Communalism

BLOCK 5
CASTE AND POLITICS

109
Caste and Politics
BLOCK 5 INTRODUCTION

In India, caste is one of the most important factors that shape politics. Indeed, it
is not only caste that affects politics; politics also influences caste. Relationships
between caste and politics can broadly be viewed in two aspects of politics –
electoral and non-electoral. In unit 4, you have read that caste is one of the
determinants of voting behaviour in elections. The two units in this block are
about caste organizations and castes’ politicization around different issues. Unit
11 discuss caste organizations and caste formations. Unit 12 is about politicization
of castes on some important issues.

110
 Caste Organizations and
UNIT 11 CASTE ORGANIZATIONS AND Political Formations

POLITICAL FORMATIONS*

Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Understanding Caste System in India
11.2 Emergence of Caste – Based Organisations
11.3 Issues Raised by Caste Organisations
11.4 Caste Formations
11.5 Role of Caste in Electoral Politics
11.6 Role of Caste in Non-Electoral Politics
11.7 Let Us Sum Up
11.8 References
11.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

11.0 OBJECTIVES
In this unit, you will be reading about the concept of caste system in India and
the various organisations associated with it. The unit also looks at the role of
caste in Indian politics. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
• Explain the caste system in India,
• Discuss the emergence of caste based organisations, and
• Enumerate the role of caste in electoral and non-electoral politics in India.

11.1 UNDERSTANDING CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA

Caste can be defined as a hereditary endogamous group, having a common name,
common traditional occupation, common culture, relative rigidity in matters of
mobility, distinctiveness of status and forming a single homogeneous community.
It is derived from the Spanish and Portuguese word “casta”, meaning “lineage”
or “race” or “a group having hereditary quality”. The Indian Caste System is
considered as a closed system of stratification, which means that a person’s social
status is obligated to which caste he/she was born into. The Indian caste system
is a classification of people into four hierarchically ranked occupational groups
and access to wealth called varnas. In the varnas, the Brahmans, usually priests
and scholars, are ranked at the top. Next are the Kshatriyas, or political rulers
and soldiers. They are followed by the Vaishyas, or merchants, and the fourth
varna of consists of the Shudras, who are usually labourers, peasants, artisans,
and servants. Outside system varna system there existed social castes who were
considered the untouchables. Each Varna includes within it several castes and
sub-castes.
The caste system in India experienced many changes because of several socio-
religious and protest movements from the latter half of the nineteenth century to

* Dr. Ankita Dutta, Research Fellow, ICWA, New Delhi 111

Caste and Politics the post-Independence period. These movements brought about changes in the
peoples’ outlook towards a caste-ridden society. The socio-religious movements
included the Brahmo Samaj, the Arya Samaj, the Ramakrishna Mission movement
and the Theosophical society etc.The protest movements included the Satya
Sodhak Samaj movement led by Jyoti Rao Phule in Puna, the non-Brahmin
movement led by E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, known as Periyar in Madras and
anti-untouchability movements led byDr. B.R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi.
In the post-independent period, the urbanization, industrialization, spread of
education, socio-religious reforms, ‘westernisation’ , ‘spatial mobility’ , ‘growth
of market economy’ etc and implementation of constitutional provisions such as
Fundamental Rights (Articles 14, 15, 16, 17) and Directive Principles of State
Policy also contributed to transformation of the caste system. Specially, education
made people liberal, broadminded, rational and democratic. These factors led to
considerable relaxation of rules related to the caste system. This consequently
facilitated closer contact and collaboration between different castes.Caste no
longer restricts the individual freedom, does not determine the occupational career
of an individual. Inter-caste social relations have increased in the contemporary
period.

11.2 EMERGENCE OF CASTE – BASED

ORGANISATIONS
Caste and democratic political system signify opposite value systems. Caste is
hierarchical in which the status of an individual in the social system is determined
by birth. On the other hand, democratic political system supports freedom of an
individual and equality of status with an emphasis that no one is above the rule
of law. Following the introduction of democratic institutions as per the Indian
Constitution, Indian society has changed to a considerable extent. This has been
reflected in the change in nature of politics. Rajni Kothari in Caste in Indian
Politics argues that in India politicisation of caste has taken place. Caste and
politics entered a relationship which has changed the both. Consequently,
secularisation of caste has taken place. Secularisation of caste denotes that castes
role is not confined to its traditional role defined by principles of purity and
impurity. It helps in mobilisation of castes for secular interests such as power
and employment. Secularisation of caste has helped in formation of inter-caste
alliances and coalitions.

Castes is assuming new role. They are setting up their organizations known as
caste associations. They raise issues of respective castes social, economic and
political issues. Caste associations make representation to the government
demanding educational facilities, land ownership and its distribution, government
jobs etc. for their caste members. They raise issues concerning their castes by
submitting memoranda to government, organise public meetings.

Castes articulate their interests by forming caste organisations. There are two
kinds of organizations: Caste associations and caste federations. In order to pursue
their interests (claim for representation to the government demanding educational
facilities, land ownership and its distribution, government jobs etc. for their caste
members) and social mobility, castes have established their organizations. Origin
of castes organisations can be traced to pre-Independence period. In the initial
112
stages, caste organizations largely concerned themselves with the idea of giving Caste Organizations and
Political Formations
representation and voice to the marginalized, however, with the entrenchment of
liberal democracy and expansion of adult franchise, their aim began to change
with the rise in demand for their representation in the administrative, educational
and political spheres. In this context, Rudolph and Rudolph summarise the role
of caste associations in politics in the following way: “Caste associations
attempted to have their own members nominated for elective office, working
through existing parties or forming their own; to maximize caste representation
and influence in state cabinets and lesser governing bodies; and to use ministerial,
legislative and administrative channels to press for action on caste objectives in
the welfare, educational and economic realms. Perhaps the most significant aspect
of the caste association in the contemporary era, however, is its capacity to
organize politically illiterate mass electorate, thus making possible in some
measure the realization of its aspirations and educating large section of it in the
methods and values of political democracy”. This strategy strengthened their
bargaining position in the political system in terms of demanding increase in
power structure and getting their demands accepted.

Change in nature of caste has occurred because of interaction between caste and
political institutions. Rajni Kothari emphasised three aspects while discussion
about the interaction between caste and politics in India: The first aspect can be
seen in the form of ‘secularisation of caste through their political involvement.
This will alter the traditionally maintained rigid features and lead to a breakup of
the old (socio-political) order. This enables to process of alignment and
realignment of various strata and gradually embracing the process of social
mobility. The second aspect is related to the integration dimension. The caste
system not only differentiates individuals on the basis of their caste/social identity
but also distinguishes on the basis of occupational and economic roles. ‘At the
same time, it is an integral structure of a specific type, namely one that is more
intense in its small group orientation and particularistic loyalties and where wider
loyalties operate only when they are structured through the prevailing
differentiations. This aspect is important in understanding the structural impact
of democratic nation-building’. The third aspect is related to consciousness, that
is, caste enters politics through consciousness and then gets politicised. The
practice of adult franchise in association with the provision of political reservation
for the Dalits has further strengthened consciousness among the concerned
communities. Therefore, three consequences of such interaction between caste
associations and political parties can be deduced. Firstly, caste members
particularly poor and marginalized who previously remained untouched by the
political processes got politicized and began to participate in electoral politics
with an expectation that their interests would be served. Secondly, caste members
get split among various political parties weakening hold of the caste. Thirdly,
numerically large castes get representation in decision-making bodies and strength
of the traditionally dominant castes get weaken.
Generally, caste organizations have relationship with political parties. Often
activities and pragrammes of castes and parties associated with Dalits overlap.
During elections several caste organisations hold their panchayat or sammelans
(meetings) to decide to which parties they would support in elections. Generally,
they resolve to support such parties which would address their issues, which
include general and caste-specific issues. There are three consequences of such 113
Caste and Politics interaction between caste associations and political parties. One, it increased
political participations of various castes; two, it also divided a caste support
among various parties diluting the rigidity of caste system; and three numerically
large castes – Dalits and OBCs get more representation in decision-making bodies
than the high castes. This weakened the dominance of the latter in politics and
made it more inclusive.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of this
unit.
1) Discuss the impact of social and religious movements on castes
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the emergence of caste-based organizations.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

11.3 ISSUES RAISED BY CASTE ORGANIZATIONS

The issues raised by caste organizations centre around the dignity and self-respect,
human rights, redistributive justice through share in employment opportunities
and resources, political representation and internal problems within the castes.
While Dalit and OBC organisations attempt to defend the existing reservation in
public institutions and demand its extension to the private sector, several high
caste organizations are also demanding extension of reservation to them. In
response, the 124th Constitutional Amendment sought to recommend 10 percent
reservation to the economically backward classes including the high castes.
According to Rudolph and Rudolph the caste association are playing a democratic
role by empowering castes. Although all kinds castes – high castes, Dalits and
the OBCs have formed caste organizations, the caste organizations of Dalits and
backward classes play more empowering role in the sense that they empower the
castes which traditionally suffered caste-based humiliation and discrimination.
The caste organisations not only settle internal disputes of the castes such as
family feuds, expenses in the marriages, they also mobilise castes to participate
in elections and non-electoral mobilization. By taking issues involving self-
respect, caste-based violence such including harassment, physical assault and
114
untouchability, etc, reservation in public institutions, the caste organisations, Caste Organizations and
Political Formations
especially those of the Dalits and the backward classes take up human right
issues. These are human right issues because as per the UN Human rights’
definition, all rights which individuals deserve by the fact of being humans are
human rights. Caste organizations also felicitate members of their caste who
perform well examinations, sports or any other activities. They organize functions
in honour of such individuals, especially students. Especially, several Dalit
organizations names after Dr. B.R. Ambedkar spread ideas and ideology of Dr.
Ambedkar by organizing social and cultural functions.

11.4 CASTE FORMATIONS

Change in nature of caste – dilution of caste rigidity bound by ritual norms,
known as secularization of caste made it possible for different castes to make
political alliances. Such alliances can be termed as caste formations. The castes
which forge such formations may belong to different social ranking. But their
secular interests – share in political power, economic opportunities or social
justice (particularly the organizations of Dalit and OBCs) motivate them to make
cross-caste formations. As you have read above, caste organizations are of two
types – single caste organizations or caste associations or alliances of several
caste associations known as caste federations. But caste alliances are not always
made through caste organizations. They can be made without caste organizations
as well: Caste associations may be part of such formations just by dint of the fact
that they are organizations of castes which make caste formations. Often such
caste formations are made with reference to electoral politics. With the purpose
of winning elections various castes form caste formations. It is important to note
that generally political parties wanting to get support of different castes are
involved in encouraging formations of caste formations. In academic and popular
parlance, the castes formations are addressed in abbreviated forms through some
acronym by the first name of the caste to which they belong. Caste formations
influenced politics in India both in pre and post-independence scenarios. Here
are some instances of caste formations, the reasons for making them and the
acronyms by which they came to be known. Two examples of caste formation
during the pre-Independence are relevant here: One, formation of the Triveni
Sangh in Bihar in the 1930s; and two, AJGAR , an acronym around the same
time in Punjab, which constituted Haryana and Punjab as they exist these days.
The AJGAR stood for the castes which constituted it: A for Ahirs, J for Jats, G
for Gujars and R for Rajputs. It was proposed by Chhotu Ram, a farmer leader
from Punjab. Although these castes belonged to middle and high caste ranking
order, the fact that they shared common economic problems as cultivating
communities enabled forging of their alliance. In the post-independence era – in
the late 1960s-early 1970s, the multiple caste alliance known as AJGAR was
used by Charan Singh to challenge the monopoly of Indian National Congress in
the national and regional politics. The alphabets in AJGAR stood for Ahirs, Jats,
Gujars and Rajputs respectively.By mobilising the support of AJGAR, Charan
Singh-led party Bharatiya Kranti Dal (BKD) in electoral posed a formidable
challenge to the dominance of the Congress in north India. This combination
enabled Charan Singh to become the first non-Congress Chief Minister of Uttar
Pradesh in 1967.
115
Caste and Politics Among the most important examples of caste formations is that of caste alliances
of subaltern castes – Dalits and OBCs such as BAMCEF and DS4. The BAMCEF
stood for Backward and Minority Classes Employees Federation and the DS4
stood for Dalit and four times English alphabet S or Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh
Samiti. These organizations were founded by Kashi Ram. He founded BAMCEF
in 1978 He broadened the scope of BAMCEF to include disadvantaged groups –
backward classes, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and religious minorities
including employees at every level of hierarchy and from all states. Following
Ambedkar’s teaching, the DS4 launched an English publication “The Oppressed
Indian”. Through this organ, Kanshi Ram launched a campaign to spread the
message of Ambedkar for the oppressed sections to “educate, organise and agitate”
in order to gain social equality and self-respect. In 1984, he founded a political
party, the BSP. The BSP emerged as a strong political party in north India,
especially in Uttar Pradesh, where its leader Mayawati became chief minister
four times. Indeed, emergence of the caste formations is a continuous process;
according the need of times new formations emerge which may disappear after
some time, and again new formations may appear.

11.5 ROLE OF CASTE IN ELECTORAL POLITICS

Caste is one of the most important determinants of the Indian politics. The
increasing consciousness of caste affiliations and rise of caste-based organization
has transformed the contours of the Indian political system. With the introduction
of the universal adult franchise in India for all the social groups, including the
previously excluded ones, caste emerged as one of the most significant forces of
political mobilization. As you will read in unit 12, castes and politics are
interrelated. In this context, it needs to be recognized that caste in electoral politics
consists of two aspects: One, caste profiles of the elected representatives, or
consideration castes in distribution of tickets by the parties to contest elections
and leaders of political parties, and second, support bases of castes to political
parties. The first dimension shows the inclusion of castes in the parties and
legislative bodies; the second dimension is indicative of the role of caste in
determining the electoral success. The second aspect can also explain the relative
weight of caste and other issues such as employment, health, education and
governance, etc. in electoral politics. In view of these aspects, caste has been a
major factor in determining political strategies to mobilise support of various
castes. Although all kinds of factors influence voters’ decision to support political
parties, caste also is one of them. Indeed, some caste or group of castes form
support base of some parties. For example, the Dalits form a substantial support
base of the BSP. Till the 1980s, the Congress party’s support base in north India
largely consisted of Dalits, backward classes and the High castes. Paul R. Brass
termed it as “coalition of castes”. Following these strategies different parties
take into consideration the caste composition of a constituency and make
assessment as to which caste-candidate should be allotted tickets to contest
election. Even the voters quite often take into considerations the castes of the
candidates while casting votes in elections. Several studies have underlined the
role of caste in empowering the people, especially those from the marginalised
sections of the society. Some examples these studies include: Jaffralot and Kumar
(eds. 2011) the book Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face on Indian
Legislative Assemblies shows that in the post-Independence period the social
116
profiles of several legislative assemblies in India has seen the increase in number Caste Organizations and
Political Formations
of persons from plebeian or marginalized caste groups such as the Dalits and the
OBCs; in his book Who Wants Democracy? Javeed Alam suggests that the low
castes find caste as an empowering tool. Pratap Bhanu Mehta in Burden of
Democracy argues democracy has inherited inequality and there is a gap between
representation and responsiveness; scares state and more demands, more
discretion of the state. Yogendra Yadav observes shift in changing participation
of different social groups in terms of democratic upsurge. He divides this upsurge
into two phases: phase of first democratic upsurge; second phase of democratic
upsurge. The first democratic upsurge indicated the rise of backward classes
during the 1960s-1970s, and the second democratic upsurge shows the increasing
participation of Dalits. This has been due to the effective role played by the caste
organizations.

In this context, Rajni Kothari underscores that the alleged ‘casteism in politics’
is thus no more or no less than politicization of caste. In other words, it is not
politics that gets impacted by caste, it is caste that gets politicised. Caste is one
of the most important aspects of social and political life in India. As a social
institution, it is strongly entrenched and despite the modernisation trends in India
(as a result of urbanisation, improved means of communication and development
of secular education) the caste factor persists. Although caste has undergone
many changes it has become a factor to be reckoned with in politics and no
political party ignores it.

11.6 ROLE OF CASTE IN NON-ELECTORAL

POLITICS
The caste system in its attempts to adjust itself to the changed conditions of life
has tried to reformulate itself in new roles. Due to industrialisation and
urbanisation, and other factors such as Westernisation, reorganisation of Indian
states, spread of education, socio-religious reforms, spatial and occupational
mobility and growth of market economy have greatly affected the caste system.
Changes in the role of caste must also be understood in the light of the influence
of these factors. As discussed in the previous section, caste plays a crucial role in
the politics of the country - it is also true that caste plays a crucial role in non-
electoral spheres.

It is expected that spread of education would make people liberal, broad-minded,

rationale and democratic. Hence, with the growing literacy rate in India, caste-
mindedness and casteism would take a back-stage. However, rising literacy has
resulted in the increasing caste-consciousness of the members of the group or
community. This has resulted in every caste wanting to safeguard their interests,
which has been accomplished by organising themselves as unions as pressure
groups. These groups mainly cater to the issues of educational, medical and
religious needs of their members, these organisations are running hostels and
hospitals, schools and colleges, reading-rooms and libraries, dharmashalas and
temples and so on. These caste-based organisations are also trying to project the
leadership of some of their members to serve as their spokesmen. Caste
organisations are increasing and are making every attempt to obtain the loyalty
of their members and to strengthen their caste-identity and solidarity.
117
Caste and Politics Although, Caste Panchayats are deteriorating, caste organisations are on the
increase. Some of these organisations have their own written constitutions and
managing committees through which they try to preserve some of the caste rules
and practices. Some of the Caste organisations run their own papers, bulletins,
periodicals, monthlies etc., through which they regularly feed information to the
members regarding the activities of caste organizations and achievements of
caste-members. There are several attempts which are made to increase caste
integration through the establishment of caste-based trusts and trust-units. These
trusts arrange annual gatherings, get-togethers, annual dinners, occasional festival
celebrations, etc. They offer scholarships to the poor students of the caste. Some
of them run schools, colleges, hostels, maternity-homes for caste members. These
organisations are making efforts to improve the economic conditions of caste
members by establishing cooperative credit and industrial societies.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answers given at the end of this
unit.
1) What are the issues raised by the caste organizations?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Explain the role of caste in electoral and non-electoral politics.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

11.7 LET US SUM UP

Caste acts both as divisive and cohesive factor in Indian Politics. It provides a
basis for the emergence of several interest groups in the Indian political system
each of which competes with every other grouping in their struggle for recognition
and power. The caste-consciousness has led to the emergence of new trends in
the India politics whereby the previous caste affiliations with different political
parties are getting broken down and new caste equations are emerging to replace
the old ones.Under the impact of modern politics, associations of caste have
become the hall- mark of political mobilization. They have emerged with the
object, of pursuing political power, social status and economic interest. Members
of certain caste groups, who were considered low or the lowest in socio economic
118 hierarchy a few decades ago, now amalgamate together into a common
organization to press for their demands. With the growing confidence and status, Caste Organizations and
Political Formations
they not only actively participate in the political process but also assert their
identity and even strive for positions.

11.8 REFERENCES
Bayly, Susan (1999), The New Cambridge History of India: Caste, Society and
Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, (Cambridge
University Press: Cambridge).
Gupta, Dipankar (2000), Interrogating Caste, New Delhi, Penguin.
Jaffralot, Christophe (2003), India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Low Castes
in North Indian Politics, Permanent Black, Ranikhet.
Omvedt, Gail (1994), “Kanshi Ram and the Bahujan Samaj Party” in K.L. Sharma
(ed.) Caste, and Class in India”, Rawat Publications, Jaipur.
Pai, Sudha (2002), Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution in
Uttar Pradesh, New Delhi, Sage Publication.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta (2003), The Burden of Democracy, New Delhi, Penguin.
Rajni Kothari (ed.) (1970), Caste in Indian Politics, Hyderabad, Orient Longman.
Rudolph, Lloyd I and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, “The Political Role of India’s
Caste Associations”, Pacific Affairs, 85(2), 2012, pp. 335-353.
Sonalde Desai and Amaresh Dubey, Caste in 21st Century India: Competing
Narratives, Economic and Political Weekly, 46(11), 2011, pp. 40-49
Shah, A. M. “Caste in the 21st Century: From System to Elements”, Economic
and Political Weekly, 42(44), 2007, pp. 109-116
Shah, Ghanshyam (ed.) (2004), Caste and Democratic Politics in India, New
Delhi, Permanent Black.

11.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Social and religious movements brought about changes in peoples’ attitude
about caste. These made castes conscious about the significance of equality,
freedom and social mobility.
2) Caste-based organisation emerged with the purpose of articulating the
interests of castes. They led to democratization of Indian society as well as
politicization of caste. Caste organizations exists as single caste associations
and as federations of several caste associations.
Check Your Progress 2
1) These issues generally include availability economic opportunities, political
representation and empowerment of castes, and social equality to them.
2) In electoral politics castes work as support-base of political parties, and in
non-electoral politics caste work as agency of raising social, cultural, political
and economic issues when elections do not take place.
119
Caste and Politics
UNIT 12 CASTE AND POLITICS*

Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Caste and Politics: Scope
12.3 Issues in Caste Politics: Examples
12.3.1 Reservation
12.3.2 Violence
12.3.3 Caste Symbolism and Politics
12.4 Caste and Electoral Politics
12.5 Let Us Sum Up
12.6 References
12.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

12.0 OBJECTIVES
In the unit 11, you have read about caste organizations and caste formations. In
this unit you study how caste and political parties interact in electoral and non-
electoral politics. After going through this unit, you should be able to:
• Explain the scope of caste and politics,
• Interpret the role of caste in electoral politics, and
• Establish relationship between caste and democracy.

12.1 INTRODUCTION
Caste plays a decisive role in politics. This fact has been highlighted in several
studies on relationships between caste and politics in India. Political parties and
caste organizations mobilize castes to address their concerns. After Independence,
Indian society has undergone significant changes. These changes have affected
the nature of castes and politics in India. Caste’s role has widened from its
traditional role of performing caste-based occupations to impact democracy. The
changes in nature of caste have been caused because of states policies such as
land reforms, welfare schemes, reservation in public institutions for the
marginalized communities, and infrastructural development. Over the years, the
presence of Dalits and OBCs has become significant in Indian politics. This is
different from the initial years of Independence when only high castes and
dominant middle castes dominated political space in the country. There is a
relationship between caste and politics. In this relationship, it is not only politics
that impacts caste, caste also impacts politics in turn. The significance of caste
in politics is indicated by the fact that in several states of the country, several
political parties can be identified with some castes. Since you have studied the
role of caste organizations in unit 11, this unit will mainly focus on the role of
political parties in mobilization of castes.

* Dr. Divya Rani, Consultant, Faculty of Political Sciences, IGNOU, New Delhi
120
 Caste and Politics
12.2 CASTE AND POLITICS: SCOPE
Scope of caste and politics covers various issues concerning different castes and
institutions that mobilize them. These institutions include caste organizations
and political parties. Main issues covered in caste politics are relations of
subordination and dominance between castes, caste-based violence, reservation
in public institutions for jobs, social welfare schemes, social and cultural
recognition, self-respect, human rights, social justice, etc. At the centre of conflicts
and competition among castes is a quest for getting share in power structure. The
competition among castes virtually becomes competition among political parties
and political conflicts and competition among castes to get power. The political
parties devise strategies to mobilize castes to win elections. The share in power
through representation in institutions and policies can result in empowerment of
castes This share can be achieved by representation of castes in political
institutions, especially Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha or Local institutions, and in
educational and administrative structures. It is also possible through policies
meant for the welfare of communities. Thus, relationship between caste and
politics is about share of castes. Broadly, the scope of caste and politics includes
mobilization of castes by different political parties in electoral and non-electoral
politics. This also involves mobilization of castes by caste organizations which
you have read in unit 11. Since India has a federal political structure, relationship
between caste and politics can be viewed at different levels of this structure: the
institutions of local governance (PRIs and urban governance), the Vidhan Sabha
elections at state levels and the Lok Sabha at national level.

12.3 ISSUES IN CASTE POLITICS: EXAMPLES

In this sub-section, you will read about some examples of the issues that are
related to caste and politics. These issues are reservation, caste-based violence,
and other issues such as cultural issues and redistributive justice.

12.3.1 Reservation
In unit 13, you will read that reservations are a devise to provide jobs in public
institutions and representation in political institutions to various marginalized
sections of society – SCs, STs, OBCs, women, and EWS, under the affirmative
action programmes of the state. This unit will focus on political dimension of
reservation in relation to only one of several marginalized groups – the caste. In
India, caste groups which form the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Other Backward
Castes (OBCs) have been entitled for reservation in public institutions: SCs for
jobs, admission to educational institutions, legislative bodies, and institutions of
local governance; and OBCs for jobs in public institutions, admission to
educational institutions, and in the institutions of local governance such as
panchayats and municipalities. The issue of reservation is embedded with caste
politics. Different castes are involved in politics of reservation. Castes which are
excluded from reservation either demand reservation to them, abolition of caste-
based reservation or exclusion of certain castes from the category entitled for
reservation. The castes entitled for reservation want to retain the provisions for
reservation to them. Since the categories such as SCs and OBCs consist of various
castes, which have different levels of social, educational, and economic
121
Caste and Politics achievement, some castes among them feel that they have not benefitted from
reservation policies. They argue that benefits of reservation mostly go to the
better off sections among the reserved categories of castes. For example, the
Most Backward Classes in Uttar Pradesh demand that the reservation quota for
the OBCs should be sub-divided so that advantage of reservation is given to
them, and it does not disproportionately go to the dominant castes among the
OBCs. In this context, the MBCs in some Hindi states demand sub-division of
quota on the lines of Karpoori Thakur Formula. As you will read in unit 13, this
formula is named after chief minister of Bihar who had sub-divided OBC quota
so that extremely backward classes could benefit from reservation policy. Even
the farming communities such as Jats in Rajasthan in 1999 and in Haryana in
2009, Marathas in Maharashtra in 2016 and Patels in Gujarat in 2015 launched
agitations for their inclusion in the OBC category. Because of the Jats’ agitation
in Rajasthan, the BJP government in Delhi and UP, and the Congress government
in Rajasthan included Jats in OBC list in their respective states. Both groups,
supporters and opponents of reservation provide arguments in support of their
positions. The opponents of reservation argue that basis of reservation should be
economy and merit, caste-based reservation adversely affect merit and efficiency
of governance, and some castes which are included in the OBC list are
economically and politically dominant. The supporters of reservation argue that
caste discrimination still exists, merit is determined by social inequalities; and in
the case of the OBCs, especially those belonging to economically and politically
dominant OBCs, it is argued that the constitution guarantees reservation to the
socially and educationally backward communities. Improvement in their social
and economic conditions does not make them socially and educationally forward.
Hence, constitutionally they are entitled to reservation as OBCs.

Differences among the supporters and opponents of reservation have on several

occasions led to agitations and counter-agitations. These agitations have often
turned violent marked by clashes between castes supporting and opposing or
destruction of public property. The agitation against the implementation of Mandal
Commission report in 1990 which suggested reservation to the OBCs in jobs in
the central government institutions; anti-reservation agitations in Gujarat in 1981
and 1985, and in Bihar in the 1970s are some of the examples in which reservation
became a contentious issue in caste politics. The agitation against Mandal
Commission report affected several states in north India, especially Delhi, Uttar
Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Bihar. In this agitation one student of Delhi University
named Rajeev Goswami self-immolated himself. Zoya Hasan in Quest for Power:
Oppositional Agitations and Post-Congress Politics in Uttar Pradesh, explains
how in UP different castes agitated to support or oppose the implementation of
Mandal Commission Report.

Studies of Ghanshyam Shah (1987) and Nikita Sud (2012) discuss two agitations
on reservation that took place in 1981 and 1985. During 1981 and 1985, in Gujarat,
reservation became a source of conflict between the castes which were expected
to benefit from reservation and the castes that were excluded from it. The politics
of reservation in Gujarat had political background. In 1972, the government in
Gujarat headed by Indira Gandhi-led Congress appointed Socially and
Educationally Backward Class (SEBC) Commission under the chairmanship of
Justice Baxi to identify backward classes in the state for the purpose giving them
122
reservation in public institutions. The appointment of the Baxi Commission was Caste and Politics
a move to fulfil the promise which the Congress had made to recognize the
Kshatriya as “backward”. The Kshatriyas formed a group of different castes
such as Rajputs, highest in hierarchy, Bhils, semi tribals, Varias, and Koli caste
(Kothari 1970). Indeed, in the 1960s, the Congress had faced challenge from the
opposition parties. In 1967 and 1969 elections, many Kshatriyas who were
traditionally Congress supporters had supported the opposition Swatara Party.
The Indira Gandhi-led Congresssought to win over the support of Kshatriyas by
recognizing them as “backward”. Recognition as backward class was an old
demand of the Kshatriyas which they had made in 1954-55 before the first
Backward Class Commission. The Baxi Commission submitted its report in 1976,
and its recommendations were accepted in 1978 by the Janata Party government
which had replaced the Congress government. The Baxi Commission identified
82 castes as ‘backward’, 62 of these castes belonged to different sub-groups of
Kolis. Among the major recommendation of commission were included the
following: 10 percent reservation of seats for 82 backward communities (OBCs)
in medical and engineering colleges; and for state services, it recommended that
10 per cent seats should be reserved in class III and class IV, and 5 per cent of
seats in class I and II types of jobs. As most of castes identified as backward by
the Baxi Commission were different sub-groups of Kolis, they would be the
principal beneficiaries of reservation, the Gujarat Kshatriya Sabha (GKS) and
high castes had opposed the Baxi Commission recommendations. Some castes
which were not recognized as backward by the Baxi Commission demanded that
they should be considered backward because of their poor economic conditions
and low social status. In response, the Congress (I) government headed by Madhav
Singh Solanki in 1981 appointed Rane Commission under the chairmanship of
Justice C V Rane to consider if any socially and educationally backward caste
was left out of the OBC category. Rane Commission submitted its Report in
1983. It rejected caste as criterion of identifying backwardness and adopted
economic criterion or occupation to determine backwardness. Meanwhile, conflict
between two Congress (I) leaders – Madhav Singh Solanki and Jinabhai Daraji
intensified to strengthen their hold on the Congress and get support of backward
castes. To counter Daraji, Madhav Singh Solanki raised OBC quota from 10 to
28 per cent in 1985, while rejecting the economic criterion suggested by Rane
Commission. He did so just two months before the assembly elections which
were to be held in March 1985.

In such political context, the medical students in the BJ Medical College in

Ahmedabad launched an agitation against the seats reserved for SC students in
the Pathology Department. Some students of this college had filed an affidavit in
Gujarat High Court in November 1979 against the carry- forward, roster system,
and interchangeability system of reserved seats. The student lost the case. It was
followed by agitation of students demanding abolition of reservation in in different
cities such as Ahmedabad, Vadodara, Jamnagar, and Surat. The Dalit Panther
responded that it would also launch a counter agitation, if the demand to abolish
reservation was accepted. However, the state government decided to abolish the
“carry forward” system in reservation of seats for SCs and STs in post-graduate
studies in medicine, and chief minister said that merit would not be totally ignored
in professions like medicine and teaching. In some villages in Kheda, Ahmedabad
and Mehsana districts, Dalit Bastis were set on fire. In 1985, another anti-
123
Caste and Politics reservation agitation took place in Gujarat. The Madhav Singh Solanki
government raised reservation for the OBCs in 1985 from 10 to 28 per cent,
rejecting economic criterion of Rane Commission. Like the earlier anti-reservation
agitation, this agitation also started from a medical college, Morbi College in
Saurashtra. The students resorted to strike and boycotted classes. In Ahmedabad,
students formed All Gujarat Educational Reform Education Committee
(AGERAC), which gave a call for Gujarat Bandh. The Gujarat High Court passed
an order staying the increase in OBC quota, and the government appointed a
committee to suggest whether quota should be increased or not and declared that
it would not increase quota till the committee submitted its report. Finally, the
demand of the anti-reservation was accepted. According to Shah, reservation
politics in Gujarat reflected conflict within the middle class – between upper and
middle caste members and new low caste entrants into the middle class. The
reservations were introduced by political elite for getting votes and defusing the
aspirations of the marginalized groups. The upper and high castes felt deprived
because of decline in traditional social status and insecure due to the entry of
low castes into middle class. The anti-reservationists were backed by capitalists
and had supporters in administration and media. Similarly, in Bihar,
implementation of Mungeri Lal Commission report by Karpoori Thakur
government in 1978 resulted in agitations against and for reservation. The
Karpoori Thakur Formula gave reservations to various castes within extremely
backward caste and backward caste.

12.3.2 Violence
Violence involving caste and politics is generally related to caste-based
discrimination that includes exploitation of women, economic exploitation, access
to water, celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti (birthday), elections, etc. There are
examples from different states in India where the low castes become victim
because of unequal social status and economic inequalities. Oliver Mendelsohn
and Marika Vicziany in The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State
in Modern India (1998), and Dag-Erik Berg in Dynamics of Caste and Law:
Dalits, Oppression and Constitutional Democracy (2020) discuss some cases
about caste violence in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. In Bihar, caste-based
organizations of several castes Senas (caste armies) emerged during the late 1970s
and 1980s. These were involved in caste disputes which often turned violent.
Such violence often emerged from dispute on ownership of land among other
issues between Dalits and OBCs such as Kurmis or Yadav or between Dalits and
high castes such as Bhumihars. One of such disputes which caught national
attention occurred in Pipra village of Punpun Division of Patna district in February
1980. In the dispute over the ownership of land between Dalits and Kurmis,
members of two Dalit families were shot dead and bodies of the dead and houses
of Dalits were burnt. Prior to the Pipra incident took place, two Kurmi landlords
were murdered in neighbouring villages, one in December 1979 and another in
January 1980. There are other examples from Bihar where Dalits were killed in
caste violence arising out of dispute over land or some social issue, i.e., in
Belchi in 1977, in Bishrampur in 1978, and in Arwal in Jehanabad district in
1986 (Mendelsohn and Vicziani, 1998: pp. 62-64). In Andhra Pradesh, caste-
based violence on Dalits including deaths occurred in three cases: in
Kanchikacherla village of Krishna district in 1968, in Karmachedu village of
124
Krishna district on 17 July 1985, and Tsunder village of Guntur district in 1991. Caste and Politics
The Dalits had been victims of the landowning locally dominant caste. Giving
example of Karmachedu massacre, Berg (2020) argues that it had occurred
because of two reasons – provocation caused due to upward mobility of Dalits,
and control on political power of landowning dominant peasant caste, Kamma.
The Karmachedu massacre has its roots in dispute: on 17 July 1985 a Dalit
(Madiga) boy rebuked a Kamma boy for washing his buffalo in the water tank
from where Madiga drew water. In retaliation, the Kamma boy beat up the Dalit
boy and an Madiga elderly woman who was present intervened. This led to
retaliation from the Kammas, resulting to attack on residents of Madigawada. In
the attack, houses of Dalits were set on fire, and six of them died. The Karmachedu
massacre impacted the course of Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh. And as an
immediate response to the massacre the Dalit Mahasabha was formed in Andhra
Pradesh. The incident also had significance for political parties in Andhra Pradesh.
The opposition Congress underlined that the some Kamma families of the village
had relations with the chief minister, the Telugu Desam Party Chief, N.T. Rama
Rao.

12.3.3 Caste Symbolism and Politics

Caste Symbols – caste icons, historical figures, mythologies are important tools
of caste mobilization. Recognition of such symbolism gives a sense of self
confidence to the castes associated with such symbols. Four Political regimes,
led by Mayawati chief in Uttar Pradesh at different times between 1995 and
2012 that underlined importance of caste symbols, and mobilization on such
symbols by her party, the BSP, are important examples of use of caste symbols in
politics. The Mayawati governments identified several villages as Ambedkar
villages in UP. These villages have substantial Dalit population. She introduced
several policies for the welfare of Dalits in these villages, as well as for
development of such villages. Her government also constructed Ambedkar Park
in Lucknow and several monuments to honour symbols and icons relating to low
castes and social emancipation. Her government also created several new districts
in the names of such iconsand renamed old several districts.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Reservation has been an important agenda in electoral politics of India.
Explain.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
125
Caste and Politics 2) What is the nature of caste-based violence in India?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

12.4 CASTE AND ELECTORAL POLITICS

Caste and electoral politics are interrelated. In unit 4, you have read about an
important aspect of caste and electoral politics, i.e., caste as one of the
determinants of electoral behaviour. In this sub-section, you will read about other
aspects of caste in electoral politics. These aspects are caste profiles of the elected
representatives, party strategies to mobilize castes in electoral politics, and
relationship between castes and support bases of political parties. Since 1950s,
several scholars have studied the role of caste in electoral politics. And in India,
the leading role to conduct election studies has been played by the Centre for
Political Studies, popularly known as the CSDS, located in Delhi. Several studies
have observed that the relationship between caste and electoral politics has
undergone tremendous changes since the first general elections held in 1952.
For the first few decades after independence, electoral politics was dominated
by traditionally dominant castes of different regions of the country. Although
constitutionally every adult irrespective of his or her caste had right to vote, on
several occasions the dominant caste did not allow the Dalits and other lower
castes to vote. This practice was popularly known as “booth capturing”. During
the phase of Congress dominance in during 1950s-1960s, in most parts of the
country, the Congress party got support of multiple castes. Its leadership was
provided by the high or middle castes and it was supported in elections by castes
across social hierarchy. Because of support of various caste groups, Paul R. Brass
considers Congress party as coalition of castes. But since the 1970s, Congress
did not remain a dominant party in the country. It was indicated by the defeat of
Congress in elections in several states in 1967 and 1969. Along with the decline
of Congress, there was emergence of state level leaders in several states who
formed state level parties and mobilized middle caste farming communities such
as Jats, Yadav, Kurmis or the OBCs. The main leadership to these groups in
north India was provided by Charan Singh. They formed important segment of
the Janata Party formed after emergency. The Janata Party governments in UP
and Bihar gave more representations to the backward and farming communities
in comparison to Congress governments which gave more representation to the
high castes.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Briefly analyse the role of caste in electoral politics.
.......................................................................................................................
126
 ....................................................................................................................... Caste and Politics

.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

12.5 LET US SUM UP

Caste and politics are interrelated. They influence each other. Caste has different
roles in national, state and local elections. The formation of political parties and
organizations are based on many factors in which caste is foremost especially in
North Indian political parties. Not only party formation but also selecting
candidates are mainly based on the caste structure of that region. Reservation
policy has extended the role of caste in electoral politics and it has also provided
political participation of scheduled and backward castes. Reservation has extended
political participation and political representation of many backward leaders in
electoral politics. However, caste based violence has been the worst impact of
reservation and political party and leaders are using it as a mean to manipulate
and attract voters. Despite being a secular nation, caste is an integral part of
Indian society and therefore, caste has been an important factor in politics.

12.6 REFERENCES
Blair, Harry (1980), “Rising Kulaks and Backward Classes in Bihar: Social
Change in the Late 1970s”, Economic and Political Weekly, January 12.
Brass, R. Paul (1985).Caste, Faction and Party in Indian Politics. New Delhi:
Chanakya Publications.
Berg, Dag-Erik (2020), Dynamics of Caste and Law: Dalits, Oppression and
Constitutional Democracy, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Hasan, Zoya (1998), Quest for Power: Oppositional Agitation and Post-Congress
Politics in Uttar Pradesh, Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2019). Class and Caste in the 2019 Indian Election-Why
have So Many Poor Started Voting for Modi. Studies in Indian Politics, 7(2):
149-160.
Jaffrelot, Christophe and Sanjay Kumar (2009).Rise of the Plebeians? The
Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies. New Delhi: Routledge.
Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003), India’s Silent Revolution: The Rise of Low Castes
in north Indian Politics, Delhi.
Kothari, Rajni (1970). Caste in Indian Politics. New Delhi: Orient Longman
Ltd.
Mendelsohn, Oliver and Vicziany (1998), The Untouchables: Subordination,
Poverty and the State in Modern India, Cambridge University Press, New Delhi.
Pai, Sudha (2002), Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution:
The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, Sage Publication, New Delhi.
127
Caste and Politics Shah, Ghanshyam (1985), “Caste, Class and Reservation”, Economic and Political
Weekly, vol. II, no.3.
________, (1987), “Middle Class Politics: A Case of Anti-Reservation Agitation
in Gujarat,
Economic and Political Weekly, Annual Number.
________, (ed.) 2002, “Social Backwardness and the Politics of Reservations”
in Caste and
Democratic Politics in India, Permanent Black, Delhi.
Sud, Nikita (2012), Liberalization, Hindu Nationalism and the State: A Biography
of Gujarat, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

12.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1

1) Since different castes have different levels of social, economic and political
status, in India caste groups such as SCs, STs, OBCs reservations for jobs in
public institutions, admission to public educational institutions and legislative
bodies (for SCs and STs) and in local government institutions. Reservation
has been contentious issue in Indian politics. The castes which are included
from benefit of reservation demand merit to be criterion of reservation,
abolition of caste-based reservation. Those who are entitled for reservation
argue that merit is shaped by social, educational economic reality and it is
needed to provide social justice to the marginalized communities.
2) The nature of caste-based violence is generally related to caste-based
discrimination that includes exploitation of women, economic exploitation,
access to water, celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti (birthday), elections, etc.
There are examples from different states in India where the low castes become
victim because of unequal social status and economic inequalities. The caste-
based violence often includes physical assault of dominant castes on the
marginalized communities, especially Dalits.

Check Your Progress Exercise 2

1) Caste and electoral politics are inter-related. The political parties make their
strategies to mobilize different castes. They do so by addressing their issues,
by giving tickets to candidates to contest elections by consideration whether
candidate will be able to get support of various castes, or whether his/her
caste is influential enough. Parties such as the BSP and the SP have support
base predominantly among the Dalits and OBCs. However, it is the coalition
of different several castes which helps a candidate from a party to win
elections.

128