Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo  City, Territory

City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31

https://doi.org/10.1186/s40410-023-00217-1 and Architecture

RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access

From power to architecture: an analysis

on the identity transformation of Tagaytay
people’s park in the sky through edifice complex
and democratization theory
Jocelyn A. Rivera‑Lutap1*   and John Benedict A. Castillo1

Abstract
The study of architecture in relation to the principles of political power places a different perspective in understand‑
ing how the built environs with heritage value were shaped in time and are being constantly shaped at the present.
Its relevance cannot be understated, as in spite of its actuality, it is a side of the field that may still be considered sensi‑
tive to some. Architecture is never neutral. It corresponds to the patron’s ideals, intentions, and ideological orientation,
communicated by the designer through his technical knowledge in artistic articulation of forms. In a larger scale,
architectural identity can therefore be affected by those possessing power and can serve as tactile channel in redi‑
recting society. This study presents the case of People’s Park in the Sky in the Philippines, a colossal brutalist mansion,
originally named Palace in the Sky, situated at Mt. Sungay peak in Tagaytay City. Commissioned in 1981 by Imelda
Marcos, the wife of authoritarian head Ferdinand Marcos, the palace was not completed and eventually transformed
into a public urban park. Supported by the concept of Edifice Complex and Democratization theory, methodical
assessment of the political links of the said architecture was executed in two parts: examination of historical accounts
and first-hand site investigations. The findings of the analysis revealed that there is a present architectural crisis
in the park, emerging from its long-time neglect since the 1986 transition years, and if not taken proper institutional
action, its genuine identity and legacy could be forgotten and eventually lost in the near future.
Keywords Architectural identity, Authoritarian rule, Edifice complex, Democratization

Introduction be cast in the different ladders of social, political, and

Architecture is defined as the art and science of designing economic conditions. The act of creating architecture is
and building structures, communities, or open areas, in an analytical or a construction in motion. Architecture
keeping with aesthetic and functional criteria of assem- cannot just be relegated as a background to political life
blies built in accordance with such principles. Discipline because it is by itself a political force to reckon with. Poli-
is widely recognized as an essential response to current tics serves a vital role of being one of the foremost pull-
circumstances (Harris 2006; Ching 2007). These settings ers of strings, specifically with how elements of the built
may be plainly imaginary in character; however, they may environment are synthesized together, as well as to what
extent would see the light of day (Jacque and Walker
2017). The evolution of building typology is also dictated
*Correspondence:
Jocelyn A. Rivera‑Lutap by discoveries of men brought about by their needs and
jarlutap@pup.edu.ph wants. However, the changes and advancements of archi-
1
College of Architecture, Design, and the Built Environment, Polytechnic
tectural styles are triggered by patrons of the architects.
University of the Philippines, 1016 Manila, Philippines
It may not be perceived immediately yet on a much larger

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Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 2 of 21

scale, architecture has a definite connection to the politi- subjectivity and intersubjectivity. The incorporation of
cal realm, therefore making architects partakers in the concrete structures in general, rather than just individual
political field, whether intentionally or not. This distinct buildings, is important for they are, at times, referred to
relationship serves as a standard for a society’s ration- as metaphors of the state or political system as a build-
alization, which is used to develop a visual image. Dis- ing, while other times, metaphors of the state or political
cernment of social and political linkages is an element system as a city. It is generally known that architects have
of such architecturally based organic reasoning (Glenn designed both buildings and cities since ancient times.
2003). The study of Antoine Picon elaborates on architec- It is frequently pointed out that making a comparison
ture being an instrument of dominating political power, between building houses and planning cities is erroneous
by means of conveying its messages in fashion ranging due to the fact that buildings are what they are because of
from the simple placing of decorative elements to sym- their location in the city, and cities are made up of build-
bolic tactile compositions (Bell et al. 2020). Its resultant ings (Lindvall 2022).
identity can be operated by those in power, like politi- Robert Greene, author of “The 48 Laws of Power,” dis-
cal leaders, to yield social effects, for instance, to com- cussed the relationship between King Louis XIV and his
pel, stabilize, or subdue (Sudjic 2006). As such, it can be finance minister Nicholas Fouquet. It was King Louis
argued that architecture and design are, and have always XIV who said the famous line, “L’etat, c’est moi” which
been, tilted on either side of the scale, as determined by translates to “I am the state.” By impressing and endear-
the political purpose orientation, and that “it is never ing himself to the king, Fouquet prepared a spectacular
neutral” (Murphy and Sorkin 2016). party to show off that he was famous and had powerful
clout. The king was not impressed but instead was out-
Absolutism, power, and architecture in retrospect raged with envy as it appeared that Fouquet was more
It is worthy of note the conversion of the Parisian Church popular than him. This boastful act spelled the doom of
of Sainte-Geneviève into a monument now known as Fouquet who was ordered by the king to be arrested. He
the Pantheon to honor great individuals. These people was imprisoned and stayed in solitary confinement until
were neither rulers nor clergy nor knights. They were the last years of his life. King Louis XIV then appointed
not revered for their extraordinary courage or talent but Jean-Baptiste Colbert, who was identified for his sim-
for their firmness in the quest for social welfare during plicity, as the new finance minister. Colbert ensured that
their lifetime. If architectural decorations are used as sig- all the collected funds were given to the king. Using his
nages of a social class, their elimination could minimize huge number of resources as well as to show that he is
the remarkable disparity of the people’s social status the most powerful and most popular, the king built the
(Ranogajec 2016). glorious palace of Versailles, which turned out to be more
The manner by which the revered Church of Sainte- grandiose than the palace of Fouquet, by retaining the
Genevieve was transformed into a Pantheon may be same architects, decorators, and garden designers. The
regarded as a desecration of a house of worship by the king also hosted and spent more lavishly on parties. It
whims and caprices of the men in power. The church is pointed out that the overzealousness of a subordinate
was supposed to be a unifying edifice for France. How- to satisfy the whims and caprices of his superior may
ever, the political upheavals led to a sudden change in the do more harm than good. The words of Voltaire aptly
building’s relevance in form and substance. Politicians described it when he said, “When the evening began,
decreed that the building should be transformed into a Fouquet was at the top of the world. By the time it had
Temple of Great Men. It became a mausoleum, a reposi- ended, he was at the bottom.”
tory of the ashes of the dead. To add insult to injury, the Ch’in Shih Huang Ti, the first emperor of China had
relics of St. Genevieve were banished from the building. an empire more powerful than Alexander the Great. He
Any symbol connected to the church’s identity was inten- lived in the most magnificent palace in the capital city
tionally removed. The fate of the building from a church Xianyang which had 270 pavilions connected by secret
to a secular temple could be regarded as a mark of insta- underground passageways. He also built the Great Wall
bility. Its ever-changing use and character depended on of China. Machiavelli argued that in a strictly military
who the ruler was at the time. Its destiny as a secular sense, a fortress is a universal mistake. It becomes a sym-
temple was stamped with finality when Foucault’s Pendu- bol of power and isolation while being an easy target for
lum was installed at the center of the dome to demon- the enemies of its builder. If a ruler retreats into a for-
strate the earth’s axial rotation. tress, he loses contact with the sources of his power.
Architecture has its essential political proportions—it After the Great London Fire of 1666, Sir Christopher
is deeply connected to the dynamics of belongingness Wren promptly submitted to King Charles II a plan to
and estrangement; it is implicated in the creation of rebuild the city with contemporary street grids and large
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 3 of 21

avenues lined with trees, as well as public areas with Philippines. Benjamín Roberto "Behn" Holcombe Cer-
open vistas. However, fearful of an uprising, the king was vantes (August 25, 1938–August 13, 2013) was a Filipino
hesitant to push forth the proposal, since he needed to artist and activist. The term “edifice complex” was coined
assume authority over the lands required to carry out in the 1970s to describe Philippine First Lady Imelda
the plans. What was done was to quickly rebuild along Marcos’ practice of using public funds on construction
old property lines which in the statement of Hawksmoor projects as political and election propaganda. From Oed-
“…The city would then have been built in such a man- ipus Complex Deyan Sudjic, in his 2005 book The Edifice
ner [as planned by Wren], as to have stood foremost at Complex: How the Rich and Powerful Shape the World,
this day amongst the Wonders of the World, for Extent, hypothesized the term, spreading it beyond the case of
Symmetry, Commodiousness and Duration, at much Marcos and the Philippines. He writes: There is a psy-
less Expense than the Citizens have been at in Rebuild- chological similarity between making a mark on the land-
ing it in the confused irregular and perishable Manner scape with a building and the exercise of political power.
is now left in” (Herbert 2018). Pierre Charles L’Enfants Both depend on the imposition of will. Certainly, seeing
plan for Washington D.C. was well received by Ameri- their worldview confirmed by reducing an entire city to
can President George Washington amidst the interjec- the scale of a doll’s house in an architectural model has
tion of disapproval of many. Nevertheless, L’Enfant was an inherent appeal for those who regard the individual
able to realize a majestic capital of spacious roads, plazas, as of no consequence. Architecture feeds the egos of the
and inspiring structures amid what was then a drab and susceptible. They grow more and more dependent on it
ordinary forest when he designed the city literally from to the point where architecture becomes an end to itself,
scratch. seducing the addicts as they build more and more on an
Pierre Charles L’Enfant’s plan for Washington is a novel even larger scale. The building is the means by which the
one. The models derived from Europe’s absolutism and egotism of the individual is expressed in its most naked
despotism are now adapted by major democratic pro- form: the Edifice Complex (Lico 2003).
cesses and shared into a social scenario that is unknown Leaders with a tendency to abuse their power are usu-
at the Versailles of Louis XIV. It is also important to note ally observed to utilize architecture as one factor to show
that, while the Washington plan materialized, Christo- off power and influence with the selfish purpose of per-
pher Wren’s city, for lack of managerial implementation, petuating their memory through these concrete accom-
remained a societal concept. plishments. However, when the incumbent no longer
Manuel L Quezon, president of the Commonwealth holds the position or is removed by the upheaval of its
government in 1935, backed the proposal to expand constituents, there would be a semblance of democratiza-
Manila. Quezon City was founded in 1939, initially tion because the structure is reclaimed by the people. It is
named Balintawak City, but an amendment was filed a common experience though that when another author-
changing the name following the surname of the for- ity ascends with the same attitude as the ousted one, it
mer President. From 1948 to 1976 Quezon City was the is inevitable that he will claim or use the said structure
Philippines’ capital city. It has become a nominal seat of again with the same sinister agenda, thus, such a phe-
power, yet during the period its level of prestige or domi- nomenon becomes a vicious cycle. It is essential to know
nance never matched Manila (Pante, Micahel D. A Cap- such precedents and network of functions, for young
tial City at the Margins). As the capital of the Philippines, architects, as well as the public, to understand how power
it was reinstated back to Manila through Presidential influences the cartography of buildings before them and,
Decree No. 940 due to its historical significance as the more importantly, its implications for the identity of their
seat of government of the Philippines since the Spanish own built heritage (Almajidi 2019).
colonial. However, there were difficulties in following the
plans of Burham’s “City Beautiful Manila”. The propensity The Philippines: identity and state craft
of naming structures and municipalities was strongly felt The identity of the Philippines as a full-fledged state,
during the reign of Ferdinand E. Marcos, Sr. The term is a much as how it was the case during the time it was still
play on the “Oedipus complex” of psychoanalytic theory. under the Western powers, was crafted and power-
While earlier use of the term elsewhere in the world fully shaped by architecture. While early structures in
has been suggested, the term was invented by Behn the archipelago may be considered permanent in their
Cervantes to oppose the construction of the Cultural location, they can be classified as ephemeral in nature
Center of the Philippines during the buildup to the 1969 because of the materials (nipa, wood, and bamboo)
presidential election campaign, during which Imelda whose parts need to be changed from time to time due to
Marcos’ husband Ferdinand Marcos was running for a short life cycles. Exceptions include pre-colonial homes
then-unprecedented second term as President of the in the northernmost part of the country, particularly
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 4 of 21

the houses in the island group of Batanes, which are The first extensive architecture led by a Philippine
constructed with rocks, lime, and thatched roofs. The president was the Quezon Memorial Circle. The pro-
Spaniards, when they held dominion over the country, ject was initiated by President Sergio Osmeña in 1945
introduced the utilization of stones, hardwood, clay, but the realization of the plan came only in 1951 under
and lime as building materials, allowing for the preser- the control of President Elpidio Quirino. The 27-hectare
vation of residences and other edifices of the local built park housed the monument designed by Federico Ilustre
environment. Intramuros, the “walled city,” is one of the who won the design competition. The towering monu-
complexes erected during this time that is still in exist- ment which is 66 m high is made up of three intercon-
ence and is a definite representation of how architecture nected pylons each of the columns is adorned with three
becomes a manifestation of power, as it was the recog- grieving bowed angels holding sampaguita (the Philip-
nized seat of royal command. Later, the Americans dem- pine national flower) wreaths, each representing one of
onstrated their power through several means, one of the republic’s three major island groups, namely, Luzon,
which was through urban planning—the City Beautiful Visayas, and Mindanao. Francesco Riccardo Monti, an
plan of Daniel Burnham. Such a proposal was crafted to Italian sculptor, created the said angel statues, with each
reorganize Manila’s urban environment. Burnham and of them dressed in traditional clothing representing one
his aide, Peirce Anderson, tendered the “Report on Pro- of the three island groups.
posed Improvements at Manila” to William H. Taft, the This national circumstance became the way of Ferdi-
United States (US) secretary of war, in June 1905. The nand E. Marcos Sr., elaborated through his graceful polit-
said document offered a series of architectural and spatial ical oratory, to rise to a position in 1965 (Zich 1986). It,
recommendations aimed to induce “progress” within the however, culminated with a totalitarian orientation, espe-
Philippine capital city (Morley 2018). cially with the imposition of Martial Law in 1971 (Procla-
The culmination of the Second World War brought mation No. 1081 1972), ruling the said country for a total
disastrous effects to the Philippines. With the capital of 21 years (from 1965 to 1986). Architecture became the
city, Manila, being the staging ground for the battle of key agent for Marcos Sr. in physically fulfilling his great-
liberation between the Americans and the Japanese, it est goal to create a “New Society” (Lande et al. 1982) with
was effectively reduced to rubble and turned to be the a national identity that can be showcased clearly to the
second most damaged city in the world in 1945 (Porio world (Lico 2007) which started in 1969, the construction
2009). With the grip of the colonizers gone and much of the Cultural Center of the Philippines. Traditional her-
of the 384 years’ worth of colonial architectural splen- itage models from all over the islands were conglomer-
dor wiped out, it seemed that the Philippines was found ated to become design inspirations and eventually form
identity-less, thus the question, “What is the true Filipino a single national architectural style (Lico 2017). This was
identity?” was raised (Lico 2017). Despite being crippled, solidified by the motto “Isang Bansa, Isang Diwa” (One
the post-war era had offered the archipelago a critical Nation, One Soul) (Presidential Decree No. 1413 1978).
part in its independence—a blank slate to redefine and Through a series of enacted legislations, buildings of an
finally seek its identity (Lico 2003). The 1950s was quite unprecedented scale which were considered unimagi-
an opportunity for statehood recognition, given that the nable in earlier times were erected in full swing (Kusaka
Philippines, despite being relatively young in terms of 2017).
independence, miraculously, in this time became one of Imelda R. Marcos, the first lady, became the primary
the most economically advanced countries in Asia (Sicat mover of the administration’s ambition, even being
1967; Kind 2000; Cruz 2023). branded as the “Patroness of Arts and Culture,” the
The pursuit for a unified Filipino style began to sur- “Foremost Social Worker,” as well as “the First in the
face as one of the means of breaking free from the social Fight Against Pollution.” Mrs. Marcos was undeniably
influence of the colonizers since the domestic touch in vital to the political plans of President Marcos, Sr., for
the built environment was only in terms of elements and she was the one responsible for forging ties and gain-
parts and there was never truly an execution to a whole ing favors with several national powers of the West
prior to the 1960s. It was imagined that the articula- and East, such as the United States, the Arab king-
tion of indigenous forms in a modern setting would also doms, People’s Republic of China, and so on (Lin 1975).
jumpstart the introduction of Filipino culture to the While her role may be comparable to that of the pre-
global scene (Ogura et al. 2002). Such a vision remained ceding first ladies, she was able to keep the public eye
active in discussions; however, the true support for inde- on her side by being politically active and in touch with
pendent architecture, most specifically its supposed exe- the matters handled by her husband. She also took the
cution lagged. Few presidents inspired the public exercise level of her projects to a higher step by strategically
of architecture in the country. anchoring them to the notion of cultural stewardship,
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wherein a system of patronage in the cultivation of arts 1. Distinguish the link between politics and architec-
and regional traditions was formed (Baluyut 2004). ture in the case of the Palace in the Sky
Mrs. Marcos was also notable for being an honorary 2. Analyze the social effects brought upon by the con-
architect of the newly formed organization the United struction of Palace in the Sky on the people of Tagay-
Architects of the Philippines (UAP) in 1975, as a mat- tay City and the general public
ter of reciprocating her sponsorship of public architec- 3. Identify the socio-political factors in Philippine his-
tural projects that, in turn, stimulated the profession tory that led to architectural problems and overall
(UAP, n.d.). In the succeeding terms, architectural and current conditions evident on the site
infrastructure projects in the country became heav-
ily directed by the power of the Marcoses, eventually
serving as a major channel to demonstrate the rule Democratization theory
of a strongman. The utopian-like design of cities was Ideas on democratization are mainly concerned with
emphasized by the First Lady to be a declaration of the the transition process of a nation together with its cul-
identity of the Filipinos (Shatkin 2005). tural, political, and social spheres towards democracy,
By the second term and upon the imposition of Mar- and its subsequent effects, especially after undergoing
tial Law, the duo had already infamously dwelled upon an authoritarian type of governance (Yoo 2008). Encom-
a myth-based illusion, wherein they painted themselves passed in the subject are sub-theories like the “Waves of
as the archetypal Filipinos—the Malakas (Strong) and Democratization” promoted by Samuel Huntington in
Maganda (Beautiful). They branded themselves as the 1991. These are phases of political shift, often recognized
pioneers of a new beginning in Philippine history (the as three waves, which transpired throughout the world
New Society and the New Republic) which the masses in different time periods, with the third wave occurring
would look up to (Rafael 1990). The idea of “edifice com- from 1974 to 1991, affecting the countries in the Iberian
plex” was then termed to Mrs. Marcos, pointing out how Peninsula, Latin America, and Asia (Huntington 1993).
the buildings she commissioned projected a facade of The latter is critical to the context of post-Marcos Phil-
prosperity in the country, to the point of excessiveness, ippines, wherein democratization was achieved through
whereas the true reality of poverty, huge debt from for- stimulation by bottom-up agendas (Yoo 2008), however,
eign loans needed to sustain the projects, and unethi- it is complicated due to organizational collisions of the
cal political movements were ignored and masked away fallen regime’s remnants, namely: the state, political par-
through the visual attractiveness of the said colossal ties, and military (Slater 2006).
structures (Lico 2017). One of the most regarded prod- In the United States, specifically in Washington, D.C.,
ucts of this is the construction of the Palace in the Sky in government buildings are unconsciously perceived as
Tagaytay City (Cawley and Chicago Tribune 1986). personified augmentation for a glorified and strong dem-
ocratic government, worthy of the people’s unqualified
belief. American political scientist Murray Edelman said
Objectives and methodology that such structures have a quest for transparency, direc-
This study seeks to create a clear explanation of the evo- tion, and consistency in an intimidating environment.
lutionary transformation of the architectural identity of On the other hand, such structures may be an especially
People’s Park in the Sky in Tagaytay, by means of chrono- important factor in intimidation. The enormity of the
logically examining historical accounts and dissecting buildings also overwhelms the people possessing a power
them into two parts accompanied by operating concepts, that occupies them whether as ordinary users or as beg-
namely: part one, the Marcos years until the revolution gars who are victims to capricious rejection or approval
(1965–1986), which would be inspected based on Edi- and such people are prey to unseen and unscrupu-
fice Complex concept, expounding how the palace was lous officials who are barely known or understood. This
conceived using power and served as a physical manifes- impression may mutually send a wrong signal to these
tation of authority and excessiveness; part two, the post- authorities in claiming that they own and control these
revolution abandonment stage until reopening as a public structures. Consequently, this would result in the affir-
park, which would be assessed alongside the principles of mation of the current order characterized by abuse of the
Democratization Theory, dealing with its return process extreme exercise of force, and the escalation of helpless-
to the public’s hands including the challenges that came ness. Charles Goodsell’s analysis of the American city
with it. These were performed through the utilization of council chambers in 1988 presented a more promising
archival data, first-hand investigations, and methodically observation where the council’s seating arrangement had
analyzing them from an empirical perspective. Overall, been designed to enable them to communicate and inter-
the work seeks to: act with the people rather than communicating among
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 6 of 21

themselves. This design seeks to promote sovereignty and Discussion

democratic rule. The marcos era from 1965 to 1986
In the Philippine context, the third wave of democra- Rise of marcos administration
tization took place during the time when people started Ferdinand Marcos Sr. started his political career at the
to march to the streets to overthrow the Marcos regime. end of the Second World War, as a congressman under
A series of protests happened everywhere from the pla- the liberal party during the administration of then-Pres-
zas used by the masses to the financial capital of the ident Carlos Garcia. He eventually gained votes in the
oligarchs, Filipinos fought for good governance with Senate and was elected as its president in 1963. Marcos
the declaration of Martial Law, the rise of debt, increas- Sr. ran at the presidential level under the Nationalist
ing poverty, and issues of power. The continuous rallies Party against the outgoing administration of President
and opposition against the government soon led to the Diosdado Macapagal, won, and eventually became the
EDSA People Power Revolution in 1986 which eventually sixth president of the Philippine Republic. He swore his
caused the downfall of the so-called dictator. However, duties on December 30, 1965, at the Quirino Grand-
despite the ascendancy of Corazon C. Aquino to power stand, and he said to the 200,000 people gathered before
as the new leader of the country, her leadership was in him that “The Filipino has lost his soul, his dignity, and
constant turmoil due to the several attempts to wrest his courage,” as well as claiming that order in the country
power from by the several uprisings of some members of must be valued and restored, thus began his first term of
the military. office, and another tumultuous turning point in the coun-
try’s history (Zich 1986).
Scope and delimitations of the study Marcos Sr. would often mention in his public speeches
The specific historical case of an architectural edifice his government’s vision called “New Society” or the
called People’s Park in the Sky is the principal focus of the “Bagong Lipunan,” which eventually formed the conserv-
investigation. However, the same is supported by revis- ative umbrella party of his supporters called “New Soci-
iting some remarkable architectures from the same era, ety Movement of United Nationalists, Liberals, et cetera.”
particularly those that exhibit congruent architectural In this vision, it was promised that Filipinos would even-
qualities capable of radiating effect to Philippine soci- tually live happily, away from corruption, hunger, vio-
ety. Since the original architectural plans of the structure lence, and other societal dilemmas.
were not available, a site development plan and schematic During the Philippine Presidential Elections in 1969,
plans were drawn based on observations from satellite Marcos Sr. was re-elected as president after his challeng-
imagery and documentation during the first-hand site ing campaign. According to the records of the Philippine
investigation. While other parts of the building, mostly Official Gazette, his second term was marked by growing
interior rooms on the ground level, were not accessed internal and external conflicts, with efforts in the Consti-
since these were off-limits and obstructed by debris, the tutional Convention having to hinder him from continu-
interpretation of the interior spaces was made possible by ing in office in 1971. Such civil tensions continued with
closely examining the openings and gaps on walls from the exponential increase of protests and student demon-
the outside (Fig. 1). strations. The continued rebellions, protests, and unrest

FIRST TERM SECOND TERM POST MARTIAL LAW

(1965-1969) (1969-1981) (1981-1986)

• Launch of "New Society" • Marked with internal and external • Martial Law was lifted on January
vision conflicts 17, 1981 under Proclamation No.
• Increased industrialization • Increase in protests and student 2045
and infrastructure demonstrations against leftists • Marcos was elected for the third
construction • Declaration of Martial Law in time as president during the 1981
• The Philippine economy 1972 Philippine Presidential Election
was one of the best in Asia • The national economy began to • Assasination of Sen. Benigno S.
and one of the best models degrade from 1975 onwards Aquino Jr. in 1983
amongst all third world • Land reform projects began to be • 1986 Philippine Snap Election led
countries plagued with corruption and red to the People Power Revolution,
• Projects were mostly tape ousting the presidency of Marcos
funded by foreign investors
and loans from US.

Fig. 1 General timeline of the Marcos era (1965–1986) (Source: Author, 2021)
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 7 of 21

of the people, especially the Plaza Miranda bombings, they were told to miscalculate the total votes of Mrs.
were used as justifications by Marcos, Sr. to sign Martial Aquino. Marcos Sr. and Arturo Tolentino were pro-
Law on September 21, 1972, through Proclamation No. claimed as the President and Vice-President, respectively,
1081, s. 1972. It was evident, specifically in his personal on February 15, 1986, by the Batasang Pambansa (Villegas
diary entries, that such prior activist events were smartly 1987). The continued social unrest and distant support
used to install himself as the only central power figure for the administration led to the four-day EDSA People
of the country, masking it through the strict scope and Power Revolution in 1986, wherein Marcos Sr. was suc-
virtues of Martial Law, which include the General Order cessfully ousted from power and the country’s democracy
No. 1, immediately put into place on September 23, 1972, was restored through Mrs. Aquino’s presidency.
wherein all government agencies were shut down, while
the public utility and private owned properties were The “New Society” and Marcosian architecture
absorbed by the power of the president. It was reported that the Philippines, despite being rav-
The constitution was replaced by Marcos Sr. in 1973 in aged by the Second World War, was an epitome of eco-
order to adopt certain provisions for a supposed parlia- nomic advancement in the Third World when Marcos
mentary-style government, however, it was manipulated Sr. gained power (Overholt 1986). Marcos Sr. had high
into his favor, by means of further extending the execu- hopes for the country’s modernization and national
tive power and delimiting any citizen who challenges identity establishment, hence the installation of a “New
the authoritarian government, such as in the appeals Society” which promised that Filipinos would eventually
for habeas corpus that were filed to the Supreme Court live happily, away from corruption, hunger, violence, and
against the unlawful arrests. With this new constitution other societal dilemmas. In line with this vision are the
that was validated and eventually went beyond the con- five promises of the government which include: one, to
trol of the Supreme Court, the presidential term of Mar- put an end to poverty and establish equality, by means of
cos Sr. and his totalitarian control over the archipelago realigning the society based on socialist ideologies; two,
could last indefinitely (Javellana v. Executive Secretary addressing hunger and development, through further
1973). Due to the global oil crisis in 1974, the economy utilization of agricultural capability of the land; three,
degraded in the second term (Huntington 1993). While tackling corruption and solidifying justice, in restructur-
more foreign loans were borrowed, the sustained pro- ing the government; four, promotion of truth, by usher-
jects’ success rates were below satisfactory, so the “New ing the media and removing the control of “wealthy and
society” began to crack. powerful” to it; five, promotion of peace, as ultimately
The Martial Law was lifted on January 13, 1981, due expressed in the declaration of the Martial Law (Marcos
to the growing discontent in the Catholic church and 1974a, b). In order to connect the country to the global
in preparation for the state visit of Saint Pope John Paul scene and compete with foreign construction companies,
II, however, the rule of Marcos Sr. continued as he won Marcos Sr., in 1970, formed the Construction and Devel-
the first election after the lifting. The government after opment Corporation of the Philippines (CDCP), which is
Martial Law was dubbed the “Fourth Republic” and nota- a consortium of construction companies. Efforts resulted
bly during this period, the opposition leader Senator in public works like highways, schools, health cent-
Benigno Aquino Jr. returned from his exile in the United ers, and cultural complexes (Overholt 1986). However,
States of America (USA) and was shot at the tarmac upon much of the finance was loaned from the United States of
his arrival at Manila International Airport on August 21, America (USA), while some were generated from foreign
1983. The incident further stimulated public turmoil, investors that brought their capital to the country.
specifically through the increase of public protests, and Several architectures, most of huge-scale construction,
crumbled the support of the people to the government. were designed in urban centers throughout the archi-
Impeachment attempts were also made citing the presi- pelago. The most prominent architects in the era include
dent’s graft and corruption, constitutional violations, and Leandro V. Locsin, who believed in the synthesis of cul-
other crimes, however, these failed. ture, especially the oriental and occidental that make
In 1985, Marcos Sr. called for a snap election amidst Filipino architecture; Francisco T. Mañosa, who advo-
fading political popularity. The decision of Corazon cated neo-vernacular architecture and traditional forms;
Aquino, widow of Aquino Jr., to run as the opposition Jose Maria V. Zaragoza, who was a famous designer of
led to an alliance as the public favored her and her rev- churches, both before (like Santo Domingo Church) and
olutionary platforms. During the day of the election, 30 after (like the reconstruction of Quiapo church) the Mar-
Operation Quick Count (OQC) tabulators of the Com- cos era; Ildefonso P. Santos, Jr., a pioneer of landscaping
mission on Elections (COMELEC) walked out from the design, through several urban plazas and centers like the
Philippine International Convention Center (PICC) as Nayong Pilipino; Augusto Horacio M. Concio, for the
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 8 of 21

development of the area near the Elliptical Road, once previous independent years before Marcos Sr. combined
known as Diliman Quadrangle, that resulted to the loca- (Arillo 2015; Samonte 2015; Sicat 2011).
tion’s strategic clustering of public buildings which were
then subsequently designed by Jorge Y. Ramos; and Froi- Materialization of edifice complex
lan L. Hong, who designed the controversial Manila Film The Marcoses were able to rule jointly, as not only the
Center. The first four that were mentioned are regarded President but also the first lady was considerably active
as National Artists for Architecture (Javellana 2018). in the political dealings of the administration. Mrs. Mar-
The most well-known architectures of the said era are cos was first given legal powers in 1963 when she was
mostly clustered in the National Capital Region (NCR), bestowed the top position of the then-newly formed
otherwise known as Metropolitan Manila. First is the National Parks Development Committee (NPDC), which
Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Complex, was concerned with the development and maintenance
designed by Locsin and Santos, Jr., which comprises the of major leisure spaces in the country (Executive Order
Tanghalang Pambansa, Philippine Center for Interna- No. 3 1966). Mrs. Marcos became one step closer to her
tional Trade and Exhibition, Philippine International desire of being the usher of the supposed national cul-
Convention Center, Philippine Plaza Hotel (Sofitel), Folk tural promotion, when she was appointed as the chair-
Arts Theater, otherwise known as Tanghalang Francisco man of the board upon the establishment of the CCP in
Balagtas, and Manila Film Center. This center of cul- 1966, through her husband’s promulgation—the Execu-
ture was officially founded in 1969, enacted through the tive Order No. 30. When the three major cities and thir-
president’s order, that aimed to preserve and promote teen municipalities surrounding the capital city of Manila
Philippine culture in all its aspects, as it is an identity were clustered as a single entity called Metro Manila or
of the state. The complex was erected on an 88-hectare the NCR, Mrs. Marcos gained another key position as
reclaimed parcel of land in an area known as Bay City, she was installed as its first governor (Presidential Decree
between Pasay City and Manila (Executive Order No. 30, No. 824 1975). In the following years, another post was
1966). In 1976, First Lady Imelda Marcos expanded the designated for her, specifically the Minister of Human
CCP, through the creation of a satellite, the National Arts Settlements, which significantly increased her influ-
Center in Laguna, now known as the Makiling Center ence or say in the architecture and urban planning of the
for the Arts, to help aspiring young Filipino artists forge country (Presidential Decree 1396 s. 1978). With such
their talents. a position, she was also able to control the Intramuros
The second cluster of architecture created under this Administration upon its formation, via Presidential
administration was national health centers located near Decree No. 1616, s. 1979, which placed the IA under the
the Elliptical Road in Quezon City, composed of the Phil- direction of the Ministry of Human Settlements. She also
ippine Heart Center for Asia, now known as the Philip- held a seat in Batasang Pambansa (National Congress) in
pine Heart Center, the Lung Center of the Philippines, 1978 due to the absence of opposition. By 1981, she was
the National Kidney and Transplant Institute (NKTI), already concurrently holding multiple important roles
and the Philippine Children’s Medical Center. Such were in the government. According to other accounts, it was
mostly designed by Jorge Y. Ramos to provide and pio- also said that she was ruling in President Marcos’s stead
neer state-of-the-art national centers to the public, espe- amidst his rapidly declining health.
cially for complex operations, that can compete with Architecture sustains its existence through patron-
the Western medical field, with world-renowned spe- age. This setup was outstandingly exemplified by Mrs.
cialists like Christian Barnard (the first cardiac surgeon Marcos as she greatly supported the establishment of
to achieve human-to-human heart transplant), Denton the UAP—the professional organization of architects
Cooley (the first to transplant an artificial heart), among in the Philippines, and the organization concerned with
others, practicing inside its walls (Samonte 2015). The the propagation of the architectural profession in the
said health centers are still actively used today and were country, after uniting the Association of Philippine Gov-
expanded to cater to the growing health needs of the Fili- ernment Architects (APGA), League of Philippine Archi-
pino people throughout the country. tects (LPA), and Philippine Institute of Architects (PIA),
Most of the structures in this era, especially the pub- which were the three initial societies of architects in the
lic government buildings like the examples stated, were country. It was notable that the original headquarters of
designed in the brutalist style, and can be distinguished the UAP was even located at the CCP Complex. It was
from the older and newer buildings that surround it an apparent give-and-take scenario as the architects
through its evident rigid and sharp gray and white con- were also politicking Mrs. Marcos for new opportunities,
crete. The unprecedented increase in architecture and much like how she needed the patronage of architects for
infrastructure was said to be the largest even with the the physical realization of her projects. So-called favored
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 9 of 21

architects by Mrs. Marcos, mostly stated in Table 1, came while the current government was in the seat of power
into prominence and were able to propel their respective (Quizon 2020).
professional careers. One of these is Ar. Ramos, whom
the people dubbed as the First Lady’s exclusive architect The palace in the sky in Tagaytay city, Cavite
due to having designed her numerous public and private The edifice complex also extended beyond the borders
edifices (Silvestre 2022). Nevertheless, these same archi- of the capital region, through the creation of the Pal-
tects successfully progressed Philippine architectural ace in the Sky in Tagaytay, a city 50 km south of Manila.
design for the better amidst the era of industrialization According to historical accounts, Mrs. Marcos was
and the pursuance of a unified material identity. impressed with the mountain peak she saw upon visit-
During the succeeding terms of Ferdinand Marcos, ing the city. It was Mt. Sungay peak—the highest point
especially now with Mrs. Marcos being a commanding in Cavite province, and so she decided to commission a
political figure, it was observed that her architectural mountain palace on top of it. With her husband being
projects had reached a point of excessive extravagance the president, the project was immediately commenced
that is most often for show. As such, a new term called in 1981, and legislations were set to formally bound it
“Edifice Complex,” originating from “Oedipus Com- along with the neighboring areas (Proclamation No. 2216
plex,” was famously coined by director Behn Cervantes 1982). Interestingly, the construction coincided with
(Geronimo 2016) to the First Lady. These were much the supposed state visit of United States (US) President
apparent in the capital city, often cited as a move to beau- Ronald Reagan in November 1983, hence Mrs. Marcos’s
tify Manila further and to create a utopian vision that she magnificent plan to make the palace his accommodation,
termed “a city of man.” upon arrival. Such exponentially increased the workforce,
However, these immediately became problematic for to make the site as elegant as possible. The palace eventu-
the following reasons: first, in the economic scenario, the ally rose upon the flattened mountaintop, following sev-
national funds did not have the capability to sustain the eral bombardments with bulldozers. Unfortunately, the
projects, and despite such circumstance, they were still trip was canceled, and suddenly the construction halted
continued, by means of foreign loans that eventually blew and was never resumed. With only the skeleton of the
up to $US 28 Billion at the time of the revolution; second, palace being completed, it was estimated that the pro-
the said projects, according to the Martial Law Museum, ject already cost US$ 10 million (US$ 27 million in 2021)
were often used as mask for overspending and corrup- (Cawley and Chicago Tribune 2018).
tion; third, some projects were evidently unreasonable in
terms of scale, like the creation of the Coconut Palace in Site conditions
1978, just for the papal visit of St. John Paul II, to which The palace is perched on top of the highest point of
the pope actually disagreed to stay in, because of the said Mt. Sungay, 2500 ft above sea level. “Sungay” is a Fili-
over-grandeur; fourth, being severely rushed, like the pino term for “horn,” and was said to be the name of the
controversial disaster at the Manila Film Center, which mountain because of the steepness it once possessed lik-
buried 169 workers, but was still pursued after the inci- ened to that of a horn. This area features commanding
dent just to reach Reagan’s arrival, and so some of these views of the Taal volcano and lake as well as the Cavite
large buildings were deemed unsafe and unstable; and lowlands, enhanced by the famous cold climate of Tagay-
fifth, the usage of these buildings as a tactile and huge tay. With the national government claiming such a prime
face of strength and political propaganda (Lico 2003). lot, more so utilizing it for a private mansion despite the
The structural footprints in the edifice complex serve unjustified need, it only symbolizes the proponents’ per-
as evidence of spatial power in history, as the massive sonal wants, ambition, and eventual physical manifesta-
structures would often dwarf its environment. Elevating tion, by way of power. Based on historical accounts, this
enlarged forms was the method used by the regime to specific site was selected since it best fits the criteria for
establish a sense of authority. In such context, Architec- an unrestrained vantage point. If examined, this also stra-
ture was utilized as a weapon to advance the aesthetics of tegically works the other way around, particularly for
power in the built form, recognizing how the relationship the other party who mainly observes it, as this specific
between architecture and society could create an impact site makes it so that the development sits on the highest
on the community. These buildings are notable examples pedestal possible and so that the development is physi-
of how the government exercises power through the built cally asserted to the landscape through domination. It
environment (Lico 2003). The monuments of the CCP was recorded that a road was exclusively laid just for site
Complex, while excellent examples of modern Philippine accessibility. Currently, it is serviced by a single 8 m wide
Architecture, can also be viewed as propaganda tools steep road. During the site visit, it was noticed that the
meant to show that many developments were finished journey from the gate to the structure itself was rather
Table 1 Matrix of most prominent architectures constructed during the Marcos era
Illustration of Structure Name of Structure Year and Original Typology Architect Description and Salient Features
Location

National Theater— 1969; CCP Cultural • Leandro V. Locsin • The main piece of the CCP Com‑
Tanghalang Complex, (National Artist) plex, featuring several theaters inside
Pambansa Manila • Architecturally notable for its seem‑
(Source: Nixwrites, ingly floating effect despite being
2012) a heavy concrete mass; raised
and has a ramp access
• Well-preserved; active

Philippine Interna‑ 1976; CCP Cultural • Leandro V. Locsin • A huge building for official events
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture

tional Convention Complex, (National Artist) • This brutalist architecture empha‑

Center Manila sizes rigid horizontal lines through its
(Source: Lee 2008) low but long profile
• Well-preserved and currently active
(2023) 10:31

Manila Film Center 1982; CCP Cultural • Froilan L. Hong • A very controversial structure built
(Source: Kasingsing Complex, for the ­1st Manila International Film
2021a, b, c) Manila Festival
• Dubbed as the “Parthenon of Asia”
for its excellent brutalist articula‑
tion of the qualities of the Parthe‑
non, specifically the symmetrical
appearance of columns and thick
architrave; raised by a crepidoma-like
platform
• Previously leased but now aban‑
doned
Folk Arts Theater 1980; CCP Cultural • Leandro V. Locsin • Previously known
(Source: Kasingsing Complex, (National Artist) as the “Tanghalang Francisco
2021a, b, c) Manila Balagtas”
• Consistent with the qualities
of National Theater; known for its
structural design and natural
ventilation; floor level is raised
through stairs
• Currently closed
Page 10 of 21
Table 1 (continued)
Illustration of Structure Name of Structure Year and Original Typology Architect Description and Salient Features
Location

Coconut Palace 1981; CCP Residential • Francisco T. Mañosa • Also known as “Tahanang Pilipino”
(Source: Author, Complex, (National Artist) (“Filipino House”), it is a huge man‑
2022) Manila sion embodying extravagance
• One of the best examples of Fili‑
pino vernacular residential design
showcasing the material strength
of coconut, hence its name
• Active but has controlled access

Sofitel Philippine 1976; CCP Hospitality • Leandro V. Locsin • Originally called Westin Philippine
Plaza Manila Complex, (National Artist) Plaza then Hotel Philippine Plaza
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture

(Source: Author, Manila • Ildefonso P. Santos, Jr. • It was commissioned to comple‑

2022) (National Artist) ment the development of the CCP
Complex, specifically to serve
as accommodation for foreign visi‑
tors during national events
• Active and now a five-star hotel
(2023) 10:31

Lung Center 1981; Healthcare • Jorge Y. Ramos • A tertiary center specializing in care
of the Philippines Quezon for lung and other pulmonary
(Source: DOH City diseases
National Tuberculo‑ • A low-rise but sprawling architec‑
sis Control Program ture that is predominantly made
2022) of concrete
• Active and has since been
expanded
Philippine Heart 1975; Healthcare • Jorge Y. Ramos • A tertiary facility specializing in care
Center Quezon for heart ailments
(Source: Kasingsing City • A brutalist architecture that strived
2021a, b, c) to balance horizontal and vertical
lines, with the latter being more pro‑
nounced, altogether forming a cross
Page 11 of 21
Table 1 (continued)
Illustration of Structure Name of Structure Year and Original Typology Architect Description and Salient Features
Location

National Kidney 1981; Healthcare • Jorge Y. Ramos • A tertiary medical facility focusing
Transplant Institute Quezon on renal health
(Source: Philippine City • Another low-rise hospital similar
Urological Associa‑ to the qualities of the Lung Center
tion, Inc. 2020) of the Philippines
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture

Philippine Children’s 1980; Healthcare • Jorge Y. Ramos Two-story building designed

Medical Center Quezon with colorful interiors and visu‑
(2023) 10:31

(Source: Philippine City ally attractive elements that are

Children’s Medical combined with nature to creative,
Center 2016) conducive healing environment
for children.;

Tanghalang Maria 1976; Los Cultural • Leandro V. Locsin • Part of the National Arts Center
Makiling Baños, (National Artist) complex
(Source: Sumangil Laguna • Designed by National Artist
2010) in Architecture Leandro V. Locsin,
it is an open-air theater perched
on top of a plateau in Los Baños,
Laguna that also exhibits the float‑
ing effect usual to Locsin’s brutalist
works
Page 12 of 21
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 13 of 21

long. It even necessitates a shuttle to pick up visitors further heightened when viewed directly from the main
from the entrance and then drop them off in front of the entrance of the building, as observed in Fig. 2. The deep
palace at the top, because climbing to the top by foot is overhang it creates can also be taken as a hat—noticeable
not that easy. It seems to be that this was the actual inten- on the outside due to its design but at the same time con-
tion—that there would always be vehicles present that cealing what is within. This effect then acts as a final pri-
would drop the visitor directly to the palace itself. It was vacy buffer.
supposed to be a place where traveling on foot is heav-
ily discouraged, thereby denoting the intended opulent Split‑leveling
experience of the user. This is also testified by the lack of Another articulation is the main approach through stairs,
landscape elements and other decorations starting from which is common to almost most Filipino and Southeast
the gate up to the structure’s point of approach. In the Asian pre-colonial houses. This was also a response to
greater sense, this scheme reflects the reclusive quality the gentle slope of the site. Since architecture has broken
of development akin to the aforementioned Qin dynasty away from the simplicity of forms, this specific feature,
model, while at the same time denoting an all-too-per- albeit simple, also plays a part in creating the impos-
sonal approach that the Marcoses wanted with President ing effect. It can be observed that from the very point of
Reagan at the supposed time of his stay. entry to the site, there has been nothing but ascent. This
ultimately terminates with the staircase of the main entry.
Building exterior
The sense of being on a pedestal, all-seeing, and seem-
Although public records of the palace were lost in time ingly all-knowing, has then reached climax. As per pure
either due to the turbulence brought about by the tran- concrete form, it contributes to the heaviness and rigid-
sition or simply by neglect, it was able to be confirmed ity of the palace—a matter of further marking itself to the
through the next of kin that Ar. Ramos was the one context of the site. Concrete was favored, over the con-
responsible for designing the development. Furthermore, ventional utilization of natural materials, to strengthen
a retrospect of his works would reveal that he has fond- its physical form. The face of strength and quality of
ness of employing vernacular forms as foundation of his being immovable can be a triumph to some, particularly
design. to the patrons, but can also cause fear to others, espe-
These include the Golden Mosque wherein he incor- cially if they are devalued by the demonstration of such
porated traditional Maranao forms, the Baguio Conven- firmness.
tion Center which is also possesses semi-pyramidal roof The schematic plans were illustrated to visualize the
adapted from the traditional Fale house in the Cordill- unfinished spaces inside the palace since the original
eras, the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS) architectural drawings of the site are not available any-
Complex—another massive development, which was more. As observed on the visit, the main entry starts from
hugely inspired by and thus architecturally expressed the north end of the third-floor level after the staircase.
via the Banaue Rice Terraces, among others. Similarly, This immediately leads to the main viewing deck, with
the main building of the Palace in the Sky—largest of the the panoramic view conveniently in front of the ascent.
three defined parts in the development, was designed This entices or even forces the visitor to be curious and
with the inspiration of the Bahay Kubo (Nipa hut), a tra-
ditional pre-colonial archetype in the Southern Luzon
wherein the development is located. Ar. Ramos’s Palace
in the Sky also echoes the local architectural trends of
the time, as the structure is also comparable to Locsin’s
pyramidal Maria Makiling Theater in Laguna, especially
with the roof design and materials used.
The building was articulated in a brutalist style, fea-
turing a huge semi-pyramidal roof supported by several
semi-circular columns. As evidenced in the structural
scheme, the design and construction of this portion were
extremely well-thought-out. It can also be inferred that
the final appearance was a higher priority than the lay-
out of spaces because the roof required several columns,
which in turn inconveniently consumed portions of the
spaces. It successfully managed to attain the goal, how-
Fig. 2 Digitally drawn site development plan (Source: Author, 2021)
ever, as it produced a daunting effect from afar that is
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 14 of 21

marvel at the sight. It produces a psychological effect that The palace in the sky as an edifice complex
one has power because all can be witnessed. Power, in its The palace, which was naturally raised by the mountain
usual essence, is the ability to perform unlimited things and artificially raised through structural means, clearly
while being unhindered. In this case, since there are no served as an edifice complex in the architectural sense,
obstructions and one can freely dive in and choose what- as it was forced to be erected at the highest point pos-
ever he/she wants to see, the architecture indeed com- sible, in such a way that its physical presence would be
mands a sense of authority. Also, it is significant that the declared to all even from afar. The building, like most
horizontal and vertical scales of this viewing deck are other Marcosian structures, stands on a pedestal and
enormous; hence as far as proxemics is concerned, the successfully demonstrates the status of an edifice. It
architecture is capable of dwarfing the user while at the also symbolizes supremacy since, in hilly settings like
same time producing a distanced but protected effect. these, the higher the position, the more desirable (and
Further, it was revealed on the site investigation that the hence more costly) it is because the view is uninter-
second floor was supposed to be the living area unfin- rupted, and the structure itself can be shown in its full
ished, but quite elaborate ceiling and wall designs were splendor. The structure itself was configured in such a
observed. If this is the case, then the deepest part of the way that it encourages the common people below to
building, the ground floor level, must then be the area for witness a spectacle not seen anywhere else in Tagaytay
bedrooms. This also supports the case that most of the and subsequently be captivated in awe.
“tamed” or private areas are located to the west and north In a much broader sense, it also played a role in the
(adjacent to the retaining wall). ideological or social sense of this specific age since it
As per the annex buildings located on the west and was an obvious manifestation of the Marcoses’ abso-
southwest side, while most of the spaces, let alone struc- lute authority and influence towards Tagaytay. This was
tural portions, were not finished, it, however, suggests physically channeled through architecture. A hierarchy
that this was intended for auxiliary functions like the and corresponding power were imposed as this exces-
garage, storage, and the like because other parts of it are sive development was easily materialized because it was
actively used for similar functions and they look consist- supported by the government, to the specific point that
ent to the original design. The religious shrine cannot be even laws were made to expedite its possibility. In con-
determined if it was erected during or after the construc- nection to these, the height of the construction process
tion phase of the palace. Similar stones on its retaining of the palace is already, in itself, a manifestation of the
walls and the retaining wall of the palace were observed, edifice complex because the desires of those who were
yet this may be just salvaged debris on the site. privileged enough to commission it compelled the local
settlers in the area to comply and be displaced.

General spatial configuration of the palace

Main deck Democratization and its effect on the site
A spacious open balcony wraps around the main build- As the Marcoses were exiled to Hawaii, the restric-
ing’s third level, offering panoramic views in all direc- tions to Mt. Sungay and the palace disappeared. It
tions. The huge roof was ingeniously constructed with was reported that upon gaining information about the
tiered reinforced concrete, held by steel structural fram- administration’s end, curious citizens of Tagaytay went
ing, then supported by compound tubular concrete col- to the site and witnessed the unfinished skeleton of the
umns by the building’s core and another set of posts near palace along with its unique views that were shielded
the outer part. from the public years before. The first effect of democ-
ratization has finally swept the place as the new leaders
Landscaping of the Philippine government reclaimed it for the peo-
Partially enclosed by the main and annex buildings is ple, with its name appropriately changed to “People’s
the open area or courtyard. This features a wide kidney- Park in the Sky,” and its intention was transformed from
shaped pool that is now filled with soil, an amphitheater, being a secluded personal recluse to a place catering for
gardens, a religious shrine, and some recently built sou- people’s leisure and enjoyment. Democratization may
venir shops. The landscaping was in harmony with the be seen to crush somewhat the edifice complex that the
configuration of the main structure. It is oriented towards structure once embodied as the people were now able
the cliff and is further contained by the retaining wall of to penetrate the site and have for themselves the abil-
the shrine. This again exhibits at one end the sense of pri- ity to witness the views. Such a momentous episode
vacy, and on the other end masked behind, is the sense of in Philippine history may seem optimistic; however, it
all-seeing. would not end here.
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 15 of 21

The type of governance that Marcos Sr. demonstrated, As democracy ensued, the significance of the devel-
which was described as “very personal” and can be com- opment was uncovered—despite its dark past, it is still
pared to sultanism ruling in early Latin American and an inventive physical execution of Philippine identity
African times, produced a sharp and extreme conflict through architecture. It contributes to nation-building
between political loyalists and opponents (Thompson by way of architecture because it cannot be denied being
1996). This subsequently resulted in a political transition part of history and the presence of creations like these
that was too unstable to fully control, added by the fact should not be forgotten. Plans resurfaced in 1996, when
that no government was stable right after a revolution. President Fidel Ramos revised the previous proclamation
It was figured that in the immediate democratic years, of Marcos, Sr. regarding the boundaries of the Mt. Sun-
political friction was produced between the previous gay area, by means of converting it into a conservation
government’s military and the succeeding administration, zone and transferring the park’s operation to the tourism
specifically President Corazon Aquino’s, which resulted sector, specifically to the Department of Tourism (DoT),
in democratic fragility and fear of possible democratic Tagaytay City Government, and Department of Environ-
backsliding—a phenomenon also called “de-democratiza- ment and Natural Resources (DENR) (Proclamation No.
tion,” or the misdirection of restored democracy towards 740 1996). It was therefore clear that the path the gov-
another autocratic rule. Litonjua (2001) further argued ernment wants to take for the park’s future is inclined
that President Corazon Aquino was actually not intend- toward tourism. However, present first-hand investiga-
ing to reform the government towards a different one but tions show that the revitalization plans for the park were
instead to just restore the pre-Marcos system including still not properly crafted, after all these years.
the setup of its public and private entities, with the lat- During the site visit, it was confirmed that the concrete
ter notably favoring this move. The country was also too mansion had already been battling against the natural ele-
unstable for the total restructuring of political systems as ments for a long time. Some parts, especially that of the
well as investigations of all damages and atrocities done annex building, were already being reclaimed by vegeta-
during the preceding era, especially with the tension tion. Old pieces of rocks were still scattered everywhere,
between the revolutionists and the military party. This 40 years after the construction; most of the paint already
was demonstrated by the seven-coup d’état attempts of faded. Besides the main deck and floor below, all other
the latter as they intended to take over the new revolu- parts are sealed to the public and are either abandoned
tionary administration (Grugel 1996). As such, they were or occupied by illegal settlers or caretakers; most nota-
observed to be the biggest threat to the post-Marcos bly, several new non-conforming structures, like vendor
political fragility. shacks and communication towers, were built all around
It may be recalled that Barsh (1992) expressed that the mansion, thus destroying its original form and overall
democracy can only survive if it can foster both the old architectural harmony (Figs. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10).
and new. It can also only endure if it can pacify both the
causes of the private and public sectors amidst the rapid Conclusion
economic change of the transition period. Again, failure The intrinsic link between architecture and power was
to sustain this critical point could result in de-democrati- recognized in the study. The Marcos administration has
zation. With this, it can then be realized that the govern- utilized architecture numerous times to wield power
ment that President Corazon Aquino holds is too tight. over the people. It was presented that the ruler, through
It demanded the government to focus on more pressing his supremacy, can order the creation of things such as
issues such as those previously mentioned, while the left- buildings and can also ultimately order their destruction.
over elements from the Marcos era, such as the exorbi- It is still a matter of architecture and its patron; only this
tant architecture like the park, were suspended in midair. time, the patron is the government itself. The concept of
Unlike structures that were built in the early part of the the edifice complex made it apparent that the architec-
Marcos presidency, wherein architects were named and ture of the palace suppressed the people of Tagaytay, by
celebrated, unfortunately, there are no records show- displaying magnificence and authoritarian ability through
ing the architecture of People’s Park in the Sky. This is the architectural sphere, by means of its strategic site
because it was constructed in the concluding years of the development plan, the configuration of spaces, and build-
said administration, at an already unstable point in time, ing form. The edifice complex expands further towards
and was never finished, hence its contribution to society, the social sphere, as the ruler’s support, which in the case
apart from being a physical manifestation of overindul- of this development was made by enacting legislations,
gence, was then relatively unknown. This is then the sec- can create a sense of omnipotence, fear, and subjugation
ond effect of democratization on the site—the ambiguity of the normal people. The principles of democratization
of its identity and value. theory revealed that the site was overlooked due to strict
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 16 of 21

Fig. 3 View facing south, with the Taal volcano on the left; view facing north towards Manila (Source: Author, 2021)

Fig. 4 Exterior of the main building (Source: Author, 2021)

Fig. 5 Wood-imitating concrete pergolas by the entrance; stairway entry approach (Source: Author, 2021)

institutional threats during the transition years, which The architectural composition of the Palace in the Sky
then relates to its present identity dilemma. Democrati- irrefutably represents the modern architecture during
zation should not perpetrate the erasing of past memo- the late 70 s to the early 80 s in the Philippines. Preserva-
ries, no matter how dark they are, because it cannot be tion and conservation of our heritage should also focus
denied that those turbulent times are still part of the on the cultural legacy of the concrete monoliths of bru-
nation’s history. Even though structures built in this era talism, which is often neglected, especially in the Philip-
were self-serving to the people in power, it is already pines due to the romanticization of the structures from
here, and the people had already spent their money on the eighteenth century. These structures are undeniably
it, thus, it should be improved for the democratic benefit sponsored by the conjugal dictatorship of the Marcoses
and not masked away only to be wasted. due to their access to the wealth of the Philippine coffers.
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 17 of 21

Fig. 6 Digitally-drawn schematic plans of Palace in the Sky (Source: Author, 2022)

Although general plans for change of use were set, there preservation and revitalization of the actual building’s
is still an adaptive reuse problem on the site, such that architectural identity are not considered, as it was appar-
the actual building is reduced to a mere tool—an elevated ent that no major restoration works were done, and only
structure upon which people stand and gaze at the sur- selected sites—those interacted with by the public, were
rounding views, also as a covered area for retailers. The maintained. The structure might seemingly democratize
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 18 of 21

Fig. 7 Main deck; structural framings of the roof (Source: Author, 2021)

Fig. 8 Panoramic view of the inner landscaping (Source: Author, 2021)

to this day, let alone vital records including the name of

the architect who designed it. The loss of all documents is
highly suspicious because such data form part of the pub-
lic records and should be easily accessible to the proper
government agencies. It cannot be avoided to think that
due to the controversies surrounding the construction of
the building, any documentary evidence especially the
name of the architect could have been intentionally hid-
den or even destroyed for purposes of protecting their
identity from possible reprisal or from being ostracized.
Fig. 9 The Palace in the Sky as seen from Tagaytay City area (Source:
Akbermamps 2022) The rise of people to power is inevitable and while archi-
tecture addresses the needs of society it may also be used
as a tool to perpetuate oneself and their benefactors. The
formation of edifice complexes then their subsequent
because the people can now physically access the struc-
democratization is a cycle affecting the structures in the
ture which was only penetrable visually to them at a
built environment and may not be avoided, however,
distance. However, the fact remains that physical acces-
society could exercise vigilance in documenting these
sibility cannot be construed as a democratized structure
architectural edifices to understand the past and learn for
because the level of ownership of the people is superficial.
the sake of better preparation in the future. The commu-
This is further bolstered by the fact that according to the
nity should be able to appreciate the importance of mod-
Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority
ern architecture beyond economic gains and despite of
(TIEZA), DoT, and even the Tagaytay government itself,
the pains of the memories.
no architectural drawings of the building have survived
Rivera‑Lutap and Castillo City, Territory and Architecture (2023) 10:31 Page 19 of 21

Fig. 10 From left, the neglected annex buildings; several rooftop communications towers; overgrown plants by the lower level; damaged slab
and corroded exterior of the annex (Source: Author, 2021)

Acknowledgements Amending Proclamation No. 2216, dated July 1, 1982, reserving a parcel of land
The authors would like to express their sincerest gratitude to Ar. Lorelei De surrounding the “People’s Park in the Sky” area with a one thousand meter
Viana, PhD, for her expert recommendations on the core contents of the radius thereof, situated in the City of Tagaytay, island of Luzon, for recrea-
study, as well as to Ms. Deon Franchezka Pineda for her support in the data tional, tourism, scientific, planned area for new development and similar
gathering phase. The authors would like to express their appreciation to Ms. purposes to be administered and managed by the department of tourism
Deon Franchezka Pineda for her great assistance and support in the data gath‑ and the city government of Tagaytay, Proclamation No. 740, s. 1996. (1996,
ering of the study. February 16). https://​www.​offic​ialga​zette.​gov.​ph/​1996/​02/​16/​procl​
amati​on-​no-​740-s-​1996/
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Jocelyn A. Rivera‑Lutap Architect and an educator. She is the

academic head of Polytechnic University of the Philippines—College
of Architecture, Design, and the Built Environment (PUP–CADBE). She
has a master’s degree in architecture and a Doctorate degree in Pub‑
lic Administration. She was the convenor of the 1st Asian Architects
in the Academe Assembly held in the Philippines in 2019. She was
bestowed Fellow in Education by the United Architects of the Philip‑
pines. She is a founding member of the INTBAU (International Net‑
work of Traditional Building, Architecture and Urbanism) Philippine
chapter. She is a founding member of the GRASS (Green Restorative
Action and Sustainable Solutions) working with Pasig City on urban
reforestation. She was a special lecturer at the College of Architec‑
ture, University of Santo Tomas, De La Salle College of St. Benilde,
and National University. Her interest in research varies from bamboo
architecture, architecture education, theory of architecture, environ‑
mental sustainability, and material recovery which were presented in
different fora both local and international, and most of the research