Introduction Dimitris Bourantonis, Kostas Ifantis and Panayotis Tsakonas Part 1: Multilateralism ... more Introduction Dimitris Bourantonis, Kostas Ifantis and Panayotis Tsakonas Part 1: Multilateralism and Security: Concepts, Issues and Strategies 1. State Power and International Institutions: America and the Logic of Economic and Security Multilateralism G. John Ikenberry 2. Unipolar Empire and Principled Multilateralism as Strategies for International Change Jack Snyder 3. U.S. Military Commitments: Multilateralism and Treaties Lisa L. Martin 4. The Crisis of the Transatlantic Security Community Thomas Risse 5. State Attributes and System Properties: Security Multilateralism in Central Asia, Southeast Asia, the Atlantic and Europe James Sperling 6. Is Multilateralism Bad for Humanitarianism? Michael Barnett 7. Horizontal and Vertical Multilateralism and the Liberal Peace Oliver Richmond Part 2: Assesing Multilateral Security Institutions 8. Transatlantic Relations, Multilateralism and the Transformation of NATO Frank Schimmelfennig 9. Persuasion and Norm Promotion: International Institutions in the Western Balkans Geoffrey Edwards and Mladen Tosic 10. From 'Perverse' to 'Promising' Institutionalism? NATO, EU and the Greek-Turkish Conflict Panayotis Tsakonas 11. Evaluating Multilateral Interventions in Civil Wars: A Comparison of UN and Non-UN Peace Operations Nicholas Sambanis and Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl 12. Why No UN Security Council Reform?: Lessons for and from Institutionalist Theory Erik Voeten 13. The Reform and Efficiency of the UN Security Council: A "Veto Player" Analysis Aris Alexopoulos and Dimitris Bourantonis
AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marke... more AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marked anoLher Luming poinl. The Straıegic Concept reafrirmed Lhe rour core funcıions of Lhe Alliance declared in June and went [urLher in a new broad approach to security. Security was seen to 22Mearsheimer, Back to the Future, p. 52.
Ellīnikī Epitheōrīsī Politikīs Epistīmīs, Nov 28, 2017
Το άρθρο αναλύει τη μετά-ψυχροπολεμική προβληματική της ευρω παϊκής ασφάλειας. Εξετάζει αν η έννο... more Το άρθρο αναλύει τη μετά-ψυχροπολεμική προβληματική της ευρω παϊκής ασφάλειας. Εξετάζει αν η έννοια της ασφάλειας έχει αλλάξει ως αποτέλεσμα των νέων γεωπολιτικών εξελίξεων στην Ευρώπη και το βαθμό στον οποίο οι μεταβαλλόμενες συστημικές συνθήκες έχουν προκαλέσει την ανάγκη επαναπροσέγγισης της θεωρίας των διεθνών σχέσεων και της ανάλυσης εξωτερικής πολιτικής. Το βασικό επιχεί ρημα είναι ότι η φύση της νέας συστημικής πραγματικότητας, σε α ντίθεση με τις ρεαλιστικές και νεορεαλιστικές προβλέψεις, μπορεί να συμβάλει στις προσπάθειες των μελών της ε.ε. να διαμορφώσουν κα νόνες που να προωθούν συνεργασιακές συμπεριφορές μεταξύ των κρατών και διαδικασίες ολοκλήρωσης στο πεδίο της εξωτερικής πο λιτικής και ασφάλειας. Η ανάλυση ασχολείται με τη θεωρητική «α ντιπαράθεση» στο χώρο και στοχεύει στην ανάδειξη των προσδιοριστικών χαρακτηριστικών της «νέας τάξης» στην Ευρώπη. Έννοιες ό πως παγκοσμιοποίηση, διαφοροποίηση της μονάδας, πολυπολικότητα, αναρχία, εθνικά συμφέροντα, ρόλοι και ταιπότητες, εξετάζονται σε μια προσπάθεια να κατανοηθεί η δομή των περιφερειακών υποσυ στημάτων σε σχέση με την κρατική συμπεριφορά και διάδραση.
AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marke... more AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marked anoLher Luming poinl. The Straıegic Concept reafrirmed Lhe rour core funcıions of Lhe Alliance declared in June and went [urLher in a new broad approach to security. Security was seen to 22Mearsheimer, Back to the Future, p. 52.
Introduction-Ioannis Galariotis and Kostas Ifantis On a Power Vacuum and Retreat: The Obama Doctr... more Introduction-Ioannis Galariotis and Kostas Ifantis On a Power Vacuum and Retreat: The Obama Doctrine in the Middle East and the Syrian Crisis-Kostas Ifantis and Ioannis Galariotis Sticking with your ally-Explaining Russia's support for the Assad regime
page 71 3.2 Areas in the Treaty requiring co-decision 76 3.3 New areas in the Treaty where Qualif... more page 71 3.2 Areas in the Treaty requiring co-decision 76 3.3 New areas in the Treaty where Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) is applicable 78 3.4 A Union closer to its citizens 80 3.5 Areas of action by the Community: co-decision and unanimity in social policy 82 3.6a Concurrent majorities 86 3.6b Categories 86 3.6c Voting thresholds 86 3.7 Main items discussed within the Reflection Group 87 3.8 Negotiations on the third pillar 89 4.1 Treaty provisions related to the Commission 98 4.2 Proposed changes in Art. 217 98 4.3 Member state positions on the Commission 99 4.4 Summary of the provisions on the Commission in the Treaty of Nice 100 4.5 Weighting of votes and population of the member states 102 4.6 Informal population threshold since 1958 103 4.7 Existing QMV system projected for EU-27 and EU-28 104 4.8 EU-28 104 4.9 EU-27 105 4.10 Double majority systems 105 4.11 Double majority system with features of existing QMV arrangements 106 4.12 EU-15: new weighting of votes in view of enlargement 107 4.13 EU-27: weighting of votes 108 4.14 Views of the European Parliament (EP) 111 4.15 Allocation of seats in the EP 112 4.16 New allocation of seats for the Economic and Social Committee (ESC) and the Committee of the Regions (CoR) 115 4.17 From unanimity to QMV 116 4.18 Enhanced cooperation 120
This chapter addresses the question of how change at the international system level has produced ... more This chapter addresses the question of how change at the international system level has produced those political outcomes related to European security and defence design post-Cold War. It is both a description and an evaluation of the way in which Europe's security arena has changed, as well as an attempt to come to terms with the process that led to the 'internalisation' of system change. By 'internalisation' we mean the processor better, the causal relationshipbetween system change and policy response. Our argument is that the nature of the post-Cold War systemic reality has been instrumental in sustaining and even increasing actors' faith in cooperative frameworks and in further advancing rule-governing state behaviour and interaction in the European region. The discussion aims at assessing not only the impact of change on the Union per se, but also the way change has been translated into policies and strategies that led to the further transformation of the European institutional environment in the field of security and defence. In particular, the argument put forward is that the nature of the new systemic reality in Europe, contrary to realist and neo-realist predictions, can be conducive to the efforts of EU member states to formulate norms and rules which can promote cooperative state behaviour and advance the integration process-slowly and painfully-in foreign and security policy. The analysis deals with the theoretical debate in the field and aims at tracing the defining features of the 'new European order'. Concepts such as globalisation, multipolarity, anarchy, national interests, roles and identities are examined, albeit briefly, in an attempt to understand the structure of the European regional subsystem in relation to state behaviour and interaction. Although highly unoriginal, there is no other way but to indicate, right from the beginning, that the geopolitical earthquake of 1989-91, which entailed the demise of communism and ignited a process of dissolution of the CEE order, 5
Cold War: the Union, NATO, the WEU and (to a lesser extent) the OSCE. It examines their developme... more Cold War: the Union, NATO, the WEU and (to a lesser extent) the OSCE. It examines their development and analyses their interrelationship: what we have learned to call the European 'security architecture'. The final section of the chapter deals with the issue of the Union's role in world politics post-Cold War. European foreign and security policy This section presents a detailed analysis of European foreign and security policy as it has emerged after nearly fifty years of efforts by the EC/EU, dating back to the early 1950s with the European Defence Community (EDC) saga, and bringing us up to the Amsterdam and Nice reforms of October 1997 and February 2001, respectively. Attention is given not only to the CFSP itself, but also to its predecessor, EPC, which spanned nearly a quarter of a century (1970-93) before it was replaced by the CFSP with the coming into force of the TEU. One needs to stress a fundamental difference in the efforts at foreign and security policy cooperation before and after the Cold War, as the latter offered (Western) Europe two fundamentally different scenarios, one prior to, and one after, its demise. The dominant view from 1947 until 1989 was one favouring integration in an effort to protect the free Western side of Europe from succumbing to the communist threat of the Soviet empire (accompanied by similar economic and social efforts against the internal threat of communism, especially in France and Italy). This created a 'West versus East' divide that coloured all integration efforts in 'high politics' areas prior to 1989. After 1989, the security challenge has become one of integrating the East into the existing foreign and security structures of the West and, of course, of adapting them to this new international environment. Whereas the first phase was one of 'exclusion' , the second, and current, phase is one of 'inclusion'. The implications are enormous for integration theory and practice as they address totally different requirements. Pre-1989, defence meant that integration efforts were geographically limited to Western Europe and best served in practice by NATO thanks to American leadership and capabilities. Post-1989, we are facing the prospect of a Continent-wide security and defence system that may or may not include the US. That is to say, the European security agenda is now one of creating an overarching architecture that would include all European states and all the many institutions on the Continent dealing with international affairs (the Union, WEU, NATO, OSCE, and the Council of Europe). In practical terms, this means that the future of the CFSP/ESDP is clearly linked to the institutional reforms required to render the Union more efficient as it enlarges. This became visible in recent treaty reforms, where future changes to the number of Commissioners have been made dependent on a reweighting of votes in the Council. Amsterdam, in particular, also extended the scope of QMV in the CFSP, making it clear that treaty reforms would take into consideration not only the 'old' argument about the international interests and duties of the big states, but also the Institutional imperatives of system change
One year before the number of the member states of the European Union exceeds twenty, an IGC will... more One year before the number of the member states of the European Union exceeds twenty, an IGC will be convened in order to proceed to a comprehensive reform of. .. the composition and functioning of the institutions. 2
Treaty reform in perspective The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominate... more Treaty reform in perspective The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominated by claims of a 'neofunctionalist comeback'-modified in nature, yet easily discernible in scope. 1 Processes of negative integration primarily at the market level were linked with the development of a wide range of policies covering almost all spheres of regional cooperation. Neofunctionalist 'spillovers' were envisaged for the transformation of a 'Business Europe' to a 'People's Europe': the functions of the larger management system seemed to have produced not only new expectations but also new pressures for further integration. But the institutional evolution of the Community was lagging behind its (re)emerging neofunctionalist ambitions. The SEA did not represent a qualitative leap towards a 'self-regulating pluralist society' at the regional level, or even towards high levels of political autonomy on the part of supranational institutions. Although it needs to be pointed out that the Delors Commission did try to develop an independent strategy for managing the '1992 process' and to exploit its enormous publicity-a project supported at the time by even the most 'reluctant' Europeans including British Prime Minister Thatcher-the states once again found ways of resisting any substantive movement towards a profound transformation of the Community system: supranationalism championed in areas where the states wanted to see progress, such as the implementation of the single market programme (and even here there was to be a target date rather than a legally binding date for its completion). In those areas where national interests were, or appeared to be, at stake, such as European Political Cooperation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 2
Theory and reform in the European Union, Jul 30, 2018
Why theorise? Forty years of theorising European integration have produced a situation where one ... more Why theorise? Forty years of theorising European integration have produced a situation where one might expect that little remains to be said. This is not an attempt to escape the intellectual responsibility of developing a greater understanding of the forces that constantly form and reform the regional system. It is only to state that the theory of such a polysemous concept as 'integration' appears to have reached a high plateau in its Western European context. Not that theorists of European integration should start looking for new regional experiments of comparable analytical potential. Rather, the idea is that the new challenges facing the study of regional integration in Europe (concerning both its theoretical boundaries and operational dynamics) do not take place in a theoretical vacuum: they are an extension, if not a refinement, of older ones. The task remains to discover a reliable integration theory as the basis for the future of he European Union (EU) and offer a convincing response to the challenges of large-scale polity formation. Legitimately, however, one wonders whether Puchala's cynical prophecy that integration theory will amount to 'a rather long but not very prominent footnote in the intellectual history of twentieth century social science' will prove as accurate as the author would have us believe. 1 A first response might be that theory matters, whether or not its conceptual findings and qualifications are to be evenly appreciated by scholars and practitioners alike. For familiarity with theory helps to test our analytical tools and appreciate their relevance in real-life situations: According to Taylor: 'Each theory. .. leads to unique insights which are valid starting points for the purpose of comparison and evaluation.' 2 Or, as alternatively put by Keohane and Hoffmann: 'Attempts to avoid theory. .. not only miss interesting questions but rely on a framework for analysis that remains unexamined precisely because it is implicit.' 3 True, a great deal has still 1
Security relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dict... more Security relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dictated typical bandwagoning policies, although disagreements and frictions were present at times. In the 2000s, a combination of domestic developments and rapidly changing regional security patterns has resulted in a more assertive Turkish regional security policy, which for many represents a departure from traditional Kemalist principles. This article attempts to assess the current course of Turkish regional security engagement and the extent to which relations between the USA and Turkey are subject to major change. The analytical context accounts for the impact of domestic, regional and global levels. The empirical focus is on Turkey's involvement in the Syrian sectarian conflict and on the trajectory of the bilateral relations with Israel.
Introduction Dimitris Bourantonis, Kostas Ifantis and Panayotis Tsakonas Part 1: Multilateralism ... more Introduction Dimitris Bourantonis, Kostas Ifantis and Panayotis Tsakonas Part 1: Multilateralism and Security: Concepts, Issues and Strategies 1. State Power and International Institutions: America and the Logic of Economic and Security Multilateralism G. John Ikenberry 2. Unipolar Empire and Principled Multilateralism as Strategies for International Change Jack Snyder 3. U.S. Military Commitments: Multilateralism and Treaties Lisa L. Martin 4. The Crisis of the Transatlantic Security Community Thomas Risse 5. State Attributes and System Properties: Security Multilateralism in Central Asia, Southeast Asia, the Atlantic and Europe James Sperling 6. Is Multilateralism Bad for Humanitarianism? Michael Barnett 7. Horizontal and Vertical Multilateralism and the Liberal Peace Oliver Richmond Part 2: Assesing Multilateral Security Institutions 8. Transatlantic Relations, Multilateralism and the Transformation of NATO Frank Schimmelfennig 9. Persuasion and Norm Promotion: International Institutions in the Western Balkans Geoffrey Edwards and Mladen Tosic 10. From 'Perverse' to 'Promising' Institutionalism? NATO, EU and the Greek-Turkish Conflict Panayotis Tsakonas 11. Evaluating Multilateral Interventions in Civil Wars: A Comparison of UN and Non-UN Peace Operations Nicholas Sambanis and Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl 12. Why No UN Security Council Reform?: Lessons for and from Institutionalist Theory Erik Voeten 13. The Reform and Efficiency of the UN Security Council: A "Veto Player" Analysis Aris Alexopoulos and Dimitris Bourantonis
AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marke... more AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marked anoLher Luming poinl. The Straıegic Concept reafrirmed Lhe rour core funcıions of Lhe Alliance declared in June and went [urLher in a new broad approach to security. Security was seen to 22Mearsheimer, Back to the Future, p. 52.
Ellīnikī Epitheōrīsī Politikīs Epistīmīs, Nov 28, 2017
Το άρθρο αναλύει τη μετά-ψυχροπολεμική προβληματική της ευρω παϊκής ασφάλειας. Εξετάζει αν η έννο... more Το άρθρο αναλύει τη μετά-ψυχροπολεμική προβληματική της ευρω παϊκής ασφάλειας. Εξετάζει αν η έννοια της ασφάλειας έχει αλλάξει ως αποτέλεσμα των νέων γεωπολιτικών εξελίξεων στην Ευρώπη και το βαθμό στον οποίο οι μεταβαλλόμενες συστημικές συνθήκες έχουν προκαλέσει την ανάγκη επαναπροσέγγισης της θεωρίας των διεθνών σχέσεων και της ανάλυσης εξωτερικής πολιτικής. Το βασικό επιχεί ρημα είναι ότι η φύση της νέας συστημικής πραγματικότητας, σε α ντίθεση με τις ρεαλιστικές και νεορεαλιστικές προβλέψεις, μπορεί να συμβάλει στις προσπάθειες των μελών της ε.ε. να διαμορφώσουν κα νόνες που να προωθούν συνεργασιακές συμπεριφορές μεταξύ των κρατών και διαδικασίες ολοκλήρωσης στο πεδίο της εξωτερικής πο λιτικής και ασφάλειας. Η ανάλυση ασχολείται με τη θεωρητική «α ντιπαράθεση» στο χώρο και στοχεύει στην ανάδειξη των προσδιοριστικών χαρακτηριστικών της «νέας τάξης» στην Ευρώπη. Έννοιες ό πως παγκοσμιοποίηση, διαφοροποίηση της μονάδας, πολυπολικότητα, αναρχία, εθνικά συμφέροντα, ρόλοι και ταιπότητες, εξετάζονται σε μια προσπάθεια να κατανοηθεί η δομή των περιφερειακών υποσυ στημάτων σε σχέση με την κρατική συμπεριφορά και διάδραση.
AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marke... more AgainsL ılıis background, NATO's new SLrategic ConcepL, announced al Rome in November 1991, marked anoLher Luming poinl. The Straıegic Concept reafrirmed Lhe rour core funcıions of Lhe Alliance declared in June and went [urLher in a new broad approach to security. Security was seen to 22Mearsheimer, Back to the Future, p. 52.
Introduction-Ioannis Galariotis and Kostas Ifantis On a Power Vacuum and Retreat: The Obama Doctr... more Introduction-Ioannis Galariotis and Kostas Ifantis On a Power Vacuum and Retreat: The Obama Doctrine in the Middle East and the Syrian Crisis-Kostas Ifantis and Ioannis Galariotis Sticking with your ally-Explaining Russia's support for the Assad regime
page 71 3.2 Areas in the Treaty requiring co-decision 76 3.3 New areas in the Treaty where Qualif... more page 71 3.2 Areas in the Treaty requiring co-decision 76 3.3 New areas in the Treaty where Qualified Majority Voting (QMV) is applicable 78 3.4 A Union closer to its citizens 80 3.5 Areas of action by the Community: co-decision and unanimity in social policy 82 3.6a Concurrent majorities 86 3.6b Categories 86 3.6c Voting thresholds 86 3.7 Main items discussed within the Reflection Group 87 3.8 Negotiations on the third pillar 89 4.1 Treaty provisions related to the Commission 98 4.2 Proposed changes in Art. 217 98 4.3 Member state positions on the Commission 99 4.4 Summary of the provisions on the Commission in the Treaty of Nice 100 4.5 Weighting of votes and population of the member states 102 4.6 Informal population threshold since 1958 103 4.7 Existing QMV system projected for EU-27 and EU-28 104 4.8 EU-28 104 4.9 EU-27 105 4.10 Double majority systems 105 4.11 Double majority system with features of existing QMV arrangements 106 4.12 EU-15: new weighting of votes in view of enlargement 107 4.13 EU-27: weighting of votes 108 4.14 Views of the European Parliament (EP) 111 4.15 Allocation of seats in the EP 112 4.16 New allocation of seats for the Economic and Social Committee (ESC) and the Committee of the Regions (CoR) 115 4.17 From unanimity to QMV 116 4.18 Enhanced cooperation 120
This chapter addresses the question of how change at the international system level has produced ... more This chapter addresses the question of how change at the international system level has produced those political outcomes related to European security and defence design post-Cold War. It is both a description and an evaluation of the way in which Europe's security arena has changed, as well as an attempt to come to terms with the process that led to the 'internalisation' of system change. By 'internalisation' we mean the processor better, the causal relationshipbetween system change and policy response. Our argument is that the nature of the post-Cold War systemic reality has been instrumental in sustaining and even increasing actors' faith in cooperative frameworks and in further advancing rule-governing state behaviour and interaction in the European region. The discussion aims at assessing not only the impact of change on the Union per se, but also the way change has been translated into policies and strategies that led to the further transformation of the European institutional environment in the field of security and defence. In particular, the argument put forward is that the nature of the new systemic reality in Europe, contrary to realist and neo-realist predictions, can be conducive to the efforts of EU member states to formulate norms and rules which can promote cooperative state behaviour and advance the integration process-slowly and painfully-in foreign and security policy. The analysis deals with the theoretical debate in the field and aims at tracing the defining features of the 'new European order'. Concepts such as globalisation, multipolarity, anarchy, national interests, roles and identities are examined, albeit briefly, in an attempt to understand the structure of the European regional subsystem in relation to state behaviour and interaction. Although highly unoriginal, there is no other way but to indicate, right from the beginning, that the geopolitical earthquake of 1989-91, which entailed the demise of communism and ignited a process of dissolution of the CEE order, 5
Cold War: the Union, NATO, the WEU and (to a lesser extent) the OSCE. It examines their developme... more Cold War: the Union, NATO, the WEU and (to a lesser extent) the OSCE. It examines their development and analyses their interrelationship: what we have learned to call the European 'security architecture'. The final section of the chapter deals with the issue of the Union's role in world politics post-Cold War. European foreign and security policy This section presents a detailed analysis of European foreign and security policy as it has emerged after nearly fifty years of efforts by the EC/EU, dating back to the early 1950s with the European Defence Community (EDC) saga, and bringing us up to the Amsterdam and Nice reforms of October 1997 and February 2001, respectively. Attention is given not only to the CFSP itself, but also to its predecessor, EPC, which spanned nearly a quarter of a century (1970-93) before it was replaced by the CFSP with the coming into force of the TEU. One needs to stress a fundamental difference in the efforts at foreign and security policy cooperation before and after the Cold War, as the latter offered (Western) Europe two fundamentally different scenarios, one prior to, and one after, its demise. The dominant view from 1947 until 1989 was one favouring integration in an effort to protect the free Western side of Europe from succumbing to the communist threat of the Soviet empire (accompanied by similar economic and social efforts against the internal threat of communism, especially in France and Italy). This created a 'West versus East' divide that coloured all integration efforts in 'high politics' areas prior to 1989. After 1989, the security challenge has become one of integrating the East into the existing foreign and security structures of the West and, of course, of adapting them to this new international environment. Whereas the first phase was one of 'exclusion' , the second, and current, phase is one of 'inclusion'. The implications are enormous for integration theory and practice as they address totally different requirements. Pre-1989, defence meant that integration efforts were geographically limited to Western Europe and best served in practice by NATO thanks to American leadership and capabilities. Post-1989, we are facing the prospect of a Continent-wide security and defence system that may or may not include the US. That is to say, the European security agenda is now one of creating an overarching architecture that would include all European states and all the many institutions on the Continent dealing with international affairs (the Union, WEU, NATO, OSCE, and the Council of Europe). In practical terms, this means that the future of the CFSP/ESDP is clearly linked to the institutional reforms required to render the Union more efficient as it enlarges. This became visible in recent treaty reforms, where future changes to the number of Commissioners have been made dependent on a reweighting of votes in the Council. Amsterdam, in particular, also extended the scope of QMV in the CFSP, making it clear that treaty reforms would take into consideration not only the 'old' argument about the international interests and duties of the big states, but also the Institutional imperatives of system change
One year before the number of the member states of the European Union exceeds twenty, an IGC will... more One year before the number of the member states of the European Union exceeds twenty, an IGC will be convened in order to proceed to a comprehensive reform of. .. the composition and functioning of the institutions. 2
Treaty reform in perspective The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominate... more Treaty reform in perspective The SEA and beyond In the mid-1980s, the whole scene became dominated by claims of a 'neofunctionalist comeback'-modified in nature, yet easily discernible in scope. 1 Processes of negative integration primarily at the market level were linked with the development of a wide range of policies covering almost all spheres of regional cooperation. Neofunctionalist 'spillovers' were envisaged for the transformation of a 'Business Europe' to a 'People's Europe': the functions of the larger management system seemed to have produced not only new expectations but also new pressures for further integration. But the institutional evolution of the Community was lagging behind its (re)emerging neofunctionalist ambitions. The SEA did not represent a qualitative leap towards a 'self-regulating pluralist society' at the regional level, or even towards high levels of political autonomy on the part of supranational institutions. Although it needs to be pointed out that the Delors Commission did try to develop an independent strategy for managing the '1992 process' and to exploit its enormous publicity-a project supported at the time by even the most 'reluctant' Europeans including British Prime Minister Thatcher-the states once again found ways of resisting any substantive movement towards a profound transformation of the Community system: supranationalism championed in areas where the states wanted to see progress, such as the implementation of the single market programme (and even here there was to be a target date rather than a legally binding date for its completion). In those areas where national interests were, or appeared to be, at stake, such as European Political Cooperation (EPC) that was merely codified in a legal text, intergovernmentalism effectively prevailed as the dominant mode of decision-taking. Moreover, no subsequent alteration of the locus of sovereignty emerged as a result of 2
Theory and reform in the European Union, Jul 30, 2018
Why theorise? Forty years of theorising European integration have produced a situation where one ... more Why theorise? Forty years of theorising European integration have produced a situation where one might expect that little remains to be said. This is not an attempt to escape the intellectual responsibility of developing a greater understanding of the forces that constantly form and reform the regional system. It is only to state that the theory of such a polysemous concept as 'integration' appears to have reached a high plateau in its Western European context. Not that theorists of European integration should start looking for new regional experiments of comparable analytical potential. Rather, the idea is that the new challenges facing the study of regional integration in Europe (concerning both its theoretical boundaries and operational dynamics) do not take place in a theoretical vacuum: they are an extension, if not a refinement, of older ones. The task remains to discover a reliable integration theory as the basis for the future of he European Union (EU) and offer a convincing response to the challenges of large-scale polity formation. Legitimately, however, one wonders whether Puchala's cynical prophecy that integration theory will amount to 'a rather long but not very prominent footnote in the intellectual history of twentieth century social science' will prove as accurate as the author would have us believe. 1 A first response might be that theory matters, whether or not its conceptual findings and qualifications are to be evenly appreciated by scholars and practitioners alike. For familiarity with theory helps to test our analytical tools and appreciate their relevance in real-life situations: According to Taylor: 'Each theory. .. leads to unique insights which are valid starting points for the purpose of comparison and evaluation.' 2 Or, as alternatively put by Keohane and Hoffmann: 'Attempts to avoid theory. .. not only miss interesting questions but rely on a framework for analysis that remains unexamined precisely because it is implicit.' 3 True, a great deal has still 1
Security relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dict... more Security relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dictated typical bandwagoning policies, although disagreements and frictions were present at times. In the 2000s, a combination of domestic developments and rapidly changing regional security patterns has resulted in a more assertive Turkish regional security policy, which for many represents a departure from traditional Kemalist principles. This article attempts to assess the current course of Turkish regional security engagement and the extent to which relations between the USA and Turkey are subject to major change. The analytical context accounts for the impact of domestic, regional and global levels. The empirical focus is on Turkey's involvement in the Syrian sectarian conflict and on the trajectory of the bilateral relations with Israel.
Το Κυπριακό στον 21ο αιώνα /Διπλωματία, Ασφάλεια, Ενέργεια, 2024
The Cyprus Issue in the 21st Century /Diplomacy, Security, Energy [in Greek].
A collective volume... more The Cyprus Issue in the 21st Century /Diplomacy, Security, Energy [in Greek]. A collective volume, housing various angles signed by academics of different origin, whose essays focus on the post 1974 era of the Cyprus Issue and particularly on the periods following landmarks such as the Annan Plan of 2004, the first major offshore gas discovery in 2011 and the Crans-Montana talks of 2017; Diplomatic, Security and Energy aspects are approached, offering International Relations and Historical perspectives, regarding recurring as well as contemporary factors that affect one of the most iconic and long standing modern international Questions.
Με αφορμή την επέτειο των 200 χρόνων από την Ελληνική Επανάσταση, καθηγήτριες και καθηγητές του Π... more Με αφορμή την επέτειο των 200 χρόνων από την Ελληνική Επανάσταση, καθηγήτριες και καθηγητές του Παντείου Πανεπιστημίου αναλύουν την ιστορική πορεία της Ελλάδας από το 1821 μέχρι σήμερα. Καταγράφοντας τα στάδια οικοδόμησης του ελληνικού κράτους, αναδεικνύουν τα διλήμματα, τα οράματα, τις συγκρούσεις, τις επιτυχίες και τις αποτυχίες που οδήγησαν στη σημερινή του διαμόρφωση. Αφετηρία είναι η ίδια η Επανάσταση ως γενέθλια πράξη του ελληνικού έθνους-κράτους, καθοριστική για τη φυσιογνωμία και την εξέλιξή του. Σημαντικό ρόλο έπαιξαν οι σχέσεις με τους γείτονες και με τη δυτική Ευρώπη, οι οποίες προσδιόρισαν και στοιχεία της ελληνικής ταυτότητας, καθώς και η ένταξη της Ελλάδας σε ευρωπαϊκές και υπερατλαντικές συμμαχίες και ποικίλους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Πλέον κρίσιμη υπήρξε η σχέση με την Τουρκία που, παρά τις μακρές ειρηνικές περιόδους, ήταν και παραμένει συγκρουσιακή. Στο εσωτερικό, οι πολιτικές στην οικονομία, την εκπαίδευση, το κράτος πρόνοιας κ.ά., που αναπόφευκτα παρακολουθούν διεθνή δεδομένα, έχουν χαράξει μια πορεία όχι ευθύγραμμη, αλλά πολύπλοκη και κάποτε απρόβλεπτη. Κρίσιμες πτυχές υπήρξαν άλλωστε αφενός το πολιτειακό ζήτημα –η μοναρχία, που καταργήθηκε το 1974– και αφετέρου οι πολιτικοί σχηματισμοί, τα κόμματα και οι παρατάξεις που, μέσα από συγκρούσεις και ανακατατάξεις, αναπαρήγαγαν ένα κατά βάση διπολικό σχήμα. Τέλος, σημαντική είναι η δημογραφική διάσταση: οι άνθρωποι που κατοίκησαν μέσα στην ελληνική επικράτεια, κι ανάμεσά τους οι πλειονότητες και μειονότητες (εσωτερικοί μετανάστες, πρόσφυγες, ξένοι οικονομικοί μετανάστες, εθνοτικές ομάδες) που συνδιαμόρφωσαν τη σύγχρονη Ελλάδα, αλλάζοντας ριζικά τη σύνθεση της κοινωνίας εκείνης που εξεγέρθηκε το 1821.
Turkish-Greek Relations The Security Dilemma in the Aegean, 2004
ASAM Series on International Affairs aims to publish scholarly monographs on global and regional ... more ASAM Series on International Affairs aims to publish scholarly monographs on global and regional problems with a multidisciplinary approach ranging from international relations to economics, religion, sociology and security. The ASAM series subscribes to no political or methodological identity and welcomes proposals dealing with topics with which the series is concerned. With its multidisciplinary approach, the series intends to re-evaluate conventional thinking on international relations and regional studies.
This short paper provides an overview of the complex and often turbulent relations between Greece... more This short paper provides an overview of the complex and often turbulent relations between Greece and Turkey, focussing on recent developments and the challenges in their bilateral relationship. It discusses the historical context, including attempts at reconciliation, and examines the role of perceptions, geopolitics, and historical grievances in shaping the current situation. It emphasizes the cyclical nature of Greek-Turkish relations, with periods of calm followed by tensions and crises. It highlights the need for a comprehensive approach to resolving the existing disputes between the two countries, including the importance of confidence-building measures and a political settlement. Overall, it underlines the complexity of Greek-Turkish relations and the challenges in achieving lasting peace and stability in the region, calling for a new paradigm in bilateral relations that addresses historical grievances, promotes mutual understanding, and fosters cooperation for the benefit of both countries and the region.
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Papers by Kostas Ifantis
A collective volume, housing various angles signed by academics of different origin, whose essays focus on the post 1974 era of the Cyprus Issue and particularly on the periods following landmarks such as the Annan Plan of 2004, the first major offshore gas discovery in 2011 and the Crans-Montana talks of 2017; Diplomatic, Security and Energy aspects are approached, offering International Relations and Historical perspectives, regarding recurring as well as contemporary factors that affect one of the most iconic and long standing modern international Questions.
Αφετηρία είναι η ίδια η Επανάσταση ως γενέθλια πράξη του ελληνικού έθνους-κράτους, καθοριστική για τη φυσιογνωμία και την εξέλιξή του. Σημαντικό ρόλο έπαιξαν οι σχέσεις με τους γείτονες και με τη δυτική Ευρώπη, οι οποίες προσδιόρισαν και στοιχεία της ελληνικής ταυτότητας, καθώς και η ένταξη της Ελλάδας σε ευρωπαϊκές και υπερατλαντικές συμμαχίες και ποικίλους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Πλέον κρίσιμη υπήρξε η σχέση με την Τουρκία που, παρά τις μακρές ειρηνικές περιόδους, ήταν και παραμένει συγκρουσιακή. Στο εσωτερικό, οι πολιτικές στην οικονομία, την εκπαίδευση, το κράτος πρόνοιας κ.ά., που αναπόφευκτα παρακολουθούν διεθνή δεδομένα, έχουν χαράξει μια πορεία όχι ευθύγραμμη, αλλά πολύπλοκη και κάποτε απρόβλεπτη. Κρίσιμες πτυχές υπήρξαν άλλωστε αφενός το πολιτειακό ζήτημα –η μοναρχία, που καταργήθηκε το 1974– και αφετέρου οι πολιτικοί σχηματισμοί, τα κόμματα και οι παρατάξεις που, μέσα από συγκρούσεις και ανακατατάξεις, αναπαρήγαγαν ένα κατά βάση διπολικό σχήμα. Τέλος, σημαντική είναι η δημογραφική διάσταση: οι άνθρωποι που κατοίκησαν μέσα στην ελληνική επικράτεια, κι ανάμεσά τους οι πλειονότητες και μειονότητες (εσωτερικοί μετανάστες, πρόσφυγες, ξένοι οικονομικοί μετανάστες, εθνοτικές ομάδες) που συνδιαμόρφωσαν τη σύγχρονη Ελλάδα, αλλάζοντας ριζικά τη σύνθεση της κοινωνίας εκείνης που εξεγέρθηκε το 1821.