In this chapter, we will consider how relations between America's ethnic groups have changed over... more In this chapter, we will consider how relations between America's ethnic groups have changed over time, and what this means in terms of elections, institutions and public policy. Next, our focus will come to rest on multiculturalism -a major policy response to ethnic diversity which has proven extremely controversial. Furthermore, we will try to gauge the impact of these dynamics on American national identity.
Dominant ethnic groups may be resurgent, stable or in decline. Theodore Wright has drawn our atte... more Dominant ethnic groups may be resurgent, stable or in decline. Theodore Wright has drawn our attention to a number of formerly dominant groups -including White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) Americans and Indian Mohajirs. Most lost power due to military defeat. In other cases, dominant ethnic decline can be traced to demographic change and/or cultural assimilation. (Smith 1986) In this context, the 'Decline of the WASP', to borrow the title phrase for Peter Schrag's 1973 book, represents one of the most unusual reverses of ethnic fortune in history. (Schrag 1973) Demographic change plays an important role in the story we are about to tell, but not in the usual way. For example, the demographic change that brought Chinese into Malaysia, Russians into the Baltic, Englishmen into Wales and Cornwall or European settlers to the New World occurred under the aegis of a colonising power. Yet the decision to alter the ethnic composition of the United States and Canada was taken, and is being taken, by the dominant ethnie itself -a deliberate policy within an environment of democratic deliberation and liberal self-consciousness. To be sure, ethnies are not unitary actors. Elites tend to welcome immigrants and foreign culture to a far greater extent than the mass of the population. Whether they be Malaysian princes striking deals with the British as Chinese settle inland, Palestinian-Arab landlords selling land to Jewish settlers, Welsh and Cornish gentry adopting the English language or English kings importing Flemish craftsmen, ethnic 'treason' is most often committed by dominant group elites. While the United States and English-Canadian cases conform broadly to this pattern, a number of interesting differences remain. First of all, as democracies, ethnic minorities were able to have influence over the course of events, though less than many believe. Second, ethnic decline occurred as part of a deliberate ideological turn rather than for more mercenary reasons like economic gain or political power. Indeed, ethnic decline is strongly linked to the rise of post-industrial (or 'post-materialist') liberalism after 1960.
Probably the most subversive and effective strategy we might undertake would be one of militant f... more Probably the most subversive and effective strategy we might undertake would be one of militant fecundity: abundant, relentless, exuberant, and defiant childbearing. Given the reluctance of modern men and women to be fruitful and multiply, it would not be difficult, surely, for the devout to accomplish-in no more than a generation or two-a demographic revolution.' -David Bentley Hart, conservative American theologian (cited in Joyce 2009:
Current scholarship pertaining to ethnicity and nationalism ploughs three main furrows: state nat... more Current scholarship pertaining to ethnicity and nationalism ploughs three main furrows: state nationalism, minority nationalism and minority ethnicity. To this list, one may add the literature on migration, which is linked to minority ethnicity; citizenship studies, which examines the interplay between state nationalism and minority ethnicity; and normative political theory, which concerns itself with the interplay between state nations, minority nations, and minority ethnies. All three literatures therefore neglect the increasingly important phenomenon of dominant ethnicity. What then, is dominant ethnicity? To answer this question, we need to be specific about our terminology. Since 1980, great strides have been made toward differentiating the concepts of state, nation, and ethnic group, and sketching the linkages between such phenomena. 1 States place the emphasis on the instruments of coercion, government and boundary demarcation within a territory. Ethnic groups refer to communities of (supposedly) shared ancestry, almost always accompanied by notions of an ancestral homeland and cultural boundary markers. Nations comprise an uneasy hybrid of elements from ethnies and the modern state: they are better integrated, more politically self-conscious and spatially demarcated than ethnies, but can employ a myth of political or ideological origins which is not specifically genealogical. In addition, nations do not always control their own political apparatus nor must they maintain a monopoly of organized violence over their territory, hence the possibility of 'stateless nations.'
has, as one would expect, written an eloquent and impeccably documented reply to my article. I th... more has, as one would expect, written an eloquent and impeccably documented reply to my article. I think we agree on a great deal, but our agreement weakens rather than reinforces the case for the whiteness paradigm.
In the past decade and a half, the study of the American white majority has blossomed into a majo... more In the past decade and a half, the study of the American white majority has blossomed into a major academic endeavour. So-called 'White Studies' provided an important service in opening up a 'hidden' field of study that remained neglected as recently as the early 1990s. However, in this article, I suggest that while the study of whites and white racial systems is important, the White Studies approach possesses little heuristic value for scholars attempting to explain majority responses to multicultural politics. 'Whiteness' is a colloquial term used by local actors to describe the lived reality of dominant ethnicity as it appears from the 'inside' of American society. Scholars should be more critical, comparative and discerning than their subjects: 'white' is the particular racial boundary marker which distinguishes dominant ethnic groups from subaltern ones in a small proportion of the world's nations. Whiteness informs, but does not constitute, dominant ethnicity and we should not mistake the content of group boundary markers for the essentials. Particular cultural markers are neither necessary nor sufficient conditions for ethnicity.
The history of nativism in the United States has received considerable scholarly attention, yet t... more The history of nativism in the United States has received considerable scholarly attention, yet the few systematic attempts to explain it have focused predominantly on psychological or economic causes. This paper asserts that such explanations fail to address the crucial cultural dimension of the nativism issue, which must be analyzed through the prism of historical sociology. Specifically, this paper argues that American nativism cannot be understood without reference to an 'American' national ethnic group whose myth-symbol complex had developed prior to the large-scale immigration of the mid-nineteenth century. Without understanding this social construction, it is difficult to explain subsequent attempts to defend it. This paper, therefore, does not seek to retrace the history of American nativism. Instead, it focuses on the period prior to 1850, when American nativism was in its infancy. It examines the development of an Anglo-American ethnicity during 1776-1850 and attempts to delineate its structure. This 'American' complex of myths and symbols, with its attendant set of lifestyle images and narratives, is shown to conform to more general models recently presented by theorists of ethnicity and nationalism. Finally, it is argued that American nativism may have exhibited a very different pattern if an 'American' national ethnicity had not taken root.
The question, 'When is the nation?, ' ranks second in importance only to the related query, 'Why ... more The question, 'When is the nation?, ' ranks second in importance only to the related query, 'Why is the nation?' in the contemporary social science and humanities literature on nationalism. This issue is confronted by this essay, which considers Anthony Smith's important perennialist-modernist dichotomy through the lens of the American experience. Along the way, it will address the related but independent question of whether nations are 'top-down' artefacts constructed by the modern state, or 'bottom-up' social formations generated by ethnic groups within civil society. The importance of this theoretical question lies not merely with the antiquarian interest in how our world system of nations emerged, but with the more pressing question of why it is persistently re-created, and, for idealists, how it may be superseded.
The UK Independence Party (UKIP)'s first-place finish in the May 2014 European elections, with 27... more The UK Independence Party (UKIP)'s first-place finish in the May 2014 European elections, with 27.9 percent of the vote, is an unprecedented political earthquake which has transformed political conversation in Britain. Beneath the headlines, deeper questions remain over immigration and the challenge it poses to the future of Britain's main political parties. These challenges have been germinating for some time. Consider three related developments. First, the rise of immigration, since 2001, to first or second spot among the electorate's priorities. Second, the emergence of the British National Party (BNP) in the period to 2009, shattering the complacent belief that Britain was immune to far right advances of the European variety. Third, since 2009, the rise of UKIP in a European Parliament with a record number of far right contenders.
In this chapter, we will consider how relations between America's ethnic groups have changed over... more In this chapter, we will consider how relations between America's ethnic groups have changed over time, and what this means in terms of elections, institutions and public policy. Next, our focus will come to rest on multiculturalism -a major policy response to ethnic diversity which has proven extremely controversial. Furthermore, we will try to gauge the impact of these dynamics on American national identity.
Dominant ethnic groups may be resurgent, stable or in decline. Theodore Wright has drawn our atte... more Dominant ethnic groups may be resurgent, stable or in decline. Theodore Wright has drawn our attention to a number of formerly dominant groups -including White Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) Americans and Indian Mohajirs. Most lost power due to military defeat. In other cases, dominant ethnic decline can be traced to demographic change and/or cultural assimilation. (Smith 1986) In this context, the 'Decline of the WASP', to borrow the title phrase for Peter Schrag's 1973 book, represents one of the most unusual reverses of ethnic fortune in history. (Schrag 1973) Demographic change plays an important role in the story we are about to tell, but not in the usual way. For example, the demographic change that brought Chinese into Malaysia, Russians into the Baltic, Englishmen into Wales and Cornwall or European settlers to the New World occurred under the aegis of a colonising power. Yet the decision to alter the ethnic composition of the United States and Canada was taken, and is being taken, by the dominant ethnie itself -a deliberate policy within an environment of democratic deliberation and liberal self-consciousness. To be sure, ethnies are not unitary actors. Elites tend to welcome immigrants and foreign culture to a far greater extent than the mass of the population. Whether they be Malaysian princes striking deals with the British as Chinese settle inland, Palestinian-Arab landlords selling land to Jewish settlers, Welsh and Cornish gentry adopting the English language or English kings importing Flemish craftsmen, ethnic 'treason' is most often committed by dominant group elites. While the United States and English-Canadian cases conform broadly to this pattern, a number of interesting differences remain. First of all, as democracies, ethnic minorities were able to have influence over the course of events, though less than many believe. Second, ethnic decline occurred as part of a deliberate ideological turn rather than for more mercenary reasons like economic gain or political power. Indeed, ethnic decline is strongly linked to the rise of post-industrial (or 'post-materialist') liberalism after 1960.
Probably the most subversive and effective strategy we might undertake would be one of militant f... more Probably the most subversive and effective strategy we might undertake would be one of militant fecundity: abundant, relentless, exuberant, and defiant childbearing. Given the reluctance of modern men and women to be fruitful and multiply, it would not be difficult, surely, for the devout to accomplish-in no more than a generation or two-a demographic revolution.' -David Bentley Hart, conservative American theologian (cited in Joyce 2009:
Current scholarship pertaining to ethnicity and nationalism ploughs three main furrows: state nat... more Current scholarship pertaining to ethnicity and nationalism ploughs three main furrows: state nationalism, minority nationalism and minority ethnicity. To this list, one may add the literature on migration, which is linked to minority ethnicity; citizenship studies, which examines the interplay between state nationalism and minority ethnicity; and normative political theory, which concerns itself with the interplay between state nations, minority nations, and minority ethnies. All three literatures therefore neglect the increasingly important phenomenon of dominant ethnicity. What then, is dominant ethnicity? To answer this question, we need to be specific about our terminology. Since 1980, great strides have been made toward differentiating the concepts of state, nation, and ethnic group, and sketching the linkages between such phenomena. 1 States place the emphasis on the instruments of coercion, government and boundary demarcation within a territory. Ethnic groups refer to communities of (supposedly) shared ancestry, almost always accompanied by notions of an ancestral homeland and cultural boundary markers. Nations comprise an uneasy hybrid of elements from ethnies and the modern state: they are better integrated, more politically self-conscious and spatially demarcated than ethnies, but can employ a myth of political or ideological origins which is not specifically genealogical. In addition, nations do not always control their own political apparatus nor must they maintain a monopoly of organized violence over their territory, hence the possibility of 'stateless nations.'
has, as one would expect, written an eloquent and impeccably documented reply to my article. I th... more has, as one would expect, written an eloquent and impeccably documented reply to my article. I think we agree on a great deal, but our agreement weakens rather than reinforces the case for the whiteness paradigm.
In the past decade and a half, the study of the American white majority has blossomed into a majo... more In the past decade and a half, the study of the American white majority has blossomed into a major academic endeavour. So-called 'White Studies' provided an important service in opening up a 'hidden' field of study that remained neglected as recently as the early 1990s. However, in this article, I suggest that while the study of whites and white racial systems is important, the White Studies approach possesses little heuristic value for scholars attempting to explain majority responses to multicultural politics. 'Whiteness' is a colloquial term used by local actors to describe the lived reality of dominant ethnicity as it appears from the 'inside' of American society. Scholars should be more critical, comparative and discerning than their subjects: 'white' is the particular racial boundary marker which distinguishes dominant ethnic groups from subaltern ones in a small proportion of the world's nations. Whiteness informs, but does not constitute, dominant ethnicity and we should not mistake the content of group boundary markers for the essentials. Particular cultural markers are neither necessary nor sufficient conditions for ethnicity.
The history of nativism in the United States has received considerable scholarly attention, yet t... more The history of nativism in the United States has received considerable scholarly attention, yet the few systematic attempts to explain it have focused predominantly on psychological or economic causes. This paper asserts that such explanations fail to address the crucial cultural dimension of the nativism issue, which must be analyzed through the prism of historical sociology. Specifically, this paper argues that American nativism cannot be understood without reference to an 'American' national ethnic group whose myth-symbol complex had developed prior to the large-scale immigration of the mid-nineteenth century. Without understanding this social construction, it is difficult to explain subsequent attempts to defend it. This paper, therefore, does not seek to retrace the history of American nativism. Instead, it focuses on the period prior to 1850, when American nativism was in its infancy. It examines the development of an Anglo-American ethnicity during 1776-1850 and attempts to delineate its structure. This 'American' complex of myths and symbols, with its attendant set of lifestyle images and narratives, is shown to conform to more general models recently presented by theorists of ethnicity and nationalism. Finally, it is argued that American nativism may have exhibited a very different pattern if an 'American' national ethnicity had not taken root.
The question, 'When is the nation?, ' ranks second in importance only to the related query, 'Why ... more The question, 'When is the nation?, ' ranks second in importance only to the related query, 'Why is the nation?' in the contemporary social science and humanities literature on nationalism. This issue is confronted by this essay, which considers Anthony Smith's important perennialist-modernist dichotomy through the lens of the American experience. Along the way, it will address the related but independent question of whether nations are 'top-down' artefacts constructed by the modern state, or 'bottom-up' social formations generated by ethnic groups within civil society. The importance of this theoretical question lies not merely with the antiquarian interest in how our world system of nations emerged, but with the more pressing question of why it is persistently re-created, and, for idealists, how it may be superseded.
The UK Independence Party (UKIP)'s first-place finish in the May 2014 European elections, with 27... more The UK Independence Party (UKIP)'s first-place finish in the May 2014 European elections, with 27.9 percent of the vote, is an unprecedented political earthquake which has transformed political conversation in Britain. Beneath the headlines, deeper questions remain over immigration and the challenge it poses to the future of Britain's main political parties. These challenges have been germinating for some time. Consider three related developments. First, the rise of immigration, since 2001, to first or second spot among the electorate's priorities. Second, the emergence of the British National Party (BNP) in the period to 2009, shattering the complacent belief that Britain was immune to far right advances of the European variety. Third, since 2009, the rise of UKIP in a European Parliament with a record number of far right contenders.
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Papers by Eric Kaufmann