Papers & chapters by Yannis Stavrakakis
Journal of Language and Politics, 2024
This introductory article to the special issue on Discourse Theory and the
Turn to Practice, take... more This introductory article to the special issue on Discourse Theory and the
Turn to Practice, takes the questions and tensions identified through the
intensive study of populism as starting point for reflections on Discourse
Theory as a framework for the study of political practice more broadly. Its
aims are partly organizational and partly agenda-setting. Organizationally, it draws together major discussions and developments in Discourse Theory over the last ten years or so, especially those produced through an
engagement with populism. Building on this, it points toward new frontiers
for the development of Discourse Theory, organized around three dimensions of what could be called a ‘turn to practice’: (i) beyond ontology, (ii) beyond language, and (iii) beyond populism and (antagonistic) politics. After discussing how each of them play out in the study of populism, the article reflects on what taking seriously such a ‘turn to practice’ would mean for DT.
Occasional papers of URS, 2024
This concise text attempts to sketch a provisional answer to the ques- tion: How exactly could we... more This concise text attempts to sketch a provisional answer to the ques- tion: How exactly could we energize the socio-political processes prioritizing the consolidation and radicalization of a democratic horizon today? Beyond purely normative answers, some of the pre- cise conditions that seem required in order for a minimal democratic outcome to even become thinkable in more practical (political and strategic) terms are briefly addressed. The democratic promise as well as the risks of a progressive populist orientation are examined within such a context. Some of the obstacles (individualization, identitarian backlash) to its concrete materialization are also highlighted.
Σύγχρονα θέματα, 2023
Το όνομα «Δημήτρης Δημητριάδης» ανακαλεί μια ιδιαίτερη και σημαντική στιγμή του νεοελληνικού λόγο... more Το όνομα «Δημήτρης Δημητριάδης» ανακαλεί μια ιδιαίτερη και σημαντική στιγμή του νεοελληνικού λόγου. Ανατρεπτικός και καινοτόμος στη θεατρική και πεζογραφική του γραφή, ως δημοσιολόγος παρουσίασε τα τελευταία χρόνια μια εικόνα που ξένισε πολλούς. Πώς μπορούμε να αποτιμήσουμε σήμερα το παράδοξο αυτό; Πώς έχουν λειτουργήσει οι δύο αυτές γραφές του; Πώς διαφοροποιούνται; Τι χαρακτηρίζει την πρώτη ομάδα κειμένων και πώς προκύπτει η δεύτερη; Το κείμενο παρακολουθεί την εξέλιξη του έργου του από τις απαρχές του μέχρι και σήμερα, δίνοντας έμφαση σε διαστάσεις που δεν έχουν επαρκώς αναδειχθεί. Θα μπορούσε να λειτουργήσει τόσο ως πρώτη εισαγωγή στο δημιουργικό στίγμα του, όσο και ως ανάδειξη επιμέρους στιγμών και τομών που φαίνεται να το χαρακτηρίζουν.
Oxford Bibliographies, 2023
Entry on Ernesto Laclau for the Oxford Bibliographies (Literary and Critical Theory section). It ... more Entry on Ernesto Laclau for the Oxford Bibliographies (Literary and Critical Theory section). It encompasses a variety of sources and topics and aims at providing a comprehensive and critical overview of the debates generated by Laclau's work. Main texts and arguments are covered.
Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas, 2022
Throughout the last two decades, discussions around "post-hegemony" have stimulated exchanges aro... more Throughout the last two decades, discussions around "post-hegemony" have stimulated exchanges around different theorizations of "hegemony" and their limits-not only the one by Antonio Gramsci, but also the predominantly discursive reformulation put forward by Laclau & Mouffe. Very recently, a new article by Peter Thomas on post-hegemony (2020) is triggering new debates on the issue. In this paper, Thomas's contribution is, first, presented and discussed. In the second section, certain issues that have been recently raised from a post-hegemonic perspective vis-à-vis Thomas's intervention and beyond are thematized. These two exercises provide an opportunity to clarify further, by way of conclusion, certain issues at stake in the ensuing debate from an Essex School perspective.
Popular Music, 2022
In recent years, rap music has been growing rapidly within the Greek cultural landscape. This pap... more In recent years, rap music has been growing rapidly within the Greek cultural landscape. This paper places emphasis on a particular politicised current within the genre, examining closely two recent examples from the Greek context. Although such performances have already been broadly discussed as 'populist' within public debate, this paper aims at rigorously assessing this claim. To do so, it first turns to contemporary populism research in order to articulate a consistent and operational approach that can be utilised in the analysis of rap performances. Against the background of a minimal definitional consensus highlighting populism's people-centrism and anti-elitism, this contribution will then focus on (a) the performative dimension of populism and its occasional extra-political conditioning and (b) populist performances within popular music, namely rap. Could one designate rap music as a locus of populist performance(s)? How could such a hypothesis be substantiated through the analysis of concrete examples from the contemporary Greek scene?
Constellations, 2022
It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence o... more It has been more than ten years since the first signs indicating the contemporary (re)emergence of left populism were observed: the proto-populist movements of “the squares” such as the Indignados in Spain, Aganaktismenoi in Greece, the Occupy Movement in the United States, and the various uprisings of “the Arab Spring.” A variety of political formations succeeded them, channeling their energy onto electoral representation with mixed results—such as SYRIZA in Greece, PODEMOS in Spain, the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn within the Labour party in the United Kingdom, the presidential candidacy of Bernie Sanders in the United States, but also the comeback of left populism in the Latin American continent. The whole experience seems to have resulted in evident skepticism in left-wing circles about the effectiveness of “populism” as a political strategy for the left. In this context, the rise and fall of SYRIZA, and in particular its failure to materialize its economic promise to cancel a Eurozone-enforced austerity, became emblematic of the supposed end of “the populist moment.” Skepticism about populism is indeed prevalent in left academic and political circles. The “left critique” of left populism seems to be grounded on the hypothesis that more “class politics” and less “populist politics” is the answer for a successful future trajectory for the contemporary left. Populism is often perceived as a form of left reformism that contaminated at some point an originary class-based purity and for this reason is (necessarily) bound to fail. Notwithstanding the evident setbacks surrounding the last political cycle of left populism, this paper enquires into the abovementioned thesis and seeks to critically assess the claim that left populism is necessarily bound to fail by scrutinizing its foundational hypotheses:
∙ What exactly does it mean to “fail?” Fail in what exactly? What would be the exact criteria demonstrating left populism’s failure?
∙ What could a rigorous genealogy of the left reveal about the central assumptions implicit in the aforementioned criticism? (that populism necessarily involves a reformist orientation, which contaminates a prior purity).
The Palgrave Handbook of Psychosocial Studies, 2022
Although populism constitutes a multi-modal phenomenon involving institutional, socio-cultural an... more Although populism constitutes a multi-modal phenomenon involving institutional, socio-cultural and subjective dimensions, most accounts up to now have focused on the study of political institutions (parties, movements, etc.) and ideological orientations. Analyses that purport to take into account subjective dimensions usually remain trapped within the myth of the charismatic personality, the stereotype of the populist strongman, which, in most cases fails to register in a nuanced way the psychosocial dimensions involved. It also fails to acknowledge in a rigorous way the two-way movement constitutive of identification processes within democratic political systems. In this text, we employ a formal research strategy associated with the discursive approach initiated by Ernesto Laclau – and further developed by a host of other researchers – in order to highlight the psychosocial aspects of populist identifications and mobilizations. This particular approach is highly pertinent because it embraces many psychoanalytic ideas and has been used to stress the relevance of a variety of psychosocial dimensions: (1) the identification/interpellation loop underlying populist phenomena; (2) the centrality of affect and emotion in accounting for the discursive processes and mechanisms involved in the said loop; (3) demand and desire as the starting point of a populist socio-political choreography; (4) the negative ontology marking hegemony incl. populism; (5) charisma as a discursive, transferential mechanism facilitating populist identifications. Furthermore, the populism/anti-populism antithesis seems to inform the psychosocial dynamic underpinning the appeal of such identifications within a mirroring dialectic. The two rhetorics grip subjects through their clash, as identity formations are partly based οn difference. Both the idealization of ‘the people’ and the denunciation of populism involve valorization and demonization processes that call for further analysis.
Psychoanalytische Perspektieven, 2021
2021 marks one century from the first publication of Mass Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego ... more 2021 marks one century from the first publication of Mass Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego by Sigmund Freud (Freud 1949 [1921]). What has been the importance of this text for social and political inquiry diachronically? What is its relevance today? It is to these two questions that this text is devoted. In particular, three main arguments are put forward; one related to the first question and two more pertaining to the second:
(1) Freud's text signifies an explicit passage from the clinic, narrowly viewed, to the broader psychosocial domain where subjectivity and sociality are seen as thoroughly interpenetrating each other. It thus triggers a long theoretico-political trajectory (encompassing the so-called Freudian Left – and, by extension, the Lacanian Left as well), which has especially benefited critical inquiry and the left.
(2) This is particularly evident in contemporary theorizations of populism, notably in the one advanced by Ernesto Laclau, which is premised on a close reading of Freud’s aforementioned text.
(3) A similar angle (both the psychoanalytic perspective and the link with populism research) could also illuminate another crucial issue that currently dominates the public terrain, that of ‘post-truth’.
Ενημέρωση και δημοκρατία, 2021
Τα τελευταία χρόνια συναντούμε παντού γύρω μας μια νέα ομάδα όρων: τα «fake news» (ψευδείς ειδήσε... more Τα τελευταία χρόνια συναντούμε παντού γύρω μας μια νέα ομάδα όρων: τα «fake news» (ψευδείς ειδήσεις), τη «μετα-αλήθεια» και τα «εναλλακτικά γεγονότα». Η εμφάνιση των ψευδών ειδήσεων και της μετα-αλήθειας συνδέθηκε στον κυρίαρχο δημόσιο λόγο κυρίως με τον λαϊκισμό και παρουσιάστηκαν έτσι ως αλληλοενισχυόμενες παθολογίες μιας πολιτικής “κανονικότητας”. Είναι χαρακτηριστικά τόσο τα επιχειρήματα για τον εμβολιασμό της κοινωνίας απέναντι στις ψευδείς ειδήσεις όσο και η προσπάθεια κατανόησης του φαινομένου με τη χρήση επιδημιολογικών μοντέλων για τη μετάδοση μολυσματικών ασθενειών. Η τάση αυτή δεν άφησε ανεπηρέαστη τη χώρα μας, με τα fake news και τη μετα-αλήθεια να εισβάλλουν σχετικά απότομα στην εγχώρια συζήτηση και τη συναφή πολιτική αντιπαράθεση. Η συζήτηση αυτή, όμως, από τη μια παίρνει ως δεδομένες κάποιες θέσεις και, συνακόλουθα, τα συμφέροντα που εκπροσωπούν, ενώ, από την άλλη, αποκρύπτει σοβαρά ερωτήματα που σπάνια συζητιούνται ανοιχτά. Αυτό που αποδεικνύεται και στο ελληνικό πλαίσιο είναι πως δεν πρόκειται για μια ψύχραιμη
πραγμάτευση των φαινομένων, για μια προσπάθεια κατανόησής τους, αλλά για μια επιχείρηση πολιτικής (κομματικής ή παραταξιακής) εργαλειοποίησής τους.
1821: Διακόσια χρόνια ιστορίας - Η δημοκρατική παράδοση (14 + 1 κείμενα), 2021
Κάθε επανάσταση δηλώνει τη ρήξη με την προγενέστερη κατάσταση. Eπιφέρει τομές και αλλαγές. Στην π... more Κάθε επανάσταση δηλώνει τη ρήξη με την προγενέστερη κατάσταση. Eπιφέρει τομές και αλλαγές. Στην περίπτωση της επανάστασης του 1821 αυτές δεν περιορίζονται στον τερματισμό της οθωμανικής κυριαρχίας, αλλά επεκτείνονται και στην σταδιακή εδραίωση ενός νέου πολιτικού συστήματος. Όπως δηλώνουν οι συνταγματικές ζυμώσεις που ακολούθησαν και, κυρίως, η πολιτική ιστορία των επόμενων δεκαετιών, το σύστημα αυτό σαρώνει σταδιακά τις ιεραρχικές αξιώσεις κυριαρχίας – αξιώσεις που βασίζονται στον ωμό εξαναγκασμό, την αδιατάρακτη συνέχεια της παράδοσης, την ηλικία, τον πλούτο, κ.λπ. – και φέρνει σταδιακά στο προσκήνιο ένα νέο πολιτικό υποκείμενο, τον λαό, το επίκεντρο της δημοκρατικής «λαϊκής κυριαρχίας».
Populisme: La revue, 2021
Les liens empiriques étroits que partagent le populisme et le nationalisme ont rendu naturel un c... more Les liens empiriques étroits que partagent le populisme et le nationalisme ont rendu naturel un chevauchement plutôt trompeur des deux concepts dans les débats tant universitaires que publics. Ce faisant, la relation que les deux concepts entretiennent n’a pas reçu une attention systématique. S’inspirant de la perspective post-structuraliste de la Discourse Theory formulée à l’origine par Laclau et Mouffe, cet article identifie distinctement le populisme et le nationalisme comme des manières distinctes de construire discursivement le « peuple » ainsi que de prétendre à le représenter, respectivement comme « ceux d’en bas » et comme nation. Ces constructions distinctes du « peuple »
peuvent également être identifiées et mises en évidence d’un point de vue spatial, en considérant l’architectonique du populisme et du nationalisme comme tournant respectivement autour d’un axe (vertical) bas/haut et d’un axe (horizontal) intérieur/extérieur. À partir de ce cadre, l’article conclut que la co-occurrence du populisme et du nationalisme doit être étudiée au travers du prisme de l’articulation. Encore une fois, l’architectonique discursive permet de comprendre comment différents projets politiques construisent différents discours en reliant les éléments constitutifs du populisme et du nationalisme de manière particulière. L’étude de ces articulations, basée sur une distinction claire entre le populisme et le nationalisme, est une étape nécessaire pour approfondir davantage notre compréhension de la complexité et de la variété des politiques populistes.
Journal of Language and Politics, 2020
As far as the study of (left) populism is concerned, Political Discourse Theory has been largely ... more As far as the study of (left) populism is concerned, Political Discourse Theory has been largely associated with a novel and challenging take on pop-ulist politics, first emerging in Laclau's work in the 1970s and preoccupying Laclau, Mouffe and their co-travellers continuously since then. What has not been adequately articulated yet is what would be the limits of (left) pop-ulism as a political strategy from a discursive perspective. This short paper aims at remedying this lacuna in the relevant literature indicating certain ways forward for the discursive analysis of populism. The argument operates both at a theoretical and conceptual level as well as at the level of historical, empirical analysis.
POPULISMUS Working Papers Νο. 11, 2020
Seongcheol Kim, Aristotelis Agridopoulos (Ed.) Populismus, Diskurs, Staat, 2020
by Yannis Stavrakakis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Benjamin De Cleen, Jana Goyvaerts, Thomás Zicman de Barros, Antonis Galanopoulos, luca manucci, Tjitske Akkerman, Nicole Curato, Emmy Eklundh, Liv Sunnercrantz, and Halil Gurhanli POPULISMUS interventions No. 7 (special edition), 2020
With the COVID-19 pandemic dominating the public sphere in recent months and no aspect of social ... more With the COVID-19 pandemic dominating the public sphere in recent months and no aspect of social and political life left unaffected, it seems almost natural that this unprecedented public health crisis would soon be reflected on discussions around the other buzzword of our time: populism. This report aims at providing a concise yet rigorous global comparative mapping of populist politics in the context of the ongoing pandemic. This will not only shed further light on the specificities, the potentials and limitations of the phenomenon, but we also expect it to highlight its irreducible heterogeneity and diversity as a way of doing politics.The key questions that we posed to contributors in this report when looking at different countries across the world can be summarised as follows:
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in
government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors
developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.
Iperstoria, 2020
This paper addresses the construction of the concepts of populism and anti-populism and their met... more This paper addresses the construction of the concepts of populism and anti-populism and their metaphorical realisations in British news discourse, and specifically in the Daily Mail and The Guardian, in 2016, a crucial year for populist politics. The analysis of two corpora made of articles from the two newspapers is based on the methodology offered by Corpus Linguistics and Corpus Approach to Critical Metaphor Analysis. The metaphors of populism emerging from the analysis highlight a substantially standardised use of the metaphor POPULISM IS (UPWARD) MOVEMENT, both for populists and anti-populists, but with diverging evaluations. The authors argue that metaphors play a key role in orienting the public perception of populism based on shared modes of understanding social and political life.
e-papers Ινστιτούτο Νίκος Πουλαντζάς, 2020
Η πανδημία και τα μέτρα που προκάλεσε σε διεθνές επίπεδο συγκροτούν σιγά-σιγά ένα πλαίσιο που μετ... more Η πανδημία και τα μέτρα που προκάλεσε σε διεθνές επίπεδο συγκροτούν σιγά-σιγά ένα πλαίσιο που μετασχηματίζει άρδην και εις βάθος πολλές παραμέτρους της οικονομικής δραστηριότητας, της κοινωνικής ζωής και του πολιτικού πράττειν (ή της απραξίας). Πολλοί διεθνείς οργανισμοί και επιμέρους σχολιαστές επισημαίνουν τις σημαντικές δυσκολίες και τις προκλήσεις που προκύπτουν για την επόμενη μέρα - άλλοι φαίνεται να υποβαθμίζουν το εύρος και το βάθος των αλλαγών αυτών. Είναι, πράγματι, δύσκολο να καταλήξουμε τούτη τη στιγμή σε ακριβείς εκτιμήσεις, καθώς πολλές είναι οι αβεβαιότητες που παραμένουν. Ωστόσο, έχει ίσως κάποια αξία να επισημανθούν κάποιοι προκαταρκτικοί έστω άξονες, ικανοί να βοηθήσουν σε μια πρώτη αξιολόγηση και διαλογή των εκτιμήσεων και των απόψεων που κυκλοφορούν γύρω μας. Άξονες που θα μπορούσαν, επιπλέον, (1) να επισημάνουν τις αστοχίες σχημάτων που επανέρχονται από το παρελθόν για να ερμηνεύσουν το σήμερα και που είναι μάλλον απίθανο να βοηθήσουν στην επαρκή κατανόηση των προκλήσεων της συγκυρίας (είτε «εκ κατασκευής» είτε και εξαιτίας της συγκεκριμένης συσχέτισης που επιχειρείται με το σήμερα), αλλά και (2) να εξειδικεύσουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα που θα πρέπει να τεθούν προκαταβολικά για να υποβοηθηθεί ο προσανατολισμός μας την επόμενη μέρα.
Συντομευμένη εκδοχή τούτου του κειμένου παρουσιάστηκε στο εναρκτήριο διαδικτυακό σεμινάριο της πρωτοβουλίας Επόμενη μέρα, «Διλήμματα της επόμενης μέρας: Κρίση(εις), επιστήμη, πολιτική», Παρασκευή 24 Απριλίου 2020.
JACOBIN, 2020
Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "le... more Setbacks for left-wing parties across Europe have led many analysts to declare the end of the "left-populist moment" which began after the financial crisis. But these defeats don't have to be permanent-and populist strategies remain a vital means of mass mobilization.
POPULISMUS Interventions no. 6, 2020
This discussion between Lorenzo Zamponi and Yannis Stavrakakis took place in Florence, at the Scu... more This discussion between Lorenzo Zamponi and Yannis Stavrakakis took place in Florence, at the Scuola Normale Superiore, in the final months of 2019. Some very minor editorial changes were introduced in January 2020.
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Papers & chapters by Yannis Stavrakakis
Turn to Practice, takes the questions and tensions identified through the
intensive study of populism as starting point for reflections on Discourse
Theory as a framework for the study of political practice more broadly. Its
aims are partly organizational and partly agenda-setting. Organizationally, it draws together major discussions and developments in Discourse Theory over the last ten years or so, especially those produced through an
engagement with populism. Building on this, it points toward new frontiers
for the development of Discourse Theory, organized around three dimensions of what could be called a ‘turn to practice’: (i) beyond ontology, (ii) beyond language, and (iii) beyond populism and (antagonistic) politics. After discussing how each of them play out in the study of populism, the article reflects on what taking seriously such a ‘turn to practice’ would mean for DT.
∙ What exactly does it mean to “fail?” Fail in what exactly? What would be the exact criteria demonstrating left populism’s failure?
∙ What could a rigorous genealogy of the left reveal about the central assumptions implicit in the aforementioned criticism? (that populism necessarily involves a reformist orientation, which contaminates a prior purity).
(1) Freud's text signifies an explicit passage from the clinic, narrowly viewed, to the broader psychosocial domain where subjectivity and sociality are seen as thoroughly interpenetrating each other. It thus triggers a long theoretico-political trajectory (encompassing the so-called Freudian Left – and, by extension, the Lacanian Left as well), which has especially benefited critical inquiry and the left.
(2) This is particularly evident in contemporary theorizations of populism, notably in the one advanced by Ernesto Laclau, which is premised on a close reading of Freud’s aforementioned text.
(3) A similar angle (both the psychoanalytic perspective and the link with populism research) could also illuminate another crucial issue that currently dominates the public terrain, that of ‘post-truth’.
πραγμάτευση των φαινομένων, για μια προσπάθεια κατανόησής τους, αλλά για μια επιχείρηση πολιτικής (κομματικής ή παραταξιακής) εργαλειοποίησής τους.
peuvent également être identifiées et mises en évidence d’un point de vue spatial, en considérant l’architectonique du populisme et du nationalisme comme tournant respectivement autour d’un axe (vertical) bas/haut et d’un axe (horizontal) intérieur/extérieur. À partir de ce cadre, l’article conclut que la co-occurrence du populisme et du nationalisme doit être étudiée au travers du prisme de l’articulation. Encore une fois, l’architectonique discursive permet de comprendre comment différents projets politiques construisent différents discours en reliant les éléments constitutifs du populisme et du nationalisme de manière particulière. L’étude de ces articulations, basée sur une distinction claire entre le populisme et le nationalisme, est une étape nécessaire pour approfondir davantage notre compréhension de la complexité et de la variété des politiques populistes.
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in
government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors
developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.
Συντομευμένη εκδοχή τούτου του κειμένου παρουσιάστηκε στο εναρκτήριο διαδικτυακό σεμινάριο της πρωτοβουλίας Επόμενη μέρα, «Διλήμματα της επόμενης μέρας: Κρίση(εις), επιστήμη, πολιτική», Παρασκευή 24 Απριλίου 2020.
Turn to Practice, takes the questions and tensions identified through the
intensive study of populism as starting point for reflections on Discourse
Theory as a framework for the study of political practice more broadly. Its
aims are partly organizational and partly agenda-setting. Organizationally, it draws together major discussions and developments in Discourse Theory over the last ten years or so, especially those produced through an
engagement with populism. Building on this, it points toward new frontiers
for the development of Discourse Theory, organized around three dimensions of what could be called a ‘turn to practice’: (i) beyond ontology, (ii) beyond language, and (iii) beyond populism and (antagonistic) politics. After discussing how each of them play out in the study of populism, the article reflects on what taking seriously such a ‘turn to practice’ would mean for DT.
∙ What exactly does it mean to “fail?” Fail in what exactly? What would be the exact criteria demonstrating left populism’s failure?
∙ What could a rigorous genealogy of the left reveal about the central assumptions implicit in the aforementioned criticism? (that populism necessarily involves a reformist orientation, which contaminates a prior purity).
(1) Freud's text signifies an explicit passage from the clinic, narrowly viewed, to the broader psychosocial domain where subjectivity and sociality are seen as thoroughly interpenetrating each other. It thus triggers a long theoretico-political trajectory (encompassing the so-called Freudian Left – and, by extension, the Lacanian Left as well), which has especially benefited critical inquiry and the left.
(2) This is particularly evident in contemporary theorizations of populism, notably in the one advanced by Ernesto Laclau, which is premised on a close reading of Freud’s aforementioned text.
(3) A similar angle (both the psychoanalytic perspective and the link with populism research) could also illuminate another crucial issue that currently dominates the public terrain, that of ‘post-truth’.
πραγμάτευση των φαινομένων, για μια προσπάθεια κατανόησής τους, αλλά για μια επιχείρηση πολιτικής (κομματικής ή παραταξιακής) εργαλειοποίησής τους.
peuvent également être identifiées et mises en évidence d’un point de vue spatial, en considérant l’architectonique du populisme et du nationalisme comme tournant respectivement autour d’un axe (vertical) bas/haut et d’un axe (horizontal) intérieur/extérieur. À partir de ce cadre, l’article conclut que la co-occurrence du populisme et du nationalisme doit être étudiée au travers du prisme de l’articulation. Encore une fois, l’architectonique discursive permet de comprendre comment différents projets politiques construisent différents discours en reliant les éléments constitutifs du populisme et du nationalisme de manière particulière. L’étude de ces articulations, basée sur une distinction claire entre le populisme et le nationalisme, est une étape nécessaire pour approfondir davantage notre compréhension de la complexité et de la variété des politiques populistes.
• How have populist actors reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic when in
government or opposition?
• Has their ideological position on the left or right, or indeed somewhere inbetween, played a role to that reaction?
• How have the rates of approval and vote intensions for populist actors
developed during that period?
• More generally, how have discussions around ‘populism’ and the role of ‘experts’ and ‘science’ developed in each country during this time? Have they reproduced standard anti-populist stereotypes?
In order to shed light on these crucial aspects of the discussion and set the agenda for future comparative research as well as conceptual enquiry, we approached a series of well established scholars, along with several dynamic younger researchers specialising on both populism and the study of politics in different countries and regions. This gave us a sum of sixteen (16) case studies of countries and political actors from across the world, making the scope of our report truly global, extending from Australia to Sweden and from the Philippines to Brazil and the United States.
Συντομευμένη εκδοχή τούτου του κειμένου παρουσιάστηκε στο εναρκτήριο διαδικτυακό σεμινάριο της πρωτοβουλίας Επόμενη μέρα, «Διλήμματα της επόμενης μέρας: Κρίση(εις), επιστήμη, πολιτική», Παρασκευή 24 Απριλίου 2020.
This prescient Research Handbook highlights the crucial need for conceptual reflexivity, theoretical awareness, methodological pluralism and historical alertness as guiding principles in populism research. Chapters showcase cutting-edge research methods, from surveys to ethnography and from discourse studies to psychoanalytic political theorisation. Enacting diverse sensibilities, they explore a wealth of topics, such as digital populism, anti-populism, feminism, colonialism, the politics of emotions, populist constitutionalism, party politics, social movements, and relevant artistic practices. Offering rigorous comparative perspectives and highlighting promising avenues for future research, this Research Handbook deftly illustrates the dynamism of populism research.
The Research Handbook on Populism will be an invaluable resource for students, academics and researchers working in political theory, comparative politics and political sociology as well as those involved in populism research from across the social sciences and humanities. Providing in-depth accounts of concrete phenomena and addressing emerging challenges at a global level, it will also be of interest to professionals in journalism and a variety of national and international organizations.
• The figures section discusses the work of major psychoanalytic theorists who have considerably influenced the development of psychoanalytic political theory.
• The traditions section genealogically recounts and critically reassesses the many attempts throughout the 20th century of experimenting with the articulation between psychoanalysis and political theory in a consistent way.
• The concepts section asks what are the concepts that psychoanalysis offers for appropriation by political theory.
• The themes section presents concrete examples of how psychoanalytic political theory can be productively applied in the analysis of racism, gender, nationalism, consumerism, and so on.
• The challenges/controversies section captures how psychoanalytic political theory can lead the way towards theoretical and analytical innovation in many disciplinary fields that deal with cutting-edge issues.
The Routledge Handbook of Psychoanalytic Political Theory will serve as a scholarly reference volume for all students and researchers studying political theory, psychoanalysis, and the history of ideas.
Η οξύτατη διαμάχη λαϊκισμού-αντιλαϊκισμού αναδύεται πλέον σε κεντρικό χαρακτηριστικό της ελληνικής δημόσιας σφαίρας. Δεν περνάει μέρα, δεν ολοκληρώνεται τηλεοπτικό πάνελ, δεν λαμβάνει χώρα πολιτική συζήτηση, χωρίς αναφορά στον «λαϊκισμό». Η ερμηνεία της έκρηξης του σύγχρονου αντιλαϊκισμού οφείλει να λάβει υπόψη τη συγκυρία και τη διαλεκτική της κρίσης. Από τη μια, η κρίση ωθεί την έκφραση των αιτημάτων των κοινωνικών στρωμάτων και των πολιτών που πλήττονται σε ένα διεκδικητικό πλαίσιο που αντιπαραθέτει τον «λαό» στις εγχώριες και ευρωπαϊκές πολιτικές και οικονομικές ελίτ. Την ίδια στιγμή, ανίκανες και απρόθυμες να οικειοποιηθούν παραγωγικά την «επιστροφή του λαού» και να μετουσιώσουν το «λαϊκό», οι εν λόγω ελίτ επιχειρούν να το απωθήσουν ανάγοντάς το στο σύστοιχό του «λαϊκιστικό», στο οποίο βολικά φορτώνουν κάθε κακοδαιμονία, συμπεριλαμβανομένων και όλων των διαχρονικών δικών τους ευθυνών. Έτσι, ο αντιλαϊκιστικός λόγος ενεργοποιεί μια βασική αφετηριακή πεποίθηση: ότι ο λαϊκισμός, και ιδιαίτερα ένας αριστερόστροφος ή προοδευτικός λαϊκισμός, συνιστά εδώ και καιρό τον κύριο στρατηγικό εχθρό κάθε έλλογης πολιτικής, κάθε μεταρρυθμιστικής αγαθής βούλησης. Ο ριζοσπαστικοποιημένος αντιλαϊκιστικός λόγος διεκδικεί πια με τη μεγαλύτερη δυνατή ένταση το μονοπώλιο της ορθής χρήσης του δημόσιου λόγου και της πρακτικής πολιτικής φρόνησης. Αν, όμως, η κυρίαρχη πολιτική κλίση του σημερινού αντιλαϊκισμού είναι ένας ολιγαρχικός ελιτισμός σε απόκλιση από τον πυρήνα αξιών μιας φιλελεύθερης και κοινωνικής δημοκρατίας, πώς είναι δυνατόν να καλλιεργηθεί ένας υπεύθυνος λαϊκός-δημοκρατικός πόλος – ένας υπεύθυνος, δημοκρατικός λαϊκισμός;
This program of the Mosse-Lectures will deal with the fractures of democracy, the uneasy relationship of democracy and demagogy, of populism and extremism. A cultural critique of populism should guide us to the political experience of a democracy popular with its citizens.
Apart from offering a comparative mapping of the populist discourse articulated by such sources, the POPULISMUS research project purports to reassess the category of ‘populism’ and to develop a theoretical approach capable of reorienting the empirical analysis of populist ideologies in the global environment of the 21st century. It thus aims at illuminating dimensions neglected in our current understanding of populism and at resolving tensions marking existing interpretations of the phenomenon.
Building on the theoretical basis offered by the discourse theory developed by the so-called ‘Essex School’, POPULISMUS adopts a discursive methodological framework in order to explore the multiple expressions of populist politics, to highlight the need to study the emerging cleavage between populism and anti-populism and to assess the effects this has on the quality of democracy. Through the dissemination of its research findings we anticipate that the synthetic analysis of populist discourse it puts forward and the emerging evaluation of populism’s complex and often ambivalent relationship with democracy will advance the relevant scientific knowledge, also enabling the deepening of democratic culture in times of crisis.
POPULISMUS is implemented at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki within the framework of the Operational Program ‘Education and Lifelong Learning’ (Action “ARISTEIA II”) and is co- funded by the European Union (European Social Fund) and national funds.
de destacada relevancia para la filosofía y la teoría política contemporánea.
“Desde esta perspectiva, si la democracia adquiere relevancia a largo plazo, deberá además ganar las mentes y los corazones de las personas, deberá operar a un nivel visceral. Pero con un requerimiento significativo. La democracia necesita esta dimensión, pero puede solamente
florecer si sus efectos colaterales son chequeados. En efecto, su relación con el goce precisa ser de un tipo diferente: necesita movilizar la pasión y el afecto. Por otro lado, pero también,
de otro modo, moderar su intensidad y sublimar su potencial agresivo. Esto es lo que Chantal Mouffe describe como el pasaje desde un “siempre presente” antagonismo crudo, a un agonismo democrático. Este es el desafío cotidiano de una cultura democrática vibrante.”
orientador de Stavrakakis, tal programa de pós-graduação prometia articular abordagens de diversas perspectivas, como pós-estruturalismo, pós-marxismo, desconstrução e psicanálise.
A promessa de interdisciplinaridade era sem dúvida verdadeira, mas não se pode negar que Stavrakakis teve uma importante influência no aprofundamento do uso de noções psicanalíticas pela chamada Escola de Essex. Se Laclau já se referia à obra de Jacques Lacan, desde pelo menos seu primeiro debate com Slavoj Žižek, no começo dos
anos 1990, a insistência de Stavrakakis por clareza conceitual, em parceria com o colega Jason Glynos, influenciou seu antigo orientador a ser ainda mais explícito em sua relação com conceitos psicanalíticos.
Stavrakakis iniciou ainda jovem sua produção intelectual. Em 1998, com apenas 28 anos, sugeriu a Simon Critchley, que à época editava a série Thinking the Political (Editora Routledge), a publicação de Lacan and the Political [Lacan e o Político, sem tradução em português], que seria lançado em 1999. Em 2007, Stavrakakis publicou The Lacanian Left [A Esquerda Lacaniana, também sem tradução em português], em
que discute a obra de diversos pensadores políticos que, como ele, se influenciaram pelo pensamento de Jacques Lacan. Nos últimos anos, coordenou o grupo de pesquisa Populismus, além de um observatório político de fenômenos populistas, sediado na Universidade Aristóteles de Tessalônica, onde hoje é professor. Como Stavrakakis
adiantou na entrevista que segue, uma de suas empreitadas teóricas atuais leva o título de The Routledge Handbook of Psychoanalytic Political Theory, um compêndio que trata dos diversos usos que a teoria política tem feito da psicanálise e que deve ser
publicado em breve.
Foi no mesmo campus da Universidade de Essex, em que Stavrakakis iniciou sua carreira acadêmica, que nos encontramos, no dia 1º de agosto, para essa entrevista. Discutimos sobre a relevância da psicanálise para os estudos políticos, o conceito de
populismo e como essas noções se relacionam com a perspectiva política que ele defende: a chamada democracia radical.
Curated by: Yannis Stavrakakis, Christos Carras
Coordinated by: Pasqua Vorgia
Participants: Aristide Antonas, Lieven De Cauter, Pythagoras Chatziandreou, Dimitris Foufoulas, Dominiek Hoens, Rosie Hudson, Vicky Iakovou, Giorgos Kallis, Yannis Kontaratos, Zora Kovacic, Evangelos Liotzis, Christos Michaelides, Dany Nobus, Valia Papastamou, Panos Petridis, Aggelos Varvarousis, Phillip Wegner
Scientific oversight & co-ordination:
Yannis Stavrakakis, Professor of Political Discourse Analysis at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
L’enjeu des débats sur le populisme, aujourd’hui en Europe et plus largement dans le monde, est l’intervention directe du peuple dans le jeu politique: redoutée par les uns, qui y voient une menace pour la démocratie constitutionnelle, elle est espérée par les autres, qui en font la ressource d’une régénération du système.
Le débat vise à clarifier une notion qui recouvre en réalité une profonde division, un choix historique, éthique et politique.
Étienne Balibar, professeur émérite, université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Distinguished Professor of Humanities, université de Californie
Yannis Stavrakakis, professeur, Faculté de science politique, université Aristote de Thessalonique, QueenMary University of London
* THEORIZING POPULISM: Challenges, Orientations, Resources
* CONTEMPORARY POPULISM IN ITALY: Researching the Five Star Movement
* POPULISM IN POWER: The Greek Case
TOC:
1. Benjamin De Cleen and Yannis Stavrakakis – Distinctions and Articulations: A Discourse-Theoretical Framework for the Study of Populism and Nationalism
2. Paolo Gerbaudo and Francesco Screti - Reclaiming Popular Sovereignty: The Vision of The State in the Discourse of Podemos and the Movimento 5 Stelle
3. Manuela Caiani and Patricia Kröll - Nationalism and Populism in Radical Right Discourses in Italy and Germany
4. Aurelien Mondon - Limiting Democratic Horizons To a Nationalist Reaction: Populism, The Radical Right and The Working Class
5. Carlos de la Torre - Populism and Nationalism in Latin America
6. Giorgios Katsambekis and Yannis Stavrakakis - Revisiting the Nationalism/Populism Nexus: Lessons from the Greek Case
7. Benjamin Moffitt - Transnational Populism? Representative Claims, Media and the Difficulty of Constructing a Transnational ‘People’
Organized by Samuele Mazzolini and Adrià Porta Caballé at the University of Essex (12th February 2015).
Part 1:
David Howarth - University of Essex - min. 3:45
Jason Glynos - University of Essex - min 17:07
Yannis Stavrakakis - Aristotle University of Thessaloniki - min. 40:50
Marina Prentoulis - University of East Anglia and Syriza London spokesman - min. 1:02:05
Part 2:
Íñigo Errejón - Complutense University of Madrid and Political Secretary of Podemos - min. 0:22
Samuele Mazzolini - University of Essex - min. 20:23