are known, they are arrested and punished through imprisonment or a heavy
fine.

4.3. Long-term effects.

Female circumcision has many long-term adverse effects. These effects are referred to as
long-term because the consequences are experienced later in life. The victim may not even
know why she is facing all the challenges. The World Health Organization stipulates some of
these long-term effects when dealing with the same subject. However, in my field data
collection within the region of West Pokot County, the following were outlined as the most
common long-term adverse effects among the Pokot people: Some of these long-term effects
have huge repercussions on the health of these women. In my research, I will not give a very
long list but rather a few that apply to this region. The following, therefore, include:

4.3.1. Prolonged labor during the birth of children.

The Pokot type of female circumcision can be compared to the infibulation type of female
circumcision. The Somali People practice this type of female circumcision. It involves cutting
both sides of the labia minora and labia majora and then stitching the raw wound together to
make the vaginal opening small. The woman must keep her legs together during the healing
process to avoid rapture. Only a small space for urination and passage of the menstrual blood
remains.205

204
Cf: PO3.
205
PO3

~ 82 ~
In the case of the Pokot people, there is no stitching between the two walls of the labia.
Instead, the legs of the woman are tied together so that they heal together as one. The vaginal
opening also remains small, enabling the girl to urinate and pass her menstrual blood.

The seal formed from FGM impacts negatively during the consummation of marriage and at
the first delivery. The respondent PO5 testified, “During the consummation of marriage on the
first wedding night, the husband must break the seal that formed during the circumcision. If
the man cannot break the seal, a cow horn must be brought in to help the man break this seal.
It is usually a painful experience that a young woman would not wish to remember. Further, if
the man, by using the cow horn, cannot penetrate, an older woman is invited to come and cut
her again. This is a torturer’s experience that women would not wish to talk about or even
remember.206

However, the most complicated one is at the time of delivery of the firstborn child. Due to the
primitivity of the Pokot people and the use of traditional birth attendants, many women take
too long before they give birth. In a situation that precedes the delivery of a child, the family
always invites one of the known traditional birth attendants in the village. Most of these
conventional birth attendants have no medical knowledge of handling a woman in labor in the
case of complications. This means that taking a woman in labor to the hospital for delivery
comes as a last resort. The Pokot believe in their traditional birth attendants and only turn to
real doctors when the situation is out of their control.

This situation is referred to as prolonged labor during the children’s birth. On many
occasions, long labor has led to death, especially where the health facilities are far away and
the means of transport are unreliable. Generally, the children’s and mothers’ mortality rate
among the Pokot people is very high compared to other communities that do not practice the
rite of female circumcision. PO6, in her submission, asserts, “The women who are
circumcised have sometimes given birth to children with deformity because of prolonged
labor. During the birth, the children hit the wall and cannot come out without the mother
being operated on. She describes the act of ‘hitting the wall in the Swahili language as
“Kugonga Ukuta.”207 The wall is the closed vaginal opening.”208

4.3.2. Tearing during birth.

206
Cf: PO5.
207
“Kugonga Ukuta” is a Swahili phrase for “hitting the wall.”
208
PO6.

~ 83 ~
The type of FGM that the Pokot people practice is like that practiced by the Somali people.
This is referred to as the infibulation type. However, there is a difference between the Somali
type of female circumcision. The Pokot type of female circumcision includes all three types of
FGM. They begin with clitoridectomy in the first phase. Then, they go to an excision where
labia minora and labia majora are excised. Finally, they tie the legs of the circumcised girl to
ensure that the vaginal opening of the girl heals together as one. This is different from the
infibulation practiced by the Somali people. Rather than tying the legs together, the Somali
people stitch the two sides of the vaginal opening to form a strong seal. The only opening left
is for passing urine and menstrual blood.

As far as the Pokot people are concerned, there is no stitching; they only tie the legs together
for six to eight weeks. The healing process occurs during this time, ensuring the broader
opening remains closed and forming a solid seal. The Pokot also provides a small space for
urination and menstrual blood. While the Somali people perform infibulation to maintain the
young woman’s virginity, the Pokot do not have virginity as the reason for infibulation.

Due to the interference with the natural structure of the genitalia of a woman, there arises a
need to operate on the woman, especially when giving birth. Many Pokot women give birth
through “Caesarean Section” due to the interference caused by female circumcision.

Many mothers’ lives are jeopardized because of the reliance on Traditional birth attendants,
which often leads to long hours of labor. In the process of relying on the traditional birth
Attendants for cases that are already complicated by female circumcision, what follows is a
delay in taking the woman who is in labor pain to the hospital. Too many hours of labor pains
may lead to the tearing of the mother’s body, and it could lead to the death of both the mother
and the child.

After giving birth, many Pokot women are grounded for a long time because of the after-birth
effects. It is impossible to see a Pokot woman who has undergone the rite of female
Circumcision, given birth, and become active within a short time. They are left with a big scar
caused by the effect of FGM, which takes time to heal.

In describing the pain experienced by the women as they undergo the rite of female
circumcision, PO6 talks about three types of pain. The first pain is the pain of circumcision,
whereby the labia majora and labia minora are cut, and the vaginal opening is sealed. The
second pain is on the night of marriage when the bride has to sleep with the bridegroom for

~ 84 ~
the first time. The bridegroom must use his Penis to penetrate the bride. He is given a
cowhorn to open the way if he fails. If the woman does not cooperate, a midwife is brought in
and uses the knife to open the way. The final pain is while giving birth. Usually, the first
delivery of a mother is a great challenge to every Pokot woman because of the scar of
circumcision.209 Naturally, the genitalia of a woman are created in such a way that they can
expand naturally during the time of giving birth. Female circumcision interferes with this
ability and makes it difficult for a woman to deliver the baby independently. The Pokot
women hardly rest from pain. The rite of women’s circumcision subjects them to much
suffering, therefore taking away any form of human pleasure and happiness that ought to be
experienced by normal human beings.

4.3.3. There are high chances of death for the children at birth.

The death mortality rate among Pokot newborn children is very high. Although there could be
other causes of children’s high mortality rate, such as hunger and diseases, female
circumcision is described as one of the causes of the high children’s mortality rate. Due to
long hours of labor pain, children get tired before birth. This process is described as
Asphyxia.210 This means the inability of the child to breathe while struggling to come out of
the mother’s womb. Because the way out of the womb is blocked, the child struggles for a
long time. Without proper breathing, the child becomes tired, possibly leading to the baby's
abnormality or death.

According to the information gathered from PO4, a medical nurse, the mortality rate of
children in West Pokot County is 12.7%. As explained above, there are different causes of
children’s deaths. One of the leading causes is female circumcision and the complications that
arise. Female circumcision is, therefore, both a risk to mothers and their babies.

The region of West Pokot County is characterized by few hospitals where women are taken if
the Traditional Birth Attendants cannot deliver the baby. This exposes both the mother and
the baby. Secondly, the road network is poor. So, if the woman in labor is not taken early
enough to the hospital, there is a great danger to the mother and her child. Often, such a
situation leads to different forms of complications for both the mother and the child. PO6
narrated her story to me during her first delivery; she was only sixteen. She was given out for
marriage at thirteen and conceived and gave birth at sixteen. She went to stay with her

209
Cf: PO6.
210
PO4.

~ 85 ~
Husband at his place of work. When finally, the hour came, she was taken to the hospital to
deliver her firstborn child. She narrated, “When the nurses saw me, they started screaming
because my genitalia could not open for the baby to pass. Eventually, they assisted me by
cutting my vaginal opening to allow the baby to come out. It was a painful experience that
should not be allowed by a good parent.”211

4.3.4. Vaginal-Fistulas sicknesses.

In her submission, PO2 introduced one of the common complications caused by FGM. She
says, "When a girl is circumcised, she is married out immediately.”212 As medical personnel,
she argues, “a girl of fourteen years is not old enough to carry the baby. In addition, her body
is not mature enough to have the baby to its maturity without difficulties. The biggest
challenge comes during delivery. The combination of tender age and female circumcision
makes it difficult for her to maneuver through the process.213

Carrying the baby to full term requires body maturity and strength. The young girl's early
adolescence makes it very difficult to endure. However, the worst of it comes on the eve of
giving birth. Many young girls are subjected to long hours of labor pains, which eventually
end up late in the medical facility. This delay leads to a condition generally referred to in
medical language as “Fistula.”

A fistula is an abnormal opening between the vagina and other nearby organs in the pelvis,
including the bladder or rectum. A fistula can cause complications such as urinary and fecal
leakage, abnormal vaginal discharge, tissue damage, kidney infection, and other irritative-type
symptoms.214 PO2 introduces two types of fistulas that are very common among Pokot
Women. These are Vesicovaginal Fistula (VVF) and Rectovaginal Fistula (RVF). The
vesicovaginal fistula is a tract that connects the vagina and the bladder. This means the urine
comes from the bladder and enters the vaginal tract. The result is that the woman produces a
foul smell that makes her uncomfortable. If not treated, it leads to infection in the genitalia of
the woman.215

The rectovaginal fistula is a tract that connects the vagina and the rectum. This means that the
fecal products flow from the rectum to the vaginal tract. This causes discomfort for a woman
211
PO6
212
PO2
213
Cf: PO2
214
John Hopkins Medicine, „Health- Vaginal Fistula,”
hopkinsmedicine.org/health/conditions-and-diseases/vaginal-fistula (extracted on 09-09-2022)
215
PO2

~ 86 ~
and leads to infection if not treated urgently. According to PO2, these two fistulas are
common among women in the West Pokot region. Being a nurse born and raised in this
region, PO2 confesses that these two fistulas are a severe problem attributed to female
circumcision.

The fistula problem is very challenging. It is distressing to deal with incontinence issues.
Women experience rejection from their husbands because of their foul smell. Due to
infection, they are abandoned by their husbands, who seek other clean wives.

In my pastoral work in this region, I lived in a mission with a big mission hospital run by
Catholic nuns. Once a month, “flying doctors” came in to treat women diagnosed with fistula
problems.

Vaginal fistulas are considered one of the grave long-term severe adverse effects of female
genital mutilation. In West Pokot, it is a common phenomenon in the lives of many Pokot
women. When a woman suffers from these complications, her sexual life is completely
changed. In matters to do with sexuality, such women shy away completely. They no longer
want anything to do with men. This explains why polygamous marriage is expected in the
West Pokot region. A woman who is officially married and whose dowry has been paid for if
she develops a vaginal fistula is only abandoned by her husband. However, she remains in her
compound. However, the husband may avoid conjugal rights because of her situation.
However, if she is treated and heals completely, the husband returns, and she may continue
giving birth to more children.

4.3.5. Child marriage and forced marriage for girls.

According to the Kenyan constitution, a minor is eighteen. Before that age, one is not allowed
by law to involve oneself in matters related to family life. Youths are, therefore, supposed to
engage themselves with education-related issues. Only after the eighteenth year is one
allowed to get married.

Most girls in the Pokot community who undergo female circumcision are underage. Earlier,
the circumcision took place immediately after seeing the first menstrual blood. This signified
that a woman was mature enough to begin a family. This means that many girls who got
circumcised had not yet attained the age of marriage. However, they were given out for
Marriage. Pokot people believe that a woman, even a young girl, is geared towards marriage
and, therefore, does not need education. According to the Pokot people, educating a woman is

~ 87 ~
like wasting money. Education does not help a woman find a husband. Instead, it scares
possible suitors. Many young men fear girls who have acquired a certain level of education.
They argue that it is difficult to seduce an educated woman.

As mentioned, girls from birth are considered a source of wealth. Therefore, a woman must be
prepared to get married to bring cows as bride price. This preparation involves the rite of
female circumcision.

The Pokot culture of female circumcision has been classified as one that promotes child
marriage among the Pokot people. It is child marriage because many girls, after circumcision,
see no need to go to school. The young girls are taught the art of managing the home in
seclusion. They are told they are now adults and should be prepared to start their own
families. As pointed out, most of them are booked, and their dowry is paid when they are in
seclusion. Once they have graduated from isolation, they are given out for marriage
immediately. Getting married between fourteen and eighteen severely impacts a young
woman's life. In the Pokot community, it is still expected to find children who are mothers.
We can refer to this situation as women who are still minors nursing their babies.

Female circumcision also promotes the culture of forced marriage. Young girls, after
circumcision, are forced into marriage. They are not given the free will to choose whether to
get married or to continue with their education. PO6 submitted in her interview that “when a
girl is circumcised, she stays for several weeks recapitulating. After she had partly healed,
people would come for her at night and forcefully take her away without her knowledge. The
Parents know about it, but the girl is unaware.216 This means the parents decide for them and
negotiate with their suitor for their bride price before they leave the seclusion. In other words,
they are commodified and sold to a willing buyer. Some of them realize that they have already
been given out for marriage when they have come out of seclusion. Some of them may
disobey by running away to their relatives or well-wishers.

PO6, who was circumcised at the age of thirteen and after three weeks given out for marriage,
confined to me that she had been given out to a man the age of his grandfather as a sixth wife.
She was taken to her new home at night. Because she disagreed with the marriage, she
decided to run away and planned to kill herself. She ran away and went to her aunt, who lived
far away in another region. While there, she met another man who was younger and

216
PO6

~ 88 ~
unmarried, and she decided to marry him.217 She was forced into marriage at the age of
thirteen years. Three years later, she became a mother. Her motherhood did not come quickly,
but there were complications at the delivery time.

This demonstrates that a woman’s choice of a husband is a family affair. The parents choose
who will marry their daughter. There is often a temptation to choose a wealthy husband for

the daughter. Women are exchanged with cows for the bride price. The more daughters one
has, the wealthier he is likely to become. No family would wish for their daughter to get
married to a low-income family.

Wealth in the Pokot community is determined by the herds of cattle one possesses. That is
why significantly older men marry young girls who are supposed to call them grandfathers.
As long as one can pay the bride price, age is just a number. Cows are what matter, not age.

4.3.6. Little or no education for girls.

Female circumcision is one of the most significant setbacks to education among Pokot
women. Although there are few or none in the area covering the Pokot community, the
missionaries have made great efforts to establish schools in this region since Kenya became
independent. However, even with schools mainly being missionary schools, the problem of
female circumcision has been quite challenging. In some schools I have visited, I have noted
that there are very few girls or none in the upper classes. This means that whenever the girls
go for a long holiday and are circumcised, they do not come back to continue with their
education. Female circumcision marks the end of their education.

The data collected from the respondents in the education sector shows that, according to the
Pokot people, marriage is more important than education. PT1, a primary school Head
Teacher, says it is a common belief among the Pokot that “FGM enables a young woman to
find a marriage partner, thus making education less important. According to the Pokot culture,
finding a partner is more important than having a degree in education.”218 He continues,
“Even if you are highly educated and have no husband and children, you are considered
useless. Education without a husband is as good as nothing.”219 This signifies the value
attached to female circumcision compared to education, following the belief that without
having undergone the rite of female circumcision, marriage is unlikely. Therefore, marriage is
217
Cf: PO6.
218
PT1.
219
Ibid. PT1.

~ 89 ~
considered to have more value than education. It is, thus, better to be circumcised and lack
education than to be educated and never get married.

In my experience in this region, most educated women have difficulty getting married. If they
are lucky enough to get married, they will not survive long in marriage. Most educated
women among the Pokot people are either single mothers or divorced.

I noticed that Pokot women rarely get married to men from other communities. Enquiring
why, I was informed that Pokot women feel insecure outside the West Pokot region.
Therefore, the Pokot women preferred to be married to the Pokot men. However, if a woman
marries an outsider, the man must be prepared to move into the region and establish his own
home there. They need to be ready to move from among their people. In other words, the
Pokot women have a solid attachment to their people. They feel more secure among their
people and their own culture. By doing so, they can keep their cultural traditions.

Most Pokot people are blinded by their culture to the point that they realize they have lost a
golden opportunity when it is already gone. Most of them regret it later when no reverse is
possible. PT1 affirms that “there is a lack of good examples among the Pokot girls, especially
those living in the remote areas in the low-altitude region.”220 He continues, “It is only later in
life that those who went through the rite of female circumcision realize how important it
would have been if they had gone to school and acquired education.”221

In some areas in West Pokot, the girls go to school up to the third class. They go to school
when they are already so big, and as soon as they go for the ritual of female circumcision,
they no longer return to school. PT4 attests that “she comes from a big family of nine
children. All her sisters are circumcised and were given out for marriage immediately after
this rite. She was circumcised and, after that, given out by her father for marriage. However,
she ran away from her husband and went to the rescue center where she is now in school.”222
She continues to explain the situation in her area of origin, “In my home area, every girl must
Be circumcised. Between ten and thirteen, the girl must be circumcised and given out
immediately for marriage. Sometimes, she is given not as a first wife but as a second or third
wife. Education in this region is not valued. Also, very few boys go to school. They go to
school while still very young but drop out at a certain age.”223

220
Ibid. PT1
221
Ibid. PT1
222
PT4
223
Ibid. PT4.

~ 90 ~
In summary, it can be asserted that female circumcision is the leading cause of high illiteracy
among women in the Pokot community. The belief that marriage is more important than
education is a primordial cause of low education standards among the Pokot community. As
discussed above, most girls go to school up to middle primary school, and once they attain the
age of circumcision, they go out of school. Immediately after the circumcision ritual, they no
longer see the need for education. Instead, they are given out for marriage by their parents to
bring wealth to the family. This implies that most women acquire very little education or none
at all.

5. Human Dignity in the Understanding of the Pokot People.

In the introductory part of my research, I have pointed out clearly that dignity is a new
concept in scientific studies. This does not mean that it has not been in existence. In the minds
of many scholars, the idea has existed, but in other words, it has existed for a relatively long
time, but different words were used to express it. The terms used in many languages relate to
respect, honor, integrity, etc. In this part of the research, I want to pay attention to the concept
of dignity in the Pokot culture of women’s circumcision.

The Pokot people belong to the broader Kalenjin community within Kenyan borders. The
Kalenjin people belong to the Nilotic classification. The other types are the Bantus and the
Cushites. The Kalenjin people are divided into several subtribes to which the Pokot people
belong.

One significant characteristic of the Kalenjin people is the practice of female circumcision.
All the Kalenjin people practice the culture of women’s circumcision. According to the
Kalenjin people, dignity is acquired through circumcision and is not inborn. This applies to
both genders. However, it is more applicable, especially to women. To my knowledge, no
Kalenjin community is known to have practiced the culture of both men’s and women’s
circumcision. For men, it is still intensely practiced. However, for women, it is slowly dying
away among specific communities because of embracing education and the Christian faith.
While there is no question about male circumcision among the Kalenjin people, women
women's circumcision remains a subject of severe contention, especially among the smaller
communities who continue to hold on to their beliefs, thus entering into conflict with the state
authorities.

~ 91 ~
The Pokot people are categorized as one of the small communities among the Kalenjin
people. Due to slow development, the Pokot community has continued to lag in many areas.
They have remained faithful to their culture and demonstrated their unwillingness to accept
the changes sweeping around the world in the twenty-first century.

Sammy Kiprugut, a Kalenjin himself, argues that “among the Kalenjin people, dignity among
the women is not merited but rather bestowed.”224 This assertion points to the fact that every
woman acquires dignity only when circumcised. The act of bestowing this dignity comes with
a heavy price to be paid. That is why, traditionally, every Kalenjin woman had to be
circumcised. Circumcision was a process through which a woman became recognized in the
Kalenjin community and was officially given permission to get married. Without
circumcision, Kalenjin women would not be married. After circumcision, the next rite of
passage was to get married.

5.1. The concept of dignity in the Pokot language language is “Silolyo-

respect.”

Dignity as a concept among the Pokot people is a new development. The idea is unique. The
concept, therefore, lacks a direct word that could be used to replace it. The Pokot word is
“Silolyo which carries the meaning of respect.”225 PO1 asserts that respect, according to the
human being, is about human rights. Dignity and respect are closely related concepts. They
can be used interchangeably. Therefore, when referring to someone as a man or a woman of
dignity, that person is “Silol.” The word applies to some individuals in society, whether male
or female, who portray those characteristics of respect. The term does not discriminate against
gender. Both men and women can be referred to as either men or women of dignity.”226

5.2. The meaning of dignity according to the Pokot people.

The definition of dignity, according to the Pokot people, as discussed above, is connected to
human respect. Dignity, according to the Pokot, is equal to respect. This means that one who
respects can be said to have dignity. Therefore, a respectable person is considered to be a
person with dignity. According to the Pokot people, “both men and women have respect and
therefore have dignity.”227 This is because they are creatures of God or children of God. The
Pokot term for God is “Tororot,” which means the Highest. Although men and women have
224
Mag. Sammy Kiprugut. Privatissimum Class, 23rd-06-2022.
225
PO1
226
Ibid. PO1
227
Ibid. PO1

~ 92 ~
some distinct differences, they are considered children of God. So, during birth, all the
children are deemed to have dignity. They are received by their parents equally. The girls are
even more treasured than the boys because of their value. This value, however, is attached to
the number of cows that a girl child is expected to bring to the family. As pointed out earlier,
the girl child is a source of wealth to the family. So, a girl's child from birth is handled with
care and taught to know what the community expects her to be.

On the other hand, being born a boy is a regular thing. A boy is handled like an ordinary
child. Boys do not add significant value to the family compared to girls. The value of boys
lies in the fact that they are the ones who maintain the growth of the clan. Girls get married
and, therefore, lose their clan. They join the lineage of their husbands. Their children belong
to the line of their fathers. Girls are equated to wealth, while boys are seen as the source of
security for the family. Many enemies surround Pokot people, so young men must protect
their families against external invasion. Young men go to fight their enemies and steal the
cows, while young women remain at home protecting their children. This, therefore, brings
about the role of each family member. The role is clearly defined for men and women. In
fulfilling these roles, one earns respect and becomes a dignified community member. Female
Circumcision becomes the path through which a woman in the community must go to fulfill
these roles.

In the words of PT10, he describes dignity as “respect and honor that one is given as a human
being, and it applies to all human beings.”228 He continues to assert that “every human being
is created with dignity. We human beings are the ones who snatch away that dignity. Women
have dignity from the time of birth. The snatching of dignity is when the young girl reaches
the age of circumcision. She refuses to undergo the ritual of circumcision.”229 He summarizes
it all by saying, “While dignity is from the very beginning of life for both boys and girls, the
ritual of female circumcision helps sustain this dignity for a girl child compared to a boy
child.”230 Female circumcision confers a young woman the dignity that she requires, thus
placing her in the competitive world. Through this ritual, she enters the market of securing
herself a marriage suitor. From this understanding, therefore, “it is the people who take away
the dignity of these young girls and create their understanding from the Pokot cultural
perspective.”231

228
PT10
229
Ibid. PT10.
230
Ibid. PT10.
231
Ibid. PT10.

~ 93 ~
 5.3. The distinction between man and woman, according to the Pokot People

A clear distinction between men's and women's roles is drawn early in life. The boys learn
from their fathers what is expected of them, and the girls learn from their mothers what is
expected of them. The boys begin to attach themselves to animals early, while the girls stay
home helping their mothers with household chores. Boys go after goats, sheep, and cows.
Girls fetch water and firewood and look after tiny babies. This applies not only to the Pokot
people but also to many other African communities.

For the Pokot people, this is essential because it defines the gender role of each person in the
community. Each person has a role that she is expected to perform at a particular age. Their
parents teach these roles to young boys and girls as they grow up. Boys learn from their
fathers, while girls learn from their mothers. All this is in preparation for the extraordinary rite
of circumcision. The reason for this kind of learning is because of the clear distinction that
exists between men and women. A girl does not have to wait until marriage to know how to
cook. She needs to learn how to cook and do other household chores that will form part of her
duties in life. A young boy can immediately know how to look after the goats or sheep. He
learns to tend to the animals early in life by accompanying his father as often as possible.

According to PO1, “Men are considered to be the head of the family while women are
considered to be the owners of the home.”232 Men, therefore, are the overall owners of
everything. They own the animals, the children, and also the wives. Pokot people refer to their
wives as children. They are the property of the husband. The reason why women are
considered the property of the husband is that a “wife is usually exchanged for the
property.”233 The chances of getting a wife are very scarce if you are poor among the Pokot
people. Women are never put on the same level as men. As argued earlier, women are
commodified as goods and taken to the market for sale.

Circumcision of women is considered a value addition to goods, enabling them to earn more
money at the market price. If your goods have no value, selling will be a significant challenge.
Buyers always go for high-quality goods. An uncircumcised woman is considered a low- or
no-quality good. When you take such goods to the market, you are likely to return the your
goods home. In addition, such goods give the seller no bargaining power. Therefore,
Therefore, the goods can be sold at a throw-away price. Many men seek to ensure their goods

232
PO1.
233

~ 94 ~
are well prepared for the market. The best method of preparation is through women’s
circumcision.

Another distinction worth mentioning here is that it aligns with the culture. According to the
Pokot people, men are the custodians of the culture of the community. Custodians in this
context mean that men ensure that all the cultural practices are kept and practiced according to
the traditions of the Pokot people. On the other hand, women are the implementers of the
culture. As the mothers of children, they ensure that whatever the community values, such as
the traditional traditions of the elders, are strictly observed. Taking, for instance, the culture of
women’s circumcision, the mother must ensure that as the girls grow up, they are prepared for
the initiation into the culture. Before men came into the picture, women had already
introduced their children to the culture by talking to them about it. Men, therefore, are the
custodians of the culture, while women are the implementers of the culture. Men ensure the
culture is sustained and passed down the ages without extinction. Women ensure that the
culture is actualized in the everyday lives of the younger people.

5.4. Pokot women and ownership.

In the true sense of the word, the Pokot women do not own property. According to PO2,
“Women are seen as lesser beings who are not allowed to own anything. They are not allowed
to own land and cows, which are signs of wealth among the Pokot people. Even the children
do not belong to the woman but to the husband.”234 This is because they are considered
properties of the man of the home. Women specifically become property because they are
exchanged with cows. According to the Pokot people, a woman may fetch between thirty and
fifty heads of cattle. With such a great value, the woman becomes the man’s property. In a
typical Kalenjin family, the man refers to his wives and children as his property. The Pokot
people, a subtribe in the Kalenjin community, are no exception.

A Pokot woman marries after the completion of the ritual of female circumcision. Before
circumcision, it was not contemplated that a woman would get married. The process of
marriage begins when the girl is still in seclusion. First, in the first phase of circumcision,
which takes place in public before the entire village, if a young man is engaged to one of the
girls, he comes forward and gives her a stick to hold to support her. This signals to everyone
in attendance that the girl has already been booked for marriage. During the seclusion, the
young man visits the girl's family to negotiate the bride price with the girl’s parents. This
234
PO2

~ 95 ~
enables the two families to plan so that she immediately goes directly to her husband’s home
after the girl has graduated.

When newly married, the husband ties the traditional wedding ring called “Tirim.”235 The
traditional wedding ring called Tirim is usually put on the hand like an armband. It is made of
the skin of a cow. Tirim is given to a woman who has undergone the ritual of female
circumcision. That is the reason why uncircumcised women hardly get married. Traditionally,
putting the Pokot wedding ring called ‘Tirim’ on an uncircumcised woman is impossible. The
culture does not allow such things to happen. Only circumcised women can wear the
traditional wedding ring. During the giving of Tirim, the husband pours milk on Tirim, and
the new bride is given the cow that produced the milk. The cow must be lactating. At the
same time, she is given other cows, goats, and sheep. These animals are for her household.
She does not possess control over the animals. The animals are owned and controlled by the
husband. The animals are hers by name, but the man, the head of the family, administers all
the power.236

Because of the polygamous nature of the Pokot people, all the animals given to wives during
the tying of the Tirim belong to the husband. The husband can decide what to do with these
animals without consulting any of the wives, even if the animal was given to her during the
tying of the traditional ring. “What a Pokot woman can claim to own is the chicken. She can
own as many chickens as she wishes and slaughter or give out to visitors without seeking
permission from the husband.”237 However, she must consult her husband for a goat, sheep, or
cow. This indicates the position of women in the family structure.

From this perspective, we can deduce that because a Pokot woman is her husband’s property,
she has no right to own property. A woman holds the property only if the husband has died or
if she remains a single mother, an infrequent occurrence among the Pokot people. Only then
can one claim to own property. Nevertheless, whatever she holds belongs to her husband if
she is under her her husband.

5.5. Pokot Women and Equality.

According to the Kalenjin people, men hold a higher rank than women. In other words, the
Kalenjin communities are patriarchal. This means that men are the heads of families. The

235
“Tirim”- Pokot traditional ring was given to a newly married woman. It is limited only to circumcised women.
236
Cf: Ibid. PO1
237
Ibid. PO1.

~ 96 ~
Pokot, one of the many communities that form the more prominent Kalenjin people, also
maintains the patriarchal mindset that men are the heads of their families. With this mindset,
the question of equality between men and women finds an automatic answer. According to
PO1, Pokot men and women are never equal. “Men are considered superior to women, and
men are meant to control women. Women are subordinate and regarded as equal to children.
Both women and children are, therefore, the property of the man. This is visible in how a wife
is acquired. A wife is compared to the number of cows given out for her. Because to acquire a
wife, one must give several cows; the woman will always be considered the husband’s
property.”238

In the Pokot language, children are called “Möning.” Like the children, women refer to their
husbands as “Paponcha,” which means “our father.” They acknowledge that men are above
them in status by referring to their husbands as their fathers. This mindset elevates men above
women, ruling out the question of women being equal to men.

The Pokot culture, therefore, recognizes men as the head of the family and women as the head
of the home. Women are consumer goods for men in so far as ownership is concerned. Men
own women during the marriage. According to Pokot, an adult man must marry a wife and
find his own family. If the man shows no interest in getting married, the family must look for
a wife for their son. Every Pokot man is obliged to marry to ensure the continuity of the clan.
The Pokot people believe strongly in clannism. A man cannot marry a woman from his
Family. Before marriage, the elders must interrogate the bride to know which clan she
originates from.239

5.6. The position of Pokot women in the family setup.

Although women are considered the property of men and placed at the same level as children,
“they are held in high esteem. Their rank is not exactly like that of the children. The men
respect women more than they respect their children.”240 Their position is higher in
comparison to the part of the children. The reason for this is the co-creatorship of women with
men. The women also participate in bringing the children into the family. Man alone cannot
bring children into the world. Men are pretty aware of the fact that women are essential.
Without women, the capability of men to procreate is unrealizable. So, men need women to

238
Ibid. PO1.
239
Cf: Ibid. PO1.
240
Cf: Ibid. PO1.

~ 97 ~
be able to grow their families. Not only one woman but more than one. As mentioned, a Pokot
man marrying more than one wife is seen as a usual way of life.

Women belong to the clan and the wider community. Therefore, they are protected by the
community as a whole. If a man has a misunderstanding with his wife, the elders are invited
to resolve the problem. A man can only divorce his wife after involving the entire community.
“Although the wife belongs to a person, she belongs to the entire community. If she makes a
mistake, the community’s elders impose the punishment. Pokot people still resolve their
misunderstandings under a tree in a meeting called “Kokwo.” Suppose two families are
quarreling or two people have a misunderstanding. In that case, they are invited to sit under
the tree, and the council of elders called Kokwo comes together to resolve the
misunderstanding.

This indicates that although the wife belongs to the man who has married her, he cannot
decide to kick her out of his marital home. The elders must make a unanimous decision. The
reason for such a decision must also be grave, not just flimsy. This does not warrant the
women to misbehave or show disdain for their husbands. When young women are
circumcised, and in seclusion, they are usually given instructions on how to handle their
husbands and care for their children. Women’s roles are defined for every woman who goes
through the rite of circumcision.

In conclusion, although women are considered the property of their husbands, they are still
held with a certain amount of respect.

5.7. Dignity at birth.

According to the Pokot people, all children are born with dignity and rights. There is no
distinction between a boy child and a girl child at birth. They are equal in dignity and rights.
Their dignity is foreshadowed by the events that lie ahead. The dignity of a boy is connected
to the status he occupies in the community as a protector of the family and the propagator of
the clan through whom the family will be extended.

On the other hand, the girl is connected to the coming of wealth in the family. So, the birth of
any child is received with great joy. At birth, the father of the home asks, “What has she given
birth to? Titike- meaning the one within the room or Kokwe- meaning elder’s tree.”241 The
birth of a girl child is usually received with joy because of the connection to the cows. Due to

241
Ibid. PO1.

~ 98 ~
the incredible value attached to the cows among the Pokot people, the birth of a girl is
received with joy. The girl child gains dignity as a girl child in a relationship with the cows,
which will be given at marriage.242 There is a strong link between women and cows among the
Pokot people. They are equated one to the other. At circumcision women are circumcised at
the cowshed. This means that the circumcised woman will bring cows to the same cowshed
where she was circumcised.

From the very beginning, girls are looked at from the perspective of the value they possess.
From the girl child, wealth will come to the family. Girls are, therefore, to be respected and
handled prudently. From a very tender age, their father advises boys to take care of their
sisters because girls are fragile, and the wealth that would benefit the family lies in them.
Therefore, boys should not harass them.243

5.8. Dignity at circumcision.

The prevailing situation measures the concept of dignity among the Pokot people. While a girl
is said to have dignity at birth, this kind of dignity is measured from the perspective of the fact
of creation. By the very fact that God creates all children, they possess dignity. This idea is
borrowed from the bible bible. This means that we are made in the image and likeness of God.
Therefore, from the biblical viewpoint, all human beings, men and women, are created in the
image and likeness of God. Thus, from a scriptural standpoint, women have dignity.

From a cultural standpoint, women have value from birth because that is where the life of
every human begins. Hypothetically, we can assert that, at a very early stage in life, young
girls have dignity. However, this dignity is limited to the age of circumcision. When the girl
child reaches the age of circumcision, as agreed by the community, she automatically loses
her dignity until she undergoes the ritual of female circumcision. If she objects to female
circumcision, she will be considered a child. Therefore, she loses respect among her peers,
family, and other community members. Although this belief is limited to the cultural
perspective of the Pokot people, it is essential because it shapes the lives of young women in
the Pokot community. Failure to undergo female circumcision has powerful implications for
the lives of the Pokot people. The maturity and acceptability of a Pokot woman are
determined by the ritual of female circumcision, without which one remains a child,
unmarriageable, unmarriageable, and voiceless among her peers and fellow women.

242
Cf: Ibid. PO1.
243
Cf: Ibid. PO1.

~ 99 ~
PT6 points out that when a woman reaches the age of being circumcised and refuses to
undergo the ritual of female circumcision, she is referred to with many negative names, which
connote her negatively and without respect. As a result, people laugh at her, and no one
marries her. The name given to her is “Chepchawurey,” which means the uncircumcised or
with the clitoris. Due to this state, she is seen as a small child and not respected. 244

On the other hand, female circumcision confers and confirms the respect befitting a woman.
A circumcised woman is highly respected and recognized by the community and the family.245

Therefore, the girl child acquires her dignity when she passes through the relevant stages that
are acceptable in the community. Female circumcision comes with respect, which makes her a
dignified person. Failure to pass through this stage in life makes her lose respect and become
culturally undignified.246

Culturally speaking, dignity among the Pokot women counts from initiation through
circumcision. Circumcision comes with age. Before attaining a defined age, a girl cannot be
circumcised. As pointed out earlier, the age between thirteen and eighteen was the right age
for circumcision.

Biologically, the age between twelve and thirteen is an essential time in the life of a young
girl because it is connected to the beginning of menstrual blood. This blood signifies that the
young girl is ripe for marriage and can conceive and bear a child. As such, she must be
prepared for the responsibility ahead of her. An important point is that when a Pokot woman
has her period, she isolates herself entirely from other community members. If she is still a
girl, she stays away from people. If she is married, she does not cook for her husband or make
any contact with her her husband. The reason behind this kind of behavior is meant to mean
that, in this period, a woman was impure and was not allowed to touch anything. Menstrual
blood makes women unclean; therefore, they need to separate themselves from the rest of the
community members. This culture is still practiced up to this day.

When a woman starts the menstruation cycle, she must be prepared for the next phase of life.
The community primarily prepares a woman through female circumcision. Female
circumcision as a rite of passage becomes the only way a woman can claim her liberty among
other Pokot women. Failure of which she remains a child and is considered a coward. The

244
Cf: PT6
245
Cf: PT6.
246
Cf: Ibid. PO1.

~ 100 ~
different stages a woman goes through during circumcision demonstrate the new status that a
woman acquires in the community. In an earlier description, I pointed out that the father
stands at a close range to witness the courage and braveness exhibited by her daughter. The
girl is not to shame the family and the clan. Through this courage shown by the daughter, the
young girl is accorded great respect for not disappointing the community. As such, the girl
Earns respect from the family and the community. Respect, in this context, can mean that she
restores her dignity.247

The element of dignity is also demonstrated in the coming-out celebration. The newly
circumcised girl is covered on her head, and her father and the uncles are invited to pour cow
milk on her forehead. She is told to continue respecting her elders in the community, so the
family continues to prosper. This is interpreted to be a form of blessing. The milk is taken
from a cow that has not lost its calf and probably a heifer that has had a calf for the first
time.248 This cow is called “Roryon,”249, which in the Pokot language means “Pure or clean.”
Generally, by going through the whole process of women circumcision, a woman is
considered to have acquired the dignity of a woman according to the Pokot people. The
dignity of a Pokot girl child can never be compared to the dignity given to a circumcised
Pokot woman.

A circumcised Pokot woman is recognized with respect among her peer group. In the event of
having a meeting, only the circumcised women are allowed to attend and can also address the
other women. “Circumcised women are allowed to give their opinion in such meetings and
are listened to.”250 The uncircumcised are not allowed to attend such meetings and are
considered children. Among the Pokot, circumcision gives a woman identity and a sense of
belonging.

Women’s circumcision and dignity, according to the Pokot people, are interconnected. One is
attached to the other and gives meaning to the other. Female circumcision determines
women’s dignity. Failure to undergo the ritual of female circumcision means to the Pokot
people loss of dignity. Therefore, a woman who has not experienced the practice of female
circumcision is considered undignified.251

247
Cf: Ibid. PO1.
248
Ibid. PO1.
249
“Roryon.” which in the Pokot language means “pure or clean. “
250
PT6
251
Ibid. PT6.

~ 101 ~
 5.9. When does a Pokot woman begin to have Dignity?

According to the culture of the Pokot people, dignity is linked to a woman from the point of
view of maturity. Only when a woman is mature is the concept of dignity applicable. This
does not imply that little girls have no dignity. In an earlier explanation, I pointed out that
both boys and girls have dignity. However, this understanding of dignity is limited to its
scriptural interpretation. Every child is born with God-given dignity. This dignity is not
limited to gender, sex, age, culture, or color. Every person is created in the image and likeness
of God and has dignity.

From the Pokot Culturalcultural perspective, the dignity of a woman is only measured by the
fulfillment of the rite of female circumcision. Failure to which a woman lacks a position
among the Pokot people. An uncircumcised woman is a child and cannot get Married. She,
therefore, cannot find her own family. Often, such girls lack identity and are considered a
shame to the family and the community.

Through the rite of female circumcision, a woman is poised to go through the actual
operation. This is followed by the seclusion period, marked by learning and transformation.
The seclusion period is a time of isolation from the community. A Pokot woman dies from her
childhood way of life and is reborn into a new adulthood life. In seclusion, a young woman
learns many things about marriage and her life as a wife and mother. Many rituals, such as
washings, characterize privacy. Then comes the reappearance and reintegration within the
community.

A Pokot woman begins to have dignity when she chooses faithfully to follow the way of her
forefathers by accepting to undergo the traditional ritual of female circumcision in preparation
for the next rite of passage, marriage. Failure to experience female circumcision subjects such
a woman to ridicule and make her appear a misfit in her community. To earn the respect of
the family and the community, one is required to undergo the ritual of female circumcision.

5.10. The relationship between dignity and women’s circumcision.

The Pokot culture of women’s circumcision brings together many people in the same
neighborhood. “The braveness exhibited by the girls to be circumcised brings respect and
honor to the family and the entire community. During circumcision, each girl sits on her

~ 102 ~
circumcision stone.”252 This stone is important because it reminds her of when she became a
woman. Therefore, it goes from a girl (Chepto) to a woman or a wife (Mrar).

The Pokot culture equates dignity with respect. To earn respect among the Pokot women, one
must sit on the circumcision stone to experience the pain of the knife. Once a woman has
gone through the rite of circumcision, she moves from one state of life to another. Among her
peers and other community members, she is regarded with great honor for bringing respect to
the community. When a woman graduates from seclusion, she is seen as respectable, and men
are ready to take her in as a wife. A circumcised woman becomes wife material.

On the other hand, the uncircumcised are considered children and a misfortune to the
community. That is why the Pokot people traditionally used every possible method to ensure
every woman was circumcised. As indicated earlier, traditional medicine and sometimes
alcohol would be used to confuse the girls, who were known to be cowards.

The dignity of a woman was measured by the number of cows she brought during the time she
was given out for marriage. The fact that an uncircumcised woman was unmarriageable meant
that circumcision was necessary for every woman. Not being circumcised meant not being
married, which meant the woman had no value to the family and the community.

A woman's value, respect, and dignity among the Pokot people are measured by her worth. If
she can bring many cows, the family and community will respect and honor her. Therefore,
she is considered a woman of dignity in the context of the Pokot culture.253

In the current situation, due to the state’s interference with the culture of women’s
circumcision, men lie to women and make them pregnant. When pregnant, they wait for the
delivery time and use the traditional birth attendants to circumcise them immediately after
birth or even before birth. This has become a common practice in the Pokot community.

The rite of female circumcision is usually performed without anesthesia. This means that it
comes with a significant share of pain. Any sign of fear of this pain is regarded as a curse for
shaming the family and the entire community. From such happenings, songs unveil and insult
her as a coward. As such, a woman may never get married because the songs that are sung
negatively put her in the limelight. As such, the young people reject her for marriage. A
demonstration of cowardice during the rite of female circumcision makes the young woman

252
Ibid. PO1
253
Cf: Ibid. PO1.

~ 103 ~
lose her dignity, which is attributable to all the women who have not undergone the tradition
of female circumcision.254

In summary form, I want to assert that the Pokot culture of women’s circumcision has a
strong link with the understanding of dignity. Their experience comes purely from the cultural
dimensions, which are not as we know them today. For the Pokot people, an uncircumcised
woman has no place in the Pokot community. She remains her entire life, a rejected and sad
person. If she is lucky enough to get married, she is married as the second or the third wife.
No bride price is paid for her. She is often tricked into a trap so that when she becomes
pregnant, she can be compelled to accept the rite of circumcision. Sometimes, the traditional
birth attendant refuses to help her give birth unless she gets to be circumcised. For the Pokot
people, an uncircumcised woman is like a curse to the family and a source of misfortune to
the community.

To be circumcised is to have dignity, which is the beginning of luck for a woman. Marriage
and bride prices are considered a blessing and the beginning of good fortune for the family
and the entire community. In the Pokot culture, women’s circumcision defines the dignity of
every woman. If a woman is not circumcised, she is a nobody. If she is circumcised, she is
somebody. When a woman is considered somebody, then she is held with dignity. She is
regarded as a woman of dignity.

5.11. The connection between dignity and female circumcision is defined by

dowry in marriage.

The dignity of a Pokot woman is determined by the cultural ritual of female circumcision,
which every Pokot woman is expected to go through at the onset of her early adult life.
Failure to undergo the rite is a form of indignity. When a woman is circumcised, she moves to
the next level of her life: marriage. Circumcision, therefore, is seen as the pathway to
marriage.

Female circumcision adds value to a woman, bringing her to the market. Circumcised women
are commodified as goods. When a woman is circumcised, she is prepared to be taken to the
market. This is comparable to the barter trade, where goods are exchanged for goods.
Circumcised women are exchanged for a specific number of cows. The wealth of the Pokot

254
Cf: PT10.

~ 104 ~
people is measured by the number of cows the family has. A family without cows, sheep, and
goats is considered a low-income family.

To have many girls in the family is interpreted as having great wealth in the offing. The
family automatically becomes rich when these girls are initiated and given out in marriage.
The dowry or the bride price becomes the determinant of the position of the family in the
community.

When a young woman stands firm and does not shame the family during the ritual of
circumcision, the dowry negotiation is improved. The father raises the dowry to a very high
level. As mentioned, the parents may demand thirty to fifty cattle for such a girl. This is quite
a significant amount of wealth, and only rich men can afford it. Young girls who have been
circumcised prefer to be married even as second or third-wives wives, as long as they are
assured that their marriage will bring wealth to their families. This is because, by bringing
Wealth, they will be respected by their families and the community. Therefore, dowry defines
a woman's dignity, and this definition is linked to the fact that a woman has already gone
through the rite of circumcision.

The dignity of children at birth is completely different from the dignity attributed to adults.
PO1 argues that “every child is born with dignity, both boys and girls.”255 Nevertheless, this
dignity is limited to childhood. The next rite of passage is characterized by circumcision,
which gives the young people another kind of dignity. Without being circumcised, a young
woman becomes deprived of this dignity. It is this dignity acquired through circumcision that
enables a young woman to progress further to the next rite of passage, which is marriage.
Skipping the tradition of female circumcision closes the gates to marriage. The dignity
brought about by the marriage and dowry payment is impossible. A good number of cows
means great family and community respect. The woman is honored and considered a
respectable member of the community. This gives her dignity in the community.

5.12. The position of uncircumcised women in the Pokot community.

To be an uncircumcised woman among the Pokot people is considered a disgrace to the

family and the entire community. The Pokot people live in small villages. In most cases, the
town is bound by kinship and clanship. The Pokot people do not own land because of their

255
PO1.

~ 105 ~
migratory nature due to the difficult weather conditions. West Pokot County is one of the
regions in Kenya where land ownership is still within the community.

The families that live in one neighborhood know each other. They regularly interact during
community gatherings and celebrations such as women’s circumcision ceremonies, Sapana
celebrations, and wedding ceremonies. One does not need to be invited to attend any of such
festivals.

Failure to undergo the rite of female circumcision affects the entire community. The position
of an uncircumcised woman among the Pokot people is considered the lowest. This is because
one faces rejection from every direction. The first rejection comes from the peer group. This
is the group of agemates and those that were born at the same time. They know each other,
and they undergo the rite of circumcision together. Even in marriage, they get married
together. The most significant challenge is that “when one is not circumcised, she does not get
married. Her agemates isolate her, and they give her a bad name. She is called
“Chepchawurey,” which in the Pokot language means with the clitoris.”256 Naturally, no
woman would like to be referred to by this name. She is disrespected in the community, and
if, by luck, she gets married, she is despised by her mother-in-law. Mother-in-law is the most
dangerous person to the uncircumcised girls married to their sons. They reject their son’s wife
if she is uncircumcised. Such a daughter-in-law is not allowed to milk the cows at home. They
believe the cow will stop producing milk when an uncircumcised woman milks it. In addition,
an uncircumcised daughter-in-law cannot cook for the father-in-law. Outside the family, the
uncircumcised girl will be gossiped about by all the women in the village. Some opt for
circumcision even after giving birth to two or three children. This shows that a woman is
never accepted entirely in a family as a daughter-in-law, no matter how educated or deep in
faith. Acceptability in marriage is based on the rite of circumcision.

“When an uncircumcised woman is married and becomes pregnant, the family waits for her at
the time of giving birth. Traditional Birth Attendants do not accept helping such women when
giving birth. Because most of these Traditional Birth Attendants are circumcisers, they only
accept when the woman gives in to circumcision.”257 Helping such a woman to give birth is
very costly. The husband must pay a particular goat to the traditional birth attendant for
cleansing.

256
Ibid. PO1.
257
Cf: Ibid. PO1.

~ 106 ~
Since the Pokot women are fond of bathing in the river, an uncircumcised woman cannot
bathe in the river. They argue that she will make the water dirty for them.

In summary, the Pokot community does not negotiate on the issue of circumcision among
women. Though there are a lot of external influences on fighting the culture of female
circumcision, the Pokot community does not seem to be thoroughly convinced about
abandoning such a culture. The head of the family guards the forefathers’ culture, and the men
are not ready to leave the culture. Because they are the custodian custodians of the culture of
their forefathers, they feel morally obliged to protect the culture and the tradition surrounding
the rite of female circumcision.

The very fact that young people refuse to marry uncircumcised women may be interpreted to
mean that “such women are still children and cowards. Therefore, they are without respect
and lack dignity.”258 This is only within the realm of the Pokot cultural understanding.

6. The conclusion:

Among the Pokot people, every child, irrespective of gender, is considered to have dignity at
birth. Every human being enjoys this aspect. This idea is borrowed from the scriptures, which
state that every human being is created in the image and likeness of God. Therefore, every
human being has dignity from the very beginning of life.

The beginning of puberty (adolescence) ushers in a new phase of life within the Pokot culture.
The dawn of menstrual blood marks the loss of dignity for the girl child. It is this menstrual
blood that takes away the dignity of a woman.

The solution to this is the rite of women’s circumcision, which makes a woman eligible for
marriage. Without circumcision, there is no marriage. Through women’s circumcision, there
is a repossession of their lost dignity. The procedure of women’s circumcision begins with
preparation. Then follows circumcision and seclusion. The coming-out ceremony, integration,
and marriage follow this. Without circumcision, the chances of getting married are slim.

The blood at circumcision is compared to menstrual blood and a woman’s blood at birth. In
these three situations, the woman is considered unclean and must be isolated. The woman is
considered clean at the end of these situations, and her dignity is restored. So, a Pokot woman
lives in a state of perpetual indignity. The difference between the three is that female

258
Ibid. PO1.

~ 107 ~
circumcision happens only once in a lifetime. On the other hand, menstruation happens
monthly. Blood at birth occurs many times according to the number of children one gives
birth to.

There is a powerful gender stereotype among the Pokot people concerning women’s
circumcision. Many gender stereotypes among Pokot people are based on the husband-and-
wife relationship. Men symbolically express appreciation for women by becoming Mrar in
their initiation ceremony. There is a prevailing male viewpoint that women/wives are under
the authority of and subject to men.

An uncircumcised Pokot woman is considered to be a child. She remains a child in the eyes of
the Pokot community at all times. Even if she gets married and has children, she is still
considered a child. She is referred to by the name Chepchawurey, meaning “with the clitoris,”
which gives her a negative connotation. Being called this name publicly deprives a woman of
her respect and, therefore, her dignity.

The fidelity to the Pokot culture of female circumcision dictates whether a woman will be
regarded as having dignity. In this perspective, dignity applies to the cultural dimension and
approach to dignity. When a woman is not circumcised, she cannot be said to have dignity.
According to the Pokot culture, a woman acquires dignity only through the rite of female
circumcision.

PART ONE:
Chapter Two:

THE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF FEMALE CIRCUMCISION AMONG THE POKOT

PEOPLE:

1. INTRODUCTION.

The name does not matter. What matters is the culture. Call it female circumcision, female
genital mutilation, or even female cut. It is the same thing: different names but the same
reality. Cutting the clitoris of the Pokot women is a “cultural reality.” Culture in this context
means “a whole complex of ideas and things produced by a group of people in their historical
experiences at a given time. It includes those patterns of thinking and doing that permeate
their activities and distinguish them from others. Culture is a learned way of behaving
compared to inherited behavior patterns. It refers to ideas, sentiments, values, objects, actions,
~ 108 ~
tendencies, and accumulations that are passed on from one generation to another culture as a
response to our fundamental need for identity, meaning of life, security, order, and a sense of
belonging.”259 One standing from Inside refers to cutting the clitoris as female circumcision.
while one standing from the outside may refer to the same culture as “female genital
mutilation.” A milder name is “female cut.”

According to the research data collected, the original name was female circumcision. Because
the Pokot community circumcised the men, the idea was also extended to the women. The
concept of “Female genital mutilation was adopted by the Inter-African Committee at Addis
Ababa in 1990 as an accurate, medically appropriate term.”260 The central theme of this
Conference was to fight and eradicate the culture of women’s circumcision. The change of
name from female circumcision to female genital mutilation was aimed at discouraging those
intensely practicing the culture. Then, it was believed that by referring to women’s
circumcision as female genital mutilation, people who practiced the culture would develop
cold feet against it. However, this did not happen.

Rather than developing cold feet, the promoters of the culture became emboldened and did
not blink an eye. Instead, they became more attached to their culture because they believed it
was coming under attack. Rather than seeing the good being proposed to them, they saw the
idea fronted by those opposed to the culture as an attack on their culture. Instead of helping to
reduce the culture, this made those who believed in the culture fight more aggressively to
defend and safeguard their culture. It became difficult, therefore, to convince them to abandon
their culture. Those who practice this culture consider it a treasure; consequently, it takes
much work to change the mindset of the whole community.

The fight against the culture has become a losing battle because, first, those who are fighting
against the culture of women’s circumcision are considered to be strangers. They believe the
African culture of women’s circumcision is terrible and brutal. This approach is seen as
doomed to fail because it demonstrates two critical facts; first, it presents the culture of those
who are against it as imperial. That means what they are doing is wrong, and what they
propose is best for them. Therefore, they are on a saving mission for African women
subjected to an archaic and barbaric culture. While that may be the truth, I did not understand
the reason for the culture and why the Africans treasured culture so profoundly. Due to this

259
Ephigenia W. Gachiri, Female Circumcision, Pg.29.
260
Ephigenia W. Gachiri, Female Circumcision, Pg. 31.

~ 109 ~
mindset, the advocates of the culture of female circumcision referred to them as cultural
imperialists.

Secondly, there was the danger of ethnocentrism. This is a belief that what matters is only my
culture. All other cultures are nothing but trash. Those who practice the theory of
Ethnocentrism seek to compare their own culture with others and set their cultures against
other people’s cultures with the conviction that their culture is the best. Those who practice
the principle of Ethnocentrism do not have room to accommodate other cultures. They
consider their own culture to be the gauge for measuring the culture cultures of different
communities. The first missionaries did not succeed because, from the beginning, they lacked
the spirit of tolerance against African culture.

In my analytical approach to this research, I am ambivalent. I will try to stand on high ground
and look at the culture of women’s circumcision without taking any sides. Every culture that
exists in a particular society has its origin. For any culture to exist and subsist for a long time,
it must have something valuable. From this perspective, I would argue that the culture of
women’s circumcision must have valuable something for the community. Before looking at
the values of women’s circumcision, I want to single out all the rites of passage among the
Pokot people.

2. THE RITES OF PASSAGE AMONG THE POKOT PEOPLE.

From the available literature and already acquired knowledge, there are four known rites of
passage: birth, circumcision, marriage, and death261 (ref. John S. Mbiti, Introduction to
African Philosophy, Pg.82-123). According to the Pokot people, there are seven rites of
passage.

The rite of women’s circumcision cannot be understood in Isolation from many other rites of
passage among the Pokot people. These rites of passage are worth mentioning in this research.
These rites follow one another successfully. They are arranged in such a way that one comes
after the other. A failure to partake in one rite of passage means breaking the chain, and the
Pokot people Interpret this as causing discontinuity. These rites are stipulated clearly by
David J. Ndegwa in his book titled “Biblical Hermeneutics as a Tool for Inculturation in
Africa: A Case Study of the Pokot People of Kenya.” In his book, he states, “For Pokot
people, life is characterized by rites of passage from the very moment of conception to the

261
Cf: John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Pg.82-123.

~ 110 ~
moment of death. The rites of passage are the essential values in the life of a Pokot after a
person and a cow and their interaction.” Pokot life is filled with rituals from the start of a
person’s existence until death, which means before birth and after death.

According to the order of succession, the following are the Pokot rites of passage:

2.1. Parpara:

This is the first rite of passage. It is a reconciliation ceremony for safe delivery. It is a ritual
ceremony done to a woman during her pregnancy, especially as she nears delivering the baby.
This ritual is done to a woman during her first delivery to ensure she has her baby safely. A
reconciliation or blessing ceremony is performed when a lady becomes pregnant for the first
time to provide a trouble-free marriage for the couple.262 The first rite of passage involves
women alone.

2.2. Malal:

This is the second rite of passage. “This is the naming ceremony of the child.”263 The ritual
occurs immediately after birth.

2.3. Keghöt Kelat:

This is the third rite of passage. This rite involves the “knocking down of teeth.”264 The
knocking down of the teeth offers therapeutic benefits. A person with Tetanus or any other
illness resulting in locked jaws is given food through the opening. Teeth extraction is also
done to achieve some level of ceremonial purity.

2.4. Sorim:

This is the fourth rite of passage. Sorim means “body decoration.”265 The Pokot people
decorate their bodies by cutting them, which is usually symbolic. Keghöt Kelat and Sorim are
for aesthetic purposes and beautification.

2.5. Mutat:

262
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg. 156.
263
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg. 154.
264
David J Ndegwa, Pg.154
265
Ibid. Pg.154.

~ 111 ~
This is the rite of circumcision. The Pokot people circumcise both boys and girls. The practice
of circumcision in Pokot is called Tum, meaning “Song, dance, or celebration.”266 In
circumcision, one faces the knife.

2.6. Sapana:

This is the sixth rite of passage among the Pokot people. Sapana is the initiation to
“Elderhood.” According to Pokot people, circumcision does not grant a young man automatic
marriage permission. Only when one has performed the rite of Sapana is he allowed to marry?
However, if one marries for some reason, during the Sapana, the wife must return to her
parents and rejoin the husband after the rite is completed. Sapana is thought to bring good
fortunes, including the conception of male children and exemption from social ills.
Additionally, it aims to elevate a junior elder to the rank of being able to serve and sit among
elders during ceremonies held in Kokwo (under a tree). Even if there are no inherent
impurities in marriage, there is a hint of mistrust regarding the cleanliness of the bride, her
groom, and all other members of their clan.267

2.7. Death:

The final rite of passage among the Pokot people is death. A special ceremony is performed
after a person has passed away.268 Unlike in other rituals, the deceased person is not active.
However, each community member must go through the entire series of customary rites to rid
themselves and those who have survived them after death (Meghat). If not, their Spirit will
return to torture the living.

Integrating these rites of passage into the Community gives those initiated the strength to
confront the harsh truths of life.269 Therefore, it is befitting to argue that “The Pokot rejoice in
life and give God their honest gratitude for this gift and all their other material blessings.
During celebrations, Christians frequently sing “Kighanecha, Kikonecha Tororot Tituk lapoy
kighanecha,” meaning. “God has given us all things; let us believe in him.”270

The motivation behind the rite of passage is the metaphysical fear of bad things happening to
a person or the entire community.271 These rites support everyone in realizing their full

266
Ibid. Pg.154-155.
267
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg.155
268
Cf: David J Ndegwa, Pg.155
269
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg.155
270
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg.155
271
Cf: David J. Ndegwa, Pg.155

~ 112 ~
potential and maintaining harmony between the forces of nature and the supernatural.
Through these rites, the living and the dead enter into communion. The rites of passage are
the occasions to experience a sense of belonging to the community. These rites, in which
everyone is required to participate, are events of great joy and celebration in addition to
warding off potential disasters. These rites enrich, strengthen, and heal people’s lives. At this
time, everyone who refuses to participate is shunned as anti-social and anti-life.

3. THE DESCRIPTION OF THE POKOT WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION:

The Pokot initiation ritual of women’s circumcision is one of the many rites of passage, as
indicated above. It is a requirement for women, enabling them to move from childhood to
adulthood. “The ritual lasts for a specific amount of time, three months to be precise.” 272 It
entails several ceremonies and phases that must be completed. Women’s circumcision, as it
were, is not a one-day event but rather a long process. It begins with the declaration of
interest273 and concludes with the graduation ceremony. In this process, corporate living in
seclusion, endurance training, and teaching the community knowledge is imparted. Thus, the
female initiation ceremony includes more than just women’s circumcision. It is hard for a
woman to get married if she has not undergone the procedure.

Girls begin to prepare themselves for the ritual early in life. The mothers educate them about
the importance of the ritual of women’s circumcision. When the time comes, they approach
their mothers to ask for permission to undergo the practice.274 The mothers do not give a direct
answer but promise to seek consent from their male parents. Once the father accepts, the
process of preparation begins in earnest. The family’s father must permit this because of his
significant role. His prominent role includes financing and making all the necessary
provisions. Apart from the provisional role, the father’s active role becomes limited. 275 The
women are now left to carry out the whole procedure.

3.1. The actual cutting:

The event leading to the actual circumcision begins in the afternoon. The entire neighborhood
gathers around the family that intends to circumcise their daughter. If there are many girls to
be circumcised, one home has to be chosen where the ceremony will take place. People come
from the whole village to witness. Typically, circumcision involves not only one girl but the
272
Cf: PO1.
273
Cf: PO1.
274
Cf: PO1.
275
Cf: PO1.

~ 113 ~
entire neighborhood. As people gather in the evening, they celebrate together, eating,
drinking, and dancing for the whole night. Towards dawn, the girls to be circumcised are
separated and kept in a small hut where they are advised by chosen women who have already
gone through the ritual.

Before the actual circumcision, the girls are escorted to a private place, where they are taught
what woman circumcision means. During this time, the girls learn the significance of the
initiation ceremony for themselves and the community. For instance, they are informed that
the rite was started by their ancestors (“Kipo Kuko-Thing for Grand-father”276) and has grown
to represent the community’s identity. Not participating in the practice means breaking
ancient laws, thus risking incurring the wrath of the community’s ancestors. They are
informed that the clitoris, if not removed, poses a significant risk to the baby's health during
the time of giving birth. They are told that if the baby’s head touches the mother’s clitoris, it
will either die or develop abnormally. Another reason the clitoris must be removed is that if
left in place, it might render the husband impotent if it comes into contact with the penis.
They are informed that a girl’s clitoris would lengthen if she refused to be circumcised. 277 All
these are just myths told to the girls to scare them from refusing to undergo the cut.

The girls are told the importance of losing blood, which is necessary to link the living and the
dead. “The blood which is shed during the physical operation binds the person to the land and
consequently to the departed members of his Society.”278 It is a source of ancestor blessings
that will make females fertile for marriage. “This circumcision blood is like making a
covenant, or a solemn agreement, between the individual and his people.”279 The girls are also
warned that defying the tradition may provoke their ancestors’ wrath, manifesting in disasters
like barrenness, stillbirths, infant deaths, and fatal conditions like insanity. This critical
element introduces the religious component of female circumcision and demonstrates its
historical significance.

Girls who refuse the procedure are cautioned that they risk being shunned and rebuked by the
entire community. They are threatened that those girls who are not circumcised will not find
spouses because no male would want to marry them. The fear of bad luck and criticism from
the community are typically intolerable. The selected women who accompany these girls to

276
PO1, Pg.6.
277
Cf: PO9. Pg.36.
278
John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann, Oxford, 1975. Pg.93.
279
Ibid. Pg.93.

~ 114 ~
be initiated and act as their teachers must be themselves circumcised to become a source of
strength and comfort for the females and a symbol of solidarity.

After all these instructions, the girls are ready to undergo the cut. They are led to a hut where
they remain inside and, with their instructors, continue singing the circumcision songs,
holding their hands together and waiting for dawn.

In the wee morning hours, the girls to be circumcised are taken to the river for symbolic
washing.280 When they return, they are escorted by the sponsor (Mtirion). Then, they are
brought back home for the actual cutting. When they arrive home, they are received by the
father of the home with a spear. This symbolizes that there is no turning back. To this level,
one cannot decide otherwise. The ritual must take place. The girl must remain brave to
safeguard the honor of her family. In front of the hut, they find stones arranged according to
the number. In addition to their number, there are always a few extra stones. This is meant to
allow any other girl who may be inspired by the event and decide to come out for the
circumcision. According to the Pokot culture, any woman who comes out and sits in the
circumcision stone is automatically circumcised. “The circumcision is carried out by a
traditional circumciser called Koko Melkong.”281 The circumcision follows an order. “The
first one to be circumcised is called Kaporet. The second one is called Seretow. Moreover, the
names continue alternating. If one girl comes from the crowd to be circumcised, she is named
Chesortum. This means gatecrasher.”282 She is gatecrashing on a celebration that is not her
own.

The cutting may occur greatly depending on the circumciser's accuracy. However, under
normal circumstances, it is expected to take place twice. The first cutting phase is done
publicly in front of men and women. It takes place in front of the hut. Its purpose is to ensure
that the girl or woman being circumcised demonstrates the highest form of bravery. Any form
of cowardice is discouraged. Crying or screaming is prohibited. Whoever cries in this phase
may never get married. She brings dishonor to her family and the entire community. In this
phase, only the clitoris is cut.

The second cutting takes place in the cowshed in a well-prepared small hut. The significance
of circumcising girls in cow sheds shows the relationship between the culture of women's
circumcision and the bride price. This means that only a woman who has been circumcised is
280
PO1, Pg.10.
281
PO1, Pg.2., PO5, Pg. 47, Ref. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.135
282
PO5, Pg.48.

~ 115 ~
exchanged with cows at a bride price. This cutting involves the removal of the remaining part
of the clitoris and both labia minora and majora. This cutting is very intense. The girls are
allowed here to cry freely because of pain. Those permitted to attend this session are women
who have undergone the ritual of female circumcision. However, women are expected to
demonstrate bravery even in pain. Then, the two legs are tied together so that healing occurs
and the vaginal opening reduces. After four days, the older women control the wound, and if
the procedure is not well done, they call back the circumciser to come and redo it again. This
is probably the third cutting cut that does not occur in all cases. This happens only if there is
an incomplete cut during the second cut. This is the most painful encounter for young women
because it deals with a raw wound.

3.2. The beginning of the seclusion period:

When the cutting is completed, the girls enter a new ritual phase, the seclusion period. The
newly circumcised girls are not allowed to touch anything. They are, therefore, fed like small
children by their mothers. They are considered to be impure in that state. They can only feel
the utensil and feed themselves after two days and two nights. In addition, “they are not
supposed to cross the river or be seen by any man.”283 The stage is called “Ng’empasany.”284
The seclusion hut is called “Kopo-Chemeri,”285 and only a few women are allowed inside.
Men are entirely forbidden to access this hut. Any man who attempts to get access is liable to
severe punishment.

“Lapow” is the first ritual to take place. Lapow is a symbolic washing on the fourth or fifth
day. During the ritual washing, the wounds are controlled to ensure no infection. The Pokot
typically uses traditional medicine to treat the wounds created by the circumcision knife. Such
medicine includes “Pipi leaf juice and milk from breastfeeding mothers.”286 Only after the
ritual washing are the initiates allowed to eat with their hands.

The first few days of seclusion are characterized by her still lying on a unique skin with grass
keeping her legs together so that the two cut sides of her vaginal lips meet and eventually join
together to form a smooth scar. The initiates are not allowed to drink water until their wounds
heal. The girls in this period of seclusion are known as “Chemeri” (Singular- Chemerion).
They shave their head heads, smear ash on their face faces, and wear “Kolika” (a significant

283
PO5, Pg.49
284
PO5, Pg.49.
285
PO1, Pg. 16.
286
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof. Pg.

~ 116 ~
skin composed of goat skin sewn together) to hide or deform their body’s shape. While in
seclusion, occasionally, the Chemeri are visited by the women from the neighborhood who
come to advise them and give them instructions.

During the seclusion period, the initiates learn many things about family life from their fellow
women. They are taught how to handle their husbands and their children. They are also taught
the importance of respecting their husbands, mothers-in-law, and other family members.
Initiates receive extra traditional education, knowledge, and wisdom during this time. They
learn to relate to domestic duties, marital harmony, and community. For example, girls are
taught to work hard, interact calmly with other community members, respect their husbands,
and always submit to them. They are also instructed to postpone having sex until the child can
walk. They learn how to bring up children and become desirable wives.287

They can go out as the healing process continues but must observe specific rules. They are
supposed to carry a stick in their hands. The stick is called “Sitot.” They must hit the doorpost
four times before entering and leaving the house. Whenever they cross the river, they must hit
the water four times. This is meant to prevent bad luck from befalling anyone who comes into
contact with these things. Whenever they meet, they use the stick to greet one another. This
demonstrates the perception of the Pokot people of how dangerous and filthy the Chemeri are.

One crucial thing observed is that Chemeri are not expected to meet with their fathers and
uncles when they are still in seclusion. Kolika plays a vital role in ensuring that they hide their
bodies from the public, including their fathers and uncles.”288 To cover their face, they cover
their heads with beads called “Chemirmet.”289 They also wear Jingles called “Karkaren.”290
Karkaren beads produce a specific sound; when men hear it, they take off.

During the seclusion period, Chemeri were regarded as filthy or unclean. During this period,
they were confined by the same taboos as women during menstruation or those who had
recently given birth. During her menstrual period, a Pokot woman does not greet people or
cook for her husband. In addition, when a Pokot woman gives birth, she does not greet people
with her hands or cook. This is because she is considered unclean. The husband cooks for her
for a specific time until she regains strength and purity.

287
Cf: Nyangweso M. (2002), Christ Salvific Message and the Nandi Ritual of Female Circumcision, Theological
Studies, 63(3) Pg.586. Also ref. PO5, Pg.44.
288
PT12, PT13, PT14.
289
PT12, PT13, PT14.
290
PT12, PT13, PT14.

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Generally, the seclusion period can be regarded as dying and rising into a new life. The young
woman dies in her girlhood and rises in womanhood.

As the end of seclusion approaches, preparation begins in earnest. The chemeri starts to create
the unique ornaments required for “Kipuno.” After two to three months, near the end of the
seclusion time, the women and children of the neighborhood gather at the chemeri houses to
sing and practice various songs and dances, including some unique to Kipuno.

Each family whose daughter was circumcised must contribute one goat and twenty kilos of
maize for the Lapan ceremony. The celebration of Lapan marks the beginning of the
graduation ceremony. The Lapan ceremony is a thanksgiving ceremony done by the women
involved in the activities surrounding the circumcision rite. In this ceremony, they are given
maize flour and meat as a thanksgiving. “Pan” is a Pokot word for cooked grain- the staple
food of the Pokot diet. “Lapan is essentially a feast for the women of the neighborhood, in
which the meat and corn are evenly distributed among the women and distributed as a gratuity
to all those who participate in the various stages of the initiation process.”291 At the end of the
Lapan celebration, the girls are ready to come out in mind and body. They are prepared to
confront the challenges awaiting them

3.3. The graduation ceremony:

The graduation ceremony, also called the “passing out ceremony” or “Kipuno,”292 is the final
stage in the initiation ceremony. It begins with a private ceremony leading the girls to the
river. In the river, the girls are checked to ensure that none have had sex during the seclusion
Period. The ceremonies at the river are directed by an older woman whose first kid is a girl
and who has never lost a child.

Each Chemerion is directed to a place of calm water, and using her Sitot, she hits the water.
The effect of hitting the water brings about a rainbow. The rainbow represents the Pokot deity
of rain called “Kokoilat—wife of Ilat.” Kokoilat is supposed to bless each Chemerion. This is
followed by depositing an iron bead and Ghee in shallow waters. The movement of the bead
and ghee is thought to predict each initiate’s future health and ability to bear children. 293

Upon completing the ritual at the river, the Chemeri are now officially allowed to wash their
bodies with water for the first time since they began their seclusion period. The initiation rite
291
Ibid, Pg.142.
292
PO1, Pg.12.
293
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.143.

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of Pokot women’s circumcision is cloaked in the symbolism of productive powers. These
powers are related to the supernatural, which means that the authorities are beyond the
women's control. Women have a specific relationship with rain and unprecedented control
over it, and reproduction is sometimes linked to rainfall and land fertility.

When the girls return from the river, they collect their ornaments. Before putting on their
ornaments, the community members bless them. Usually, older men and older women carry
out the blessings.294

For the final coming-out rituals, most females are given a new Kolika. The older women
brand these skins with white chalk for the pregnant initiates and red soil for the non-pregnant
girls.295 Because it is a social ideal for girls not to become pregnant before being undertaken
and married, a distinction is made between pregnant and non-pregnant Chemeri. Besides the
color markings on their skins, the Chemeri are treated the same throughout the initiation
process. The point that a girl must not give birth before being initiated is always given
significantly more weight than the fact that she should not become pregnant.

After being blessed and marked, the initiates can finally put on the ornaments. They oil their
bodies and groom themselves before heading to the public dance area, where they will be
greeted by a large crowd, including many of their male relatives whom they have not seen
since their isolation began.

The initiates keep their massive skins and unique jewelry on until four days after Kipuno is
completed, when the private and secret “Sewö” rite occurs. During these four days, the
initiates visit the homes of their dads and the brothers of their fathers and mothers. All these
relatives are supposed to bless the novice by pouring milk on her forehead and promising her
stock that she can collect after a few years of marriage (usually after she has given birth to her
first child).

The final stage of graduation is called Sewö.296. This ritual is secretive and is conducted by
women with unique characteristics. Only mothers whose last-born children have given birth
can achieve the most crucial element of Sewö. The initiates are again counseled or assessed
by the local ladies at Sewö. The method and advice offered are identical to those given at
Lapan, except that the initiates known to be recalcitrant are handled more cruelly than before,

294
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 144.
295
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.144.
296
PO5, Pg.44.

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with the ladies hitting their naked backs while kneeling.297 It is like a panel biting in
preparation for family responsibilities.

During the initiate’s seclusion time, several bride-wealth discussions are completed. The night
Sewö is finished, the husband arrives to take his bride home. According to Pokot tradition, a
newly initiated woman should go to her husband’s house dressed in all the specific ornaments
of Kipuno and Sewö. If she does, it signals to the rest of the community that the ‘new’
woman’s husband will be the first to have sexual intercourse with her, causing the scar tissue
to split and bleed for the first time.298 At the end of the female initiation ritual, the Chemerion
acquires a new name. She is no longer Chemerion but rather “Mrar.”299 When circumcised
girls return home to their parents, the ritual of “Kiyilat”300 must be performed. This is an act of
anointing with the animal oil done by the father to his daughter. This is followed by the
pouring of milk by the father to the face of her newly circumcised daughter. A form of
blessing done by the father to his daughter. After this ceremony, the father gives her daughter
a cow or a goat. At this level, the girl is ready for marriage. The bridegroom must be prepared
to pay a lot for the bride price.301 The Pokot people treasure this kind of blessing because it
exemplifies the good wishes between a parent and his daughter. The father wishes him. I wish
My daughter success in her new status in the community. The “Mrar” should now go to her
new home and become productive in her new status.

Culture is a way of life that is treasured by a particular community. Every community has its
own culture, which has profound cultural values. This explains why communities have stuck
with their cultures for ages. Most of these cultures are transmitted down the line from one
generation to the next. As explained before, care must always be observed to avoid looking
down on other people’s cultures or using your own culture to measure different people’s
cultures. This is meant to avoid cultural imperialism and an ethnocentric approach to other
cultures. When such a thing happens, there will always be resistance, and the required help
may be necessary for the people to be rejected. Therefore, I want to examine the cultural
value of women’s circumcision among the Pokot people.

4. THE APPRAISAL OF WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION IN THE POKOT

CULTURE.

297
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 146.
298
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.147.
299
PT12, PT13, PT14.
300
PT12, PT13, PT14, ref. PO5, Pg.49.
301
PT12, PT13, PT14.

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Like many other African communities, the Pokot concept of the term “community” is marked
by moments of ceremonial shifts. The rites of passage serve two purposes: integration into the
community and the movement of its members from one stage of life to another. Thus,
everyone who has yet to be initiated through these ceremonies remains an outsider and is not
allowed to participate in the daily activities of their peers and the community.

4.1. Cultural Values of Pokot Women Circumcision:

What does women's circumcision mean to the Pokot people, and why is it so crucial? The
Pokot community recognizes the distinctive cultural values associated with female
circumcision practices. The rite has implications for society, religion, psychology, and
sexuality.

It serves as a social rite of passage that dramatizes the separation from childhood and
assimilation into adulthood.302 Initiation is a central bridge in life. It brings together one’s
youth and adulthood, the period of ignorance and that of knowledge. Separating a person from
one life also joins him to another by dispersing the early state of passive life, integrating it
into a productive state, and knitting him with the community.303 Every community member is
required to participate in this act of corporate existence.304 It serves as a point of identification
that ties the initiate to a peer group. The group members pledge themselves to submission,
obedience, and loyalty. Upholding the tradition symbolizes the group’s stability, respect, and
continuity.

From a religious perspective, it is a ritual that brings the individual and the community into a
close relationship. It joins the living and departs the visible and the invisible because a person
may perform the religious ritual after the initiation.305 Cutting the sex organ is like “turning on
the river of life”306 so that life can flow freely. The sex organ is viewed as a symbol and
source of life. The blood flow from circumcision binds the individual to the community’s
living members and ancestors.307 It represents the process of dying and rebirth with the
blessings of the spiritual realm and dwelling in the afterlife. The act of reuniting with their

302
Cf: Nyangweso M. (2002), Christ Salvific Message and the Nandi Ritual of Female Circumcision, Theological
Studies, 63(3) Pg.579-600. (Also, ref: Cf: PO3)
303
Cf: John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann, Oxford, 1975. Pg.94.
304
PO5.
305
Cf: John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann, Oxford, 1975, Pg. 94.
306
John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, Heinemann, London, 1969, Pg.123.
307
John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann, Oxford, 1976Pg. 93.

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families, or “rebirth,” stresses newness in personality. This is witnessed in the long seclusion
period, which lasts over three months.

The communal nature of women’s circumcision psychologically impacts every woman’s life,
whether circumcised or not. For the circumcised, the woman recognizes the roles and duties
bestowed on her by society. On the other hand, failure to undergo the ritual makes a woman
feel rejected and segregated. She remains a child irrespective of her age.

Female circumcision as a “sexual control strategy revolves around promoting marital

chastity.”308 Thus, it restricts how much sex may be enjoyed by women. According to
traditional explanations, men were free to have as many wives as they could afford, but
women were not expected to act immorally. They anticipated that this exercise would aid in
regulating their sexual desires. Some women support this practice because it allows them to
suppress their sexual desires, especially when their husbands are out on special duties. It was
a means of eradicating the fear of suffering and promoting chastity in women.

Initiation is a mark of solemn unity and identification among the Pokot people. Through
circumcision, the woman is sealed to her community, which is closed to her. Therefore,
during the initiation ceremonies and after, the leaders in charge offer sacrifices or prayers to
God and ask for his blessings upon the ones already circumcised. From that occasion Onward,
The initiated girls will forever bear the scars of what is cut on their organs, which will be
scars of identity. Without that identification scar, they cannot fully integrate with their
people.309

These psychological and religious ramifications show that the rite is a group activity rather
than a solitary one. The requirements of the community come before those of the individual.
Like most African communities, the Pokot focuses more on what is best for the community
than the individual. In his book African Religion and Philosophy, John Mbiti says, “I am
because we are and because we are, therefore, I am.”310 With this assertion, Mbiti Echoes the
underlying relevance of this communal feature. This statement emphasizes the commonality
of the community. “The practice still exists because group solidarity and tradition are
prioritized over contemporary concerns. The individual's existence is the existence of the

308
PO1.
309
Cf: John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, Heinemann, Oxford, 1975, Pp. 94-96.
310
John S. Mbiti, African religions and philosophy, Heinemann, London, 1969, Pg. 144.

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corporation; where the individual may physically die, this does not relinquish his social-legal
existence since the “We” continues to exist for the “I.”311

The Pokot people regard the circumcision of women as the path that leads to marriage.
Among the Pokot people, “if a woman is not circumcised, it is difficult for her to get
married.”312 First, an uncircumcised woman is regarded as a child. No man is ready to marry a
child. Secondly, circumcision offers a woman education about home management.313 This
takes place during the seclusion time. All the rituals a young woman performs in seclusion are
meant to prepare her for the beginning of her new life as an adult. After circumcision, the
woman comes out of seclusion well-equipped with the knowledge of family life.

Women circumcision among the Pokot people is considered the source of wealth for the
family. When a girl is circumcised, a great value is attached to her, which is witnessed during
the negotiation at marriage.314 A girl who, during her circumcision, demonstrated braveness is
considered a courageous woman, and the man who marries such a woman must be prepared to
pay many cows for the dowry. For the Pokot people, women are equated to cows during
marriage. So, the dowry is counted in terms of number of cows.

Women circumcision among the Pokot people is not a one-day event but a well-defined
process that lasts for a particular duration. It begins with the declaration of the intention; the
actual cutting, the seclusion, and the graduation ceremony are part of a tedious program
strictly followed by the initiates and those who accompany them. The process involves the
entire neighborhood. This recurring initiation, along with the associated feasting, renews the
spirit of the community. The portal for marriage and family life has now been opened for the
initiates, bringing together all of humanity: the dead, the living, and the unborn.315

The most critical process is the actual cutting and the period after that. In seclusion, many
values about Pokot tradition are taught in the life of the initiates, and they go through a strict
learning process. The issues introduced in seclusion relate to family life and the community’s
expectation of the newly circumcised. A woman who has undergone the ritual is considered
brave316 (Ref, P03). Enduring the pain of the cut demonstrates the readiness to withstand the
birth pangs.
311
Ibid. Pg.144-145.
312
PO3.
313
PO3, PO5.
314
PO1, PO3
315
Cf: John S. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion. Heinemann, Oxford, Pg.96-97.
316
PO3.

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When one refuses to be circumcised, people consider her a coward, and such a person cannot
withstand the pain of giving birth.

Women’s circumcision brings about a change of name. The uncircumcised woman is referred
to as “Sorin or Chepta.”317 This title means a girl who is not circumcised. Immediately after
the cut, the girl acquires a new name. she is now called “Chemerion.” The name indicates the
condition of the woman. She is no longer a girl but is not qualified to be called a woman. She
is somewhere between girlhood and womanhood. In this condition, a woman or woman must
live in isolation. In seclusion, the initiates are “dead.” They become dead in girlhood and look
forward to rising again, not as girls but as women. As pointed out in the transcription, the
duration takes at least three months. During this period, the initiates have minimal interaction
with the other community members. They are not allowed to meet with men, especially the
father or the uncles.

After the end of this period, the initiates acquire a new name. They are all referred to as
“Mrar.”318 The new title signifies that one is an adult and ready for marriage. “Mrar” means
“clean or pure” (Ref, P09). She is regarded as the strong one and the pride of the community.
When a woman is newly married, she is called “Korka,”319, meaning wife. When a woman
gets her first child, the name changes. She is regarded with deep respect and is therefore
called a name connecting to her son or daughter. So, she is called “Kama Kimnee.”320 The
mother to so and so. Finally, when a woman brings up her children to adulthood, all of them
are married and have children, and she acquires another name. This is the last name that one
receives. This is referred to as “Kokonyön.”321 This means grandmother. A woman earns deep
respect if she follows all these stages in life that come with the changes in the name. These
changes are hinged on the developing stages of life, and different rites of passage mark them.
Skipping one of the stages tends to demean a woman’s life, thus preventing her from
transitioning from one stage of life to the next. This explains the reason behind the great
importance attached to women’s circumcision.

The above explanation of the Pokot culture of women’s circumcision indicates the deep value
attached to this tradition. The Pokot life is systematically organized, and this order is not to be
skipped by any community member. Women’s circumcision falls into the realm of the many

317
PO4, PO5, PO9.
318
PO4, PO5, PO9.
319
PO9.
320
PO5. Pg.44.
321
PO9.

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rites of passage, constituting one of the most important. This is not to imply that other rites are
not necessary. The system is so organized that it becomes impossible to proceed to the next
when one skips one ritual.

“All that glitters is not gold,”322 said Shakespeare. This Aphorism states that not everything
that looks true turns out to be so. Having analyzed the cultural values of Female circumcision,
reason demands that we also consider the opposite side of the coin. This means that every
good and inspiring story has its challenges that the giver must give. Every coin has two sides;
without them, one would not have delivered a meaning. The following part, therefore, intends
to present the dark side of female circumcision and how it affects women's lives, thus
questioning their dignity. However, before examining women's dignity, it is of utmost
importance to listen to the internal voices of the Pokot people.

4.2. The critical from within

The critical inner voices are those voices that tend to look at the culture of women's
circumcision from an opposing perspective. It has been defined as an integrated system of
thoughts and attitudes, antithetical toward self and hostile toward others, at the core of an
individual's maladaptive behavior. Concerning female circumcision, critical voices mean
those from within that tend to criticize the culture of women’s circumcision. The culture of
female circumcision derails women’s lives, thus threatening their lives.

This element was visible from the very first day of my research. The critical voices come
from different directions. In my research among the Pokot people, it became apparent that
although women’s circumcision is a traditional cultural practice among the Pokot people,
there is a strong voice that seeks to oppose it. What seems to be lacking is the avenue to
confront Culture and, secondly, the fear of ostracization. No one is ready to face the
community elders who seem to be the custodians and promoters of the culture.323

The internal voices of the culture of female circumcision base their arguments on genuine
issues that contribute highly to their concern. From the very beginning of my field research, I
realized that not every member of the Pokot community is in support of female genital
mutilation. Their arguments lie in the negative impact of the act itself.

322
Shakespeare, Merchant of Venice, Act II; Scene 7.
323
Cf: PO1, Pg. 14.

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Therefore, my argument will be based on the different research fields and the feedback from
other respondents. These areas include health, education, freedom of choice in marriage,
autonomy, human rights, child abuse, and stereotyping.

4.2.1. Female circumcision and Health Risks.

Female circumcision has so many health risks. Some risks are short-term, others are middle-
term, and others are long-term. For instance, bleeding may lead to death and excruciating
pain. The initiates are exposed to contracting diseases such as AIDS by using one knife to
circumcise many candidates. Apart from putting a woman’s life in danger, there is also
physical, psychological, and emotional trauma.324 (PO4 Pg.28-29.)

4.2.2. Female circumcision and education.

The rite of FGM marks graduation not only from girlhood to womanhood but also the end of
education for most girls. This is because, as they graduate from seclusion, they are already
betrothed to a waiting husband who has already paid the bride price. As explained by one of
the respondents, the education given at the seclusion is not meant to help a young girl see the
importance of education. Instead, when they graduate from seclusion, their minds are geared
toward founding and forming a family, which is why most education concerns family values
in Pokot culture.

When girls are circumcised, argues PT11, “They become rude in school because they feel
they have become adults. Most of them in class are always upside-minded. They become
arrogant toward their teachers and parents.” (pg.18-19). (Refer to PT12, PT13, PT14 pg.23,
PO6, pg.50)

4.2.3. No freedom of choice in marriage.

When the young girls are still in seclusion, their parents begin the negotiation for the bride's
price. This is meant to ensure that when the girl comes out of seclusion, she is given out for
marriage. The decision to get married and who will marry the girl is not the girl’s decision.
The parents decide who is to marry their daughter. Preferably, the husband must have paid the
total bride price. There is much bargaining, and the best bidder carries the day. This is
determined by the number of cows offered as the bride price.

324
Cf: PO4. Pg.28-29.

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In other words, there is no freedom of choice allowed to the girls. The decision of who
marries them lies in the hands of their fathers. Due to the high poverty level, the parents
always select a wealthy man who can pay a good number of cows as a bride price. The girls
also prefer the same because they want to get married to a man who will bring wealth into
their families of origin. In this context, they would not care to be married as the second or the
third wife if that would liberate their family from poverty.325 (ref. PO6)

4.2.4. Lack of Autonomy

Autonomy refers to a person’s capacity to adequately self-govern their beliefs and actions.
Powers outside themselves in some way influence all people through laws, their upbringing,
and other influences.

The Pokot culture of women’s circumcision is meant to lead women to submission. In front of
men, women have no authority. First, the parents decide when they are still under their care.
Later, when they marry, their husbands make the decision. So, the Pokot women lack
autonomy. Women can only make decisions on matters of the house. For the Pokot people,
women were the heads of the house, while men were the heads of the homes. Women do not
own property. All the properties are owned by the man of the home, including the woman
herself. Pokot women are the property of their husbands. The reason behind such a belief is
that women are exchanged for animals. Since animals are the property of the man of the
home, the woman, upon marriage, becomes the property of the man who is the head of the
family. With this view in mind, the woman does not have any autonomy. A woman acquires
autonomy only if her husband dies.

4.2.5. Human rights.

Female circumcision is considered one of the highest forms of violation of human rights and,
by extension, women’s rights. This was indicated by almost every respondent interviewed.
Cutting a healthy organ in a woman’s body violated her human rights in the name of culture,
thus jeopardizing her integrity. This puts into question the dignity of women.

4.2.6. Child abuse.

To be able to continue with the culture of FGM in today’s world, many Pokot people have
embarked on circumcising children who are less than ten years old. Such children have not
reached the age of making informed decisions. Their parents decide for them. This has often
325
Cf: PO6. Pg.35-36.

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led to what is called child abuse or abuse of the rights of children. According to international
law, underage children should not be subjected to torture. The children are supposed to be
allowed to grow into adulthood so that they can make informed decisions. Therefore,
circumcising children violates the children’s right to protection against abuse.

4.2.7. Poverty promotion.

FGM promotes poverty at the household level. The ritual requires much preparation, which is
costly. Many visitors and the neighborhood come together to celebrate, eat, and drink.
Although people make contributions to support the families whose children are circumcised,
the whole ceremony quite often leaves the family poorer than before. The economic situation
of the family is put to the test. Besides eating and drinking, the family must buy all the
necessary materials for the celebration. The whole process is just too expensive. (PO1)

4.2.8. Stereotyping

Those who disobey the rite of female circumcision are secluded by the community and are
considered outcasts. They are branded with names that depict them negatively. For example,
“Chepchawurey” means “with the clitoris.” Calling a person such a name in public is
humiliating and demeaning.

5. THE POKOT UNDERSTANDING OF HUMAN DIGINTY.

5.1. The Pokot understanding of human dignity.

The concept of human dignity has a weak foundation in the Pokot culture. Therefore, the term
dignity is equated to “Respect.” Dignity, thus, means respect according to the Pokot people.
With modern-day understanding, dignity applies to every individual in the Community.
According to the Pokot people, both males and females have dignity at birth. The Pokot word
that is closely related to dignity is “Silolyo.” Hence, men and women are born with this
respect. What makes the difference is the responsibility attached to each gender. Boys are
held in high esteem because they guarantee family and clan continuity.

On the other hand, girls are also born with much esteem because they represent wealth.
Women get married and leave their homes to join their husbands. These typically bring the
dowry to her own family. So, a family with many girls is always assured of many animals in
terms of dowry. The Pokot culture interprets wealth as the number of livestock the family
owns.

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Women belong to the clans of their fathers. When they get married, they join the clan of their
husbands. However, all the children belong to the clan's clan of their father. In other words,
women do not have a clan independent of their fathers or husbands. The Pokot community is
patriarchal; therefore, men are the heads of the family.

The value of women is seen from the perspective of what they embody, namely the cows. The
woman and the cow are the same things thing. In marriage negotiation, a woman is
commodified and equated to a certain number of animals.

This is clearly understood from the very mode of preparation. It is argued that during
circumcision, the woman who exhibits bravery will bring more cows in terms of dowry.
However, the woman who shows cowardice by crying risks having no man marry her. Even if
she gets a husband, she will bring fewer animals to her marriage. The woman’s braveness
bravery gives her parents strong bargaining power during dowry negotiation negotiations.
That is why the girls were discouraged from crying or screaming during the celebration of
clitoridectomy, or the first phase, in public, in front of both men and women. (ref. PO1)

5.2. When does a woman begin to have dignity?

All children among the Pokot people are born equal and with dignity. However, the girl
children are closely linked with the source of wealth they bring after circumcision. The
dignity of the girl child among the Pokot people is limited to age. When a girl reaches the age
Of circumcision, that is, puberty, she automatically loses her dignity. The loss of dignity is
attributed to the advent of menstrual blood, which begins at puberty. Menstrual blood is
believed to make young women unclean. Therefore, she loses her dignity. To reclaim her
Dignity, the girl must undergo women’s circumcision. The blood that she sheds during
circumcision ushers her into womanhood and, therefore, acts as a neutralizer to the menstrual
blood that she will experience once every month for a big part of her life. The blood from
circumcision has a close connection with menstrual blood. Apart from the time of pregnancy,
a Pokot woman must go into seclusion for at least three to five days during her menstrual
period. She does not interact with people, cook, or even come into contact with her husband.
It is believed that she is unclean.

Apart from the above two periods of seclusion, when a woman gives birth, she must also go
into seclusion for a considerable period. She goes into isolation until the after-birth blood is
finished. The duration lasts for at least two weeks. After that, she can begin to interact with

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the people. The blood that comes after a woman gives birth is considered unclean. Therefore,
a woman must remain in isolation until it is all over. A special cleansing ritual enables a
woman to start acting as a mother and wife.

Since the dawn of the menstrual cycle marks the loss of women’s dignity among the Pokot
people, the bloodshed at circumcision helps restore that dignity. Therefore, a circumcised
woman can be said to have dignity.

5.3. Losing and Regaining Dignity among the Pokot Women.

A Pokot woman is born with dignity like any other woman. At the beginning of her menstrual
cycle, she loses her dignity until she is circumcised. The ritual of circumcision helps in the
restoration of the dignity of the woman. Since this is a cultural outlook, using the word
respect as understood in Pokot becomes the most appropriate. For a woman to earn respect
among the Pokot people, she must be circumcised. The uncircumcised woman is called by
names that do not give her honor and respect, befitting a woman. for example, the name
“Sorin,” which means a “girl,” or “Chepchawurey,” which means “with the clitoris.” These
names are intended to cause humiliation, and that makes the uncircumcised woman decide to
undergo the rite. There are many cases of women who have agreed to be circumcised at a later
age and are even already married. They decided to experience the rite because they felt
isolated and rejected—326 (Ref: PT11).

Therefore, women's dignity is connected to the following: At circumcision, women must

demonstrate bravery by not crying. A demonstration of bravery during circumcision shows
that one is ready to counter the pains of giving birth.

By demonstrating bravery, the young woman gives her parents bargaining power over the
dowry. It is argued that if the girl cried at the circumcision, no man would be willing to marry
her. Generally, the number of cows paid as dowry is determined by the braveness bravery
demonstrated by the woman on her circumcision day.

Another factor that demonstrates the restoration of the dignity of a woman is that in the last
part of the graduation ceremony, the newly circumcised woman meets with her father and her
uncles, who anoint her face with oil and pour milk on her face. This is a sign of blessing for
the new daughter. The father gives her a cow and a goat, which she collects after giving birth
to her firstborn child. This ritual is significant among the Pokot people because it signifies

326
PT11, Pg. 18.

~ 130 ~
good wishes to the daughter from the father in her new role as a mother in her own family.
She is treated with honor and respect. Her family appreciates her for bringing wealth to her
family of origin. She remains a daughter in her own home but a wife in her new home.

5.4. Summary:

A girl-child is born with dignity. Every human being naturally enjoys this dignity. This
approach to human dignity is based on scripture. All human beings are created in the image
and likeness of God. So, every human being has dignity from the very beginning of life.

The beginning of puberty (adolescence) marks the dawn of menstrual blood, which marks the
loss of dignity for the girl child. This menstrual blood takes away the dignity of a woman
among the Pokot people. The solution to this is the rite of women’s circumcision, which
makes a woman eligible for marriage. Without circumcision, there is no marriage.

Through the rite of circumcision, the woman repossesses her lost dignity. The blood poured
during circumcision neutralizes the menstrual blood. The woman acquires a new status. She is
no longer “Tipin” but “Mrar.” She is no longer a girl but a woman ready to begin a new life.

The blood at circumcision is compared to the menstrual blood and the blood at birth. In these
three situations, the woman is considered unclean and must be isolated. At the end of these
three situations, dignity is restored. So, a Pokot woman lives in a perpetual state of Indignity.
The difference between the three is that female circumcision happens only once. Conversely,
menstruation happens every month, while blood at birth occurs many times according to the
number of births.

6. WOMEN’S CIRCUMCISION AND PATRIARCHAL MINDSET.

6.1. The meaning of patriarchy.

Patriarchy is a social mindset characterized by the supremacy of the father in the family or
clan, the legal dependence of wives and children, and the reckoning of descent and
inheritance in the male line. Men control the largest share of power. In describing patriarchal
society, Anne Nasimiyu Wasike asserts that,

“Patriarchal societies are marked by the rule of the Father and by legal, social-economic, and
political systems validate and enforce the sovereignty of male heads over-dependent persons.

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The status of women in patriarchal societies is one of subordination, without legal
standing.”327

Patriarchal societies dominate the more significant part of the African continent. This
translates into the entire sub-Saharan Africa. Only in a few African regions do you hear about
the Matriarchal family. The patriarchal mindset seeks to assert men over women.
Accordingly, “a society is patriarchal to the level that it is male-dominated, identified,
centered and oppressive to women.”328 From the very onset of life, boys are treated as superior
to girls, and men are treated as superior to women. This is articulated clearly by Anne
Nasimiyu when she says,

“Male children are favored over female children; wives’ sexuality and reproductive capacity
belong to their husbands; the dominion of the husband over his wife goes as far as his right to
Beat her, and the right of daughters or widows to inherit property is severely restricted, and if
they do inherit property, it is administered by a male relative or guardian.”329

The description given by Anne Nasimiyu serves to demonstrate the position of women and
girls in a purely patriarchal society. In patriarchal societies, men are associated with what is
considered good, desirable, preferable, and routine. Conversely, “Women are prized for their
beauty as objects of male sexual desire often possessed and controlled in ways that would
ultimately devalue them.”330 In her article “The Account of History and the Missing Voices,”
Anne Nasimiyu Wasike analyzes society’s attitude toward women. Running through the
history of humanity, one notices from her viewpoint that women have been primarily
relegated to second fiddle in society. “Women were perceived as Functionaries for child-
bearing and manual labor. Their Status was sometimes equated with that of children.”331 This
explanation is a copywritten version of the situation found among the Pokot people of North-
West Kenya.

Among the Pokot people, women are subordinate to men not because they deserve to be so
but because of the cultural orientation of the time. Culture plays a significant role in every
327
James F. Keenan (ed). Catholic Theological Ethics Past, Present, and Future: The Trento Conference. “The
Missing Voices of Women, “by Anne Nasimiyu. Orbis Books; New York: 2011. Pg. 107.
328
Joseph Kahiga Kiruki. Women’s Liberation: A Paradigm Shift for Development. AMECEA- Gaba Publications;
Eldoret: 2010. Pg. 10.
329
James F. Keenan (ed). Catholic Theological Ethics Past Present and Future: The Trento Conference. “The
Missing Voices of Women“ by Anne Nasimiyu. Orbis Books; New York: 2011. Pg. 107:
330
Joseph Kahiga Kiruki. Women’s Liberation. Orbis Books: A Paradigm Shift for Development. AMECEA- Gaba
Publications; Eldoret: 2010. Pg. 11.
331
James F. Keenan (ed). Catholic Theological Ethics Past, Present, and Future: The Trento Conference. “The
Missing Voices of Women“ by Anne Nasimiyu. Orbis Books; New York: 2011. Pg. 109

~ 132 ~
society. The patriarchal mentality is embedded in the culture and the people. “Patriarchy is
male-dominated because the position of authority, political, economic, legal, religious,
educational, military, etc., are mostly reserved for men.”332

An African setup views a woman as part of the property owned by the patriarchs, and they
have no voice in the community's social, political, or economic affairs. Likewise, Pokot
women are voiceless community members and are grouped with children.333

What Puzzles many people about is that women seem content with their societal position.
They have accepted the second position that has been accorded to them by society. For
instance, today, many acts of oppression and injustice committed against women are
propagated by women. A good example is a polygamous marriage in a family whereby the
existing wife encourages the husband to marry a second wife. She not only advises the
husband to take another wife, but she also goes out to look for a suitable suitor. In the case of
Female genital mutilation, women always play a crucial role in propagating and carrying out
the ritual. Hence, the women seem to accept and concur with the position allocated to them in
a patriarchal society.

In the words of Anne Nasimiyu Wasike, “The persistent inequality of power, however, leads
to internalized oppression whereby women believe the judgment of their inferiority and
behave; accordingly, they are willing to settle for less in life, even to accept abuse.” 334

This, therefore, qualifies the saying, “The most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is
the mind of the oppressed.”335 Women have accepted their position as the oppressed and are
prepared to counter anyone who resists this mode of operation. This has been very clear,
especially in politics, where some powerful women have attempted to contest big offices.
Rather than supporting their own, they become the first to criticize them. They tell them to
take care of their families. This means that women seem contented with the position that
society has placed them. If women were to join hands and support one another, they would be
able to succeed quickly. However, there is no such possibility because of a lack of trust.

6.2. The Characteristics of Patriarchy.

332
Joseph Kahiga Kiruki, Women’s Liberation: A Paradigm Shift for Development. AMECEA-Gaba Publications;
Eldoret: 2010. Pg. 11.
333
Cf: James F. Keenan (ed). Catholic Theological Ethics Past, Present, and Future: The Trento Conference. ‚The
Missing Voices of Women, “by Anne Nasimiyu. Orbis Books; New York: 2011. Pg. 110
334
Ibid. Pg. 111.
335
Bantu Stephen Biko, “I Write what I like.“ Heinemann Educational Publishers; Johannesburg: 1978. Pg. 92

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Patriarchy revolves around an obsession with the control and oppression of women.
Patriarchal society has four main characteristics. Allan G. Johnson, in his book The Gender
Knot: Unravelling our Patriarchal Legacy, outlines these four characteristics as follows.

6.2.1. Male Dominance:

In a patriarchal society, societal authority is basically in the hands of men. Men are usually
perceived as superior to women. Therefore, political power, economic power, military power,
etc., are all in men’s hands. If a woman finds herself in some of these areas, she is considered
an exceptional case. Although the male dominance ideology promotes the superiority of men
over women, it does not rule out the possibility of having a few exceptional cases of women
who may be influential in society. As witnessed in the past, great women have held significant
positions of power, such as Hillary Clinton and the former German Chancellor Angela
Merkel, who was at the helm of one of the most powerful nations in the world.

Anne Nasimiyu, in her Paper “The Missing Voices,” gives examples of great women such as:
“Ma Kitilili wa Mensa of Kenya, who organized Giriama resistance against colonial
Intervention, and Mary Muthoni Nyanjiru, who demanded the release of Harry Thuku, the
leader of Freedom Fighters, was shot dead for opposing the colonial powers.”336

She refers to these women as missing voices. They were significant and essential in liberating
Kenya from the colonial masters. However, very little is known and spoken about them. This
is because of the patriarchal mindset in Kenyan society and generally in many African
Nations.

6.2.2. Male identification:

In a patriarchal society, the male takes Centre stage. The male identity becomes a standard for
defining what is expected, good, preferable, and desirable. An aspect of male Identification is
the cultural description of masculinity and manhood in terms that are synonymous with the
core values of Society as a whole. Qualities include control, strength, competitiveness,
toughness, coolness and pressure, logic, forcefulness, decisiveness, rationality, and autonomy.
Self-sufficiency and control over any emotion that interferes with other core values. These
qualities identified with males are associated with the work valued most in patriarchal
societies, such as business, politics, war, law, medicine, etc. These works have been organized

336
James F. Keenan (ed). Catholic Theological Ethics Past, Present, and Future: The Trento Conference. “The
Missing Voices of Women,“ by Anne Nasimiyu. Orbis Books; New York: 2011. Pg. 111

~ 134 ~
in ways that require such qualities for success. As opposed to the above, qualities are
culturally associated with women and femininity, such as cooperation, equality, sharing, and
empathy—compassion, caring, vulnerability, etc. From the outset, these qualities appear to
devalue women, although not entirely. “In patriarchal culture, power looks sexy on men, but
not women,”337 argues Allan G Johnson.

Therefore, a woman acquiring power in a patriarchal society makes her ‘unsexed’ in the eyes
of men. He said in another way that when a man sits in a powerful office, he attracts many
women to him. They all want to relate to him. However, on the flip side, when a woman sits
in a powerful office, men run away from her. This is why many women working in powerful
offices hardly get married. Men naturally fear them. They are seen to be a significant threat to
the power presumed to belong to men. An excellent example in Kenya today is that many
women who venture into politics and business and emerge as success stories are hardly
Married. Suppose they are already married when they become politicians; for example, some
end up separating from their spouses.

Men in such situations argue that marrying such a woman would make her uncontrollable.
Apart from sitting in a powerful position, in Kenya today, there are some communities where,
when a woman goes to study at the university, she is sure she will not marry from the
community. The men believe that an educated woman is always beyond control. The men
prefer uneducated women for wives—just a housewife and a mother to one’s children.

6.2.3. Male-Centeredness:

Patriarchy is male-centered in that the focus of attention is primarily on men and boys and
what they undertake. Man’s experience is what patriarchal culture uses to represent human
experience, even when it is women who most often live it. For example, a man who loses his
wife and brings up his children alone earns more fame, thus becoming a big theme of
discussion in the village. However, in the real sense, there are many women today in the
world who have either lost their husbands or were neglected and abandoned by their
husbands. They took it to themselves to bring up the children alone, and nobody recognized
them. This is because the duty of bringing up the children is seen as the work of the mothers,
and when they do it, it does not attract any recognition because it is seen as the work and duty
of women.

337
Allan G. Johnson, The Gender Knot: Unravelling our Patriarchal Legacy (Third Edition). Temple University
Press, Philadelphia, 2014, Pg.8

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In a patriarchal society, a male center of focus is everywhere. “Women know that men
dominate the conversation by talking, interrupting, and controlling content. When women
suggest ideas in business meetings, they often go unnoticed until a man makes the same
Suggestion and receives credit for it.”338 Usually, boys and men command the center stage and
receive the most attention. Conversely, women are seen as “looking glasses possessing the
magic and delicious power of reflecting the figure of man at twice its natural size.” 339

Correctly translated, men are affirmed through what they accomplish. On the contrary,
women whose training mirrors theirs in different ways are established less for what they
perform than for their ability to empathize with and reflect on others as they form and
maintain personal relationships.

Men focus on themselves while women focus on others, thus enforcing Patriarchy’s male
identity, male-centeredness, and other aspects. This gives impetus to male dominance by
making it easier for men to concentrate on enhancing and protecting their Status. Therefore,
“Male and Male experience is treated as a neutral standard or norm for the culture or the
species as a whole, and females and female experience are treated as a sex-specific deviation
from that allegedly universal standard.”340 Man is seen as the standard and the norm in every
aspect of life.

6.2.4. Obsession with control:

In a Patriarchal society, obsession with control is a core value around which social and
personal life is organized. Control is essential as a system of privilege involving two groups,
one oppressing another. Men maintain their privilege by controlling both women and men,
who may pose a threat to the system. Men are assumed to be in charge in every situation and,
therefore, in control. To be in control should not be seen as something wrong because it is the
nature of our species. “It is our only hope to bring some order out of chaos or to protect
ourselves from what threatens our survival.”341 Under Patriarchy, control is more than
ensuring things are done. “It is valued and pursued to a degree that gives social life an
oppressive form by taking a natural human capacity to obsessive extremes.”342 Control

338
Ibid. Pg.11.
339
Ibid. Pg.12.
340
Sandra Lipsitz Bern, The Lenses of Gender: Transforming the Debate on Sexual Inequality, Yale University
Press; London: Pg. 41.
341
Allan G. Johnson. The Gender Knot: Unravelling our Patriarchal Legacy (Third Edition). Temple University
Press; Philadelphia: 2014. Pg. Pg.13-14.
342
Ibid. Pg.14.

~ 136 ~
involves a relationship between two parties, namely the controller and the controlled. Their
disconnection is an integral part of the relationship. The controllers see themselves as subjects
who make decisions about the happenings and see others as the objects to act upon. The
controlled are without the fullness and complexity that defines them as human beings.

Patriarchy and Women: History has demonstrated that in the past, women were largely
excluded from major institutions such as the church and the State functions. Their
participation has been at its minimal. For example, women’s involvement in church and state
activities has been minimal. If allowed to participate, their role was subordinate or at the
second-class level. Marilyn French, in her book entitled “Beyond Power: On Women, Men,
Moreover, Morals’ describes women’s oppression as a form of slavery. She asks, “What other
term can one use to describe a state in which people do not have rights over their bodies, their
Sexuality, marriage, reproduction, or divorce, in which they may not receive education or
practice a trade or profession, or move about freely in the World? Many women (both past
and present) work diligently without receiving payment.”343

What women do in a patriarchal society is often devalued and made invisible. To doubt the
patriarchal system's oppressive nature, one would need to look at the reality on the ground,
especially in the African setup, or study the African Governmentsgovernments, whereby, in
the twenty-first century, there is still a form of institutionalized sexism in politics, the
economy, education, and the military.

As pointed out earlier, patriarchy is a form of mindset that is hard to deal with. “Patriarchy is
very difficult to change because it is complex and its root runs deep. It is like a tree rooted in
core principles of masculine control, male dominance, male Identification, and male
centeredness.”344 Due to social conditioning, patriarchy encourages men to accept male
privilege and perpetuates women’s oppression. “It encourages women to accept and adapt to
their oppressed position even to the extent of undermining the movements meant to bring
about change.”345

Women’s circumcision, therefore, can be said to be a form of sexism. This attitude confers a
naturalness to those acts that undermine the dignity of another person, irrespective of sex and
gender. It is this practice and behavior that patriarchal society tends to rejoice in and hold onto

343
Marilyn French. Beyond Power: On Women, Men and Morals. Summit Books; New York: 1985. Pg. 132.
344
Allan G. Johnson, The Gender Knot: Unravelling our Patriarchal Legacy (Third Edition), Temple University
Press; Philadelphia, 2014. Pg. 17
345
Ibid. Pg.17.

~ 137 ~
firmly. Though taken as part of the culture, this practice tends to devalue the women and girls
in society.

What constitutes patriarchy, therefore, can be purely referred to as sexist ideology in practice.
Patriarchy, in its real sense, attempts to promote sexism.

6.3. Patriarchy and female genital mutilation:

Female genital mutilation manifests an unequal relationship between men and women with
roots deeply entrenched in social, economic, and political systems. Female genital mutilation
is a practice that demonstrates oppression against women. Behind this cultural phenomenon is
the Patriarchypatriarchy’s invisible hand in the harm inflicted upon women and girls.
Surprisingly, this practice is carried out by fellow women. However, women do not engage in
this practice for their benefit but rather for the benefit of men.

Female genital mutilation and many other harmful and violent acts committed against women
and girls, although illegal, continue to be socially accepted and maintain legitimacy in the
male-dominated sphere of the legal and political systems that should protect all human beings.

Women customarily carry out female genital mutilation. Women carry out this practice under
the close supervision of the men. This is because, in a patriarchal society, men are the
supreme authority. They give instructions, and the women follow. Men are the head of the
household. Among the Pokot people, men are the head, and women are categorized as
children. So, whatever involves the ritual of women’s circumcision must be sanctioned by the
men. The role of women is basically to fulfill the instructions of their husbands.

It is naturally expected that women are supposed to be the protectors of their fellow women,
yet they are the ones who promote the practice that brings about the oppression and
demeaning of women. In Pokot society, which is a patriarchal society, there is the hand of a
man behind any act carried out by a woman. Men dictate what is considered a virtuous and
acceptable female image.

6.4. Patriarchal mindset among the Pokot people:

With the reasons attached to each form of female genital mutilation, one can conclude that
female genital mutilation is strongly connected to a patriarchal mindset. A young girl has to
undergo circumcision to keep her virginity so that more dowry in the form of cows or camels

~ 138 ~
will be given to her father during her marriage. The virginity is, therefore, preserved and
valued by the husband and the girl’s father or uncle.

From the African perspective, women are considered the property of their fathers or men.
When a girl child is born into a family, the father is happy because, in her, he sees the nobility
in terms of wealth during her marriage. For this reason, she must have been well prepared for
her marriage all her life. One way of preparing her is through the rite of female circumcision.
In her book entitled, “Desert Flower: The Extraordinary Life of a Desert Nomad” Waris Dirie
summarizes it all when she proclaims,

“Virgins are a hot commodity in the African marriage market, one of the most prominent
unspoken reasons for practicing female circumcision. My father could expect a high price for
beautiful virgin daughters but had little hope of unloading one who had been soiled by having
sex with another man.”346

Traditionally, in most circumcising communities, the uncircumcised woman could not get
married. To this day, many of the major tribes that were formerly circumcised have adopted
education as the best way of preparing their daughters for marriage. However, in smaller
communities such as the Pokot, female circumcision is still intensely practiced. Those who
escape the cut in childhood are forced to face the knife from the midwife during the first
delivery. The instructions to circumcise the young woman are usually given by the husband or
the mother of the husband.

In a patriarchal society, the first step to demonstrating that the family’s father is in charge is to
ensure that all his daughters are circumcised. Failure to have all the daughters circumcised
brings shame to the father. The shame of a patriarchal family is placed on women through
their fathers and husbands’ inability to control women’s sexuality. The The Fathers who
refuse to allow their daughters to undergo female genital mutilation are considered outcasts in
their communities. Their daughters bring dishonor to the entire community.

6.5. Female circumcision as a system of social control.

Women’s Initiation is seen as a vital part of the larger ceremonial and social structure of
Pokot Society by both men and women. When discussing the purpose of women’s Initiation,
Pokot men and women typically offer one of two justifications: First, women are granted the
right to bear children through circumcision, and second, women initiate girls while men

346
Waris Dirie and Cathleen Miller, Desert Flower: The Extraordinary Life of a Desert Nomad, Virago; New York:
1998, Pg.54.

~ 139 ~
initiate boys, considering how the existing social structure views women's initiation and the
more general question of whether or to what extent men control women's initiation.347

6.5.1. Women’s Procreative Power of Socialization Control:

The fact that a woman’s initiation procedure legitimizes her right to procreate is its most
important result. The first attempts to control women’s reproductive capacities were likely
made during women’s initiation rituals. The Pokot do not recognize or ‘allow’ girls to give
birth until they have attained social maturity, even though they are permitted to engage in
sexual activity before initiation. Male Pokot perceives women’s physical attributes as
“hazardous,” expressing that these traits are tarnished due to women’s potential for
procreation and recognizing this capacity as a source of power and something outside their
Control. Women’s “natural strength” enters the domain of societal control through the
convoluted initiation procedure, considered a component of the existing social order.348

Men regulate women’s sexuality and fertility through the symbolic atmosphere created during
initiation. Girls are not allowed to engage in sexual behavior in seclusion. If they do, they
experience harsh consequences that follow. The first night a woman has sex with her husband
is a noteworthy event, even though women are given a variety of gifts when they are taken to
their husbands’ homes because before agreeing to do so, a woman demands a sizeable
donation of stock from her husband. Other than this, there is no ritual or societal
acknowledgment of the actual splitting of the clitoridectomy scar.349

The concept that a husband and wife’s first sexual act certifies their marriage, which is then
formalized by the stock exchange, is expressed by both Pokot men and women, which is
noteworthy. In a perfect world, the spouse would be the one to split the woman’s
clitoridectomy scar shortly after initiation. They also assert that a lady should not have sex
with her Potential spouse before bride money transactions are finished. They either “stress the
significance of a man having paid bridewealth, thus being her legal husband, or they require
payment of stock "for herself and her offspring" in exchange for giving of her genitalia.”350
The Pokot people insist that a woman get married as soon as she has had her circumcision
performed because she is not allowed to have intercourse with any other guy than the one who
has paid the bride price for her. It is the husband’s responsibility to remove the circumcision
scar. This offers some context to the marriage’s first night together. She has a black scar. The
Pokot people do not place much emphasis on the virginity of their daughters. Still, following
circumcision, a woman is prohibited from having sex with anybody other than her legitimate
spouse.

Some Pokot contend that if a woman engages in sexual behavior between her circumcision
and marriage, she forfeits her right to be given stock. Because there is little time between
circumcising and getting married, a woman often has little opportunity to have sex with other
347
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 147.
348
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg.148.
349
Cf: Ibid. Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 150.
350
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 151.

~ 140 ~
men before marriage. She will receive stock presents from her marriage after it is proven that
her husband is the first to break her seal on the night of her wedding. This is referred to as
“Symbolic defloration, an endorsement of male control over female sexuality and fertility.” 351

In the Pokot culture, there is enough evidence to support the idea that a husband should be the
first to have sex with a woman after initiation, even if this concept is not considered of the
utmost importance. Therefore, breaking the clitoridectomy scar may signify a man's claim to
his wife, who would only be permitted to bear his children for his patrilineage.

Through defloration, men show dominance over women by making them bleed. This contrasts
with women's menstrual and postpartum bleeding, which is uncontrolled or natural. In this
situation, men control women's bleeding. Defloration, menstruation, and childbirth are all
ritual activities, but defloration is the most complex and frequently seen as the most
significant. By defloration, the man demonstrates that he is in authority over his wife.

Women's initiation is one method for socially restricting women's reproductive abilities.
Males undoubtedly do not dominate the initiation process, even though social contracts and
"man" expectations significantly impact how women are introduced. Because of this, neither
men nor women can be held entirely accountable for the social limitations placed on women's
ability to procreate; both must bear responsibility. Through their unique circumcision rituals,
each Pokot man and woman imposes their perception of "culture" on the other. Pokot men
and women effectively portray this idea in their justification for performing women's
initiation: "Women initiate girls because males initiate boys."

6.5.2. The Old Women officiate the ritual of female

circumcision.
Among the Pokot, the hierarchy of beings plays a vital role; older women stand in a higher
position in this hierarchy. This gives them a unique role to fulfill when it comes to the ritual
of female circumcision. Therefore, older women play a crucial role in matters of women's
circumcision. Given the male dominance over female initiation, it is intriguing to consider
why senior women supervise and direct the ritual acts of female initiation and exercise
ceremonial authority over the other local women. Older Pokot women with grown children
enjoy the most significant social advantages due to their established claims to large herds of
livestock and their land and their role as domestic leaders who can influence their sons and
daughters-in-law and enlist their assistance in times of need.352 Additionally, older women
frequently stay in the same house and neighborhood and are less restless. Older women who
emphasize maintaining male standards "teach" younger females the appropriate behavior
anticipated throughout women's initiation. They take the lead in promoting the ideal
masculine qualities that they have grown to admire due to the ritual. They also express a
predominantly female viewpoint founded on principles that men rarely, if ever, say explicitly.
Women link male and female ideals in the context of female initiation as they get older. 353
While men are the custodians of the Pokot tradition, the older women are the trustees of men

351
Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 152.
352
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 161-162
353
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 162.

~ 141 ~
in these traditional values. The older women ensure that the rite of female circumcision is
carried further from generation to generation. This explains why it is difficult to eliminate the
culture of female circumcision.

The initiation is an essential step in the domestic group’s development cycle. For Pokot, the
period before marriage when a woman leaves her parents' home and is assimilated into her
husband's family and kin is an essential stage in life. The female initiation period is the crucial
period when a girl transitions from her natal domestic unit to her husband's domestic unit. In
her natal home, she was under the leadership of her mother. In the new home where she
comes as a daughter-in-law, she is under the supervision of her mother-in-law.354

In this way, the role of older women in the ceremony of female initiation is given more
prominence. They oversee themselves and one another. While gradually bringing young
husbands and their mothers-in-law together, introducing girls into the "woman's world" by
older women shatters the tie between mothers and daughters. Due to the established hierarchy
of ceremonial authority and prestige based on age, some older mothers-in-law reassert their
position of authority over their specific daughters-in-law.

The ideal society holds for men and individuals may differ significantly from how girls and
young women are taught to see the world.

6.5.3. The Patriarchal Mindset and the Pokot:

Considerable evidence suggests that the Pokot community is a patriarchal society. Property
ownership is the first component. The man, regarded as the head of the family, is the only
owner of all property in the household.355 The man views the wife as part of his property as
well. She was acquired through livestock, which explains this. In other words, the woman is
seen as a commodity compared to several cow heads. Men always mention their spouses and
kids while discussing their possessions. These means are the property of the husband.
According to the broader Kalenjin community, women and children are regarded as the
husband's property. This is because women are acquired through the exchange of livestock.

The woman joins her husband's family after leaving her own during the marriage. By doing
this, the lady limits her authority to her new house. She uses fewer words and always listens
to her husband’s and mother-in-law’s words.

After completing her initiation process and emerging from seclusion, the lady is granted stock
by her father; nonetheless, whatever is given to her belongs to the family, and her husband is
the household leader.

The Pokot women do not belong to a separate clan from the men. They have been members of
their father's clan since birth. They quickly leave their birth clan after getting married and join
their husbands. They give birth to children who are members of their husband’s families. In
other words, only the women can change their clan. This happens through the rite of marriage.

354
Cf: Elizabeth Louise Meyerhof, Pg. 162.
355
PO1

~ 142 ~
The unmarried woman remains in her father’s clan. However, once married, she immediately
transitions to her husband's clan, and the children she bears belong to her husband’s clan.

7. CONCLUSION.
Female genital mutilation, or female circumcision, is a patriarchal patriarchally sanctioned
practice. It is not kind, and it contravenes the natural law. The mutilation tempers the
naturalness of the female genitalia, thus interfering with the law of nature. Women's
circumcision impairs their capacity and capability of women physically, emotionally,
psychologically, and mentally, limiting their full participation in society. It also impairs their
full human potential as human beings and, more significantly, as women.

Although from the outset, female circumcision appears to be a women’s affair, from the
inside lies the men’s element that is hidden. In other words, there is a hidden hand of men. In
the real sense, female circumcision is required by patriarchal society. Women are used as
agents of inflicting inflict this painful harm upon their daughters to ensure the continuity of
the culture. A woman who is circumcised would want to bequeath the tradition of her
forefathers to her daughters.

The women’s acceptance of their inferiority and unworthiness without resistance is the
instigating factor that continues to fan the flame of patriarchy, which fights for the sustenance
and continuity of the culture of female Genital mutilation. Women are treated only as objects
of sexuality and child-making.

The most significant cause of fear is women’s internalization and acceptance of their
devaluation as part and parcel of their lives. Women’s lack of economic independence makes
organizing or mobilizing rebellion against patriarchy difficult.

However, before mooting for such an idea as rebellion, we must ask ourselves, “Where did it
all begin? Where did patriarchy originate? How long has it been in existence? Is it possible to
overcome the culture of patriarchy? All these questions provide fodder for another day!

My final recommendation is that change is possible with the will and desire to transform. The
inequality, violence, and oppression meted out to our mothers and daughters can be
overcome. The first step towards change is acknowledging and recognizing the problem’s
existence. The second step towards change is the realization that the devaluation of life is not
the essence of humanity.

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The meaning of humanity is attained through the recognition of equality for all and respect for
human dignity. This means that all are created equal in the eyes of God. The womenfolk
constitute an integral part of society, and their participation in societal affairs is crucial for the
general development of society as a whole or community. Any culture that fails to recognize
this fact loses a significant share of the benefit that would have accrued if all the members
were treated equally.

Women have tremendous potential. Given equal opportunities as men, society will likely
become balanced. However, when one gender is treated as less human, the center refuses to
hold, and therefore, like a car with a broken center bolt, it goes on the road with a bend. This
is the damage caused by patriarchy.

Men need to rise to the occasion and fight against the patriarchal traits that tend to subjugate
women under men by ensuring all the oppressive practices such as female genital mutilation,
forced marriage, wife battering, polygamy, and others are stopped. Fighting patriarchal
tendencies should not be left in the hands of feminists alone. Instead, it should be a joint
venture for both women and men. Suppose the dragon of patriarchy and, by extension, the
monster of female genital mutilation are to be slain. In that case, every human being must rise
and say no through words, thoughts, and actions. The battle must be unrelenting.

Overcoming female genital mutilation means jumping one step outside the patriarchal
mindset. This is one step toward women’s liberation from the yoke of slavery perpetrated by
the patriarchy. Victory over Female Genital Mutilation means victory over patriarchy and, by
extension, victory over the sexism ideology.

PART TWO

CHAPTER ONE: (30 Pgs.)

1. THE UNIVERSAL HUMAN DIGNITY: (Secular and Christian

1.1. The Universal Human Dignity:
Universalism is the ideology of inclusive applicability. In moral theology, universalism
suggests that all individuals and societies can use universal standards, principles, or concepts
regardless of the circumstances in which they exist. Based on the idea that all humans are
equal, these norms may highlight biological processes, human needs, or rights.

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The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that "everyone has the right to
marry, own property, and receive equal protection under the law regardless of culture or
nationality," is a suitable example. Traditionally, the term "universalism" describes the belief
that the entirety of the human experience—from fundamental wants and psychological
functions to basic values—is inherent and, thus, shared by all human societies.

In the introduction to my work, I have attempted to describe the meaning of universalism

compared to relativism. These two principles are relevant to my research because they are
opposed to each other, and therefore, understanding them becomes a necessity for
understanding human dignity. Thus, in this section, I want to discover the universality of
human dignity from secularistic and Christian perspectives.

1.2. Different Perspectives of Human Dignity.

The definition of dignity is not unambiguous or unchangeable. Because of so many possible

interpretations, concerns about the wide range of conceptions and whether dignity is
fundamentally ambiguous have become commonplace in the literature. The idea of dignity
has its critics, even those who support its attempt to minimize or eliminate this ambiguity.
Therefore, “dignity has come to mean different things to different people.”356 (Jeremy
Waldron- Pg.3). Four major meaning categories stand out across context and history.

Dignity as vitality: a poise or grace connected to behavioral comportments, such as refined

manners, the refined speech of nobility, or external poise under pressure or insult.

Dignity as integrity is a concept related to upholding social or personal norms of behavior and
character, either in one’s own eyes or the eyes of others.

The Status of dignity is one of nobility or elevated social standing.

Dignity as human dignity is the unearned worth or status all humans share equally (inherent or
constructed).

This “general Schema” is rough and ready. Scholars divide the conceptual space differently,
often advocating intersections between the preceding four categories, elaborating on them, or
noting wrinkles within them.

1.3. The Definition of Human Dignity:

356
Jeremy Waldron, pg.3.

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Human dignity is the idea that everyone has unique worth derived only from their humanity.
Other than the fact that they are human, human dignity has nothing to do with their class,
race, gender, religion, or other characteristics.

The meaning of “dignity” has changed over time. The terms for “dignity” in Latin, English,
and French initially had nothing to do with a person’s intrinsic worth. It was far more in line
with someone’s “merit.” A person was considered to have great rank if they were “dignified.”
They were wealthy or, at the very least, connected to the church or nobility. Because of this,
neither the US Constitution nor the Declaration of Independence mentions “human dignity.”
The phrase did not gain recognition as we know it now until 1948. The UN ratified the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Dignity is a sign of worth that must be respected. The Oxford English Dictionary defines
“dignity” as “The quality of being worthy or honorable; worthiness, worth, nobleness,
excellence”357 in the first instance. “Honorable or high estate, position, or estimation; honor;
degree of estimation, rank”358 and “collect” are further meaningful terms from an ethical and
political standpoint. “A person holding a high office or position; a dignitary,”359 “an honorable
Office, rank, or title; a high official or titular position,”360 and “nobility or befitting elevation
of aspect, manner, or style; stateliness, gravity”361 are examples of someone of high estate or
rank.

As these definitions imply, dignity has traditionally been associated with an elite group. In
essence, human dignity is the democratization of dignity when it is related to the notion that
all members of the species Homo sapiens are human in the appropriate sense. Human dignity
asserts that everyone is entitled to respect merely for being human and that everyone has
intrinsic value.362

1.4. The philosophical approach to human dignity. (Secular)

The fundamental tenet of human dignity is that all members of the animal kingdom, which
consists of numerous species in addition to our own, are members of a species and that
humans, as the most significant type of being on earth, should be treated with respect befitting

357

358

359

360

361

362
Cf: Jack Donnelly, Pg. 28.

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such a high value. This concept is known as species theory. Many modifications and
elaborations have been made since Pico Della Milandola’s speech On the Dignity of Man
(1486), in which the central idea is found early. Even while human rights are acknowledged
as justifiable and beneficial to human interests, skepticism is occasionally voiced when human
dignity is brought up in subsequent rights talks. The idea that the theoretical discussion
surrounding human dignity is unimportant or even counterproductive to advancing the
creation of human rights is supported by several noteworthy claims. The first claim is that,
despite Kant’s best efforts, the concept of human dignity only adds a term to the theory of
human rights; it does not establish or assist in providing a necessary foundation. The second is
that human cruelty toward humans has been shown in such a way that discussing human
dignity amounts to mocking human suffering since it downplays the moral distinction
between victims and perpetrators; dignity should only be accorded to those who have behaved
morally. The only people with human dignity are ethically innocent or at least far less guilty;
those who violate others’ rights and cause pain have lost the opportunity to grow in dignity.
Regarding rights, the distinction between people who still possess dignity and those who do
not must be made. The third dimension is that human dignity is dangerous because it fosters a
monstrous sense of pride in humans when applied to other species. This pride leads people to
use nature for human benefit, which destroys hearts and eventually renders the earth
Uninhabitable for many species, including humans. The fourth claim makes the dangerous but
false claim that human pride is destructive. It says there is no reason to believe that the human
species is unique, that it is the only species with dignity, or, even if it is, that its dignity is
greater than or of greater significance than any other species. Page 4.

In addition to providing support for the theory of individual rights, the concept of human
dignity offers insight into the worth of the human race. However, there is a chance that the
notion of individual rights and the dignity of the species will clash; that is, the concept of
human dignity and the person’s claims to it will conflict with one another. However, talking
about the human species’ dignity instead of personal dignity tends to sow disbelief and even
hatred. Even so, I wish to uphold the dignity of species while acknowledging that humans
tend to act irrationally when they engage in endeavors and take advantage of others or the
environment. This concept has been essential to the dignity of the species. However, more
than any other species, humanity must focus its resources on protecting the environment and
let go of its insane presumption against it. I would even venture to suggest that the human
species is something special in and of itself, with a worthwhile, admirable distinction or

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uniqueness that sets it apart from the identities of all other species. It is more deserving of
respect than every other species, or at least distinct from them in some way. Theoretically, the
partial discontinuity between humans and nature is the basis of higher dignity. All other
animals are merely natural, but society is more than that. However, the arguments for this
claim are unrelated to theology or religion (Pg. 5).

Therefore, I operate under the premise that we can differentiate between the dignity of each
human being and the dignity of the human species. Taking that supposition as given, I also
assume that everyone has the same dignity as everyone else, meaning everyone has a status
equivalent to everyone else’s. The principle of individual dignity applies to humans
concerning one another. It progresses, ideally, from an individual’s self-conception to a claim
that other people have no less than equal status. Like everyone else, I am entitled to demand
my human dignity when surrounded by people who are more powerful and prestigious than
me and who treat me in a way that obscures my true humanity. I also realize that others share
my demands. I must claim all people, not just myself or my group. Everyone must claim
everything and everyone. (Page 6)

Every person is created equal; no other animal is like us. The concept of human dignity is
based on these two essential propositions. The notion that human society is unique is relevant
when comparing species from an external, deindividualized perspective—which is limited to
humans. One way to talk about the dignity of the human species is to talk about the status of
humanity as opposed to the level of individual people. Humanity has a reputation that is
unmatched by other creatures. The same distinct and non-natural features, properties,
capacities, and characteristics that give rise to the dignity of the species also serve as the basis
for discussing the individual’s dignity. Therefore, I am not claiming that the species exists in
and of itself apart from the individuals that comprise it, that its substance differs from the
meaning of any one or all of them, or that its collective action exists independently of the
agency of individuals acting alone or in groups. I still discuss the species because we might as
well treat the human species as a single entity or agent for specific purposes, even though we
know it is not, because of how intricate, deep, and entangled the interdependence of
individuals and groups is. The most significant aspect of the human species is the unnamed,
innumerable, and unindividuated unborn. I fail to understand how the concept of human
dignity can avoid considering the human species in general, not only named or recognizable
people or groups.

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From a philosophical perspective, human dignity is an existential value rather than a moral
value. Human dignity is an existential value ascribed to an individual or a species’ identity
based on their worth or value. I assert that existential issues are raised when the integrity of
one’s identity is in jeopardy. Human dignity is predicated on acknowledging each individual
or species for who they are—what makes each person unique from all others and what makes
a species unique. (Page 10.)

When someone is treated as though they are not a human being like everyone else and is, thus,
viewed as more or less than human, the truth of their own identity is in jeopardy. When a
person is considered a mere member of a species rather than a singular, irreplaceable
individual who cannot be traded for another, the truth of their identity is likewise jeopardized.
Commonness and individuality are ideas that go against each other, but they work together to
create equal individual status.

Personal identity is not, in a way, an accomplishment. I was not allowed to be born at all, was
not taken as a male instead of a lady, was not held somewhat earlier or later, and was not
given these parents above any other brothers. In other words, I had no opportunity to make a
choice. Conversely, identity is an accomplishment in another sense. There is meaning in
becoming oneself. One can work hard to avoid pretending to be someone they are not; one
can change oneself for the better; one can take control of oneself; one can strive to be not the
author but the editor of oneself and one’s life; one can aspire to a measure or episode of
authenticity. One can try to realize certain potentialities rather than lazily leaving them
dormant.

However, it is not fundamentally incorrect to be forced to suffer physically and materially or

to treat someone as not a human. Finally, I think that even though a human being can never
lose their dignity and so be rightfully subject to any inhuman treatment, one violates their
dignity when they participate in grave injustice, systematic oppression, or evil as a policy;
they are behaving as if they are not human, or at least not as human as those they cause to
suffer or accept as nothing abnormal. The connections between existential and moral values
are frequently close, but they are not always so; they are conceptually separate even in the
concept of human dignity, and not just when conflicts arise (Jack Donnelly. 13).

Kant: It is practically impossible to comprehensively talk about the philosophical perspective

of human dignity without mentioning Immanuel Kant (1704-1804). Immanuel Kant is
credited with creating the early modern idea of dignity. In his 1785 groundwork for the

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metaphysics of morals, “he claimed that every human has intrinsic worth derived from
rational autonomy. This virtue demands a particular form of moral respect, which we
demonstrate by treating people with boundaries.363 Kant thus contended that treating people
“as an end” and “never merely as a means” is our categorical Obligation (Groundwork,
4:429).

Kant made a fundamental distinction between two types of value, which represent the two
facets of human nature: price, which means the value of the material world, and man’s animal
nature, and dignity (Würde, worth), which is defined as “an absolute inner worth.”364 An
individual who possesses human dignity and worth transcends the realm of material
possessions.

In their animal form, humans perceive man as a creature of little significance and, therefore, is
valued similarly to other animals. However, man lives in the domain of dignity as a moral
being. “When man is viewed as a person, he is exalted above all other considerations: he
should not be viewed as nothing more than a tool; instead, he has an inherent dignity that
demands respect from all other rational beings in the universe.”365 This effectively restates
Kant’s well-known statement of the “categorical imperative” is the cornerstone of morality:
“Act in such a way that you treat humanity, whether in your person or the person of another,
always at the same time as an end and never simply as a means.”366 Only this time, it is
expressed in terms of dignity and worth.

Respect is due to each person’s inherent human dignity, which applies to us and others.
“Every man has a legitimate claim to respect from his fellow men and is bound to respect
every other”367 because of this dignity. “The respect he can demand from every other man is
based on humanity in his person”368 (MM 435). Furthermore, Kant expressly ties rights to
“this duty concerning the dignity of humanity within us”369 (MM 436). He starts by saying
that you should not allow anyone to infringe on your rights without consequence (MM
436).370 A life of personal autonomy and strength is mandated by human dignity.

363
Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, 4.429.
364
Jack Donnelly.
365
Ibid. Jack Donnelly.
366
Oliver Sensen, Kant on Human Dignity, Walter De Gruyter, Berlin. 2011. Pg.
367
Cf: Jack Donnelly,
368
Cf: Jack Donnelly.
369
Cf: Jack Donnelly.
370
Cf: Jack Donnelly,

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According to Kant, every human being is born with and is entitled to dignity. Humans are also
morally valuable in another sense because of their deeds. However, this attained moral
Standing is unrelated to intrinsic worth. Political rights and individual morality are based on
the inherent dignity of every human being.

Undoubtedly, the Universal Declaration aligns with alternative interpretations of human

dignity. The Kantian theory, however, is a historically significant source of the opinion that
human rights are based on the intrinsic dignity of the human being and is one of the
inspirations for the Universal Declaration.371

“Kant’s influential account of dignity in his Groundwork of the Metaphysic of Morals reflects
its origins in the Christian anthropological Vision of human beings as creatures distinctively
endowed with freedom, reason, conscience, and creative power—each of whom is unique and
irreplaceable, and all of whom share both fundamental Spiritual equality and an obligation to
love and respect each other. Thus, as many scholars point out, contemporary democratic and
liberal ideas of individuals, society, and human rights historically depend on the Christian
vision of the human person as capable of responsible freedom and priceless worth.”372

1.5. A Theological Approach to Human Dignity. (Christian)

Biblical Ideas: Imago Dei and Kavod:

Christianity dominated Western thought from the end of the Roman Empire until most of the
modern era. Biblical notions of dignity emphasized particularistic distinctions supporting
inegalitarian social and political actions in preeminent interpretations before the twentieth
century. “Kavod” (meaning dignity, honor, glory, and respect) is a Hebrew phrase. It is
crucial to remember that the Bible does not contain the term “human dignity.”

We deal, as in Rome, with a particular kind of worth associated with dignity, glory, and
power and worthy of respect. Humans did not deserve the care that was believed to be due to
them because of their Kavod.

Likewise, the concept of dignity that ruled the Western Christian world for over a millennium
and is still strongly present in conversations today is rooted in Genesis.

371
Cf: Jack Donnelly.
372
Glenn Hughes, “The Concept of Dignity in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” In the Journal of
Religious Ethics, March 2011, Vol. 39, No.1, Pg.4-5. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. URL:
https//www.jstor.org/stable/23020122.

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Consequently, God created males and females and made man in his image. “Be fruitful,
multiply, replenish, and subdue the earth; and have dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowl
of the air, and over every living thing that moves upon the earth,” God said to them after
blessing them (Gen. 1.27-28).

Humans have a certain dignity because of their position—above God but beneath the rest of
His creation. However, according to Englard (1999:1908), “We are worthy because we are
loved and honored by God, not because we are honored and loved by God.”373 Furthermore,
according to the Christian perspective, “repair is still necessary for closeness to God” 374
(Kraynak 2003, 83).

According to this Christian Interpretation, dignity is innate and, to a certain extent, universal.
According to Pannenberg (1991: 177), it is something “that none of us has by merit, that none
of us can receive from others, and that no one can take from us.”375 However, this archaic
Christian understanding remained highly hierarchical.

Drawing from Genesis, Thomas Aquinas further refined the understanding of the human
being as an “intelligent being endowed with free will and self-movement.”376 St. Thomas
often uses the word Dignitas to refer to “the respect that each entity has according to its
position in the grand scheme of things; for instance, plants possess greater dignity than rocks,
and angels possess greater dignity than humans.”377 Moreover, the medieval and early
Christian society was highly hierarchical.

This view from Thomas mirrors the use of Dignity in classical sources. For example, Cicero's
primary use of dignity concerns men of high political office or social class. He writes,
“Dignity is someone’s virtuous authority which makes him worthy to be honored with regard
and respect.”378 Contemporary commentators refer to this as “relational dignity,”379 as the
holders of dignity have this status over those who do not. This use of dignity for Cicero and
then for Thomas reflects the meritocracy of ancient and medieval societies. “Cicero Professes
the belief that all human beings are endowed with dignity and that humanity is worthy of
373
Izhak Englard, Human Dignity: Froom Antiquity to Modern Israel’s Constitutional Framework, Cardozo Law
Review, 21:1903-1927, Pg. 1908.
374
Robert P. Kraynak and Tinder Glenn E., “In Defense of Human Dignity: Essays for Our Times,” (Loyola Topics
in Political Philosophy), Notre Dame, in University of Notre Dame Press, 2003. Pg.83.
375
Wolfhart Pannenberg, Systematic Theology, Bloomsbury Publishing, Vol. 2, 1991, Pg. 177.
376
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, St. Agustine’s Press, 2010, I-II, Prologue; Pg. 1.
377
Daniel P. Sulmasy, Human Dignity and Human Worth. In Perspective on Human Dignity, a Conversation,
edited by J. Malpas and N. Lickiss, Dordrecht, Springer, 2007, Pg. 11.
378
Cicero, On Duties, E.M. Atkins and M.T. Griffin, (Editors), Cambridge University Press., 1991, I. 67-69, Pg. 105.
379
Bernard Brady

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respect for the sole fact of its existence. Cicero found this attribute universal because humans
possessed superior minds with the capacity to learn and reason. He rendered human nature
sacred and superior and paved the way for the later development of human dignity.”380 The
service was descriptive: persons of a particular social status had dignity. It was also
prescriptive. These “dignitaries,” to use a contemporary term, had certain rights or moral
claims in society, and they were expected to act in a way befitting their place in society. They
had responsibilities given their rank. However, that may have meant restraining their passions.
As it might be said today, they were to act “with dignity.”

Like Cicero, Thomas has a primary benefit of dignity, namely the dignity of individuals about
the social order, and this secondary use distinguishes humans from animals. Thomas,
however, includes a theological component to each, linking the particular dignity of a person
to God, one’s status about God, and basic human dignity to the Image of God in humans.
Cicero describes humankind as humans, about animals- “the Position human beings as a
whole occupy in the order of the universe.”381 Some commentators looking to link this use of
dignity to contemporary thinking refer to this as “unconditional dignity.”382

For Thomas, God has a certain dignity (a dignity that exceeds every other dignity), God the
Father and Jesus share the same dignity, eternal life has dignity, angels have dignity, the
Church has dignity, and persons have dignity (ST I q. 42, a. 4, ad 2; I q. 29, a. 2, ob. 2; I q. 59
and 112; I-II, q. 5 a. 2; MI, q. 89, a. 3; II-II, q. 183, a. 2). The dignity of persons is grounded
on their rational nature, in which they “image” God (ST I q. 93, a. 6). Yet while this dignity
separates humans from animals, it does not, for Thomas, entail that persons have the same
level or type of dignity. There is a natural hierarchical ordering among persons and a
gradation of dignity among persons (ST MI, q. 68, a.7). Rationality is not shared equally.
Thomas holds, for example, that parents and masters have a particular dignity, as did the high
Priests. Priests, and Adam, in the Old Testament (ST MI, q. 102 a. five ad 10-11; I q. 92, a.2).
One would think then that men and women, given their different rational capacities for
Thomas, would have different and hierarchically related dignities (ST I. and q. 92 and q.
93).383

380
Chen Bo, Dignity and The Incomplete Grounding of International Human Rights, FICHL Policy Brief Series No.
21(2014), https://www.toaep.org, extracted on 10th-march-2024.)
381
Bernard Brady.
382
Bernard Brady.
383
Cf: Bernard Brady.

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People can lose their dignity due to their actions or those of others. For example, committing
murder puts one in the “State of the beasts.” (ST II-Il and q. 183, a.l). Moreover, lies, false
accusations, and insults from others can cause one to lose dignity (ST II-II q. 61, a.3).
According to Thomas, people’s dignity is flexible. Pinckaers notes, “It tends to grow, but it
can also be diminished and be lost,” depending on our “resemblance to God through
knowledge and love.”384

To continue:

1.6. The bond between human dignity and human rights.

In its original context, the definition of “dignity” said that a person was entitled to respect
based on their social standing. That idea was wholly reinterpreted in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights. “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights,”385 according to Article 1. People no longer deserve dignity based on ethnicity, class,
or other advantages. It is innate in every human being. Everyone earns respect just for being
human. Human rights flow from that dignity by nature. Human rights charters are established
and invoked in the name of human dignity, which has come to signify the equal dignity of
every individual in its most common sense.386 Therefore, human dignity is believed to be the
cornerstone of human rights. However, there is little discussion of human dignity and its
significance for the right to Claim. Human dignity almost seems to be axiomatic, needing no
academic justification. It must be converted into legally recognized rights to be upheld against
efforts to keep individuals down and deny them what they are entitled to.387 In addition to
protecting rights, it also includes respecting each person’s dignity as an individual and the
dignity of the human species as a whole.

This notion was expanded upon by the 1966 adoption of the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights. “These rights derive from the inherent dignity of the human person,” 388
The universality of human rights and this idea go hand in hand. Fairness and respect were

384
Bernard Brady
385
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
386
Cf: Jeremy Waldron, Dignity; Rank & Rights, Pg.3
387
Ibid: Pg.3
388
James W. Nickel, Making Sense of Human Rights (second edition), Wiley Blackwell Oxford, 2007,
“International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Appendix 3, Pg.213.

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previously reserved for the dignified. Universal rights are also established by redefining
dignity as something that all people possess.

The fundamental idea of international human rights law is human dignity, which is “the
ultimate value that provides human rights their coherence.”389 The second paragraph of the
preamble of the Vienna Declaration of the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights
similarly states that “all human rights derive from the dignity and worth inherent in the human
person.” 390 The Universal Declaration’s opening lines, “Recognition of the inherent dignity
and the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of
freedom, justice, and peace in the world,”391 are the foundation for these assertions. All of this
can be linked to the United Nations mission, which is to “reaffirm faith in fundamental human
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women
and of nations large and small,”392 as mentioned in the second paragraph of the Charter’s
preamble.

However, these agreements are vague about the precise definition of human dignity and how
it underpins or gives rise to human rights, as one should anticipate from legal Instruments.
“We cannot locate a clear definition for the phrase “dignity of the human person.” 393 Its
inherent significance has been left to the reader’s intuition. It is commonly accepted that, in
concrete cases, a violation of human dignity can be identified even in cases where the abstract
term is ill-defined.

Therefore, it is possible to interpret human rights as denoting certain social rights—respect,

goods, services, opportunities, and protections—that are each person’s right and are indicated
by their dignity. Applying human rights is one effective way to actualize someone’s dignity.
More specifically, human rights are one way to learn about certain notions of human
dignity.394

389

390
United Nations, World Conference on Huma Rights: Vienna-Austria, 1993 from 14-25 June,
https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/vienna-declaration-and-programme-action
(Extracted on 11th-3-2024.)
391
James W. Nickel, Making Sense of Human Rights (second edition), Wiley Blackwell Oxford, 2007, “Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, (Preamble), Appendix 1, Pg.191.
392
United Nations Charter: Preamble, Paragraph 2. https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/preamble
(Extracted on 11-3-2024).
393

394
Cf: Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (third edition), Cornell University Press,
London, 2013. Pg.28

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 1.7. Violation of human rights as a precursor to the abuse of human
dignity.

Although human dignity and human rights are defined differently, they are inseparable
realities. They are conjoined at the hip. To express human dignity, the elements of human
rights become visible. On the other hand, the concept of dignity is clearly articulated to define
human rights. This implies that one cannot work without the other.

A violation of human rights leads to an abuse of human dignity and vice versa. It is
impossible to speak of one without referring to the other.

Just a recoup of what was mentioned earlier, human dignity has evolved from a social
perspective to a virtue perspective. Social meaning connects to a high-ranking position in
society. As a virtue, human dignity refers to “an attendant attitude and more or less settled
disposition that over time contributes to the constitution of a good moral or ethical
temperament.”395 Finally, human dignity refers to “exceptional moral worth, a status every
human has.”396

In further developing the concept of human dignity, what might be labeled as Kantian and
Ciceronian approaches? Human dignity connects human beings with intrinsic value and must
not be treated simply as a means. The core thrust of the argument above is that notions of
“social dignity” and “the virtue of dignity” were hegemonic in ancient, medieval, and early
modern Western societies but have given way to ideas and practices of “human dignity”
understood in terms of the inherent worth of the human person.

Before the Enlightenment, only members of the Upper class and high-status groups in the
West could exercise their right to a full measure of dignity and self-determination. In Ancient
Greece, only male Citizens of the polis were allowed to do so, not women, noncitizens,
enslaved people, or non-Hellenes; in Rome, male members of the Upper Orders were allowed
to do so, not noncitizens, male members of the lower Orders, women, or enslaved people; in
In Medieval Europe, male members of the nobility and highly placed prelates (and possibly
wealthy burghers) were allowed to exercise their right to a full measure of dignity and self-
determination397 (Milton Lewis 2007, 96).

395
Ibid: Jack Donnelly, Pg. 129
396
Ibid: Jack Donnelly, Pg. 129
397
Milton Lewis, A Brief History of Human Dignity: Idea and Application, In Perspective on Human Dignity: A
Conversation, Edited by J. Malpas and N. Likiss, Springer Netherlands. Dordrecht, 2007, Pg.96.

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However, we must not lose sight of “the concept of human dignity evolved historically out of
the idea of social honor”398 (Margalit 1996, 43). This involved reorientating the locus of honor
and dignity from ascribed or earned characteristics to inherent, universal humanity. Universal
humanity means that all human beings are the same irrespective of Gender, color, race, or
nationality.

A human right is what one is entitled to by the very virtue of being a human being. Human
rights are not a privilege but an entitlement. One should be able to claim his rights. Rights and
duties are closely interconnected. One claims a particular right where the responsibilities and
obligations are fulfilled. For example, the state has the right to collect taxes from the citizens.
Conversely, the state must ensure that roads and security are provided for the citizens. The
citizens can demand good roads and protection because they pay taxes.

Human rights are the rights one has simply because one is a human being. “Human rights are
equal rights: one is or is not a human being and therefore has the same human rights as
everyone else. Human rights are also inalienable: one cannot stop being human, no matter
how badly one behaves or how barbarously one is treated. Moreover, they are universal rights,
in the sense that today we consider all members of the species Homo sapiens “human beings”
and thus holders of human rights.”399

“The concept of dignity is itself vacuous”400 (Bagaric and James 2006,260), “It has different
senses and often points us in opposite directions”401 (Davis 2007: 177), and “Dignity is a
fuzzy concept, and appeals to dignity are often used to substitute for empirical evidence
lacking or sound arguments that cannot be mustered”402 (Chalmers and Ida 2007, 158).

In modern Christian accounts, the idea that humans are made in God's image is frequently
invoked as the Substantive foundation of human dignity. Human dignity is often presented as
rooted in some specific characteristic. Alan Gewirtz defines human dignity as “a kind of
intrinsic worth that belongs equally to all human beings as such, constituted by certain

398
Avishai Margalit, The Decent Society, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1996, Pg, 43.
399
Jack Donnelly, Pg.10.
400
Mirko Bagaric and Allan James, “The Vacuous Concept of Dignity,” Journal of Human Rights, 5(2), 257-270,
2006, Pg.260
401
Julia Davis, Doing Justice to Dignity in the Criminal Law. In Perspective on Human Dignity: A Conversation,
Edited by J. Malpas and N. Likiss, Springer, Dordrecht, 2007, Pg.177
402
Don Chalmers and Ryucichi Ida, On the International Legal Aspects of Human Dignity. In Perspective on
Human Dignity: A Conversation, Edited by J. Malpas and N. Likiss, Springer Netherlands, Dordrecht 2007,
Pg.158

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intrinsically valuable aspects of being human”403 (Alan Gewirtz, 1992: 12). Following Kant,
autonomy, and reason are frequently mentioned as foundations of human dignity.

Human dignity is a quasi-foundational notion that lies deeper than human rights but on which
there is only an overlapping consensus. Different comprehensive doctrines provide other
accounts of human dignity. Still, these accounts are sufficiently convergent to allow human
dignity to serve as an “accepted principle of shared morality”404 (Harris and Sulston 2004) for
those who do not want to push more profoundly.

One can think of human dignity independently of human rights; however, that is becoming
less common as human rights become more prominent and the relationship between human
rights and human dignity becomes increasingly normative. Some broadly defined but not
empty conceptions of human dignity underlie and thus help shape contemporary human rights
concepts. However, our understandings of human dignity are shaped by the body of
established international human rights law and the political practices of state states.

In the modern world, human rights and human dignity are mutually constitutive. While human
rights serve as a specific set of minimum requirements for a life of dignity in the modern
World, our conception of human dignity is shaped by the ideas and practices surrounding it.
Furthermore, exercising human rights can be justified by producing beings who can live lives
of dignity—405 (Jack Donnelly 2013, 121-132). However, a violation of human rights leads to
the depravity of human dignity. To achieve human dignity, human rights must be respected.

2. Human Dignity and Female Circumcision in the Context of Human

Right Tradition.

While there is a strong bond between human dignity and human rights, the question may be
asked: how does that relate to female circumcision? Female circumcision is a cultural practice
Among many communities in different parts of the world. It has been there for a relatively
long time. The Kenyan situation has not been different either. Many tribes have been and still
practice women's circumcision to this day. This perspective prompted me to investigate why
female circumcision still exists to this day and what can be done to eliminate this culture in all
the communities in Kenya.
403
Alan Gewirtz, Human Dignity as the Basis of Rights, In the Constitution of Rights, Human Dignity and
American Values, Edited by M.J. Meyer and W.A Parent, Cornell University Press, Ithica, 1992, Pg.12.
404
Harris and Sulston, 2004, Pg.
405
Cf: Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (third edition), Cornell University Press,
London, 2013, Pg.121-132.

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The Pokot community is one of the communities that are firmly attached to this culture. Their
readiness to quit the culture has always been a mirage, although the state operatives have
outlawed the culture of women's circumcision. However, because it is so firmly embedded in
the culture of the Pokot people, it has become challenging to eliminate. Many government
institutions and non-governmental organizations have struggled so much to fight against this
culture, but it has often ended in vain.

According to the research findings, female circumcision has persisted for so long because of
its attachment to marriage. Without being circumcised, women in the Pokot community have
little chance of being married. A circumcised woman is assured of marriage as soon as she
graduates from the seclusion period. Secondly, being circumcised commodifies the woman
and makes her a source of wealth for her family. Many side effects follow the act of
circumcision, and these side effects are the ones that lead to the violation of human rights and,
therefore, the abuse of human dignity. From a cultural perspective, many reasons have made
the culture of female circumcision persistent. On the contrary, the adverse side effects have
made people vigorously fight against this culture.

In an earlier chapter, I pointed out the rites of passage among the Pokot people. Unlike many
other communities, the Pokot people have more rites of passage. Every individual performs
the rites of passage due to “Metaphysical fear of evil befalling an individual or the entire
community if one skips one of these rites. Therefore, they help everybody realize their life's
full potential and maintain a balance between natural and supernatural forces.406 These rites
of passage are interconnected from one to the other. None of these rites is skipped. Only by
completing one rite of passage is one legible to move to the following rite. As a rite of
passage, female circumcision is crucial because it separates young women from two levels of
life. From childhood to adulthood. This movement from childhood to adulthood endows a
member with special responsibilities in the community. These particular roles and
responsibilities can be assumed when a woman has undergone circumcision. Nevertheless, it
can only be sheer imagination to undertake these roles and responsibilities before undergoing
these rites. According to the Pokot people, an uncircumcised woman is considered a child.
Such a woman, therefore, would find it challenging to get a married partner.

With an understanding of what human dignity means in relationship relation to human rights,
it becomes more necessary to find out where female circumcision is embedded. From a

406
David Ndegwa, 2007, Nairobi, Pg.155.

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cultural perspective, women's circumcision has many advantages. In my approach, I have
attempted to examine the appraisal of women's circumcision by stating what female
circumcision means to a Pokot woman. This was necessary to enable me to discover why this
culture continues to exist even after being outlawed. In considering both sides, the negative
and the positive, of the culture of women's circumcision, one realizes that the negativity
outweighs the positivity. There are more disadvantages to the practice of female circumcision
than advantages. Because the dangers posed by the practice of the culture are more
significant, we are called to adhere to the nonpractice of the culture of female circumcision.
The advantages can only be seen from a cultural perspective. Otherwise, the adverse effects
are so negative.

2.1. Female circumcision is a violation of human rights.

Human rights and women's rights are the same thing. The human right does not segregate
gender, race, or color. It applies to all, whether male or female, black or white, African or
European. An atrocity committed in violation of human rights is considered a violation.
Women's circumcision is viewed primarily as violence against women and children. It is
characterized as violence because it is carried out against women and sometimes against the
wish of the person initiated into it. According to the research in the West Pokot region of
North-west Kenya, “traditionally, every woman had to undergo the ritual of women
circumcision.”407 It was not by choice but rather a must. All methods had to be applied to
ensure that every woman had to undergo the rite of female circumcision.

Any act carried without freedom and by all means does not grant the person the right to
freedom of choice. Where there is no respect for the freedom of choice is therefore regarded
as an abuse of human rights. In addition, women's circumcision causes a significant risk to the
women's health. Many risks have already been mentioned, including health problems, early
marriages, and dropping out of school. All these factors are considered as human rights issues.
The United Nations Declaration on Human Rights powerfully addresses them. For example,
the Declaration (Article One) states, “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and
rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a
spirit of brotherhood.”408 Equality and dignity are essential characteristics of human rights and
dignity. Human dignity is denied when human rights are violated, and these two
characteristics are restricted.
407
PO5. (Phase one of the Data Collected.)
408
James W. Nickel, Making sense of Human Rights (second edition), Blackwell Publishing, 2007, pg.192.

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According to the Pokot people, for a woman to come close to the level of a man, she must be
circumcised. She is denied the freedom to make choices in so far as her own body is
concerned. Secondly, even when a woman is circumcised among the Pokot people, she is still
considered to be of lower status than a man. This confirms one interviewee's assertion that
“men and women cannot be equal.”409 The most significant challenge in being a woman in the
Pokot community is that it does not matter who you are. A woman is always considered less
than a man. Secondly, a woman is not allowed to choose to be circumcised or not to be
circumcised. The decision to be circumcised is the father's prerogative in the family.

The United Nations Declaration on Human Rights in Article Three states, “Everyone has the
right to life, liberty and security of person.”410 Other characteristics of human rights are
stipulated as the right to life, liberty, and security. Every human has the right to life, and any
act that endangers a person's life of either gender should not be allowed. The data gathered in
the field research shows a “very high mortality rate among the women and the children”411 in
this region. The reason contributing to the high mortality rate among women and children is
the practice of women's circumcision. The cause of death was said to be high for both women
and children: prolonged labor pains leading to asphyxia- a child getting tired while still in the
womb. Due to the closed vaginal opening, the woman cannot push the baby, and in many
other instances, the children have died in their mother’s womb. Many different complications
typically may arise, leading to the loss of life. In this situation, the right to life is denied,
liberty is at stake, and the security of women and girls is not assured.

The United Nations Declaration on Human Rights, in article five, states, “No one shall be
subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”412 The
Characteristics of this article are Torture, cruel or degrading treatment or punishment. Female
genital mutilation subject women and young girls to physical and psychological torture. In
some situations, the girls being circumcised must be held down to enable the circumciser to
finish cutting the girl. This happens especially in the second phase of circumcision, which
involves cutting labia minora and labia majora.

Generally, the treatment is degrading and shameful. From the data collected, the first phase of
women's circumcision is done in public, where both men and women are allowed to witness.
This lowers the integrity of the women being circumcised, hence degrading them.
409
PO1 (phase one of the data collected.)
410
James W. Nickel, 2007, Pg.192
411
PO3 (Phase one of the Data collected.)
412
James W. Nickel, 2007, Pg.192.

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In addition, the Pokot women have also used traditional tools in the ritual of women's
circumcision. Such tools traditionally were “flattened and sharpened nails and, later in
modern times, the use of razor blades.”413 The body is cut without anesthesia, exposing the
woman or young girl to severe physical pain and risking infection in the wound created by the
cut.

Article Seven of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights is essential. This article
states, “All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal
protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against discrimination in violation of
this Declaration and against incitement to such discrimination.”414 It is not only the Pokot
people who are known to discriminate against women, but rather, discrimination against
women is a common phenomenon among the patriarchal communities. Women are
considered to belong to the second class. They are treated as having less authority in the
decision-making in society and family. Among the Kalenjin community, which occupies a big
part of the population, and the Pokot belonging to this community, women are on the same
level as children. Women can never be regarded as equal to men. In this community, a family
without a son is considered on the brink of extinction. The women are considered less
important in the continuity of the family because they leave their homes of birth and join their
husbands' homes when they get married. Women do not have clans. As children, they belong
to the clans of their fathers. Later, when they get married, they change to the clan of their
husbands. This is a common characteristic of a patriarchal society.

This understanding puts the equality between men and women in jeopardy. Although we can
say that we are all equal before the law, we are not similar in so far as the Pokot culture is
Concerned. This is seen in matters related to ownership. According to the Pokot culture,
“women are not allowed to own property.”415 The women and the children are considered the
man's property. The man is the head of the family, therefore claiming ownership of all the
properties in the home, including the children and the wife.

Another important article in the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights is article
twenty-six, which states, “Everyone has the right to Education.”416 The Pokot people do not
value women's education. They emphasize “the traditional education during the seclusion on

413
PO5 (Phase one of the Data collected.)
414
James W. Nickel, 2007, Pg.193.
415
PO1. (Phase one of the Data collected.)
416
James W. Nickel, 2007, Pg.196

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how women are to care for their husbands and children.”417 Pokot people believe educating
women is unnecessary because their fate is already determined. They should be more
concerned about marriage and family than attending regular school. A woman is to be
married; therefore, she needs not waste time in school but rather prepare herself for the rite of
circumcision and, after that, get married to raise her own family.

With these few considerations from the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights, we can
see the risks that the culture of women's circumcision poses to the violation of human rights.
When a right or entitlement is deprived or denied to someone, we can refer to that as an abuse
of human rights. Human dignity is not achieved when human rights are restricted or violated.
Only by observing the human rights of women will their dignity be met. The dignity of
women is also human dignity. When the rights of women are violated, the dignity of women
is also broken.

In conclusion, female circumcision is a severe violation of women's rights. As such, it is an

abuse of human dignity. Many authors consider it the highest form of violence against women
and girl girls in our time. It is a cultural practice that does not stand the test of our time.

Strict rules against torture are outlined in the 1984 Convention against Torture and Other
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which states that “no exceptional
circumstances whatsoever whether a State of war or threat of war, internal political instability
or any other public emergency, may be invoked to justify torture.”418 Women circumcision
among the Pokot may be considered the highest form of Torture among women. However,
this consideration is not from the Pokot people but from non-circumcising communities and
other bodies that do not subscribe to this culture. However, for the Pokot people, women's
circumcision is a good cultural practice that the Pokot people treasure.

Cutting women's genitals without anesthesia is painful for women and girls, and it has severe
mental and psychological trauma. Therefore, the convention mandates that wherever the hell
occurred, regardless of the nationality of the torturer or victim, parties must either prosecute
alleged perpetrators or prosecute those responsible for the torture.419 In the case of female
circumcision, the parents and the circumciser are responsible. The Pokot know that if the state
operatives comprehend them, they will be prosecuted and jailed.

417
PO1. (Phase One of the Data collected.)
418
Jack Donnelly, 2013, Pg.185. (The 1984 Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment – Article 2.2)
419
Cf: Jack Donnelly, 2013, Pg.185

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The slogan “women’s rights are human rights,”420 popularized at the 1995 Beijing World
Conference on Women, was seen by many as a radical claim. However, in the past two
decades, there has been a substantial normative and procedural evolution of the women’s
rights regime. Until recently, the issue of women’s rights was something of a stepchild in
human rights. Although racial discrimination is considered in the UN Commission on Human
Rights and throughout the UN-centered regime, gender discrimination was primarily
segregated in the UN Commission on the Status of Women.

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which

meets annually and has reviewed “state parties” reports since its founding in 1982, is now
responsible for considering communications. The Optional Protocol to the Convention, which
went into effect at the end of 2000, has given it authority like that of the Human Rights
Committee. While some activists found great significance in this move, it appears to have had
little effect on the regime’s Operation.421

2.2. Female circumcision is a violation of human dignity.

In the above section, I have attempted to show how human rights and dignity are conjoined at
the hip. A violation of human rights leads to a breach of human dignity. All the United
Nations Declaration on Human Rights articles cited above are deeply connected with human
dignity. Therefore, the very introductory words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
state, “Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and equal and inalienable rights of all
members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the
world.”422 These opening words of the Declaration of Human Rights Preamble make it clear
that the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace is anchored in recognizing all human family
members' inherent dignity, equality, and inalienable rights.

Although from the very beginning, the distinction and relation between dignity and rights in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was not very clear, later U.N. documents, most
notably the two International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights (1966) and the 1975 Convention Against Torture—make this relation
between dignity and rights quite clear. All three documents begin with the unqualified
assertion that human rights “derive from the inherent dignity of the human person.” The

420
Cf: Jack Donnelly, 2013, Pg.186. (Beijing World Conference on Women.)
421
Cf: Jack Donnelly, 2013. Pg.186.
422
James W. Nickel, 2007, Pg.190.

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Helsinki Final Act of 1975 reaffirms this derivation relation, as does the Vienna Declaration
adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights in 1993.

Therefore, inherent human dignity is the foundational fact and value upon which the
Declaration’s affirmation of rights rests, and this view of dignity as a founding right has been
echoed in numerous charters, Conventions, and constitutions worldwide since 1948.423

The Universal Declaration’s extraordinary influence has helped propel the concept of human
dignity to the center of international and domestic political discourse, which is now permeated
by references to the dignity of persons or groups. David Walsh (1999,98) asserts that “The
inviolable dignity of each human being is [now] the coin of moral discourse the world over. A
heightened sensitivity to the inviolable freedom and dignity of each human being is the
evocative center from which the requirement for public and private self-government radiates
worldwide.”424

As mentioned above, freedom, justice, and peace are the fruits of human dignity. The denial
of freedom, justice, and peace often degenerates into abuse of human rights and eventually to
violation of human dignity. The practice of the rite of female circumcision does not allow
individual women the freedom of choice because the culture has set the standards. When
decisions are made, women are not there to express their opinions. The elders decide on all
Matters, and women and girls must abide by the decisions. The elders, therefore, believe that
their decision decisions are always right.

The Data collected in the field clarified that “the men are the custodians of the culture” 425, and
their words must be absorbed crook, hook, and sinker. Men decide the rite of female
circumcision, and women implement it.

Women's circumcision is made to impress men. It is intended to give them power over women
and enable them to control the sexuality of their wives. By so doing, they demean the value
attached to the sexuality of a woman. Women are, therefore, treated as objects of men's
satisfaction. Women's integrity is questioned when a woman must be cut in the presence of
the entire village. Here, respect is lowered, and dignity is snatched away.

423
Cf: Glenn Hughes, “The Concept of Dignity in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” In the Journal of
Religious Ethics, March 2011, Vol. 39, No.1, Pg.4-5. Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. URL:
https//www.jstor.org/stable/23020122.
424
David Walsh, 1999, Pg.98
425
PO1. (Phase One of the Data Collected.)

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From the Pokot perspective, a woman is considered brave when she stands before everyone
and goes through the procedure without blinking her eyes or showing any fear. She earns
more respect from her peers, parents, and community. She probably gets married immediately
after she comes out of seclusion.

Nevertheless, what is human dignity according to the Pokot people? In the Data collected in
the field research, “the concept of human dignity is defined as ‘Silolyo,’ which is equivalent
to respect.”426 For a woman to earn respect, she must undergo the ritual of female
circumcision. While dignity is a heavily loaded concept with a significantly deeper meaning,
respect is only one aspect of human dignity. Therefore, understanding human dignity from an
ethical perspective seems to be different from the sense of human dignity according to the
Pokot people.

This distinction must be clarified because it will add a new dimension to the next part of this
work. In the data collected in the field, one interviewee pointed out that when a child is born,
whether a boy or a girl, this child is born with dignity. Dignity is for all, irrespective of
gender. The girls' children are held in high esteem by their parents because of their value.
They are considered a source of wealth. Boys are also held in high esteem because they are
considered the source of life and livelihood for their families. Through the boys, the clan will
continue to regenerate and spread further. The girls leave their families and join the families
of their husbands.

This understanding has led me to think of a distinction between these two types of dignity:
achieved human dignity and inherent and inalienable human dignity.

2.3. The Achieved Dignity and Inherent Dignity:

Human dignity is a term used to describe the worth of a person. Furthermore, what does the
conventional definition of “person” imply? It first suggests the ability or possibility to create
means. Firstly, it refers to the capacity to consciously ask questions, envision, feel,
comprehend, know, make decisions, and act, or the capability to do so. When we use these
abilities, we also recognize the freedom that comes with having the power to make conscious
decisions and select for ourselves, which gives us the potential to be self-determining. Since
personal freedom and personal responsibility are two sides of the same coin, this sense of
space is related to a consciousness of responsibility. We are conscious that we are one-of-a-

426
PO1. (Phase One of the Data collected.)

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kind or unique and irreplaceable since we are free and responsibly capable of self-
determination through our powers to imagine, understand, know, and decide. Furthermore,
with all this comes an understanding of our vulnerability to suffering. Moreover, we see the
vulnerability of personhood: how easily others and ourselves can undermine our freedom to
define ourselves through responsible decision-making and action, and how frequently others
or our misconceptions can thwart our desire to perform admirably in the drama of life.
Moreover, how often are our needs to know, love, and be known and loved not met?427

Four components comprise the basic constellation of meanings in human dignity:

irreplaceability, liberty, responsibility, and susceptibility to pain and deterioration. The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is based on this understanding of human dignity.
Human dignity is the foundation of human rights because, as unique, vulnerable, and
responsible self-determining creatures, we have an unalienable right to the opportunities and
circumstances that enable us to grow as individuals freely and fully.

Under the perspective of the Declaration, we always have our rights based on dignity; whether
we pursue a dignified life in doing so is irrelevant. Alternatively, we could say that “dignity”
is a heuristic in two ways. The Declaration aims to establish, uphold, and encourage the
observance of those rights that will enable a life of dignity, on the one hand. Thus, it conveys
an idea of realized human dignity. However, and this is more fundamental, the Declaration
Starts with the affirmation that people are “born” with dignity and have intrinsic worth and
dignity that do not need to be pursued or worked for or are unrelated to success.428

The thirty articles of the Declaration outline the freedoms and rights its authors believed were
necessary to attain a life of dignity. Nevertheless, in the words of Jacques Maritain, “he has
the right to fulfill his destiny; and if he has the right to fulfill his destiny, he has the right to
the things necessary for that purpose,”429 every individual’s normative destiny rest in this
accomplishment.

The necessary things, according to the declaration, include the freedom from discrimination
based on race, color, language, nationality, sex, property, birth, or religion; the freedom to
move about freely; the freedom to marry, start a family, and own property; the freedom of
thought, expression, and religious practice; and the freedom of peaceful assembly and

427
Cf: Glenn Hughes, “The Concept of Dignity in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” The Journal of
Religious Ethics, March 2011. Vol.39, No.1 Pgs. 9-10.
428
Ibid: Pg. Pgs.10-11.
429
Jacques Maritain, 1971, Pg.65.

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association. In addition, they cover economic, social, and cultural rights like the freedom to
learn, the freedom to work, the right to equal compensation for equal work, the right to a
living standard sufficient for adequate health care, the right to leisure and rest, the right to
take part in Community cultural activities, and the right to profit from scientific
advancements.

The Declaration’s notion of attained human dignity remains heuristic and lacks specificity on
every individual’s real-world aspect of a dignified life. The Declaration, by completing the
necessary precondition determinations of what constitutes a dignified human life, paints a
robust but flexible picture of achieved dignity, one that is firm enough to support the
articulation of numerous particular universal rights but open-ended enough to accommodate
any additional filling in of what constitutes a dignified life through an individual’s continuing
discoveries and self-defining choices—conditioned, of course, by specific social, economic,
and cultural traditions.

As stated in the Declaration’s opening lines, intrinsic human dignity is the other essential
component of human dignity. Of the two, this is the most significant intellectually since it
establishes the framework for the Declaration of Human Rights. As an extension of what is
suggested in acknowledging inherent dignity, and hence as the connection between it and the
Declaration’s portrait of realized fulfillment, we should appropriately define “rights.” Respect
For inherent dignity rests in the notion that an individual has intrinsic dignity, which means
they are socially and politically entitled to certain freedoms and protections that enable them
to live decent lives. Therefore, respect for inherent dignity leads to articulating freedoms and
Protections specified in the Declaration as civil, political, economic, social, and cultural
rights. Respect for inherent dignity, therefore, obliges others to allow or enable that person’s
dignity to be fulfilled.

The most important aspects to note when discussing human dignity are: First, “intrinsic
dignity clarifies that neither the state nor any other external authority may bestow upon
anybody their fundamental human dignity or the rights that flow from it.”430(Schachter 1983,
853). As previously mentioned, if Society awarded essential human dignity, society might
also withdraw it. The concept of inherency eliminates the idea that others contribute to basic
human dignity.

430
Oscar Schachter, Human Dignity as Normative Concept, American Journal of International Law, 77:848-854,
1983, Pg. 853.

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Second, “inherent dignity is clearly stated as inviolable in the European Union's 2000 Charter
of Fundamental Rights”431 (Chapter 1, Article 1). This implies that it cannot be disproved or
destroyed in any way, neither by ourselves in our desperation, self-disgust, or apathy nor by
anybody else. It persists in terror and torture victims whose internal humiliation stems from
being treated less than human by others to such an extent that they think less of themselves.

Third, it has nothing to do with obtaining dignity or serving a socially beneficial purpose.
One’s intrinsic dignity is unaffected by one's growth or service to the community. According
to Melchin (1998), p. 115, it persists “when the person lives in crime and poverty… when he
lives in squalor when she cannot hold a job.”432 It is a trait shared by “saints and heroes,
cowards and bravery, drug addicts and self-control freaks, starving Proletariat members and
well-fed capitalists”433 (Gewirth, 1992,15). A person “need not and cannot strive for this equal
and irreducible worth; in other words, it is pre-established. Furthermore, we are missing the
mark when we equate the idea of intrinsic dignity with any achievement or conduct, whether
internal or external.434 (Spiegelberg, 1970, pp. 53-54).

Fourth, intrinsic dignity does not depend on one’s ability; “it exists apart from one’s moral,
intellectual, and physical capacities. Reaffirming it implies that people deserve our respect
regardless of how seriously mentally sick, profoundly demented, or severely mentally
handicapped they may be”435 (Tinder 1984, 28). For those identifying human dignity with the
influential Interpretation of Immanuel Kant’s philosophy, this inference about inherent dignity
poses significant difficulties. According to Kant, a person’s dignity is the “intrinsic value” of
their ability to exercise moral “autonomy”—that is, their capacity for reason and freedom to
create moral laws that are logical and, thus, applicable to all people—and to submit to these
laws voluntarily. According to Kant, this ability makes up a person’s “unconditioned and
incomparable worth.” Kant even goes so far as to associate moral competence with human
dignity.436

431
European Union’s 2000 Charter of Fundamental Rights (Chapter 1, Article 1.)
432
Melchin, 1998, Pg.115.
433
Gewirtz, 1992, Pg 15.
434
Cf: Spiegelberg, 1970, Pgs53-54.
435
Cf: Glenn Tinder, Facets of Personal Dignity: In in Defense of Human Dignity: Essays for our Times, Edited by
R.P. Kraynak and G. Tinder, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame,1984. Pg.28.
436
Cf: Glenn Hughes, “The Concept of Dignity in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” The Journal of
Religious Ethics, March 2011. Vol.39, No.1 Pgs. 13-14.

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 2.4. Every woman must be circumcised, with no freedom to choose
to or not be circumcised. (No Autonomy)

Being autonomous means having the ability to make decisions for oneself or manage oneself.
Beyond that, it is a hotly debated idea in several different contexts. One common notion of
autonomy, for instance, is the inchoate desire for freedom in a particular area of one’s life,
which may or may not be linked to the agent’s morally idealistic beliefs. Moral autonomy is
the ability to think for oneself and establish one’s moral code rather than just following other
people’s instructions. It is typically associated with Kant. The ability to make decisions for
oneself and follow through on a plan of action, frequently without consideration of its moral
implications, is known as personal autonomy.

Another point of differentiation is the distinction between autonomy as an ideal and

independence as merely the ability to make decisions. When autonomy is ideal, agents who
make a decision but do not satisfy specific requirements are said to be non-autonomous
regarding that decision. For instance, children, agents with cognitive deficiencies of a
particular kind, or members of oppressed groups have been declared non-autonomous because
of their incapacity to fulfill specified requirements of autonomous agency due to individual or
social constraints.

Ideas of autonomy are generally tied to notions of the nature of the self and its structure.
Individual autonomy is commonly believed to mean the ability to be one’s true self, to live
one’s life for reasons and motivations that are seen to be one’s own and not the result of
manipulative or deceptive outside forces, and to be independent in this sense. In the Kantian
tradition of moral philosophy, it is a fundamental principle.

In its most basic form, autonomy is the ability to rule oneself and be guided by factors,
conditions, wants, and traits that are not only placed upon one but are a part of what might be
thought of as one’s true self. In this sense, autonomy appears to be an indisputable virtue,
mainly because its antithesis, directed by forces outside of oneself that one cannot genuinely
accept, represents the pinnacle of oppression. However, outlining the parameters of autonomy
in greater detail unavoidably leads to debate and raises doubts about the assertion that
autonomy is a universally valued concept.

In theoretical descriptions of persons, ideas of moral obligation and responsibility, the defense
of social policies, and many other facets of political theory, autonomy plays a variety of

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functions. It ties to issues of moral responsibility and provides the basis of the Kantian theory
of practical reason. According to Dworkin (1988, 121-129), it is also perceived as the aspect
of people who avoid or should avoid paternalistic interference in their lives. Moreover, the
ideal of autonomy is sometimes regarded as a crucial conceptual component of some feminist
ideals, such as identifying and eradicating social conditions that victimize women and other
(potentially) vulnerable people.437

There exists a difference between autonomy and freedom. Generally speaking, autonomy can
be distinguished from freedom because the latter refers to the capacity to act free from
internal or external restrictions and, depending on specific definitions, with the strength and
resources to carry out one’s wishes. The genuineness and independence of the desires (values,
feelings, etc.) that motivate someone to take action in the first place are aspects of autonomy.
Some people distinguish between autonomy and freedom by stating that autonomy refers to a
person’s Status, but freedom is more universal and concerns specific behaviors.438 (Dworkin
1988,13-15,19-20). Nevertheless, autonomy can also apply to a more localized idea
(autonomous about a particular trait, purpose, value, or social context) and a more universal
one (independent personhood). For example, addicted smokers are generally independent
individuals, but for some, they are utterly powerless to control their conduct concerning this
one activity439 (Christman 1989, 13-14.)

Autonomy acts as a check on unbridled paternalism, both in life's informal and formal
domains. Little children lack autonomy, which lends themselves to compassion, paternalism,
empathy, and perhaps even pity. Consequently, whether a notion of autonomy ties adequately
to these supplementary judgments will serve as a guiding consideration (but by no means a
strict test) when evaluating it to discuss the “formal conditions” of a concept of autonomy. 440
See Dworkin 1988, 7-10.

2.5. Interference with the integrity of a woman.

The justification for informed consent laws is safeguarding women's sense of moral integrity.
Dworkin argues that “one’s body is irreplaceable and inescapable.” A woman's body remains
the body of a woman, whatever modification is done. Every person is meant to own her body

437
Dworkin, 1988, Pg.121-129.
438
Dworkin, 1988, Pg.13-15, 19-29.
439
John Philip Christman, The Inner Citadel: Essay on Individual Autonomy, Oxford University Press, New York,
1989, Pg.13-14.
440
Ronald Dworkin, Taking Rights Seriously, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1988, Pg.7-10.

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because that is what she was created to be. When one loses ownership of one's body, one
disconnects from one's natural being, leading to a loss of integrity.

According to one understanding, self-ownership rules are based on personal integrity. As

Ronald Dworkin put it, “a prophylactic line that comes close to making the body inviolate” 441
is needed (Dworkin 1983, 39). On the other hand, a normative continuum with the outer line
of the body as just one stop might be created by personal integrity. It is not as horrible as
touching someone’s cheek without consent as it is to connect other delicate parts of his body
without permission. Cutting a person's body without consent is, therefore, interfering with her
integrity.

2.6. Violation of the victim's human rights takes away her dignity.

The use of different concepts depicts the violation of human dignity. Such ideas include
dehumanization, humiliation, instrumentalization, and even nonrecognition. These concepts
are better used to describe the violation of human dignity. Concrete practices and conditions
bring about violations of human dignity. Such practices as women’s circumcision, wife
battering, and rape lead to severe forms of torture. These practices can be referred to as
violence against women. Of course, there are different types of violence against women, but
my focus is basically on female circumcision, which is my center of interest. Such practices
lead to a deeper understanding of the violation of human dignity, thus bringing
interrelationships and commonalities to the surface and pointing to their endangered value.

PART TWO:

CHAPTER TWO: (30 pgs.)

1. HUMAN DIGNITY AND FEMALE CIRCUMCISION IN THE

CONTEXT OF CHRISTIAN -ETHICAL TRADITION.
1.1. Human dignity in the context of Christian-Ethical Tradition.

The predicate “human” and the noun “dignity” make up the English phrase “human dignity.”
The adjective “dignity” qualifies the noun, indicating that it refers to humankind. Similarly,
the adjective qualifies the noun “being” in the phrase “human being” to suggest that the being
in issue is a member of the human race. The word “human” has etymological ties to the Latin
word “humus,” which means “earthly” (as an adjective) or “earthing” (as a substantive). In

441
Ibid: Dworkin, 1983, Pg.39

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general, it refers to the generosity (humanity) and fallibility (all too human) of the species of
intelligent creatures or what is suited to the sort that ‘we’ are.442

The combination of the words “human” and “dignity” results in the phrase “human dignity,”
which refers to humans' status as a group that is superior to other groups and should not be
taken for granted. Since they are the ones to whom value makes sense, it alludes to their
highest value or the fact that they are a presupposition of value.

Value is revealed in emotion, and it has a profoundly intimate impact on each of us. We are
impacted by the highest importance in the most profound way. His weight is sensed as equal
to mine as I recognize the other because his valuing action conditions it as I condition mine.
The human relationships that allow me to explore these depths and discover that this ultimate
value is a part of personal identity in both myself and the Other are those of love, kinship, and
friendship. The principle of human dignity declares that this experience is achievable for
every human being. The idea of human dignity conceptualizes or welcomes this sense of
recognition. The philosophy, as articulated, upholds the inherent worth of every human being.
Based on the global experience of recognition dynamics, it enjoys widespread acceptance.
This is a fundamental ethical and legal premise worldwide. Everyone has a right to be treated
with respect and valued for their inherent humanity—human dignity.443

Human dignity is a term used to describe the worth of a person. Furthermore, what does the
conventional definition of “person” imply? It first suggests the ability or possibility to create
means. Firstly, it refers to the capacity to consciously ask questions, envision, feel,
comprehend, know, make decisions, and take action, or the capability to do so. When we use
these abilities, we also recognize the freedom that comes with making conscious decisions
and selecting for ourselves, which gives us the potential to make self-conscious decisions and
choose for ourselves, providing us the potential to be self-determining. Since personal
freedom and personal responsibility are two sides of the same coin, this sense of space is
related to a consciousness of responsibility. We are conscious that we are one-of-a-kind or
unique and irreplaceable since we are free and responsibly capable of self-determination
through our powers to imagine, understand, know, and decide. Moreover, with all this comes
an understanding of our vulnerability to suffering. Furthermore, we see the vulnerability of
personhood: we see how easily others and ourselves can undermine our freedom to define
ourselves through responsible decision-making and action, how frequently others or our
442
Cf: Mette Lebech, Faculty of Philosophy National University of Ireland, Maynooth, pg. 1
443
Cf: Mette Lebech, Pg. 1

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misconceptions can thwart our desire to perform admirably in the drama of life, and how
often our needs to know, love, and be known and loved are not met.444

Four components comprise the basic constellation of meanings in human dignity:

irreplaceability, liberty, responsibility, and susceptibility to pain and deterioration. The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is based on this understanding of human dignity.445
Human dignity is the foundation of human rights because, as unique, vulnerable, and
responsible self-determining creatures, we have an unalienable right to the opportunities and
circumstances that will enable us to freely and fully grow as individuals.

Of course, under the perspective of the Declaration, we always have our rights based on
dignity (ontologically if not politically); whether we pursue a dignified life in doing so is
irrelevant. If we keep this distinction in mind, it will be easier to understand how the
Universal Declaration’s idea of dignity is used. Alternatively, we could say that “dignity” is a
heuristic in two ways. The Declaration aims to establish, uphold, and encourage the
observance of those rights that will enable a life of dignity. Thus, it conveys an idea of
realized human dignity. However, and this is more fundamental, the Declaration Starts with
the affirmation that people are “born” with dignity and have intrinsic worth and dignity that
do not need to be pursued or worked for or are unrelated to success.446 Human dignity is not
bestowed on us by anybody other than the creator. Similarly, human dignity cannot be taken
away from us. Even when someone has committed a heinous act such as murder, the person
continues to have their human dignity.

However, the concept of human dignity does have a past in that it has been explained in
various ways due to its perceived dependence on several factors. The phrase “human dignity”
appears to have developed gradually from a situation in which the value of human persons is
acknowledged through the term “dignity.” Both phrases are still in use today, as seen by the
1948 Declaration of Human Rights, written simultaneously and for similar reasons as the
phrase “human person.” It may sound unexpected, but the philosophical inquiry had not
hitherto focused on systematically applying the term “human dignity.” However, in the
Human Rights tradition that emanates from this text, the word “human dignity” is consistently
employed to convey the fundamental understanding that underpins human rights. It is the

444
Cf:
445
Cf:
446
Cf:

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basic idea that human rights are supposed to be based on. It is claimed to be unalienable and
innate in every human being.447

To understand the Term ‘human dignity,’ we must approach it from four perspectives
(paradigm.) Each represents a reasonable possibility and is dependent upon a time-typical
framework. Cicero might represent the cosmo-centric ancient paradigm that analyzes human
dignity in terms of nature (2). The Christocentric paradigm of the Middle Ages, which
elucidates Jesus Christ’s human dignity, is embodied by Thomas Aquinas (3). Immanuel
Kant, who explains human dignity as a tribute to reason (4), might be seen as a representative
of the logocentric framework of modernity. Finally, Mary Wollstonecraft embodies the post-
modernist polis-centered perspective that analyzes human dignity and social acceptability (5).
The concept of human dignity expressed in the Declaration of Human Rights can originate
from these accounting methods.448

1.1.1. The Account of Cosmo-centrism (Ancient Times)

Dignitas demanded respect in the Roman Republic and the succeeding Empire, regardless of
his political, military, or administration administrative accomplishments. Axia, which means
the worth that determines how much something or someone counts, is another word used by
the Greeks to describe a comparable reality. This phrase, which indicates a claim from which
additional claims flow, is the foundation of our hypothesis. It also refers to the theory of value
and the discipline of axiology.

In the Nichomachean Ethics, Aristotle defines the axis as a relational concept. As a result, it
tends toward equalization within the friendship connection since it educates character and
recognizes the equal worth of the other. Axia, in turn, means claiming commodities external
to oneself. It depends on both nature and societal appraisal. However, Aristotle would only
accept that just because someone is human, they automatically possess Axia.449 Their differing
Axia sets them apart: they are not equal or entitled to the same status, and justice is best
served by allocating resources to those differences.

Nonetheless, Cicero mentions Dignitas’ humanity just once, in De Officiis 6, 106, perhaps
due to Stoicism’s impact. Humans have such an outstanding Status because of their superior
intelligence, which compels them to continue being superior to animals. “This demonstrates

447
Cf:
448
Cf:
449
Nichomachean Ethics.

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that sensual pleasure is completely undeserving of human dignity and that we should hate it
and drive it from us. However, if someone is found to value sensual satisfaction, they must
strictly adhere to the moderation guidelines.”450

Like for every Roman, dignity was central to Cicero’s thinking. He defines it as deserving of
respect, regardless of whether an office or the utmost virtue mediates it. He defines justice as
follows: “Justice is the habit of mind which gives to every one according to the desert
(Dignitas) while preserving the common advantage.”451 In other words, because humans are
endowed with dignity, they are entitled to continue to be superior to other animals and create
the world. This is true because reason is the only thing genuinely divine, and God and humans
possess this unique ability. As a result, God and people live in and share the same
Commonwealth, the Universe, and the Cosmos. They also share justice and the law.

Humans are not equal in every manner, even though they are similar in other areas. There are
disparities in nature that render certain things more worthy than others. Like Aristotle, Cicero
Supported an aristocracy based on merit, with the ideal value attained by behavior consistent
with what is appropriate. Justice should, therefore, seek and uphold dignity. This aristocracy,
which Cicero regards as natural, would be acknowledged by natural law, right reason, or the
law upheld by both gods and humans. The Ancient Universe was hierarchically structured.

Cicero was, therefore, only partially an egalitarian despite his stoicism. Of course, the society
he was a part of was far from that either, as it tolerated slavery and did not permit women to
participate in politics. However, Cicero’s reference to human dignity entailed equality before
the gods and the brutes. According to Cicero, it obligated people to behave appropriately and
with self-respect and should serve as the foundation for the Republic’s laws.452

Within the framework of the cosmos, dignity pertains to the right of governance, meaning the
position of the person in charge, be it of their household, an office within the state, or both.
According to the framework of the cosmos, Cicero appears to be undecided about the human
dignity of women, as beauty is a comparable virtue in women. Given the strength of the
framework, it is possible that the case of those in slavery could not have been made and is not
made. Therefore, it is still being determined whether Cicero believed that human dignity was
always present in every individual and that it was unalienable or if it included the right to
political status. His interpretation would differ in scope but not significantly in intent from the
450
De Officiis 6, 106.
451

452
Cf: Mette Lebech, Pgs.3-4.

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one the human rights tradition now adheres to. It considers the emphasis placed on
eliminating racism and sexism in this tradition. This disparity draws attention to a peculiarity
of human dignity: its purpose appears only obliquely to define its boundaries. If so, the
definition is likewise ambiguous. However, socio-economic interest is likely the primary
cause of the seeming ambiguity. This characteristic can be defined for a framework.
Therefore, the reference point or feeling of human dignity that it is believed to have depends
on this framework.

1.1.2. The Account of Christo-Centric (Middle Ages.)

The phrase Dignitas humana was uncommon during the Middle Ages. However, a related
term with limited use was “Dignitas conditionis humanae,” which means the dignity of the
human situation or creation. It inspired the title of a book called “De Conditione Dignitatis
Humanae,”453 which was said to have been authored by Ambrose but was most likely written
by Alcuin four centuries later. This book may be connected to the anonymous scholastic
Master, who defined a person as a subject marked by dignity and to whom both Thomas
Aquinas and Albert the Great refer. The book used Dignitas and persona interchangeably.

In medieval logic, the term Dignitas refers to personal dignity or the understanding that the
individual has dignity. Like other Scholastics who came before and after him, Thomas
translated the Greek axioma using Dignitas. Consequently, “dignity” refers to a fundamental
or self-evident notion that forms the basis of science, whether mathematics or ethics. In
contemporary English, "principle" refers to anything of fundamental importance.

Like Boethius, Thomas defines personhood as “hypostasis proprietate distincta ad Dignitatem

pertinente,”454 but he also uses the anonymous Master to define personhood as substantia
individua rationalis naturae. For the sake of our investigation, it makes no difference whether
this is interpreted as a subject distinguished by dignity or as a subject characterized by a
property regarding dignity, as “dignity” is the predicate that defines and identifies the
Problem. Thomas contends that the individual would become abstracted if dignity were
removed from the hypostasis. Thus, dignity, like personhood, represents the subject’s
individuality while its rational nature establishes its universal “whatness.” In other words,
dignity is necessary for persons to exist; it makes them who they are.

453

454

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Like Cicero, Thomas Aquinas, only once throughout the Summa Theologiae, employs the
term Dignitas humana. There, he contends that although it is wicked to kill an innocent person
who possesses natural dignity, killing those who sin and stray from the rational order can
cause a person to lose their human dignity, therefore maintaining one’s freedom and reason.
Alternatively, “existing for oneself” is necessary for human dignity to exist to some extent
(resp. obj. 2). While rationality may come naturally, it is not a static quality; instead, it has
expectations that must be met. It is demeaning to act contrary to one’s rational nature. Cicero
and Thomas are relatively close in this regard. According to the latter, human dignity should
also forbid someone from acting like a beast and caving into sensual pleasure; it is a concept
that one ought to adhere to.

However, did Aquinas believe that personhood might be destroyed by irrational activity or
what he understood as “sin”? If so, he thought the latter could be saved and elevated to a
Child of God in Christ. Animals can have great dignity, but human dignity is not the highest.
When considering the several levels of dignity that can be assigned to superiors, human
dignity is, for instance, the most fundamental. However, all degrees of dignity should be
treated with proper respect because they are descended from God and have precedence over
authority, if not more so than other earlier choices.

The Christocentric paradigm could explain fundamental ideas about the universal belief in a
God-made man in Christ, including the significance of being human. Additionally, because
human dignity was bestowed twice—once during Creation and once more—it was seen as
acceptable that it may be somewhat destroyed due to this common belief. However, after sin
taints, redemption is even better. This conviction possibly implied that the status of non-
Christians’ was unclear. Like statelessness today, Christianity was seen as an insult against
the Order of the Day because of its significance to the social system. However, it still does.
The Christian message of neighborly love significantly contributed to upholding each
person’s personhood and human dignity. It is unlikely that belief in human rights could
endure without this reminder of the absolute nature of love and its unending availability.

1.1.3. The Account Focused on Logos.

For many contemporary philosophers, the experience of the Reformation and the religious
conflicts that followed had a profound effect. Tradition and authority were being extensively
questioned, and it was found that even the new institutions, which had replaced the old, were
also subject to critique. Thus, they could afford to take very few things for granted. The

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Enlightenment brought a new worldview that sought to explain everything using some
purported connection to reason.

The first person to explain the dignity of man in terms of his choice of where he would stand
in the universe was Pico Della Mirandola (Oration on the Dignity of Man). Nevertheless,
Hobbes has tempered these fresh aspirations by emphasizing the importance of social
restraints after the gravitational pull of an ordered cosmos stops dictating the objective
directions of up and down. He argued that a man’s “worth,” or the value society places on
him, is all that constitutes dignity. He cannot have any predefined value apart from the
societal assessment of his utility if he lacks a predetermined kind or essence. By dignity of
man, Pico Dela Mirandola meant “the high nobility of disciplined reason and imagination,
human nature redeemed by Christ and uplifting the genuinely human person through an
Exercise of soul and mind. He did not mean a technological or sensate triumph.”455 The
dignity of man is a phrase on the lips of many people nowadays, including Communist
publicists. By it, all kinds of people mean merely the gratification of the ego, the egalitarian
claim that “one man is as good as another, or maybe a little better.”456 Pico, however, knew
that no being could dignify himself: “dignity is a quality with which one is invested; it must
be conferred. For human dignity to exist, there must be a Master who can raise Man above the
brute creation. If that Master is denied, then dignity for Man is unattainable.”457

In light of this, Kant created his concept of dignity, which is the main focus of the
Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals. Only four times in The Metaphysics of Morals did
Cicero and Aquinas refer to human dignity (Würde der Menschlichen Natur.)

Menschwürde is only mentioned once while talking about the vice of conceit. Würde der
Menschlichen Natur is also used only once. It is stated here that arrogance differs from pride
because pride is concerned with “not yielding anything of one’s human dignity in comparison
with others.” Here, the argument is made that human dignity and autonomy—that is, the
ability of humans to legislate morality for themselves—are the reasons behind it. Speaking of
human dignity and considering society as dignity itself is not a giant leap. However, grace is
frequently used in isolation, devoid of the adjective “human,” it is linked to the categorical
imperative, which is the ultimate object of respect. This is necessary for both respect for
human dignity and respect for humanity.

455
Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola, Oration on the Dignity of Man, Regnery Publishing, New York, 1956, Pg. XVII.
456
Ibid: Pg. XVII.
457
Ibid: Pg. XVIII.

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The citizens, or those to whom the categorical imperative applies, should, in theory, be the
same group as everyone capable of creating it. However, this appears to be so disconnected
from political practice that Kant is compelled to distinguish between active and passive
citizenship, with the latter being reserved for dependents of all types, including women,
children, serfs, and enslaved individuals. Therefore, having dignity gives one the right to
citizenship and legal status but not the right to vote. However, according to Kant, “only the
united and consenting Will of all the people – insofar as each of them determines the same
thing about all, and all determine the same thing about each – ought to have the power of
enacting law in the State.” This seems to imply that legal rights and citizenship can only be
distinguished when doing so serves the common good, and the framework is precisely what
allows for this kind of maintenance.

The term “anthropocentric” is occasionally applied to the logo-centric framework. Given the
connection between modernity and anthropocentrism and Kant’s belief that humanity is
endowed with dignity, this label is appropriate. However, it is also out of place. Kant
illustrates the rationality of the Enlightenment at this point by explaining the significance of
man in reason. The inherent issues with the identification of man with the citizen and of
reason with the justification of republicanism eventually led to the emergence of the post-
modern framework. However, because it emphasizes autonomy as the cornerstone of
humanity, the logocentric account is still frequently cited as a source for human rights.
However, unless autonomy is linked to human nature, in which case the issues surrounding
the ambiguity of attachment are the same as those related to the cosmocentric account, the
extension of human dignity is left without an objective standard. This is because autonomy is
either an unseen (moral) or a negotiated (political) reality.

1.1.4. The Account focused on Polis:

Mary Wollstonecraft’s Enlightenment thought embodies the Post-Modern era—which is

usually understood to have started considerably later—and seems anachronistic. Nonetheless,
it is justified by the facts that she both initiates a new method of thinking about or discussing
human dignity and appears to be deliberately stepping outside the limitations of her period.
She thus serves as an example of how it is possible to leave a framework and start a new one.
The fact that she is a woman speaking publicly about who should be considered a citizen
causes both of the earlier order steps to be interpreted in a particular way. She paints a
romantic picture of a world where everyone is pleased to find her voice. Her account can,

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therefore, be considered polis-centered, as it is predicated on an understanding of the just
state.

Like Kant, she begins her explanation of human dignity with Reason. However, as seen by the
contentious nature of her two Vindications—A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790) and
A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792)—Wollstonecraft’s rationalism is restrained by
social realism. A Vindication of the Liberties of Man was published to uphold the liberties
declared by the Revolution. Disappointed with the visionaries’ disregard for women’s rights,
A Vindication of Women's Rights was written. Thus, these books both deal with what we now
refer to as human rights.

To offer an alternative to the then-current conception of dignity, Wollstonecraft introduces the

concepts of “the native dignity of man,” “dignity of character,” or “dignity of virtue” rather
than using the word “human dignity.” It was widespread knowledge that dignity was an
attribute of the aristocracy and could only be obtained by royal proclamation or liberal
descent. Like ancient times, it denoted social differentiation; yet, on Wollstonecraft’s Day, the
non-aristocrats were given a stable voice. She uses the term itself, so to speak, to advocate for
a political shift toward republicanism or even democracy and the social participation of
women. She contends that dignity belongs to all individuals who desire to be just and rational.
Because of their inherent dignity, she defends the right of regular men and women to be
acknowledged for their innate dignity, which includes the right to be free from slavery,
whether this enslavement is manifested as sexual exploitation or physical work. Although
Wollstonecraft believes education is essential to raising the status of all members of society,
she does not think social change will occur soon. People are less inclined to allow themselves
to be held in any form of slavery when they are educated to recognize their “conscious
dignity.” However, breaking free from the bonds of servitude is a long-term endeavor. She
looks at the furnishings expectantly because she wants to walk out of the modern framework
and into a different one.

However, post-modernity is frequently linked to social constructivism as well as polis-

centrism. Mary Wollstonecraft claimed from her experiences that an idea of dignity might be
created by society and accepted as its natural foundation, even in the face of a regulative
assertion of equality that is ingrained in the recognized experience. This helped to legitimize
social order. This argument can refute the claim that modernity is ideological: ordinary
people, whose opinions had been disregarded for ages, have obtained a voice and brought the

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experience of being disregarded. They were keen observers of the interaction between reason
and social circumstances since they had lived with a gap between rhetoric and reality for a
considerable time. Since human dignity served as their language weapon for gaining political
clout and self-worth, it was incorporated into the post-modern framework, which was seen as
the cornerstone of democracy and human rights.

This may be why this framework finds it challenging to integrate the views of individuals who
justify human dignity through references to causes other than preserving a moderate
democratic society. Religious people have this alternative since their social organization
differs from that of the democratic state, regardless of their religion—Jewish, Christian, or
Muslim. These distinctions are most noticeable when people are the most significant societal
burden, whether they are wrongdoing or not. At such a time, every community abandons a
value it essentially views to ensure its survival and turns against those who put its resources
under duress. Inconsistencies do not undermine the community; rather, the “poly-point-of-
view” of the polis-centric framework arises from the several standards, each seen as absolute
and thus ipso facto conditions the others.

The four narratives of human dignity evolved within their respective historical settings.
Nevertheless, they coexist in current discussions and frequently clash, particularly in domains
where their extensions do not coincide. Thus, the question of whether there is a single shared
understanding of human dignity that can consider the unique insights in each framework
emerges.

1.2. The correct definition of human dignity:

It is necessary to establish the concept, idea, and experience of human dignity before
discussing various paradigms. Nonetheless, the variations among the four renditions
demonstrate that humankind's essential worth encompasses distinct elements.

Because they have dominion (over their passions, households, or groups), humans are seen to
have fundamental value in the cosmo-centric framework. The goal of human virtue
acquisition is the upholding of moral authority. Thanks to this acquisition, they may locate
society, enact laws, and engage in social life. Nature, however, has given humans a higher
position in the universe by offering them a reason to assume the role of dominance. Humans
bear the obligation to ensure the continuation of this moral dominion. Natural moral authority
is a prerequisite for human dignity, but it is inadequate in and of itself; one must also be a

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member of the human race. However, moral dominance can also be seen as a requirement for
human dignity because it is thought to be a human trait.

According to the logocentric paradigm, people are entitled to dignity because of reason—or,
in Kantian terms, they can comprehend the consequences of any given action’s
“universalizability.” In this scheme of things, virtue is the quality of the kind of deeds whose
maxim is “universalizable” by the categorical imperative. While God determines man’s
ultimate fate and reward, the reason is sufficient to establish a society, certify position
positions, and account for the law. In this life, there is no safeguard for human dignity other
than reason. However, what becomes of human dignity is unclear if logic falls. Reason alone
does not provide human dignity; it is merely a required prerequisite. Since rationality is a
defining characteristic of humanity, rationality can be seen as a prerequisite for human
dignity.

The political experience of “reason,” which individuals in positions of authority ideologically

employed to conclude who needed to be taken into consideration, gave rise to the polis-centric
paradigm. One of the approaches that rejected the only point of view was the polis-centric
framework. It is, therefore, also poly-morphic polymorphic and poly-centric polycentric.
Status is characterized by its dependence on political decisions, while virtue is defined as its
role in society (e.g., usefulness). Conversely, culture is increasingly perceived as a
fundamental, unavoidable reality that does not require foundation because it permeates
everything, much like nature did for the prehistoric people.

Consequently, the law becomes the currency society grants through its political systems. On
the other hand, society functions because of each person’s destiny. Ideologies aside, an
organization should acknowledge human dignity as its cornerstone. What happens to human
dignity is unclear if acknowledgment declines. Acknowledgment is an outcome that may arise
from having human dignity, but it is not an essential prerequisite. Additionally, the possessor
needs to be human. However, it was precisely because social links are thought to comprise the
majority of a person’s identity that recognition could be established as a prerequisite for
human dignity in the first place.

All the frameworks under consideration share human dignity as their core principle. However,
they all perceive it to depend on or be influenced by various aspects of human reality, such as
recognition in society, human nature, relatedness to God, or the faculty of reason. This is so
because the four conceptions take diverse stances on what constitutes a human being and, as a

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result, see the essential value of the human being as including various facets of its existence.
These aspects define human beings and make them what they are. However, a fundamental
value is specific to each human being and does not refer only to their nature, faith, reason, or
status. The frameworks concur here. Because of this, they also agree that human dignity
belongs to the person, although the precise grounds for this claim differ.

However, the concept is only formal: “Human dignity is the fundamental value of the human
being.”458 To explain its content, we are called back to the experience of human dignity’s
fidelity in love, kinship, and friendship.

My genetic Constitution symbolizes my physical and psychological makeup, abilities, and

powers, and nature accounts for my material interchange with my environment during growth
and decay. I could not explain one of my physical characteristics if I did not identify with my
heart. Idealistic, solipsistic, or dualistic tendencies aim to minimize this explanatory element,
resulting in their inability to explain my physical uniqueness.

Reason explains how physical and subjective experiences coexist harmoniously, particularly
when forming a character. It also considers the type and degree of innovation and
communication that unite human society. Such integration depends on reason, absorption,
intuition, and discursive reasoning to provide access to an idealized reality. I could not
explain my intelligence or psychology if I did not consider myself reasonable. Materialist,
naturalistic, or behaviorist inclinations undervalue this explanatory component since they
cannot describe my Spiritual transcendence.

Not only does society provide the means for the systematic and deliberate development of all
innate skills, but it also serves as the rationale for this process. Using rewards and penalties,
the Community requires all facets of the human being—natural, rational, and spiritual. I could
not combine my skills or know who I am if I did not identify with others and my place in the
community. Individualistic tendencies fail to consider this explanatory aspect, which leaves
them unable to explain a person’s telos.

Because of the essential relationships among the many explanations, none can establish a
person’s identity or, by extension, their human dignity. The principles of matter and form are
inherently opposed to each other, yet they are brought together by an efficient cause and exist
for the sake of the ultimate result.

458

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I can only access the depths of my being when I connect with what is fundamental to my
nature, reason, and social integration—that is when I accept and embrace who I am. From this
perspective, I can only recognize the essential worth of other people: the worth of their life
beyond their inherent qualities, Godlikeness, reason, and social integration, but not in their
independence. We refer to the unadulterated admiration for another person’s uniqueness as
Self-love. Love sees potential everywhere, even in situations requiring much work. It also
carries comprehension and disappointment, as there only seem to be fleeting moments of
significance. It defends the rights of the elderly, the young, and the vulnerable and keeps them
safe from exploitation by more extensive interests and parties. Considering this, it is not so
strange that we can fully identify with each other through love alone, and as a result, it is not.
It is so odd that we should rely on it in real life to give meaning to human dignity. When we
assert that human dignity is its cornerstone, we declare that this international world order
should be a civilization of love and respect. It can only exist as such a civilization to qualify
as a civilization.

1.3. Summary:

The concept and tenet of human dignity are rooted in the experience of human dignity.
However, the idea depends on several facets of the human condition, such as nature, relative
to God, reason, or social integration. The contrasting narratives are recognized and examined
within several historically based frameworks (the frameworks that are polis-centered, Christo-
centric, logo-centric, and Cosmo-centric), each of which represents a different approach to
defending human dignity. Simultaneously, the explanatory elements of the various
frameworks suggest that, while fundamentally human, none of them, when considered
separately, offers us an adequate precondition for human dignity. They serve as markers of
the human, pointing to the creature whose presence is fundamentally essential.

The underlying accounts of the various frameworks are based on a purely formal definition.
Every human being's primary value is human dignity. However, we must look to the
experiences of love and friendship for the content of human dignity, as these provide the best
circumstances for an individual’s Constitution. Here, we get to practice reacting outside our
comfort zone to the equally essential value of the other. Therefore, “human dignity” refers to
every person’s intrinsic value, regardless of standards.

2. The Concept of Dignity: An Analysis:

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From this perspective, there is a need to pay attention to the principle of dignity and respect a
person’s dignity at all human levels. This respect involves thorough thinking about the folks
who are the object of affection and respectful behavior. Hence, questions of the following
nature should be asked: Who are these people? What circumstances are they in? In which
circumstances are they placed? Moreover, what steps can be taken to alter these situations or
conditions?

It is essential to know that dignity is somewhat ambiguous. Dignity does not exist in a
vacuum. It applies to human beings in different situations. Different applications lead to
contradictory conclusions even though they are equally correct linguistically. Sometimes,
people discuss dignity as a fixed characteristic of who they are. At times, however, it is
asserted that an individual’s dignity can be destroyed by the conduct of another person or by
outside factors.459

The term “human dignity” may not have existed for more than three centuries. Before the
19th-century papal encyclicals, the Latin expression dignitas humana—equivalent to the
Hebrew Gedula and the Greek Axia—was not widely used. Neither the early Christian
scriptures nor the translations of most significant medieval theologians contain it. This is not
to downplay the importance placed on people by the Bible and the Church Fathers, who
believed that humans were made in God’s image. However, the Bible generally uses the term
Dignitas to refer to general rank or Status. This was its common usage in antiquity. Dignitas
primarily denoted overall worthiness, prestige, and stature in politics for the Romans. For
example, the phrase was widely used when referring to top officials, such as the Senators of
the Republic or the Empire. However, to truly own Dignitas, the person also needed to carry
out the responsibilities assigned to their rank or position.460

There is a wealth of classical literature on dignity, much of which contrasts humans and other
creatures and plants. This has an apparent historical context. Since Aristotle (384-324), most
philosophers have maintained that animals are beneath humans in the natural hierarchy
because they are incapable of rational thought despite having some sense of perception. The
Christian tradition bolsters the belief that only humans were made in God’s image. Animals
are among the natural resources humans can use for their purposes. However, most modern
philosophers and scientists studying animals have created a strong case for animals’ moral
Status. (Cf Nussbaum 2011). Since animals are conscious entities, they can experience pain.
459
Cf:
460
Cf:

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Many philosophers also contend that animals have inherent value, meaning that their worth
should be determined by their qualities rather than by how useful they may be in certain
situations. Thus, considering the similar interests of people and animals, these philosophers
contend that sentient animals ought to be accorded the same moral standing as humans. 461

2.1. The Four Concepts of Human Dignity:

2.1.1. Dignity of Merit:

People have unique dignity when they are ranked members or occupy an office that confers
certain rights. Dignitas is a Latin word for excellence and distinction. This is the oldest
meaning of the word. It was mainly applied to senators and other prominent officials in the
Roman Republic and, subsequently, the Empire. The Romance languages are still thriving in
this way. In the church circles, it was applied to a person of a high rank, notably in the clerical
hierarchy, such as an archbishop.462

Although a person may be born with such dignity in some circumstances (such as hereditary
monarchy), we may refer to this as the dignity of merit. As such, the offices of a king, a
cabinet minister, a bishop, and a doctor, for instance, confer dignity and distinction. These are
merit’s official dignities. As the name suggests, these meritocratic dignities are usually
conferred upon individuals using a formal act, such as an appointment.

The concepts of rights and respect are also connected to the dignity of merit. Rights are
associated with being a doctor, a bishop, and a cabinet minister. Those who approach the
individuals in question are expected to respect their rights.

Significantly, the dignities of merit might come and go. Someone can be demoted as well as
promoted. People can have celebrities and reputations for a while but also vanish overnight.
Another aspect of the dignities of merit is that they admit degrees—most positions. They are
arranged in hierarchies, whether they are professionals or not. A bishop is higher on the
clerical scale than a priest, while a general is higher on the military scale than a sergeant.
Older people may be considered to have a unique informal dignity of worth. This is the
knowledge that comes from age and life experiences.

2.1.2. The Dignity of Moral Stature:

461
Cf:
462
Cf: Pg. 25.

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The dignity of moral stature relates closely with the dignity of merit. This dignity is heavily
reliant on the beliefs and actions of the individual, introducing the notion that morality
dictates what constitutes respectable behavior.463

Sometimes, acts of extraordinary moral worth—such as those performed in the face of great
adversity and at significant personal cost—are associated with dignified behavior. In dire
situations, one’s own life may be at stake. Several well-known historical figures gave their
life to maintain their dignity. Among them was the philosopher Socrates, who was executed
for the supposed offense of luring the Athens youth. Socrates spilled the poisoned cup in
prison and passed away alongside a few of his students. He likely believed that he would not
have been able to leave the jail with his dignity intact. Therefore, having satisfaction can
include upholding a particular moral standard. There are several levels of this type of dignity.
A person’s moral Standard may be very high, very low, or even short of the required
minimum.464

2.1.3. The Dignity of Identity:

This dignity is unique because it is not “dependent on the subject’s merits, be they formal or
informal or concerning a person’s moral status.”465 We can lose this dignity due to outside
circumstances and other people's actions. “It is the dignity attached to us as integrated and
autonomous persons with history and a future, with all our relationships to other human
beings. Most of us have a fundamental respect for our identity, although it need not be
remarkable from a moral or other point of view. However, this self-respect can quickly be
shattered, for instance, by nature itself and by the cruel acts of other people.”466

Thus, the crucial factors that ground the dignity of identity are the subject’s integrity and
autonomy, including social relations. These factors are typically associated with a sense of
integrity and independence. When a person’s integrity and autonomy are tampered with, this
is generally associated with humiliation or loss of self-respect. Self-respect is thus an essential
concept in connection with the dignity of identity.467 (Cf. Honneth 1992). The embarrassment
can be more profound when the cruel act is intentional. Hence, “Though the victim of shame
often does not value the standards of worthiness and social success assumed by the
463
Cf: Pg. 26
464
Cf: Pg.26.
465
Pg. 26.
466
Ibid: Pg. 26.
467
Cf: Axel Honneth, “Integrity and Disrespect: Principles of Conception of morality Based on the Theory of
Recognition,” Political Theory Vol.20, No.2, Sage Publications Inc. May 1992, Pp. 187-201.

~ 188 ~
humiliator, the humiliator manages to shatter the victim’s self-respect, to make her feel
unworthy, diminished in stature, devalued.468

“Intrusion in the private sphere violates the person’s integrity. Hurting a person may entail a
change in the person’s identity. The person becomes a person with a trauma; in a salient
sense, they have a new physical identity. The person’s autonomy can be tampered with when
they are prevented from doing what they want or are entitled to do.”469

The three kinds of human dignity stated above share two fundamental characteristics.
Different people can have various degrees of dignity. Certain people possess high moral
standards, intact identities, degrees of dignity, and high positions in hierarchies. Some people
have poor scores on these dimensions, and someone can have great dignity on one measure
and low on another. Secondly, the three dignities are ephemeral. An individual can shift
positions on a scale. Thus, they could be demoted at one point and promoted at another. A
person’s moral standing might change over time. Additionally, identity can be both destroyed
and rebuilt. Especially when it comes to the dignity of merit, one can fall entirely off the scale
and have no worth.

2.1.4. The Human Dignity:

There is a whole different kind of dignity in these crucial aspects. Menschenwürde, a German
word, describes the inherent dignity that all people possess or are presumed to possess simply
by their humanity. It is a particular human value. We all have this dignity to the same extent,
meaning that we are equal in that regard, and a critical aspect of it is that it cannot be taken
away from us while we are living.470

Given our shared human dignity, nobody should be treated less respectfully than anybody else
regarding fundamental human rights. Care requires, at the very least, the rights associated
with the pride in question to be fulfilled. All these rights need to be respected. Specifically, a
young individual and an older adult have the same fundamental human rights, whether man or
woman and basic human rights are the same.

As mentioned before, respect is a typical feature of all kinds of dignity. We should respect all
human beings, presidents, bishops (because of their attributed dignity), outstanding moral

468
Daniel Statman, “Humiliation, Dignity and Self-Respect,” Philosophical Psychology, 2001, Vol. 13(4), (Pp.523-
540.) Pg. 532.
469
Cf: Pg.43.
470
Cf: Pg.27.

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agents (because of their ethical actions and attitudes), and ourselves as the people we are, with
merits and faults. Thus, a person with any of these dignities deserves respect.

What is respect? “There is a basic sense of the word, which is particularly evident in the
case of human dignity. When one respects a human being, one at least respects the rights of
this human being. Every state and every individual shall act towards every human being
according to the rights set out in the United Nations Declaration. Thus, every state shall
protect the lives and health of its inhabitants, provide general health care and education,
provide freedom of expression, etc.”471 Respect is related to morality in several ways. First,
“The moral agent pays regard to others. This is a central feature of the character itself. Part of
being ethical is respecting other people’s rights, either the special rights bestowed upon them
by legal authorities or all people's specific human rights. Second, there is a particular respect
that the moral agent deserves, albeit a concern that is not tied to any of the person’s rights.
We should respect moral agents by thinking highly of them and speaking well.472

Respecting one’s dignity of identity is different. To respect this dignity is, first, to
acknowledge that one is a human being, i.e., “that one has basic human dignity, including its
rights, and second, to recognize that one is a distinct person with a set of specific qualities,
including weaknesses. This entails, among other things, that one must take care of oneself to
protect one’s body or, in general, one’s integrity.”473

In today’s civilized society, equal human value is conventional and widely acknowledged. It
is a cornerstone of most religions and firmly ingrained in secular Western thought. The UN
has attempted to include this idea in its proclamation of human rights, as was previously
mentioned.474

Respect for the inherent value of every human being requires considerable equality, in
particular, relationships characterized by dominance and subordination. This, therefore, would
be viewed as incompatible with the fundamental ideal of human dignity. If this is the case,
eradicating significant disparities is necessary to prevent these relationships. 475 Numerous
philosophers have cited human dignity as the keystone of morality when discussing the

471
Pg. 48
472
Pg.48.
473
Pg.49.
474
Cf. Pg.27.
475
Oscar Schachter, “Human Dignity as a Normative Concept.” American Journal of International Law, 77(4):
848-854. 1979, Pg. 850.

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respect people should have for one another as individuals. Alternatively, if they delve further,
the pertinent fact is whatever they defend as the foundations of human dignity, such as
rational autonomy, species membership, an immortal soul, etc.

2.2. The Teachings of the Church on Human Dignity.

There is no doubt that human dignity has different meanings when perceived from different
paradigms. It means different things at various times and from multiple perspectives. Human
Dignity also means different things in other disciplines, such as philosophy, moral theology,
political science, and law.

Human dignity is acknowledged as possibly “the premier value underlying the last two
centuries of moral and political thoughts.”476 The precise definition of human dignity can only
be evaluated in specific factual situations, and the extent to which law accommodates it is
evolving.

Dignity is a moral concept that refers to how people should or should not be treated as a group
or individual within a particular social and cultural context. As a result, there is not a single,
widely accepted definition of dignity. Dignity, at its most basic, is “respect for the intrinsic
worth of every individual.” 477

The church's primary focus on explaining the meaning of human dignity has always been
biblically grounded. The “notion that all human beings are created in the image and the
likeness of God.”478 This was central to the early beliefs of the Jewish and Christian faiths.
This idea eventually developed into accepting that the soul and the body should be viewed as
one. The idea that all God’s creations bear the image of God (Imago Dei) served as the basis
for the conviction that every individual bearing the image of God possesses inherent worth.

Interestingly, “dignity” and “worthy” are derived from the Latin dignitas and dignus. The
etymology suggests that every person has an “inherent value” and should be treated with “a
special respect”479 when it comes to Homo sapiens.480

Ancient cultures and religions have greatly influenced our modern conception of human
dignity. Human rights, comparable to those listed in contemporary International, have a clear

476

477

478

479

480
Cf:

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biblical and historical origin since equality, social justice, and compassion for the
underprivileged are inherent to human rights and human dignity.

The principle of vulnerability: “Vulnerability” includes the potential for assault or

violation and the inability or lack of resources to escape these circumstances and defend
against violations. Humans are inherently vulnerable because of their physical and
psychological powerlessness towards one another, their surroundings, their situation, and their
reliance on other living things. In so far as they can be violated by them on the one hand and
shielded from violation on the other, humans depend on others, themselves, the context, and
the environment.481

All human beings are impacted by the vulnerability principle, which sets them apart from all
other living things. Humans grant each other human rights because of the doctrine of
vulnerability. By so doing, they acknowledge that human rights apply to all people, including
themselves, and that by upholding these rights, it is possible to stop vulnerability from turning
into a concrete violation or, in the unlikely event that exposure does turn into a substantial
breach, to provide active compensation for all people, the moral community would decide that
everyone has the right to human rights and that rights should be granted to each other based
on vulnerability.482

While every human being is vulnerable, some members of society are more susceptible than
others. Women and children are always considered more vulnerable than men. For example,
in the face of war, women and children are at greater risk than men. Men can fight and protect
themselves for their survival. In the context of women's circumcision and culture, women are
therefore considered more vulnerable than men and boys.

Humans may be vulnerable to past experiences of injustice and pain, which are starting points
for determining these criteria. Humans agree to prevent for themselves and all other humans
the transformation from vulnerability to a concrete violation in the face of these historically
severe experiences of injustice and violence and to stipulate active compensation if a possible
change from vulnerability to substantial violation occurs. This is due to the principle of
openness.483

481
Cf:
482
Cf:
483
Cf:

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Identifying recorded cases of injustice that demand the safety of human rights necessitates the
establishment of selection criteria once more. Because it illustrates what people desire to
defend themselves from, they can be inferred from the previous descriptions of individuals
and the above-described weighting. It enables people to comprehend the conditions that must
be met for a violent past to warrant protection via human rights. The primary desire of
humans is to continue being and to be human (fundamentality). Because vulnerability extends
beyond the first-person perspective and self-relation as a necessary condition for human life.
Humans have come to understand that vulnerability affects not only their survival but also the
survival of all other humans, as well as their own life as humans and the lives of all others as
humans (universality); humans are entitled to survival and dignified life, known as
inalienability. Since vulnerability might include legal, political, historical, and ethical
dimensions, they must apply to several sizes and be legally enforced (multidimensionality).
Survival and a decent life should be unconditional due to their high importance, as stated
above, and the unpredictable nature of vulnerability or potential shift from openness to
violation (categorical character). All people have the same basic need to survive and lead
honorable lives with other people (equality). Even if each person leads this, survive and lead
honorable lives with other people (equality). Even if each person learns this desire via self-
relation and first-person perspective, it is not individualistic (individual application).
Therefore, the following criteria determine which historical experiences of violence and
vulnerabilities—fundamentality, universality, inalienability, enforceability.
Multidimensionality, categorical nature, equality, and individual applicability—are those
against which all human beings should be protected through specific human rights.484

3. Female circumcision in the context of Christian-Ethical Tradition.

3.1.1. The Teachings of the Church on Cultural Practices in General.
3.1.2. The Teachings of the Church on the Culture of Women Circumcision.
3.1.3. The Role of the Church in Influencing the Culture of Female Genital
Mutilation.

484
Cf:

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 1. Justifications for female circumcision practices.

There are many intricate and varied arguments in favor of female circumcision. The
ideological foundation of the practice, like that of most traditional activities, is rooted in the
society's historical, cultural, religious, and economic context.485 The most often cited
justifications for the practice's continued existence are mythical beliefs, religious mandates,
sexual control over females, and the necessity of upholding a custom that has been a part of
these civilizations for countless years.

1.1. Control over women's sexuality.

There appears to be an underlying cultural idea in the majority of societies where women are
circumcised, which holds that women's sexuality is reckless and wanton and should be under
men's supervision.486 Contrarily, male circumcision does not aim to stifle sexual enjoyment,
performance, ability, or desire; in fact, one of the most commonly cited justifications for
female circumcision is the regulation of female libido. This is especially true in regions where
the practice is practiced on infants and extremely young girls who are too young to be
initiated into adulthood.

The primary purpose of circumcision and excision is to make women less sensitive and less
inclined to engage in sexual activity, thereby discouraging promiscuity. Infibulation's primary
goal is to ensure a bride's virginity.487 That is the best way to preserve the girls' virginity. It is
nearly impossible to perform sexual activity in the tiny opening left after infibulation without
reopening the previously stitched area.

In many circumcising communities, maintaining one's virginity is crucial to a woman’s social

standing. The size of the infibulated opening is used in certain cultures to determine a
prospective bride's value; the smaller the space, the more likely the lady is to be a virgin and
the more desirable she is to a potential husband. These cultures hold that women's libido
ought to be restrained for the sake of social standing, family honor, and economics.

1.2. Faith.

485
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.445.
486
Cf: Hanny Lightfoot-Klein, “Pharaonic Circumcision of Female in Sudan,” Medicine and Law, 2(1983): Pg. 354.
487
Lawrence P. Cutner, “Female Genital Mutilation,” Obstetrical and Gynecological Survey, 40, No7(1983):
Pg.438.

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There was female circumcision before the arrival of Islam and Christianity. Though the
practice is not included in the doctrine of any official religion, Christians (Catholics,
Protestants, and Copts), Muslims, Jews, Animists, and Atheists all carry out the operation
throughout Africa.

According to several research studies looking into the motivations behind the behavior,
following religious precepts was one of the most typical reactions.488

Islam appears to have absorbed the practice deeply into its cultural fabric. Muslims who are in
favor of female circumcision generally believe that the Koran requires the procedure to be
performed. The Koran has no reference to either excision or infibulation, even though Muslim
officials frequently support the practice. There is scorn among men in Muslim Africa for
women who have not undergone female circumcision. However, these leaders defend female
circumcision as a positive “Sunna,” or tradition—one that helps to attenuate the sexual drive
in women, “directing it to the desirable moderation.”489 Being referred to as the “son of an
uncircumcised mother”490 is, in fact, one of the greatest insults in Muslim Africa.

The strong emphasis placed by Muslims on maintaining physical virginity may be the main
factor behind the practice's persistence throughout Islamic Africa. One way to "protect female
modesty and chastity, which are highly valued in Islam and are prescribed in the Quran" is to
circumcise women. One of an unmarried woman's most valuable possessions is still her
virginity.

1.3. Mythologies.

The following myths are frequently used to justify the practice: (1) the clitoris is a
representation of the male genitalia and, if left uncut, will grow to resemble a penis; (2)
female genitalia are sterile until they are removed and the procedure will increase fertility and
the number of live births; and (3) the procedure is a biological cleansing procedure that
enhances the hygienic and cosmetic condition of female genitalia. Some people think that the
clitoris itself emits a potentially dangerous “offensive discharge.” In Sudan, it is believed that
a woman must be excised to be considered clean and ready for marriage and motherhood
because she is inherently “polluted.”

488
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.71.
489
Marie Bassili Assaad, Female Circumcision in Egypt: Social Implications, Current Research, and Prospects for
Change,” Studies in Family Planning, 11, No.1(1980): Pg. 5
490
Raqiya Haji Duale Abdalla, Sister in Affliction: Circumcision and Infibulation of Women in Africa, Lawrence Hill
and Co. 1982, Pg.84.

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It has been proposed that a myth supporting the practice originates from the “Pharaonic belief
in the bisexuality of gods.”491 All men and women have qualities associated with both
masculine and feminine spirits. It is thought that the clitoris represents the masculine soul in a
female, and the prepuce, or foreskin, of the penis, represents the feminine spirit in a male. The
myth justifies both male and Female circumcision because it states that teenagers cannot enter
the adult world until they have shed the physical traits of the other sex. Certain societies
believe that female genitalia are "masculine" or "redundant," which makes them unappealing
to men. Some proponents contend that male sexual satisfaction is increased by female
circumcision.492

The clitoris is perceived as a threat, either materially or spiritually, in certain societies. “The
clitoris is considered a dangerous organ which can cause spiritual or symbolic injury to the
baby,”493, and to safeguard the infant, this harmful organ needs to be removed.

1.4. Customs

The value of tradition is the most cited defense for the ongoing practice of female
circumcision. Frequently, the only explanation is that it is a “tradition.” The majority of those
questioned during the field research were asked why the cultural practice of female
circumcision persisted. Responses included reduced female sexual arousal, enhanced male
sexual performance, and safeguarding the health of the unborn child. The need to uphold
tradition, however, was cited by both men and women as the primary justification.494

Because traditions are deeply ingrained in the social fabric, they are followed. Typical
answers to our query, “Why do you still circumcise women?” were along the lines of “We are
unable to stop it since it is our custom” or “What makes us stop doing it?”495

The acceptance of a tradition, like female circumcision, by almost all members of the
community, whether consciously or unconsciously, can have a powerful unifying effect and
give the community a sense of cultural identity, which is especially important in small rural

491
Ibid: Marie Bassili Assaad, Pg. 4
492
Cf: Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,”
Harvard Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.157
493
Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10, No.4,
Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.448.

494
Ibid: Pg. 448.
495
Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.68-69.

~ 196 ~
communities. “It is important to remember that this custom represents the unification of the
entire tribal organization and is closely linked to the moral code of the tribe.” 496

There are psychological advantages associated with the female circumcision procedure in
certain cultures. Jovial parties and intricate ceremonies frequently accompany the process.
Young females anticipate the occasion with great excitement and occasionally even pleasure.
Days of preparation could involve rituals like dancing and chanting, fasting, purging, and
indulging in exquisite food and beverages. The girls are regularly showered with presents,
compliments, and words of support for their bravery in becoming women. These requirements
only apply to cultures where the girls are mature enough to comprehend the occasion's
significance.497

Because female circumcision affects many areas of society, the significance of this ritual can
be understood in other facets of the culture.

For certain tribes, this specific custom is essential. It is crucial to a girl's life path, mainly
regarding marriage. For instance, becoming circumcised is regarded as a proclamation of
one's suitability for marriage.498

2. Arguments against female circumcision as a practice.

Among those who practice the culture of female circumcision, there has been growing
opposition to female circumcision in recent times, even though it has been a widespread
practice for thousands of years. They make the case that the treatment is demeaning to
women, and their resistance is fueled by the awareness that it is frequently performed
needlessly due to false assumptions and misconceptions about the procedure. The primary and
most common criticism of the system is the agony and bodily harm—even death—that so
many women and children have experienced because of circumcision.499

2.1. Impact on Health.

Female circumcision is linked to severe health issues, both psychological and physical. At the
same time, there might be severe side effects in any form; excision and infibulation cause the

496
Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya: The Tribal Life of the Gikuyu, London, Secker & Warburg, 1953, Pg.134
497
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.450.
498
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.70.
499
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.450.

~ 197 ~
most problems. In addition, physical issues may persist into adulthood and lead to pregnancy
complications that endanger the mother and the unborn child.

2.1.1. Both immediate and transient difficulties.

The usual female circumcision procedure is performed in significantly less hygienic and safe
circumstances than is appropriate. Urine retention due to occlusion, damage to and bleeding
from adjacent organs and tissue (including the rectum and Urethra), septicemia, shock from
pain and blood loss, acute infection (such as tetanus from unclean utensils and the materials
Used to patch the wounds), and even death can result from the use of unsterilized instruments
and unhygienic methods during the various procedures, especially infibulation.500

Ritualistic, Sunna, and excision are less drastic forms of female circumcision. While their side
effects are typically less severe, the immediate consequences of pain, excessive bleeding, and
infection are real and potentially dangerous. Another issue with the milder forms is that, in the
absence of anesthesia, it is reasonable to assume that the girls may struggle and that the
outcome could be a more severe form of circumcision than intended—an intended Sunna
could unintentionally become an excision. “This delicate operation requires great skill,
surgical tools, and knowledge of anatomy, conditions that are not available where these
operations are traditionally performed.”501

Severe pain that can result in shock is typical during these procedures because anesthetic is
rarely utilized. Moreover, the agony may last for weeks. This is particularly valid for the more
extreme variations of the practice. Even when local anesthetics are given, pain is frequently
excruciating as the medication wears off. When the girls experience infibulation, they are
compelled to remain motionless for a while. During this period, their legs are tied together to
keep the wound closed. In most cases, this leads to severe infection due to poor hygienic
conditions.

Bleeding, infection, shock, and other consequences can all be fatal. One of the numerous
causes of the already high rates of infant mortality in these communities is death from female
circumcision. It should be mentioned that the communities that still perform female
circumcision are also the ones with the highest infant death rates.502

500
Cf: Franz P. Hosken, The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females, (Lexington, MA: Women’s
International Network News, 1982), Pg.29.
501
Ibid. 26.
502
Blaine Harden, “Female Circumcision: A Norm in Africa,” International Herald Tribune, Washington Post
Service, 29th July 1985.

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 2.1.2. Chronic issues.

Any female circumcision can cause long-term health issues, but infibulation is linked to the
most severe and persistent problems. One of the most common long-term health issues is an
ongoing illness. Although harmful in and of themselves, localized infections can be the
precursor to more widespread diseases and associated problems such as urinary tract
difficulties.

Because of the restricted tube, women who are infibulated pass urine slowly. Incontinence is
one of the problems that can arise from severe illnesses. A lady who experiences infibulation
and becomes incontinent is rejected by her spouse and ostracized by the community.503

Kidney infections, severe discomfort when urinating, and, ultimately, sterility are other effects
of infection.

Another significant issue brought on by female circumcision is irregular menstruation,

especially infibulation. Many infibulated women experience dysmenorrhea and
heamatocolpos, which is the accumulation of menstrual blood when it is not permitted to
leave the body.504 Remarkably, the absence of menstrual flow and swelling abdomen have
occasionally led to girls being shunned by their families, who interpret these symptoms as
pregnancy.

Vascular abscesses, extensive deformity, and scarring are also expected postoperative
outcomes. Keloid formation, or the hardening of scar tissue, causes massive amounts of skin
to lose elasticity. Keloid scars can grow so large that they become impediments to walking. 505

Due to the hardening of the genital tissues and the tiny opening left by infibulation, it is nearly
impossible to engage in sexual activity without having the region reopened.

A woman's husband must pierce the infibulated region on her wedding night. Because of the
size of the incision and the accumulation of keloid scar tissue, penetration is often harsh, and
the area frequently needs to be opened with a knife.506

503
Cf: World Health Organization (WHO) “A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health- Female Circumcision,”
WHO Chronicle, 40, no.1 (1986): Pg.33.
504
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.452.
505
Cf: World Health Organization (WHO) “A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health- Female Circumcision,”
WHO Chronicle, 49, no.1 (1986): Pg.32.
506
Cf: Hanny Lightfoot-Klein, “Pharaonic Circumcision of Female in Sudan,” Medicine and Law, 2(1983): Pg. 359.

~ 199 ~
A lady might go to a health center in such a situation and say she needs to be open since she is
expecting a child. Since there are few health clinics, women are typically opened with a knife
by a local midwife.

In some communities, before the marriage is consummated, the infibulated area is opened
with a knife. The medical consequences of this second genital injury are the same as those of
the first operation: infection, bleeding, damage to surrounding areas, keloid formation, and
excruciating pain. The opening is just big enough to allow penetration, which has to take
place frequently during the early days and weeks of the marriage to prevent the open wound
from closing again.507

For infibulated women, birthing difficulties are common and frequently severe. Often, the
hardened and scarred tissue obstructs the delivery route, causing uterine rupture, bleeding, or
vaginal tearing. A lacerated perineum and the formation of fistulas, or artificial passageways,
are possible. The vaginal opening is often sliced or "re-infibulated" to make room for the
baby’s easier path. Nevertheless, postponed births are frequent and might lead to labor
obstruction. A baby's lack of oxygen can cause brain damage and even death. The lives of the
mother and the child are in danger when giving birth naturally when the infibulated aperture is
too small or when the infibulated area is so severely damaged that adequate cutting of the
space is not possible.508

Re-infibulation is considered a guarantee of both the woman's faithfulness and the husband's
continuous enjoyment of sex. The majority of women have many children. Therefore, they
have to go through this process frequently, which results in them developing more scar tissue
with each operation. As a result, every birth becomes increasingly complex, painful, and risky
for the mother and the kid. Re-infibulation is also frequently applied to widowed or divorced
women.509

With time, some negative consequences of the procedure can become separated from their
underlying cause and are not associated with the practice. It is rare for sterility—which
frequently does not manifest itself for years after a girl has undergone circumcision—to be
attributed to the procedure. Most likely, fate or divine intentions will be held responsible for

507
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.453-454.

508
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 454.
509
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 454

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an unplanned birth in which both the mother and the infant pass away, rather than the
abnormal accumulation of scar tissue.

2.1.3. Trauma to the mind.

It is commonly recognized that severe and prolonged pain can result in significant
psychological traumas, even though few studies have been conducted on the psychological
repercussions of genital mutilation. Recollections of traumatic events might cause severe
emotional anguish. The operation's long-lasting scars could bring on these unpleasant
memories. It makes sense that young girls going through a formative period could have
significant psychological issues as a result of experiencing such severe pain in a susceptible,
intricate, and essential bodily location. It is unclear if these issues might result in irreversible
emotional harm. “The child's inner defenses and the prevailing psychosocial environment” 510
would be the primary determinant of the damage's magnitude.

Weeks following the procedure, the discomfort could persist. Deep psychological wounds are
undoubtedly caused by the agony of the first sexual experience, especially for those who are
infibulated, the debilitating pain of menstruation (as a result of the operation), and the
prolonged suffering of childbirth. Over time, emotional reactions to these issues, in addition
to recurrent infections and painful urination, “may present themselves as chronic irritability,
anxiety, depressive episodes, conversion reactions, or frank psychosis.”511

The psychological impact of circumcised women's attitudes toward sexual activity has also
not been definitively established. Nonetheless, it is evident that many women who have been
circumcised are terrified of having sex, suffers significantly from the procedure, and find little
to no pleasure in having sex.512

Women do not expect to enjoy sexual relations in societies where circumcision is conducted
primarily to suppress sexual desire and discourage promiscuity. Despite societal norms that
prevent it, women could still enjoy physical intercourse. Still, the discomfort and challenges
associated with the procedure would make it difficult for them to enjoy the act entirely.

510
Draft Report of the Working Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, U.N.
Doc. E/CN.4/HC.42/1985/L.5, Introduction, 12 September 1985. (UNESCO) Pg. 12.
511
Ibid. UNESCO: Pg.13.
512
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.455.

~ 201 ~
Despite various institutions and governments investing heavily in research on female
circumcision to show the detrimental impacts on women’s physical and mental health, the
practice continues to persist at every opportunity available.

2.2. Female sexual control.

Certain types of female circumcision are designed to ensure that a woman does not engage in
sexual activities until marriage. For example, infibulation ensures that the vaginal opening is
covered, leaving only a small opening for urine and menstrual blood. Infibulation is,
therefore, intended to prevent a woman from engaging in physical and sexual activity until her
wedding, when she is expected to be more open. Through this type of circumcision, the
sexuality of a woman is controlled. It is not until she meets her husband that she engages
herself in sexual matters.

“The pain that women often experience during sexual activity lessens any potential
pleasure.”513 Most people agree that female circumcision successfully reduces a woman's
desire for and enjoyment of intercourse. However, these effects do not apply to all the women
who have undergone infibulation or have been circumcised. It is only a certain percentage.
There are women who, even after undergoing the painful experience, live an everyday life.
They enjoy sex like other women.

Lastly, the inner psychological need for sexual release may not necessarily be eradicated,
even if all of the nerves in the exterior portion of the genital area are destroyed. The statement
“While circumcised women may be less enthusiastic about sexual intercourse due to
diminished sensitivity, the operation does not suppress libido, which is psychological”514
suggests that although the strong taboos against women enjoying sex may inhibit their
psychological, sexual drive, or "libido," this is not always the result of the physical procedure.
Therefore, controlling a woman's sexual desire—one of the most important justifications for
the practice of female circumcision—is not always achieved. There might not be much of an
impact with the softer procedure types. That would make it seem doubtful if the practice of
suppressing sexual desire were to continue. With this awareness, there arises the question of
whether the objective of infibulation or the other types of female circumcision meets the
expectations of the circumcising community.

513
World Health Organization (WHO) “A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health- Female Circumcision,” WHO
Chronicle, 49, no.1 (1986): Pg.33.
514
Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,” Harvard
Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.169.

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A famous defense of infibulation is that it will ensure a woman's virginity before marriage,
safeguarding her family and her honor. The size of the hole left by infibulation almost
guarantees that sexual activity cannot occur unless the hole is enlarged by cutting or by
making repeated attempts to penetrate.515 After giving birth, women in several circumcising
communities undergo self-infibulation to make themselves more attractive to their husbands,
just like they were when they were brides. They would be impenetrable, just as infibulated
Virgins, and the previous sex or pregnancies would go unnoticed.516

In Kenya and other African countries where the culture of female circumcision is rampant, the
procedure symbolizes adulthood—a puberty rite or rite of passage. Generally speaking,
though, girls are getting infibulated or circumcised at younger ages, and the mean age for the
procedure seems to be declining. It cannot be regarded as an adult initiation or rite of puberty
for a very young patient. The meaning of female circumcision, therefore, seems to be losing
touch with the objective that it is meant to fulfill.

2.3. Faith:

One of the primary defenses of female circumcision offered in some regions, particularly
those impacted by Islam, is that it is a mandated religious practice. The Koran does not
require female circumcision and is not taught by any official religious doctrine.

The Koran makes no mention of infibulation or excision. Religious experts agree that there is
“no doctrinal basis for the belief” that these procedures are necessary for women and that
none of the different types of the operation are carried out in Saudi Arabia, which is regarded
as the “cradle of Islam.”517

The Koran mentions both masculine and less severe kinds of female circumcision, where the
clitoris is typically kept intact. While female circumcision is explicitly addressed only as an
optional practice or “embellishment,” the latter is mandatory. The Prophet Muhammad is
credited as saying in the Quran that “circumcision is my way for men, but is merely ennobling
for women.”518

515
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.456.
516
Cf. Ibid. Pg. 457.
517
Blaine Harden, “Female Circumcision: A Norm in Africa,” International Herald Tribune, Washington Post
Service, 29th July 1985.
518
Raqiya Haji Duale Abdalla, Sister in Affliction: Circumcision and Infibulation of Women in Africa, Lawrence Hill
and Co. 1982, Pg.82.

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The Prophet (Mohammed), according to Raqiya Abdalla in her book Sisters in Affliction,
supported sexual fulfillment for both men and women. She claims that there is evidence “to
show that the attitude of Islam towards the sexual pleasure and enjoyment of both sexes is
positive rather than the reverse.”519 This viewpoint was in opposition to a culture that
encouraged preventing women from enjoying sex. For instance, the Prophet is claimed to
have said, concerning the female sexual organs, “Touch but do not destroy.”520 Furthermore, it
is reported that the Prophet counseled a woman who had female circumcision, saying, “Do
not go deep.”521 These statements have been construed as advocating for “minimizing excision
and other extensive operations such as those practiced in Somalia and Sudan.”522 This is nice
for the wife and is preferred by the husband.

Written religious ideas may not be as crucial to cultures as unwritten cultural religion. It was
not required for religions other than Islam, like Christianity and Animism, to have a formal
written theology to compel female circumcision. Unwritten doctrine can justify a practice
persuasively as written doctrine, which has greater official legitimacy. However, adherents
should be aware that no recognized religion's theology includes female circumcision. When
given this information, people may decide against female circumcision.523 In short, no religion
propagates female circumcision, both Christianity and Islam. However, female circumcision
finds more acceptance in the Islamic faith because of what is written in the Hadith.

2.4. Myths:

Several myths and beliefs are supporting female circumcision that are based on false facts.
“Myth not only validates or authorizes customs, rites, institutions, beliefs, and so forth, but
frequently is directly responsible for creating them,”524 argues Raphael. There is a belief that
states that a woman cannot be deemed a true woman unless her clitoris is removed. It is
frequently compared to a little penis.525 Of course, each serves a very distinct purpose. Even
still, the claim that women should lose this "masculine" trait since men have similar organs
does not hold up when one takes into account the abundance of other characteristics that both

519
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 83.
520
Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10, No.4,
Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.458.
521
Raqiya Haji Duale Abdalla, Sister in Affliction: Circumcision and Infibulation of Women in Africa, Lawrence Hill
and Co. 1982, Pg.82.
522
Ibid. Pg.82.
523
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.458.
524
Raphael Patai, Myths and Modern Man, New Jersy: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,1972, Pg. 2.
525
American Heritage Dictionary (2nd Edition), Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Co. 1982.

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sexes have in common. For example, it would be entirely incorrect to eliminate all of these
common traits—like limbs—that are perceived as masculine or feminine when they are seen
in people of the other sex. It was also a given that the custom would not hold in reverse, with
males unlikely to give up their penises due to the similarity of women's anatomy.526

There is also a belief that the clitoris will enlarge to the size of a penis if left unbroken. The
clitoris stays tiny, with very few exceptions—such as an aberrant enlargement brought on by
an endocrine imbalance.

Women have been known to request an operation when they have had trouble getting
pregnant. Circumcision is performed in some places because people believe that women are
innately sterile and that infibulation or clitoridectomies will make them fertile. 527 However,
Women are not inherently sterile, and clitoridectomy or infibulation is proven to be
ineffective at treating sterility when it does occur. Remarkably, the procedure can and
frequently does lead to health issues that have the opposite effect; hence, female circumcision
carried out on the assumption that women will become more fertile is once more unwarranted.

Some cultures think that the clitoris is hazardous and, if not removed, it could harm the baby
physically or spiritually.528 There is no proof that the clitoris poses a risk to a developing
fetus; neither its position nor its shape might be hazardous, and it is not known that any
compounds are secreted from it that could be detrimental. Considering how frequently
uncircumcised women give birth to healthy infants, it is incomprehensible that the clitoris
poses a risk to the developing fetus.

Spiritually speaking, the situation is not as clear. The idea that the clitoris harms a fetus's
spiritual well-being is challenging to refute scientifically. However, again, the effects must be
negligible or nonexistent, given the number of "normal" babies born to uncircumcised moms.
Consequently, one may argue that the rationale behind the continued practice of female
circumcision—that is, the idea that the clitoris poses a risk—is, at worst, dubious and, at
worst, unfounded.529

526
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.459.
527
Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,” Harvard
Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.157.
528
Evelyn Shaw, “Female Circumcision: Perspective of Clients and Caregivers.” Journal of American College
Health, 33(1985): Pg. 194
529
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.460.

~ 205 ~
Some communities have taken an interest in circumcising women because of the notion that
the clitoris is dirty, emits disagreeable smells, and discharges. However, there is no proof that
the clitoris itself releases a hormone or any other material that would cause its stench to be so
disagreeable as to warrant getting rid of it or the area around it. Like sweat glands or penis
glands, vaginal glands also produce hormones that are detectable. The human body contains
several glands that release noticeable scents, which can become more overpowering and
disagreeable if the body is not cleaned regularly. However, there are no societies where
people take flesh out from under their arms to mask the smell of sweat. Similarly, it would
seem absurd to remove the female reproductive organs to reduce the possibility of odor when
bathing could accomplish the same goals.

It is crucial to consider the social function of myths when examining how cultural and
religious myths contribute to circumcision. This position will differ significantly depending
on how “modernized” or detached a culture is from its old practices and rituals. Every
community has myths, which take on an ideological character and serve to defend
organizations and companies. Myths seem more significant in less developed or less
modernized neighborhoods. However, stories tend to be “belief statements rather than the
narrative form of myth”530 in a modernized society.

The degree to which myths accurately represent information becomes less critical when
embedded in a culture and accepted. Myths do not have to be accurate; they might provide
valid justifications for otherwise poorly understood occurrences. They might also be used to
support or defend a people's philosophy. Myths can unite a group of people and provide a
sense of security that helps them face the uncertainties of life.531

The myth takes on a new role: individuals affected by it feel a sense of fulfillment that might
manifest in various ways. Whatever the reason, people view myths as valuable and highly
influential. It could be the satisfaction that comes from feeling more confident, having all
doubts and concerns dispelled, or knowing the ultimate truth.532

It is simple to understand how the legends surrounding female circumcision have functioned
as a powerful tool to maintain the practice, which has grown to be an essential aspect of the
community. However, since these myths—not supported by information—help preserve a
detrimental and occasionally fatal custom, it would appear that they ought to be Debunked.
530
Joseph Eddy Fontenrose, The Ritual Theory of Myths, California: University of California Press, 1966, Pg. 58.
531
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 57.
532
Cf: Raphael Patai, Myths and Modern Man, New Jersy: Prentice-Hall, Inc.,1972, Pg. 2-3

~ 206 ~
After being educated, people can decide whether to continue their practice practices, such as
religion or health issues.

3. Comparing Cultural Self-Determination with Human Rights.

The necessity to regulate women's sexual conduct, the idea that circumcision is mandated by
religion, the belief in the myths surrounding the practice, and the need to uphold cultural
traditions all serve to justify support for the continued practice of female circumcision. The
stronger arguments, on the other hand, are against the rule; control over women's sexual
fulfillment, even if it is deemed desirable, is not always obtained by the procedure, and there
is no religious mandate for the practice. Moreover, there is indisputable proof of the health
risks connected to all forms of female circumcision, particularly the more drastic ones. There
is just one argument that cannot be directly disproved as being untrue or ineffectual for
cultural heritage. The argument ultimately comes down to two sides: the right to preserve a
practice and the right to shield girls and women from needless suffering, medical issues,
irreversible physical harm, and even death.

3.1. Arguments from a Cultural Self-Determination Perspective in Support of Female

Circumcision.

Despite debunked misconceptions, a nonreligious foundation, and established adverse health

effects, many members of communities that still circumcise women feel that maintaining the
practice is essential to preserving tradition. They claim their right to cultural self-
determination to continue this tradition. They think it is improper for anyone who disagrees
with the practice—especially those from other cultures—to try to outlaw it.

The defense of the practice of both male and female circumcision is not one of the operations
in Isolation of its cultural significance but rather the security of its representation as the
“essence of an Institution which has enormous educational, social, moral, and religious
operations implications.”533 It has been said that “it is unintelligent to discuss the emotional
attitudes of either side or to take violent sides in the question without understanding why the
educated, intelligent Gikuyu [a prominent tribe in Kenya] still cling to this custom.”534

It has been argued in favor of female circumcision for the sake of tradition that this
profoundly ingrained practice is a part of the intricate and complex cultural system and that
533
Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya: The Tribal Life of the Gikuyu, London, Secker, and Warburg, 1953, Pg.
133.
534
Ibid: Pg.133. Jomo Kenyatta, Facing.

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abolishing it would be like imposing outside values on this delicate cultural balance. Thus
argues Kenyatta, “circumcision is an institution which has enormous educational, social and
religious implications.”535 The Gikuyu tribe in Kenya celebrates a young person's entry into
maturity with the circumcision ceremony, which functions as a rite of passage. Consequently,
it is maintained that such a custom would lead to the dissolution of an entire institution, the
repeal of tribal law, and the loss of a substantial component of Gikuyu morality. “No proper
Gikuyu would dream of marrying a girl who has not been circumcised, and vice versa.”536 (J.
Kenyatta, Pg.132).

Those who support the right to cultural self-determination frequently view foreign attempts to
alter this norm as an unjustified intrusion on their artistic practices. “The vast majority of [the
locals] think that those who undermine this centuries-old custom are doing so to undermine
their social structure and accelerate their Europeanization,”537 according to Jomo Kenyatta.

The debate is on whether a society has the right to maintain a custom just for its own sake,
regardless of how risky or even deadly it may be. In comparison to women’s circumcision in
Africa, the culture of cosmetic surgery in America, or breast enlargement, is How would
American women respond if they were told that their acts were unethical or barbaric?

The difference between women’s circumcision and cosmetic surgery is that women’s
circumcision is done under unhygienic conditions that expose the victim to greater danger. It
also involves children, and it is carried out without the consent of the victim. On the other
hand, cosmetic surgery is done on an adult with full knowledge and freedom of choice.
However, both practices are unethical because they negate the purpose for which they were
created.

These comparisons raise more general human rights concerns. When is a behavior hazardous
enough to infringe upon human rights and need intervention from other parties? By whom and
how is this determined? Is female circumcision included in this group? One way to reframe
the debate is as a clash between human rights and cultural autonomy.

3.2. Human rights-based arguments against female circumcision.

535
Ibid. Pg. 133.
536
Ibid. Pg. 132.
537
Ibid. Pg. 135.

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The UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in December
1948. Article 3, “Everyone has the right to life, liberty, and the security of person,”538 Article
5, “No one shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or
punishment,”539 Article 25 part.1, “Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for
his health and well-being,”540 Article 25, part 2 states that “Motherhood and childhood are
entitled to special care and assistance.”541 All four of these articles are relevant to female
circumcision.

The African [Banjul] Charter on Human and People’s Rights has similar principles. It was
unanimously approved by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African
Organization of Unity (OAU) in 1981 and went into effect on October 21, 1986. Article 4,
“Every human being shall be entitled to respect for his life and the integrity of his person,” 542
is one of the articles—or portions thereof—pertinent to female circumcision. Article 5
“prohibits any form of exploitation and degradation of human beings, including slavery, slave
trade, torture, and cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment or treatment.”543 Article 16 states
that “every individual has the right to the best possible physical and mental health.” 544 Finally,
Article 18 states that “the state must ensure that all forms of discrimination against women are
eliminated and that the rights of women and children are protected as outlined in international
declarations and conventions.”545 No one may be arbitrarily deprived of this right.

One could argue that female circumcision violates a person's right to health. In many, if not
most, of the communities where female circumcision is practiced, women and children
undergo unhygienic operations that can lead to severe and long-lasting health issues that can
hurt the next generation due to complications during childbirth.546

It is also possible to argue that female circumcision violates the rights granted to women and
children.547 Children and mothers who have had circumcision are subjected to needless, risky,
and health-compromising procedures. This is particularly regrettable given that many of the
538
James W. Nickel, Making Sense of Human Rights (Second Edition), Wiley Blackwell, Oxford, 2007, Pg. 192.
539
Ibid. Pg.192.
540
Ibid. Pg.196.
541
Ibid. Pg.196.
542
African Union, “African Charter on Human and People’s Rights.” Article 4, Adopted in Nairobi, June 1981.
Extracted on 2nd 03.2024. au.int/en/treaties/African-charter-human-and peoples-rights Pg. 3
543
Ibid. Article 5, Pg. 3.
544
Ibid. Article 16, Pg. 5.
545
Ibid. Article 18, Part 3, Pg. 6.
546
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.465.
547
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 465.

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communities in which these procedures are performed have inadequate healthcare
infrastructure to address even the essential and inescapable medical requirements of women
and children.

It is not medically necessary for the operation, as demonstrated above. It is strongly urged that
any needless treatments be avoided, even in nations where medical care is excellent and
procedures are safe. There is a chance of complications even in the greatest of circumstances.
When nonmedical people operate in unhygienic settings, there is a significant increase in the
event of difficulties. In severe cases, female circumcision has resulted in the deaths of both
the woman and her offspring. It is appropriate to regard this as a breach of the “right to
life.”548

In terms of reproduction, female circumcision should likewise be viewed as a violation of the

right to life. One of the fundamental human rights is violated when the very organs that enable
people to procreate and give birth to future generations are mutilated.

It should be seen as torture and a violation of human rights when a little girl is infibulated on a
filthy mat by an unlicensed woman using an old razor and then sewed up or tied her legs
together with a rope—all without the use of anesthesia. In addition to the pain of the
procedure itself, which is usually excruciating, there may also be pain from infection, which
frequently follows more involved types of surgery. Furthermore, the resulting maimed area's
scars may cause emotional distress.

Feminist human rights advocates argue that female circumcision robs women and girls of
their bodily and sexual integrity.549 The two main points of contention in this argument are
that female circumcision infringes upon a woman's autonomy over her body and is meant to
rob her of her sexuality. The first objection is to the idea that a woman ought not to be
allowed to have her innate sexual drive. 550 What makes a woman's desire for sex any more
sinful or dangerous to society than a man's? The second argument is against the notion that a
woman Should be stripped of her innately feminine physical attributes. The woman's natural
features are limited and disfigured by the operation. “Those who support this strategy concur

548
Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10, No.4,
Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.466.
549
Cf: Mary Daly, “African Genital Mutilation: The Unspeakable Atrocities,” GYN/ECOLOGY: The Metaethics of
Radical Feminism, Boston, Beacon Press, 1978. Pp: 153-178
550
Cf: Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,”
Harvard Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.169.

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that women's sexual organs are permanently damaged and impaired by female
circumcision.551

Apart from the issues related to human rights generally, female circumcision may be
perceived as directly or indirectly violating children's rights. 1959, the United Nations
General Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Child.552 The second principle
forms the core of this declaration by stating that,

“The child shall enjoy special protection and shall be given opportunities and facilities, by law
and other means, to enable him to develop physically, mentally, morally, spiritually, and
socially in a healthy and normal manner and conditions of freedom and dignity. In enacting
laws for this purpose, the child's best interests shall be paramount.”553

The “Convention on the Rights of the Child (1979-1988), which a U.N. open-ended working
group adopted, “laid more emphasis on “diminishing infant and child mortality”554 and
“ensuring the provision of necessary medical assistance and health care to all children with an
emphasis on the development of primary health care.”555 Article 12 also recognizes the “right
of the child to enjoy the highest attainable standard of health and medical and rehabilitation
facilities and calls for full implementation through appropriate measures.” 556 Any form of
operation performed on a child should be considered a violation of these rights, and states
should work to prevent such violations. Article 24(3) explicitly addresses female
circumcision: “State Parties to the present Convention shall seek to take all effective and
appropriate measures to abolish traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children.” 557

Unlike dealing with racial prejudice or slavery, dealing with female circumcision presents a
different set of challenges because families do not circumcise their daughters to harm or abuse
them. The practice is believed to serve the child's social and physiological interests.

“To argue that female circumcision violates a child's rights is to imply that women who
consent to the procedure are abusive and incompetent mothers who, in a sense, do not love

551
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 169.
552
Declaration of the Rights of the Child, adopted on 20th November 1959, G.A Res. 1386(XIV), U.N. Doc. A/4354
(1959).
553
Declaration of the Rights of the Child, Adopted on 20th November 1959, G.A Res. 1386(XIV), Principle 2., Pg.
164.
554
Convention on the Rights of the Child” Adopted on 20 November 1989, Article 24(2a), (4d9474b49.pdf),
https://www.unhcr.org/libraries/pdf.js/web/viewer. (Extracted on 13-03-2024). Pg.11.
555
Ibid: Article 24(2b) Pg.11.
556
Ibid: Article 24(1), Pg.11.
557
Ibid: Article 24(3), Pg.11.

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their children. Women may feel strongly that they should be allowed to raise their children by
their cultural norms and traditions, even though they may not want to see their daughters
hurt.”558

The degree to which a practice harms or kills innocent people is a crucial factor in
determining when it qualifies as a violation of human rights and when individuals from
different cultures may be justified in trying to stop or alter such practices. There are many
inhumane customs throughout history that those who opposed them believed had good reason
to meddle with and try to eradicate.

Any cultural customs that may endanger human life ought not to be practiced at this time and
age. Women’s circumcision is a cultural custom that frequently causes the death deaths of
innocent and defenseless people. However, even if it would not cause death, there is enough
proof that the cultural rite of female circumcision puts women and children at greater risk.
When the risks outweigh the good, the act should be abandoned for the good of those affected
and the entire community.

4. Involuntary Versus Voluntary Engagement:

The degree to which a particular harmful tradition's “victim” participates voluntarily or

involuntarily is crucial in deciding whether a practice violates human rights.

4.1. Participation without consent.

Most cultures would agree that it is unfair for someone else's actions to jeopardize the health
or well-being of someone unable to make decisions for themselves. It is commonly
acknowledged that no one should be subjected to a harmful or deforming procedure without
the subject's knowledge or agreement.

The consent question is the main one. Which choices belong in the hands of the individual?
What conclusions can others legitimately draw? Parents or legal guardians ensure kids receive
the medical treatment they need in many parts of the world. The child's reduced capacity is
the primary justification for delegating decision-making responsibility to others. Undoubtedly,
children of a certain age are not fit to make medical decisions for themselves.” 559

558
Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,” Harvard
Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.169.
559
Tania E. Wright, “A Minor’s Right to Consent to Medical Care,“ Howard Law Journal 25(1982), 532.

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The circumstances around female circumcision are comparable. The parents of the infant girls
who are infibulated or have their bodies removed genuinely think that this is what is best for
their kids. They feel that it is both their cultural and moral obligation to undertake such
operations, and they fear that their girls may act immorally or become ill if they do not.

It is intolerable for someone to be powerless over her physical existence, sense of health, and
general well-being. Hence, this is the case with the more drastic types of female circumcision
carried out on infants or young girls. Because the five-year-old girl has no say in the issue,
infibulation done to her should be regarded as a violation of both human and child rights.
Delaying such a decision until the person is an adult and can make her own decisions is
preferable.

4.2. Participation with consent

Things take a different turn when an adult chooses to follow tradition and get herself
circumcised of her own free will after being made aware of the potential physical risks. Most
civilizations allow people to treat their bodies however they like, even if doing so jeopardizes
their health and well-being.

Cases involving minor mutilation of an individual are less contentious, although in some
cases, they may lead to great danger. If a grown man wanted to cut off his arm, few
Regulations would stop him. However, it would be unacceptable if the same person severed
his little child's limb. Now more than ever, young people have decided to have part of their
bodies tattooed. Such behavior had not existed before. Although not every parent subscribes
to such thoughts, young people see such acts as keeping in touch with modernity. Despite the
danger tattoos may cause the human body, they are conceived as a fashion of the time.

However, people who "voluntarily" participate in potentially dangerous activities might not
fully understand the implications of their choices. Someone's decision to move forward could
be changed if they knew the potential risks associated with specific cultural operations.
Therefore, starting a potentially dangerous activity should only be considered voluntary if it is
undertaken with full knowledge of the possible consequences.

This is a valid point to make when discussing the topic of female circumcision. Proponents of
the practice claim that most older girls and women who undergo circumcision do it of their
own volition. It is unclear, though, if the women are aware of how much the practice could
damage or deform them. Numerous justifications for the course (such as myths and religious

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needs) are founded on error. If the reasons for choosing are illogical, can the case for personal
choice still hold water? Women might decline to have themselves removed if they knew that a
typical clitoris does not enlarge to the size of a man's penis. Women may be less likely to
adhere to tradition if they were aware that infibulation could endanger their own lives or the
lives of their offspring.

Regretfully, in most of the nations where female circumcision is a common practice, there is a
poor level of education, particularly among women.560 As a result, obtaining information that
clarifies the situation is complicated. There is not much-written information about the risks
circumcision poses to health. However, even if additional knowledge were available,
transmission would still be problematic due to the high percentage of illiteracy.

In addition, social pressure has a role in determining how much activity is genuinely
voluntary. A culture's dread of what might happen if its customs are disregarded motivates
them to be so important. “It is believed that society's disapproval, expressed in insults and
exclusion, would meet any attempt to abandon such customs.”561

Traditions that unify a society can also be used to coerce its members into following its rules.
Therefore, it would seem that “the fear that any deviation from tradition means disapproved of
or ostracized by society”562 is inherent in the justification of female circumcision based on
tradition, particularly in impoverished rural communities with ancient customs. Can the
decision to be circumcised, even when all the facts and risks are known, be considered truly
voluntary when the only alternative is to be shunned for such an aberration? “Women 'consent
to be circumcised' because they are faced with this societal mandate that it enhances their
feminine anatomy and morality.”563

Women may be forced to provide their "voluntary" consent to these operations due to social
and economic factors in addition to cultural pressures. Marriage is the only chance for social
and economic survival for women in many of the countries where female circumcision is still
practiced. Hunger, illness, overwork, a lack of clean water, low status, and poverty are all
combined, and an uncircumcised woman is stigmatized and not sought after for marriage. It

560
Cf: Ibid. Pg. 471.
561
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.69.
562
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.472.
563
Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,” Harvard
Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.157.

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makes sense that those who benefit the most from the practice are its victims.564 When a
woman challenges tradition, she loses the community's support, which is essential for
survival.565

Before deciding whether female circumcision violates human rights, it is essential to evaluate
the circumstances surrounding the procedure, such as age, type of circumcision, and level of
social and economic pressure. The decision gets more challenging as there are more variables
to consider. However, that should not stop us from passing judgment regarding egregious
transgressions. It would be difficult to argue that a married, educated woman's decision to
undergo a Sunna (light) procedure violates her human rights in these particular circumstances.
Most people would likely accept that a woman has the right to decide. However, it is equally
important to remember that when a baby girl gets infected by filthy surroundings and dies, her
rights are being infringed. The majority of people believe that the child's human rights have
been violated in this situation.

5. The universal applicability of human rights.

Are Western notions of human rights inapplicable to societies like those that engage in female
circumcision? Do any universal human rights exist that do not need to be imposed by culture?
How will the definition of what violates these rights be established? “What is held to be a
human right in one society may be regarded as anti-social by another people, or by the same
people in a different period of their history,”566, which makes these questions challenging.

On one side of the debate are those who adopt the cultural relativity theory. This point of view
holds that because there are so many cultures around the globe, it is impossible to successfully
apply the same moral principles and standards of behavior to them all. Their disagreement
centers on the idea of human rights. Human rights are a product of Western ideology and
philosophy, and cultural imperialism forces Western ideals on people in other regions of the
world.

“It is becoming increasingly clear that the Western political philosophy upon which the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is based provides only one particular interpretation of
human rights and that this Western notion may not be successfully applicable to non-Western

564
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.472.
565
World Health Organization (WHO), “A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health-Female Circumcision,” WHO
Chronicles, 40, No. 1(1986), 33.
566
“Statement on Human Rights,“ American Anthropologist, 49, no. 4(1975): 542.

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areas for several reasons such as cultural differences where the philosophical underpinnings
defining human nature and the relationship of individuals to others and society are markedly
at variance with Western individualism; and ideological differences where economic rights
are given priority over individual civil and political rights.”567

However, there are differing opinions among those who support the cultural relativism theory.
Many contend that every culture should exist autonomously and preserve its customs as they
see proper fit. This perspective holds that trying to outlaw practices like female circumcision
in Africa and wife burning in India would be unfair.

Even though they have a less radical opinion, other people think there are severe issues with
the current application. Rethinking and refining the idea are encouraged. This point of view
holds that imposing the Western version could substantially affect an individual's ability to
get protection from customs, religions, and other cultural features of their society. In some
countries, “human dignity is culturally defined in terms of excelling in fulfilling one's
obligation to the group”568. One could consider female circumcision to have a helpful purpose
in this way. A young girl can fulfill her socially and clearly defined role as a physically and
morally pure female by engaging in infibulation.

This modified version of cultural relativist theory contends that no human rights philosophy
effectively brings together all the world's societies. Therefore, it is necessary to incorporate a
broader interpretation of the protection of individuals and the responsibilities of states when
formulating a workable concept of human rights. “If the notion of human rights is to be a
viable universal concept, it will be necessary to analyze the differing cultural and ideological
conceptions of human rights and the impact of one on the other.”569

For the most part, third-world countries must familiarize themselves with fundamental human
rights centered on defending the individual. For instance, “In the days before independence,
African leaders emphasized that all Africans should have access to political, civil, cultural,
social, and economic rights without distinguishing between different requests. Human rights
were discussed at the UN as a tool to combat the effects of colonialism and European
dominance on the continent. Still, they were not intended to be a universal set of standards

567
Adamantia Pollis and Peter Schwab (Editors), “Human Rights: A Western Construct with Limited
Applicability,” Human Rights: Cultural and Ideological Perspectives, Praeger Publishers, New York, 1979, Pg.1
568
Adamantia Pollis, and Peter Schwab, (Editors), Pg.15.
569
Adamantia Pollis and Peter Schwab (Editors), Pg. 15.

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that should be applied to everyone.570 When creating a universal standard, it is essential to
balance “respect for the cultures of differing human groups and the respect for the personality
of the individual as such, and his right to its fullest development as a member of his
society.”571

On the other hand, some think that while a global standard is unachievable, it is nonetheless
necessary for modern communities. The government structure was more effective at
preserving a strong sense of group identification and safeguarding the individual in smaller,
more established organizations. The "modern state" has evolved in almost every nation;
however, whether traditional cultures survive, the state apparatus has grown so onerous that
the initial protection given to the individual has been significantly undermined. “In every
stable and just human community, the rulers have always strived to ensure the common good,
which also includes the realization of the interests or rights of the individual.” 572 The idea of
individual rights originated in Western states as a counter to the authority and excesses of the
State. These days, “it has become necessary to counterbalance that authority (of the state) by
rights granted to the citizen”573 in many third-world countries. ...It is not easy to emphasize
conventional safeguards, which were a regular and intrinsic part of society in the past, given
the prevalence of the new political structures.

There is a claim that discussing human rights in developing nations requires distinguishing
between human dignity and human rights as fundamental components of humanity. The claim
that various civilizations may have varied conceptions of rights is predicated on the erroneous
premise that human rights and dignity are synonymous. Human dignity concepts do differ.
They are ingrained in the cultural origins of human nature, which mirror specific
communities' social structures.574 Critics of the Western conception of human rights relate to
this concept of human dignity: “In Africa, idealized versions of human dignity reflect
idealized interpretations of precolonial social structure.”575

If human rights are not merely a Western concept but belong to every human being and
cannot be restricted by a “state” or government, then developing nations cannot deprive their
570
Cf: Warren Weinstein, “Human Rights and Development in Africa: Dilemmas and Options,” Daedalus, 112,
no. 4(1983): Pg. 173, 175.
571
Statement on Human Rights,“ American Anthropologist, 49, no. 4(1975): 539.
572
C. Tomuschat, “Human Rights in a World-Wide Framework- Some Current Issues,” Zeitschrift für
Auslandisches Offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht, 45, no.3(1985): Pg. 558.
573
Ibid. Pg.559.
574
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.475.
575
Rhoda E. Howard, Human Rights in Commonwealth Africa, New Jersey, Rowman &Littlefield, 1986, Pg: 17.

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citizens of these rights. Therefore, governments owe it to humanity to recognize these rights
and enact laws that uphold and defend them.

Those who are opposed to universal human rights frequently point to its emphasis on the
collective rather than the individual. However, most developing nations' conventional group
community structure is experiencing significant upheaval. The role of the tight community is
becoming less and less important due to urbanization, increased international interaction, and
general modernization. “Modernization refers to social-psychological processes of
individuation that have been taking place in Commonwealth Africa for the last century, if not
longer, and strongly implies the need for individual human rights.576 Those in positions of
power may resist the implementation of human rights because they are trying to preserve what
little of the existing community structure remains.

Third-world citizens frequently distinguish between human rights as a principle and a

practice. From their perspective, the degree to which these nations can be expected to adopt
and implement the necessary measures to protect human rights, even when they might wish to
do so, is a crucial factor to consider when evaluating the applicability of human rights in
third-world countries, given the widespread poverty, hunger, and illiteracy. There are many
competing social and economic issues, and frequently, few resources are available to address
them.577 When most citizens of a nation where female circumcision is performed are suffering
to make ends meet and obtain employment, can the government of that nation reasonably be
expected to launch an offensive against this practice? “Women who have undergone excision
are far more concerned about the struggle for their family's survival that they wage for 15 or
16 hours every day,”578 an African lady who has experienced the situation put it. They do not
have the time to reflect on their bodies.

Most would agree that such standards would not be established to restructure each society to
resemble a Western community. Still, given the continued support of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights in recent years, “the idea of establishing worldwide standards of
Human Rights has lost nothing or only very little or its former appeal.”579 Most people think
that to survive in a world that is getting smaller and more interconnected every day, there
576
Ibid. Pg.27.
577
Cf. Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.475.
578
Marie-Angelique Savanne, “Why we are against the International Campaign” (Paper located in the files of
Professor Philip Alston, Tufts University), p. 39.
579
C. Tomuschat, “Human Rights in a World-Wide Framework- Some Current Issues,” Zeitschrift für
Auslandisches Offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht, 45, no.3(1985): Pg. 553.

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needs to be a way for every country and culture to coexist more peacefully with one another.
Perhaps there would be fewer cultural conflicts and more evident and apparent signs of
human rights breaches if the most basic rights—such as the rights to life, health, and
protection from slavery and torture—were universally ratified.580

They enforce a universal proclamation intended to be complied with, as international law has
several challenges. International law is often broken; securing universal compliance is the
hardest. However, there is hope for significant global improvement, primarily if governments
are given some latitude in implementing human rights laws (starting with individual
governments' declarations of purpose).

It would be challenging to create uniform standards that forbade Sunna circumcision on

consenting, educated adult females. Such a prohibition would be nearly impossible to accept,
much less follow, globally. Nonetheless, a global agreement may be reached to outlaw
procedures like infibulation that are carried out on newborn and infant females who are too
young to make their own decisions.

6. Modification: Past Efforts and Future Prospects.

One could make a compelling case for the control or outright elimination of various forms of
female circumcision if it can be shown that there exist universally applicable, fundamentally
inviolable human rights. Attempts to forbid the circumcision of women have only recently
been made, even though female circumcision has been performed for more than 2,000 years.
This could be because the practice is old and deeply ingrained, and, like many customs, it was
accepted without question; no one dared to investigate its harmful effects or even appear to be
fully aware of them.581 Attempts to outlaw female circumcision have generally been
unsuccessful, both locally and internationally.

6.1. Actions Implemented to End Female Circumcision.

6.1.1. Laws:

Several nations have attempted to use the legal system to either outlaw or regulate female
circumcision. However, legislation could have worked better. Laws forbidding actions
ingrained in society will probably not be well received or result in significant change. This

580
Cf. Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.476.
581
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.92.

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 is particularly relevant if the regulations are imposed by local authorities but originated
from outside sources.582

The fight against women circumcision was started as early as 1906 by the Church of Scotland,
who tried enacting laws prohibiting it in Kenya as early as 1908. Nonetheless, support was so
weak that no new lawsuits had been filed since 1926, and the practice is still carried out today,
essentially unchanged from what it was almost at the beginning of the century.583 In 1982,
“Kenyan President Moi denounced female circumcision and demanded that those who
continued it face legal consequences, even though his immediate predecessor, Kenyatta, had
approved the practice.”584 It was only in 2011 that a Bill was passed in Parliament prohibiting
the practice of the culture of female circumcision. The bill imposed heavy penalties on those
responsible, both the parents and the victims. Therefore, the Bill states: “A person who
commits an offense under this act is liable, on conviction, to imprisonment for a term not less
than three years or to a fine of not less than two hundred thousand shillings or both.”585

Although the bill was passed in Parliament, the will to fight against the culture of FGM is still
not strong, therefore explaining why the culture continues to persist.

The political desire to outlaw the practice of female circumcision is not limited to Kenya.
There has been a comparable fight in many other African countries where this culture is
practiced. Even though it is illegal, many communities of circumcisers have become
reclusive. They carry out the ceremony in complete secrecy.

The failure of this legislation can be attributed to multiple factors. Most of the regulations
resulted from outside pressure and did not represent the locals' intention to stifle tradition.
There was little chance of detection because the activities were often conducted secretly.
There were few documented cases because the locals did not accept the laws. Every time a
colonial authority from the past or a modern government has attempted to outlaw it
completely, it has only been carried out more covertly, preventing people who are
experiencing health issues from getting medical attention.

582
Cf: Marie Bassili Assaad, “Female Circumcision in Egypt: Social Implications, Current Research, and Prospect
for Change,” Studies in Family Planning, 11, no 1(1980), Pg. 5
583
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.92.
584
Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,” Harvard
Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.159.
585
The Attorney General, “Laws of Kenya: Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act No 32 of 2011,”
Published by National Council for Law Reporting, No 29, Nairobi, Pg. 12.

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Another issue is that most of these nations must become accustomed to the legal punishment
of women. The laws and their methods of discipline are unacceptable to the locals because
women are the ones who begin and carry out this activity.586

6.1.2. Faith:

The main force behind efforts to outlaw female circumcision for religious grounds has been
missionaries. “In 1929, the Church of Scotland mission in Kenya forbade children to attend its
school unless their parents renounced the rite.”587 This indicates that the fight against Female
circumcision has a long history in the Kenyan. It started in the pre-colonial Kenya and has
continued in the independent Kenya. This war on female circumcision was not only in Kenya
but also in other African nations. For example, “Roman Catholic missionaries in Ethiopia in
the sixteenth century attempted to stop the practice among their converters, but when men
refused to marry the girls, a reversal of the policy had to be demanded urgently from
Rome.”588 The Christian faith has demonstrated a little their intention of wanting to stop the
rite of female circumcision. However, the zeal to terminate the culture of female circumcision
was not strong enough. In West Pokot, the well-known catholic missionary who served in this
region for more than sixty years appeared to have had no problem with the Pokot culture of
female circumcision if they accepted to become Christians and attend mass in the catholic
church. This is demonstrated by his initiation in 1956 through the Sapana rite of passage,
which was recognized among the Pokot elders as one of them. (Video Clip-1956. viewed in
2000) As a recognized Pokot elder, he would not condemn such traditions as women's
circumcision. This is not to insinuate that the Christian faith supports female circumcision but
to indicate that little effort was put in place to eradicate the ritual of female circumcision,
therefore sending mixed signals on the position of the church.

There has been minimal action taken under Islamic law to end female circumcision. There are
many people in countries where Islam is predominant who think that the practice is required
by religion. Very few spiritual authorities, whether Islamic or other, have come out and
addressed the problem to clear up any misunderstandings about religion. And its connection
to the rite of female circumcision.

6.1.3. Health Education.

586
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.195.
587
Blaine Harden, “Female Circumcision: A Norm in Africa,“ International Herald Tribune, Washington Post
Service, 29 July 1985. Pg.5.
588
World Health Organization (WHO), A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health- Female Circumcision,” WHO
Chronicle, 40, no. 1(1968); Pg. 33.

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In the recent past, there have been programs to inform men and women about the health risks
associated with female circumcision. “Over the past few decades, health education has
contributed to a gradually growing recognition that the most common form of circumcision,
known as Pharaonic circumcision, can be detrimental to the health of the woman involved and
affect her ability to bear children.”589 In addition, debunking myths and highlighting adverse
health effects have been somewhat successful in altering the attitudes of more informed
citizens and those who had reservations about the practice's value. Furthermore, the health
approach is more accessible for people to comprehend and accept than approaches that
criticize the course from a religious or cultural standpoint because it is not culturally
prejudiced. Approaching female circumcision and laying bare its adverse effects is more
convincing to the circumcising communities than handling the same from a religious
perspective. When people are educated about the harmful effects of female circumcision,
which they have suffered from, they tend to understand it better and, therefore, become quick
to decide to abandon the culture of female circumcision.

With the assistance of numerous international development organizations, including the

World Health Organization, UNICEF, Terre des Hommes, and the US Agency for
International Development, action against female circumcision has been done domestically
and globally throughout the last ten years. The world saw female circumcision for the first
time as a severe issue in 1979 during the World Health Seminar in Khartoum, Sudan.590

“Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children”591 was the seminar's
theme. This gathering “took a major and unprecedented Step in formulating recommendations
for governments on measures to be taken to eradicate female circumcision.”592 The program's
focus was on health education, emphasizing the adverse effects of the practice on women and
children. The recommendation was to establish national commissions tasked with organizing
events and working with UNICEF to promote research and disseminate information. “In this
regard, training health workers at all levels, especially traditional birth attendants, midwives,
healers, and all other traditional practitioners, would receive special attention.” 593

589
Cf: Pamela Constantinides, „Women Heal Women: Spirit Possession and Sexual Segregation in a Muslim
Society, Social Science and Medicine, 21, no.6(1985), Pg.687.
590
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.480.
591
Draft Report of the Working Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, U.N.
Doc. E/CN.4/HC.42/1985/L.5, Introduction, 12 September 1985. Pg.18.
592
Ibid. Pg. 18.
593
Ibid. Pg.18.

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This seminar was conceived with assistance from the United Nations Working Group on
Traditional Practices Affecting Women's and Children's Health. The Working Group's
primary goal was to launch community-based initiatives aimed at “sensitizing women on the
health dangers of female circumcision.”594

The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and
Children in Africa, which UNICEF founded in Senegal in 1984, has conducted most of the
significant work on regional and national initiatives in different African countries. “This
committee's primary goal is to gather and distribute health information across the
community.”595

In certain nations, several autonomous initiatives have been launched to raise awareness about
the dangers of female circumcision. Religious leaders' participation was encouraged to ensure
the success of the programs because of their closeness to the community and their role in
shaping that community.

One of the most significant challenges faced by those fighting the culture of female
circumcision is the high illiteracy level among women and children. It is challenging to
educate them on the adverse effects of the culture of female circumcision. This makes it
difficult to stop the culture of female circumcision amongst the circumcising communities.
This is notable in the Kenyan situation in the sense that the communities that have succeeded
in educating their children have abandoned the culture of female circumcision.

Furthermore, discussing the problem, especially in a public setting, is usually frowned upon.
One African woman wonders if it is appropriate “to conduct a public debate on a subject that
those women only talk about with the utmost discretion.”596 The cultural significance of
tradition is another barrier to change; many highly educated people refuse to follow the rules
or feel so obligated by social pressure that they give in to the operation, even when they know
the risks.597

6.2. Prospects and Recommendations.

594
Cf: Draft Report of the Working Group on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children,
U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/HC.42/1985/L.5, Introduction, 12 September 1985. Pg. 19.
595
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.480.
596
Marie-Angelique Savanne, “Why we are Against the International Campaign,” Paper Located in the Files of
Professor Philip Alston, Tufts University, Pg. 39.
597
Cf: Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10,
No.4, Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.481.

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It will take time and effort for female circumcision practices to change. However, it appears
that excision, Pharaonic circumcision, and infibulation should be banned, particularly in the
case of neonates and infants, based on human rights and health viewpoints from both
domestic and foreign sources.

Every initiative to promote change must be locally driven and supported. This is one of its
most crucial components. Any program of this kind needs the commitment and support of the
people whose culture is the target for change. The local community must be prepared to
accept a change of mind to enable effective transformation in their communities.

“We need to fight against female genital mutilation. But Africans—particularly women—
must decide which objectives to pursue and which weapons to employ in combat. These
customs won't go away for a very long time. External assistance can only be successful and
viewed as non-imperialist if it begins with the information and education efforts that are
required to be carried out in every nation.598

6.2.1. Global Initiatives.

Several nongovernmental international groups have succeeded in at least bringing the topic of
female circumcision to the public's attention so that it might be addressed there. However,
these organizations have several built-in shortcomings when handling this problem. These
organizations are made up of numerous distinct countries.599 Agreeing on the issues and the
best course of action can be challenging. Even if the parties were to decide, many African
member states feel that they need help following internal bodies' directives, which raises a
second worry. In nations with limited financial means, ending female circumcision and
advancing women's rights often are not top priorities.600

Nevertheless, these groups, together with other foreign and international initiatives, can be
helpful in the fight against female circumcision. In addition to offering information, financial
support, and medical care to support local initiatives, they can also “provide a forum within
which national groups and governments can discuss new proposals and methods to attack the
practice.”601
598
Cf: Marie-Angelique Savanne, “Why we are Against the International Campaign,” Paper Located in the Files of
Professor Philip Alston, Tufts University, Pg. 39.
599
Alison T. Slack, “Female Circumcision: A Critical Appraisal,“ Human Rights Quarterly, Nov. 1988, Vol.10, No.4,
Pp.437-486, The John Hopkins University Press, Pg.483.
600
Cf: Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,”
Harvard Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.163.
601
Ibid. Pg.163.

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 6.2.2. Programs for Health Education.

A greater quantity of studies on female circumcision has been conducted in the past. This has
led to several proposals and suggestions for its elimination. The most compelling
recommendation is to “enhance and reinforce the number of locally based programs that
educate people regarding the health problems associated with the practice.”602 These
“awareness campaigns” advocate adopting explicit national policies to disseminate health
information, practice facts, and primary sex education. Health professionals, social workers,
community health care providers, local midwives, and maternity staff should be the focus of
the education effort since they are the ones who can inform their communities about the risks
associated with the practice.

“Competent public Services should describe the adverse effects of female circumcision to
birth attendants, nurses, mobile health teams, social workers, rural teachers, and community
auxiliaries at the beginning of their courses, not forgetting vocational health personnel and
any other socio-vocational category concerned,”603 advises the Working Group on Traditional
Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, urging governments to prioritize the
eradication of female circumcision.

6.2.3. Influential Social Role Models:

It is also suggested that socially powerful leaders in both local and broader groups, who serve
as role models, speak out against the practice's continuation, and demonstrate their decision to
break tradition.604 Community leaders, legislators, other decision-makers, educators, and
qualified medical professionals may assist. If local citizens followed the advice of these
influential individuals, it would be easily possible for them to abandon their traditions.

If religious authorities condemned the practice and dispelled myths about its connection to
Islam, there would be a substantial increase in support for its abolition. Religious leaders may
also assist in distancing circumcision from chastity. Thus, “The perpetrators of the custom
need to be convinced that premarital chastity is a moral issue and that modern….
Uncircumcised girls value pre-marital chastity just as much as circumcised girls.” 605

602
Marie Bassili Assaad, “Female Circumcision in Egypt: Social Implications, Current Research, and Prospects for
Change,” Studies in Family Planning, 11, no.1(1980): Pg.9.
603
U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/AC.42/1986/L.2, at 25(1985)
604
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.144.
605
Marie Bassili Assaad, “Female Circumcision in Egypt: Social Implications, Current Research, and Prospects for
Change,” Studies in Family Planning, 11, no.1(1980): Pg.9.

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 6.2.4. Laws and interdisciplinary methods.

Legislative advocates contend that every government must provide continuous support and
enforcement. Secondly, legislative action needs to be combined with other endeavors. “Since
this affects the entire community, education of men and women is necessary to raise
awareness of the risks associated with the practice, and legislation may be effective in this
regard.”606

Multiple authors have suggested this multidisciplinary approach. One approach won't be
sufficient because of the intricacy of the topic, how sensitive it is, and how deeply ingrained
the tradition is in the culture. For any significant change in the practice, professionals and
religious leaders must support legislation, education, and role modeling. Furthermore, most of
the programs must be administered and maintained by locals. However, outside assistance can
significantly benefit these kinds of regional projects.607

In terms of economic factors, there is little chance of change unless the men in these societies
start to embrace the notion of wedlock uncircumcised women. Because they are not
circumcised, women cannot afford the financial risk of being shunned and unable to get
married. Because many women who operate as midwives rely on the money from this service
to support themselves, remuneration for these workers must also be considered. Any strategy
to abolish female circumcision that fails to recognize how dependent individuals are on the
Practice will fail. Girls and women must find alternative forms and sorts of social status,
approbation, and respectability. This approach “ignores the need to replace the practice and
not merely repress it.”608

The campaign to raise public awareness of the health risks connected with female
circumcision has the most significant potential among the different initiatives aimed at ending
the practice. This strategy is predicated on the idea that women and children have a right to
their health, that they should be protected from potential threats, and that the most extreme
forms of female circumcision ought to be outlawed because they violate fundamental human
rights. “Although many African women who support ending female circumcision concur that
women have a right to sexual and bodily integrity and that children should have a healthy
upbringing, they find these exclusive approaches less acceptable politically given the

606
Cf: Asma El Dareer, Women, why do you Weep? London, Zed Press, 1982, Pg.144.
607
Cf: World Health Organization (WHO), A Traditional Practice that Threatens Health- Female Circumcision,”
WHO Chronicle, 40, no. 1(1968); Pg. 35.
608
Cf: Ibid. Pg.34.

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socioeconomic makeup of Africa. The case for the right to health incorporates the concerns of
child development and sexual, mental, and physical health.”609

Regarding the governments of these nations, they will be more readily persuaded of the
necessity of addressing the circumcision issue if it is connected to their citizens' right to
adequate health.

609
Cf: Kay Boulware-Miller, “Female Circumcision: Challenges to the Practice as a Human Right Violation,”
Harvard Women’s Law Journal, 8(1985): Pg.176-177.

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