ISSN 2636-0810

The Journal of
Eurasian Turkic Studies
December, 2020
VOL. 5
Special Edition of Azerbaijan
ISSN 2636-0810

The Journal of
Eurasian Turkic Studies

December, 2020 VOL. 5

Special Edition of Azeibaijan

m f Z w Institute for Eurasian Turkic Studies

Dongduk W om ens University
 This volume 5. contains additional papers
based on the Korea-Azerbaijan Humanities Forum

The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies December, 2020 VOL. 5

Publisher : Myoungae Kim, President, Dongduk Women's University

Editor in chief : Eunkyung Oh, Ph.D & Doctor of Science
[Director of the Institute for Eurasian Turkic Studies]
The Date of Issue : 31, December, 2020
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 The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

Research Paper

Sandjar Bekmuradov Tursunmamatovich

The historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the persian sources of
XIII-XV centuries................................................................................................99

Owahedur Zaman
Understanding the poetic expertise of Babur through his Persian Poetry ••• 123

Samira Gurbanova
Intertextuality in the Literary Text: Analyses on the Bases of Samples of
Azerbaijani Literature......................................................................................... 133

Nasriddin Nazarov
Orkhon Inscriptions as a Subject of History for Study Ethnic Formation
of T u rk s..............................................................................................................145
 Research Paper

Sandjar BekmuradovTursunmamatovich
ThehistoriographyoftheUlusof Chaghatai inthepersiansourcesofXI11-XVcenturies_99

Owahedur Zaman
Understanding the poetic expertise of Babur through his Persian Poetry_123

Samira Gurbanova
Intertextuality inthe LiteraryText
: Analyses onthe Bases of Samples of Azerbaijani Literature_133

Nasriddin Nazarov
Orkhon InscriptionsasaSubject of Historyfor StudyEthnic Formationof Turks_145
The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies ISSN 2636-0810
December, 2020
VOL. 5 pp. 99~121

The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the

Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries

Sandjar Bekmuradov Tursunmamatovich

Tashkent state university of oriental studies, Uzbekistan

---------------------------------------------------- Abstract --------------------------------------------------

When the sources involved in the Mongol period were studied in research, it was found that
their amount was much wider than the opinion available in science. The Mongol invasion of
the 13th century had such an impact on the minds of the people of that period and their
descendants that the study of the Mongols began almost simultaneously with the conquest.
The peculiarity of this is that all the people of this period and their descendants, with the
exception of the authors who served the Mongols, not only described what they witnessed or
heard from their ancestors, but also said that the invasion was a great tragedy for the nations.
This article is devoted to the historiography of the Mongols, or rather the Ulus of Chaghatai
in the Persian sources of the XIII-XV centuries.
It is known that one of the main tasks of source studies is to solve the problems of the
creation of a particular work, its ideological direction, the author’s original attitude to the events
and personalities, and so on. This allows you to look at the source as a whole work, to
determine its level of reliability, to evaluate each piece of information based on the overall
concept of the work.
There are many historical and geographical works in Iranian historiography that contain
information about this period. These valuable and historical works, which are an important
source for the coverage of these periods, are the primary source for solving any problem in
the study of the history of that period, especially the Mongol oppression.

Key words: Mongols, Khaghan, Persian sources, Appendixes, manuscript, Chaghatai,

XIII-XV centuries, Iranian historiography
100 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

IN T R O D U C T IO N

The XIII-XV centuries were the period of the most complete development of the feudal
society of Iran and neighboring countries. The earliest sources of this period give us a great
deal of information about the socio-economic order. However, the disadvantage of the study
is that many historical sources belong to the group of works of palace historians and
therefore more or less reflect the views of the dominant central governments in Iran and
neighboring countries and defend their social policies. These sources mainly reflected the
views of the feudal class, i.e., the civil bureaucracy, the Muslim clergy, who were interested
in supporting the central government and centralizing politics. For example, Rashid ad-Din
Fazl allah Hamadani, Hamd allah Qazvini, Hafiz-i Abru and others were among them. This
group was the work of well-known local historians against the one-sided presentation of
evidence by historians, whose authors typically express a feudal class point of view and
at the same time reflect the interests of local aristocrats against the interests of the central
government. According to S.P. Tolstov, in the XIII-XV centuries “the conflict between the
main factions of the ruling class was sharper than in the time of Muhammad Khorezmsha
h1)”. Therefore, when scientific sources of different groups reflecting some views of the
feudal class were involved, researchers were likely to encounter different coverage of an
event from the point of view of the socio-political orientation of the authors of the studied
works. However, such an approach to the issue helps us to be very critical of the initial
data and to avoid one-sided and erroneous conclusions.
1) Ala ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini and his work “Tarikh-i Jahan g u sh a ”.
One of the earliest sources in the history of the Mongol Empire is the work of the
Persian historian Ala ad-Din Ata-Malik Juvaini (1227-1286) “H istory o f Jahan g u sh a ”
(“Genghis Khan. History of the World Conqueror”). Juvaini’s work was based on
documentary sources. Juvaini visited Mongolia twice and had personal meetings with the
great Khaghans. During his two years in Karakorum (1252-1253) he began to write his
work, but was unable to finish it because he worked in the civil service.
Juvaini, who lived among the Mongols who exercised diplomatic missions, had the
opportunity to personally acquaint himself with various government documents. Researchers
believe that Juvaini’s work consists of three major chapters: the first two were originally

1) Tolstov S.P. Po sledam drevnekhorezmiyskoy tsivilizatsii. M.-L., 1948. p. 319.

 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 101

composed, and the third was later completed. The first chapter is devoted to the life history
of the Mongol kings: Genghis Khan, Ogodei, Guyug, Qubilai, Batu, Chighatai. Originally,
the book was called “Yasagiyn ix d e p te r” (“The Great Law Book”). While one chapter of
the book was devoted to the legislation of the Mongol Empire, the other chapters contain
references to certain norms established by the Mongol state2).
Apart from the fact that the author has left little information in the section on the history
of Chaghatai, there is information about the formation of the khanate of Chaghatai and the
political activities of the khans. Ayalon notes that in the section about Yasa there were
inaccuracies and some confusion in confirming the evidence. According to Ayalon, Juvaini
could not explain the meaning of the “Y a sa ”. Perhaps Yasa was a secret document that
was not open to the public, as a result of which Juvaini was unable to identify and disclose
its contents3).
Bira argues that he wrote his work not by suggestion, but by order, that was, by order
of the Mongols4). According to N. Toshev, it is impossible to agree with this opinion5).
First of all, these stereotypes were based on the rhetoric of the time, and there was no basis
for their literal interpretation. Such phrases can be read in many of the works on various
subjects that have come down to us. It is noteworthy that such method was found in works
that were not dedicated to a ruler or written by order of a person. Furthermore, if the work
had been created by order of Monke Khagan or another ruler or official, the author would
have made the readers aware of it. There is also no information that the author presented
the work to anyone. So, although the work was dedicated to the Mongols, we have good
reason to conclude that it was written not by order or order of the Mongols, but by the
author’s personal initiative. Based on this, we can conditionally call the “The History of
the World Conqueror” an official history6).
When it comes to Mongol historiography, some other scholars equate Juvaini with Rashid
ad-Din, referring to both as “pro-Mongol” authors7). However, Rashid ad-Din wrote his

2) Dzhuveyni. Chingiskhan. Istoriya zavoyevatelya mira. Moskva: Magistr press, 2004. 690 p.
3) Ayalon D. The Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan: A Reexamination // Studia Islamica. № 33. Paris, 1977. p. 138.
4) Bira Sh. Mongol'skaya istoriografiya (XIII-XVII vv.). Moskva, 1978. p. 118.
5) Toshev N. Alouddin Juvaini's “The History of the World Conqueror” is an important source on the
history of Central Asia in the XII-XIII centuries: the science of history. candidate ... diss. Tashkent,
2004. p. 44. (in uzbek)
6) Ibidem.
102 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

work on the orders of the Mongols, more precisely, Ilkhan Ghazan Khan (1295-1304)8), so
it is self-evident that th e “J a m i’ u ’t-T aw arikh ” is an official history. This serious difference
between the works of Juvaini and Rashid ad-Din should not be overlooked, and in some
matters this factor is of great importance9).
2) Rashid ad-Din’s chronicle “J a m i’ u ’t-T aw arikh ” and works “Shuab-i p a n jg o n a ”
and “N asabnom a-i m uluk”.
Rashid ad-Din (1248-1318) entered the service during the reign of Abaqa Khan, first as
a court physician during the reign of Ghazan Khan, and soon (1298) was appointed minister
and became a close adviser to the young Ilkhan. Rashid ad-Din also remained a minister
during the reign of Ghazan’s successor Oljeitu (1304-1316) and had a great influence on
the life of the country as the second person after the ruler. In particular, Rashid ad-Din
himself was the initiator and theorist of the comprehensive reforms carried out by Ghazan
Khan. O f his 14 sons, 10 have ruled in various provinces. Using this authority, the minister
would soon become the owner of great wealth and real estate10). However, when Abu Said
Bahadir Khan succeeded him to the throne, a conspiracy was hatched against Rashid ad-Din
in 1317, and he resigned, and was soon executed in 1318 on charges of poisoning Oljeitu.
Important points should be taken into account when using Rashid ad-Din’s “J a m i’
u ’t-T aw arikh ” (“A Com pendium o f C h ron icles”): a) The Collection of Chronicles is indeed

a collection of chronicles and official documents preserved in various parts of the modern
Mongol Empire both before and after the Mongol invasion; b) All of these various written
documents were edited not by Rashid al-Din himself, but by him and a large group of
informants. All of these conflicting documents - literally (because they were written in
many languages) and figuratively (written in different countries without comparing the

7) D’Osson. History of the Mongols. p. 9-11. and others. D. Ayalon also accused Juvaini of being biased
and biased against the Mongols. Ayalon. The Great Yasa. p. 133.
8) Petrushevskiy I.P. Rashid ad-Din i yego istoricheskiy trud // Rashid ad-Din. Sbornik letopisey. - T.1.
CH.1. M.-L., 1952. p. 27; Rashid ad-din. Sbornik letopisey/ ot persidskogo L.A.Khetagurova.
Redaktsiya i primechaniye prof. A.A.Semonova. T. I. K.1. M., - L.: Nauka, 1952. p. 67.
9) Juvaini’s extensive reference to the Mongol invasions, at first glance, seems to prove Bira’s view,
but the Mongols were interested in perpetuating their ancient history, not their military success. As
a proof of our opinion, on the conquest of Northern China, Tangut and Khorezmshahs, Russia and
other regions Rashid al-Din, who began his work on the orders of the Mongols, focused on this topic,
and in the book “The Secret History of the Mongols” there are only 6 pages.
10) Rashid ad-Din. Perepiska / Per., vved. i komment. A.I.Falinoy. Moskva, 1971.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries /1 0 3

records of neighbors) - were not the same level of processing. And since the reporters
brought contradictory information without editing it, sometimes it seems that Rashid ad-Din
himself could not check everything and bring it to a general conclusion. Traces of such
inconsistencies have spread throughout the collection. However, there are cases when the
work is forced to be recognized as an important source, at least as a “The Secret History”
of the Mongols. In our opinion, Rashid ad-Din had a priority over many authors because
he was not only a representative of the Mongol Il-khans, but also a personal friend of
Ghazan Khan. He, in turn, loved the history of his great ancestor and therefore had the
opportunity to see the documents that Rashid ad-Din was allowed to read only by Genghis
Khan. The identity of Rashid ad-Din cannot be ignored. He is not only a medieval
encyclopedic, but also a true scholar who first put forward the idea of critical use of sources
in the East. The famous Russian orientalist as Petrushevsky clearly points out that “J a m i'
u 't-T aw arikh ” has a completely separate place in medieval sources. It is also important that,

as researchers of his legacy point out, he tried to create his work as objectively as possible11).

“Jam i' u 't-T aw arikh ” was written between 1300 and 1310 in simple and clear Persian.

It consists of two parts: 1) the history of the ancient Mongol and Turkic tribes and the states
founded by the Mongols; 2) world history (history of pre-Mongol Muslim states and China,
India, ancient Jews, Franks, Roman popes, German emperors). The third part, planned by
the author, is that the geography of the world has not reached us or has not been written
at all.
In the first part we can find general information beginning Chaghatai Khan himself and
events have ended with the information about Ghazan Khan Period.
Rashid ad-Din’s chronicle is undoubtedly an invaluable source, and in world
historiography he is in a sense more famous than Juvaini’s work. However, this is mainly
due to Rashid ad-Din’s extensive account of the Turkic and Mongol tribes, the history of
Mongolia, the ancestors of Genghis Khan, and his rise to power. The history of the Il-khans,
especially Ghazan Khan’s rule, in the work is also original and valuable. Other parts are
often based on Juvaini. In doing so, Rashid ad-Din simplifies and abbreviates the “A
Com pendium o f C h ro n icles ”, in particular, many poems and Arabic quotations are omitted.

It is known that Rashid ad-Din wrote works and treatises on theology, commentary and

11) Petrushevskiy I.P. Rashid ad-Din. p. 23.

104 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

other sciences, and many of them have come down to us. For example, “Shuab-i p a n jg o n a ”
is a pure genealogical work dedicated to the descent of Genghis Khan’s ancestors and
descendants.
Genealogy is a separate genre that has a unique formation of information: names written
in circles, squares, triangles, connected by lines denoting family ties.
The earliest specimens of European genealogical works date back to the 10th century, a
genre that developed a little later in the Arab-Muslim East.12). Rashid ad-Din, although he
was not the first author of a lineage composition, was unfamiliar with such works, and he
had to invent the genre himself. He writes about it in his autobiography13).
Rashid al-Din also tried to gather genealogical information about Genghis Khan when he
wrote “J a m i’ u ’t-T aw arikh ”14). The manuscript is kept in a single copy in the library of
the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul under the number №2152. According to Togan, the only
surviving copy of the manuscript dates back to the 16th century or the second half of the
15th century and was written in M avaraunnakhr or K h orasan15). The manuscript was once
in the book warehouse of Qasim Sultan (1502-1532), the son of Sayid Ahmad Khan, the
ruler of A strakhan16). According to Togan, Shaibanikhan, a friend of Qasim Khan, sent the
manuscript as a gift to him after the conquest of Bukhara and Samarkand.
In the introductory part of the work, Rashid al-Din writes that he decided to write “Shuab-i
panjgon a” as an appendix to the main work ( “J a m i’ u ’t-Taw arikh’”). In commenting on some

genealogies, the author sometimes referred to the “J a m i’ u ’t-Taw arikh” for more information17).
The work is a general type of work, dedicated to Jews (Jacob and his descendants),
Europeans (rulers of the Roman popes and Holy Roman emperors), from Adam, the Prophet
Muhammad to the last Abbasid caliphs of the Arab Caliphate conquered by the Mongols

12) Pierre D. Genealogy. An Introduction to Continental Concepts / Clough W.O. (tr.). New Orleans:
Polyanthos, 1977. p. 3-7.
13) Lataif al-haqaiq / Ghulam-Riza Tahir (ed.). - Tehran: Intisharat-i Kitabhana-yi Markaz-i va Markaz-i
Asnad, 2535 Shahi/1976. Vol. 2. p. 8-14.
14) Rashid ad-din. Sbornik letopisey. T. II. M., L.: izdatel'stvo AN SSSR, 1960. p. 15.
15) Togan A.Z.V. The Composition of the History of the Mongols by Rashid al-Din // Central Asiatic
Journal. - Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1962. №7. p. 68-69.
16) Rashid ad-Din. Shuab-i pandzhgana. Faksimile / Podgotovka k izdaniyu k.i.n. I.M. Mirgaleyev. -
Kazan: Institut istorii im. Sh.Mardzhani AN RT, 2016. p. 1.
17) Khamidova Ch.I. Rashid ad-din. Shuab-i pandzhgana. 2. Mongoly i tyurki (3) // Zolotoordynskoye
obozreniye. T. 5, № 4. 2017. p. 848. DOI: 10.22378/2313-6197.2017-5-4.846-865.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 105

in 1258. Moreover, the descriptions of the genealogies of non-Turkic Mongol parts are
much broader and more detailed than the history of Genghis Khan.
In the “Shuab-i p a n jg o n a ” there are genealogies of the Mongols - Chaghatai, Ogodei
Khan, Tulu Khan, Mongke Kaan (26 sheets in total). Part of the data obtained from the
study of the manuscript can be found in the articles of I.Mirgaleev and Ch.Khamidova18).
The original text of the manuscript can be found at the Topkapi Museum (Istanbul)19) or
by facsimile20).
The work of Rashid ad-Din, which is unique in its own way, has become a source of
information for other genealogical works. Among them is “M u ’iz al-A n sab”, which is
believed to belong to Hafizi Abru.
The work consists of 24 pages. The manuscript is incomplete: the sheets at the beginning
and end are not enough. There are inscriptions in Arabic and Uyghur. Initially the
manuscript was kept wrapped, but later cut and glued in book form. The genealogy consists
of two parts: the first part is the genealogy of Genghis Khan’s ancestors; the second is the
genealogy of his descendants. It is noteworthy that the genealogy of the Mongols before
the sons of Genghis Khan was written in Uyghur script, and the names of the descendants
of Temur Kuragani were written in Arabic21). The most striking aspect of the list is that
it has thumbnails. The genealogy of Jochi Khan and Chaghatai Khan begins on page 43a
It should be noted that the genealogy of Genghis Khan is compared with the “J a m i’
u ’t-T aw arikh ”, for example, the descendants of Chighatai’s eldest son - Mitukan, and

“Shuab-i p a n jg o n a ” also contains the genealogy of the other five children of Chaghatai.

It shows 8 sons of Ogodei, not 722).

18) Mirgaleev I.M. “Shuab-i pandzhgana” Rashid ad-Dina: perspektivy izucheniya// Zolotoordynskoe
obozrenie. 2013, no. 1, pp. 57-64.; Mirgaleev I.M., Khamidova Ch.I. Genealogiya predkov
Uzbek-khana po dannym “Shuab-i pandzhgana” Rashid ad-dina// Golden Horde Civilization. 2013, no.
6, pp. 22-26.; Khamidova Ch.I. Genealogii Dzhuchidov v sochineniyakh Rashid ad-dina I Khafiza
Abru // Golden Horde Civilization. 2016, no. 9, pp. 79-84. (In Russian).
19) §u'b-ipen?gane. Topkapi. Ahmet III. (A.2937) Nesebname-i Mtiltik, Re§idtiddin, Acem, Talik, 227
sayfa.Tupkapu Saraye Muzeye Kitapkhanese, shifr A. III 2937. (In Persian).
20) Rashid ad-din. “Shuab-i pandzhgana”. Faksimile. Podgotovka k izdaniyu k.i.n. I.M. Mirgaleev.
Kazan, Sh.Marjani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences Publ., 2016. 460 p.
21) Sertkaya O.F. Timurlu Seceresi (Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi, Hazine 2152, v. 32-43) // Sanat Tarihi
Yilligi. №9-10. 1979-80. s. 253-258.
22) Khamidova Ch.I. Rashid ad-din. Shuab-i pandzhgana. p. 848.
106 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

His other genealogical work is “N asabnom a-i m uluk”, a manuscript which is kept in the
library of the Topkapi Museum in Istanbul. The genealogy of the rulers has received special
attention from foreign scholars, especially Asian authors, despite his indifference to the
Iranians. As for the specific features of the work, including the bilingual written texts of
this section, it has been analyzed and researched as a valuable source for comparative
research in the fields of literature and source studies of the Mongol period. We did not have
the opportunity to use this work in our research, and the reason for this was that it took
some time to obtain a copy from Istanbul, and we decided to ignore the bureaucratic issues;
secondly, the view of some scholars that “Shuab-i p a n jg o n a ” and “N asabnom a-i m uluk”
are two different names for the same work has now been refuted. We hope that we will
have the opportunity to make extensive use of this work in our future research on the
Mongol period.
3) Juzjani’s book “T abakat-i-N asiri” .
He was born in (1193-?) in the territory of the Ghurian state. After the Mongol
invasion, in 1226, he fled to neighboring India, to the Sultanate of Delhi, where he later
held various positions in the palace of Shams ad-Din Iltutmish (1211-1235) and his son
Nasir ad-Din Mahmud Shah (1246-1265), including at the end of his life as a judge. Juzjani
dedicated his work to Nasir ad-Din Mahmud Shah and completed it in 1260, at the same
time as Juvaini. “T abakat-i-N asiri” is in Persian and consists of 23 chapters. Its last 23
chapters are devoted to the account of the Mongol invasion.
The work has been fully translated into English by Raverti23). Later, Habibi compiled and
published his critical text24).
Juzjani’s “T abakat-i-N asiri” belongs to the general type typical of Persian historical
works. Juzjani is one of the oldest Persian writers to have written about the Mongols, and
Juvaini, who wrote at the same time as him, was a contemporary of Rashid ad-Din. Like
them, he was in the service of the Mongols. But Juzjani was the only Persian historian to
oppose the Mongols. Juzjani, who lived in India, could only get information about the

23) Tabakat-i-Nasiri: A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia. By the Maulana,
Minhaj-ud-din, Abu-’Umar-i-’Usman / Transl. by H. G. Raverty. V. I-II. London, 1881. 967 p.
24) Morgan D. Persian historians and the Mongols // Medieval Historical Writing in the Christian and
Islamic Worlds / Ed. by D. O. Morgan. London, 1982. p. 109-124.; Stori Ch. A. Persidskaya
literature. Bio-bibliograficheskiy obzor. V trekh chastyakh / Per. s angl., pererab. i dopol. Yu. E.
Bregel. M.: Nauka, 1972. p. 294-298.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 107

Golden Horde in the form of rumors, so the information he provided was incomplete and
inaccurate. In particular, it exaggerates Berka’s Muslim devotion25).
Barthold wrote about Ibn al-Asir, Nasavi and Juzjani: “None of the three authors gave
us a complete history of the march of Genghis Khan and his commanders; they were in a
situation where they could only be aware of a part of the events of this dangerous period”26).
Juzjani’s stories about the Khorezmshah state and the Mongol invasion and
domination were mostly oral. For this reason, it has some confusion and errors.
4) The work of Yaqub al-Kheravi “Tarixnam e-ye K h era t”.
One of the areas where monumental works were written in historical and public life
was K horasan , the largest commercial and cultural center of K h era t. The history of
K horasan, especially in the Hulegu period (1256-1353), is a vivid example of K h erat and

its regional historical traditions. Al-Kheravi was a famous court historian and poet of the
Kurdish dynasty (1245-1381).
He was born in 1282 in K herat. He mastered the Muslim sciences and was well versed
in Persian and Arabic poetry, based on the examples given in his work. Al-Kheravi himself
wrote poetry and introduced himself in this craft, presenting it to the ruler of Fakhr ad-Din
Kurd (1295-1304) and gaining the trust of the great official Hakim Sa’d ad-Din. Page
glorified the ruler by writing eight verses and a ghazal, one hundred and fifty continents.
He spent his whole life in Kherat. Oljeitu Khan (1304-1316), led by Danishmand-Bahadir
and his son Amir Bujay, remained in the besieged city during the first and second punitive
expeditions, and his poem “Sam nam e” (“The Book about Sam”) glorified the defenders of
K h erat under Jamal ad-Din Muhammad Sam. He created more than twenty thousand bytes

in the form of M asnavi for Firdavsi’s “Shahnam e ”. In 1307, Amir Bujay captured the city.
Jamal ad-Din committed suicide. Page himself was captured and beaten in front of Amir
Bujay. Page writes a poem dedicated to the Mongols. Amir Bujay decided to read this
poem. He recited this poem, which describes the large number of Mongol armies and the
abilities of the Mongol generals, and orders their destruction. Page pleaded guilty and
vowed to remain loyal to the Mongols. Eventually, Amir Bujay saved Sayf but the ruler
Ghiyas ad-Din II Kurd (1307-1329) replaced the late Fakhr ad-Din, who disliked the poet.

25) Bartold V. Turkestan v epokhu mongolskogo nashestviya // Bartold V. Sochineniya. T. I. - Moskva:

Izdatelstvo vostochnoy literatury, 1963. p. 40.; Tabakat-i-Nasiri: A General History. p. 14.
26) Bartold V. Turkestan v epokhu mongolskogo nashestviya. p. 86.
108 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

Therefore, for a long time he lived outside the palace of the ruler.
In the time of the ruler’s wrath, Sayfi prepared a set of rules called “M ajm u ’a -i
G h iya siy” (“Complex of Ghiyas”) in the name of the ruler and presented it to Ghiyas

ad-Din. The ruler approved the book, showed mercy to Sayfi, and ordered him to write the
history of K h erat from the conquest of Genghis Khan (1221) until his reign. Officials were
instructed to provide all available documents, historical artifacts, and information. After two
and a half years of serious work, Sayfi carried out the task of the ruler and wrote
“Tarixnam e-ye K h era t”. The date of Page’s death is unknown, and his works have only

reached us through the “Tarixname-ye K h era t”.

This work was written in prose in Persian. In narrating the author cites verses from the
Qur’an, the hadiths of the Prophet, as well as many examples of Persian and Arabic poetry,
including his interest in science in his works. The page not only provides a detailed
description of the events described in the series, but also provides reasons for writing these
events. This is exactly the interesting part of the work. Speaking of any of the rulers,
nobles, or commanders, the author gives them a brief personal description.
Apparently, Sayfi stated at the end of “H istory o f K h era t” that he intended to continue
his work and write a second volume containing detailed information about the Kurdish ruler,
aristocratic families and famous K h erat people, travelers, visitors to the Kurdish capital.
Probably, Sayfi failed to fulfill his intention, because the sources after using “Tarixnam e-ye
K h era t” do not give any information about the second volume. At the same time, Sayfi

wrote in his original text that his works consisted of 400 (zikrs ) chapters, but the only
manuscript that has come down to us in it consists of 138 chapters.
The date of writing of the work is also unknown, and the author himself did not write
anywhere about the beginning and end of the book. Moreover, since the writing of the Page
lasted two and a half years, and the recent events are based on the year 1321, scholars still
argue that the book was written between 1318-1321.
There is only one manuscript kept in the National Library of Calcutta, from which it
was published in 1944 by Professor Muhammad Zubayr as-Siddiqi, translated from Persian
into English27).
The manuscript in our possession now consists of 138 chapters (zikrs), and chapters 1-20

27) Harawi, Sayf b. Muhammad b. Ya'qub. Tarikh namah-I Harat. Ed. M.Z. al-Sidqi. Calcuta, 1944.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 109

are devoted to the history of the founding of K herat, the hadiths, and the history of K h erat
before the Kurdish dynasty came to power. The remaining 118 chapters speak of Kurdish
rule, and chapter 39 refers to the rule of Ghiyas ad-Din.
Chapters 8-40 are about the Ulus of Chaghataid’s history. The history of the Kurdish
principality of K h erat in the Middle Ages has played an important role in the history of
East K horasan and has played a major role in the political, economic and social life of the
region. At the same time, the coverage of this period sheds light on the nature and character
of the Mongol conquest of E astern K horasan and its devastating consequences. The work
details the conquest of the Mongols, then the restoration and development of K h erat, his
life and culture during this period, as well as the character of the local rulers and their
relations with the rulers of the Mongol Empire.
5) Abd-allah ibn Fadl-allah W assaf Shirazi and his book “Tarikh-i W a ssa f” (or
“T ajziyat Al-A m sar Wa T azjiyat A l-A 'sa r”).

Abd-allah ibn Fadl-allah Shirazi known as Wassaf (1264-1330/1335), wrote “Tajziyat

A l-A m sar Wa T azjiyat A l-A 'sa r” (1327-1328) as a reference to “Tarikh-i Jahan g u sh a ”28).

We can see that many authors who lived and worked after Juvaini regarded the work as
a unique standard of perfection, especially high style. His successor, W assaf, expressed his
unparalleled admiration for both the style of worship and the historical value of “Tarikh-i
Jahan g u sh a ”29). Thus, as Barthold rightly points out, Juvaini had a great influence on the

development of Muslim historiography after him30).

In order to continue both the historical account and the literary style of Juvaini’s work,
the excess achieved as a result of reaching the second level, no matter what achievements
were made in the first account, was reflected in its shadow. The conclusion of the critics
is that Wassaf’ s extreme propensity for Arabization, his horrible explosion, and his
unbearable zeal did great damage to Persian prose31).
Wassaf’s work was written in a mythical language, filled with allegories, Arabic and
Persian verses and words, making it difficult for European researchers to use it. At the same

28) Abd-allah ibn Fadl-allah Wassaf Shirazi. Tarikh-i Wassaf (Tajziyat Al-Amsar Wa Tazjiyat Al-A sar).
Rpt. Facsimile edition. Tehran: Ketab-khana Ibn Sina, 1338/1959-60. p. 308.
29) D’Ohsson С.М. Histoire des Mongols. Т. IV. Amsterdam, 1852. p. 11.
30) Bartold V.V. Dzhuveyni, Ala ad-din // Sochineniya. M., 1973. - T. VIII. p. 591-595.
31) Rypka J. History of Persian Litera-ture up to the Beginning of the 20th Century // History of Iranian
Literature, ed. K. Jahn. Dordrecht, Reidel, 1968. p. 314.
110 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

time, it contains a lot of information that is not available in other sources on the political
and socio-economic history of Iran in the XIII - early XIV centuries. According to E.G.
Brown, “if his work had been insignificant as a source for the period to which he was
devoted, we would have been willing to forgive the author, but in fact the work is
unreadable”.
As a government official and a court poet (“Wassaf” means “panegyrist”), he had to
keep in mind the compliments of his patrons as well as stay true to Iranian literary
traditions.
W assaf himself admits that he seems less interested in history than in stylistics. The
author himself admits that he has a unique style, which historical events simply serve as
the foundation on which he was based32).
The history of W assaf is a work that sheds light on the internal and external history
of the Ilkhanate, based on the trends of the time. Ann K.S. Lambton and I.P. Petrushevski
used it extensively in their financial, administrative, and scientific research. British scholars
John Masson Smith and Bertold Spuler used it as a primary source in their research on
social issues, as well as military campaigns and political history33).
Authors who have written about inter-khanate affairs that had some influence on the
Ilkhanids have repeatedly relied on this source. Examples include Boyle’s The Ilkhanid
Dynasty and Political History and Jackson’s The Fall of the Mongol Empire34).
Much of the material used in this style comes from the first of five volumes of “The
History of W assaf’, published in the mid-nineteenth century, along with unsatisfactory and
inconsistent translations into German.
In the fifth volume, W assaf focuses most of his attention on the events of K horasan ,

32) Ibidem.
33) Anne K.S. Lambton. Mongol Fiscal Administration in Persia.// Studia Islamica, 64. pt. 1. 1986. p.
79-99. and pt. 2, 65. 1987. p. 97-123.; Petrushevsky, I.P. The Socio-Economic Condition of Iran under
the Ilkhans. // The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5. The Saljuq and Mongol Periods, chapter 4,
ed. J.A.Boyle. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1968. p. 483-537.; Smith J.M. Ayn Jalut: Mamluk
Success or Mongol Failure? // Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 44. 1984. p. 307-345.; Spuler B.
Die Mongolen in Iran. 3rd ed. Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 1968.
34) Boyle J.A. Dynastic and Political History of the Ilkhans. // The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5.
The Saljuq and Mongol Periods, chapter 4, ed. J.A.Boyle. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1968.
p. 303-421.; Jackson P. The Dissolution of the Mongol Empire// Central Asiatic Journal. Vol. 22. No.
3-4. 1978. p. 186-244.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 111

in particular on the suppression of the religious Chaghatai prince Yasawur in the second
half of the second decade of the fourteenth century.
This work is episodic in nature and has long been combined with the interconnected
sequence of materials, making it difficult to recognize the continuity of events or to
determine the causal relationship between them. The second problem is to identify the
relevant information on almost six hundred and fifty pages of text. For example, in the
Bombay edition, the lack of sections directs the researcher only through page headings,
which often do not fit the topic. The 1968 Persian edition was chaptered and the headlines
removed. Since the work does not have an important critical edition, there is currently no
alternative to moving old editions from page to page in search of what is useful.
At the same time, another important aspect of this work is that his attention was not
so much on the Il-khans. But W assaf can discuss these issues not only from their own
personal point of view, but also from the point of view of the central government and major
cultural traditions. As his attention was drawn further away from the “provinces”, his
descriptive and critical ability diminishes as he now moves away from the Persians, or at
least some of the Persian Mongols. Attacks on Ilkhan territory, for example, were usually
carried out by general princes, leaders of impure armies, who took part in fierce battles and
captured many booty and captives. It should be noted that stereotypes of both individuals
and events may obscure details that may be insignificant to the historian.
The main part of the W assaf text is large and despite these difficulties, this
monumental work contains a lot of information that helps to identify and describe the
themes hidden under the history of the Khanate of Chaghatai.
The work consists of three separate parts, the first of which comprises the bulk of
the text, roughly the first three and a half volumes. This section begins with the death of
Mongke Khaghan and con-tinues well into the reign of Oljeitu, to whom the work was
formally presented at this stage of its composition in 1312. The second section in this
classification seems singularly out of place. Filling out the fourth volume, it consists of a
series of relatively short, topical reports on cities, events and important personalities from
the time of Genghis Khan through Hulegu’s campaign into Iran. The third part concentrates
much of its attention instead on a fairly comprehensive account of the affairs of Khurasan,
in particular those events surrounding the incursion of the renegade Chaghatayid Yasawur
in the second half of the second decade of the fourteenth century. Also we can find
112 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

information about Qaydu and Duwa. Because, two sets of major political developments
shaped the history of the Chaghatayid Khanate around the turn of the fourteenth century
- the dominance of the family of Chaghatai over that of Ogodei, and the ascendancy of
Duwa and his scions within that new leading line. Each of these changes resulted in an
exodus of the disenfranchised, many of the emigres crossing the Oxus and heading to the
southwest, into the lands of the Il-Khanate.
The fact that this work is episodic in nature and was composed over a long period
of time, coupled with the intercalation of materials out of sequence, can make it difficult
to recognize the continuity of events or to discern causal relationships among them, much
less to develop meaning-ful and valid interpretive frameworks35).
W assaf's b ook is a fascinating and indispensable source for the study of the
Chaghadayid Khanate.
A complete lithographic edition of the work was published in 1853 in Bombay. The
first volume of W assafs history was published in Vienna in 1856 by Hammer-Purgstahl with
a German translation. Separate fragments Translated into Russian by V.G. Tizenhausen36).
6 ) Hamd-allah Qazwini and his book “Tarikh-i g u zid a ”.

Hamd-allah Qazwini (1280-1350) was a great geographer and historian who lived in
the last quarter of the 13th century and the first half of the 14th century. His full name
is Hamd-allah ibn Abu Bakr ibn Ahmad ibn Nasr Mustafawi Qazwini and was born in 1281
in Qazwin in Iran.
During the reign of Rashid al-Din, Hamd-allah Qazwini was in charge of the financial
affairs of Qazwin, A bhar and Zanjan provinces. After the execution of Rashid al-Din, he
was in the service of his son Ghiyas ad-Din Muhammad (1327-1336 who was a minister
of Ilkhani Abu Sa’id). The historian died in 1350.
Hamd-allah Qazwini is the author of “Zafarnam ah”, “Tarikh-i g u zid a ” and “N uzhat
al-qulub ”.

“Tarikh-i g u zid a ” was a work written in the general direction of history, which

describes the events that took place in Iran and, in part, in Central Asia from ancient times

35) Russell G. Kempiners Jr. Vassafs Tajziyat Al-Amsar Wa Tazjiyat Al-A'sar As A Source For The
History Of The Chaghadayid Khanate.// Journal of Asian History, Vol. 22, No. 2. 1988. p. 167.
36) Tizengauzen V. Iz “Istorii Vassafa” // Sbornik materialov, otnosyashchikhsya k istorii Zolotoy Ordy.
Moskva: Izdatelstvo AN SSSR, 1941. T. 2. p. 80-89.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 113

to 1330. After the death of Hamd-allah Qazwini, the work was continued by his son Zeyn
ad-Din, adding to the events that took place in Iran until 1392. The main part of the book
is dedicated to Haji Ghiyas ad-Din Muhammad. The work consists of an introduction, a
blessing and six chapters: 1) prophets and saints; 2) the kings of pre-Islamic Iran; 3) History
of the Prophet Muhammad, the Rashidun Caliphate, the Umayyads and the Abbasids; 4)
History of the Saffarids, Samanids, Ghaznavids, Ghurids, Daylamis, Seljuks, Khorezmshahs,
Mongols and other dynasties who ruled in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia during the
Abbasid period; 5) sheikhs, scholars and poets of the Islamic period; 6 ) History of Qazwin.
“Tarikh-i g u zid a ” plays an important role in the study of the history of Iran, Central

Asia and Uzbekistan in the first half of the XIII-XIV centuries.

7) Abu al-Qasim al-Qashani and his work “Tarikh-i U lja ytu ”.
Another of Rashid al-Din’s contemporaries, Abu al-Qasim Abd-allah ibn Ali
al-Qashani author of the works like as “Tarikh-I Ism a ’iliyya: bakhshi az-zu bdat

at-taw arikh -I Abu al-Q asim a l-Q a sh a n i”, “Tarikh-I m ubarak G h azan i” and “Tarikh-i

U lja ytu ”. Information about the author we can find only in his works. There is a lot of

controversial information about the scientist abroad and it is still going on. For example,
E. Bloshet’s: “Rashid ad-Din’s “J a m i’ u ’t-T aw arikh ” was copied from the work of the
same name by al-Qashani, changing the title and chapters. This was mentioned by the
scholar in the introductory part of the work “Zubdat at-taw orikh -i al-Q ash an i”. In fact,
al-Qashani was not an amateur like Rashid ad-Din, but a skilled historian37). Al-Qashani,
in his “Tarikh-i U ljaytu ”, also blames Rashid ad-Din, saying, “He went down as a Jew”38).
Al-Qashani said that Rashid ad-Din did this in order to gain a great reputation in the
presence of the sultan, from which he earned a meager income. But the real author has
never been touched by this.
W. Barthold, on the other hand, has always insisted that this is an unfounded accusation39).
“It’s hard to say on what basis al-Qashani made such accusations”, - said Bartold in his
Turkistan . It is possible that al-Qashani may have acted as one of some historical

data-seekers for Rashid ad-Din. After all, in the 14th century, among them was even

37) Blochet E. Introduction a l’histoire des mongols de Fadl Allah Rashid ed-Din. London, 1910. p. 133-150.
38) Brack J.Z. Mediating sacred kingship: conversion and sovereignty in mongol Iran. PhD diss. -
Department of History, University of Michigan, 2016. p. 322-344 (Appendix II).
39) Bartold V. Turkestan v epokhu mongolskogo nashestviya. p. 47-48.
114 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

Wassaf, who continued to respect his personality and scientific activity. On the contrary,
no child continued this work. Although, one of them was a minister in 1328-1336. As a
result, with the destruction of his family residence in Tabriz (1336), no original copy of
the work remained. That’s why we only have a chapter on the Mongols”40).
In our opinion, for this reason, Rashid ad-Din has no information about Kh orasan and its
ruler Oljaitu Khan. Cause recent events have ended with the information about Ghazan
Khan Period. In any case, al-Qashani’s existing work, “Tarikh-i U lja ytu ”41), provides
information about this period in relation to Khorasan. During the study, it became clear that
no matter how anti-Mongol al-Qashani was, he sympathized with the Chaghatai prince
Yasawur by saying many kind words about him.
8 ) Nizam ad-Din Shami and his work “Z afar-nam a ”.

He was enlisted in the service of Amir Timur in 1393, was with him until 1404, and
took part in the military campaigns of the Sahibkiran as a storyteller and preacher.
In 1402, Amir Timur ordered him to write his history in clear and simple language.
Nizam ad-Din Shami completed this work between 1402-1404. The work covers the period
from the rise of Jahangir to power (1370) to 1404. “Z afar-nam a” was really written in a
simple language, fluent style, rich in evidence. However, the life of Amir Timur in this play
is somewhat less idealized than that of Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi.
In writing his work, Nizam ad-Din Shami used Ghiyas ad-Din Ali Yazdi’s
“Ruz-nam ah-i gh azavat-i H in dustan”, “Tarikh-i K h a n i” created by the Uyghur secretaries

of Amir Timur and other diaries written in the palace.

There are two editions of “Z afar-nam a” by Nizam ad-Din Shami: 1) A copy
presented to him in 1404 when Amir Timur returned from the march to Azerbaijan. 2) It
was presented to Mirza Umar, the son of Miran Shah. It is almost no different from the
first copy mentioned above. Some methodological corrections were made to it and a small
appendix (za yl ) dedicated to the preface and Mirza Umar was added.
9) Mirkhwand’s work “R aw dat as-S a fa ”.
The work “R aw dat a s-S afa” (“The Garden of Paradise”) or “R aw dat as-Safa f i siyra t

40) Ibidem.
41) Abu al-Qasim al-Qashani. Tarikh-i Uljaytu. Edited by Mahin Hambly. Tehran: Banjh-i tarjumah
wa-nashr-i kitab, 1969. p. 317.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 115

al-anbiya wa-l-muluk wa-l-khulafa” (“The Garden of Pure Paradise on the Biographies of

the Prophets, Kings and Caliphs”) known as the name belongs to general history. Its author
was Mir Muhammad ibn Sayyid Burhan ad-Din Khovand-shah ibn Kamal ad-Din Mahmud
al-Balkhi, better known as Mirkhwand (1433-1497).
Mirkhwand in creating “Rawdat as-Safa” referred to the works of forty authors,
eighteen in Arabic and twenty-two in Persian42). Undoubtedly, this work is a historical
monument created at the level of modern research.
The book consists of an introduction, conclusion and seven volumes:
1. From the “creation” of the world to the period of Sassanid Yazdighard III (632-651);
2. The time of the Prophet Muhammad and the Rashidun Caliphate;
3. History of 12 imams; The Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs;
4. Contemporary dynasties with the Abbasids;
5. Genghis Khan and his descendants;
6 . Amir Timur and his descendants until the death of Sultan Abu Said (1469);

7. The history of Sultan Hussein and his descendants (up to 1523) was narrated. The
last 7 volumes remained the same and were filled out by Khwandamir.
Although volumes 1-6 of “Rawdat as-Safa” were written on the basis of information
from other works. This part is also of great scientific value because it is based on the use
of many sources.
10) M u’in ad-Din Natanzi and his book “Muntakhab at-Tawarikh Mu'ini”.
M u’in ad-Din Natanzi is the author of the work “Muntakhab at-Tawarikh Mu'ini”
about the Timurid period. He served in the palace of the governor of the Persian province,
Temurid Iskandar Mirza (grandson of Amir Timur, son of Umar Shaikh, killed in 1415 by
his brother Bayqara Mirza). According to Dawlat Shah as-Samarqandi Natanzi was one of the
most famous scholars and poets in the time of Sultan Iskandar in Iraq-i A ’jam and Persia43).
The exact name of this work, which belonged to Natanzi and has survived to the
present day, is unknown. He is known in the scientific community as “Alexander
Anonymous”. The work was completed in 1413. Its second edition is called “Muntakhab
at-Tawarikh Mu'ini” (“The Selected History of M u’ini”) and is dedicated to Shah Rukh
Mirza, son of Timur.

42) Mirkhwand. Rawdat as-Safa. Vol., 5. Tehran, 1960.

43) Dawlatshah of Samarqand. Tadhkiratu ash-Shu’ara. Ed. E.G.Browne. Leiden-London, 1901. p. 371.
116 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

“Muntakhab at-Tawarikh M u’ini” is a work of general history, which discusses the

events that took place in Muslim countries from the creation of the world to the death of
Amir Timur until February 18, 1405. The work consists of an introduction and three chapters44).
The unique and valuable part of the work is its third chapter. It takes history of the
Turkic-Mongol tribes and their origins, Genghis Khan and his descendants, the Mongol
khans who ruled in northern China, the rulers of the Khanate of Chaghatai, the Ilkhanids,
the Jalairids, the Chupanids, the Muzaffarids, the White Horde Khans, who ruled
Movarounnahr from 1346-1370.
In writing the third part of the work, the author made extensive use of works such
as Tabari, Juvaini, Rashid ad-Din and “Tarikh-i Khani” written in Turkish.
11) Hafiz-i Abru’s work “Majmu’a-i at-Tawarikh”.
He is a famous geographer and historian. His real name is Shahab ad-Din Abd-allah
ibn Lutf-allah ibn Abd ar-Rashid al-Hawafi. He lived in the palaces of Amir Timur and
Shah Rukh and was in close contact with both rulers.
He wrote two major works on behalf of Shah Rukh Mirza.
One of them is “Majmu’a-i at-Tawarikh”, which was written in 1423-1425 on the
instructions of the historian Shah Rukh’s son Baysunghur Mirza (died 1433). This work is
divided into four parts45) : 1) the pre-Islamic prophets and kings of Iran; 2) the Prophet
Muhammad and the Arab Caliphs (until al-Muhtasim); 3) History of Iran in the Seljuk and
Mongol periods (before the time of Ilkhan Abu Said); 4) “Zubdat at-Tawarikh-i
Boysunghuri ”.
Since the third part of the work was related to the little general history of the Khanate
of Chaghatai.
12) Mirza Ulugh Beg and his work “Ulusi arba’-i Genghisi”.
Authors of the work “Ulusi arba’-i Genghisi” (“History of the Four Nations of
Genghis Khan”) or “Tarikh-i Arba’-ulus” (“History of the Four Nations”), the initiator of
its creation, a great scientist and statesman of the 15th century is Muhammad Taraghay
Mirza Ulugh Beg, the son of Shah Rukh Mirza. However, the available copy is the austerity
of this book. The original has not been found yet.

44) Mu’in ad-Din Natanzi. Muntakhab at-Tawarikh Mu’ini. Ed. by J.Aubin. Tehran, 1957.
45) Hafiz-i Abru. Dhayl-I Jami’ at-Tawarikh-I Rashidi. Tehran: Chapkhanah-i ilmi, 1317/1938.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 117

“Ulusi arba’-i Genghisi” briefly describes the socio-political history of the countries
that were part of the Mongol Empire in the XIII-XIV centuries. The book was completed
after 1425.
It consists of an introduction and four parts. The preface describes the history of the
pre-Islamic prophets, the legendary ancestors of the Turks, Yafas ibn Nuh and his son
Turkhan, as well as the history of the Turkic Mongol tribes and Genghis Khan, according
to medieval tradition among historians46).
The fourth part interprets the history of the Khanate of Chaghatai in the XIII-XIV
centuries in the territory of Kashgar, Yetisu (Semirechye) , Mavaraunnakhr, Northern
Afghanistan. It should also be noted that the author briefly and separately dwells on each
ruling khan who ruled in this ulus and described the most important events that took place
in their time.
Some parts of the book, especially the fourth, are in many ways similar to Sharaf
ad-Din Ali Yazdi’s “Muqaddima-i Zafar-nama”. But Ulugh Beg’s work is a bit perfect.
“History of the Four Nations” is one of the most important sources in the study of
the history of Central Asia, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan in the XIII-XIV centuries, especially
the history of the Khanate of Chaghatai.
13) Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi’s work “Zafar-nama-i Temuri”.
Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi served in the palace of Timurid Ibrahim Sultan (1415-1435),
the governor of the Persian province. He was highly respected not only by this prince, who
was a patron of science, but also by Shah Rukh Mirza.
“Zafar-nama” was written with great artistic skill, mainly on the basis of the work
of Nizam ad-Din Shami of the same name47). But Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi clarified some
of the events described in Shami’s work on the basis of new historical sources, enriching
it with new proofs and evidence. The contradictions between the personality of Amir Timur
and his activities, that is, on the one hand, was harsh, and on the other hand, ended the
disintegration of Mavaraunnakhr and laid the foundation for a centralized state.
The great value of Ali Yazdi’s work is that it briefly covers the socio-political history

46) Ulugh Beg. Tarikh-i Arba’-ulus (“History of the Four Nations”). The Catalogue of The British
museum, № ADD 26190.
47) Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi. Zafar-nama. Ed. by A. Urnbayev. Tashkent, 1972.; Sharaf ad-Din Ali
Yazdi. Zafar-nama. Ed. by M. ‘Abbasi. 2 volums. Tehran, 1957.
118 / The Journal of Eurasian Turkic Studies, VOL. 5

of the Golden Horde, the Ilkhanid state, the Khanate of Chaghatai, as well as the
socio-political history of Mavaraunnakhr from the time of Genghis Khan to the emergence
of Timur. This part of the work was called “Tarikh-i Jahangir” or “Muqaddima-i
Zafar-nama” and was completed in 1419.
14) Anonymous work “M u‘izz al-ansab”.
Some scholars consider this work, “M u‘izz al-ansab”, whose author is unknown, to
be a political work written against the descendants of the Orus Khan. In “Mu ‘izz al-ansab ”,
the khans were illustrated graphically. Thus, we can argue that “M u‘izz al-ansab” is the
source of the proto-Temurids. The version of “M u‘izz al-ansab” directed against the Orus
Khan and his descendants has not been confirmed.
The copy of “M u‘izz al-ansab” in Paris is a partial translation of two volumes of
a collection of materials on the history of the Golden Horde. Later, T.I. Sultanov noted the
great mistake of the translators who misinterpreted all women of this lineage as men. In
general, 5 copies of manuscript are currently known. In 2006, his copy of Paris was fully
translated and published. Scholars have speculated that the copy of the work in Paris is not
true, but rather differs greatly from the original from the time of Shah Rukh Mirza.
A. Isin wrote: “The information about the origin of the Orus Khan from Tuqay-Temur
first appeared in 1426 in Timurid historiography, and the Shaybanids tried to take advantage
of this approach of the Timurids.
“M u‘izz al-ansab” was created to graphically represent the genealogies of the
Timurids and Genghis Khan. A.P. Grigorev believes that the main task of this work was
to legitimize the Timurids by drawing up a genealogy for Kabul Khan’s brother Kachuli.
In summary, it is possible that the covert author of the work was familiar with the
works of Rashid ad-Din, but another source was used as a basis for genealogical tables and
lists of names, as well as notes.
Moreover, if Rashid ad-Din removed the negative view of “Altin Depter” from
Ilhan’s point of view, the author of “M u‘izz al-ansab” did not make such an edit because
all his activities were aimed at legitimizing the Timurids.
O f course, “M u‘izz al-ansab” is a unique source on the history of the Genghis Khan
dynasty and the Mongol Empire. Further study of this source by Mongol scholars may
reveal many new facts about the genealogy of the Mongol nobility.
 The Historiography of the Ulus of Chaghatai in the Persian Sources of the XIII-XV centuries / 119

C o n c lu sio n

Although the sources written in Persian are numerically superior to the sources in
Arabic, this series of sources was created mainly after the Mongols entered the region. But
most of them and the largest are outside the Khanate of Chaghatai or belong to the Timurid
period. Therefore, it has been shown that drawing conclusions on the basis of Persian
sources alone cannot be a basis for drawing a complete conclusion.
O f course, all historical sources are not free from subjectivity, and the information in
them is written by the authors for the reader of his time, and the interests of the modern
researcher are completely different. With this in mind, a number of sources will not suffice
to draw a last conclusion based on the chosen theme. It is necessary to conduct a
comprehensive study involving sources in all languages. In this case, of course, it is necessary
to take into account the repetition of information, as in the example of Persian sources. As
a recommendation, it is necessary to involve in the research of the sources of each subsequent
period compilation content like the sources of the Period of Mongols even the Chaghatayids.
Usually, most researchers do not pay much attention to compilation data. However, sometimes
this type of information may also have been used by one historian from sources that have
been overlooked by another author. Periodically, a relatively reasonable conclusion can be
drawn if they are studied not only comparatively but also from a hermeneutic approach.

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Thesis Submission Date 30.Qct, 2020 Date Confirmed to Publish 31.Dec, 2020
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