Israeli–Palestinian

conflict

The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is an ongoing milit ary and polit ical conflict about land and
self-det erminat ion wit hin t he t errit ory of t he former Mandat ory Palest ine.[18][19][20] Key
aspect s of t he conflict include t he Israeli occupat ion of t he West Bank and Gaza St rip, t he
st at us of Jerusalem, Israeli set t lement s, borders, securit y, wat er right s,[21] t he permit regime,
Palest inian freedom of movement ,[22] and t he Palest inian right of ret urn.
 Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Part of the Arab–Israeli conflict

Situation in the Israeli-occupied territories, as

of December 2011, per the United Nations
OCHA.[1]
See here for a more detailed and updated
map.
 Date Late 19th / early 20th century
– present

Location Israel · Occupied Palestinian

Territory

Status Ongoing
Israeli–Palestinian peace
process (halted)
Gaza–Israel conflict
(intermittent)

Territorial 1948–1967:
changes Egypt occupies the Gaza
Strip
Establishment of the
All-Palestine
Protectorate (until
1959)
Jordan annexes the West
Bank
 Since 1967:
Israel occupies the Gaza
Strip
Unilateral
disengagement (2005)
Israel occupies the West
Bank
Establishment of
Israeli settlements
Division of Israeli
control and Palestinian
control by the Oslo II
Accord (1995)

Belligerents

Israel All-Palestine
Protectorate
(1948–1959)
 Palestine
Liberation
Organization
(1964–present)
Palestinian
National Authority
(1994–present)

Governance (PNA):
Fatah (West Bank)
Hamas (Gaza
Strip)

Casualties and losses

9,694–9,763 killed 44,321–56,207 killed

More t han 700,000 Palest inians displaced in 1948[2] wit h a furt her 413,000 Palest inians
displaced in t he Six-Day War.[3]
6,373 Israeli[4] and 3,000–13,000 Palest inian deat hs in t he 1948 Arab–Israeli War.[5]
654 Israeli[6] and 1,000–2,400 PLO deat hs in t he 1982 Lebanon War.
1,962 Palest inians[7] and 179–200 Israeli deat hs[8] in t he First Int ifada.
1,010 Israelis[9] and up t o 3,354 Palest inian deat hs in t he Second Int ifada.[9]
402 Palest inians were killed in t he 2006 Gaza–Israel conflict .[10] 1,116[11]–1,417[12]
Palest inian deat hs in t he Gaza War (2008–2009).
 2,125–2,310 Palest inian deat hs in t he 2014 Gaza War.[13]
250+ Palest inian deat hs in t he 2021 Israel–Palest ine crisis.[14]

At least 33,797+[15] Palestinians and 1,457

Israelis killed in the Israel–Hamas war with a
further 1,900,000 Palestinians displaced
within Gaza[16] and 500,000 Israelis
displaced.[17]

The conflict has it s origins in t he rise of Zionism in Europe and t he arrival of Jewish set t lers t o
Ot t oman Palest ine in t he lat e 19t h and early 20t h cent uries.[23] The local Arab populat ion
opposed Zionism, primarily out of fear of t errit orial displacement and dispossession.[23] The
Zionist movement garnered t he support of an imperial power in t he 1917 Balfour Declarat ion
issued by Brit ain, which promised t o support t he creat ion of a "Jewish homeland in Palest ine".
Following t he defeat of t he Ot t oman Empire during World War I, Mandat ory Palest ine was
est ablished as a Brit ish mandat e. Tensions bet ween Jews and Arabs grew int o int ercommunal
conflict .[24][25] In 1936, an Arab revolt erupt ed demanding independence, which t he Brit ish
suppressed.[26]

The 1947 Unit ed Nat ions Part it ion Plan for Palest ine t riggered t he 1948 Palest ine war, which
saw t he expulsion and flight of most Palest inian Arabs, t he est ablishment of Israel on most of
t he Mandat e's t errit ory, and t he cont rol of t he Gaza St rip and t he West Bank by Egypt and
Jordan, respect ively.[27][28] In t he 1967 Six-Day War, Israel occupied t he West Bank and t he
Gaza St rip (which became known as t he Palest inian t errit ories), which is now considered t o be
t he longest milit ary occupat ion in modern hist ory, and has drawn int ernat ional condemnat ion
for violat ing t he human right s of t he Palest inians.[29]

The conflict has claimed many civilian casualt ies, most ly Palest inian, since it s incept ion.
Various at t empt s have been made t o resolve t he conflict as part of t he Israeli–Palest inian
peace process, alongside effort s t o resolve t he broader Arab–Israeli conflict .[30][31][32][33]
Progress t owards a negot iat ed solut ion bet ween t he Israeli government and t he Palest ine
Liberat ion Organizat ion (PLO) was made wit h t he Oslo Accords of 1993–1995. The majorit y of
recent peace effort s have been cent red around t he t wo-st at e solut ion, which involves t he
est ablishment of an independent Palest inian st at e alongside Israel. Public support for a t wo-
st at e solut ion, which formerly enjoyed support from bot h Israeli Jews and
Palest inians,[34][35][36] has dwindled in recent years.[37][38][39] Official negot iat ions are mediat ed
by t he Quart et on t he Middle East , which consist s of t he Unit ed Nat ions, t he Unit ed St at es,
Russia, and t he European Union. The Arab League, which has proposed t he Arab Peace
Init iat ive, is anot her import ant act or, along wit h Egypt and Jordan. Since 2006, t he Palest inian
side has been split bet ween Fat ah dominat ing t he Palest inian Aut horit y in t he West Bank and
Hamas t hat gained cont rol of t he Gaza St rip.[40] At t empt s t o remedy t his have been repeat ed
and cont inuing. Since 2019, t he Israeli side has also been experiencing polit ical crisis.[41][42]
The lat est round of peace negot iat ions began in July 2013 but were suspended in 2014. Since
2006, Hamas and Israel have fought five wars, t he most recent of which began in 2023 and is
ongoing as of April 2024.[40]

History

Palestinian Arab-Christian-owned newspaper Falastin,

18 June 1936, caricatured Zionism as a crocodile,
protected by a British officer, telling Palestinian Arabs:
"Don't be afraid! I will swallow you peacefully..." [43]

The Israeli–Palest inian conflict began in t he lat e 19t h and early 20t h cent uries, wit h t he
development of polit ical Zionism and t he arrival of Zionist set t lers t o Palest ine.[23][44] The
modern polit ical Zionist movement , wit h t he goal of est ablishing a Jewish st at e in Palest ine,
grew out of t he last t wo decades of t he 19t h cent ury, largely in response t o ant isemit ism in
Europe. While Jewish colonizat ion began during t his period, it was not unt il t he arrival of more
ideologically Zionist immigrant s in t he decade preceding t he First World War t hat t he
landscape of Ot t oman Palest ine would st art t o significant ly change.[45] Land purchases, t he
evict ion of t enant Arab peasant s and armed confront at ion wit h Jewish para-milit ary unit s
would all cont ribut e t o t he Palest inian populat ion's growing fear of t errit orial displacement
and dispossession. This fear would gradually be replaced by a broader sense of Palest inian
nat ional expression which included t he reject ion of t he Zionist goal of t urning t he most ly Arab
populat ed land int o a Jewish homeland.[28] From early on, t he leadership of t he Zionist
movement had t he idea of "t ransferring" (a euphemism for et hnic cleansing) t he Arab
Palest inian populat ion out of t he land for t he purpose of est ablishing a Jewish demographic
majorit y. The idea of t ransfer, Israeli hist orian Benny Morris describes, was "inevit able and
inbuilt int o Zionism".[46] The Arab populat ion felt t his t hreat as early as t he 1880s wit h t he
arrival of t he first aliyah.[28]

Chaim Weizmann's effort s t o build Brit ish support for t he Zionist movement would event ually
secure t he Balfour Declarat ion, a public st at ement issued by t he Brit ish government in 1917
during t he First World War announcing support for t he est ablishment of a "nat ional home for
t he Jewish people" in Palest ine.[47] Weizmann would t ake on a maximalist int erpret at ion of t he
declarat ion, in which negot iat ions on t he fut ure of t he count ry were t o happen direct ly
bet ween Brit ain and t he Jews, excluding Arab represent at ion. At t he Paris Peace Conference,
he would lat er famously share his int erpret at ion of t he declarat ion in his announcement of t he
goal "[t ]o make Palest ine as Jewish as England is English." Part ially in response t o t he Zionist
movement , a Palest inian nat ional movement would develop more concret ely in t he int erwar
period. The years t hat followed would see Jewish-Palest inian relat ions det eriorat e
dramat ically.[48]

1920s
Wit h t he commit ment t o est ablishing a nat ional home for t he Jewish people in Palest ine, t he
creat ion of t he Brit ish Mandat e in Palest ine aft er t he end of t he first world war would allow
for large-scale Jewish immigrat ion. This would be accompanied by t he development of a
separat e Jewish cont rolled sect or of t he economy which was support ed wit h large amount s
of capit al from abroad.[49] The more ardent Zionist ideologues of t he Second Aliyah would
become t he leaders of t he Yishuv st art ing in t he 1920s and believed in t he separat ion of
Jewish and Arab economies and societ ies. During t his period, t he exclusionary nat ionalist
et hos would grow t o overpower t he socialist ideals t hat t he Second Aliyah had arrived
wit h.[23]
The ret urn of several hard-line Palest inian Arab nat ionalist s, under t he emerging leadership of
Haj Amin al-Husseini, from Damascus t o Mandat ory Palest ine marked t he beginning of
Palest inian Arab nat ionalist st ruggle t owards est ablishment of a nat ional home for Arabs of
Palest ine.[50] Amin al-Husseini, t he archit ect of t he Palest inian Arab nat ional movement ,
immediat ely marked Jewish nat ional movement and Jewish immigrat ion t o Palest ine as t he
sole enemy t o his cause,[51] init iat ing large-scale riot s against t he Jews as early as 1920 in
Jerusalem and in 1921 in Jaffa. Among t he result s of t he violence was t he est ablishment of
t he Jewish paramilit ary force Haganah. In 1929, a series of violent riot s result ed in t he deat hs
of 133 Jews and 116 Arabs, wit h significant Jewish casualt ies in Hebron and Safed, and t he
evacuat ion of Jews from Hebron and Gaza.[52]

1936–1939 Arab revolt

The Arab revolt of 1936–1939 in

Palestine, motivated by opposition to
mass Jewish immigration allowed by
the British Mandate.

In t he early 1930s, t he Arab nat ional st ruggle in Palest ine had drawn many Arab nat ionalist
milit ant s from across t he Middle East , such as Sheikh Izaddin al-Qassam from Syria, who
est ablished t he Black Hand milit ant group and had prepared t he grounds for t he 1936–1939
Arab revolt in Palest ine. Following t he deat h of al-Qassam at t he hands of t he Brit ish in lat e
1935, t ensions erupt ed in 1936 int o t he Arab general st rike and general boycot t . The st rike
soon det eriorat ed int o violence, and t he Arab revolt was bloodily repressed by t he Brit ish
assist ed by t he Brit ish armed forces of t he Jewish Set t lement Police, t he Jewish
Supernumerary Police, and Special Night Squads.[53] The suppression of t he revolt would
leave at least 14% of t he adult male populat ion killed, wounded, imprisoned or exiled.[54] In t he
first wave of organized violence, last ing unt il early 1937, most of t he Arab groups were
defeat ed by t he Brit ish, and forced expulsion of much of t he Arab leadership ensued. Wit h
much of t he leadership in exile and t he economy severely weakened, t he Palest inians would
st ruggle t o confront t he Zionist movement which was growing in st rengt h, wit h t he support
of t he Brit ish.[54]

The cost and risks associat ed wit h t he revolt and t he ongoing int er-communal conflict led t o
a shift in Brit ish policies in t he region and t he appoint ment of t he Peel Commission which
recommended t he part it ioning of Palest ine.[54] The t wo main Jewish leaders, Chaim Weizmann
and David Ben-Gurion, accept ed t he recommendat ions on t he basis t hat it would allow for
furt her expansion, but some secondary Jewish leaders disapproved of it .[55][56][57] The
subsequent publicat ion of t he Whit e Paper of 1939, which sought t o limit Jewish immigrat ion
t o t he region, was t he breaking point in relat ions bet ween Brit ish aut horit ies and t he Zionist
movement .[58]

1940s

Haganah ship Jewish S tate carrying

illegal Jewish immigrants from
Europe at the Haifa Port, Mandatory
Palestine, 1947

The renewed violence, which cont inued sporadically unt il t he beginning of World War II, ended
wit h around 5,000 causualt ies on t he Arab side and 700 combined on t he Brit ish and Jewish
side t ot al.[59][60][61] Wit h t he erupt ion of World War II, t he sit uat ion in Mandat ory Palest ine
calmed down. It allowed a shift t owards a more moderat e st ance among Palest inian Arabs
under t he leadership of t he Nashashibi clan and even t he est ablishment of t he Jewish–Arab
Palest ine Regiment under Brit ish command, fight ing Germans in Nort h Africa. The more radical
exiled fact ion of al-Husseini, however, t ended t o cooperat e wit h Nazi Germany, and
part icipat ed in t he est ablishment of a pro-Nazi propaganda machine t hroughout t he Arab
world. The defeat of Arab nat ionalist s in Iraq and subsequent relocat ion of al-Husseini t o
Nazi-occupied Europe t ied his hands regarding field operat ions in Palest ine, t hough he
regularly demanded t hat t he It alians and t he Germans bomb Tel Aviv. By t he end of World War
II, a crisis over t he fat e of Holocaust survivors from Europe led t o renewed t ensions bet ween
t he Yishuv and Mandat e aut horit ies. Increased illegal immigrat ion from Jewish refugees, along
wit h a paramilit ary campaign of resist ance against Brit ish aut horit ies by Zionist milit ias, would
effect ively overt urn t he Whit e Paper and event ually lead t o t he wit hdrawal of t he
Brit ish.[54][52]

1947 United Nations partition plan

On 29 November 1947, t he General Assembly of t he Unit ed Nat ions adopt ed Resolut ion
181(II)[62] recommending t he adopt ion and implement at ion of a plan t o part it ion Palest ine int o
an Arab st at e, a Jewish st at e and t he Cit y of Jerusalem.[63] Palest inian Arabs were opposed
t o t he part it ion.[64] Zionist s accept ed t he part it ion but planned t o expand Israel's borders
beyond what was allocat ed t o it by t he UN.[65] On t he next day, Palest ine was swept by
violence. For four mont hs, under cont inuous Arab provocat ion and at t ack, t he Yishuv was
usually on t he defensive while occasionally ret aliat ing.[66] The Arab League support ed t he
Arab st ruggle by forming t he volunt eer-based Arab Liberat ion Army, support ing t he Palest inian
Arab Army of t he Holy War, under t he leadership of Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni and Hasan Salama.
On t he Jewish side, t he civil war was managed by t he major underground milit ias – t he
Haganah, Irgun and Lehi – st rengt hened by numerous Jewish vet erans of World War II and
foreign volunt eers. By spring 1948, it was already clear t hat t he Arab forces were nearing a
t ot al collapse, while Yishuv forces gained more and more t errit ory, creat ing a large scale
refugee problem of Palest inian Arabs.[52]
1948 Arab–Israeli War

Land in the lighter shade

represents territory within the
borders of Israel at the
conclusion of the 1948 war.
This land is internationally
recognized as belonging to
Israel.

Following t he Declarat ion of t he Est ablishment of t he St at e of Israel on 14 May 1948, t he

Arab League decided t o int ervene on behalf of Palest inian Arabs, marching t heir forces int o
former Brit ish Palest ine, beginning t he main phase of t he 1948 Arab–Israeli War.[63] The overall
fight ing, leading t o around 15,000 casualt ies, result ed in cease-fire and armist ice agreement s
of 1949, wit h Israel holding much of t he former Mandat e t errit ory, Jordan occupying and lat er
annexing t he West Bank and Egypt t aking over t he Gaza St rip, where t he All-Palest ine
Government was declared by t he Arab League on 22 Sept ember 1948.[53]
1956 Suez Crisis
Through t he 1950s, Jordan and Egypt support ed t he Palest inian Fedayeen milit ant s' cross-
border at t acks int o Israel, while Israel carried out it s own reprisal operat ions in t he host
count ries. The 1956 Suez Crisis result ed in a short -t erm Israeli occupat ion of t he Gaza St rip
and exile of t he All-Palest ine Government , which was lat er rest ored wit h Israeli wit hdrawal.
The All-Palest ine Government was complet ely abandoned by Egypt in 1959 and was officially
merged int o t he Unit ed Arab Republic, t o t he det riment of t he Palest inian nat ional movement .
Gaza St rip t hen was put under t he aut horit y of t he Egypt ian milit ary administ rat or, making it a
de fact o milit ary occupat ion. In 1964, however, a new organizat ion, t he Palest ine Liberat ion
Organizat ion (PLO), was est ablished by Yasser Arafat .[63] It immediat ely won t he support of
most Arab League government s and was grant ed a seat in t he Arab League.

1967 Six-Day War

During the Six-Day War in

1967, Israel captured the
West Bank, the Gaza Strip,
the Golan Heights and the
Sinai Peninsula. Each of
these territories except the
Sinai remain under Israeli
occupation.
The 1967 Six-Day War exert ed a significant effect upon Palest inian nat ionalism, as Israel
gained milit ary cont rol of t he West Bank from Jordan and t he Gaza St rip from Egypt .
Consequent ly, t he PLO was unable t o est ablish any cont rol on t he ground and est ablished it s
headquart ers in Jordan, home t o hundreds of t housands of Palest inians, and support ed t he
Jordanian army during t he War of At t rit ion, which included t he Bat t le of Karameh. However,
t he Palest inian base in Jordan collapsed wit h t he Jordanian–Palest inian civil war in 1970. The
PLO defeat by t he Jordanians caused most of t he Palest inian milit ant s t o relocat e t o Sout h
Lebanon, where t hey soon t ook over large areas, creat ing t he so-called "Fat ahland".

1973 Yom Kippur War

On Oct ober 6, 1973, a coalit ion of Arab forces consist ing of mainly Egypt and Syria launched a
surprise at t ack against Israel on t he Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur. Egypt ian and Syria had
crossed over t he ceasefire lines t hat were agreed upon prior t o 1973. Egypt had in part icular
t ried t o reoccupy much of t he area surrounding t he Suez Canal, whilst t he front line wit h Syria
was mainly sit uat ed around t he nort h in t he Golan Height s. The war concluded wit h an Israeli
vict ory, wit h bot h sides suffering t remendous casualt ies.

1982 Lebanon War

Palest inian insurgency in Sout h Lebanon peaked in t he early 1970s, as Lebanon was used as a
base t o launch at t acks on nort hern Israel and airplane hijacking campaigns worldwide, which
drew Israeli ret aliat ion. During t he Lebanese Civil War, Palest inian milit ant s cont inued t o launch
at t acks against Israel while also bat t ling opponent s wit hin Lebanon. In 1978, t he Coast al
Road massacre led t o t he Israeli full-scale invasion known as Operat ion Lit ani. Israeli forces,
however, quickly wit hdrew from Lebanon, and t he at t acks against Israel resumed. In 1982,
following an assassinat ion at t empt on one of it s diplomat s by Palest inians, t he Israeli
government decided t o t ake sides in t he Lebanese Civil War and t he 1982 Lebanon War
commenced. The init ial result s for Israel were successful. Most Palest inian milit ant s were
defeat ed wit hin several weeks, Beirut was capt ured, and t he PLO headquart ers were
evacuat ed t o Tunisia in June by Yasser Arafat 's decision.[53]
First Intifada (1987–1993)
The first Palest inian uprising began in 1987 as a response t o escalat ing at t acks and t he
endless occupat ion. By t he early 1990s, int ernat ional effort s t o set t le t he conflict had begun,
in light of t he success of t he Egypt ian–Israeli peace t reat y of 1982. Event ually, t he Israeli–
Palest inian peace process led t o t he Oslo Accords of 1993, allowing t he PLO t o relocat e
from Tunisia and t ake ground in t he West Bank and Gaza St rip, est ablishing t he Palest inian
Nat ional Aut horit y. The peace process also had significant opposit ion among radical Islamic
element s of Palest inian societ y, such as Hamas and Palest inian Islamic Jihad, who
immediat ely init iat ed a campaign of at t acks t arget ing Israelis. Following hundreds of
casualt ies and a wave of radical ant i-government propaganda, Israeli Prime Minist er Rabin was
assassinat ed by an Israeli far-right ext remist who object ed t o t he peace init iat ive. This st ruck
a serious blow t o t he peace process, from which t he newly elect ed government of Israel in
1996 backed off.[52]

Second Intifada (2000–2005)

Aftermath of a Palestinian suicide

bombing on a bus in Tel Aviv

Following several years of unsuccessful negot iat ions, t he conflict re-erupt ed as t he Second
Int ifada in Sept ember 2000.[53] The violence, escalat ing int o an open conflict bet ween t he
Palest inian Nat ional Securit y Forces and t he Israel Defense Forces, last ed unt il 2004/2005
and led t o approximat ely 130 fat alit ies. In 2005, Israeli Prime Minist er Sharon ordered t he
removal of Israeli set t lers and soldiers from Gaza. Israel and it s Supreme Court formally
declared an end t o occupat ion, saying it "had no effect ive cont rol over what occurred" in
Gaza.[67] However, t he Unit ed Nat ions, Human Right s Wat ch and many ot her int ernat ional
bodies and NGOs cont inue t o consider Israel t o be t he occupying power of t he Gaza St rip as
Israel cont rols Gaza St rip's airspace, t errit orial wat ers and cont rols t he movement of people
or goods in or out of Gaza by air or sea.[67][68][69]

Fatah–Hamas split (2006–2007)

In 2006, Hamas won a pluralit y of 44% in t he Palest inian parliament ary elect ion. Israel
responded it would begin economic sanct ions unless Hamas agreed t o accept prior Israeli–
Palest inian agreement s, forswear violence, and recognize Israel's right t o exist , all of which
Hamas reject ed.[70] Aft er int ernal Palest inian polit ical st ruggle bet ween Fat ah and Hamas
erupt ed int o t he Bat t le of Gaza (2007), Hamas t ook full cont rol of t he area.[71] In 2007, Israel
imposed a naval blockade on t he Gaza St rip, and cooperat ion wit h Egypt allowed a ground
blockade of t he Egypt ian border.

The t ensions bet ween Israel and Hamas escalat ed unt il lat e 2008, when Israel launched
operat ion Cast Lead upon Gaza, result ing in t housands of civilian casualt ies and billions of
dollars in damage. By February 2009, a ceasefire was signed wit h int ernat ional mediat ion
bet ween t he part ies, t hough t he occupat ion and small and sporadic erupt ions of violence
cont inued.

In 2011, a Palest inian Aut horit y at t empt t o gain UN membership as a fully sovereign st at e
failed. In Hamas-cont rolled Gaza, sporadic rocket at t acks on Israel and Israeli air raids
cont inued t o occur.[72][73][74][75] In November 2012, Palest inian represent at ion in t he UN was
upgraded t o a non-member observer st at e, and it s mission t it le was changed from "Palest ine
(represent ed by PLO)" t o "St at e of Palest ine". In 2014, anot her war broke out bet ween Israel
and Gaza, result ing in over 70 Israeli and over 2,000 Palest inian casualt ies.[76]
Israel–Hamas war (2023–present)

Map of the Israel–Hamas war in Gaza

and southern Israel

Aft er t he 2014 war and 2021 crisis, Hamas began planning an at t ack on Israel.[77] In 2022,
Net anyahu ret urned t o power while headlining a hardline far-right government ,[78] which led t o
great er polit ical st rife in Israel[79] and clashes in t he Palest inian t errit ories.[80] This culminat ed
in t he 2023 Israel–Hamas war, when Hamas-led milit ant groups launched a surprise at t ack on
sout hern Israel from t he Gaza St rip, killing hundreds of Israeli civilians and t aking
host ages.[81][82] The Israeli milit ary ret aliat ed by conduct ing an ext ensive aerial bombardment
campaign on Gaza,[83] followed by a large-scale ground invasion wit h t he st at ed goal of
dest roying Hamas and cont rolling securit y in Gaza aft erwards.[84] Israel killed t ens of
t housands of Palest inian civilians and displaced almost t wo million people.[85] Sout h Africa
accused Israel of genocide at t he Int ernat ional Court of Just ice and called for an immediat e
ceasefire.[86] The court ruled t here was plausibilit y of genocide, but did not order a
ceasefire.[87]

The war spilled over, wit h Israel engaging in clashes wit h local milit ias in t he West Bank,
Hezbollah in Lebanon and nort hern Israel, and ot her Iranian-backed milit ias in Syria.[88][89][90]
Iranian-backed milit ias also engaged in clashes wit h t he Unit ed St at es,[91] while t he Hout his
blockaded t he Red Sea in prot est ,[92] t o which t he Unit ed St at es responded wit h airst rikes in
Yemen,[93] Iraq, and Syria.[94]
Peace process

Oslo Accords (1993, 1995)

A peace movement poster: Israeli and

Palestinian flags and the word peace
in Arabic and Hebrew.

In 1993, Israeli officials led by Yit zhak Rabin and Palest inian leaders from t he Palest ine
Liberat ion Organizat ion led by Yasser Arafat st rove t o find a peaceful solut ion t hrough what
became known as t he Oslo peace process. A crucial milest one in t his process was Arafat 's
let t er of recognit ion of Israel's right t o exist . In 1993, t he Oslo Accords were finalized as a
framework for fut ure Israeli–Palest inian relat ions. The crux of t he Oslo agreement was t hat
Israel would gradually cede cont rol of t he Palest inian t errit ories over t o t he Palest inians in
exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicat e and progressed in fit s and st art s. The
process t ook a t urning point at t he assassinat ion of Yit zhak Rabin in November 1995 and
finally unraveled when Arafat and Ehud Barak failed t o reach an agreement at Camp David in
July 2000. Robert Malley, special assist ant t o US President Bill Clint on for Arab–Israeli
Affairs, has confirmed t hat while Barak made no formal writ t en offer t o Arafat , t he US did
present concept s for peace which were considered by t he Israeli side yet left unanswered by
Arafat : "t he Palest inians' principal failing is t hat from t he beginning of t he Camp David summit
onward t hey were unable eit her t o say yes t o t he American ideas or t o present a cogent and
specific count erproposal of t heir own".[95] Consequent ly, t here are different account s of t he
proposals considered.[96][97][98]
Camp David Summit (2000)

Yitzhak Rabin, Bill Clinton, and Yasser

Arafat during the Oslo Accords on 13
September 1993.

In July 2000, US President Bill Clint on convened a peace summit bet ween Palest inian
President Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minist er Ehud Barak. Barak report edly put forward
t he following as "bases for negot iat ion", via t he US t o t he Palest inian President : a non-
milit arized Palest inian st at e split int o 3–4 part s cont aining 87–92%.[A] Thus, an Israeli offer of
91 percent (of 5,538 km2 of t he West Bank t ranslat es int o only 86 percent from t he
Palest inian perspect ive [99] of t he West Bank including only part s of East Jerusalem, and t he
ent ire Gaza St rip,[100][101] as well as a st ipulat ion t hat 69 Jewish set t lement s (which comprise
85% of t he West Bank's Jewish set t lers) would be ceded t o Israel, no right of ret urn t o Israel,
no sovereignt y over t he Temple Mount or any core East Jerusalem neighbourhoods, and
cont inued Israel cont rol over t he Jordan Valley.[102][103]

Arafat reject ed t his offer.[100][104][105][106][107][108] According t o t he Palest inian negot iat ors t he
offer did not remove many of t he element s of t he Israeli occupat ion regarding land, securit y,
set t lement s, and Jerusalem.[109] President Clint on report edly request ed t hat Arafat make a
count er-offer, but he proposed none. Former Israeli Foreign Minist er Shlomo Ben-Ami who
kept a diary of t he negot iat ions said in an int erview in 2001, when asked whet her t he
Palest inians made a count erproposal: "No. And t hat is t he heart of t he mat t er. Never, in t he
negot iat ions bet ween us and t he Palest inians, was t here a Palest inian count erproposal."[110] In
a separat e int erview in 2006 Ben Ami st at ed t hat were he a Palest inian he would have
reject ed t he Camp David offer.[111]

No t enable solut ion was craft ed which would sat isfy bot h Israeli and Palest inian demands,
even under int ense US pressure. Clint on has long blamed Arafat for t he collapse of t he
summit .[112] In t he mont hs following t he summit , Clint on appoint ed former US Senat or George
J. Mit chell t o lead a fact -finding commit t ee aiming t o ident ify st rat egies for rest oring t he
peace process. The commit t ee's findings were published in 2001 wit h t he dismant lement of
exist ing Israeli set t lement s and Palest inian crackdown on milit ant act ivit y being one
st rat egy.[113]

Developments following Camp David

Israeli West Bank barrier in Bethlehem

Following t he failed summit Palest inian and Israeli negot iat ors cont inued t o meet in small
groups t hrough August and Sept ember 2000 t o t ry t o bridge t he gaps bet ween t heir
respect ive posit ions. The Unit ed St at es prepared it s own plan t o resolve t he out st anding
issues. Clint on's present at ion of t he US proposals was delayed by t he advent of t he Second
Int ifada at t he end of Sept ember.[109]

Clint on's plan, event ually present ed on 23 December 2000, proposed t he est ablishment of a
sovereign Palest inian st at e in t he Gaza st rip and 94–96 percent of t he West Bank plus t he
equivalent of 1–3 percent of t he West Bank in land swaps from pre-1967 Israel. On
Jerusalem, t he plan st at ed t hat "t he general principle is t hat Arab areas are Palest inian and
t hat Jewish areas are Israeli." The holy sit es were t o be split on t he basis t hat Palest inians
would have sovereignt y over t he Temple Mount /Noble sanct uary, while t he Israelis would
have sovereignt y over t he West ern Wall. On refugees t he plan suggest ed a number of
proposals including financial compensat ion, t he right of ret urn t o t he Palest inian st at e, and
Israeli acknowledgment of suffering caused t o t he Palest inians in 1948. Securit y proposals
referred t o a "non-milit arized" Palest inian st at e, and an int ernat ional force for border securit y.
Bot h sides accept ed Clint on's plan[109][114][115] and it became t he basis for t he negot iat ions at
t he Taba Peace summit t he following January.[109]
Taba Summit (2001)
The Israeli negot iat ion t eam present ed a new map at t he Taba Summit in Taba, Egypt , in
January 2001. The proposit ion removed t he "t emporarily Israeli cont rolled" areas, and t he
Palest inian side accept ed t his as a basis for furt her negot iat ion. Wit h Israeli elect ions looming
t he t alks ended wit hout an agreement but t he t wo sides issued a joint st at ement at t est ing
t o t he progress t hey had made: "The sides declare t hat t hey have never been closer t o
reaching an agreement and it is t hus our shared belief t hat t he remaining gaps could be
bridged wit h t he resumpt ion of negot iat ions following t he Israeli elect ions." The following
mont h t he Likud part y candidat e Ariel Sharon defeat ed Ehud Barak in t he Israeli elect ions and
was elect ed as Israeli prime minist er on 7 February 2001. Sharon's new government chose not
t o resume t he high-level t alks.[109]

Roadmap for Peace (2002–2003)

President George W. Bush, center,

discusses the peace process with
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon of Israel,
left, and Palestinian President
Mahmoud Abbas in Aqaba, Jordan, 4
June 2003

One peace proposal, present ed by t he Quart et of t he European Union, Russia, t he Unit ed

Nat ions and t he Unit ed St at es on 17 Sept ember 2002, was t he Road Map for Peace. This
plan did not at t empt t o resolve difficult quest ions such as t he fat e of Jerusalem or Israeli
set t lement s, but left t hat t o be negot iat ed in lat er phases of t he process. The proposal
never made it beyond t he first phase, whose goals called for a halt t o bot h Israeli set t lement
const ruct ion and Israeli–Palest inian violence. Neit her goal has been achieved as of November
2015.[116][117][118]

Arab Peace Initiative (2002, 2007,

2017)
The Arab Peace Init iat ive (Arabic: ‫ مبادرة السالم العربية‬Mubādirat as-Salām al-ʿArabīyyah), also
known as t he Saudi Init iat ive, was first proposed by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia at
t he Beirut Summit (2002). The peace init iat ive is a proposed solut ion t o t he Arab–Israeli
conflict as a whole, and t he Israeli–Palest inian conflict in part icular.[119] The init iat ive was
init ially published on 28 March 2002, at t he Beirut Summit , and agreed upon again in 2007 in
t he Riyadh Summit . Unlike t he Road Map for Peace, it spelled out "final-solut ion" borders
based explicit ly on t he UN borders est ablished before t he 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full
normalizat ion of relat ions wit h Israel, in exchange for t he wit hdrawal of it s forces from all t he
occupied t errit ories, including t he Golan Height s, t o recognize "an independent Palest inian
st at e wit h East Jerusalem as it s capit al" in t he West Bank and Gaza St rip, as well as a "just
solut ion" for t he Palest inian refugees.[120]

The Palest inian Aut horit y led by Yasser Arafat immediat ely embraced t he init iat ive.[121] His
successor Mahmoud Abbas also support ed t he plan and officially asked U.S. President Barack
Obama t o adopt it as part of his Middle East policy.[122] Islamist polit ical part y Hamas, t he
elect ed government of t he Gaza St rip, was deeply divided,[123] wit h most fact ions reject ing
t he plan.[124] Palest inians have crit icised t he Israel–Unit ed Arab Emirat es normalizat ion
agreement and anot her wit h Bahrain signed in Sept ember 2020, fearing t he moves weaken t he
Arab Peace Init iat ive, regarding t he UAE's move as "a bet rayal."[125]

The Israeli government under Ariel Sharon reject ed t he init iat ive as a "non-st art er"[126]
because it required Israel t o wit hdraw t o pre-June 1967 borders.[127] Aft er t he renewed Arab
League endorsement in 2007, t hen-Prime Minist er Ehud Olmert gave a caut ious welcome t o
t he plan.[128] In 2015, Israeli Prime Minist er Benjamin Net anyahu expressed t ent at ive support
for t he Init iat ive,[129] but in 2018, he reject ed it as a basis for fut ure negot iat ions wit h t he
Palest inians.[130]
Current status
An art icle by S. Daniel Abraham, an American ent repreneur and founder of t he Cent er for
Middle East Peace in Washingt on, US, published on t he websit e of t he Atlantic magazine in
March 2013, cit ed t he following st at ist ics: "Right now, t he t ot al number of Jews and Arabs
living... in Israel, t he West Bank, and Gaza is just under 12 million people. At t he moment , a
shade under 50 percent of t he populat ion is Jewish."[131]

In April 2021, Human Right s Wat ch released it s report A Threshold Crossed, making
accusat ions t hat t he policies of Israel t owards Palest inians living in Israel, t he West Bank and
Gaza const it ut ed t he crime of apart heid.[132] A furt her report t it led Israel's Apartheid Against
Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crime Against Humanity was released by
Amnest y Int ernat ional on 1 February 2022.[133]

Israel's settlements policy

Israeli settlers in Hebron, West Bank

Israel has had it s set t lement growt h and policies in t he Palest inian t errit ories harshly
crit icized by t he European Union cit ing it as increasingly undermining t he viabilit y of t he t wo-
st at e solut ion and running in cont rary t o t he Israeli-st at ed commit ment t o resume
negot iat ions.[134][135] In December 2011, all t he regional groupings on t he UN Securit y Council
named cont inued set t lement const ruct ion and set t ler violence as disrupt ive t o t he
resumpt ion of t alks, a call viewed by Russia as a "hist oric st ep".[136][137][138] In April 2012,
int ernat ional out rage followed Israeli st eps t o furt her ent rench t he Jewish set t lement s in t he
West Bank, including East Jerusalem, which included t he publishing of t enders for furt her
set t ler homes and t he plan t o legalize set t ler out post s. Brit ain said t hat t he move was a
breach of Israeli commit ment s under t he road map t o freeze all set t lement expansion in t he
land capt ured since 1967. The Brit ish Foreign Minist er st at ed t hat t he "Syst emat ic, illegal
Israeli set t lement act ivit y poses t he most significant and live t hreat t o t he viabilit y of t he
t wo st at e solut ion".[139] In May 2012 t he 27 foreign minist ers of t he European Union issued a
st at ement which condemned cont inued Israeli set t ler violence and incit ement .[140] In a similar
move, t he Quart et "expressed it s concern over ongoing set t ler violence and incit ement in t he
West Bank," calling on Israel "t o t ake effect ive measures, including bringing t he perpet rat ors
of such act s t o just ice."[141] The Palest inian Ma'an News agency report ed t he PA Cabinet 's
st at ement on t he issue st at ed t hat t he West , including East Jerusalem, were seeing "an
escalat ion in incit ement and set t ler violence against our people wit h a clear prot ect ion from
t he occupat ion milit ary. The last of which was t he t housands of set t ler march in East
Jerusalem which included slogans incit ing t o kill, hat e and support s violence".[142]

Israeli Military Police

Protestors in Lod carrying photos of

Palestinian-American journalist
Shireen Abu Akleh who was shot
dead while reporting in the West Bank
on 11 May 2022

In a report published in February 2014 covering incident s over t he t hree-year period of 2011–
2013, Amnest y Int ernat ional assert ed t hat Israeli forces employed reckless violence in t he
West Bank, and in some inst ances appeared t o engage in wilful killings which would be
t ant amount t o war crimes. Besides t he numerous fat alit ies, Amnest y said at least 261
Palest inians, including 67 children, had been gravely injured by Israeli use of live ammunit ion. In
t his same period, 45 Palest inians, including 6 children had been killed. Amnest y's review of 25
civilians deat hs concluded t hat in no case was t here evidence of t he Palest inians posing an
imminent t hreat . At t he same t ime, over 8,000 Palest inians suffered serious injuries from ot her
means, including rubber-coat ed met al bullet s. Only one IDF soldier was convict ed, killing a
Palest inian at t empt ing t o ent er Israel illegally. The soldier was demot ed and given a 1-year
sent ence wit h a five-mont h suspension. The IDF answered t he charges st at ing t hat it s army
held it self "t o t he highest of professional st andards", adding t hat when t here was suspicion of
wrongdoing, it invest igat ed and t ook act ion "where appropriat e".[143][144]

Incitement
Following t he Oslo Accords, which was t o set up regulat ive bodies t o rein in frict ions,
Palest inian incit ement against Israel, Jews, and Zionism cont inued, parallel wit h Israel's
pursuance of set t lement s in t he Palest inian t errit ories,[145] t hough under Abu Mazen it has
report edly dwindled significant ly.[146] Charges of incit ement have been reciprocal,[147][148]
bot h sides int erpret ing media st at ement s in t he Palest inian and Israeli press as const it ut ing
incit ement .[146] Schoolbooks published for bot h Israeli and Palest inian schools have been
found t o have encouraged one-sided narrat ive and even hat red of t he ot her
side.[149][150][151][152][153][154] Perpet rat ors of murderous at t acks, whet her against Israelis or
Palest inians, oft en find st rong vocal support from sect ions of t heir communit ies despit e
varying levels of condemnat ion from polit icians.[155][156][157]

Bot h part ies t o t he conflict have been crit icized by t hird-part ies for t eaching incit ement t o
t heir children by downplaying each side's hist orical t ies t o t he area, t eaching propagandist
maps, or indoct rinat e t heir children t o one day join t he armed forces.[158][159]
United Nations and Palestinian
statehood

State of Palestine
Countries that have recognised
the State of Palestine
Countries that have not
recognised the State of Palestine

The PLO have campaigned for full member st at us for t he st at e of Palest ine at t he UN and
for recognit ion on t he 1967 borders. The campaign has received widespread support ,[160][161]
alt hough it has been crit icised by t he US and Israel for allegedly avoiding bilat eral
negot iat ion.[162][163] Net anyahu has crit icized t he Palest inians of purport edly t rying t o bypass
direct t alks,[164] whereas Abbas has argued t hat t he cont inued const ruct ion of Israeli-Jewish
set t lement s is "undermining t he realist ic pot ent ial" for t he t wo-st at e solut ion.[165] Alt hough
Palest ine has been denied full member st at us by t he UN Securit y Council,[166] in lat e 2012 t he
UN General Assembly overwhelmingly approved t he de facto recognit ion of sovereign
Palest ine by grant ing non-member st at e st at us.[167]

Issues in dispute
The following out lined posit ions are t he official posit ions of t he t wo part ies; however, it is
import ant t o not e t hat neit her side holds a single posit ion. Bot h t he Israeli and Palest inian
sides include bot h moderat e and ext remist bodies as well as dovish and hawkish bodies.

One of t he primary obst acles t o resolving t he conflict is a deep-set and growing dist rust
bet ween it s part icipant s. Unilat eral st rat egies and t he rhet oric of hardline polit ical fact ions,
coupled wit h violence and incit ement s by civilians against one anot her, have fost ered mut ual
embit t erment and host ilit y and a loss of fait h in t he peace process. Support among
Palest inians for Hamas is considerable, and as it s members consist ent ly call for t he
dest ruct ion of Israel and violence remains a t hreat ,[168] securit y becomes a prime concern for
many Israelis. The expansion of Israeli set t lement s in t he West Bank has led t he majorit y of
Palest inians t o believe t hat Israel is not commit t ed t o reaching an agreement , but rat her t o a
pursuit of est ablishing permanent cont rol over t his t errit ory in order t o provide t hat
securit y.[169]

Status of Jerusalem

Greater Jerusalem, May 2006. CIA

remote sensing map showing what
the CIA regards as settlements, plus
refugee camps, fences, and walls

The cont rol of Jerusalem is a part icularly delicat e issue, wit h each side assert ing claims over
t he cit y. The t hree largest Abrahamic religions—Judaism, Christ ianit y, and Islam—hold
Jerusalem as an import ant set t ing for t heir religious and hist orical narrat ives. Jerusalem is t he
holiest cit y for Judaism, being t he former locat ion of t he Jewish t emples on t he Temple
Mount and t he capit al of t he ancient Israelit e kingdom. For Muslims, Jerusalem is t he t hird
holiest sit e, being t he locat ion of Isra and Mi'raj event , and t he Al-Aqsa Mosque. For Christ ians,
Jerusalem is t he sit e of Jesus' crucifixion and t he Church of t he Holy Sepulchre.

The Israeli government , including t he Knesset and Supreme Court , is locat ed in t he "new cit y"
of West Jerusalem and has been since Israel's founding in 1948. Aft er Israel capt ured t he
Jordanian-cont rolled East Jerusalem in t he Six-Day War, it assumed complet e administ rat ive
cont rol of East Jerusalem. In 1980, Israel passed t he Jerusalem Law declaring "Jerusalem,
complet e and unit ed, is t he capit al of Israel."[170]

Many count ries do not recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capit al, wit h except ions being t he
Unit ed St at es,[171] and Russia.[172] The majorit y of UN member st at es and most int ernat ional
organisat ions do not recognise Israel's claims t o East Jerusalem which occurred aft er t he
1967 Six-Day War, nor it s 1980 Jerusalem Law proclamat ion.[173] The Int ernat ional Court of
Just ice in it s 2004 Advisory opinion on t he "Legal Consequences of t he Const ruct ion of a Wall
in t he Occupied Palest inian Territ ory" described East Jerusalem as "occupied Palest inian
t errit ory".[174]

At t he Camp David and Taba Summit s in 2000–2001, t he Unit ed St at es proposed a plan in

which t he Arab part s of Jerusalem would be given t o t he proposed Palest inian st at e while t he
Jewish part s of Jerusalem were given t o Israel. All archaeological work under t he Temple
Mount would be joint ly cont rolled by t he Israeli and Palest inian government s. Bot h sides
accept ed t he proposal in principle, but t he summit s ult imat ely failed.[175]

Holy sites and Jerusalem's Temple

Mount

Panorama of the Western Wall with the Dome of the

Rock (left) and al-Aqsa mosque (right) in the
background

Israel has concerns regarding t he welfare of Jewish holy places under possible Palest inian
cont rol. When Jerusalem was under Jordanian cont rol, no Jews were allowed t o visit t he
West ern Wall or ot her Jewish holy places, and t he Jewish cemet ery on t he Mount of Olives
was desecrat ed.[175] Since 1975, Israel has banned Muslims from worshiping at Joseph's
Tomb, a shrine considered sacred by bot h Jews and Muslims. Set t lers est ablished a yeshiva,
inst alled a Torah scroll and covered t he mihrab. During t he Second Int ifada t he sit e was
loot ed and burned.[176][177] Israeli securit y agencies rout inely monit or and arrest Jewish
ext remist s t hat plan at t acks, t hough many serious incident s have st ill occurred.[178] Israel has
allowed almost complet e aut onomy t o t he Muslim t rust (Waqf ) over t he Temple Mount .[175]

Palest inians have voiced concerns regarding t he welfare of Christ ian and Muslim holy places
under Israeli cont rol.[179] Addit ionally, some Palest inian advocat es have made st at ement s
alleging t hat t he West ern Wall Tunnel was re-opened wit h t he int ent of causing t he mosque's
collapse.[180]

Palestinian refugees

Palestinian refugees, 1948

Palest inian refugees are people who lost bot h t heir homes and means of livelihood as a result
of t he 1948 Arab–Israeli conflict [181] and t he 1967 Six-Day War.[182] The number of
Palest inians who fled or were expelled from Israel following it s creat ion was est imat ed at
711,000 in 1949.[183] Descendant s of t hese original Palest inian Refugees are also eligible for
regist rat ion and services provided by t he Unit ed Nat ions Relief and Works Agency for
Palest ine Refugees in t he Near East (UNRWA), and as of 2010 number 4.7 million people.[184]
Bet ween 350,000 and 400,000 Palest inians were displaced during t he 1967 Arab–Israeli
war.[182] A t hird of t he refugees live in recognized refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, t he
West Bank and t he Gaza St rip. The remainder live in and around t he cit ies and t owns of t hese
host count ries.[181]

Most of t hese people were born out side Israel, but are descendant s of original Palest inian
refugees.[181] Palest inian negot iat ors, such as Yasser Arafat , have so far publicly insist ed t hat
refugees have a right t o ret urn t o t he places where t hey lived before 1948 and 1967, including
t hose wit hin t he 1949 Armist ice lines, cit ing t he Universal Declarat ion of Human Right s and UN
General Assembly Resolut ion 194 as evidence. However, according t o report s of privat e
peace negot iat ions wit h Israel t hey have count enanced t he ret urn of only 10,000 refugees
and t heir families t o Israel as part of a peace set t lement . Mahmoud Abbas, t he current
Chairman of t he Palest ine Liberat ion Organizat ion was report ed t o have said in privat e
discussion t hat it is "illogical t o ask Israel t o t ake 5 million, or indeed 1 million. That would
mean t he end of Israel."[185] In a furt her int erview Abbas st at ed t hat he no longer had an
aut omat ic right t o ret urn t o Safed in t he nort hern Galilee where he was born in 1935. He lat er
clarified t hat t he remark was his personal opinion and not official policy.[186]

Palest inian and int ernat ional aut hors have just ified t he right of ret urn of t he Palest inian
refugees on several grounds:[187][188][189] Several scholars included in t he broader New
Hist orians argue t hat t he Palest inian refugees fled or were chased out or expelled by t he
act ions of t he Haganah, Lehi and Irgun, Zionist paramilit ary groups.[190][191] A number have also
charact erized t his as an et hnic cleansing.[192][193][194][195] The New Hist orians cit e indicat ions
of Arab leaders' desire for t he Palest inian Arab populat ion t o st ay put .[196]

Home in Balata refugee

camp demolished during the
second Intifada, 2002

The Israeli Law of Ret urn t hat grant s cit izenship t o people of Jewish descent is viewed by
crit ics as discriminat ory against ot her et hnic groups, especially Palest inians t hat cannot apply
for such cit izenship under t he law of ret urn, t o t he t errit ory which t hey were expelled from or
fled during t he course of t he 1948 war.[197][198][199]

According t o t he UN Resolut ion 194, adopt ed in 1948, "t he refugees wishing t o ret urn t o t heir
homes and live at peace wit h t heir neighbours should be permit t ed t o do so at t he earliest
pract icable dat e, and t hat compensat ion should be paid for t he propert y of t hose choosing
not t o ret urn and for loss of or damage t o propert y which, under principles of int ernat ional law
or in equit y, should be made good by t he Government s or aut horit ies responsible."[200] UN
Resolut ion 3236 "reaffirms also t he inalienable right of t he Palest inians t o ret urn t o t heir
homes and propert y from which t hey have been displaced and uproot ed, and calls for t heir
ret urn".[201] Resolut ion 242 from t he UN affirms t he necessit y for "achieving a just set t lement
of t he refugee problem"; however, Resolut ion 242 does not specify t hat t he "just set t lement "
must or should be in t he form of a lit eral Palest inian right of ret urn.[202]

The most common argument s for opposit ion are:

1. On the 18 August 1948, at the United

Nations Security Council, Israel
declared that it is not reasonable to
contemplate a return of the
refugees as the Arab League and
the Arab High Committee have
announced their intentions to
continue their war of aggression and
resume hostilities, noting that the
state of war has not been lifted and
that no peace treaty has been
signed. However, Israel accepted
the next year the return of some of
 the refugees, notably through the
annexation of the Gaza Strip or by
absorbing 100.000 of them in
exchange of a peace treaty. The
Arab countries refused the proposal,
demanding a complete return.[203]
2. The Palestinian refugee issue is
handled by a separate authority
from that handling other refugees,
that is, by UNRWA and not the
UNHCR. Most of the people
recognizing themselves as
Palestinian refugees would have
otherwise been assimilated into
their country of current residency,
and would not maintain their
 refugee state if not for the separate
entities.[204]
3. Concerning the origin of the
Palestinian refugees, the Israeli
government said that during the
1948 War the Arab Higher
Committee and the Arab states
encouraged Palestinians to flee in
order to make it easier to rout the
Jewish state or that they did so to
escape the fights by fear. The
Palestinian narrative is that refugees
were largely expelled and
dispossessed by Jewish militias
and by the Israeli army.
Hist orians st ill debat e t he causes of t he 1948 Palest inian exodus. Not ably, hist orian Benny
Morris st at es t hat most of Palest ine's 700,000 refugees fled because of t he "flail of war" and
expect ed t o ret urn home short ly aft er a successful Arab invasion. He document s inst ances in
which Arab leaders advised t he evacuat ion of ent ire communit ies as happened in Haifa. In his
scholarly work, however, he does conclude t hat t here were expulsions which were carried
out .[205][206] In his lat er work, Morris considers t he displacement t he result of a nat ional
conflict init iat ed by t he Arabs t hemselves.[206] In a 2004 int erview wit h Haaret z, he described
t he exodus as largely result ing from an at mosphere of t ransfer t hat was promot ed by Ben-
Gurion and underst ood by t he milit ary leadership. He also claimed t hat t here "are
circumst ances in hist ory t hat just ify et hnic cleansing".[207] He has been crit icized by polit ical
scient ist Norman Finkelst ein for having seemingly changed his views for polit ical, rat her t han
hist orical, reasons.[208]

Since Jewish people who fled or ot herwise emigrat ed from t he Arab world aft er t he Israeli
declarat ion of independence were never compensat ed or repat riat ed by t heir former
count ries of residence—t o no object ion on t he part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been
set whereby it is t he responsibilit y of t he nat ion which accept s t he refugees t o assimilat e
t hem.[209][210][211]

Shatila refugee camp on the outskirts

of Beirut in May 2019

Alt hough Israel accept s t he right of t he Palest inian Diaspora t o ret urn int o a new Palest inian
st at e, Israel insist s t hat t he ret urn of t his populat ion int o t he current st at e of Israel would be
a great danger for t he st abilit y of t he Jewish st at e; an influx of Palest inian refugees would
lead t o t he dest ruct ion of t he st at e of Israel.[212]

Efraim Karsh believes Palest inians were t hemselves t he aggressors in t he 1948 war and
at t empt ed t o "cleanse" a neighboring et hnic communit y. He argues t he Unit ed Nat ions
part it ion plan was forcefully subvert ed by t he Arab world t o creat e t he refugee problem in
t he first place, cit ing large numbers of Palest inian refugees leaving even before t he out break
of t he war due t o disillusionment and economic privat ion. The Brit ish High Commissioner for
Palest ine spoke of t he "collapsing Arab morale in Palest ine" t hat he part ially at t ribut ed t o t he
"increasing t endency of t hose who should be leading t hem t o leave t he count ry". Huge
numbers of Palest inians were also expelled by t heir leadership t o prevent t hem from
becoming Israeli cit izens, and in Haifa and Tiberias t ens of t housands were forcibly evacuat ed
on t he inst ruct ions of t he Arab Higher Commit t ee.[213]
Israeli security concerns

Remains of an Egged bus hit by

suicide bomber in the aftermath of
the 2011 southern Israel cross-border
attacks. Eight people were killed,
about 40 were injured.

Throughout t he conflict , Palest inian violence has been a concern for Israelis. Israel,[214] along
wit h t he Unit ed St at es[215] and t he European Union, refer t o t he violence against Israeli
civilians and milit ary forces by Palest inian milit ant s as t errorism. The mot ivat ions behind
Palest inian violence against Israeli civilians are many, and not all violent Palest inian groups
agree wit h each ot her on specifics. Nonet heless, a common mot ive is t he desire t o dest roy
Israel and replace it wit h a Palest inian Arab st at e.[216] The most prominent Islamist groups,
such as Hamas and Palest inian Islamic Jihad, view t he Israeli–Palest inian conflict as a religious
jihad.[217]

Suicide bombings have been used as a t act ic among Palest inian organizat ions like Hamas,
Islamic Jihad, and t he Al-Aqsa Mart yrs Brigade and cert ain suicide at t acks have received
support among Palest inians as high as 84%.[218][219] In Israel, Palest inian suicide bombers have
t arget ed civilian buses, rest aurant s, shopping malls, hot els and market places.[220] From 1993
t o 2003, 303 Palest inian suicide bombers at t acked Israel.

The Israeli government init iat ed t he const ruct ion of a securit y barrier following scores of
suicide bombings and t errorist at t acks in July 2003. Israel's coalit ion government approved
t he securit y barrier in t he nort hern part of t he green line bet ween Israel and t he West Bank.
According t o t he IDF, since t he erect ion of t he fence, t errorist act s have declined by
approximat ely 90%.[221]

Since 2001, t he t hreat of Qassam rocket s fired from Palest inian t errit ories int o Israel
cont inues t o be of great concern for Israeli defense officials.[222] In 2006—t he year following
Israel's disengagement from t he Gaza St rip—t he Israeli government claimed t o have recorded
1,726 such launches, more t han four t imes t he t ot al rocket s fired in 2005.[214][223] As of
January 2009, over 8,600 rocket s have been launched,[224][225] causing widespread
psychological t rauma and disrupt ion of daily life.[226] Over 500 rocket s and mort ars hit Israel in
January–Sept ember 2010 and over 1,947 rocket s hit Israel in January–November 2012.

According t o a st udy conduct ed by Universit y of Haifa, one in five Israelis have lost a relat ive
or friend in a Palest inian t errorist at t ack.[227]

There is significant debat e wit hin Israel about how t o deal wit h t he count ry's securit y
concerns. Opt ions have included milit ary act ion (including t arget ed killings and house
demolit ions of t errorist operat ives), diplomacy, unilat eral gest ures t oward peace, and
increased securit y measures such as checkpoint s, roadblocks and securit y barriers. The
legalit y and t he wisdom of all of t he above t act ics have been called int o quest ion by various
comment at ors.[35]

Since mid-June 2007, Israel's primary means of dealing wit h securit y concerns in t he West
Bank has been t o cooperat e wit h and permit Unit ed St at es-sponsored t raining, equipping, and
funding of t he Palest inian Aut horit y's securit y forces, which wit h Israeli help have largely
succeeded in quelling West Bank support ers of Hamas.[228]

Palestinian violence outside of Israel

Some Palest inians have commit t ed violent act s over t he globe on t he pret ext of a st ruggle
against Israel.[229][230]

During t he lat e 1960s, t he PLO became increasingly infamous for it s use of int ernat ional
t error. In 1969 alone, t he PLO was responsible for hijacking 82 planes. El Al Airlines became a
regular hijacking t arget .[231][232] The hijacking of Air France Flight 139 by t he Popular Front for
t he Liberat ion of Palest ine culminat ed during a host age-rescue mission, where Israeli special
forces successfully rescued t he majorit y of t he host ages.

However, one of t he most well-known and not orious t errorist act s was t he capt ure and
event ual murder of 11 Israeli at hlet es during t he 1972 Olympic Games.[233]
Palestinian-on-Palestinian violence

A demonstration in support of Fatah

in Gaza City in January 2013

Fight ing among rival Palest inian and Arab movement s has played a crucial role in shaping
Israel's securit y policy t owards Palest inian milit ant s, as well as in t he Palest inian leadership's
own policies. As early as t he 1930s revolt s in Palest ine, Arab forces fought each ot her while
also skirmishing wit h Zionist and Brit ish forces, and int ernal conflict s cont inue t o t he present
day. During t he Lebanese Civil War, Palest inian baat hist s broke from t he Palest ine Liberat ion
Organizat ion and allied wit h t he Shia Amal Movement , fight ing a bloody civil war t hat killed
t housands of Palest inians.[234][235]

In t he First Int ifada, more t han a t housand Palest inians were killed in a campaign init iat ed by
t he Palest ine Liberat ion Organizat ion t o crack down on suspect ed Israeli securit y service
informers and collaborat ors. The Palest inian Aut horit y was st rongly crit icized for it s
t reat ment of alleged collaborat ors, right s groups complaining t hat t hose labeled
collaborat ors were denied fair t rials. According t o a report released by t he Palest inian Human
Right s Monit oring Group, less t han 45 percent of t hose killed were act ually guilt y of informing
for Israel.[236]

In t he Gaza St rip, Hamas officials have t ort ured and killed t housands of Fat ah members and
ot her Palest inians who oppose t heir rule. During t he Bat t le of Gaza, more t han 150
Palest inians died over a four-day period.[237] The violence among Palest inians was described
as a civil war by some comment at ors. By 2007, more t han 600 Palest inian people had died
during t he st ruggle bet ween Hamas and Fat ah.[238]
Overriding authority and
international status

Area C, controlled by Israel under Oslo

Accords, in blue and red, in December
2011

As far as Israel is concerned, t he jurisdict ion of t he Palest inian Aut horit y is derived from t he
Oslo Accords, signed wit h t he PLO, under which it acquired cont rol over cit ies in t he
Palest inian t errit ories (Area A) while t he surrounding count ryside came eit her under Israeli
securit y and Palest inian civil administ rat ion (Area B) or complet e Israeli civil administ rat ion
(Area C). Israel has built addit ional highways t o allow Israelis t o t raverse t he area wit hout
ent ering Palest inian cit ies in Area A. The init ial areas under Palest inian Aut horit y cont rol are
diverse and non-cont iguous. The areas have changed over t ime by subsequent negot iat ions,
including Oslo II, Wye River and Sharm el-Sheik. According t o Palest inians, t he separat ed areas
make it impossible t o creat e a viable nat ion and fails t o address Palest inian securit y needs;
Israel has expressed no agreement t o wit hdrawal from some Areas B, result ing in no reduct ion
in t he division of t he Palest inian areas, and t he inst it ut ion of a safe pass syst em, wit hout
Israeli checkpoint s, bet ween t hese part s.

Under t he Oslo Accords, as a securit y measure, Israel has insist ed on it s cont rol over all land,
sea and air border crossings int o t he Palest inian t errit ories, and t he right t o set import and
export cont rols. This is t o enable Israel t o cont rol t he ent ry int o t he t errit ories of mat erials of
milit ary significance and of pot ent ially dangerous persons.
The PLO's object ive for int ernat ional recognit ion of t he St at e of Palest ine is considered by
Israel as a provocat ive "unilat eral" act t hat is inconsist ent wit h t he Oslo Accords.

Water resources
In t he Middle East , wat er resources are of great polit ical concern. Since Israel receives much
of it s wat er from t wo large underground aquifers which cont inue under t he Green Line, t he use
of t his wat er has been cont ent ious in t he Israeli–Palest inian conflict . Israel wit hdraws most
wat er from t hese areas, but it also supplies t he West Bank wit h approximat ely 40 million
cubic met res annually, cont ribut ing t o 77% of Palest inians' wat er supply in t he West Bank,
which is t o be shared for a populat ion of about 2.6 million.[239]

Palestinian villagers purchase water

from water trucks in Khirbet A-
Duqaiqah in the Hebron Hills

A swimming pool in the Israeli

settlement of Ma'ale Adumim, West
Bank

While Israel's consumpt ion of t his wat er has decreased since it began it s occupat ion of t he
West Bank, it st ill consumes t he majorit y of it : in t he 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of t he
wat er out put of t he West ern Aquifer, and 82% of t hat produced by t he Nort heast ern Aquifer.
Alt hough t his wat er was drawn ent irely on Israel's own side of t he pre-1967 border, t he
sources of t he wat er are nevert heless from t he shared groundwat er basins locat ed under
bot h West Bank and Israel.[240]

In t he Oslo II Accord, bot h sides agreed t o maint ain "exist ing quant it ies of ut ilizat ion from t he
resources." In so doing, t he Palest inian Aut horit y est ablished t he legalit y of Israeli wat er
product ion in t he West Bank, subject t o a Joint Wat er Commit t ee (JWC). Moreover, Israel
obligat ed it self in t his agreement t o provide wat er t o supplement Palest inian product ion, and
furt her agreed t o allow addit ional Palest inian drilling in t he East ern Aquifer, also subject t o t he
Joint Wat er Commit t ee.[241][242] The wat er t hat Israel receives comes mainly from t he Jordan
River syst em, t he Sea of Galilee and t wo underground sources. According t o a 2003 BBC
art icle t he Palest inians lack access t o t he Jordan River syst em.[243]

According t o a report of 2008 by t he Food and Agricult ure Organizat ion of t he Unit ed Nat ions,
wat er resources were confiscat ed for t he benefit of t he Israeli set t lement s in t he Ghor.
Palest inian irrigat ion pumps on t he Jordan River were dest royed or confiscat ed aft er t he
1967 war and Palest inians were not allowed t o use wat er from t he Jordan River syst em.
Furt hermore, t he aut horit ies did not allow any new irrigat ion wells t o be drilled by Palest inian
farmers, while it provided fresh wat er and allowed drilling wells for irrigat ion purposes at t he
Jewish set t lement s in t he West Bank and Gaza St rip.[244]

A report was released by t he UN in August 2012 and Max Gaylard, t he UN Resident and
Humanit arian Coordinat or in t he occupied Palest inian t errit ory, explained at t he launch of t he
publicat ion: "Gaza will have half a million more people by 2020 while it s economy will grow only
slowly. In consequence, t he people of Gaza will have an even harder t ime get t ing enough
drinking wat er and elect ricit y, or sending t heir children t o school". Gaylard present alongside
Jean Gough, of t he UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), and Robert Turner, of t he UN Relief and
Works Agency for Palest inian Refugees in t he Near East (UNRWA). The report project s t hat
Gaza's populat ion will increase from 1.6 million people t o 2.1 million people in 2020, leading t o
a densit y of more t han 5,800 people per square kilomet re.[245]

Future and financing

Numerous foreign nat ions and int ernat ional organizat ions have est ablished bilat eral
agreement s wit h t he Palest inian and Israeli wat er aut horit ies. It was est imat ed t hat a fut ure
invest ment of about US$1.1bn for t he West Bank and $0.8bn for t he Gaza St rip Sout hern
Governorat es was needed for t he planning period from 2003 t o 2015.[246]

In lat e 2012, a donat ion of $21.6 million was announced by t he Government of t he

Net herlands—t he Dut ch government st at ed t hat t he funds would be provided t o t he UN
Relief and Works Agency for Palest inian Refugees in t he Near East (UNRWA), for t he specific
benefit of Palest inian children. An art icle, published by t he UN News websit e, st at ed t hat : "Of
t he $21.6 million, $5.7 will be allocat ed t o UNRWA's 2012 Emergency Appeal for t he occupied
Palest inian t errit ory, which will support programmes in t he West Bank and Gaza aiming t o
mit igat e t he effect s on refugees of t he det eriorat ing sit uat ion t hey face."[245]

Israeli occupation of the West Bank

Protest against land confiscation held

at Bil'in, 2011

Occupied Palestinian Territory is t he t erm used by t he Unit ed Nat ions t o refer t o t he West
Bank, including East Jerusalem, and t he Gaza St rip—t errit ories which were capt ured by Israel
during t he 1967 Six-Day War, having formerly been cont rolled by Egypt and Jordan.[247]

In 1980, Israel annexed East Jerusalem.[248] Israel has never annexed t he West Bank, apart
from East Jerusalem, or Gaza St rip, and t he Unit ed Nat ions has demanded t he "[t ]erminat ion
of all claims or st at es of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgment of t he
sovereignt y, t errit orial int egrit y and polit ical independence of every St at e in t he area and t heir
right t o live in peace wit hin secure and recognized boundaries free from t hreat s or act s of
force" and t hat Israeli forces wit hdraw "from t errit ories occupied in t he recent conflict " – t he
meaning and int ent of t he lat t er phrase is disput ed. See Int erpret at ions.

It has been t he posit ion of Israel t hat t he most Arab-populat ed part s of West Bank (wit hout
major Jewish set t lement s), as well as t he ent ire Gaza St rip, must event ually be part of an
independent Palest inian St at e; however, t he precise borders of t his st at e are in quest ion. At
Camp David, for example, t hen-Israeli Prime Minist er Ehud Barak offered Arafat an opport unit y
t o est ablish a non-milit arized Palest inian St at e. The proposed st at e would consist of 77% of
t he West Bank split int o t wo or t hree areas, followed by: an increase of 86–91% of t he West
Bank aft er six t o t went y-one years; aut onomy, but not sovereignt y for some of t he Arab
neighborhoods of East Jerusalem surrounded by Israeli t errit ory; t he ent ire Gaza St rip; and t he
dismant ling of most set t lement s.[102] Arafat reject ed t he proposal wit hout providing a
count er-offer.

A subsequent set t lement proposed by President Clint on offered Palest inian sovereignt y over
94 t o 96 percent of t he West Bank but was similarly reject ed wit h 52 object ions.[103][249][250]
The Arab League has agreed t o t he principle of minor and mut ually agreed land-swaps as part
of a negot iat ed t wo st at e set t lement based in June 1967 borders.[251] Official U.S. policy also
reflect s t he ideal of using t he 1967 borders as a basis for an event ual peace
agreement .[252][253]

Some Palest inians say t hey are ent it led t o all of t he West Bank, Gaza St rip, and East
Jerusalem. Israel says it is just ified in not ceding all t his land, because of securit y concerns,
and also because t he lack of any valid diplomat ic agreement at t he t ime means t hat
ownership and boundaries of t his land is open for discussion.[254] Palest inians claim any
reduct ion of t his claim is a severe deprivat ion of t heir right s. In negot iat ions, t hey claim t hat
any moves t o reduce t he boundaries of t his land is a host ile move against t heir key int erest s.
Israel considers t his land t o be in disput e and feels t he purpose of negot iat ions is t o define
what t he final borders will be. In 2017 Hamas announced t hat it was ready t o support a
Palest inian st at e on t he 1967 borders "wit hout recognising Israel or ceding any right s".[255]
Hamas has previously viewed t he peace process "as religiously forbidden and polit ically
inconceivable".[217]

Israeli settlements

A neighbourhood in the settlement of Ariel in

the Israeli occupied West Bank, which is
home to the Ariel University

According t o t he Arizona Depart ment of Emergency and Milit ary Affairs (DEMA), "In t he years
following t he Six-Day War, and especially in t he 1990s during t he peace process, Israel re-
est ablished communit ies dest royed in 1929 and 1948 as well as est ablished numerous new
set t lement s in t he West Bank."[256] These set t lement s were, as of 2009, home t o about
301,000 people.[257] DEMA added, "Most of t he set t lement s are in t he west ern part s of t he
West Bank, while ot hers are deep int o Palest inian t errit ory, overlooking Palest inian cit ies.
These set t lement s have been t he sit e of much int er-communal conflict ."[256] The issue of
Israeli set t lement s in t he West Bank and, unt il 2005, t he Gaza St rip, have been described by
t he UK[258] and t he WEU[259] as an obst acle t o t he peace process. The Unit ed Nat ions and t he
European Union have also called t he set t lement s "illegal under int ernat ional law."[260][261]

However, Israel disput es t his;[262] several scholars and comment at ors disagree wit h t he
assessment t hat set t lement s are illegal, cit ing in 2005 recent hist orical t rends t o back up
t heir argument .[263][264] Those who just ify t he legalit y of t he set t lement s use argument s
based upon Art icles 2 and 49 of t he Fourt h Geneva Convent ion, as well as UN Securit y Council
Resolut ion 242.[265] On a pract ical level, some object ions voiced by Palest inians are t hat
set t lement s divert resources needed by Palest inian t owns, such as arable land, wat er, and
ot her resources; and, t hat set t lement s reduce Palest inians' abilit y t o t ravel freely via local
roads, owing t o securit y considerat ions.

Former US President George W. Bush has st at ed t hat he does not expect Israel t o ret urn
ent irely t o t he 1949 armist ice lines because of "new realit ies on t he ground".[266] One of t he
main compromise plans put fort h by t he Clint on Administ rat ion would have allowed Israel t o
keep some set t lement s in t he West Bank, especially t hose which were in large blocs near t he
pre-1967 borders of Israel. In ret urn, Palest inians would have received some concessions of
land in ot her part s of t he count ry. The Obama administ rat ion viewed a complet e freeze of
const ruct ion in set t lement s on t he West Bank as a crit ical st ep t oward peace. In May and
June 2009, President Barack Obama said, "The Unit ed St at es does not accept t he legit imacy
of cont inued Israeli set t lement s",[267] and t he Secret ary of St at e, Hillary Clint on, st at ed t hat
t he President "want s t o see a st op t o set t lement s—not some set t lement s, not out post s,
not 'nat ural growt h' except ions."[268] However, Obama has since declared t hat t he Unit ed
St at es will no longer press Israel t o st op West Bank set t lement const ruct ion as a
precondit ion for cont inued peace-process negot iat ions wit h t he Palest inian Aut horit y.[269]

As of 2023, t here were about 500,000 Israeli set t lers living in t he West Bank, wit h anot her
200,000 living in East Jerusalem.[270][271][272] In February 2023, Israel's Finance Minist er Bezalel
Smot rich t ook charge of most of t he Civil Administ rat ion, obt aining broad aut horit y over
civilian issues in t he West Bank.[273][274] In t he first six mont hs of 2023, 13,000 housing unit s
were built in set t lement s, which is almost t hree t imes more t han in t he whole of 2022.[275]
Blockade of the Gaza Strip

Israel's attack on Gaza in 2009

The Israeli government st at es it is just ified under int ernat ional law t o impose a blockade on an
enemy for securit y reasons. The power t o impose a naval blockade is est ablished under
cust omary int ernat ional law and Laws of armed conflict , and a Unit ed Nat ions commission has
ruled t hat Israel's blockade is "bot h legal and appropriat e."[276][277] The Israeli Government 's
cont inued land, sea and air blockage is t ant amount t o collect ive punishment of t he
populat ion, according t o t he Unit ed Nat ions Office for t he Coordinat ion of Humanit arian
Affairs.[278] The Milit ary Advocat e General of Israel has provided numerous reasonings for t he
policy:

The State of Israel has been engaged in an ongoing armed conflict

with terrorist organizations operating in the Gaza strip. This armed
conflict has intensified after Hamas violently took over Gaza, in
June 2007, and turned the territory under its de facto control into a
launching pad of mortar and rocket attacks against Israeli towns
and villages in southern Israel.[279]

According t o Oxfam, because of an import -export ban imposed on Gaza in 2007, 95% of
Gaza's indust rial operat ions were suspended. Out of 35,000 people employed by 3,900
fact ories in June 2005, only 1,750 people remained employed by 195 fact ories in June
2007.[280] By 2010, Gaza's unemployment rat e had risen t o 40% wit h 80% of t he populat ion
living on less t han 2 dollars a day.[281]

In January 2008, t he Israeli government calculat ed how many calories per person were
needed t o prevent a humanit arian crisis in t he Gaza st rip, and t hen subt ract ed eight percent t o
adjust for t he "cult ure and experience" of t he Gazans. Det ails of t he calculat ions were
released following Israeli human right s organizat ion Gisha's applicat ion t o t he high court .
Israel's Coordinat or of Government Act ivit ies in t he Territ ories, who draft ed t he plan, st at ed
t hat t he scheme was never formally adopt ed, t his was not accept ed by Gisha.[282][283][284]

St art ing in February 2008, t he Israeli Government reduced t he elect ricit y it sells direct ly t o
Gaza. This follows t he ruling of Israel's High Court of Just ice's decision, which held, wit h
respect t o t he amount of indust rial fuel supplied t o Gaza, t hat , "The clarificat ion t hat we
made indicat es t hat t he supply of indust rial diesel fuel t o t he Gaza St rip in t he wint er mont hs
of last year was comparable t o t he amount t hat t he Respondent s now undert ake t o allow
int o t he Gaza St rip. This fact also indicat es t hat t he amount is reasonable and sufficient t o
meet t he vit al humanit arian needs in t he Gaza St rip." Palest inian milit ant s killed t wo Israelis in
t he process of delivering fuel t o t he Nahal Oz fuel depot .[285]

Wit h regard t o Israel's plan, t he Court st at ed t hat , "calls for a reduct ion of five percent of t he
power supply in t hree of t he t en power lines t hat supply elect ricit y from Israel t o t he Gaza
St rip, t o a level of 13.5 megawat t s in t wo of t he lines and 12.5 megawat t s in t he t hird line, we
[t he Court ] were convinced t hat t his reduct ion does not breach t he humanit arian obligat ions
imposed on t he St at e of Israel in t he framework of t he armed conflict being waged bet ween
it and t he Hamas organizat ion t hat cont rols t he Gaza St rip. Our conclusion is based, in part , on
t he affidavit of t he Respondent s indicat ing t hat t he relevant Palest inian officials st at ed t hat
t hey can reduce t he load in t he event limit at ions are placed on t he power lines, and t hat t hey
had used t his capabilit y in t he past ."

On 20 June 2010, Israel's Securit y Cabinet approved a new syst em governing t he blockade
t hat would allow pract ically all non-milit ary or dual-use it ems t o ent er t he Gaza st rip.
According t o a cabinet st at ement , Israel would "expand t he t ransfer of const ruct ion
mat erials designat ed for project s t hat have been approved by t he Palest inian Aut horit y,
including schools, healt h inst it ut ions, wat er, sanit at ion and more – as well as (project s) t hat
are under int ernat ional supervision."[286] Despit e t he easing of t he land blockade, Israel will
cont inue t o inspect all goods bound for Gaza by sea at t he port of Ashdod.[287]
 Palestinian protesters in the Gaza
Strip during the 2023 Israel–Hamas
war

Prior t o a Gaza visit , scheduled for April 2013, Turkey's Prime Minist er Recep Tayyip Erdogan
explained t o Turkish newspaper Hürriyet t hat t he fulfilment of t hree condit ions by Israel was
necessary for friendly relat ions t o resume bet ween Turkey and Israel: an apology for t he May
2010 Gaza flot illa raid (Prime Minist er Net anyahu had delivered an apology t o Erdogan by
t elephone on 22 March 2013), t he awarding of compensat ion t o t he families affect ed by t he
raid, and t he lift ing of t he Gaza blockade by Israel. The Turkish prime minist er also explained in
t he Hürriyet int erview, in relat ion t o t he April 2013 Gaza visit , "We will monit or t he sit uat ion t o
see if t he promises are kept or not ."[288] At t he same t ime, Net anyahu affirmed t hat Israel
would only consider exploring t he removal of t he Gaza blockade if peace ("quiet ") is achieved
in t he area.[289]

On 9 Oct ober 2023, Israel declared war on Hamas and t ight ened it s blockade of t he Gaza
St rip.[290] Israeli Defense Minist er Yoav Gallant declared, "There will be no elect ricit y, no food,
no fuel, everyt hing is closed. We are fight ing human animals and we are act ing
accordingly."[291][292]

Agricultural rights
Since t he beginning of t he Israeli–Palest inian conflict , t he conflict has been about land.[293]
When Israel became a st at e aft er t he war in 1948, 77% of Palest ine's land was used for t he
creat ion on t he st at e.[294] The majorit y of t hose living in Palest ine at t he t ime became
refugees in ot her count ries and t his first land crisis became t he root of t he Israeli–Palest inian
conflict .[295] Because t he root of t he conflict is wit h land, t he disput es bet ween Israel and
Palest ine are well-manifest ed in t he agricult ure of Palest ine.

In Palest ine, agricult ure is a mainst ay in t he economy. The product ion of agricult ural goods
support s t he populat ion's sust enance needs and fuels Palest ine's export economy.[296]
According t o t he Council for European Palest inian Relat ions, t he agricult ural sect or formally
employs 13.4% of t he populat ion and informally employs 90% of t he populat ion.[296] Over t he
past 10 years, unemployment rat es in Palest ine have increased and t he agricult ural sect or
became t he most impoverished sect or in Palest ine. Unemployment rat es peaked in 2008
when t hey reached 41% in Gaza.[297]

Palest inian agricult ure suffers from numerous problems including Israeli milit ary and civilian
at t acks on farms and farmers, blockades t o export at ion of produce and import at ion of
necessary input s, widespread confiscat ion of land for nat ure reserves as well as milit ary and
set t ler use, confiscat ion and dest ruct ion of wells, and physical barriers wit hin t he West
Bank.[298]

Israel's West Bank barrier

The barrier between Israel and

Palestine

Wit h t he const ruct ion of t he separat ion barrier, t he Israeli st at e promised free movement
across regions. However, border closures, curfews, and checkpoint s has significant ly
rest rict ed Palest inian movement .[299] In 2012, t here were 99 fixed check point s and 310 flying
checkpoint s.[300] The border rest rict ions impact ed t he import s and export s in Palest ine and
weakened t he indust rial and agricult ural sect ors because of t he const ant Israeli cont rol in t he
West Bank and Gaza.[301] In order for t he Palest inian economy t o be prosperous, t he
rest rict ions on Palest inian land must be removed.[298] According t o The Guardian and a report
for World Bank, t he Palest inian economy lost $3.4bn (%35 of t he annual GDP) t o Israeli
rest rict ions in t he West Bank alone.[302]
Economic disputes and boycotts
In Gaza, t he agricult ural market suffers from economic boycot t s and border closures and
rest rict ions placed by Israel.[303] The PA's Minist er of Agricult ure est imat es t hat around
US$1.2 billion were lost in Sept ember 2006 because of t hese securit y measures. There has
also been an economic embargo init iat ed by t he west on Hamas-led Palest ine, which has
decreased t he amount of import s and export s from Palest ine. This embargo was brought on
by Hamas' refusal t o recognize Israel's right t o st at ehood. s a result , t he PA's 160,000
employees have not received t heir salaries in over one year.[304]

Actions toward stabilizing

the conflict
In response t o a weakening t rend in Palest inian violence and growing economic and securit y
cooperat ion bet ween Israel and t he Palest inian Aut horit y, t he Israeli milit ary removed over
120 check point s in 2010 and planned on disengaging from major Palest inian populat ion areas.
According t o t he IDF, t errorist act ivit y in t he West Bank decreased by 97% compared t o
violence in 2002.[305]

PA–Israel effort s in t he West Bank have "significant ly increased invest or confidence", and t he
Palest inian economy grew 6.8% in 2009.[306][307][308][309]

Since t he Second Int ifada, Israel has banned Jewish Israelis from ent ering Palest inian cit ies.
However, Israeli Arabs are allowed t o ent er West Bank cit ies on weekends.

The Palest inian Aut horit y has pet it ioned t he Israeli milit ary t o allow Jewish t ourist s t o visit
West Bank cit ies as "part of an effort " t o improve t he Palest inian economy. Israeli general Avi
Mizrahi spoke wit h Palest inian securit y officers while t ouring malls and soccer fields in t he
West Bank. Mizrahi gave permission t o allow Israeli t our guides int o Bet hlehem, a move
int ended t o "cont ribut e t o t he Palest inian and Israeli economies."[310]
Mutual recognition

Between Israel and the PLO

Beginning in 1993 wit h t he Oslo peace process, Israel recognizes "t he PLO as t he
represent at ive of t he Palest inian people", t hough Israel does not recognize t he St at e of
Palest ine.[311] In ret urn, it was agreed t hat Palest inians would promot e peaceful co-
exist ence, renounce violence and promot e recognit ion of Israel among t heir own people.
Despit e Yasser Arafat 's official renunciat ion of t errorism and recognit ion of Israel, some
Palest inian groups cont inue t o pract ice and advocat e violence against civilians and do not
recognize Israel as a legit imat e polit ical ent it y.[52][312] Palest inians st at e t hat t heir abilit y t o
spread accept ance of Israel was great ly hampered by Israeli rest rict ions on Palest inian
polit ical freedoms, economic freedoms, civil libert ies, and qualit y of life.

Of Israel as a Jewish state

The Palest inian president Mahmoud Abbas has in recent years refused t o recognize Israel as
a Jewish st at e, cit ing concerns for Israeli Arabs and a possible fut ure right t o ret urn for
Palest inian refugees, t hough Palest ine cont inues t o recognize Israel as a st at e.[313][314]

The leader of al-Aqsa Mart yrs' Brigades, which is Fat ah's official milit ary wing, has st at ed t hat
any peace agreement must include t he right of ret urn of Palest inian refugees int o lands now
part of Israel, which some Israeli comment ers view as "dest roying t he Jewish st at e".[315] In
2006, Hamas won a majorit y in t he Palest inian Legislat ive Council, where it remains t he
majorit y part y. Hamas' chart er openly st at es t hey seek Israel's dest ruct ion, t hough Hamas
leaders have spoken of long-t erm t ruces wit h Israel in exchange for an end t o t he occupat ion
of Palest inian t errit ory.[312][316]
Palestinian government

Palestinian enclaves in May 2023 (Area

A and B under the Oslo II Accord).
Area A (light yellow) is exclusively
administered by the Fatah-controlled
Palestinian Authority.

The Palest inian Aut horit y is considered corrupt by a wide variet y of sources, including some
Palest inians.[317][318][319] Some Israelis argue t hat it provides t acit support for milit ant s via it s
relat ionship wit h Hamas and ot her Islamic milit ant movement s, and t hat t herefore it is
unsuit able for governing any put at ive Palest inian st at e or (especially according t o t he right
wing of Israeli polit ics), even negot iat ing about t he charact er of such a st at e.[254] Because of
t hat , a number of organizat ions, including t he previously ruling Likud part y, declared t hey would
not accept a Palest inian st at e based on t he current PA.

Palestinian security apparatus

St art ing in 2006, t he Unit ed St at es began t raining, equipping, and funding t he Palest inian
Aut horit y's securit y forces, which had been cooperat ing wit h Israel at unprecedent ed levels in
t he West Bank t o quell support ers of Hamas.[228] The US government has spent over $500
million building and t raining t he Palest inian Nat ional Securit y Forces and President ial Guard.[228]
The IDF maint ains t hat t he US-t rained forces will soon be capable of "overrunning small IDF
out post s and isolat ed Israeli communit ies" in t he event of a conflict .[320]
Views on dialogue versus violence
Societ al at t it udes in bot h Israel and Palest ine are a source of concern t o t hose promot ing
disput e resolut ion.

According t o a June 2022 poll carried out by t he Palest inian Cent er for Policy and Survey
Research t hat asked Palest inians from t he Gaza St rip and t he West Bank including East
Jerusalem, "which of t he following means is t he most effect ive means of ending t he Israeli
occupat ion and building an independent st at e", 50% support ed "armed st ruggle", 22% favored
negot iat ions unt il an agreement could be reached, and 21% support ed non-violent popular
resist ance.[39] 59% of respondent s cit e t he armed at t ack inside Israel carried out by
Palest inians unaffiliat ed wit h known armed groups as cont ribut ing t o ending t he occupat ion;
37% disagree. Resident s of t he Gaza St rip, yout h, st udent s, low-income workers, public
sect or employees, and Hamas support ers are more likely t o believe t hat armed at t acks
cont ribut e t o t he nat ional int erest .[39] An uncondit ional resumpt ion of Palest inian-Israeli
negot iat ions is opposed by 69% of Palest inians and support ed by 22%. A ret urn t o dialogue
wit h t he new US administ rat ion under Joe Biden is opposed by 65% of Palest inians, while 29%
are in favor.[39]

Fatalities
 Bar chart showing Israeli and Palestinian deaths from S eptember 2000 to July
2014

Israeli and Palestinian deaths from 2008 to 2023 (preceding the 2023 Israel–
Hamas war). Of the Palestinian deaths 5,360 were in Gaza, 1,007 in the West
Bank, 37 in Israel. Most were civilians on both sides. [321][322]

A variet y of st udies provide aggregat ed casualt y dat a for t he Israeli–Palest inian conflict .
According t o t he St ockholm Int ernat ional Peace Research Inst it ut e, 13,000 Israelis and
Palest inians were killed in conflict wit h each ot her bet ween 1948 and 1997.[323] Ot her
est imat ions give 14,500 killed bet ween 1948 and 2009.[323][324] Palest inian fat alit ies during
t he 1982 Lebanon War were 2,000 PLO combat ant s killed in armed conflict wit h Israel.[325]

According t o B't selem, during t he first int ifada from 1987 unt il 2000, 1,551 Palest inians and
421 Israelis lost t heir lives.[326] According t o t he dat abase of t he Unit ed Nat ions Office for
t he Coordinat ion of Humanit arian Affairs - occupied Palest inian t errit ory (OCHAoPt ), 6,407
Palest inians and 308 Israelis were killed in t he ongoing Israeli–Palest inian conflict from 2008
t o Sept ember 2023, before t he 2023 Israel–Hamas war.[321][322]

Demographic percentages for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict according to Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs from September 2000 until the end of July 2007.[327]

Belligerent Combatant Civilian Male Female Children Children male Children female

Palest inian 41% 59% 94% 6% 20% 87% 13%

Israeli 31% 69% 69% 31% 12% Not available Not available
Par tial casualty figures for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict from the OCHAoPt[328]
(numbers in parentheses represent casualties under age 18)

Deaths Injuries
Year
Palestinians Israelis Palestinians Israelis

2008[329] 464 (87) 31 (4)

2007 396 (43) 13 (0) 1,843 (265) 322 (3)

2006 678 (127) 25 (2) 3,194 (470) 377 (7)

2005 216 (52) 48 (6) 1,260 (129) 484 (4)

Total 1,754 (309) 117 (12) 6,297 (864) 1,183 (14)

Figures include bot h Israeli civilians and securit y forces casualt ies in West Bank, Gaza and
Israel. All numbers refer t o casualt ies of direct conflict bet ween Israelis and Palest inians
including in IDF milit ary operat ions, art illery shelling, search and arrest campaigns, barrier
demonst rat ions, t arget ed killings, set t ler violence et c. The figures do not include event s
indirect ly relat ed t o t he conflict such as casualt ies from unexploded ordnance, et c., or event s
when t he circumst ances remain unclear or are in disput e. The figures include all report ed
casualt ies of all ages and bot h genders.[328]

Criticism of casualty statistics

As report ed by t he Israeli human right s group B'Tselem, since 29 Sept ember 2000 a t ot al of
7,454 Palest inian and Israeli individuals were killed due t o t he conflict . According t o t he
report , 1,317 of t he 6,371 Palest inians were minors, and at least 2,996 did not part icipat e in
fight ing at t he t ime of deat h. Palest inians killed 1,083 Israelis, including 741 civilians, of whom
124 were minors.[330]

The Israeli-based Int ernat ional Policy Inst it ut e for Count er-Terrorism crit icized t he
met hodology of Israeli and Palest inian right s groups, including B'Tselem, and quest ioned t heir
accuracy in classifying civilian/combat ant rat ios.[331][332]
Landmines and unexploded ordnance
A comprehensive collect ion mechanism t o gat her land mine and explosive remnant s of war
(ERW) casualt y dat a does not exist for t he Palest inian t errit ories.[333] In 2009, t he Unit ed
Nat ions Mine Act ion Cent re report ed t hat more t han 2,500 mine and explosive remnant s of
war casualt ies occurred bet ween 1967 and 1998, at least 794 casualt ies (127 killed, 654
injured and 13 unknown) occurred bet ween 1999 and 2008 and t hat 12 people had been killed
and 27 injured since t he Gaza War.[333] The UN Mine Act ion Cent re ident ified t he main risks as
coming from "ERW left behind by Israeli aerial and art illery weapon syst ems, or from milit ant
caches t arget ed by t he Israeli forces."[333] There are at least 15 confirmed minefields in t he
West Bank on t he border wit h Jordan. The Palest inian Nat ional Securit y Forces do not have
maps or records of t he minefields.[333]

See also

Portals: Israel Palestine

Palestinian genocide accusation

Timeline of the Israeli–Palestinian
conflict
Outline of the 2023 Israel–Hamas war
Bibliography of the Arab–Israeli
conflict
2021 Israel–Palestine crisis
Allon Plan, post-1967 peace plan
Children in the Israeli–Palestinian
conflict
Allegations of war crimes against
Israel
Gaza–Israel conflict
History of the State of Palestine
International law and the Arab–Israeli
conflict
Israel–Palestine relations
Israeli Committee Against House
Demolitions
Israeli–Lebanese conflict
Israeli–Palestinian conflict in Hebron
 List of Middle East peace proposals
List of modern conflicts in the Middle
East
OneVoice Movement
Palestinian rocket attacks on Israel
Pan-Arabism
Peace Now
Seeds of Peace

Notes

Explanatory notes

A. Three factors made Israel's territorial

offer less forthcoming than it initially
appeared. First, the 91 percent land offer
 was based on the Israeli definition of the
West Bank, but this differs by
approximately 5 percentage points from
the Palestinian definition. Palestinians use
a total area of 5,854 square kilometers.
Israel, however, omits the area known as
No Man's Land (50 km2 near Latrun), post-
1967 East Jerusalem (71 km2), and the
territorial waters of the Dead Sea (195
km2), which reduces the total to
5,538 km2

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329. "Statistics" (https://www.btselem.org/stati

stics) . B'Tselem. Archived (https://web.ar
chive.org/web/20110605232356/http://w
ww.btselem.org/English/Statistics/Casual
ties.asp) from the original on 5 June
2011. Retrieved 5 March 2022.
330. "B'Tselem: Since 2000, 7,454 Israelis,
Palestinians killed" (https://www.jpost.co
m/israel/btselem-since-2000-7454-israeli
s-palestinians-killed) . The Jerusalem
Post. Archived (https://web.archive.org/w
eb/20220305205558/https://www.jpost.c
om/israel/btselem-since-2000-7454-israe
lis-palestinians-killed) from the original
on 5 March 2022. Retrieved 5 March
2022.
331. Mor, Avi, et al. "Casualties in Operation
Cast Lead: A closer look." (http://www.ict.
org.il/Portals/0/Articles/ICT_Cast_Lead_C
asualties-A_Closer_Look.pdf) Archived (h
ttps://web.archive.org/web/20110101130
822/http://www.ict.org.il/Portals/0/Articl
es/ICT_Cast_Lead_Casualties-A_Closer_L
ook.pdf) 1 January 2011 at the Wayback
Machine Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya.
2009. PDF.
332. "B'Tselem: 773 of Palestinians killed in
Cast Lead were civilians" (https://www.yn
etnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3774217,0
0.html) . Ynetnews. 9 September 2009.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20
220305205558/https://www.ynetnews.co
m/articles/0,7340,L-3774217,00.html)
from the original on 5 March 2022.
Retrieved 5 March 2022.

333. "Country Overviews – Occupied

Palestinian Territory" (https://web.archive.
org/web/20100926225134/http://mineac
tion.org/country.asp?c=138) . United
Nations Mine Action Service. 2009.
Archived from the original (http://www.mi
neaction.org/country.asp?c=138) on 26
September 2010. Retrieved 2 February
2010.
Further reading

Martin Indyk, "The Strange Resurrection

of the Two-State Solution: How an
Unimaginable War Could Bring About
the Only Imaginable Peace", Foreign
Affairs, vol. 103, no. 2 (March/April
2024), pp. 8–12, 14–22.

External links

Israeli–Palestinian conflict
at Wikipedia's sister projects

Media from
Commons
News from
Wikinews
 Quotations
from
Wikiquote
Data from
Wikidata

United Nations

Office for the Coordination of

Humanitarian Affairs – occupied
Palestinian territory (http://www.ochao
pt.org/)
United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the
Near East (http://www.unrwa.org/)
Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)

U.S. Attempts at Peace between Israel

and Palestine (https://web.archive.org/
web/20121125032137/http://repositor
y.library.georgetown.edu/handle/1082
2/552681) from the Dean Peter Krogh
Foreign Affairs Digital Archives (https://
web.archive.org/web/2012031218103
4/http://repository.library.georgetown.e
du/handle/10822/552494/browse?typ
e=title)
Gaza\Sderot : Life in spite of everything
(http://gaza-sderot.arte.tv/) – a web
documentary produced by arte.tv, in
which daily video-chronicles (2 min.
each) show the life of 5 people (men,
women, children) in Gaza and Sderot,
on both sides of the border.
Global Politician – Middle-East Section
(https://web.archive.org/web/2006061
4173018/http://globalpolitician.com/s
ubarticle.asp?SID=1&cid=2)
Middle East Policy Council (https://we
b.archive.org/web/20060906062956/h
ttp://www.mepc.org/main/main.asp)
Aix Group – Joint Palestinian-Israeli-
international economic working group
(https://web.archive.org/web/2011110
8123824/http://www.aixgroup.org/) .
Crash Course World History 223:
Conflict in Israel and Palestine (https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=1wo2TLl
Mhiw&index=3&list=TLUcBVuDplYUY)
– Renowned author and YouTube
educator John Green gives a brief
 history lesson (13 minutes) on the
conflict.
The Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (http://
www.historyguy.com/israeli-palestinian
_conflict.html) —An overview of the
conflict between Israel and the
Palestinians from 1948 through the
present day. From the History Guy
Website.
The Media Line (http://www.themediali
ne.org/) – A non-profit news agency
which provides credible, unbiased
content, background and context from
across the Middle East.
Conflict resolution groups

OneVoice Movement – One Million

Voices to End the Conflict (https://web.
 archive.org/web/20071005181944/htt
p://www.onemillionvoices.org/)
Seeking Common Ground (http://www.
s-c-g.org/)
Human rights groups

Human Rights Watch: Israel/Palestine

(http://hrw.org/doc?t=mideast&c=isrlp
a)
B'Tselem – The Israeli Information
Center for Human Rights in the
Occupied Territories (http://www.btsele
m.org/)
Al-Haq: Palestinian Human Rights
Group (http://www.alhaq.org/)
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/
20061015184336/http://www.alhaq.or
g/) 15 October 2006 at the Wayback
 Machine: West Bank affiliate of the
International Commission of Jurists
Palestinian Centre for Human Rights
PCHR (http://www.pchrgaza.org/) :
Gaza affiliate of the International
Commission of Jurists
Gush-Shalom (http://gush-shalom.or
g/) : Gush-Shalom Israeli Peace
Movement
Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites

A history of Israel, Palestine and the

Arab-Israeli Conflict (http://www.midea
stweb.org/briefhistory.htm)
Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (htt
p://www.jcpa.org/)
 Honest Reporting (http://www.honestre
porting.com/) monitoring mideast
media
True Peace (http://www.truepeace.org/
index.asp) Archived (https://web.archi
ve.org/web/20190317082931/http://w
ww.truepeace.org/index.asp) 17
March 2019 at the Wayback Machine –
Chabad-Lubavitch site
What the Fight in Israel Is All About (htt
p://www.simpletoremember.com/articl
es/a/what-the-fight-in-israel-is-all-abou
t/) – The Media Line
Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

The Origin of the Palestine – Israel

Conflict (https://web.archive.org/web/
20050312031209/http://www.cactus4
 8.com/truth.html) , Published by Jews
for Justice in the Middle East
Other sites

Arabs and Israelis held hostage by a

common enemy (https://web.archive.or
g/web/20070926232805/http://www.di
abolicdigest.net/Middle%20East/Salo
m4a.htm) Salom Now! and METalks
are two experimental initiatives which
sought to rewrite the script of the
Israeli–Palestinian conflict. However,
such popular, grassroots action is held
hostage by some common enemies:
despair, hatred, antipathy and distrust.
(Jan 2007)
Exchange of friendly fire (https://web.a
rchive.org/web/20070705211309/htt
p://www.diabolicdigest.net/Guest%20p
ens/Anat.htm) Anat el-Hashahar, an
Israeli and founder of METalks,
debates the Arab–Israeli conflict –
from Oslo to Lebanon – with Khaled
Diab, an Egyptian journalist and writer.
Website with information (articles,
reports, maps, books, links, etc.) on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict (https://ww
w.israel-palaestina.de/)
Map of Palestinian Refugee Camps
1993 (UNRWA/C.I.A./Univ. of Texas,
Austin) (http://www.lib.utexas.edu/ma
ps/middle_east_and_asia/p_refugee_c
amps.jpg)
Map of Israel 2008 (C.I.A./Univ. of
Texas, Austin) (http://www.lib.utexas.e
du/maps/cia08/israel_sm_2008.gif)
Map of Israeli Settlements in the West
Bank Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas,
Austin) (http://www.lib.utexas.edu/ma
ps/middle_east_and_asia/isettlement
swb93.jpg)
Map of Israeli Settlements in the Gaza
Strip Dec. 1993 (C.I.A./Univ. of Texas,
Austin) (http://www.lib.utexas.edu/ma
ps/middle_east_and_asia/gazastrip.jp
g)
Map of Jerusalem Mar. 1993
(C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) (http://w
ww.lib.utexas.edu/maps/world_cities/j
erusalem_93.jpg)
Map of Jericho and Vicinity Jan. 1994
(C.I.A./Univ. of Texas, Austin) (http://w
ww.lib.utexas.edu/maps/middle_east_
and_asia/jericho.gif)
Pew Global Research – worldwide
public opinion (https://www.pewresear
ch.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/pd
f/256topline.pdf)
Policy publications on the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict at the Berman
Jewish Policy Archive (http://www.bjp
a.org/Publications/results.cfm?TopicI
D=153)
Retrieved from
"https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?
title=Israeli–
Palestinian_conflict&oldid=1221318529"

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