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tho(ugh)ts

@mavvens

Gil. she/they. '94. archive of links, resources, and articles.
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dessalines-raised-sword

On this day in 1948, the Malayan War of Independence started, led by Marxist guerrillas against British colonial forces, a significant chapter in the history of anti-colonial movements and the struggles for independence.

The armed wing of the Malayan Communist Party received significant support from the Malayan ethnic Chinese population, many of whom had been inspired by the Chinese Revolution and the resistance against Japanese occupation during WWII.

The British counterinsurgency, dubbed "Britain's Vietnam", served as a precedent for the later US invasion of Vietnam against communist forces. The British troops employed harsh methods and committed war crimes, including mass imprisonment in concentration camps, torture, and mass executions.

Thanks to @theredstream telegram channel

oh nice, I'm Malaysian and I have stuff to say about this part of our history.

it's more commonly referred to as the Malayan Emergency in our history textbooks, of course that name tends to obscure the anti-imperialist nature of the conflict but Malaysians generally won't know what you're talking about if you call it by any other name.

During this period of time, the government enacted resettlement programs called Chinese New Villages, where they resettle the Chinese away from the jungles where the communist guerillas were in hiding as they were surviving with the help of Chinese villagers who were sympathetic to their cause. By resettling the Chinese villagers, they hope to cut off support with the communist guerillas and drive them out of hiding.

I do know that the British also used agent orange on Malaysians during the conflict, the very same chemical used in the Vietnam War that was happening around the same time. They sprayed the stuff into the jungles to target the communists but it also ended up impacting surrounding villages as well and my mom has witnessed to this day, there are children born in these villages with birth defects due to agent orange lingering in the people.

I would also note that the communists in Malaysia weren't just the Chinese as it plays into the sinophobia here that is fed by communism being merely a Chinese thing and that all Chinese are communists by extension. There were plenty of communists who were Malay and other races, one notable Malay communist was Shamsiah Fakeh, who was quite notable and worth looking up.

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dessalines-raised-sword

❤️❤️❤️

This article does a good job of speaking more in detail about the emergency and the related war crimes of the British against people in Malaya.

Also do want to lift up that like the previous poster said there that it wasn't just the Chinese that was a part of this insurgency. In fact, there was also a highly politicized and militant communist and presence on estates and plantations of Indian indentured labor, mostly Tamil.

R.G. Balan was part of CPM and a prolific union organizer, helping with over 85 strikes in Malaysia in 1948 which eventually led to his arrest before the emergency was declared. (x)

SA Ganapathy was executed for possession of firearms in 1949, but was the first president of the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Unionists which had membership of over half of Malaya's work force at that time. (x)

The British continued oppressive regimes and tactics through the Briggs Plan. This included heavy anti-communist propaganda and in plantations, instead of relocating Indian labor they controlled movements and resources on the plantation including banning the cooking of rice at home to starve out communist guerilla fighters who were getting supplied by sympathetic workers. My uncle told me how if you missed getting the rice from the communal rice bowl you would not get fed that day and sympathizers were heavily punished.

Part of the relocation also included the Orang Asli (trans: original people or the indigenous peoples of Malaya) who also suffered under the attacks on the jungles by the British.

Also Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM) did a great graphic highlighting communist women for women's day this year including Shamsiah Fakeh

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“With regard to the saints, one must admit that howsoever different and elevating their teachings may have been as compared to those of the merely learned, they have been lamentably ineffective. They have been ineffective for two reasons. Firstly, none of the saints ever attacked the Caste System. On the contrary—they were staunch believers in the System of Castes. Most of them lived and died as members of the castes to which they respectively belonged. So passionately attached was Jnyandeo to his status as a Brahmin that when the Brahmins of Paithan would not admit him to their fold, he moved heaven and earth to get his status as a Brahmin recognized by the Brahmin fraternity. And even the saint Eknath, who now figures in the film “Dharmatma” as a hero for having shown the courage to touch the untouchables and dine with them, did so not because he was opposed to Caste and Untouchability, but because he felt that the pollution caused thereby could be washed away by a bath in the sacred waters of the river Ganges []. The saints have never, according to my study, carried on a campaign against Caste and Untouchability. They were not concerned with the struggle between men. They were concerned with the relation between man and God. They did not preach that all men were equal. They preached that all men were equal in the eyes of God—a very different and a very innocuous proposition, which nobody can find difficult to preach or dangerous to believe in.”

— Ambedkar, “A Reply To The Mahatma”, re: Bhakti saints

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dessalines-raised-sword

If y'all want to watch a documentary, please watch this and share. Please support the campaign to free the Pendleton 2.

Please support and donate to the campaign linked below. Ask you friends and family. Share the documentary and talk to them. Free them all.

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dessalines-raised-sword

Uncle Ho once said, when the prison doors break open, the dragons will fly out. These are those dragons. Our comrades inside fighting against white supremacy and organising putting their lives on the line.

We all thought about what would have happened if someone picked up a brick instead of a cell phone to help brother George Floyd. These two actually did that and are now paying with their lives.

Kenyan tea pickers are destroying machines brought in to replace them during violent protests that highlight the challenge faced by low-skilled workers as more agribusiness companies rely on automation to cut costs. At least 10 tea-plucking machines have been torched in multiple flashpoints in the past year, according to local media reports. Recent demonstrations have left one protester dead and several injured, including 23 police officers and farm workers. The Kenya Tea Growers Association (KTGA) estimated the cost of damaged machinery at $1.2 million (170 million Kenyan shillings) after nine machines belonging to Ekaterra, makers of the top-selling tea brand Lipton, were destroyed in May. In March, a local government taskforce recommended that tea companies in Kericho, the country’s largest tea-growing town, adopt a new 60:40 ratio of mechanized tea harvesting to hand-plucking. The taskforce also wants legislation passed to limit importation of tea harvesting machines. Nicholas Kirui, a member of the taskforce and former CEO of KTGA, told Semafor Africa 30,000 jobs had been lost to mechanization in Kericho county alone over the past decade. "We did public participation in all the wards and with all the different groups, and the overwhelming sentiment we were hearing was that the machines should go," Kirui said. In 2021, Kenya exported tea worth $1.2 billion, making it the third-largest tea exporter globally, behind China and Sri Lanka. Multinationals including Browns Investments, George Williamson and Ekaterra — which was sold by Unilever to a private equity firm in July 2022 —  plant on an estimated 200,000 acres in Kericho and have all adopted mechanized harvesting. Some machines can reportedly replace 100 workers. Ekaterra's corporate affairs director in Kenya, Sammy Kirui, told Semafor Africa that mechanization was “critical” to the company’s operations and the global competitiveness of Kenyan tea. As the government taskforce established, one machine can bring the cost of harvesting tea down to 3 cents (4 Kenyan shillings) per kilogram from 11 cents (15.32 shillings) per kilogram with hand-plucking. Analysts partly attribute Kenya's unemployment rate — the highest in East Africa — to automation in industries, including banking and insurance. Some 13.9% of working age Kenyans (over 16) were out of work or long term unemployed in the final quarter of 2022.
Source: semafor.com
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Reblogged dosajam
“Experts have noted that morality messages are deeply embedded in modern public health campaigns that blame individuals for engaging in ‘risky’ behaviors, blurring the line between risk and sin. While ostensibly a neutral term, the way in which health authorities attach risk to some practices but not others reveals its moral underpinnings. Many people die in car accidents every year, yet we do not label driving as a risky behavior. Gay men having sex without condoms is described by public health practitioners as risky and labeled as ‘bareback’; sex between heterosexuals is almost never similarly described by health authorities — except, perhaps, when it is done by the poor (especially African Americans, women, and people receiving public benefits). Every step we take in life carries some form of risk, but only certain steps taken by certain people in certain contexts are labeled and controlled as risk.”

— Trevor Hoppe, Punishing Disease: HIV and the Criminalization of Sickness (2017), Ch. 1. (via enoughtohold)

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autumn-imara-deactivated2023120
“Children don’t need to earn their humanity. Children aren’t humans in training, they are humans right now. They’re not waiting to live their life, this is part of their life in this moment. Society treats children as though they’re preparing for a time where they’re allowed respect – and not before then. Until that time it’s acceptable to treat them as sub-human under the guise of parenting and education. For many, parenting is synonymous with punishment and learning is synonymous with schooling which are both so far off the mark. This all comes down to childism and it is so deeply sewn into the fabric our society. So much so that talking about it creates such cognitive dissonance that I know I’ll get defensive, even angry comments sharing these thoughts. People who genuinely respectfully parent and speak up for the injustices towards kids are so often ridiculed. Like I’ve said in the past, I don’t want to be viewed as a ‘good parent’ by a society that thinks so little of children.”
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The question of the land overwhelmingly forced us to rethink that of reproduction: the reproduction of humanity as a whole, if we want to think in global terms. In industrialized countries reproduction happens essentially through the work of managing money, not the money of its own retribution, which was never granted, but the money coming from the husband’s paycheck or, in more post-Fordist terms, from the two precarious paychecks of his and her jobs outside of the home. In Third World countries, on the other hand (and they remain Third World even when they enter the First World or vice versa), reproduction happens first of all through the work in the fields. In other words, through farming for sustenance or local consumption, according to a system of collective ownership or small property. 

In order to appreciate this issue in all its seriousness, both regarding the privatization and the exploitation and destruction of the reproductive powers of land, we need to reconsider what happened during the 80s. While there’s no doubt that those were years of repression and normalization in Italy, in Third World countries those were the years of the draconian adjustment dictated by the IMF. The adjustment involved all countries, Italy included, but in Third World countries, it called for particularly draconian measures. For instance the cuts to subsidized staple foods, and most importantly, the strong recommendation to put a price on land, thus privatizing it wherever it was still a commons (as it was for most of Africa), basically making subsistence agriculture impossible. This measure (made even more dramatic in those years in the context of other typical IMF adjustments) represents, in my opinion, the major cause of world hunger, and it creates the illusion of overpopulation, while the real problem is that of landlessness. As the implementation of the adjustment policies of the 80s became more severe, reproduction regressed at a global level. This was the preparatory phase of neoliberalism. In fact, creating poorer living conditions and fewer life expectations and a level of poverty without precedent, it provided the prerequisites for the launch of the new globalized economy: for the deployment of neoliberalism worldwide, requiring workers to sacrifice so that corporations can compete on the global market; for the endorsement of new models of productivity with smaller salaries and deregulated working conditions; for the stabilization of an international hierarchy of workers with an ever larger and more dramatic gap, both in the fields of production and reproduction. Starting in the 80s, the wave of suicides among farmers in India reached 20,000 cases in the last three years. All of them couldn’t pay back the debts they had incurred to buy seeds and pesticides. A genocide! 

As mass suicides give us the measure of the amount of hunger and death brought upon people by the Green Revolution and by IMF policies, the 80s were also the years that saw the rise of struggles against these policies (from South America to Africa and Asia), against the expropriation and poisoning of the land, against the distortion and the destruction of its reproductive powers. The protagonists of these struggles created networks, organizations, and movements that we found again in the 90s as components of the big anti-globalization movement, which was called, not accidentally “the movement of movements.” The first moment of unification of these different entities, and with it, the launch of the anti-globalization movement, happened at the end of July and beginning of August ‘96 in Chiapas, when the Zapatistas called for an Intercontinental meeting for “humanity against neoliberalism.” The central demand in the Zapatistas’ insurrection was that of land.

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foundationsofleninism
“When we say Marxism is correct, it is certainly not because Marx was a “prophet” but because his theory has been proved correct in our practice and in our struggle. We need Marxism in our struggle. In our acceptance of his theory no such formalization of mystical notion as that of “prophecy” ever enters our minds. Many who have read Marxist books have become renegades from the revolution, whereas illiterate workers often grasp Marxism very well. Of course we should study Marxist books, but this study must be integrated with our country’s actual conditions. We need books, but we must overcome book worship, which is divorced from the actual situation.”

— Mao Zedong, Oppose Book Worship, 1930

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“In Ambedkar’s framework, landholding is not simply about individual asset-ownership but is constitutive of economic freedom and social dignity. Landholding determines who is recognised as a kisan and their access to village commons. Therefore, its fair distribution opens the doors to an inclusive village “public” and equal citizenship. But landownership without self-respect is undesirable as is evident in Ambedkar’s early legislative interventions for the abolition of Maharwatan land tenures that kept Mahars tied to compulsory village services. Similarly, not many people know of his sustained opposition to land reforms because it reinforced existing land inequality through the creation of peasant proprietors, but without much support to make these smallholdings sustainable. He advocated the nationalization of land and collectivization of agriculture along with modern industrialisation. In the early 1950s, he led and inspired land movements in Maharashtra, as also Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, and Andhra Pradesh.”

— Awanish Kumar, ‘Ambedkar and his idea of the caste of land’, Indian Express

underrated/understudied dynamic of postcolonial nations is the way colonialism is leveraged as a discursive strategy by local elites - simultaneously to place all intractable problems with an outside interloper (and this may be from religious/ethnic conflict to oppressive systems to poverty), create a convenient enemy to direct rage towards, to obscure their own culpability and role in maintaining (and actively encouraging) oppressive systems within their own country and finally, to position themselves as a necessary antidote to colonial power and oppression and therefore seize power for themselves. westerners fall for it every single time. absolutely incredible and also deeply depressing for the project of international solidarity.

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Reblogged kummatty

More from the article that I thought was important:

Just as populations indigenous to the Americas would not be expected to instantly renounce any relationship American lands they aren’t original to, but where they were forcibly relocated via colonial violence such as the Trail of Tears, so too might we develop a necessary grace for Black people who did not choose to live under an anti-Black state here. Rather than demands that Black folks here leave and “go back to Africa” immediately in the name of decolonization—a demand that should sound very familiar—we could collectively work on solutions to the problem of colonization that leave all of us more liberated from whiteness, rather than only some of us.”

Anonymous asked:

Would you be willing to elaborate a little on what identity politics means to you (or reblog the post if you have in the past cause tumblrs horrible search isn’t turning it up)? It’s something that has vexed me throughout my studies cause just when I think I have a handle on a working definition someone whose opinion I trust (you in this instance) says it’s wrong lol

The usage of the phrase that you're likely familiar with--the way that people often use it to-day, and the usage that I to some extent criticised in the post you're referring to--is one that basically aligns with a concept of "identitarian essentialism" or "identitarian deference." To adhere to "identity politics" is to believe that being in possession of a marginalised "identity"--being a woman, being Black, being gay--will automatically lead to a radical political consciousness, or can even stand in for developing a radical political consciousness; to reference a leader's 'identities' in lieu of debating their policies, and to fight to get people of certain 'identities' in positions of power rather than to change power structures themselves; to believe that a person of a given marginalised 'identity' must always be listened to or obeyed in regards to a subject relating to that 'identity' (as though people of the same identity never disagree). "Identity politics" is "listen to x voices" and black / rainbow capitalism and girlbossing and "we need more trans people in the military" &c.

But that isn't where we started out at all. The first instances of the phrase "identity politics" date to the 1970s (or possibly the '60s)--though, as is typical with terms suggestive of social or political frameworks, the ideas expressed in the term are arguably older.

The first known specific usage of the term is in 1977, in the Combahee River Collective Statement. Here, it refers to the political knowledge that can come out of “identity” (in particular, gender, class, and race), and to the necessity of reckoning with the full complexity of “sexual politics” as they interact with race and class in Black women’s lives in order to produce a truly radical politics:

Our politics initially sprang from the shared belief that Black women are inherently valuable, that our liberation is a necessity not as an adjunct to somebody else’s may because of our need as human persons for autonomy [...]. [N]o other ostensibly progressive movement has ever considered our specific oppression as a priority or worked seriously for the ending of that oppression. […] Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work.
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