A SOURCE OF SOCIAL

ACTION

MAX WEBER

Reporter; Joseph C. Torres

No theorist at the turn of the 20th century was more fascinated
by the baffling complexity of human behavior than the German
social scientist Max Weber, who began his studies at the
University of Berlin, where Marx had done so fifty years earlier
and where his main interests were economics and law rather
than religion. The title "sociologist" does not adequately
describe the broad range of Weber's intellectual interests,
despite the fact that he shares credit with Durkheim as one of
the two founders of contemporary sociology. His mind was
comprehensive and absorbing, deep in knowledge that included
not only history, philosophy, art, religion, literature, and music
but also law and economics. He worked systematically, making
connections and outlining settings as he read and wrote.
He explored the causes of class conflict, described the characteristics of
social status groups, distinguished between different types of human
behavior and social authority, looked at the function of administrative
institutions, and intuitively understood the influence of religious behavior
and belief in social life. He also traced the connections between politics,
geography, and cultural history. According to him, the best way to
understand society is as a tapestry made up of numerous, intricately
intertwined strands of human activity. In this sense, religion shares the
same status as other human actions. Religion should always be viewed as
an effect and never as a cause, according to Freud, Durkheim, and Marx.
That is not as evident to Weber. Causal trains do not run on one-way tracks
in human affairs; explanation is more difficult. Religion is fundamentally a
human endeavor, thus neither cause nor effect are always present; they
could be either or both, depending on the circumstances.
 Background
Family, Politics, and Scholarship
 Karl Emil Maximilian "Max" Weber (1864-1920) was the oldest of eight children born to Max
(senior) and Helene Fallenstein Weber.
 Weber's formal education was no less stellar. At preparatory school in Berlin, he took an interest in
philosophy and in both ancient and medieval history.
 In 1882 he entered Heidelberg University to study legal and economic history as well as philosophy
and the- ology.
 He also joined a fraternity, where, like Marx, he learned to duel and drink-both with more vigor
than wisdom, to judge by his mother's unhappy reports.
 After a year of combined study and military service in Strasbourg, where he formed a friendship
with the historian (also his uncle) Hermann Baumgarten, Weber returned to further university work
in Berlin. There, over the next eight years and while still living with his parents, he pursued
advanced studies in legal and economic history.
 In 1889 he took a doctoral degree with a dissertation on medieval Italian trading companies; soon
afterward, he com- pleted his work in law and took a position in the Berlin courts.
 . In 1892 he earned his Habilitation, or license, as a university lecturer with a study of agri- culture
and law in ancient Rome. At about this time he also became engaged to Marianne Schnitger, a distant
cousin; they were married a year later, just as Weber was entering professional life.
 With his marriage at age twenty-nine, Weber's life story divides into a tale of two selves.
Professionally he had established himself as a scholar of exceр- tional promise; positions awaited him
in both government and the academy. He had become active in the Verein für Socialpolitik, or Union
for Social Policy. an organization of professional economists for which he prepared an important study
of immigration and farm labor in eastern Germany. He also published an analysis of the newly
established German stock exchange.
 . In 1895 he accepted Suniversity appointment (remarkable for a scholar of his age) as a full profes-
sor of political economy in Freiburg, and in the following year he accepted a similar post, with greater
prestige, at the University of Heidelberg.
 Less than two years later, he was stricken with pneumonia. Inadequately treated, it took his life at the
young age of fifty-six, in the very prime of his intellectual career.

How do we proceed when we try to explain human social actions?

Weber developed his answers to this question in several technical essays that outline three
guiding principles of social inquiry.
Three Tools of Sociological Inquiry
Verstehen
Verstehen, the German word for "understanding," is the finest way to sum up
Weber's first and most important premise. Thus, verstehen is a type of
science: a methodical, logical way to account for human activities by
analyzing the function of motives or meanings when they appear as causes.
Verstehen is a reasonable process, but that doesn't mean people always
behave in logical ways. There are many various types and levels of reason, as
Weber was well aware. He noted that actions might be affective (motivated
solely by emotions) or traditional (done solely out of habit) in his later
seminal work Economy and Society. He also noted that actions can be
instrumentally rational (finding the means to attain a goal) or value-rational
(seeking a goal as good in itself). Social science infers the underlying motives
that influence external acts in order to arrive at helpful explanations.
Weber's emphasis on the inner motivations of human actions has led
others to describe his perspective as "methodological individualistic,"
even though his primary interest was in explaining social rather than
personal behavior. For him, social values or beliefs acquire reality only to
the extent that they gain assent in the minds of individuals. Every time
Weber speaks in generalities about a moral principle, like, instance,
physical bravery, he prompts us to consider the particular people or groups
within a society whose leadership or influence makes them what he refers
to as the "bearers" of that principle. In other words, ideas and ideals only
have an impact because some people embrace them and persuade others to
do the same. This perspective differs from Durkheim's, who prefers to
view society as an abstract entity that is separate from its individual
members and imposes obligations on them from above. Instead, Weber is
inclined to view the community as a heterogeneous group of people who
defer to a select few, those who, via custom, privilege, or per- sonality,
claim to be in a position of leadership. They are the guardians of cultural
values, shaping society in the same way that others and themselves are
shaped by it.
 Ideal-Types

Weber uses the technical German word "Ideal-Typus" to explain

the function of these broad categories in social research.
A generic concept, an ideal-type differs from what is referred to
be a generalization in natural science. An example of a
generalization is the statement that "All kings have countries,"
which implies that having a country to rule is the very minimum
requirement for a monarch. But when we imagine a perfect king,
we create something that is almost the exact opposite of a
generality.
An appropriate illustration comes from one of Weber's most well-known
ideal-typologies. He distinguishes between the traditional, legal, and
charismatic forms of social authority in Economy and Society. In the case of
traditional authority, people embrace a pattern of control that seems to have
"always existed," as in tribal communities where leadership of the elders has
been acknowledged from time immemorial. All three express what he calls
"legitimate domination.""Patriarchalism" and "patrimonialism," in which a
single person or family inherits the power to rule, are similar types. In
contrast, legal or rational authority is most prevalent in modern civilizations.
The contemporary bureaucracy, which assumes that everyone will follow by a
set of rules consistently applied by trained, specialized, paid officials who
work in a graded hierarchy and with a sense of professional duty, is where it
finds its purest expression. Analysts of public and corporate administration
have seriously debated Weber's views on bureaucratic authority. He views
bureaucracy as the most rationally structured form of government, providing
excellent efficiency but frequently stifling creativity.
The third form, charismatic dominance, on the other hand, is the most dynamic
and is particularly significant in the context of religion. It is evident in the
world's prophets and sages, while it also applies to soldiers and statesmen. In
these situations, leadership is attained by the singular quality of one or a small
number of people's powerful personal magnetism. The social impact of a
unique personality, the spiritual hero, the one and only gifted person who can
alone perform miracles, deliver an oracle, or energise followers, is
demonstrated by the prophets of Israel, Gautama and his community of monks,
Confucius and his followers, Jesus and his apostles, among other figures.
When such a figure enters a culture, he or she has the potential to gain
followers and change the direction of civilization simply by asserting a claim
to greatness, wisdom, or divinity. The most powerful force for transformation
in both history and society is charisma.
The term "bureaucracy" and other abstractions do not exclusively
describe ideal-type procedures; historical processes also fall under this
category. One of Weber's widely cited types describes the process of
cultural "disenchantment," by which belief in the supernatural realm of
magic and the gods, long ingrained in a traditional society, gradually
dissolvs under the pressure of systematic and rationalized patterns of
thought. Another is the "routinization" of charisma, the gradual
transformation that occurs when, after a prophet's passing, the fiery
intensity of his message begins to cool and fix itself into
institutionalized practices. Naturally, historical development-based
types like these can be biased. When describing social or cultural
causes and effects, types like pes of other sorts
 VALUES

The topic of values is covered by Weber's third inquiry principle.

He adopted the stance that social science, like other sciences, must
be an undertaking devoid of values from an early age. Like others
of his time, he believed that facts and values are two quite different
things and that mixing the two is a grave mistake. Every sincere
scientist, whether natural or social, seeks a factual account of the
world as they experience it, and should avoid inserting their own
subjective moral judgments. Science exists to describe things as
they are, not to advance one's own preconceived ideals of how
things should be. The same distinction holds true in university
classrooms; a professor's professional obligation forbids the
inclusion of personal value judgments in class lectures.
Weber notes that although values may appear straightforward, even everyday decisions—
like selecting a career in social science—involve value judgments. It is a decision that
involves values whether to study class disparities or suicide rates in sociology. Following
the "value-freedom" principle is a value-conditioned decision since science prioritizes
factual truth over individual or political goals. According to Weber, social science is
substantially more impacted by value decisions than natural science. While social scientists
are open-ended and welcome fresh ideas and viewpoints from all eras and civilizations,
physicists and mathematicians operate with predetermined conceptions. According to the
principle of Verstehen, while describing human behavior, we must compromise between
two sets of values: those of the individuals whose acts we are interpreting and those of the
culture in which we are operating. This was clearly seen during the early stages of the
Industrial Revolution, when laborers such as the Luddites struggled against textile
machines and foresaw the demise of capitalism and the enslavement of labour. Marx and
Friedrich Nietzsche, who disapproved of universal moral ideals, had an impact on Weber's
nuanced perspective on values and society. But some contend that the concept of "value-
freedom" is a fantasy, citing Weber's investigation of farming in East Prussia as support.
 Writings on Religion

Religion was a key factor in Weber's study of how economics and

society are intertwined. This was emphasized in his first
significant work, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism.
The Sociology of Religion, Weber's second book, provided a
framework for researching religion and has since become a staple
resource for those studying religious theory. The ambitious "The
Economic Ethic of the World Religions," which was his third
book, was less than halfway finished when he passed away. These
writings provide a window into Weber's broader thought.
The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism (1904-1905)
According to Weber's cultural analysis book "The Weber thesis,"
economic capitalism, religion, and modern civilisation in Western
Europe are all related. In modern Germany, the book makes the case
that Protestants were more prevalent than Catholics among business
executives, financiers, and capable corporate administrators. Weber
hypothesizes that this is because of their fervent religiosity, which
motivated them to engage in significant entrepreneurial endeavors.
The most prosperous Protestant businessmen are frequently devout
Christians, which has contributed to the book's famous argument's
ongoing controversy for more than a century.
Luther, a religious reformer, was a traditionalist on both the social and political
fronts. He emphasized everyone's equality before God, which resulted in a less
conventional perception of routine human labor. Except for the holy work
performed by monks, nuns, and priests, the daily labor of common people was
not valued in medieval Europe. Luther held that all believers were called by God
to fulfill their responsibilities, and that even the most menial activities were
serious obligations that God had given them. The concept of a "secular calling"
gave routine employment a spiritual significance it had never experienced
before. Luther's concept of a "secular calling" provides a starting point for
understanding Protestant drive and business success, but it falls short of
explaining the distinctive way of life of self-discipline, self-sacrifice, thrift, and
simplicity, as well as the systematic lifelong effort in profit-making ventures.
According to Weber, Calvin, a significant reformer, had a significant
influence on the development of capitalism's particular morality. Calvin was
a methodical thinker who placed emphasis on the perverse doctrine of
predestination, according to which God predetermines the ultimate destiny
of all humankind. Calvin was not the first to preach this theory, but he made
it the focus of his philosophy and a source of his own profound assurance.
However, the knowledge that only God alone could decide their ultimate
destiny caused his disciples much suffering. Prior to the modern age, the
early Protestants were a pious people who were terrified of spending
eternity in either Heaven or Hell. They were, nevertheless, adherents of
reformers like Luther and Calvin who eliminated the supernatural
foundation of Catholicism. As a result, regular Protestants were left without
the typical tools for calming the soul or directing divine love toward the
heart. Calvinist preachers advised their followers to lead disciplined, thrifty,
and sober lives, giving their entire selves to God by working hard.
The Reformation's pastoral leadership altered attitudes regarding labor in the
outside world and the pursuit of money, which had a profound impact on Europe's
economic future. Prior to the Reformation, Catholic Christendom viewed pursuit of
wealth as morally wrong, and the Church outright forbade lending money at
interest. In order to ensure that those who coveted wealth would be pardoned for
their sin of avarice, cathedral architecture was created to offer prayers for their
souls. Catholic theology places a higher value on the poor and views the wealthy as
deserving of suspicion. Among Calvin's theological followers, the pursuit of riches
underwent a fundamental shift, turning it from a vice to a virtue. Early modern
Protestantism in Europe, including that of the Puritans, Presbyterians, and
Methodists, was undergoing this transformation. These societies placed a strong
emphasis on discipline, self-control, and thrift. This new ethic, called as "inner-
worldly asceticism," reflected the moral reversal that gave rise to capitalism and
demanded disciplined mastery of the self inside the mundane world. Modern
capitalistic activity is motivated by this inner-worldly asceticism, which reflects the
moral reversal that gave rise to it.
Weber clarified ambiguity and questioned the definition of "capitalism," contending
that the term is not exclusive to the Protestant connection and that traditional greed
existed long before the arrival of the Europeans. Weber makes a distinction between
capitalism and true capitalism, which first appeared in Europe during the early modern
era. Capitalism can be motivated by avarice or opportunistic desires. Buccaneer
capitalism, which seeks wealth for extravagance and selfish pleasures, is different
from true capitalism. Calvinist businesspeople prioritize preserving money over
indulging in self-gratification since it is a duty of their calling and divine election.
Saving is a habit that encourages fresh capital formation, which comes naturally as a
result of virtues. Modern capitalism is a separate phenomena that initially emerged in
Western Europe, primarily as a result of the Protestant faith and beliefs. It is not the
commonplace greed of all people and countries. Other characteristics that define it
are also emphasized by Weber, including logical bookkeeping, the separation of
personal property from the workplace, precise calculation, the use of free labor,
reliance on mathematical and experimental science, and a social structure defined by
law and orderly administration.
 Weber makes a distinction between early modern
capitalism (1550–1750) and capitalism in his and our times.
Catholics and Protestants both practice capitalism now,
with the majority of Protestants being unaware of the
previous theological motivations. The new ethic is
economically efficient and drives out competitors. Weber
took part in the initial stages of the intellectual dispute
that the Protestant Ethic started but later developed his
theories.
 The Sociology of Religion

 Withan emphasis on world religions other than

Protestantism and Weberian ideal-types, The
Sociology of Religion is a dense study that examines a
variety of world faiths. The majority of this
conversation was written by Weber by 1914, although
it was not independently published. Religious leaders,
social classes and groupings, religious belief and
behavior, and how religion interacts with other facets
of social life are the four primary issues covered in
the text.
 Religious Leaders: Magician, Priest, and
Prophet
 MAGICIAN- According to Weber, ecstatic experiences, which are regarded as a specific skill in
spirituality, constitute the foundation of religion. In contrast to Frazer, who primarily concentrated on
impersonal ideas, magicians interact with gods or spirits and have a knack for spiritual leadership.
Because miracles and healings provide necessary services for daily living, magical interest in them
might appear in different cultures, even in sophisticated, contemporary religious systems. This
fascination with magic is not a distinct religion.
 PRIEST- are long-term, salaried members of religious societies who carry out a daily or weekly specific
rite. Their ceremonies and the religious group they oversee establish their professional standing. Priests
are aware of their unique position and provide clients with counseling and perks related to religion. As
was the case in ancient India, where the priestly community supported cosmic rule and order above
chaos, they respect social and religious order. Because of this need for order and stability, a huge cosmic
order emerged, imposing a universal ethic on people and erasing the limited ethic of prehistoric towns.
This idea has frequently been shaped or communicated by priests to a large following.
 PROPHET-The third ideal-type of a prophet is someone who is regarded as a wholly unique
charismatic individual who can manifest at any point in time in a society and act on a strong feeling of
duty to proclaim a thoroughgoing religious teaching or divine commandment. A prophet is someone
who is called by either the voice of God or a vision of Truth to declare a message that can change
lives, not a magician who is focused on getting everyday practical rewards. The majority of major
world religions may be traced to a charismatic prophetic individual whose revolutionary life and
message changed the course of history.
 There have historically been two main categories of prophets: the "exemplary prophet" and the
"ethical prophet." The exemplary prophets, such as Gautama the Buddha, Lao-tzu, and Confucius,
follow a path of wisdom and truth intended for all. The ethical prophets, such as Zoroaster, Jesus of
Nazareth, and Muhammad, embrace monotheism and demand obedience to the universal ethic
imposed by the prophet.
 Prophets are extraordinary individuals who can devote their entire lives to serving others, and their
charisma must be preserved by successors. The "routinization" of charisma, which turns the prophet's
inspirational gift into something permanent and fixed in an institution's bureaucracy, is the ideal type
of a prophet.
 Social Classes and Groups
 Given that laity make up the bulk of members in religious communities, Weber highlights their
significance. Only when a community acknowledges and supports charisma does it truly exist.
In order to meet the demands of prophetic religions, social classes and groupings play a critical
role in religious communities. The fact that Weber disagreed with Marx is important because
social groups are created by geography, occupation, and respect in society. Similar to tribal
elders, intelligentsia, or "literati," frequently attain distinctive position as bureaucrats.
 Religious practices vary depending on social status, with rural peasants, farmers, and rural
classes in Europe frequently including magic and miracles into their faith. Despite Confucius'
advocacy of prophetic ethical religion, Chinese farmers have long valued magic. Despite the
Sermon on the Mount, these groups continue to be primarily interested in the artifacts and icons
of the Christian Church.
 The middle class, bureaucratic elites, and privileged classes have all opposed prophetic religion.
Due to their honor and reputation, the privileged classes frequently oppose it, and the
bureaucratic elites consider it absurd. However, there are situations when it can overcome
opposition, particularly among aristocratic warriors and knights who must accept death. With
Christianity being known as the religion of the cities from its earliest centuries, the middle class,
especially artisans and craftsmen, has demonstrated a variety of religious reactions.
 Prophetic faiths have transformed into religions of salvation, providing individuals with a thorough
plan for inner spiritual enlightenment or ultimate release from life's constraints and woes. These faiths
frequently feature a particular savior at their core who frequently manifests among the people. The
lower social class frequently looks for a redemptive tale in which a god assumes human form to
deliver the faithful. To aid individuals in their spiritual quests and conflicts, most religions—both
Eastern and Western—have evolved diverse cults of saints, heroes, or lesser gods and goddesses. The
poor are lured to savior cults in part because they believe they will receive a reward in the future and
want to give their life a meaningful purpose. While Christianity, despite having an intellectual
component, rejected the Gnostic notion that real knowledge of God is the sole domain of an
intellectual elite, the West resisted elitism vigorously.
 Belief and Behavior
 Worldwide, prophetic religions attempt to explain how ultimate goodness coexists with a fallen world by
addressing the problem of evil or theodicy. Religions provide three ideal solutions to this issue: a future
resolution, an illogical universe, or two gods, one good and one evil. While some people think that there is a
pure, material realm of spirit, others think that there is a realm of pain and death. The treatment of religious
belief and behavior by Weber is challenging and difficult to understand.
 A comprehensive program of human salvation that incorporates aspects from numerous paths is frequently
offered by religions. These programs can be categorized into two groups: those who believe redemption
comes from an outside source, such as a heavenly being, and those who presume human effort is required.
Ritualized behavior, such as Buddhist meditation or enlightenment, is one of the earliest paths to redemption.
This behavior is most noticeable in people who engage in "virtuoso sanctification," striving to be the best
moral artists. Examples include Pharisaic Jews, saints, Sufi mystics, Buddhist and Christian monks, and
Puritans.
 As two different sorts of spiritual heroism, asceticism and mysticism are distinguished by Weber. Mysticism
is passive and meditative, whereas asceticism entails arduous ethical activities. Ascetic perfectionism is
practiced by Catholic monks in the West, who regard themselves as "instruments of God" engaged in a
spiritual battle. Like the oldest forms of Buddhism, some monks adopt a passive spiritual posture when they
meditate and eventually reach a serene condition that is replete with divinity or truth. You can pursue these
two types of spiritual heroism alongside or apart from everyday life. Monks who lived and worked in
solitude from the outer world in medieval Christian monasteries regarded themselves as spiritual heroes
actively serving God.
 In urban centers like London and Amsterdam, Calvinists were as ascetic and spiritual, but they put
more of an emphasis on the regular workplace. As a key distinction between Eastern and Western
religions, Weber emphasizes the gap between asceticism and mysticism. Oriental religious aspirations
are frequently mystical, but Western asceticism has more often been associated with activism. While
Eastern mysticism provides a path of spiritual development, mystics in the West tend to emphasize
behavior.
 SALVATION IS A GIFT-Less is said about Weber's belief that salvation is a gift and that people cannot
obtain salvation on their own. Different things can lead to salvation, such as divine saviors,
institutional grace, individual faith, or divine predestination. Some religions of salvation contend that
people cannot achieve their own salvation and that true peace only comes from without. According to
this viewpoint, salvation can come from a variety of places, such as individual faith, institutional
grace, or divine predestination.
 Religion and Other Spheres of Life

 Weber examines how religion affects politics, economics, sexuality, and the
arts in The Sociology of Religion. Despite some religious traditions' mistrust
of usury, the notion of charity or alms-giving is universally supported in
economics. This idea was questioned by Calvinism, which permitted charitable
donations to beggars, the crippled, widows, and orphans. Religion and politics
frequently clash because the state gives priority to political interests. With
religions traditionally mistrusting sexuality and women, religions with a
redemption ethic frequently compete with mysticism and asceticism in the
arts. Through its emphasis on imagery and symbolism, artistic expression
ought to have a natural affinity with religion. A conflict with religion is
inevitable when art makes independent claims about aesthetic values.
The Economic Ethic of the World Religions"
 A new chapter that examines the major religions of the world concludes The
Sociology of Religion. This chapter introduces Weber's most ambitious
work, "The Economic Ethic," a study of all five major world religions,
including Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Weber finished eight books,
including three on Judaism, 23 Indian religions, and the religions of China.
These publications' primary objective was to address the economic
conundrum of why, only two centuries after the Reformation, capitalism, the
economic system that revolutionized the globe, emerged in Europe and
North America. A thorough comparative analysis must be used to address
this topic, beginning with civilizations in the Far East.
 The Religion of China (1916)
 For millennia, China was predominately an agrarian civilization, with the emperor ruling
through an aristocratic class of literate mandarins who mostly lived in the cities. For more
than two thousand years, the Chinese elite's culture was influenced by their pursuit of an
ethic of refinement and easy assimilation to the outside world. Family and clan ties, as well
as religious links to ancestor spirits, regulated daily life. The characteristics of many
Western towns, like self-government, independence charters, legal rights, guilds, and
fraternal societies, were never formed in Chinese cities. The Taoists, who were followers of
Lao-tzu, were the sole group to oppose this traditionalism by advocating a life of self-
denial and exile from society. This prevailing stance of traditionalism and passivity
inhibited the spirit of capitalism and impartiality in economic transactions. Confucianism
promoted an ethic of adaptation to the world as it was, rather than seeking to control it via
strict self-denial.
 The Religion of India (1916-1917)
 In India, caste-based divisions of society were dominated by two aristocratic castes: the Brahmins
and the Kshatriyas. The Kshatryias possessed political and military authority, whereas the Brahmin
caste was comprised of privileged priests who had access to the Vedic scriptures. This system was
intellectually convincing but terribly demoralizing, as it guaranteed one life after another on the
"wheel of rebirth." Lower castes organized themselves based on birth and vocation, with the
lowest being "out-castes.“
 Yoga ascetic practices were established by Brahmin leaders to promote spirituality and soul
liberation. Jainism and Buddhism came into being as protest religions, providing a way out for
individuals who could live a Jain or Buddhist lifestyle. These objectives were unattainable for the
general populace, which encouraged them to support monk communities.
 In India, caste-based divisions of society were dominated by two aristocratic castes: the Brahmins
and the Kshatriyas. The Kshatryias possessed political and military authority, whereas the Brahmin
caste was comprised of privileged priests who had access to the Vedic scriptures. This system was
intellectually convincing but terribly demoralizing, as it guaranteed one life after another on the
"wheel of rebirth." Lower castes organized themselves based on birth and vocation, with the
lowest being "out-castes."
 There were many elite ascetics and mystics in India who were adept at
withdrawing from the world, but there was no movement advocating self-
denying submission to God's will through tematic contact with the world.
Neither the true spirit nor the authentic practice of modern capitalism could
have arisen without the Protestant morality of Europe.
 Ancient Judaism (1917-1919)
 "The Economic Ethic" by Max Weber is a lengthy and in-depth work that explores the roots of Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam. As the Hebrew confederation of tribes had come together around a common belief
in Yahweh, the principal Lord of the covenant and Creator of the world, the book opens by examining the
geography, politics, and culture of the ancient Near East. Both Christianity and Islam's theologies were
influenced by this sacred bond.
 The agreement was broken during the monarchical era, though, which encouraged dynastic unions and
the veneration of fertility gods from other cultures. Rural and traditional poor resentment erupted,
sparking a civil war that ultimately wiped out the tribes in the North. Prophets and teaching priests
emphasized the Torah as the foundation of Jewish life during the reign of King Josiah, asking for a new
form of individualized religious belief: observance of the Torah's laws out of a sense of personal devotion
to Yahweh, the covenant Lord.
 The prophets who preached this morality sought social justice for the underprivileged and unadulterated
faith in Yahweh. They were against magic, which was widely accepted in the Far East by the general
populace. Instead, they advised common people to live a life devoid of magic and regulated only by
adherence to the Mosaic law personally. The contemporary Protestants' ethic as they followed their sacred
vocations in the world was ultimately shaped by this new ethic of commitment, which put an entire
individual existence molded into habits of devotion to the Torah's instructions.
 Analysis
1. Weber and Durkheim

 Due of their considerable historical and sociological complexity, Weber's writings are challenging to
summarize. He is contrasted with his intellectual adversaries Marx and Durkheim, who established
social theory and the sociology of religion, respectively. The importance of placing religion at the core
of social theory and research may be seen in Durkheim's Elementary Forms. Weber was drawn to the
fundamental significance of religion to society since he was primarily engaged in the economic aspects
of social life.
 Despite having a similar interest in religion, Weber did not reach consensus on the best investigative
techniques. Durkheim started by looking at a single instance of religion in a stage similar to its infancy,
such as the Australian Aborigines. However, Weber examined the most diverse spectrum of
civilizations, behaviors, and beliefs while concentrating on an issue of a cultural nature. He did not
emphasize that early religion was the source of all later institutions.
 The way that Durkheim and Weber see cultural evolution is different. He does not think that religious
practices and beliefs have a natural logical progression, nor does he think that they are merely
reflections of a fundamental and oppressive social reality.
 Weber and Marx
 Social theorists with a historical focus like Weber and Marx examine intricate social and
historical relationships. They rely on encyclopedic knowledge of culture and civilisation, but
Weber emphasizes religious activity around the world and uses class conflict as the primary
justification. He differs from reductionist functionalism by recognizing that human thoughts,
values, and motivations are actual, independent determinants of behavior. For instance,
Weber's analysis of the Protestant Ethic does not emphasize economic hardship but rather a
new type of economic behavior that resulted from a novel religious concept. He accepts that
meanings are important and that the webs of importance that people weave influence the
physical and societal systems they are a part of. The antireductionist stance Weber upholds
throughout his research is a major factor in why his analyses receive fresh praise and
criticism. Since social endeavor is always complex and explanation is never solitary or
simple, he declined to join the club of reductionist thought. As he cannot minimize the
significance of ideas, intents, and beliefs while being true to the data provided by history and
society, Weber's method of understanding social activities is still important today.
 Critique
 Theorist and economist Max Weber has come under heavy fire for his
theories, especially in his books The Protestant Ethic, Economy and
Society, The Sociology of Religion, and "The Economic Ethic of the World
Religions." His theories have been contested by social psychologists,
authorities on industrial organization, public administration, economists,
business historians, and intellectual historians. Analysis has also been done
of Weber's views on sensuality, science, music, art, law, and political
institutions. While some critics claim that Weber's thoughts on religion and
capitalism are insightful, others contend that he falls short in demonstrating
how the two are related. Experts can resolve these disputes because they are
sociological and historical in nature.
 1. Consistency
 For its erratic treatment of religious concepts, Weber's writing on religion has drawn
criticism. Despite his insistence that religious concepts should be allowed their own space
in discussions of human history and culture, his actions seem to contradict this tenet. For
instance, Weber argues that the idea of a personal, transcendent, and ethical god is one that
originated in the Near East when he covers the history of monotheism in Sociology of
Religion. This justification of the all-powerful Creator God appears to be based on
geography and political strength. This pattern also appears in Weber's correlations
between particular religions and interests or concerns of particular social classes. In "The
Economic Ethic of the World Religions," Weber explores the socioeconomic, political,
and material environments that gave rise to various religions. However, he analyzes these
concepts differently, treating them as connected to their historical context and naturally
reflecting the particular social, cultural, and economic settings in which they appear. He
contends that religious formation proceeds independently of material circumstances and
social influences.
 Social Science and Religion

 It has been questioned that Weber's idea of social science applied to religion lacks cultural
generalization and historical accuracy. The method used by Weber entails looking at a complex web of
material circumstances, political influences, economic factors, social pressures, interests of class or
status groups, as well as religious beliefs and practices. It is challenging for him to identify patterns and
categories that may be used to group the majority of similar cases because of this complexity. For
instance, according to Weber, Islam and Confucianism are the exact opposites of Buddhism, which
teaches rebirth but omits the soul of the Brahman-atman, and is a doctrine of salvation for educated
intellectuals.
 Although Weber's cabinet of ideal-types provides a number of tools for categorizing and contrasting,
their applicability to the objectives of social science is restricted. According to Weber, social science
looks for theoretical frameworks that can be somewhat broadly applied to the majority of analogous
situations. Weber doesn't seem to be able to give this broad applicability in his everyday work.
Although his findings are valuable, educational, illuminating, and unique, scientific sociology would
prefer that they be more universal and broadly applicable.
 Despite criticism, Weber's contribution to the theory of religion is impressive. His wide range of interests
and knowledge, the clarity and nuance of his concepts, and his acute understanding of the complexity
involved in explaining human behavior are all hallmarks of his success.

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