Artemisia Gentileschi in a Changing Light

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 THE MEDICI ARCHIVE PROJECT

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

Nicole Bourgois
Sheila ffolliott
Jane Fortune
George T. Frampton, Jr. (Board Chair)
Eugene M. Grant
Joan A. McClure
Martha McGeary Snider
Joanna Milstein
Robert B. Strassler
Julia A. Vicioso
Howard Yang

ACADEMIC BOARD

Nicholas Scott Baker, Macquarie University

Luciano Cinelli, Biblioteca Domenicana di Santa Maria Novella
Paula Findlen, Stanford University
Catherine Fletcher, Swansea University
Mary D. Garrard, American University
Tamar Herzig, Tel Aviv University
Yaakov Mascetti, Bar-Ilan University
Stephen J. Milner, University of Manchester
Franco Mormando, Boston College
Adriano Oliva, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (Paris)
Lorenzo Polizzotto, University of Western Australia
Paolo Simoncelli, Sapienza – Università di Roma
Eve Straussman-Pflanzer, Detroit Institute of Arts
Sharon Strocchia, Emory University
Henk Th. van Veen, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen

STAFF

Lorenzo Allori
Maurizio Arfaioli
Alessio Assonitis (Director) (The Medici Archive Project Series Founding-Editor, 2015–16)
Sheila Barker (The Medici Archive Project Series Editor, 2017–)
Stefano Dall'Aglio
Piergabriele Mancuso
Marcello Simonetta

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 THE MEDICI ARCHIVE PROJECT SERIES

Artemisia Gentileschi
in a Changing Light

EDITED BY
SHEILA BARKER

HARVEY MILLER PUBLISHERS

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HARVEY MILLER PUBLISHERS
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Contents

Acknowledgments 3
Introduction: What is True about Artemisia?
SHEILA BARKER 

Identifying Artemisia: The Archive and the Eye

MARY D. GARRARD 11

Artemisia Gentileschi’s Susanna and the Elders (1610)

in the Context of Counter-Reformation Rome
PATRICIA SIMONS 41

Artemisia’s Money: The Entrepreneurship of a Woman Artist in Seventeenth-Century Florence

SHEILA BARKER 59

Artemisia Gentileschi: The Literary Formation of an Unlearned Artist

JESSE LOCKER 89
1

Allegories of Inclination and Imitation at the Casa Buonarroti

LAURA CAMILLE AGOSTON 103

Women Artists in Casa Barberini: Plautilla Bricci, Maddalena Corvini,

Artemisia Gentileschi, Anna Maria Vaiani, and Virginia da Vezzo
CONSUELO LOLLOBRIGIDA 119

‘Il Pennello Virile’: Elisabetta Sirani and Artemisia Gentileschi as Masculinized Painters?
ADELINA MODESTI 131

Mary Magdalene in Ecstasy and the Madonna of the Svezzamento:

Two Masterpieces by Artemisia
GIANNI PAPI 147

Deciphering Artemisia: Three New Narratives and How They Expand our Understanding
JUDITH W. MANN 167

Unknown Paintings by Artemisia in Naples, and New Points Regarding her Daily Life and Bottega
RICCARDO LATTUADA 187

Mary Magdalene in Ecstasy by Artemisia Gentileschi. A Technical Study

CHRISTINA CURRIE, LIVIA DEPUYDT-ELBAUM, VALENTINE HENDERIKS, STEVEN SAVERWYNS,
AND INA VANDEN BERGHE 217

Authors’ Biographies 237

Index 241

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 Artemisia’s Money:
The Entrepreneurship of a Woman Artist in
Seventeenth-Century Florence
Sheila Barker1

‘Economic prudence does not consist in watching over what you spend, because these
expenses are often very necessary, but rather in knowing how to spend to your advantage…’

Francesco Guicciardini, Riccordi politici e civili, 1512–302

Was Artemisia a Financial Failure? In 2005, when Richard E. Spear turned his expertise
in the economics of art production on the specific case
Artemisia Gentileschi’s Florentine years (1613–20) are of Artemisia, he laid the responsibility for the couple’s
exceptionally well documented because of two archival ‘financial troubles’ on both Artemisia and her husband.
sources: Artemisia’s letters to her presumed lover, Spear noted that Pierantonio Stiattesi ‘was running up 59
Francesco Maria Maringhi, and a notorious paper trail debts behind her back’, but he also showed that Artemisia
of debts brought to the tribunal of the Accademia del contributed to the problem when ‘she herself bought
Disegno. Whereas assessment has only just begun of the lavishly from a druggist, to whom she owed thirty-two
Maringhi letters discovered by Francesco Solinas, scholars scudi, ten scudi were due to another creditor, and she also
have been weighing in for several decades on the issue of owed a carpenter money’.6 In addition, Spear found fault
Artemisia’s financial situation. This essay will reassess the in Artemisia’s business practices, describing the payment
evidence of her relationship with money in light of both she accepted from Michelangelo Buonarroti il Giovane for
newly unearthed documentation from the Florentine her Allegory of Inclination as being too low and pointing to
archives as well as recent historical studies on the use of her ‘exceptionally small output for seven years of activity,
credit in early modern Italy. even when allowance is made for unrecorded paintings
Despite subtle differences in their explanations, and the considerable time Artemisia must have lost
all of the scholars who have written about Artemisia’s during four pregnancies’.7 Artemisia in fact underwent
debts with Florentine merchants have agreed that she five pregnancies during her Florentine years, since it can
was beleaguered by financial problems in this period. now be proven that she gave birth to a daughter named
R. Ward Bissell blazed this path of inquiry in 1968 Agnola in 1614.8 Had Spear known about this additional
with his important publication of several documents pregnancy, he surely would have felt even more convinced
from the Accademia del Disegno.3 On the basis of these in his conclusion that Artemisia could be said to ‘feel
documents as well as her discovery of the birth records broke’ throughout her life, this being the basis for Spear’s
for four of Artemisia’s children during these Florentine comparison of Artemisia with ‘Adam Elsheimer [who] was
years, Elizabeth Cropper in 1993 asserted that debt was put in debtor’s prison’.9
‘a constant problem’ for the artist at this time, adding In the catalogue of the 2011 exhibition at Palazzo
that Artemisia ‘was also burdened by debts run up by Reale, Francesco Solinas evoked the now-familiar scenario
[her husband] without her knowledge’.4 Writing within in which Artemisia reached the end of her Florentine years
the genre of historical fiction, Alexandra Lapierre echoed ‘beleaguered by debts, after years of economic difficulties’.
these statements. She described how Artemisia’s creditors In his view, Artemisia’s departure from the city was
‘harried her mercilessly’ and she pinned the blame forced by the government’s seizure of her workshop,
for ‘the Stiattesi’s sordid financial breakdown’ on this being the consequence of her outstanding debts.10
Artemisia’s husband, portrayed in Lapierre’s novel as After invoking the exonerating circumstance of ‘a poorly
an irresponsible spendthrift.5 paid contract with a sickly grand duke’, Solinas reiterated
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 Cropper’s claim that Artemisia’s husband had spent all eye-opening examinations of the female workers in
of her dowry by 1619. Solinas, however, attributed the medieval and Renaissance Italy, greatly clarifying how the
crisis to both husband and wife: the ‘couple spent and issue of gender might have impacted Artemisia’s financial
spent, and Artemisia […] aspired to the material comforts endeavors. Taking into consideration the expanded range
of the good life’.11 Eve Straussman-Pflanzer’s account of archival evidence and this contextualizing scholarship,
of the couple’s financial situation paints an equally Artemisia’s financial strategies during the crucial first
unsympathetic picture of the artist, laying at her feet ‘her years of her business appear in a new light, and even her
numerous debts, her inability to complete pictures in a debts, previously interpreted as unambiguous indicators
timely matter, and the trail of gossip and suspicion that of economic crisis, can now be recognized as signs of her
followed her at every turn’.12 familiarity with vital entrepreneurial tools, and perhaps
Despite the consensus on Artemisia’s financial ruin even as signs of her financial success.
shared by the historians cited above, disjunctions and Although she was born and taught to paint in
contradictions have emerged, raising serious questions Rome, for all intents and purposes Artemisia’s career
about what seemed a foregone historiographic conclusion. as an independent master began in Florence. She was
Spear’s essay points to several areas of tension. For brought to the Tuscan capital in January of 1613 by her
instance, he dismissed Orazio Gentileschi’s complaints new husband, Pierantonio Stiattesi.17 That she took a
about money shortages as nothing other than a bargaining Florentine husband was not pure chance; indeed, it ought
technique used to induce his patrons to pay him more to be considered one of her earliest decisions regarding
generously, but he treated Artemisia’s similar complaints her future career.18 In Florence not only could she aspire
about money shortages as transparent indexes of her to a position at court,19 but she could also put distance
impecuniousness. Spear insisted on Artemisia’s poverty between herself and her father’s workshop, thereby
60
and poor business skills, but he also was aware of the fact escaping the fate of daughters who contributed to the
that she was able to afford a second property in Rome in production of art in their fathers’ workshops at the cost of
the 1620s and that she was able to employ two servants their own independent artistic identities.20
at this time.13 Another area of instability in the theory of As was typical with artisan-class marriages, the
Artemisia’s financial ruin can be detected in Solinas’s faint marriage contract that Artemisia’s father entered into with
surprise that the artist long remained affectionate towards the Florentine bridegroom confirms that the match was
Pierantonio even though he had supposedly dissipated engineered to bind the two parties with reciprocal financial
Artemisia’s entire dowry.14 More recently still, Jesse Locker interests. In this case, Pierantonio received his wife’s
has depicted the Florentine period in terms of dramatic large cash dowry of 1000 scudi, of which 500 scudi was
peripety, drawing attention to the sharp contrast between, provided up front, with the rest to be paid after five years
on the one hand, her early success at the Florentine court with interest.21 In an arrangement that was not unheard of
and her affair with a ‘wealthy Florentine nobleman’, and, among the lower tiers of the merchant and artisan classes,
on the other hand, the ‘financial turmoil’ that caused the marriage contract permitted Pierantonio to employ
‘debt-ridden’ Artemisia to flee Florence in 1620.15 the principal of the dowry in his business investments,
on the condition that those business investments were
made with his wife’s approval.22 This critical last clause
An Entrepreneuse since Marriage established Artemisia’s power over the use of the money
and made her a de facto business partner with her husband
Discrepancies and contradictions in the portrayal of when it regarded the investment of her dowry.23
Artemisia’s Florentine years as an economic shipwreck Although the contract had indicated that Pierantonio
point to the need for a reappraisal of the documents that could, if he wished, invest that money in opening an
have been invoked as evidence. This is now possible due apothecary shop – something that another female painter,
to the availability of additional financial documents from Giovanna Fratellini, would in fact do in the early 1700s –
the Florentine archives that help flesh out Artemisia’s it appears that Pierantonio’s most noteworthy business
financial history. Moreover, a growing body of specialized activity in Florence was assisting with his wife’s artistic
scholarship has begun to illuminate the business practices enterprise.24 We can therefore safely assume that any
of early modern Italy, and in particular this society’s capital investments that the couple made with the dowry
deeply ingrained ‘culture of credit’, to borrow Craig were directed towards Artemisia’s painting business.
Muldrew’s term.16 Also of note are a number of recent, Confirmation of this theory can be found in a complaint
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made by Pierantonio in 1620 to the effect that some 300 Artemisia’s Business Partners
ducats proceeding from what he called ‘his’ dowry had
been invested in the contents of her workshop, and that Like Francesca Caccini and some of the other female
the entirety of this workshop had been impounded by the musicians who found success in Florence, Artemisia had
Medici over the smaller debt of 50 ducats.25 a husband who oversaw aspects of her business dealings
The spending of a dowry to finance a wife’s business, and who shielded her from charges of mala fama, which
although not a widespread practice, would probably in the case of women could be triggered by even the
not have raised many eyebrows in seventeenth-century mere appearance of promiscuity.33 Pierantonio Stiattesi’s
Florence. As Maria Paolo Zanoboni has shown, it involvement in Artemisia’s painting business is witnessed
was common for Italian women to finance their own by the fact that all of his letters that have come to light
professional activities with their dowries and their regard either his wife’s finances or her relationships
paraphernal property.26 Moreover, of all the various with cultural brokers such as Michelangelo Buonarroti il
professional enterprises that the couple might have Giovane and Francesco Maria Maringhi.34
pursued, the painting business was widely considered to From the perspective of birth and wealth, Pierantonio
be worth the financial investment and effort, especially cut a very slight figure in Florentine society. This
since it was recognized at that time that painters had notwithstanding, his utility to his wife’s business
the potential to earn much more than other artisans.27 concerns should not be discounted. Assuming he had
The success achieved just a few years earlier by Lavinia an apothecary’s training, he could have helped in the
Fontana and Sofonisba Anguissola demonstrated that acquisition and preparation of Artemisia’s pigments, glues,
even female painters might aspire to attaining self- linseed oil, mineral spirits, and varnishes.35 If Pierantonio
sufficiency and prosperity in this profession (although had contacts with apothecary owners, conceivably he
Vasari’s vita of Properzia de’ Rossi stood as a cautionary could have made arrangements with them to display 61
tale about opposition from male rivals).28 some of his wife’s paintings on their shop walls, as was
Female painters were not the only business models the practice in Rome.36 During Artemisia’s youth in Rome,
that Artemisia might have looked up to. One of the more Orazio Gentileschi had conducted business with a pigment
prominent themes in the iconography of Artemisia’s seller named Antinoro Bertucci who, along with his cousin,
early production was that of female musicians. In her was a sort of art merchant; based on this precedent,
musical imagery, Artemisia is believed to have borrowed Orazio and his daughter may have expected Pierantonio
the likenesses of famous contemporary musicians, Stiattesi to take on a similar role, serving as a dealer for
including (perhaps) Francesca Caccini, Adriana Basile, Artemisia’s paintings.37
Virginia Ramponi Andreini, and Arcangela Paladini.29 Beyond any service Pierantonio might have offered
All of these aforementioned female musical performers Artemisia as an apothecary, there are more fundamental
were enjoying lucrative careers and wide recognition for ways in which he must have promoted Artemisia’s
their skills, as well as occasional immunity from some business. For instance, as a Florentine citizen with a
of the social strictures on women’s behavior.30 Awaiting family network, he afforded Artemisia an initial foothold
actresses were even greater rewards, including ‘prestigious in Florentine society and its credit-based marketplace.
honors, expensive gifts of clothing, necklaces, jewels and The documents attest to the fact that his modest standing
gold and silver coins from high-ranking personages and was sufficient to purchase goods on credit from several
even great princes’, and they traveled about ‘in the coach neighborhood merchants. Within the first months of the
of some noble lord as if they were princesses’.31 Given couple’s arrival in Florence in 1613, he made two large
that actresses and female musicians were frequently purchases on credit, one for 85 lire worth of gold jewelry
the most richly paid women at Italian courts, Artemisia or gold trim from a goldbeater named Domenico Casallesi,
may have considered these women as models of female and one for 206 lire (roughly 29 1/2 scudi) worth of cloth
entrepreneurship. At the same time she would have been from a silk merchant named Alessandro Covoni (fig. 1).38
aware that their wealth sometimes came with a price: any In September of the same year, both of these unpaid
appearance on a public stage exposed a woman to creditors made recourse to the merchant court operated
mala fama (dishonor).32 by the Mercanzia guild, and this court in turn ordered
the collection of pledged property from the Stiattesi
couple. Against the debt with Casallesi, Pierantonio
Stiattesi pledged Artemisia’s four-strand pearl necklace,
and his own black wool cape. Against the debt with
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 Covoni, Pierantonio Stiattesi pledged a purple satin
ladies’ overcoat and a white silk dress. Since both of these
items indubitably belonged to Artemisia, it would appear
that both the court and Pierantonio considered the debt
with Covoni to be hers. If the debt was hers, we can also
reasonably presume that the purchase of fabric from
Covoni was for the further expansion of her wardrobe.
The debts with Casallesi and Covoni were resolved
before the year’s end. Pierantonio successfully
renegotiated his debt with Covoni for an unknown
reduced sum in October. Then, in December (perhaps after
the sale of some of Artemisia’s artwork), the couple settled
this account and sent a representative to recuperate the
seized property from the merchant court. On the same
December day, the account with Casallesi was also settled,
notably for 17% less than the amount originally sought
by the creditor; thus, Pierantonio was able to return to
his wife her necklace, and to take back his cape.39 One can
see in both instances that the use of credit had worked in
the young couple’s economic favor, since no interest was
charged and the original selling prices were negotiated
62
down in court. Artemisia and her husband may have even
gained honor in the process, for Anne Matchette has
argued that whenever debtors pledged personal luxury
items whose worth surpassed the amount of the debt, the
debtor’s credibility was confirmed and his or her status
was enhanced.40 Fig. 1. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mercanzia 11636, fol. 159r; cf.
Appendix, docs 4 and 5. (Photo: Author, with permission from the
In addition to making purchases, negotiating with Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo)
merchants, and going to court in order to represent
Artemisia legally, Pierantonio probably also solicited expenditures for her business, just as her marriage
new clients for her paintings. Indeed, his involvement contract specified. When a carpenter was hired to furnish
in the business discussions is almost certain given that her workshop, Artemisia herself spoke with the craftsman
propriety would have required him to be present whenever to instruct him about what she needed and it was she who
male patrons visited Artemisia in her painting studio sealed the oral pact with him, non-binding as it may have
to see what she had for sale.41 Surely Pierantonio also been. This much can be gathered from the carpenter’s
accompanied some of Artemisia’s completed works to invoice: ‘Piero Antonio di Vincenzio Stiatesi and Monna
their commissioners, collecting payments and perhaps Artemisia his wife owe, as of this day of 24 November
also additional tips.42 His journey to Rome in 1614 could [1614], for one painting stretcher measuring 3¾ braccia
very well have been for the purpose of delivering his wife’s and two others measuring ⅔ braccio, according to the word
paintings to her Roman patrons. Artemisia’s Saint Cecilia of his wife and for her use __lire 2.13.4’ (emphasis mine).45
Playing the Lute (fig. 2) could be one such work, since it During Artemisia’s last years in Florence, her husband
has been dated by Gianni Papi to her Florence period, was frequently absent from the city.46 Eventually, the
notwithstanding its early entry into the Spada Gallery couple separated their financial interests (as will be
in Rome.43 Two years later, in 1616, Pierantonio made discussed below), and Artemisia relied on other male
another trip to Rome, probably for similar reasons, this business associates to take over the financial tasks
time leaving behind a donation to Rome’s Confraternity of formerly handled by Pierantonio. For instance, in March of
San Giovanni dei Fiorentini on Artemisia’s behalf.44 1619, a shopkeeper named Tommaso del Salvatico, a.k.a.
Pierantonio may have assumed some duties related to Masino merciaio, went to the Medici court bursar to collect
his wife’s professional enterprise, but from the beginning Artemisia’s large cash payment of 150 scudi for three
it was Artemisia who held the reins when it came to paintings she had completed for Grand Duke Cosimo II.47
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 63

Fig. 2. Artemisia Gentileschi, Saint Cecilia Playing the Lute, c. 1613, 108 × 78.5 cm, Rome, Galleria Spada. (Photo: Scala, Florence, courtesy
of the Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo)

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 In May of that same year, a certain Guglielmo di Lorenzo Campaccio), nos 20–21, Vincenzo had lived here since
collected the advance of fifty scudi given to Artemisia for 1578.54 Vincenzo’s house was probably also the location
another unspecified painting commissioned by the grand of her first painting workshop, allowing her to operate her
duke.48 The abovementioned Del Salvatico also seems business rent-free from early 1613 until April of 1615,
to have made small loans to Artemisia.49 The document and in all likelihood this location is where she installed the
suggestive of the latter form of assistance is particularly custom art studio equipment and furniture that she had
noteworthy because it places Del Salvatico in Artemisia’s commissioned from a carpenter in 1614.55 We can surmise
home along with an affluent silk merchant named Simone that this Florentine tailor’s home also served as Artemisia’s
Carducci, from whom she obtained a loan of ten scudi that sales floor. This situation may have been unusual in
was later renegotiated as a down-payment on a painting Florence, but it was in perfect conformity with the practice
commission.50 We thus can gather that she used her in Rome, where painters (including her own father)
residence as a place of business, and that she had started ran workshops, did business, ate, and slept under the
negotiating with men during her husband’s absences, even same roof.56 It is also the case that in Rome, tailors were
admitting them into her home. sometimes involved in the art market, selling paintings.57
Artemisia’s recourse to her husband, and then to As the legal head of the Stiattesi household, Vincenzo
Del Salvatico, to formalize her contracts and to collect naturally stood as a nominal co-guarantor of Artemisia’s
payments can be ascribed in large part to the laws dowry.58 Because he had an obligation to guarantee a
requiring women to employ a male proxy known as a dowry that could be used in business enterprises, it was in
mondualdo for their contractual business arrangements. Vincenzo’s own best interest to look after those enterprises
Even though this was customary, her choice of agents as and offer assistance whenever possible. One of the most
well as her use of her own, well-appointed house as a place immediate ways in which he could have helped Artemisia
64 of business should be regarded as calculated components was by giving her access to his client network, whether by
of a strategy of self-fashioning. In this regard, it is notable introducing his daughter-in-law to his patrons among the
that some male artists elected to use middlemen in their Carnesecchi family, or by introducing her to his artisan
financial endeavors. Guido Reni, for instance, had bankers, friends in the confraternity of the Scalzo, where he had
apothecaries, and tax farmers collect payments owed been a member since 1589, or by introducing her to the
to him as a means of creating the appearance of noble merchants with whom he did business.59 It appears from
disinterest in money matters, while Pietro Tacca felt he newly discovered documents that Artemisia occasionally
had been swindled by the middlemen he relied on.51 In purchased on credit using her father-in-law’s name; in such
later decades, in Naples, Artemisia found additional ways cases, her father-in-law probably already had developed a
to exploit the service of middlemen. In 1651, for example, business relationship with the merchant in question.60
she entered into a contract with Fabio Gentile. The In one such case, a debt carried in Vincenzo’s name for
agreement shows that she discreetly pre-sold her artworks 10 lire was brought to the merchant court in September
to him, whereupon Gentile then delivered the paintings of 1614 for settlement.61 This debt most likely had
to Emperor Ferdinand III, purporting them to be an financed the acquisition of goods for Artemisia’s use. This
unsolicited gift from the artist and proffering a donation conclusion can be drawn from the fact that when the court
letter that Artemisia had prepared in advance for the officer visited the Stiattesi home to collect pledges for this
monarch.52 By this strategy, Artemisia was able to avoid debt, the two items he took were Artemisia’s personal
the risks of painting on speculation and the inconvenience property: a gamurra (a dress with a tightly fitted bodice
of delayed payments. The contract permitted Gentile to and square neckline, requiring 10–15 braccia of fabric, and
keep for himself whatever reward the emperor might grant often worn over a shirt) made of fancy imported purple
to Artemisia upon receiving her paintings, although he had silk, and a black silk sottana (a dress with a tightly fitted
no assurance that this spontaeous reciprocity would be bodice, often with detachable sleeves).62 Such debts were
greater than the sum he had paid to the artist in advance. well within the means of the Stiattesi household: during
A tailor by trade, Artemisia’s widowed father-in-law, the period she lived at Vincenzo Stiattesi’s house, all such
Vincenzo Stiattesi (1547–1615), was also intrinsically debts that Artemisia contracted using her husband’s or
involved with her financial enterprise in Florence.53 her father-in-law’s names were settled swiftly upon being
Artemisia’s first home in Florence was Vincenzo’s brought to the merchant court.63
multi-level house with a garden containing fruit trees, One additional aspect in which Vincenzo Stiattesi could
grapevines, extensive pergolas, and vegetable gardens. have lent assistance to his daughter-in-law’s nascent career
Located on via Santa Reparata (formerly called via is the contribution of his expert sartorial labor to the
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expansion of her sumptuous wardrobe. The documentation at Europe’s early modern courts is a well-established
from the merchant court shows that some of Artemisia’s fact.70 What is less clear is why Artemisia invested in
very first purchases in Florence were for expensive fabrics, expensive clothing so early and with so much urgency,
and that by 1614 her chests contained multiple silk dresses well in advance of her request to a carpenter in November
and satin overcoats. Based on records describing him as of 1614 for workshop furniture, and also in anticipation
the tailor to the Carnesecchi family, we can reasonably of what has – until now – been considered her first
speculate that Vincenzo Stiattesi fabricated her dresses Florentine commission: the 1615 Allegory of Inclination
during her first two Florentine years.64 The invoice drawn for Michelangelo Buonarroti il Giovane. Thanks to the
up for Artemisia by another Florentine tailor postdates the new discovery of even earlier commissions, we now have
death of her father-in-law in 1615, as if to confirm that, an explanation for Artemisia’s immediate investment in
until that moment, she had benefitted from Vincenzo elegant clothing. Already by October 1614, more than half
Stiattesi’s dressmaking services.65 a year before Buonarroti ordered the Inclination, Grand
Duke Cosimo II commissioned three paintings from
Artemisia.71 Obtaining Cosimo II’s munificent patronage
was certainly well worth the financial outlay she had made
Luxurious Living as a Business on clothing, especially considering that in the case of
Strategy failure, she could have always recuperated a portion of her
investment by selling her garments to the second-hand
By contributing his labor and guaranteeing some clothing dealers known as rigattieri, or else by renting out
of Artemisia’s credit purchases of fabric and costly her garments to other women.72
accessories, Vincenzo Stiattesi, the head of her in-laws’ Artemisia’s heavy investment in clothing provided
household, was instrumental in her acquisition of a lavish an additional utility to her painting business. In her 65
wardrobe. He and his family must have believed quite Florentine works, it is quite apparent that Artemisia
firmly that Artemisia’s professional success depended regularly made use of her own fine clothing as studio
upon her ability to dress elegantly in up-to-date fashions. props. The Caravaggesque style she perfected in these years
They would have recognized that if Artemisia wished to featured minutely detailed depictions of luxury items,
cultivate patrons at the Medici court, where the nobility including exquisite fabrics, and the effects of the optical
were continually engaged in carefully contrived displays of realism that she sought to achieve required close analysis
exorbitant clothing, she, too, would have to play this high- of real objects as they appeared under special lighting
ante game and prepare to be assessed on the basis of her conditions.73 In fact, there is a striking correspondence
tailoring, fabrics, jewelry, and hairstyle.66 between the descriptions of the clothes she pledged to the
A number of the male painters of Artemisia’s era also merchant court against her debts – a purple satin zimarra
sought to dress as best as they could afford to, and some of (overdress), a colored silk zimarra with gold trim, a black
them even spent beyond their means.67 Agostino Tassi was silk zimarra, and black velvet zimarra with gold trim, a
one of the latter. According to Giovanni Battista Passeri’s white silk dress, and a tawny dress with gold trim – and
seventeenth-century biography, Tassi never paid his bills the garments of the protagonists she depicted, such as the
but he rented a large house, wore a gold chain, and lived Judith in the Palazzo Pitti’s Judith and Her Maidservant
extravagantly (‘viveva con ogni lusso e ostentazione’) (fig. 3), who wears a deep purple satin zimarra with gold
while trying to pass himself off as a noble and a cavaliere.68 trim.74 Given the similarity between Artemisia’s personal
With regard to the extravagant spending of Alessandro wardrobe and that of the women depicted in her artworks,
Tiarini (1577–1668), Raffaella Morselli has argued that we can only conclude that when Artemisia’s patrons
when painters directed all of their available credit towards encountered her dressed in her finery, she must have
the outward signs of a noble lifestyle, it was because they closely resembled her own painted heroines, brought to life
were seeking to gain a higher social status.69 In Artemisia’s and given the power of speech.
case, the appearance of a higher social status not only The merchant court records show that in addition to
would have facilitated her access to the social circles of dressing richly, Artemisia continually had one or more
well-heeled patrons and to the female households of the servants in her house while living in Florence.75 Artemisia
Medici court, but it could have also helped insulate her also lavished attention on the appearance of her home.
from the dishonorable suspicion that was sometimes cast The records of items she pledged to the merchant court
on professional women. indicate that her home was appointed with luxury items
The importance of maintaining an elegant appearance such copper kitchenware and a red silk bed covering called
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 here [in Rome], if you want to get ahead, you need to
make a show of good taste and demonstrate that you live
in comfort, beause when people see that your house is
in order, it makes all the difference and you enjoy much
more credit’.79 Two weeks later he reiterated his point:
‘We must fix up the house to keep up our reputation and
to be held in good stead’.80 He was speaking not merely of
Artemisia’s reputation as a painter, but also of the couple’s
perceived moral and social status; in other words, an
elegantly decorated home would not only have facilitated
the sale of Artemisia’s art, but it would also have eased
their entrée into the higher echelons of Roman society
and potentially enhanced their access to financial credit.81
Although it might seem illogical in light of contemporary
asset-based credit systems, even if Artemisia had outfitted
her Florentine and Roman houses by means of credit
purchases, the resulting appearance of affluence had the
consequence of improving her creditability and therefore
of enlarging her purchasing power. This can be explained
by the fact that credit was often extended according
to nebulous, non-financial criteria such as character
66
and reputation, in a judgment process that took into
Fig. 3. Artemisia Gentileschi, Judith and Her Maidservant, c. 1617, consideration a borrower’s advantageous connections as
114 × 93.5 cm, Florence, Galleria Palatina, Inv. no. 398. well as his or her social and economic relations.82
(Photo: Scala, Florence, courtesy of the Ministero dei beni
e delle attività culturali e del turismo)

The Use of Credit by Artisans and

a coltre (fig. 5) that might have resembled the crimson
blanket covering the slayed general in her Judith Beheading
by Women
Holofernes at the Uffizi (fig. 6).76 Also betokening her
Despite all the pressing expenses Artemisia faced while
prosperity were the precious, gold-embossed leather
setting up her painting business in Florence, and despite
wall coverings (quorami d’oro) decorating her Florentine
the fact that her marriage contract permitted spending
home, as noted in several of Artemisia’s letters from 1620
the dowry on business investments, the frequency with
regarding her attempts to recuperate the possessions
which she purchased on credit shows that she strove to
she had left behind in the Tuscan capital.77 From her
protect the principal of her dowry when she could. As
later letters, we know that Artemisia and Pierantonio
much as possible, she astutely obtained goods and services
followed the same strategy of acquiring fine furnishings
by means of the non-interest-bearing credits that the
when setting up their Roman household in 1620. Within shopkeepers were willing to extend to her (in the name of
just a few months of her arrival in that city, Artemisia her husband or her father-in-law) on the basis
proudly boasted that she had succeeded in making hers ‘a of her sizable dowry, luxurious clothes, and the jewels
house fit for a gentleman to see and to be in’.78 This fact she flaunted.83
alone should cast into doubt the notion that she and her Artemisia’s business acumen is also evident in her
husband moved away from Florence to escape creditors tactical management of her various debts. With pragmatic
(a topic that will be further adressed below), and it should deliberateness, she determined whom to repay and how,
also dispel the claim that one or the other of them had fulfilling obligations to grocers and ordinary artisans with
squandered Artemisia’s dowry. the utmost reluctance. Lowest on the totem pole were
In two letters written in 1620, Artemisia’s husband female servants. Artemisia knew very well, for instance,
articulated why he and his wife were so attentive to the that the IOU she gave in December of 1615 to her
presentability of their home. In late March he wrote to unmarried servant, Maria Stecchi, in the amount of 105
Maringhi, ‘Send us also the leather wall coverings, because lire, and bearing only her own signature and not that of her
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husband (fig. 7), was the kind of contract whose validity from shopkeepers on credit as Artemisia did was not a
she could easily contest later when she no longer needed sign of insolvency or poverty, but rather a widespread
Maria to care for her third-born infant, Cristofano.84 By business strategy that was without stigma, and one that
deferring the outlays of cash to her grocers, carpenters, she exploited as much as possible in the years when her
pharmacists, and domestic servants, Artemisia was able to fledgling business required heavy investment.
sustain her household as well as make necessary business Although it has been established that early modern
investments in between the irregular but rich payouts she artisans relied heavily on credit, many art historians
received upon the completion of her paintings. have nonetheless been reluctant to recognize Artemisia’s
Artemisia’s intensive use of credit was not an guiding hand – and entrepreneurial savvy – amidst the
isolated case. For centuries, European artisans, especially records of her debts. One reason for this oversight is that
those whose products required many man-hours to it was not known until very recently that the marriage
complete, had made recourse to credit as a means of contract gave Artemisia firm control over any expenditures
reconciling the sporadic nature of their compensation made with her dowry, a power that additionally implies
with daily exigencies.85 The ubiquity of debts and mutual her voice in the financial management of her business.88
indebtedness impacting all social levels was an entrenched Another reason for the oversight is the assumption
characteristic of the Florentine economy, as Matchette made by some scholars that the debts recorded under
has affirmed.86 Between the late sixteenth and the early her husband’s name had been contracted by him, and
seventeenth century, paralyzing shortages of gold coinage that in this manner he supposedly squandered her dowry
in Florence only further expanded this society’s reliance pursuing his own interests.89 This is not the case. The
upon a system of debts and credits.87 Taking goods officials of the merchant court had implicitly recognized

67

Fig. 4. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mercanzia 11638, fol. 126r; Fig. 5. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mercanzia 11636, fol. 136r;
cf. Appendix, doc. 23. (Photo: Author, with permission from the cf. Appendix, doc. 25. (Photo: Author, with permission from the
Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo) Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo)

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68

Fig. 6. Artemisia Gentileschi, Judith

Beheading Holofernes, c. 1619–20, 199
× 162.5 cm, Inscription, lower right:
‘Ego Artemitia Lomi fec.’, Florence,
Galleria degli Uffizi, Inv. 1890,
no. 1567. (Photo: Scala, Florence,
courtesy of the Ministero dei beni e
delle attività culturali e del turismo)

Artemisia’s responsibility by seizing almost exclusively A Step Toward

her own paraphernal property against these debts, as
discussed above.90 Pierantonio Stiattesi was called to court
Financial Independence
over Artemisia’s direct and indirect spending because
While living in Florence, Artemisia and Pierantonio,
he, as the holder of her dowry, was legally responsible
although they remained married, seem to have severed
for all her debts even if he had not been present during
their economic relationship, and perhaps even to have
the negotiations (as in the cases of the debt with the
ceased living together.92 The cause for the separation
carpenter, and the debt with the domestic servant bearing
might be presumed to be primarily financial, although
Artemisia’s IOU).91 Further supporting the assertion that
compatibility cannot be excluded as a factor. Perhaps
these expenditures were Artemisia’s is the striking fact
Artemisia needed to be at liberty to spend, invest, and
that there is no evidence preceding Artemisia’s arrival in
use her money as she wished, and perhaps Pierantonio,
Florence that either Pierantonio or his father Vincenzo
who seems to have been spending a great deal of time in
were ever called to the Florentine courts over debts.
Pisa, had tired of rushing to court to represent his wife’s
business affairs.
It appears that their separation probably preceded
the date of 1618, when Orazio Gentileschi would have
been contractually obliged to pay out the second and
final installment of 500 scudi for Artemisia’s dowry.
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If his daughter was no longer living with her husband, control of her dowry).99 Here we find direct evidence of
Orazio would have had firm legal grounds for not paying her financial independence: Artemisia is said to have
this installment on the dowry. Whether or not he paid been subjected to a property seizure (‘essendo gravata’)
the second installment is not known, but there is a following her attainment of full control of her dowry
distinct possibility that Artemisia’s estrangement from (‘havendo il pieno della sua dota’).100 This document offers
her husband led to the incident in early 1620 in which additional information about her separated status, because
her brother Giulio accompanied her on an unsuccessful it is implied that Artemisia was living apart from her
flight from Florence, unbeknownst to her husband.93 In husband when her legal advocate asserted that the court
one possible scenario, Orazio could have caught wind of summons had been delivered to Pierantonio Stiattesi and
Artemisia’s compromising relationship with Maringhi, not to her.
refused to pay the remainder of the dowry, and sent his In the period preceding the couple’s financial
son to Florence to collect his daughter before she brought separation, Artemisia advanced decisively towards
dishonor to the family.94 Damaging gossip was circulating autonomy as a consequence of her matriculation in
about Artemisia’s conjugal status at this time: Bernardo the artists’ guild known as the Accademia del Disegno.
Migliorati, the sotto guardarobiere of the Medici court, Although Artemisia was practicing professionally in
had recently tarnished her reputation with a defamatory Florence since 1613, she only joined the Accademia del
letter targeting the artist and her husband (‘una lettera Disegno on 19 July 1616, after having made an initial
infamissima contro di me e mio marito’) and replete with a request to matriculate in 1615.101 The 1616 matriculation
libelous sonnet (‘con uno sonetto arci infame’).95 record shows that she was charged the lowest fee level,
What happened next can be gathered from the 4 lire:
documents: Artemisia and her brother were apprehended Artemisia, wife of Pagolantonio Stitesi and daughter of
in Prato, at which point Pierantonio was summoned by Oratio Lomi, paintress named on the facing page, owes on 69
government officials and commanded to keep his wife day 19 of July 1616 four lire. Cavaliere Vasari collected for
in Florence, or pay a steep fine. In response, Artemisia the initiation of her matriculation at entry 54____ requited
through her father ___ lire 4102
beseeched the grand duke for permission to go to Rome for
a short spell, citing an urgent family matter. Pierantonio It also records her husband’s name erroneously as
Stiattiesi and Artemisia arrived in Rome together on 28 ‘Pagolantonio Stitesi’, presumably indicating his physical
February 1620, and in the following weeks the couple absence during the bureaucratic process, and his
engaged in heated altercations with Orazio and his sons. irrelevance to this institution’s statutes regarding his wife’s
By May of 1620, Pierantonio had filed a lawsuit against his matriculation.103
father-in-law to compell the full payment of the promised Matriculation in the Accademia del Disegno
dowry.96 consolidated Artemisia’s independent status in two vital
Even without knowing the full details of the couple’s ways. In the first place, it confirmed that she had her own
separation arrangement, we can at least be certain that the workshop. From documents beginning in 1616, we know
accord placed Artemisia in full control of her dowry and this workshop was located in Borgo Ognissanti, a street
that, by the same token, it made her solely responsible for at once far from her in-laws’ home and at the same time
her debts. This much was made evident when an officer convenient to the Medici residence at Palazzo Pitti.104
of the merchant court directly targeted ‘Monna Artimitia Additionally, matriculation allowed her to benefit from
Lomi’ to collect pledged property against an old debt with the Accademia’s jurisdiction over its members’ contractual
a shopkeeper named Michele Bonelli on 26 April 1619. disputes, an aspect she must have particularly appreciated
Appearing in court herself on 14 June 1619, she paid the given her vigorous reliance upon micro-credit financing
fee to recover the item seized from her, namely a gold ring from multiple creditors. As a member of the Accademia,
with five diamonds.97 Part of the litigation regarding this Artemisia’s frequent appearances before this tribunal and
same debt dispute is a previously published document of that of the merchant court demonstrably affirmed her legal
5 June 1619, written in her defense and registered with autonomy.105 Previous to her enrollment, her husband
the tribunal of the Accademia del Disegno.98 According to had represented her before the Accademia’s tribunal in
her defense, she had contracted the debt with Michele, a 1614 (fig. 8).106 However, after she became a member
shopkeeper, in an earlier period while her husband was beginning in 1616, Artemisia alone was summoned to
her legal guardian and living with her. It was contended hearings at this court, and her husband ceased to represent
that this debt could not be assigned to her (in contrast to her.107 Testimonies produced during those hearings shed
those debts contracted after she had gained autonomous precious light on her domestic situation, where we find a
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 confirmation of her effective autonomy. For instance, we delinquent debts were brought to court for arbitration,
learn that by 1617, her household staff looked to her alone they were often subject to a negotiated reduction.110
for payment, and they regarded Artemisia and no one else Simply put, the delayed repayment of debts was the
as boss (‘padrona’).108 easiest and surest means of obtaining favorable price
discounts, and it did not carry the social stigma that
haggling over individual prices at the moment of purchase
Conclusion did.111 In forcing her debts to be adjudicated, Artemisia
stood a strong chance of coming out ahead, and the
There is no question that Artemisia habitually purchased available evidence suggests that she almost always did,
goods and services on credit, and that she left many typically obtaining reductions of about ten percent on
of these debts unpaid until forced to act on them by her accounts.112
court orders and property seizures. Although there were Not only were these practices strongly in her favor
inconveniences associated with this means of financing her from an economic standpoint, but they were also entirely
business, Artemisia recognized the potential of interest- within the pale of marketplace ethics. In Artemisia’s
free debt to maximize her loan capital, since merchants Florence, the acquisition of goods on credit was not the
– unlike bankers – did not charge interest on what were desperate expedient of the impoverished; rather, it was
effectively loans of cash and commodities. As explained the privilege of the wealthy and the well-connected.113
above, this free credit allowed Artemisia to operate her Seen from this perspective, Artemisia’s frequent use
business smoothly in between her big paydays and to of credit demonstrates that she was perceived to be
present herself to society with the elegance required to financially worthy of access to credit. In other words, if
attract moneyed patrons.109 Artemisia fully exploited this shopkeepers continued to extend her goods and services
70 financial tool for one of its additional advantages: when in advance of payment, it was because her showy raiments

Fig. 7. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Accademia del Disegno 91, Fig. 8. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Accademia del Disegno 91, fol.
insert 3, between fols 168v and 169r; cf. Appendix, doc. 26. (Photo: 67r; cf. Appendix, doc. 1. (Photo: Author, with permission from the
Author, with permission from the Ministero dei beni e delle attività Ministero dei beni e delle attività culturali e del turismo)
culturali e del turismo)

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and prominent jewelry were material witnesses to her have recommended Artemisia to her other early patron in
prosperity and to her ability to make good on her debts.114 Florence, Michelangelo Buonarroti il Giovane.121
Perhaps the shopkeepers also knew Artemisia was As indicated in the opening of this essay, it was
receiving regular painting commissions from the grand formerly assumed that Artemisia’s flight was precipitated
duke, and perhaps they knew that she had gained control by her mounting bills. However this theory fails to explain
of her dowry. what changed in 1620, and why the umpteenth court
Once we understand the ‘culture of credit’ that summons would have caused her to lose her nerve after
characterized the early modern Florentine economy, she had successfully manipulated the system for years.
Artemisia’s increased contraction of debts beginning Casting further doubt on the traditional explanation is
around 1616 –when she set up her workshop in Borgo the fact that on 10 February 1620, the eve of her first
Ognissanti and began to separate financially from her unannounced flight from Florence, she went to the
husband – can no longer be treated as a transparent sign merchant court to pay a bill and recuperate a ring she
of economic crisis. If anything, we should interpret her had pledged.122 Such an action simply does not accord
rapid acquisition of debt as evidence that she was investing with claims that she was overwhelmed by her debts.123
in her business with optimism and confidence, and that It is true that when she left Florence, she was listed as a
she was more capable than ever before of leveraging her debitrice with the Medici court for the down payment on a
earning power with the city’s merchants and shopkeepers. painting commission from the grand duke, but the letters
How can her 1617 credit purchases from a tailor be demonstrate that it was always her intention to complete
interpreted as a symptom of financial desperation when the paintings and that she made plans for their delivery in
all the items listed were high-end luxuries like gold trim, the summer of 1620.124
and when they included the generous gift of a fine woolen Although there is still a need for more archival
71
dress to her orphaned, unmarried sister-in-law?115 As a research on the matter, the current evidence suggests that
final argument that Artemisia was relatively prosperous Artemisia’s departure from Florence probably revolved
despite her recourse to credit is the fact that nearly every around her father’s refusal to pay out the rest of her dowry,
one of her debts was swiftly paid off in the flush years of amounting to some 500 scudi plus interest, to Pierantonio
1617, 1618, and 1619.116 Stiattesi. Adding to her reasons for leaving the city was the
One of the more notable social consequences of this defamatory letter written by the Medici court guardaroba,
culture of debt was that it extended the duration of the Bernardo Migliorati, and the malicious gossip that must
relationship between a shopkeeper and the account- have preceded it, regarding Artemisia’s separation from her
holding client.117 The longer an account was open, the husband and her transgressive relationships with other
more goods a merchant might expect to be able to sell to men such as Maringhi. Whatever the cause of her awkward
a client. In these protracted financial relationships with exit from the Florentine stage, this turmoil did not lead to
her wealthier merchant creditors, Artemisia recognized notable changes in her manner of doing business or her
opportunities to enlist new patrons and snare new buyers professional ambitions. Artemisia quickly regained her
of her art. One example regards the abovementioned footing in Rome, dressing elegantly and living in a house
debt of 206 lire contracted with Alessandro Covoni in fit for the ‘cardinals and princes’ who paid frequent visits
1613 for the purchase of fabric.118 By leaving her debt to her there in order to acquire her paintings.
with the silk merchant unpaid, Artemisia created a basis In seventeenth-century Florence, debt was a vital
for prolonging the relationship, and at the same time financial tool for entrepreneurial activity, especially when
she gave Covoni a motive for helping her to find a buyer wielded by a shrewd, confident, and savvy individual.
for her artworks, since Covoni realized that only upon Artemisia may have very well fit this bill. The newly
selling her art would she be able to repay him. Covoni was expanded range of evidence about her use of money during
well placed to find a patron for Artemisia since he was a her Florentine years, coupled with recent scholarship
knight of Santo Stefano and a page in the Medici court.119 on early modern economies, shows that Artemisia used
He may very well have recommended her to Grand Duke debt with resourcefulness and savoir-faire, building up
Cosimo II, who, as discussed near the beginning of this a successful painting business in a highly competitive
essay, commissioned three paintings from Artemisia in market and achieving – for the first time in her life –
1614, as well as several others later on.120 Covoni may also economic independence.

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 WORKS CITED
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 Sgrilli, Gemma. Francesco Carletti, Mercante e viaggiatore fiorentino, quelle suo stimato precio [prezzo] et cetera.
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74
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University Press, 2007, 71–84. lire 85.14.4 astanzia di Domenico Casallesi et compagni battilori,
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Cosimo Landini, licenziò detto gravamento per pagamento al
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2016, 51–76. Paragone, 18.205 (1967), 68–83 (p. 82 n. 11), but never fully
transcribed.
+ 1614 Piero Antonio di Vincenzio Stiatesi et Monna Artemisia
Appendix: Document Transcriptions sua donna devano dare a dì 24 di novembre per uno telaio di
braccia 3 ¾ e dua di dua terzi per pitture per parola della sua
1. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, fol. 67r. Dated 5 March donna et per suo servizio__lire 2.13.4
1614 (modern style) – 9 April 1614. Unpublished. E a dì 25 detto uno studiolo di abeto con cinque cassette drento
A di 5 di marzo 1613. Ad instanza di m. Aurelio di Giovanni [dentro] con dua sportelli da aprire e serrare con le campanelle
Battista Lomi Pittore domanda contra Artemisia donna di d’ottone per tenere disegni e colori per detta sua donna chon suo
Pierantonio Stiattesi et detto Pierantonio per ogni suo negozio tavolino da stare sopra detto lire ventotto__lire 28
e suo conto che havendo detto di non levare alcune opere Et per uno candeliere e uno la cerniere con la sua padella servi per
inpingerrate per pitture; detta Artemisia o che provengha a detta servi per detta_lire 5
saldare i conti, o che o fa asta overo per farnela compensando Et adì 16 di febraio per avergli fatto uno telaio di braccia 3 1/2

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e largo braccia 2 1/2 e uno altro di braccia 2 ½ e largho braccia 2 verità. Io monna Margherita sopradetta lo fatto scrivere per non
7/8 lire sei__lire 6 sapere, e la presente fede da Francesco Maria Maringhi questo dì
E a dì 12 di febraio una tavoletta di noce per dipingere sopra detta et anno in Firenze.126
lire una soldi cinque 1.5
Et uno prete da saldare il letto __3.10 11. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 685r. Dated 3
E per uno grado di una credenza lire otto__8 January 1620 (modern style). First cited in Fumagalli,
E a dì 23 di febraio per avere fatto di nuovo uno telaio di braccia 4 ‘Florence’, p. 327 n. 144, but not transcribed.
largho e alto braccio 3 e tirato la tela__lire 4.10
A dì 3 gennaio 1619. Io Domenico d’Ottavio Boscoli fo fede come
E a dì detto una pancha da predicha di braccia 3__lire10 essendo andato più volte a bottega di Masino Merciaio, Messer
E a di 26 detto 4 sgabelli d’albero per ni [ogni] cosa__lire 10.13.4 Simone Carducci mi domandò da tre volte se la Signora Artemisia
E a dì 18 di aprile uno telaio di braccia 4 e 3__lire 4 [cancelled: lavorava] faceva la sua Madonna, et io li risposi
E dua di braccia 2 ½ l’uno e e larghi braccia 1 ¾ __lire 4.10 essere in bonissimo termine, e per essere la verità sottoscriverò
lire 88.1.8 la presente di mia propria mano questo dì et anno suddetto
(lire 27) Io Domenico di Ottavio Boscholi sotto scritto di mia mano
lire 61.1.8 propria.127
( 10.10.0)
50.11.8 12. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 680r. Undated,
c. early 1620. First cited in Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, p. 327
[h]anno dato a di 26 di aprile 1615 lire sette_____ lire 7 n. 144, but not transcribed.
E a di 23 di gennaio [1616] lire venti contanti____ lire 20
= lire 27 Moglie già di Antonio Sapiti. [in another hand:] Io monna
Antonia Vedova fo fede che il Signore Simone Carducci a dato
scudi dieci alla Signora Artimizia Lomi in sul uno quadro di una
7. ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 359, fol. 31r. Dated 1 March
Madonna e mi sono ritrovata più volte che io ero in casa della
1619 (modern style). Unpublished.
suddetta Signora Artimisia e visto venire il suo Paggio più volte
A dì detto per cento cinquanta di moneta pagati a monna a solleccitarla detto quadro e e anche lui in persona e io Marco
Artimisia Lomi pagato [a] Tommaso del Salvatico per saldo del Papi ho fatto persente che disse non sapere scrivere detta monna
suo conto 207 (infrascritto 18 p. 34) per [scudi] 150._._._. Antonia Vedova.128 75

8. ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 359, fol. 41 left. Dated 6 May 13. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 92, fol. 49v. Dated 11
1619. Unpublished. December 1619. Unpublished.
Artimisia Lomi Pittoressa deve dare a dì 6 di maggio per A dì 11 di dicembre di 1619. Comparse detta Monna Artemisia
cinquanta di moneta pagato [a] Guglielmo di Lorenzo consocio. Lomi et con detta disse havere ricevuto detti denari per altro
Et se li pagono per a buon conto di Quadri che fa per S.A.S. come conto di uno quadro di Santi quatro.
per ordine in Filza di Giustificatione sotto numero 565 iscritto 22
havere Cassa in questa pagina 39: [scudi] 50._._._. 14. ASF, Libri di Commercio e di famiglia, 1114, ‘Questo
libro è di Simone Carducci e chiamasi quaderno di cassa
9. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 684r. Dated 15 e ricevuti’, anno 1618, fol. 28 left. Dated 4 June 1618.
January 1620 (modern style). First cited in Del Bravo, ‘Su Unpublished.
Cristofano Allori’, p. 82 n. 11, but never transcribed. Artimisia Lomi e moglie di Pierantonio Stiattesi de dare addi 4 di
A dì 15 di gennaio 1619. Fassi fede per me Tomaso de Salvatico giugnio scudi dieci in contanti datoglene in casa sua scudi 10.
come è la verità e che essendo in casa l’Artimizia pittora in s[i]
eme con Ser Simone Carducci più tempo fa mi ri[chies]e che io 15. ASF, Decima Granducale 1396, fol. 744r. Dated 7 October
g[l]i prestassi scudi deci e quali io non avevo comodo dissi non 1615. Unpublished.
avere e detto Ser Simone Carduci disse io ve gli presterò io in A dì 7 di ottobre 1615. Fede per me Padre Luca Stiattesi Rettore
mia presenzia e so che gene [glie ne] ma[n]dò per e suo servidore della Chiesa di Santo Stefano a Calcinaia come è la verità ch’è
subito e di tanto fo fede di mia mano questo dì sopra detto’. morto Vincentio di Valore Stiattesi morì a dì 9 di settembre 1615
si seppellì a dì 10 detto nella mia Chiesa a carta 51 et in fede ho
10. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 683r. Dated 1 scritto di propria mano questo dì et anno sopradetto a Calcinaia.
January 1620 (modern style). First cited in Elena Fumagalli, Idem Lucas Stiatesius manu propria
‘Florence’, in Painting for Profit. The Economic Lives of
Seventeenth-Century Italian Painters, ed. by Richard Spear 16. ASF, Decima Granducale 1401, no. 669.
and Peter Sohm (London-New Haven: Yale University Press, Dated 6 September – 30 October 1617. Unpublished.
2010), 173–203 (p. 327 n. 144), but not transcribed.
A dì 6 di settembre 1617. Io Agnolo di Francesco Cambi fo fede
A dì 1 gennaio 1619. Io monna Margherita Vedova moglie del già come e la verita che Francesco Maria Stiattesi è vero e legittimo
Bartolomeo Benvenuti fo fede come io andai à trovare da parte figliolo di maestro Vincentio Stiattesi sarto et in fede di questa
della Signora Artemisia il Ser Simone Carducci, e li domandai scrissi di mia mano propria.
perchè l’haveva fatta citare, e lui mi rispose perché non ha mai A dì 30 di ottobre 1617. Constituto personalmente. Jacopo di
finito il mio quadro, che li diedi dieci scudi a conto [loss; proposed Domenico Manini pettincagniolo di pettini da lana sopradetto et
reading: et] mi facesse una Madonna, et io li dissi non tirarsi habitante di presente nelle Vie del Corso per Causa di riconoscere
inanzi, che li dirò che la solleciti. Lui mi disse che non farebbe la sopradetta fede il quale dato il giuramento in forma, et in
altro, ma che io li dicessi che la voleva di sua mano, e non di fornito, rispose sapere benissimo quanto in parte la fine di quelli
lavoranti, et io li dissi tanto li dirò; e per esser tutto questo la che ora dicono la verità, et finio essere pronto in volere dire il

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 vero sopra quello gli sarà domandato et in prima disse io ho 18. ASF, Decima Granducale 1395, fol. 383r-v. Dated 30 April
fatto di mia mano propria la la sopradetto fede (et Int. P.e) Io 1615. Unpublished.
ho conosciuto da molti anni adesto mastro Vincentio di Valore E à di [30] aprile 1615 Dichiarasi per la prese[n]te ischrita chom’è
Stiattesi sarto, il quale è morto son due anni in circa et dopo la la verità che io Vice[n]zo di Valore Istiatesi apigione una sua
sua morte lasciò et ha lasciato ser Giovanni Battista, Reverendo chasa posta i[n] vie cha[m]pacio popolo si sa[n]to lore[n]zo a
Padre Luca, Pierantonio, et Francesco Maria suoi figlioli legittimi giovabatista di tomaso pagnini per un ano prosimo chomi[n]
et naturali, e questo lo so perche da vent anni in qua ho sempre ciando e di primo di di magio prosimo a venire cho[m]pati che
praticato di mastro, et mi ricordo quando nacque Francesco sopradeto abi da pagare i schudi tre[n]ta per questo ano e deti
figliolo minore del detto mastro Vincentio, quale stave nel tre[n]ta duchati e melgli [me li] a da pagare ina[n]zi che gli
Campaccio in casa sua, dove stetti molte, e moltevolte con detto isgioberi [sgomberi?] e chosi siamo dachordo che la pigione di
mastro Vincentio per essere mio amicissimo, e di più so che lasciò questo ano cho[m]pati che sopradeto no[n] posa apigionare e ne
una figliola femmina per nome Lisabetta. Del tempo di 20 in più fare i spese di sorte nesuna e facendo s’intende fare de suo propio
del luogho in Firenze. De contestimoni disse di se, e di Jacopo chopati che sopradeto abi da mantenere e mio orto cho[n] fruti
Chiti, e di Francesco legnaiolo, et altri. Sopra li generali disse e fichi susine vite ei pergole e altre frute bene palato e altreta[n]
essere d’età di anni 55 et essere consonato, e comunicato questo te del orto tuto è pergolato qua[n]to tiene l’auiotola tuta fata i[n]
presente anno e tutto havere doposso per la verita istessa et volta cho[n] tere[n]i grosi e be[n]palati tute le pegole [pergole] e
sopradetto [illegible]. i[n] soma tuti e fruti e di più v’è 4 quadri di bosoll e i[n] testa al
A dì 30 di ottobre 1617. Constituto personalmente. Domenico di orto v’è sua muzicioli da sedere che tute queste chose mi siano
Benedetto Rossellini agente degli heredi d’Alessandro Strozzi, il cho[n]se[r]vate e ma[n]tenute più presto migliorato che pegiorato
quale dato il giuramento et informato et si lui lette li sopradette e diria vi lacio i[n] testa a la ischala di sala una pa[n]cha di noce
fede disse esser la verità di tutto quello che in esse si contiene et tuta di bracia 9 ½ toca la testa di chamera e tocha e chamino e
di più disse: lacio una zacha [racha?] di a[l]bero dina[n]zi a le finestre i[n]
Io ho conosciuto da 20 anni adietro mastro Vincentio di Valore pio[m]bata e le panate a le finestre da via e di chamera una i[n]
Stiattesi Sarto da Carnesecchi et in casa habitava nel Canpaccio, chucina e una sopra al u[s]cio da via e di zio acio i[n] g[i]acere
et eravamo amicissimi mediante l’essere della Compagnia di San choruno chris[t]o e u[n] sa[n] giovani e lacio camino a bucho de
Giovanni Battista dello Scalzo, et so che son circa in due anni che l’aquaio e lacio seri di apichar la secia uno sopra a e truogolo e
76 morì detto mastro Vincentio et che lasciò dopo di se ser Giovanni uno al e[n]trare del’orto e lacio una racha di noce cho[n] sua pie
Battista, Reverendo Padre Luca, Pierantonio, et Francesco, tutti i di lavorati di talglio i[n] tereno in eso l’orto di bracia 7o i[n] c[irc]
quattro son figlioli legittimi, e naturali, quali conosco be[n]issimo ha e di lacio c[h]iave a tuti e giuli da via la chucina e a la chamera
et sempre gli ho tenuti, et tengho per fratelli, et figlioli di detto di chucina a la ischala a l’orto e volgio che no[n] p[i]acendo l’uno
mastro Vincentio et questo lo dico per l’istessa verità del tempo, o l’artro si abia a disdi[r]si dua mesi ina[n]zi e no[n] si dicendosi
luogho e contestimoni comesa soprali generali disse essere di redare a fermare un’altro ano e chosi si va di a seguita[n]do i[n]
età di anni 56 et essere consonato e comunicato questo presente sino al fine e per esere la verità e sopra deto dì soto ischriverà la
anno e tutto havere diposso per la verità, et segue li 30. deto ogi questo dì e a[n]no i[n] fiore[n]za. [in another hand:] E io
A dì 30 d’Ottobre 1617 Consituto personalmente. Bartolomeo G[i]ovanbatista di Tomaso Pagnini a ferrmo allquanto in questa
d’Antonio Cianchigi linaiolo altro dei esaminati come sopra et il si contiene e io Agnolo di Lionardo Izacheri sartto o fatto la
quale dette il giuramento in forma et Int. dispossi: Io conosco ser presente a i pregi di detto G[i]ovambatista perche disse no sapere
isscrivere oggi questo di sopra detto esse anno in forenza di mia
Giovan Battista di m. Vincenzo di Valore Stiattesi et conosco il
mano propio [in another hand:] E di primo di magio io vice[n]
Reverendo Luca Stiattesi, Pierantonio, e Francesco Maria Stiattesi
zo istiatesi [h]o rivevuto i schudi tre[n]ta di moneta dono pe[r] la
quali ho tenuto e tengho che sieno figli legittimi e naturali del
pigione di questo a[n]no___
detto messer Vincenzo di Valori Stiattesi et cosi fratelli carnali
di ser Giovanni Battista et conobbi di messer Vincenzo quali
morì circa due anni sono et lascio dopo di se i sopradetti quattro 19. ASF, Decima Granducale 1399, no. 658. Dated 8 October
1616. Unpublished.
figliuoli, quali sono tenuto e ripetuti detti quelli che li conoscono
per figliuoli del detto messer Vincenzo, et in tutto del detto ser Dichiarasi per la presente scritta qualmente Giovanni Battista
Giovanni Battista haverlo sentito dire a detto messer Vincenzo di Vincentio Stiattesti alluoga una sua casa posta nel Campaccio
quando viveva et a dì infrascritto del tempo luogho e con cioe un terreno camera terrena et anticamera con un pezzo d’orto
testimoni come sopra con suo pozzo, e cantina et tutte sue habiture e pertinenze a
Andrea di Piero Bonaiuti Fiorentino per prezzo di scudi dieci
17. ASF Decima Granducale 1401, no. 670, unnumbered fol. di lire 7 per scudo l’anno, da pagarsi la pigione anticipata di
Dated 31 December 1617. Unpublished. dua mesi in dua mesi e cosi seguire sino alla fine, et la presente
locatione vogliono che duri per uno anno prossimo avvenire da
A dì 31 dicembre 1617. Fassi fede per noi infrascritti camarlinghi cominciare il dì primo di novembre prossimo 1616 et di più se
del Molto Reverendo Capitolo Fiorentino come la verita è che come segue et detto Andrea promette mantenere detta casa a uso
sotto di 20 novembre 1578 fu allivellato una Casa di n. 21 in via di bono pigionale e lassarla più tosto megliorata che peggiorata et
S. Reparata detto il Campaccio come al libro nostro dei Contratti a quella ad altre persone non su blocare senza espressa licentia del
37 a Vincenzio di Valore di Benedetto Stiattesi per se conducente locatore ne anco farsi miglioramenti di sorte alcuna altrimento
per se, suoi figlioli, e nipoti legittimi e naturali per annuo canone si intende auto quello che spendessi andare in benefitio e tutela
di scudi dieci, e sotto dì 14 di marzo un’altra casa di no. 20 in di detta casa et percio observare detto Andrea obbligar se stesso
detto luogo la Parte di sotto a detto Vincenzio e suoi figlioli e suoi heredi et beni in forma amplissima di origine valida et per
nipoti come è detto di sopra per canone e livello di fiorini otto fede deser vero si sottoscriverà di sua propria mano detto dì et
l’anno come al detto libro de Contratti a 56 et in fede la presente anno infrascisse
sarà sottoscritta di mano de Signori Camarlenghi. Io Oratio Pucci [In a new hand] E Io Andrea di Piero sopradetto mi contento
camarlingho sottoscritto affermo essere la verità. quanto di sopra si contiene e mi obrigo in forma

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[In a new hand] E a di detto ho ricevuto dal detto Andrea lire per il sudetto supplicante et sia del fine et Dio la Contenti di
undici e soldi 13.4 per la pigione di dua mesi conforme al fatto guardaroba il dì 28 di ottobre 1614 [signature:] Vincenzo Giugni
lire 11.13.4
[In a new hand] Io Padre Antonio Ricci Distributore del Molto 23. ASF, Mercanzia 11638, fol. 126r. Dated 19 May –
Reverendo Capitolo fiorentino fo fede come la sudetta casa e 10 July 1617. Unpublished.
nostra livellaria di n.o 20 come appare al libro grande segnato
Monna Artemisia d’ Oratio Lomi fù gravato per il Bolognino per
7 del Maestro Reverendo Capitolo a 142 e paga d’annuo livello
lire 126 per astanzia di Archangiolo di Daniello ne’ N. N. [nessun
lire 56, e per fede ho scritto di propria mano. P. Antonio sudetto
nome] procuratore ser Niccolò Tozzetti: una zimarra di seta
manu propria.
nera et un’ altra di seta colorata guarnizione d’oro involte in uno
sciughatoio di seta nel armadio. E questo dì 10 di luglio 1617
20. ASF, Mercanzia 11637, fol. 3r. Dated 4 September – fù licenziato detto gravamento da detto Arcangiolo di Daniello
24 October 1614. Unpublished. alla presenza di ser Niccolò Tozzetti e rimandato a detta monna
Vincenzo Stiattesi fu gravato per il cantore per lire 10__ Artemisia a casa per Giovanni nostro gharzone e paghò soldi xi.
astanzia di Matteo Maffei procuratore Ser Lionardo Bigazzi: una
gammurra di muc[aiarr]o pagonazzo; una sottana di raso nero. 24. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert between fols 152v
E questo dì 24 ottobre il sudetto Maffei e per lui ser Lionardo and 153r. Dated 23 April 1617. Unpublished.
Bigazzi licenziò detto gravamento per accordo al sudetto di A dì 23 di Aprile 1617. Io Anibale di Niccolò Caroti129 fo fede
Vincenzio Stiattesi e lui pagato detto dì e pagò soldi 3. come la verità è che monna Fiore è stata per serva con la Signora
Artimisia Lomi Pittora in circa dieci mesi promettendogli il
21. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 439. First cited salario solito darsi all’altre serve, et disse la detta Artimisia alla
in Del Bravo, ‘Su Cristoforo Allori’, p. 82 n. 11, but never detta monna Fiore, che conoscesi lei per Padrona e non altri che
transcribed. lei era quella che gli haveva a dar il salario, e di tanto fo fede di
mia mano propria questo dì sopradetto in firenze.
Iesus Maria a dì 5 di marzo 1617 [1618]. La Signora Artemisia Io Bartolomeo di Domenicho Istechi130 afermo aqanto [a quanto]
Stiattesti Pittora de dare per la pie lire detta e prima: di sopra si contiene e in fede di mio mano iscrisi ogi qesto
una randiglia chiusa con coletto a metà lattughe con giglietto alto [questo] dì sopradeto
^di n[ostro] è fatto^ et le lattughe e soppanati gli ferri lire 17 Et io Bartolomeo di Simone Frusi afermo come sopradetta et io 77
E per averli rifatto una sua randiglia con coletto di veli pagliati e Anibale ho fatto la presente a preghi di detto Bartolomeo perché
trina di suo lire 3.10 disse non sapere scrivere alla sua presenza questo di sopradetto
E per un’altra randiglia aperta fatta a una sua cava con coletto di in Firenze
velo rett. a diaccio lire 6 Io Girolamo di Benedetto Ganberelli [h]o visto in casa Madonna
E ad 18 di maggio 1618 un Pettine d’avorio grande lire 2.10 Artimizia Pittora mona Fiore per sua serva e cia [c’ha] servito
E ad 6 d’agosto la detta per pagare ha otto giorni afama [afamata] più volte e così dico è la verità per eser stato io
Braccia 16. di cam[elotto] e turchese e rosso per una vesta per la suo pigonale di detta Madonna Artimizia questo dì sopra detto
sorella dell marito a dieci giuli braccia d’accordo lire 21.6.8 in Firenze
Braccia 13 ½ di filato verde di stracci come fa detta da cechi e Pagato Firenze 1617
baldesi settaioli. lire 3.10 braccia d’accordo lire 47.5
Braccia 114 oncia 3:11 di spinetta de filato d’oro e bianca tutto 25. ASF, Mercanzia 11638, fol. 136r. Dated 5 June –
per lire 8 11 July 1617. Unpublished.
e per averli fatto dua collari di nostra tela battista fine di nostro Monna Artimisia Lorni [Lomi] pittoressa fù gravata per il
fiorini 10 braccia e sua trina, tela e fattura, tutto lire 4 Cornacchino per lire 31 astanzia di monna Fiore vedova serva da
E Più un’altro collare simile con trina e tela battista di nostro, la Empoli procuratore ser Giovanni del Poggio: una coltre di taffeta
trina di nostro 10 braccia lire 3 rossa e una mestina di rame. E questo dì 11 di luglio fù licenziato
112.11.8 detto gravamento da detta monna Fiore e per lei da ser Giovanni
(56) del Poggio e Bastiano Cardinali paraprocuratore di vedova monna
resta lire 56.11.8 Fiore per paghamento e rimandamento a casa di detta Artemisia
A me dato a di 21 aprile 1618 lire sette per li conti ( 7) per Giovanni nostro gharzone quale referì haverla data a la
E a di 30 detto lire sette reco Giovanni medesima e paghò soldi vii.
Battista Maglietti nostro ( 7)
1618 e a dì 6 agosto lire vent otto reco contanti 26. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, Insert 3 between
Giovanni Battista nostro (28) fols 168v and 169r. Dated 7 December 1615. Unpublished.
E a di 20 di Aprile 1619 lire quatordici reco
Giovanni Battista nostro (14) Dichiarasi per questa presente scritta come la verità è che
(56) Pierantonio di Vincentio Stiatesi e Artimisia d’Orazio Lomi
moglie del detto Pierantonio si chiamarno veri e legitimi debitori
della Maria di Domenico Stechi della somma e quantità di lire
22. ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 332, ins.1, fol. 71r. Dated 24
cento cinque per pagargliele in questo modo coe [cioè] che ogni
October – 28 October 1614. Unpublished.
volta e quando la Artimizia ò il detto Pierantonio non li averanno
Il Serenissimo Padrone vuole che il Cavaliere Vincenzo Giugni fatto avere altra dote siano obrigati a pagarglieli liberamente
Guardaroba Generale faccia dare a l’Artemizia Lomi un’oncia quando la detta averà consumato il matrimonio le dette lire cento
d’azzurro oltramarino per metterlo in tre quadri che fa di sua cinque ho [ò] a lei ò al suo marito e in evento che avessi la detta
mano per servitio di Sua Altezza Serenissima. Data ne’ Pitti à altra dote o maggiore somma non sian’ obrigati per fede della
24 ottobre 1614 [in another hand:] Signore Cosimo Latini date verità ho fatto la presente di mia propria mano questo di et anno
per la soppradetta allo Aportatore l’oncia d’azzurro che domanda In Fiorenza____105 lire

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 [in another hand:] Mano propria. Io Artemisia Lomi sono novembre 1617 contro detti comparsi e di ciò che in essa si dice
contenta a quanto in questa si contiene e per fede scrisi contenere. Per causa della citatione fatta a vedere detta asserta
mano propria domanda e di tutti li atti fino al presente fatti eseguiti.
Constituti in giudizio e davanti a detti Signori li detti
27. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert 2 between ff. 168v comparsi accettando le cose favorevoli in detta asserta
and 169r. Dated 15–22 December 1617. Unpublished. domanda contenute, nel resto che facessi contro detti comparsi
espressamente contradicendo dissero e dicono le cose in
Exequita a dì 15 di dicembre 1617
detta asserta domanda contenute non essere state nè essere
Dinanzi a voi Molto Illustre et Clarissimo Signore Luogotenente
vere nè doversi ne potersi fare, di ragione, e da quelle doversi
et Magnifici Signori Consoli dell’Accademia del Disegno, et loro
e potersi assolvere et in tutto liberare detti comparsi e così
dignissimo Magistrato comp.e.
farsi esententiarsi e la parte avversa nelle spese condennarsi,
Bartolomeo di Simon Frusi in suo nome proprio, senza
domandorno e domandono, protestorno et protestano per le
revocatione, et in ogni miglior modo,
ragioni et cagioni in tutte o alcuna di esse. Salve etc.
Per cagione della domanda da lui mossa davanti loro signorie
Prima perchè al detto Bartolomeo Frusi ostorno et ostano
contro Madonna Artemisia sia Lomi, et PierAntonio di Vincentio
tutte le eccettioni generali, le cose narrate e domandate in detta
Stiattesi suo marito per scudi quindici et come in detta domanda
sua asserta domanda non furno nè sono vere e non si possono
alla quale,
nè devono fare di ragione etc et al detto Bartolomeo non si è
Et per giustificatione delle sua [sue] buone ragioni et accio poi,
compenso nè si compete ragione o attione alcuna di agere e
et meglio la ragion sua si verifichi produsse et produce l’inclusa
domandare nel medesimo e come agita e domanda di che oppose
scritta fatta, et scritta da detto Pier Antonio Stiattesi, et da lui
et oppone etc.
similmente soscritta, et ancora soscritta dalla detta Madonna
Ancora perchè salve le cose quale l’asserto obligo che si dice
Artemisia di sua propria mano, per la quale s’obligorno detti
fatto [cancelled: da detta] a nome di detta Madonna Artemisia
Pierantonio et Madonna Artemisia pagare alla Maria di Domenico
come donna [cancelled: senza intervento di legittimo mondualdo]
Stecchi ogni volta che detta Maria sarà maritata overo al suo
non può operare effetto alcuno a favore di detto Bartolomeo ò
marito, et come in detta scritta alla quale etc.
sua [cancelled: figlia] moglie per essere fatto senza intervento
et detta scritta produce, accio si citino li detti Pierantonio et
di legittimo mondualdo, e tanto più perchè detta Madonna
Madonna Artemisia a vedere detta scritta, et sua continenze, et
Artemisia non ha mai acconsentito a cosa alcuna in detto asserto
78 che conforme allo statuto della Mercantia devino infra otto giorni
obligo contenuta di che opposero et oppongono di comparsi detti
confessarla ò negarla, et non l’havendo negata infra detti otto
nomi etc.
giorni s’intenderà riconosciuta, et li prot.a di tutti li praeguiditij
Ancora perchè rispetto a detto Pierantonio [cancelled: egli
contenuti in detto statuto circa al negar la scritta etc
non ha mai intes] nemmeno contro di lui può detto asserto
Et tutto presente detto completamente et le predette cose fansi
obligo operare cosa alcuna a favore di detto Bartolomeo ò a
domandante etc in ogni meglio modo etc non s’astingendo etc
sua [cancelled: figlia] moglie per non essere da lui [cancelled:
salvo etc deduccendo etc
effettivamente] soscritto, e perciò come defettivo come quello che
Citato a di 22 di dicembre 1617
non si concluse effettivamente non può il detto Pierantonio in
virtù di esso essere costretto a pagamento alcuno di che oppose
28. ASF, Accademia del Disgno 92, fol. 42r. Dated 22 August et oppone.
1619. Unpublished. E per più altre ragione e cagione da dirsi e dedarsi a suo luogo e
Domenico di Tommaso di Bartolomeo del Salvestri Merciaio tempo bisognando etc.
borgo san Fr[ed]iano salvo (per non si astringere et dedare etc l’atti etc presenti etc).
Monna Artemisia Lomi Pittora borgo ognisanti gli otene
[proposed reading: lire in verso] un catenazzo d’oro et un paio di 31. ASF, Mercanzia 11639, fol. 264v. Dated 13 September
orechini d’oro, pagata scudi 85 1619–10 February 1620 (modern style). Unpublished.
Monna Artemisia Lomi fù gravata per il Ciabattino per scudi 28
29. ASF, Mercanzia 11639, f. 188v. Dated 26 April – 14 June di moneta astanzia d’Arcangelo di Daniello e altri, procuratore
1619. Unpublished. ser Niccolo Tozzetti: una zimarra di velluto nero guarnizione di
Monna Artimia Lomi fù gravata per Forchato per lire 13 astanzia ricamo e una sortana [sottana] di raso tane guarnizione d’oro
di Michele bottegaio, procuratore Domenico Francesco Pananti: in uno sciugatoio. E questo dì 9 di dicembre stabilito fù detto
Un annello mostra d’oro con cinque pietre bianche a messer gravamento per Bettoliere, per lire 86_soldi pagate, astanzia di
Agostino della casa. E questo dì 14 giugno fù licenziato detto Michele di Benelli [Bonelli]. E questo dì 9 detto fù licenziato detto
gravamento da detto Michele per accordo e restituito a detto gravamento da detto Arcangelo di Daniele et per lui ser Marco
monna Artemisia pagato lei e paghò soldi v. Fiorini per pagamento. E questo dì 10 di febbraio fù licenziato
detto sequestro da detto Michele Bonelli e per lui ser Niccolo
30. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, Insert 1 between Tozzettti suo Procuratore per pagamento e reso a detta monna
fols 168v and 169r. Dated 28 November 1617. Unpublished. Artimisia. Pagato lei medesima e pagò soldi 10.
Exequita a dì 28 di novembre 1617 Dinanzi a voi mio
Illustrissimo e Clarissimo Signore Luogotenente et spettabili 32. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 724r. Dated 5 June
Signori Consoli dell’Accademia del Disegno della Città di Firenze e 1619. First cited in Del Bravo, ‘Su Cristofano Allori’, p. 82,
vostro degnissimo officio e corte compaiono Madonna Artimisia n. 11, it was transcribed with accidental ommissions in
Lomi Pittora et Pierantonio di Vincenzo Stiattesi suo marito Francesco Solinas (ed.), with the collaboration of Michele
ciascuno per ogni sua ragione et interesse et in ogni miglior modo Nicolaci and Yuri Primarosa, Lettere di Artemisia: edizione
che comparir bisognasse egli fù et è lecito etc Cuestioni: Per critica e annotate con quarantatre documenti inediti (Rome: De
causa massima di una asserta domanda che si dice fatta davanti Luca, 2011), Appendice, letter I, p. 141.
a detti primi a nome di Bartolomeo di Simone Frusi sotto di 13 Serenissimo Granduca. Artemisia, donna al presente di

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Piero Antonio Stiatesi, humilissima devota di Vostra Altezza 37. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, approximately fol. 683r.
Serenissima con reverenzia gl’ narra come detto suo marito [h] Dated 13 June 1616. First cited (as fol. 691) by Bissell,
a fatto debito con un certo Michele bottegaio et volendo detto ‘Artemisia Gentileschi – A New Documented Chronology’,
esser pagato ha ottenuto sentenza da l’Achademia del disegnio p. 155 n. 14, but never transcribed.
contro alla detta Artemisia senza saputa sua di cosa alchuna A di 13 di giugno 1616 In Dei nominee Amen. Il Clarissimo
perche le citazione andavano i[n] mano di detto suo marito et Signore Luogotenente, & Spettabili Signori Consoli del nobil
essendo gravata astanza di detto m[ichele], havendo il pieno membro dell’Accademia del disegno della Città di Firenze,
della sua dota, ricorre genuflessa a’ benigni piedi di Sua Altezza insieme adunati, in numero suffiziente, nella lor solita residenzia,
Serenissima suppricandola a ffargl’ grazia che detta sentenzia sedendo pro Tribunali, servate le cose da servare, & ottenuto il
si rivegna perche come donna non può far debito imentre che partito secondo gl’ordini, Udito la domanda fatta da Gugliemo
il marito stava con detta donna sospendendo il gravamento Maroncielli al Palazzo di Cesare Tucci in piazza delli Canoni
che di tal grazia sempre pregherà Nostro Signore Dio per ogni contro Artemesia Lomo pittora in borgo ognisanti & et veduto.
suo maggiore felicità et grandezza. [notation:] Il Luogotenente Et veduta la forma di ragione, & delli Statuti di detta Accademia.
e Consoli dell’Accademia del Disegno informino non ostante
Il nome di Dio repetito per il Tribunale come sopra sedenti
contratta la parte [undersignature:] Curzio Picchena 5 giugno
&c. Pronuntiamo Sententiamo & dichiariamo, & cosi dichiarato
1619.
per questa nostra presente Sententia condenniamo il detto Reo
convento à dare, & pagare al detto Attore la soma & quantità di
33. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, approximiately fol. 589, lire ventitre Et il vinto al vincitore nelle spese condenniamo, le
no. 52. Undated, c. November 1619. First cited in Elizabeth quali talsiamo essere state, & essere.
Cropper, ‘New Documents for Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in
Florence’, The Burlington Magazine, 135 (November 1993),
38. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 98r. Undated,
760–61 (p. 761 n. 21), but never transcribed.
c. August 1616. First cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents for
A dì_di _ In Dei nominee Amen. Il Clarissimo Sig Luogotenente, Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, but
& Spettabili Signori Consoli del nobil membro dell’Accademia never transcribed.
del disegno della Città di Firenze, insieme adunati, in numero
A di_di _ In Dei nomine Amen. Il Clarissimo Sig Luogotenente,
suffiziente, nella lor solita residenzia, sedendo pro Tribunali,
& Spettabili Signori Consoli del nobil membro dell’Accademia
servate le cose da servare, & ottenuto il partito secondo gl’ordini, 79
del disegno della Città di Firenze, insieme adunati, in numero
Udito la domanda fatta da Michele di Domenico Bonelli contro
suffiziente, nella lor solita residenzia, sedendo pro Tribunali,
Monna Artemesia Lomo & et veduto. Et veduta la forma di
servate le cose da servare, & ottenuto il partito secondo gl’ordini,
ragione, & delli Statuti di detta Accademia. Il nome di Dio
Udito la domanda fatta da Zanobi di Simone Zalone contro
repetito per il Tribunale come sopra sedenti &c. Pronuntiamo
Artemisia di Pierantonio pittora in borgo ognisanti & et veduto.
Sententiamo & dichiariamo, & cosi dichiarato per questa nostra
Et veduta la forma di ragione, & delli Statuti di detta Accademia.
presente Sententia condenniamo il detto Reo convento à dare, &
Il nome di Dio repetito per il Tribunale come sopra sedenti
pagare al detto Attore la soma & quantità di lire sedici per partem
&c. Pronuntiamo Sententiamo & dichiariamo, & cosi dichiarato
salvo latore. Et il vinto al vincitore nelle spese condenniamo, le
per questa nostra presente Sententia condenniamo il detto
quali talsiamo essere state, & essere.
Reo convento à dare, & pagare al detto Attore la soma& quantità
di lire venti per partem salvo latore
34. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 16, fol. 34r. Dated 13 August Et il vinto al vincitore nelle spese condenniamo, le quali talsiamo
1616 (with reference to a payment of 1 June 1615). First essere state, & essere.
cited by R. Ward Bissell, ‘Artemisia Gentileschi – A New
Documented Chronology’. The Art Bulletin, 50.2 (1968),
39. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, fol. 152v. Dated
153–68 (p. 154 n. 14), but never transcribed.
13 April–9 May 1617. Unpublished.
Primo di giugno 1615 Artemisia di Pierantonio per matricola
A dì 13 d’Aprile 1617. Michele di Domenico bg [bottegaio]
trentatre lire e tre soldi. Item approvono la fede di Cosimo di
in Santa Veridiana contro Artemesia Lomi Pittora in borgo
Santi Maiani contro Giovanni Battista Marinai in via dei Servi.
ognisanti. Per ottanta lire. Pagato [with notations of payments on
Item approvorno la fede di Francesco Lazerini contro Camillo di
13 April 1617 and 9 May 1618]
Andrea mettedoro in Gualfondo.
40. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 871r. Undated,
35. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 92, fol. 52r. Dated
c. September 1617. First cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents
30 December 1619. Unpublished.
for Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, but
Michele di Domenico Bonelli contro Monna Artemisia Lomi never transcribed.
pittore in [crossed out: borgo] via dele [belle] donne e via del
A dì 24 di __ In Dei nominee Amen. Il Clarissimo Signore
Moro pagato scudi sedici lire 1, 8 ___16.1.8
Luogotenente, & Spettabili Signori Consoli del nobil membro
dell’Accademia del disegno della Città di Firenze, insieme adunati,
36. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, fol. 169r. Dated 13 in numero suffiziente, nella lor solita residenzia, sedendo pro
November 1617. Unpublished. Tribunali, servate le cose da servare, & ottenuto il partito
A dì 13 di novembre 1617. Bartolomeo di Simone Frusi ortolano secondo gl’ordini, Udito la domanda fatta da Luca di Giovanni
fuor della porta alla crocie domanda contro Madonna Artimisia Morelli contro Artemesia Lomi & et veduto. Et veduta la forma di
Lomi pittora in borgo ogni santi et Pierantonio di Vincentio ragione, & delli Statuti di detta Accademia.
Stiattesi suo marito e ciascuno di loro in soldamento della somma Il nome di Dio repetito per il Tribunale come sopra sedenti
di lire centocinque 105. &c. Pronuntiamo Sententiamo & dichiariamo, & cosi dichiarato
Pagato [with notations of payments on 15 Nov. 1617 and 8 Jan. per questa nostra presente Sententia condenniamo il detto Reo
1618] convento à dare, & pagare al detto Attore la soma& quantità di

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 lire cinquanta Et il vinto al vincitore nelle spese condenniamo, le dell’Accademia del disegno della Città di Firenze, insieme adunati,
quali talsiamo essere state, & essere. in numero suffiziente, nella lor solita residenzia, sedendo pro
Tribunali, servate le cose da servare, & ottenuto il partito
41. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 873v. Dated 6 secondo gl’ordini, Udito la domanda fatta da Luca di Giovanni
December 1617. First cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents for Mozetti contro Artemesia Lomi & et veduto. Et veduta la forma
Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, but di ragione, & delli Statuti di detta Accademia. Il nome di Dio
not fully transcribed. repetito per il Tribunale come sopra sedenti &c. Pronuntiamo
Sententiamo & dichiariamo, & cosi dichiarato per questa nostra
A dì 6 di dicembre 1617. Dinasi a loro signore del Arte di Por San presente Sententia condenniamo il detto Reo convento à dare, &
Piero e Fabrichanti si referiscie chome nel Bartolomeo Porcielli e pagare al detto Attore la soma& quantità di lire cinquanta et 11.8.
Salvestro Susini chome stimatori di detta arte che avendo visto e Et il vinto al vincitore nelle spese condenniamo, le quali talsiamo
chonsiderato questo chonto troviamo eserci di tara lire dieci soldi essere state, & essere.
10 (10.10) / Bartolomeo Porcielli / io Salvestro Susini rafermo
quantto sopra si chontiene di mia mano schrisi [under the 43. ASF, Mercanzia 11639, fol. 25v. Dated 1 June 1618.
fold:] Conto di Pietro Antonio Stiatesi e Madonna Artimisia sua Unpublished.
donna / con / Mastro Luca Mozetti legnaiolo sulla piazza di Santo
Monna Artemisia Lomi donna di Pierantonio Stiattesi fu gravata
Giovanni. Pagato.
per Rosso per lire 52__soldi, astanzia di messer Luca di Giovanni
Mozetti, procuratore ser Giovanbattista Baldini. Un anello mostra
42. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 871r. Undated, d’oro con pietra bianca a messer Angelo per la casa. E questo dì
c. January 1618. First cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents for 22 d’Agosto per sententia del nostro signore Giudicie del detto
Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, but dì 3 di luglio passato, le date detto gravamento al sudetto mastro
never transcribed. Lucha di Giovanni Mozetti legniaiuolo. Stimato lire cinquantotto
A dì 24 di __. In Dei nominee Amen. Il Clarissimo Sig vera sorte lire 56_13_8 spese tassate lire undici soldi xiiii e pagato
Luogotenente, & Spettabili Signori Consoli del nobil membro detto mastro Lucha detto dì e detto pagò soldi x.

80
NOTES

* Abbreviations: Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, del Disegno on 3 March 1614, well before
AAF = Archivio dell’Arciconfraternita di The Burlington Magazine, 135 (November her matriculation, their access to this legal
San Giovanni dei Fiorentini 1993), 760–61. In his 1999 monograph, forum at this early date can be explained by
AOSMF = Archivio storico dell’Opera di Bissell reflected on these debts and the fact that the plaintiff, her uncle Aurelio
Santa Maria del Fiore concluded: ‘Bills piling up, Artemisia Lomi, was a painter and a member of this
ASF = Archivio di Stato di Firenze was beset by creditors, among them a guild; see ASF Accademia del Disegno 91,
BML = Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana joiner, a druggist, a confectioner, and a fol. 67r, transcribed here in Appendix, doc.
BNCF = Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale tailor. Although her debts to artisans and 1.
di Firenze shopkeepers are not documented until 5. Alexandra Lapierre, Artemisia: A Novel,
after she had matriculated in and therefore trans. by Liz Heron (New York: Grove
1. The research for this chapter was
was represented by the Accademia del Press, 1998), p. 238.
carried out through the Jane Fortune
Disegno […] it is certain that even before
Research Program. For their support and 6. Richard E. Spear, ‘Money Matters: The
1616 Artemisia was vexed by money
encouragement, I am deeply grateful to Gentileschi’s Finances’, in Artemisia
problems. […] Apparently the money
both Jane Fortune and Mary D. Garrard, Gentileschi: Taking Stock, ed. by Judith W.
was being spent faster than it was being
who have been devoted mentors at every Mann (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005),
earned, although Artemisia does not seem
pass. My profuse thanks go out to Chloe 147–59 (p. 147).
to have wanted for work or to have been
Bazlen, Carla D’Arista, and Kate Lowe, each
a particularly poor businesswoman. But 7. Spear, ‘Money Matters: The Gentileschi’s
of whom made valuable improvements
she did not have exclusive control over the Finances’, p. 148. Spear did not consider
to the draft. I also thank Elena Fumagalli,
family funds, and her husband – whose that in addition to the pregnancies,
who kindly read over the original
profession as a painter appears to have Artemisia also suffered through the
conference paper.
yielded little or no profit – served the cause deaths of four children (see below) in her
2. Cited in English translation in Evelyn badly […] Artemisia lamented that Stiattesi Florentine period, and that she changed
Welch, ‘Making Money: Pricing and had already helped himself to her dowry her place of residence at least three
Payments in Renaissance Italy’, in The and had kept her ignorant of his spending’ times (following Cropper on the basis of
Material Renaissance, ed. by Michelle (R. Ward Bissell, Artemisia Gentileschi and baptismal documents; see Cropper, ‘New
O’Malley and Evelyn Welch (Manchester: the Authority of Art (University Park, PA: Documents for Artemisia Gentileschi’s
Manchester University Press, 2007), Pennsylvania State University Press, 1999), Life in Florence’, 761). When calculating
71–84 (p. 78). pp. 33–34). her rate of production, it should also be
3. Documents regarding three of Artemisia’s 4. Cropper, ‘New Documents for Artemisia considered that she did not arrive in the
creditors, a pharmacist, a tailor, and Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, 760–61. city with tools and workshop instantly at
an embosser named Francesco Lomi, Cropper framed Artemisia’s entrance into her disposal, but rather she had to acquire
were cited in R. Ward. Bissell, ‘Artemisia the Accademia del Disegno in 1616 as a these bit by bit. Much in the same way,
Gentileschi – A New Documented she did not arrive in 1613 with Florentine
means of obtaining protection from her
patrons waiting to give her work, but
Chronology’, The Art Bulletin, 50.2 (1968), creditors. The new evidence introduced
rather she had to build up a clientele over
153–68 (p. 154, n. 14). These documents, here does not contradict Cropper’s theory.
time and with effort.
plus an additional carpenter’s invoice, Although one newly discovered document
were first interpreted and discussed in confirms that Artemisia and her husband 8. Spear in fact did suspect the possibility
Elizabeth Cropper, ‘New Documents for were called to the court of the Accademia of a fifth pregnancy during the artist’s

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 Florentine period; see Richard E. Spear, managed to pay their salaries. On servants of California Press, 1989), pp. 18–31.
‘Artemisia Gentileschi: Ten Years of Fact as a sign of the affluence of painters, see Marriage was important for securing
and Fiction’, The Art Bulletin, 82.3 (2000), Elena Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, in Painting for Artemisia’s honor, but so was her large
568–79 (p. 572). For Artemisia’s other Profit: The Economic Lives of Seventeenth- dowry; see Donald E. Queller and
four pregnancies in Florence, see Century Italian Painters, ed. by Richard Thomas F. Madden, ‘Father of the Bride:
Cropper, ‘New Documents for Artemisia Spear and Peter Sohm (London and New Fathers, Daughters and Dowries in Late-
Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, 760–61. Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), Medieval and Early Renaissance Venice’,
Artemisia’s first child, Giovanni Battista, 173–204 (p. 174). Renaissance Quarterly, 46 (1993), 685–711
was buried at Santa Maria Novella a week (p. 698). On the size of dowries among
14. Solinas, ‘Ritorno a Roma: 1620–1627’,
after his baptism at the same church; ASF, Roman artisans, see Anna Esposito,
p. 80.
Ufficiali poi Magistrato della Grascia 194, ‘Strategie matrimoniali e livelli di
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 2. To be 15. Jesse M. Locker, Artemisia Gentileschi: The ricchezza’, in Alle origini della nuova
added to the previously known four births Language of Painting (New Haven: Yale Roma. Martino V (1417–1431), Nuovi
is the birth of Agnola Stiattesi, who did University Press, 2015), pp. 3–4. See also Studi Storici, 20, ed. by Maria Chiabò
not survive long enough to be baptized. Solinas, ‘Ritorno a Roma: 1620–1627’, and others (Rome: Istituto Storico per il
Agnola was buried in San Lorenzo on 16 p. 81. Medio Evo, 1992), 571–87 (pp. 583–85).
December 1614; see ASF, Ufficiali poi On the dowries of the patriciate of
16. See Craig Muldrew, The Economy of
Magistrato della Grascia, anno 1614, Renaissance Venice, see Queller and
Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social
ad vocem, transcribed here in Appendix, Madden, ‘Father of the Bride: Fathers,
Relations in Early Modern England (London:
doc. 3. See also BNCF, Necrologio Cirri Daughters and Dowries in Late-Medieval
Macmillan Press, 1998).
17, 410v (which also notes the death of and Early Renaissance Venice’, pp. 685–
Artemisia’s daughter Isabella on 9 April 17. Sheila Barker, ‘A New Document 89.
1620). Had Agnola survived longer, Concerning Artemisia Gentileschi’s
22. Barker, ‘A New Document Concerning
Michelangelo Buonarroti il Giovane was Marriage’, The Burlington Magazine, 156
Artemisia Gentileschi’s Marriage’, p. 832.
surely the individual designated to carry (December 2014), 832–33 (p. 832).
On the business interests of artisans who
her to the baptismal font, given that 18. See Barker, ‘A New Document Concerning married into other artisan families, see
Artemisia and Pierantonio used the title Artemisia Gentileschi’s Marriage’, p. 832, Esposito, ‘Strategie matrimoniali e livelli
compare (godfather) to address Buonarroti with a discussion of Orazio’s letter of 6 di ricchezza’, p. 577.
in their letters of 17 September 1615. July 1612 reporting that Agostino Tassi
The infant girl was probably named after 23. This situation can be compared to another
promised to take Artemisia to Florence
him, considering that ‘Agnola’ is a variant alternative available to professional
and introduce her to the Medici granducal
of ‘Angela’. On the naming of daughters women: the dimissoria, or pre-set sum that
court. It is a credible accusation since Tassi 81
after their godparents, see Christiane wives could spend at their discretion, on
had contacts in Florence where he had
Klapisch-Zuber, Women, Family, and Ritual which, see Beth L. Glixson, ‘Private Lives
previously worked; see Bissell, Artemisia
in Renaissance Italy (Chicago: University of of Public Women: Prima Donnas in Mid-
Gentileschi and the Authority of Art, p. 20.
Chicago Press, 1987), p. 307. Seventeenth-Century Venice’, Music &
Also perhaps relevant is the testimony
Letters, 76.4 (1995), 509–31 (pp. 515–16).
9. Spear, ‘Money Matters: The Gentileschi’s given by Giuliano Formicino at Tassi’s rape
Finances’, p. 157. trial that Artemisia knew a youth from 24. Barker, ‘A New Document Concerning
Florence named Pasquino; see Patrizia Artemisia Gentileschi’s Marriage’, p. 832.
10. Francesco Solinas, ‘Ritorno a Roma: Cavazzini, ‘Appendice 1. Documenti So far, no records are known connecting
1620–1627’, in Artemisia Gentileschi. relativi al processo contro Agostino Tassi’, Pierantonio to any guild, nor are there
Storia di una passione, ed. by Roberto in Orazio e Artemisia Gentileschi, exh. cat., any records of his independent business
Contini and Francesco Solinas (Milan: ed. by Keith Christiansen and Judith W. practices. In Alexandra Lapierre, Artemisia.
24 Ore Culturale, 2011), 77–95, (pp. 79, Mann (Milan: Skira, 2001), 432–45 Un duel pour l’immortalité (Paris: Robert
81). In the same catalog, similar ideas (p. 434). On her father’s self-identification Laffont, 1998), p. 462, it is shown that
are expressed in Rodolfo Maffeis, ‘“Di as a Florentine, see R. Ward Bissell, Pierantonio went to Rome on business in
un tuono e di una evidenza che spira ‘“Horativs.Gentilsc[hvs] florentinus. 1614 with his brother, Giovanni Battista
terrore”. Artemisia Gentileschi a Firenze: Fecit” Florentinism in the Art of Orazio Stiattesi. Giovanna Fratellini’s ownership
1612–1620’, in Artemisia Gentileschi. Storia Gentileschi’, in Luce e ombra. Caravaggismo of an apothecary near the Carraia Bridge
di una passione, ed. by Roberto Contini and e naturalismo nella pittura toscana del in Florence is noted in her will, to be
Francesco (Milan: 24 Ore Culturale, 2011), Seicento, ed. by Pierluigi Carofano (Pisa: featured in a future publication by Amy
62–77, (p. 64). Pace Maffeis, Artemisia’s Felici Editore, 2005), clix–clxxvi. Fredrickson.
terms ‘indisposizioni’ and ‘travagli’ in the
19. She could have reasonably hoped to enjoy 25. ‘Io pretendo che chi [ha] auto la mia roba
letter of 10 February 1620 were more
the female oriented matronage of the na remetta su, perché come mia dote, non
likely references to, respectively, ailments
Medici grand duchesses; see Susan G. so che si abbia a mandare in fumo e per
she suffered and the deaths of her children.
Cusick, Francesca Caccini at the Medici cinquanta ducati dare via tanta roba, la
11. ‘La coppia spendeva e Artemisia, Court: Music and the Circulation of Power quale vale più di trecento ducati’ (letter of
travagliata da be quattro gravidanze in sei (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Pierantonio Stiattesi to Francesco Maria
anni, ambiva a condizioni di vita agiata’ 2009), pp. 39–60. Maringhi, 9 May 1620, in Francesco
(Solinas, ‘Ritorno a Roma: 1620–1627’, Solinas (ed.), with the collaboration of
20. On the invisibility of the women who
p. 84). See also ibid., p. 80. Michele Nicolaci and Yuri Primarosa,
work in their fathers’ and husbands’
12. Eve Straussman-Pflanzer, Violence and Lettere di Artemisia: edizione critica e
workshops, see Sheila Barker,
annotate con quarantatre documenti inediti
Virtue: Artemisia Gentileschi’s ‘Judith Slaying ‘Introduction’, in Women Artists in Early
(Rome: De Luca, 2011), letter 26, p. 66).
Holofernes’ (Chicago: Art Institute of Modern Italy: Careers, Fame, and Collectors,
The 50 scudi were the down payment the
Chicago, 2013), p. 27. ed. by Sheila Barker (Turnhout: Harvey
grand duke had paid in advance for two
Miller/Brepols, 2016), 5–14 (p. 8); and
13. Spear, ‘Money Matters: The Gentileschi’s paintings by Artemisia, and until she
Lisa Heer ‘Amateur Artists. Amateur Art
Finances’, pp. 152–53, 156. Spear does finished the work and presented it to him,
as a Social Skill and a Female Preserve’,
not judge Artemisia’s employment of she was in his debt for this amount, as
in Dictionary of Women Artists, ed. by
servants as an index of her prosperity, acknowledged by Artemisia herself in a
Delia Gaze (London and Chicago: Fitzroy
determining ‘probably they were a letter to Cosimo II de’ Medici, 10 February
Dearborn Publishers, 1997) 66–80 (p. 66).
necessity for a separated, working mother, 1620, ASF, Mediceo del Principato 998,
rather than the luxury Rubens, as a single 21. On the value of Florentine scudi, see fol. 204r, first published in Anna Maria
man, had enjoyed’. This is, perhaps, Carlo M. Cipolla, Money in Sixteenth- Crinò, ‘Due lettere autografe inedite
beside the point: luxury or ‘necessity’, she Century Florence (Berkeley: University di Orazio e di Artemisia Gentileschi

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 De Lomi’, Rivista d’Arte, 29 (1954), 203 33. See Anna Esposito, ‘Donna e fama tra in Cavazzini, ‘Appendice 1. Documenti
–06 (pp. 205–06). See also the letters of normativa statuaria e realtà sociale’, in relativi al processo contro Agostino Tassi’,
Pierantonio Stiattesi to Francesco Maria Fama e publica vox nel medioevo, ed. by Isa pp. 434–35, 439; cf. Cavazzini, Painting
Maringhi, 6 March 1620 and 9 July 1620, Lori Sanfilippo and Antonio Rigon as Business in Seventeenth-Century Rome,
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter (Rome: Istituto Storico italiano per il pp. 145–46, 160.
13, p. 40, and letter 34, pp. 76–77. Related Medio Evo, 2011), 87–102.
38. For the account with Covoni, see ASF,
documentation for this commission was 34. See the string of correspondence from Mercanzia 11636, fol. 159r, dated 15
published in Fiorella Sricchia, ‘Lorenzo Pierantonio Stiattesi to Francesco Maria September 1613, transcribed here in
Lippi nello svolgimento della pittura Maringhi, beginning on 12 February Appendix, doc. 4. For the account with
fiorentina della prima metà del’600’, 1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, Casallesi, see ASF, Mercanzia 11636,
Proporzioni, 4 (1963), 242–70 letter no. 7, p. 31; no. 8, pp. 32–33; fol. 159r, dated 5 September 1613,
(pp. 251, 266 n. 24). no. 11, p. 37; no. 13, p. 40; no. 15, pp. 45 transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 5.
26. Many entrepreneurial women used their 24–47; no. 18, pp. 50–51; no. 19, p. 50;
39. Ibid.
dowries to build their businesses; see no. 21, pp. 54–58; no. 24, p. 64; no. 26,
Maria Paolo Zanoboni, ‘Mobilità sociale e pp. 66–67, no. 28, pp. 68–69; no. 29, 40. See Anne Matchette, ‘Credit and
lavoro femminile nelle grandi città italiane’, pp. 69–70; no. 30, p. 71; no. 34, pp. 76–77; Creditability: Used Goods and Social
in La mobilità sociale nel medioevo italiano, see also the letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi Relations in Sixteenth-Century Italy’, in
ed. by Lorenzo Tanzini and Sergio Tognetti to Michelangelo Buonarroti, 7 September The Material Renaissance, ed. by Michelle
(Rome: Viella, 2016), 51–76 (p. 72). 1615 (Archivio Casa Buonarroti, Ms 103, O’Malley and Evelyn Welch (Manchester:
Artemisia may have also been able to use fols 67, 69, first published in Ugo Procacci, Manchester University Press, 2007), 225–
her own jewelry for credit, since Roman ed., La Casa Buonarroti a Firenze (Milan: 41 (pp. 227–28, 236). For an example of a
brides were frequently given substantial Electa, 1967), p. 13). Although Francesco case in which Artemisia pledged a diamond
paraphernal gifts such as jewelry and Solinas has suggested that Pierantonio was ring worth 33% more than the debt in
fabric, on which see Esposito, ‘Strategie maintained by Artemisia, he nonetheless question, see the letter of Pierantonio
matrimoniali e livelli di richezza’, p. 581. conceded that he played a helpful role in Stiattesi to Francesco Maria Maringhi,
Artemisia’s painting enterprise; see Solinas 2 May 1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di
27. Raffaella Morselli, ‘Bologna’, in Painting for ‘Ritorno a Roma: 1620–1627’, pp. 80, 82. Artemisia, letter 24, p. 64.
Profit: The Economic Lives of Seventeenth- On Maringhi’s status as a cultural broker
Century Italian Painters, ed. by Richard 41. For the impropriety of men entering a
for Artemisia, see Solinas (ed.), Lettere di
Spear and Peter Sohm (London and New woman’s domestic space, see the
Artemisia, p. 64 n. 3. On Buonarroti’s well
Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 145– testimony of Luca Penti regarding the
known brokerage activities, see Janie Cole,
72 (pp. 144, 153). Gentileschi household in Rome in
82 Music, Spectacle, and Cultural Brokerage,
Cavazzini, ‘Appendice 1. Documenti
28. On women artists’ earnings, see Morselli, 2 vols (Florence: Olschki, 2011).
relativi al processo contro Agostino Tassi’,
‘Bologna’, pp. 159–62, which notes that 35. Pierantonio was called an apothecary p. 434. More generally, see Esposito,
Elizabetta Sirani was paid more than (‘speziale’) in the 1612 marriage contract ‘Donna e fama tra normativa statuaria e
Guercino. On the obstacles laid before (Barker, ‘A New Document Concerning realtà sociale’.
Properzia de’ Rossi by her peers, see Artemisia Gentileschi’s Marriage’, p. 804);
Zanoboni, ‘Mobilità sociale e lavoro 42. On tips from ten to one hundred
in a document from the Florentine
femminile nelle grandi città italiane’, p. 76. scudi paid by sovereigns, see Mary
merchants’ court of 15 September
Hollingsworth, ‘Coins, cloaks, and
29. The question of female singers at the Medici 1613 (ASF, Mercanzia 11636, f. 159r,
candlesticks: The Economics of
court during Artemisia’s Florentine years transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 4);
Extravagance’, in The Material Renaissance,
was first raised by Luciano Berti, ‘Artemisia and in the death record of his firstborn
ed. by Michelle O’Malley and Evelyn Welch
da Roma tra i fiorentini’, in Artemisia, exh. child, Giovanni Battista, dating from 29
(Manchester: Manchester University Press,
cat., ed. by Roberto Contini and Gianni September 1613, just eight days after
2007), 259–87 (p. 273).
Papi (Rome: De Luca, 1991), 11–30 (p. 27). the infant’s baptism (ASF, Ufficiali poi
On the images of women musicians in Magistrato della Grascia, anno 1614, ad 43. See Gianni Papi’s entry on Artemisia’s
her early paintings, see Locker, Artemisia vocem, transcribed here in Appendix, doc. Suonatrice di Liuto / Saint Cecilia Playing
Gentileschi: The Language of Painting, 2). Pierantonio was still being called an the Lute in Contini and Papi, Artemisia,
pp. 136–141. Specifically on Caccini, see apothecary (‘aromatarium’) in 1621 in cat. no. 13, pp. 132–35. Pierantonio’s
Mary D. Garrard, Artemisia Gentileschi Rome; see Patrizia Cavazzini, ‘Artemisia presence in Rome with his older brother
Around 1622. The Shaping and Reshaping of and the other Women in Agostino Tassi’s Giovanni Battista is confirmed in a
an Artistic Identity (Berkeley: University Life: Attitudes to Women’s Improper manuscript discovered by Simona Feci
of California Press, 2001), 141 n. 78; on Sexual Behavior in Seventeenth-Century (B.A.V. Chig. G. V. 139–46, Cavaliere
Basile, see Locker, Artemisia Gentileschi: Rome’, in Artemisia Gentileschi: Taking Cesare Magalotti, Notizie di varie famiglie
The Language of Painting, p. 211; and on Stock, ed. by Judith W. Mann (Turnhout: italiane et ultramontane, vol. III, fol. 671)
Andreini, see Emily Wilbourne, ‘A Question Brepols, 2005), 39–49 (p. 41), citing ASR, and published Lapierre, Artemisia. Un duel
of Character: Artemisia Gentileschi and TCG, Investigazioni 438, 19 December pour l’immortalité, p. 462. The proof that
Virginia Ramponi Andreini’, Italian Studies, 1621, f. 154v. In a court document Artemisia was already painting at this
71.3 (2016), 335–55. from Rome, dated to June of 1622, early date, despite not having a completely
Pierantonio is called a painter by some furnished studio, can be found in ASF,
30. See Glixson, ‘Private Lives of Public witnesses (Lapierre, Artemisia. Un duel pour Accademia del Disegno 91, fol. 67r, dated
Women: Prima Donnas in Mid-Seven- l’immortalité, pp. 462, 471). Although the 5 March 1614 and transcribed here in
teenth-Century Venice’, pp. 509, 515. reliability of these assertions has not been Appendix. doc. 1, which refers to paints
31. Giovan Domenico Ottonelli, Della established, the document raises valid that Artemisia obtained from her uncle
Christiana Moderatione del Theatro (1649), questions about Pierantonio’s possible role Aurelio and the paintings she left with
cited in Ferdinando Taviani, La commedia in Artemisia’s Roman workshop. him as pledges.
dell’arte e la società barocca. La fascinazione 36. On the sale of art in apothecary shops 44. AAF, vol. 304, ‘Lista completa delle
del teatro (Rome: Bulzoni, 1969), p. 356. in seventeenth-century Rome, see elemosine date’, fols 60r–v, dated 7 April
32. See Francesca Fantappiè, ‘“Angela Senese” Patrizia Cavazzini, Painting as Business in 1616, fol. 60v: ‘Stiattesi per la sua moglie,
alias Angela Signorini Nelli. Vita artistica Seventeenth-Century Rome (University Park, scudi 1’. I wish to thank Julia Vicioso for
PA: The Pennsylvania State University kindly sharing this archival discovery.
di un’attrice nel Seicento italiano: dal Don
Giovanni ai libertini’, Bullettino senese di Press, 2008), p. 145.
45. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, no. 169,
storia patria, 116 (2009), 212-67 37. On Bertucci, see the testimonies of approximately fols 872r–v, transcribed
(pp. 217, 223). Marcantonio Coppino and Bertucci himself here in Appendix, doc. 6. This invoice,

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 begun in November of 1614, was payment on a painting of four saints is in he would have paid more; he did not
deposited with the tribunal of the ASF, Accademia del Disegno 92, fol. 49v, receive the discount given to the sons and
Accademia delle Arti del Disegno several transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 13. This nephews of members.
years later when a carpenter named Luca meeting of the two business men, Carducci
54. On the house’s location, see ASF Decima
Mozetti sued Artemisia for payment. and Del Salvatico, took place in Artemisia’s
Granducale 1401, no. 670, unnumbered
Notice of it was first published in Carlo home on 4 June 1618 according to
fol., transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 17.
Del Bravo, ‘Su Cristofano Allori’, Paragone, Carducci’s own record of the payment
On its built-in furniture and gardens in
18.205 (1967), 68–83 (p. 82 n. 11). in ASF, Libri di Commercio e di famiglia
1615, see ASF, Decima Granducale 1395,
1114, ‘Questo libro è di Simone Carducci
46. See the letter of Gino Ginori to Cosimo II fols 383r–v, transcribed here in Appendix,
e chiamasi quaderno di cassa e ricevuti’,
de’ Medici, 12 February 1620, ASF, doc. 18. Artemisia and her husband
anno 1618, fol. 28 left, transcribed here in
Mediceo del Principato 998, fol. 206r, were probably forced to leave this house
Appendix, doc. 14. On Carducci’s career,
published in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di either when her father-in-law began to
see Gemma Sgrilli, Francesco Carletti,
Artemisia, Appendice, no. II, p. 142, rent out part of it in April of 1615 (ASF,
Mercante e viaggiatore fiorentino, 1573(?)–
in which Pierantonio is reported as Decima Granducale 1395, fol. 383r–v,
1636 (Rocca San Casciano, L. Cappelli,
having been in Pisa when Artemisia was transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 18) or
1905), pp. 223–39. Carducci regularly
apprehended in Prato with her brother. It when Pierantonio’s older brother Giovanni
provided silk to the Medici Guardaroba in
should be noted that Solinas believes that Battista let the remaining part of the house
these years; payments to him from court
the information reported in this letter (ASF, Decima Granducale 1399, no. 658,
are in ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 387, fols 8
is unreliable and erroneous, but he does transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 19).
right, 9 left, 9 right, and 13 left.
not cite any evidence to the contrary nor
55. These furnishings were delivered sometime
does he explain why Pierantonio would 51. On Guido Reni’s use of agents, see
after November of 1614, the date of the
lie about being in Pisa and claim to be Raffaella Morselli, ‘“Io Guido Reni
first entry in carpenter Luca Mozetti’s
Artemisia’s brother; I instead am inclined Bologna”. Profiti e sperperi nella carriera
invoice; see ASF, Accademia del Disegno
to accept the validity of the information di un pittore “un poco straordinario”’, in
65, approximately fols 872r–v, transcribed
in the letter. Pierantonio very well could Vivere d’arte. Carriere e finanze nell’Italia
here in Appendix, doc. 6. Vincenzo’s
have been in Pisa, based on the fact moderna, ed. by Raffaella Morselli (Rome:
house can be presumed to be Artemisia’s
that his brother Giovanni Battista had a Carrocci, 2007, 71–134 (p. 87). On Tacca’s
first Florentine home because there
notarial practice there, and Pierantonio’s middlemen, see Katherine Johnson
is no documentation from this period
father had owned a farm outside of Pisa Watson, Pietro Tacca: Successor to Giovanni
associating her with any other home in the
in Calcinaia. Also, the writer of the letter Bologna (New York: Garland, 1983), p. 303.
city, and because the records of the burials
had the opportunity to confirm that
52. This document was published by Eduardo of her first two children, Giovanni Battista 83
Artemisia’s travel companion was not the
Nappi, ‘New Documents Concerning and Agnola, link her with the nearby parish
same person as her husband, since he
Artemisia Gentileschi in the Archivio churches of Santa Maria Novella and San
interviewed both individuals in person
Storico del Banco di Napoli: Appendix’, in Lorenzo.
in Prato. Finally, the identity of this
Artemisia Gentileschi: Taking Stock, ed. by
travel companion as Artemisia’s brother 56. Roman painters’ botteghe, including her
Judith W. Mann (Turnhout: Brepols,
Giulio Gentileschi is confirmed by the father’s, were often within or contiguous
2005), 97–98 (p. 97): ‘con la lettera di detta
letter of Artemisia’s husband in which he with their homes; see Mary D. Garrard,
Artemisia in suo nome li haverà da portare
asserts that Giulio had sold and pawned Artemisia Gentileschi: The Image of
a donare a sua elettione a Sua Maestà
Artemisia’s possessions to fund his own the Female Hero in Italian Baroque Art
Cesarea dell’Imperatore e quello che forse
gambling debts: ‘[…] come Giulio è stato (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
ne haverà de regalo tanto in sua persona
lui a vendere e inpegniare le robe per il 1989), Appendix B, p. 486; and Cavazzini,
quanto per detta Artemisia debba essere
giuoco e per voler la puttana del continovo’ Painting as Business in Early Seventeenth-
tutto dello Fabio et non ci possa pretendere
(letter of Pierantnio Stiattesi to Francesco Century Rome, p. 54. Patrizia Cavazzini
cosa alcuna detta Artemisia stante che esso
Maria Maringhi, 20 March 1620, published notes that ‘clients and merchants visited
li ha pagato l’integro prezzo di detti tre
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, quadri et quelli a sue spese si porteranno in
the [painter’s] house to choose what they
Appendice, no. 15, pp. 45–47). wanted to buy and presumably entered
dono a detta Maestà Cesarea. Et per lei ad
many of its rooms’ (Cavazzini, Painting
47. See ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 359, fol. 31 Alessandro Bruni per altritanti’.
as Business in Early Seventeenth-Century
right, transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 7. 53. Vincenzo’s baptism on 1 August 1547 is Rome, p. 55). On Orazio Gentileschi’s
Courtesy of Lisa Goldenberg Stoppato. recorded in AOSMF, Registri Battesimali, practice of bringing clients and agents into
48. ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 359, fol. 41 left, reg. 12, fol. 306; it shows he began life as his family home to inspect his paintings,
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 8. the son of a wool carder. For Vincenzo’s see Cavazzini, ‘Appendice 1. Documenti
death on 9 September 1615, see ASF, relativi al processo contro Agostino
49. For Artemisia’s request to Del Salvatico for
Decima Granducale 1396, fol. 744r, Tassi’, pp. 434–35; and Garrard, Artemisia
a loan, see his testimony in ASF, Accademia
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 15. Gentileschi: The Image of the Female Hero in
del Disegno 64, fol. 684r, transcribed
Alexandra Lapierre was the first to note Italian Baroque Art, Appendix B,
here in Appendix, doc. 9, first cited in
his occupation, on the basis of the census pp. 445, 484–85.
Del Bravo, ‘Su Cristofano Allori’, p. 82,
in BML, Archivio del Capitolo di San
n. 11. Del Salvatico’s testimony pertains 57. Cavazzini, Painting as Business in Early
Lorenzo, Stati delle Anime 1575–92,
to a court case brought by the plaintiff Seventeenth-Century Rome, pp. 4–5.
no. 3933, fol. 13r; see Lapierre, Artemisia.
Simone Carducci, on which see Fumagalli,
Un duel pour l’immortalité, p. 462. 58. On the role of fathers-in-law as
‘Florence’, p. 188.
Confirmation of his occupation is in coguarantors of the wedding dowry in
50. On the transformation of Carducci’s 10 ASF, Decima Granducale 1401, no. 669, Renaissance Venice, see Stanley Chojnacki,
scudi from a loan into a commission unnumbered fols, transcribed here in ‘Getting Back the Dowry, Venice, c. 1360–
for a painting of a Madonna, see ASF, Appendix, doc. 16. Vincenzo may have 1530’, in Time, Space, and Women’s Lives in
Accademia del Disegno 64, fols 683r and expanded into other kinds of work as Early Modern Europe, ed. by Anne Jacobson
685r, first cited in Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, well, such as the operation of a kiln or an Schutte, Thomas Kuehn, and Silvana
p. 327 n. 144, and transcribed here in oven, based on his 1595 matriculation Seidel Menchi (Kirksville: Truman State
Appendix, docs 10 and 11; see as well as a fornaio in the guild of ‘Por S. Piero e Press, 2001), 77–96 (p. 93). Assuming a
Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 680r, first dei Fabbricanti’ with installments paid similar situation applied in Florence, then
cited in Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, p. 327 n. 144, through 1600; see ASF, Università di Por S. Vincenzo Stiattesi and his heirs would
and transcribed here in Appendix, doc. Piero e dei Fabbricanti 198, fols 285v, be obliged to guarantee the return of
12. Artemisia’s testimony that this loan 286r. The entrance fee confirms that he Artemisia’s dowry with their own property,
to Carducci was meant instead as a down was Florentine, since as a hoste fornaio in the case that she were widowed.

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 59. On Vincenzo’s position as the private House Right: A Florentine Account of returning in bad condition a collar he had
tailor of the Carnesecchi family, see the Marie de Medici’s 1615 Ballet de Madame’, borrowed from a collar merchant ‘per
contemporary testimony of his friend The Court Historian, 20.2 (2015), 137–65 ritrarre al naturale’; see ASF, Accademia del
Domenico di Benedetto Rossellini in (p. 148). For a broader study of the use Disegno 92, fol. 172r. According to Filippo
ASF, Decima Granducale 1401, no. 669, of clothing to negotiate one’s place in Baldinucci’s biography of Cristofano Allori,
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. society, see Ulinka Rublack, Dressing he draped fabric over a wooden support
16. For Vincenzo’s membership in the Up. Cultural Identity in Renaissance Europe in order to represent it realistically in his
confraternity of the Scalzo (where he is (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). paintings. See Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie
designated a ‘sarto’) from 1589 until his de’ professori del disegno da Cimabue in qua.
67. See Morselli, ‘Bologna’, p. 156.
death, see ASF, Compagnie sopresse sotto Decennale I della Parte III del Secolo IV,
Pietro Leopoldo 1203, insert 1, fol. 234 68. Patrizia Cavazzini, Agostino Tassi (1578– Opere di Filippo Baldinucci, 10 (Milan:
left, no. 347 (his first notice) and ibid., 1644). Un paesaggista tra immaginario e Società Tipografica dei Classici Italiani,
insert 2, fol. 333 right, no. 395 (his final realtà, exh. cat. (Rome: Iride, 2008), p. 11. 1812), p. 729.
notice). On the tailor’s trade in Renaissance 69. According to Morselli, ‘Bologna’, p. 157, 74. See the descriptions of the pledges seized
Florence, see Carole Collier Frick, Dressing Tiarini ‘leveraged his wealth into a higher from her in ASF, Mercanzia 11636,
Renaissance Florence: Families, Fortunes, & social status’. See also Elizabeth S. Cohen, fol. 159r; Mercanzia 11638, fol. 126r;
Fine Clothing (Baltimore: John Hopkins ‘What’s in a Name? Artemisia Gentileschi and Mercanzia fol. 11638, 264v; these
University Press, 2002). and the Politics of Reputation’, in Artemisia are transcribed here in Appendix,
60. On the practice of extending one’s own Gentileschi: Taking Stock, ed. by Judith docs 4, 23, 24.
credit to kin, dependents, or friends, see Mann (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), 119–28 75. She had domestic help from several women
James Shaw and Evelyn Welch, Making and (p. 122), in which she notes that artists including monna Fiore (ASF, Accademia del
Marketing Medicine in Renaissance Florence were sometimes social climbers and that Disegno 91, insert between fols 152v and
(Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, B.V., 2011), ‘the best could aspire to rise above their 153r, transcribed here in Appendix, doc.
p. 103. As a tailor, Vincenzo Stiattesi must birthright’. 24; and ASF, Mercanzia 11638, fol. 136r.
have frequently purchased his fabrics on 70. See Rublack, Dressing Up: Cultural Identity Dated 5 June – 11 July 1617, transcribed
credit from silk and wool merchants. in Renaissance Europe, p. 6. here in Appendix, doc. 25), Maria Stechi
61. ASF, Mercanzia 11637, fol. 3r, transcribed (or Stecchi) (ASF, Accademia del Disegno
71. ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 332, ins.1, 91, Insert 3 between fols 168v and 169r,
here in Appendix, doc. 20. fol. 71r, transcribed here in Appendix, doc. transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 26; and
62. Ibid. Another reason for presuming 22. Courtesy of Lisa Goldenberg Stoppato. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert 2
these debts to be related to Artemisia’s 72. The literature on Florentine rigattieri between ff. 168v and 169r, transcribed here
84 expenditures, and not to the Stiattesi includes Alessia Meneghin, ‘The Trade in Appendix, doc. 27), monna Margherita,
family’s consumption habits, is that of Second Hand Clothing in Fifteenth- widow of Bartolomeo Benvenuti (ASF,
prior to Artemisia’s arrival in Florence, Century Florence: Organisation, Conflicts, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 683, first
her husband and father-in-law had never and Trends’ in Retail Trade. Supply and cited in Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, p. 327 n. 151,
before appeared in the citation records of Demand in the Formal and Informal Economy and transcribed here in Appendix, doc.
the merchants’ court, nor in those of the from the 13th to the 18th Century. Selezione di 10); a woman known only as the widow of
Accademia del Disegno. ricerche, ed. by Giampiero Nigro (Florence: Antonio Sapiti (ASF, Accademia del Disegno
63. Ibid. In this case, less than two months Florence University Press, 2015), 307–24; 64, fol. 680r, transcribed here in Appendix,
after the seizure of pledges, the account Carole Collier Frick, ‘Florentine “Rigattieri”: doc. 12), as well as a sister-in-law that she
was settled and Artemisia’s clothes Second Hand Clothing Dealers and the clothed in 1618 and therefore probably
were returned. Circulation of Goods in the Renaissance’ housed (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64,
in Old Clothes, New Looks: Second-Hand fol. 439, transcribed here in Appendix,
64. Noted in ASF, Decima Granducale 1401, doc. 21). As mentioned above in n. 13, in
Fashion, ed. by Alexandra Palmer and
no. 669, transcribed here in Appendix, Rome Artemisia employed two domestic
Hazel Clark (Oxford and New York: Berg,
doc. 16. servants simultaneously. In addition,
2005), 13–28; and Matchette, ‘Credit
65. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 439. and Creditability: Used Goods and Social Artemisia had workshop assistants such
First cited in Carlo Del Bravo, ‘Cristofano Relations in Sixteenth-century Florence’. as Domenico Boscoli (ASF, Accademia del
Allori’, p. 82, n. 11, transcribed here in On the renting out of clothing as a source Disegno 64, fol. 685r, transcribed here
Appendix, doc. 21. of income for women as attested to by in Appendix, doc. 11), a certain ‘Lazzero
commercial contracts called comodati and [Lazzaro] suo mandato’ mentioned in the
66. An analogous situtation that explains why apothecary’s bill of 1616 (ASF, Accademia
locationi, see Anna Esposito, ‘Perle e coralli:
Artemisia’s appearance mattered a great del Disegno 64, ff. 422r and 429v), a
credito e investimenti delle donne a Roma
deal to her patrons can be found in Tessa ‘Lorenzo suo garzone’ mentioned in the
(XV–inizio XVI secolo)’ in Dare credito alle
Storey’s recognition that the upper-tier accounts of Michelangelo Buonarroti in
donne. Presenze femminili nell’economia tra
prostitutes of sixteenth-century Rome June of 1616 as collecting a payment on
medioevo e età moderna, ed. by Giovanna
were expected to dress richly in order to her behalf (see Adriaan W. Vliegenthart,
Petti Balbi and Paola Guglielmotti
reflect well upon the perceived status of La Galleria Buonarroti. Michelangelo e
(Asti: Centro studi Renato Bordone
their long-term clientele, and that clientele Michelangelo il Giovane, trans. by Giorgio
sui Lombardi, sul credito e sulla banca,
in turn furnished some of their wardrobe; Faggin (Florence: Instituto Olandese
2012), 247–57 (pp. 251–52). Cosimo II’s
see Tessa Storey, ‘Clothing Courtesans. Universitario di Storia dell’Arte, 1976),
commissions were well worth Artemisia’s
Fabrics, Signals, and Experiences’, p. 173) and possibly even the individual
and Pierantonio’s investments, because
in Clothing Culture 1350–1650. The previously identified by Elizabeth
when princes purchased paintings, they
History of Retailing and Consumption, Cropper as her compare, Annibale Caroti
often paid more than ordinary market
ed. by Catherine Richardson (London: (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert
value; see Cavazzini, Painting as Business
Ashgate, 2004), 95-108 (pp. 102–05). between fols 152v and 153r, transcribed
in Seventeenth-Century Rome, p. 126, with
On the importance of clothing to the here in Appendix, doc. 24), although
reference to Giulio Mancini’s treatise
perception of a noblewoman’s status, see this latter individual may have merely
Considerazioni sulla pittura.
Catherine Kovesi Killerby, ‘Heralds of a been a neighbor. An independent painter
Well-Instructed Mind: Nicolosa Sanuti’s 73. Many Florentine painters also relied who probably assisted in Artemisia’s
Defence of Women and their Clothes’, on real objects in order to make their Florentine workshop is Alessandro Bardelli
Renaissance Studies, 13. 3 (1999), 255–82. paintings. This is demonstrated, for (1583–1633), mentioned in Pierantonio’s
For a vivid description of the display of example, by the case where Cecco Bravo letters and identified by Francesco Solinas;
expensive jewelry by French nobility at was sued at the court of the Accademia see the letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to
this time, see Sheila Barker, ‘House Left, del Disegno in November of 1624 for Francesco Maria Maringhi, 20 March 1620,

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 in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter intellectual exchange is explored in everyday purposes, customers of higher
21, p. 54 (apparently regarding touch-ups Marika Keblusek, ‘Merchants’ Homes social status also regularly took advantage
on the figure of a Cappuchin in a painting); and Collections as Cultural Entrepôts: of these arrangements. Scholars have
and the letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi The Case of Joachim de Wicquefort noted the long lists of debtors in the
to Francesco Maria Maringhi, 11 April and Diego Duarte’, English Studies, records of artisans, especially shoemakers
1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, 92.5 (July 2011), 496–507, DOI: and other clothiers, which reveal the
letter 15, p. 45. On the employment of 10.1080/0013838X.2011.584742. names of patricians just as they do those
domestic servants by Florentine painters, of popolani’ (Anne Matchette, ‘Credit
82. See Anne Matchette, ‘Credit and
see Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, p. 174. On the and Creditability: Used Goods and Social
Creditability: Used Goods and Social
legal testimony regarding Artemisia’s Relations in Sixteenth-Century Italy’,
Relations in Sixteenth-Century Italy’,
employment of workshop assistants, see p. 226).
p. 228. Matchette, ibid., also points
ibid., pp. 188, 327 n. 151.
out that ‘this “culture of credit” as 87. On the metal shortages in Florence and
76. Both items are named in ASF, Mercanzia Craig Muldrew has termed it, created their impact on the Tuscan economy,
11638, fol. 136r, transcribed as doc. 25. an atmosphere in which commercial see Cipolla, Money in Sixteenth-
There is an exquisite copper basin in relationships could at best be highly Century Florence.
the foreground of Artemisia’s David and sociable and at worst financially and
88. On terms and implications of the marriage
Bathsheba at the Galleria Palatina personally injurious’.
in Florence. contract, see Barker, ‘A New Document
83. Business women of Artemisia’s era Concerning Artemisia Gentileschi’s
77. Letter of Artemisia Gentileschi to financed their professional enterprises Marriage’.
Francesco Maria Maringhi, 11 April 1620, not only with direct spending from their
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter 89. This idea is confirmed in Matchette, ‘Credit
dowries, but also with microcredits
21, pp. 54–58. and Creditability: Used Goods and Social
leveraged against their dowries and other
Relations in Sixteenth-Century Italy’,
78. ‘Una casa da vedere e da starci un possessions, as well as with the sale of
p. 232, who explains that pawning
galantuomo’. Letter of Artemisia their clothing and jewels; see Zanoboni,
personal objects was ‘particularly useful
Gentileschi to Francesco Maria Maringhi, ‘Mobilità sociale e lavoro femminile
for women of moderate means, who
9 July 1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di nelle grandi città italiane’, p. 72. It is
had objects to sell but, bound by the
Artemisia, letter 33, p. 76. This letter is also explained in Evelyn Welch, ‘Women in
customs of comportment, were restricted
discussed by Elizabeth Cropper, ‘Riflessioni Debt: Financing Female Authority in
in how they could move about the city
su Artemisia’, in Artemisia la musa Clio e gli Renaissance Italy’ in Donne di Potere nel
transacting business’. Also of note is her
anni napoletani, exh. cat., ed. by Roberto Rinascimento, ed. by Letizia Arcangeli
argument that ‘by selling or pawning
Contini and Francesco Solinas. Rome: De and Susanna Peyronel (Viella 2008), 85
family clothing and household utensils
Luca Editori d’Arte, 2013, 7–13 (p. 9). 45–65, that noble women’s honor and
women could easily gain access to cash.
credit-worthiness depended upon their
79. ‘E mandi ancora li quorami, perché qua The practice additionally allowed them
ability to display jewels, and that many
bisognia stare con gran decoro a volere to build up a reserve of credit in order to
women hawked jewels and even wedding
avanzare qualche cosa e monstrare che non operate economically in ways that dispel
dresses for cash, resulting in dishonor,
si ha di bisognio, ché quando si vede che assumptions about the restrictions women
and an unwillingness to be seen in public.
la casa è in ordine, le cose vannò d’altra faced in their male-dominated households,
Artemisia pledged many pieces of precious
maniera e si aquista maggior credito assai’. because, in practice, they could operate
jewelry to obtain credit, including a
Letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to Francesco outside it in ways that might very well have
four-string pearl necklace, a gold chain,
Maria Maringhi, 27 March 1620, in Solinas gone unnoticed’ (ibid., p. 234).
gold earrings, a ring with five diamonds.
(ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter 18, p. 51. See ASF, Mercanzia 11636, fol. 159r, 90. See for example ASF, Mercanzia 11636,
80. ‘bisogna mettere la casa all’ordine per transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 5; fol. 159r, transcribed here in Appendix,
stare sulla riputazione e stare in credeto ASF, Accademia del Disgno 92, fol. 42r, doc 4; ASF, Mercanzia 11636, fol. 159r,
[sic]’. Letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 28; and transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 5; and
Francesco Maria Maringhi, 11 April 1620, ASF, Mercanzia 11639, f. 188v, transcribed Mercanzia 11637, fol. 3r, transcribed
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter here in Appendix, doc. 29. Regarding yet here in Appendix, doc. 20. These can be
21, p. 54. This letter is also discussed by another diamond ring, see the letter of compare to the seizure records from the
Cropper, ‘Riflessioni su Artemisia’, p. 10. Pierantonio Stiattesi to Francesco Maria period when Artemisia was financially
It seems credit (‘credeto’) is used here Maringhi, 2 May 1620, in Solinas (ed.), independent: ASF, Mercanzia 11638,
to mean something along the lines of Lettere di Artemisia, letter 24, p. 64. fol. 126r, transcribed here in Appendix,
‘respectability’, although the ambiguity is doc. 23; ASF, Mercanzia 11638, fol. 136r,
84. The IOU Artemisia signed to the servant
unavoidable since elevated social standing transcribed here in doc. 25; ASF, Mercanzia
girl is in ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91,
was easily leveraged into financial credit in 11639, f. 188v, transcribed here in
Insert 3 between fols 168v and 169r,
this society, as has been argued throughout Appendix, doc. 29; and ASF, Mercanzia
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 26.
this chapter. On the meaning of credeto/ 11639, fol. 264v, transcribed here in
Artemisia did not respect the terms of the
credito, see John F. Padgett and Paul D. IOU and later she attempted in court to
Appendix, doc. 31.
McLean, ‘Economic Credit in Renaissance legally repudiate that IOU first with the 91. The invoice of the carpenter named Luca
Florence’, The Journal of Modern History, argument that no mondualdo had signed Mozetti discussed above indicates that
83.1 (2011), 1–47 (p. 38): ‘The word “to this artisan provided stretchers ‘per
his name on the contract and later a more
lend” in […] Renaissance business letters is parola della sua donna et per suo servizio’;
general statement about the exemption of
credere, which normally means “to believe” see ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65,
married women; see ASF, Accademia del
or “to believe in”. The language of medieval approximately fols 872r–v, transcribed
Disegno 91, Insert 1, between fols 168v
and Renaissance Italian expresses the here in Appendix, doc. 6. For the IOU to
and 169r, dated 28 November 1617,
idea that to offer someone credit typically Maria Stecchi, see ASF, Accademia del
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 30.
meant having confidence in them, not only Disegno 91, Insert 3 between fols 168 v
financially but also morally. “To give credit” 85. For an overview of the use of credit
and 169 r, transcribed here in Appendix,
and “to believe someone” were essentially throughout Latin Europe beginning in the
doc. 26. Above all, see the arguments used
the same idea. Having credit […] was also Late Middle Ages, see Mauro Carboni and
by Artemisia’s defending counsel to deny
a sign that you were a person of character Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli (eds), Reti di
her responsibility for debts contracted
and honor, in more domains than just credito. Circuiti informali, impropri, nascosti,
while she was married to her husband:
the economic’. secoli XIII–XIX (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2014).
ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert 1
81. The conversion of the homes of non- 86. ‘While laborers with limited access to cash between fols 168v and 169r, transcribed
nobles into centers of elite cultural and depended on credit from shopkeepers for here in Appendix, doc. 30; and ASF,

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 Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 724r, first In this document she is called ‘Monna that even male artists were sometimes
cited in Del Bravo, ‘Su Cristofano Allori’, Artimitia Lomi’ with no reference reluctant to join; see Fumagalli,
p. 82, n. 11, and transcribed here in whatsoever to her husband’s name. ‘Florence’, p. 174.
Appendix, doc. 32. A woman’s income and material wealth
102. ‘Artemisia donna di Pagolantonio Stitesi
(particularly her wardrobe and jewelry)
92. There is a menion of a private pact (‘il e figliuola d’ Oratio Lomi Pittora di
provided the means for obtaining credit
nostro piatto delineato’) in Artemisia’s contro de’ havere addì 19 di luglio 1616
which came in many forms: moving
postscript letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to lire quatro recho il Cavaliere Vasari per
possessions in and out of pawn, and
Francesco Maria Maringhi, 30 May 1620, principio di sua matricola a entrato
taking loans from banks, and borrowing
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, 54 – riconobbe per il padre – 4 lire’
from friends and allies; see Welch,
letter 29, p. 70. (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 57,
‘Women in Debt. Financing Female
Stratto de’ Matricole B, fol. 152 right;
93. On Artemisia’s flight from Florence in Authority in Renaissance Italy’, p. 48.
first published in Bissell, ‘Artemisia
her brother’s company, see the letter See also n. 83 above.
Gentileschi. A New Documented
of Gino Ginori to Cosimo II de’ Medici,
98. ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64, fol. 724r, Chronology’, p. 154, n. 14, where the
12 February 1620, ASF, Mediceo del
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 32. The ‘lire’ sign has been misread as a ‘scudi’
Principato 998, fol. 206r, published
transcription of this document in Solinas, sign. An additional document from the
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia,
Lettere di Artemisia, Appendice, letter I, same date regarding her matriculation
Appendice, no. II, p. 142, and discussed
p. 141, contains erroneous omissions. makes no reference to her husband’s
above in n. 46.
Also, it should be noted that this same name whatsoever: ‘Da madonna
94. On the issues at stake when couples document has often been misconstrued as Artimisia di Oratio Lomi Pittrice lire
separated, including the return of the a statement about Pierantonio spending 4 per sua matricola con il beneficio di
dowry to the wife or her kin, see Linda all of his wife’s dowry; see, for example, Oratio suo padre addì 19 di luglio: lire
Guzzetti, ‘Separations and Separated Cropper ‘New Documents for Artemisia 4’ (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 103,
Couples in Fourteenth-Century Venice’, Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761; fol. 54 right, no. 152; first published in
in Treavor Dean and Katherine J. P. Lowe, Lapierre, Artemisia. A Novel, pp. 250–51; R. W. Bissell, Orazio Gentileschi and the
Marriage in Italy, 1300–1650 (Cambridge: and Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, Poetic Tradition in Caravaggesque Painting
Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 141. (Philadelphia: The Pennsylvania State
249–74. University Press, 1981), pp. 34–35).
99. She was not successful in her case, and
95. Letter of Artemisia Gentileschi to she had to pay this old debt as well as the 103. I am currently preparing a study on the
Francesco Maria Maringhi, 20 March fees of the plaintiff, totaling 16 lire; see history of women in the Accademia del
1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 589, Disegno and the earlier Compagnia dei
86
letter 14, p. 44. undated, from around November 1619 Pittori di San Luca, both of which had
96. On the fighting between father and (dating based on contiguous dated female members before Artemisia’s
daughter, and between Orazio’s sons and documents with which it is bound), first matriculation in 1616.
Pierantonio, see the letter of Pierantonio cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents for
104. The baptisms of her children in other
Stiattesi to Francesco Maria Maringhi, Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’,
quarters of the city is compelling
20 March 1620, in Solinas (ed.), Lettere p. 761 n. 21, transcribed here in
evidence that she did not live in her
di Artemisia, letter 14, p. 44. Pierantonio Appendix, doc. 33.
Borgo Ognissanti workshop, and that it
filed a suit (‘lite’) against Orazio for 100. A loose rendering in English of the was used only for her painting activities.
the remainder of the dowry according relevant phrasing would be ‘[she], having This conclusion, however, would not
to the letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to been subjected to a property seizure at exclude the possibility that she may have
Francesco Maria Maringhi, 30 May 1620, the order of the aforementioned Michele also used part of her home for her artistic
in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter because [she] had full control over her work, just as she did while living on via
29, p. 70, esp. n. 4. If Orazio did not dowry’. I am grateful Marcello Simonetta Campaccio with the Stiattesi family. In
pay out the remainder of the dowry in for discussing this translation and 1619 there is evidence she had a second
cash, it is possible that he ceded familial parsing the Italian. Any transcription and workshop in Florence on via delle Belle
property (in Pisa, for instance, where translation mistakes are my own. Donne, near Santa Maria Novella; see
the Lomi Gentileschi family had its ASF, Accademia del Disegno 92, fol. 52r,
101. Artemisia’s initial request for
origins) to Artemisia’s husband. Many transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 35.
matriculation was reviewed the
years later, in 1636, Artemisia noted in Guido Reni rented multiple locations
Accademia’s Council on 1 June 1615,
a letter that she was going to sell some for his various workshop assistants;
at which time they wanted to charge
of her property in Pisa; see the letter on Reni’s practice see Morselli, ‘“Io
her the highest matriculation fee; see
of Artemisia Gentileschi to Andrea Guido Reni Bologna”. Profiti e sperperi
ASF, Accademia del Disegno 16, fol. 34r,
Cioli, 1 April 1636, first published in nella carriera di un pittore “un poco
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 34 (the
Anna Maria Crinò, ‘More Letters from straordinario”’, p. 78. On the location
location of this document was first noted
Orazio and Artemisia Gentileschi’, The of Florentine artists’ workshops, see
in Bissell, ‘A Documented Chronology’,
Burlington Magazine, 102 (1960), 264–65 Fumagalli, ‘Florence’, p. 174: ‘A fixed
p. 154, n. 14, but without any mention
(p. 265), and reprinted in Solinas (ed.), and unavoidable expense involved the
of its specific content). Artemisia seems
Lettere di Artemisia, letter no. 48, p. 116. renting of a workshop and house, which
to have postponed joining the Accademia
On the complications surrounding the were sometimes, though not always, the
del Disegno until the lowest rate was
payout of dowries in installments among same’.
offered to her (a privilege accorded to
artisan families, the substitution of
the children and nephews of previous 105. The exception to this rule regards the
promised cash with real estate, and the
members). On the historical reluctance case of Maria Stecchi, the servant girl
fear that ‘una volta consumate le nozze
of women to join guilds, see Maria Paola given Artemisia’s IOU. In this case,
e la fanciulla stabilmente insediata nella
Zanoboni, ‘Mobilità sociale e lavoro both Artemisia and her husband were
casa congiugale, il padre della sposa
femminile nelle grandi città italiane’, summoned to court in 1617, since it was
non verasse più le altre rate della dote’,
pp. 64–68. In Rome at this time, the up to the court to determine whether
see Anna Esposito, ‘Diseguaglianze
professional practice of painting was not Artemisia or her husband should bear the
economiche e cittadinanza: il problema
limited to guild members; see Cavazzini, burden of a debt contracted in previous
della dote’, Melanges de l’École Française
Painting as Business in Seventeenth-Century years while Artemisia was still living with
de Rome, 125.2 (2013), 341–48
Rome, pp. 4, 19. The situation in Florence her husband; see ASF, Accademia del
(pp. 342–43).
may have been similar, since only half of Disegno 91, fol. 169r, transcribed here in
97. See ASF, Mercanzia 11639, fol. 188v, Florence’s 68 artists were members of the Appendix, doc. 36, and ASF, Accademia
transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 29. Accademia del Disegno in 1632, showing del Disegno 91, insert 2 between ff. 168v

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 and 169r, transcribed here in Appendix, 112. With regard to carpenter Luca Mozetti’s 119. Covoni’s position at court is confirmed
doc. 27. bill originally for 88 lire (ASF, Accademia in ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 336,
del Disegno 65, no. 169, approximately fol. 23v; and ASF Depositeria Generale
106. See ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91,
fols 872r-v, transcribed here in Appendix, 1004, no. 238 (27 Sept. 1619), where
fol. 67r, transcribed here in Appendix,
doc. 6) see the discount (tara) of ten lire it is recorded that Cosimo II will pay
doc. 1.
and ten soldi in ASF, Accademia del Diseg- for Covoni’s Parisian debts to Father
107. However, this change is evident even in no 65, f. 873v, first cited in Cropper, ‘New Etienne Arbinot, Christine de Lorraine’s
the month preceding Artemisia’s official Documents for Artemisia Gentileschi’s Augustinian confessor and French envoy
matriculation; see ASF, Accademia del Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, transcribed (and agent in the hiring of Jacques
Disegno 65, approximately fol. 683r, here in Appendix, doc. 41. The final Callot). On the definition of the role
dated 13 June 1616, transcribed as doc. amount owed, minus the discount and of the cultural broker in early modern
37. First cited (as fol. 691) by Bissell, ‘A minus some early payments, is noted in Florentine patronage systems, see Mario
Documented Chronology’, p. 155, n. 14, ASF, Accademia del Disegno 65, fol. 871r, Biagioli, Galileo Courtier. The Practice
but never transcribed. With regard to first cited in Cropper, ‘New Documents for of Science in the Culture of Absolutism
this document, Elizabeth Cropper has Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1993),
commented on the possibility that the p. 761 n. 21, transcribed here in Appen- pp. 18–21, 24–25; and Cole, Music,
phrase ‘in suo nome proprio’ referring to dix, doc. 42. That amount was paid off Spectacle, and Cultural Brokerage, I,
Artemisia could indicate that ‘she was no when Artemisia allowed her pledged dia- pp. 2–5. On Covoni’s knighthood, see
longer appealing as the donna of Stiattesi’ mond ring to pass to her creditor; see ASF, ASF, Manoscritti 658, ‘Descrizione e
(Cropper, ‘New Documents for Artemisia Mercanzia 11639, fol. 25v, transcribed commende dell’Illustrissima e Sacra
Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 761, here in Appendix, doc. 43. Religione di Santo Stefano’, f. 144v.
n. 21). The first Accademia del Disegno On his death and burial in Malta,
113. Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing
tribunal record to follow Artemisia’s ma- see Ludovica Sebregondi, ‘Francesco
Medicines in Renaissance Florence, p. 129.
triculation is ASF, Accademia del Disegno Buonarroti, cavaliere gerosolimitano e
Also relevant is this description of the
65, fol. 98r, undated but bound contigu- architetto dilettante’, Rivista del Istituto
economy of Renaissance Florence in
ously with other documents from August Nazionale di Archaeologia e Storia dell’Arte,
Padgett and McLean, ‘Economic Credit
of 1616, first cited in Cropper, ‘New Doc- 37.2 (1986), 49–86 (pp. 76–77). Notice
in Renaissance Florence’, p. 8: ‘Virtually
uments for Artemisia Gentileschi’s Life in of his death reached Florence on 15
all Florentine companies, but especially
Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, transcribed here in September 1619; see ASF, Miscellanea
merchant banks, were highly leveraged
Appendix, doc. 38; the next is ASF, Acca- Medicea 368, Insert 1, fol. 720. On the
and […] most of their business was
demia del Disegno 91, fol. 152v, dated 13 Covoni family, see Agostino Ademollo,
conducted on credit…Clearly, name,
April 1617, transcribed here in Appendix, Marietta de’ Ricci ovvero Firenze al 87
reputation, and connections were more
doc. 39, and demonstrating her regarding tempo dell’ assedio racconto storico, ed.
central in the generation of commercial
her payment of a large installment on an Luigi Passerini (Florence: Stabilimento
credit in fifteenth-century Florence than
old debt. From approximately September Chiari, 1845), VI, pp. 1995–98; and
was asset security’.
of 1617 is ASF, Accademia del Disegno BNCF, Magliabechiano 26, codex 226,
65, fol. 871r, first cited in Cropper, ‘New 114. A woman who wore jewels held fols 170–71. For the birth of Alessandro,
Documents for Artemisia Gentileschi’s credibility as a person capable of repaying named after his maternal grandfather,
Life in Florence’, p. 761 n. 21, transcribed debts; jewels could be pawned but it see AOSMF, Registri Battesimali, reg.21,
here in Appendix, doc. 40. was an important point of honor not to fol. 122r. On his business as a silk dealer
lose them; see Welch, ‘Women in Debt’, to the Medici court in 1611 and 1614,
108. See the testimony of Annibale Caroti in
pp. 64–66. As shown by the documents see ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 311,
ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, insert
above in n. 112, Artemisia eventually fol. xxxiiii; and ASF, Guardaroba Medicea
between fols 152v and 153r, transcribed
settled her account with the carpenter by 324, fols 19v, 21r, 25r, 31v.
here in Appendix, doc. 24.
offering a gold ring with a diamond.
109. Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing 120. See ASF, Guardaroba Medicea 332, ins.1,
115. ‘Braccia 16. di cam[elotto] e turchese fol. 71r, transcribed here in Appendix,
Medicines in Renaissance Florence, pp. 128,
e rosso per una vesta per la sorella dell doc. 22.
138. If debts became delinquent, the
marito a dieci giuli braccia d’accordo lire
debtors might be charged nominal 121. Covoni and his family knew the
21.6.8’ (ASF, Accademia del Disegno 64,
court fees in some cases. Only a small Buonarroti clan well. In addition to the
fol. 439, transcribed here in Appendix,
minority of customers were obliged to vicinity of their palaces on via Ghibellina,
doc. 16).
pay their purchases immediately in full there is the fact that Alessandro
and in cash, and these usually involved 116. The word ‘pagato’ (or its contraction, Covoni’s tomb in Malta was designed
customers of limited resources who were ‘p.o’) appears at the bottom of nearly all by Michelangelo Buonarroti’s brother,
considered untrustworthy; see Shaw and of her debt records from the Accademia Francesco; see Sebregondi, ‘Francesco
Welch, Making and Marketing Medicines in del Disegno. A few were settled privately Buonarroti, cavaliere gerosolimitano e
Renaissance Florence, p. 123. outside of court and are thus marked architetto dilettante’.
‘n.p.’. The merchant court records are
110. In the case of apothecaries, the 122. ASF, Mercanzia 11639, fol. 264v,
crossed out, another way of designating
settlement of debts was usually transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 31.
a settled account. Even her old contested
accompanied by a reduction of the total
debt with the servant girl Maria Stecchi 123. See the letter of Pierantonio Stiattesi to
bill by an amount ranging from ten
was finally paid off entirely on 8 January Francesco Maria Maringhi, 2 May 1620,
to twenty-five percent; see Shaw and
1618 (both Artemisia and her husband in Solinas (ed.), Lettere di Artemisia, letter
Welch, Making and Marketing Medicines in
had been ordered to share the debt); see
Renaissance Florence, pp. 128, 135, 138. 24, p. 64, in which Pierantonio assures
ASF, Accademia del Disegno 91, fol. 169r, his correspondent that the couple’s two
111. The renegotiation of overdue accounts transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 36. outstanding accounts with Florentine
was so widespread and automatic that
117. Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing shopkeepers have been resolved, one
it had forced an artificial inflation of
Medicines in Renaissance Florence, p. 129. being for a mere four lire, and the other
retail prices, so that shopkeepers would
See also Padgett and McLean, ‘Economic having been covered with the pledge of
later have the possibility of profiting
Credit in Renaissance Florence’, p. 16: a diamond ring worth far more than the
despite the inevitable deflation of
‘Economic and social relational logics original debt.
the value of old debts. This trend has
had a strong tendency to bleed into each
been demonstrated in regard to the 124. On the downpayment for the grand
other in Renaissance Florentine markets’.
apothecary sector in Shaw and Welch, duke’s commission that Artemisia
Making and Marketing Medicines in 118. ASF, Mercanzia 11636, fol. 159r, received shortly before leaving Florence,
Renaissance Florence, pp. 123–27. transcribed here in Appendix, doc. 4. see n. 25 above.

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125. Giovanni Lotti, perhaps a friend of she had corresponded in intimate tones the daughter of this same Annibale
the family, does not appear elsewhere since the winter of 1617–18. Caroti and Ottavia Coralli, as noted
in documents related to Artemisia or in the baptismal record published by
127. Domenico Boscoli is clearly a helper of
Pierantonio. In ASF, Gabella di Contratti Cropper, ‘New Documents for Artemisia
some kind in Artemisia’s painting studio.
580, Anno 1615, there is a reference Gentileschi’s Life in Florence’, p. 760.
to a Giovanni di Antonio Lotti tessitore 128. The widow of Antonio Sapiti appears
130. This is the same Domenico Stecchi (or
(weaver). to have been a domestic servant of
Stechi) cited in documents 26 and 27 as
Artemisia’s.
126. This is the same Francesco Maria the father of the domestic servant
Maringhi (1593 – post 1653) with whom 129. Artemisia served as godmother to named Maria.

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